> IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) ^O /^A^ 4 ^ 1.0 I.I U£|2£ 125 ■50 ^^~ W^B ttl .->. I 2.2 1^ 1^ ? ^ IIIIM 1.25 1 1.4 1.6 -• 6" ^ % Vj / /A '^ w Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. MSSO (716) 872-4503 ? ,.v FA^ (meaning "CON- TINUED "), or the symbol y (meaning "END"), whichever applies. Un des symboles suivants apparaitra sur la derniftre image de cheque microfiche, selon le cas: le symbols — »• signifie "A SUIVRE". le symbols V signifie "FIN ". Maps, plates, charts, etc.. may be filmed at different reduction ratios. Those too large to be entirely included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre filmds d des taux de reduction diff6rents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre reproduit en un seul clichd, il est filmd d partir de Tangle sup6rieur gauche, de gauche d droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images ndcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la m6thode. 1 2 3 32X 1 2 3 4 5 6 1 s • . ! 5. RICHARD COEUR DE LION IN LITERATURE. VON D« OEOROE HENRY NEEDLER. LEIPZIG OIJSTAV FOCK 1890. J )•■' ft) \ L &ji, lu^/. 'eW-VV. ^uise of a palmer, hut fell into the handM of Leopohl duke of Au.stria upon whom he had once vented liis wrath in J*alestine, and was hy him given over to the emperor Henry VI. who kept him prisoner from Deceml)er 115)2 till Fehniary 111»4. The re(piired ran- som of 100,000 marks was raised — almost entirely in England — and alter regaining his freedom, ilichard pro- ceeded on his way to his island kingdom. There he remain- ed harely two months, and crossed over to Normandy. England he never saw again. The last five years of his life were principally taken up hy renewed wars with I'hilip, imtil in 1199, while engaged in the siege of the castle of Chain/., which belonged to one of his rebellious vassals, he met his death by an arrow from the walls. The most characteristic feature of Richard's character was his dauntless bravery, and in the numerous wars which, as we see, took up the greater i)art of his time, he found ample opportunities for brilliant exploits. But it was not in achievements on the l)attle-tield alone that he was the first knight of his day. There was a milder side to his nature, namely, the virtue of splendid generosity, which showed itself especially in assistance to the singers whom he attracted to his court, and in whose art he took more than a passive interest. For Richard Coeur de Lion himself holds a place, if only a very modest one, amongst the poets of his day; and ranks amongst the most meritorious of the princely patrons of poetry in that i)eriod, on account of the active assistance and favor he extended to so many of the foremost poets of the Provence. IL Richard and Contemporary Troubadour Poetry. The closing years of the twelfth century saw the highest development of lyric poetry in the Provence, and contem- ])orary with Richard (.'oeur de Lion flourished the greatest of the Troubadours. Marcabrun 1140 — 1185, Bernart of Ven- tadour (about) 1148 — 1195, Peire Vidal 1175— (about)1215, Bertran of Born 1180 — 1195 (time of greatest activtiy), Guiraut of Borneil 1176 — (about)1220, Uambaut of Vaqueiras 1180 — 1207, Gaucelm Faidit 1190—1240, all flourished du- ring his life-time, and, as will be seen, several of these and others of only less distinction were more or less intimately connected with Richard and his court, whether as political enemies or as partakers of his bounty. Richard doubtless inherited his love for poetry and the talents which enabled him to be not only a lover of it, but an active practiser of the art, as was the case with so many of the princes and nobles of that day. His mother was the celebrated Eleanor of Aquitaine, herself a grand-daughter of one of the first Troubadours, William IX. earl of Poitiers. She was a constant friend of the poets, and Bernart of Ven- tadour, who visited her court while her husband, afterwards Henry H. of England, was yet only duke of Normandy, honored her in his verses. We can with certainty suppose that this was only one example out of many, and that du- ring Richard's early years the poets were always welcome guests at his father's court, and by none seen more gladly than by the young prince. We are told by Richard's bio- grapher, Roger of Hoveden, that, when made by his father I If i. 8 — duke of Aquitaine, he caused verses to be written in his honor — Roger even calls them „begged-for poems", emen- dicata carmina — and attracted French singers and glee- men by gifts to his court, in order that they might proclaim his praises in public places. It would seem that' he attained his object in this rather peculiar way, for ,it was soon said everywhere* — so continues the biographer — ,that there was none such as he in the world". By another historian, Richard, a Canon in London^), in his Itinerarium Ricardi, an account of Richard's deeds in Palestine, we are told that the king was there attacked by duke Henry of Burgundy in indecent songs and that he replied in songs of a similar sort. The anecdote, too, concerning the discovery of Richard's place of imprisonment by the French minstrel Blondel, though lacking an actual basis in history^), nevertheless points to what was probably a well-known fact, that Richard had at least made some practical efforts in poetry. And of this we have surer evidence in the manuscripts which have preserved the poetry of the Troubadours, for here we find two poems ascribed to Richard I. of England. The first of these is a complaint in prison, which is preserved only partially in the Provencal text, but perfectly in the French, a proof that it was originally written in the latter language.^) — When imprisoned in Germany Richard was wont to pass the time in performing feats of strength for the guards and such other recreations of that kind as were allowed L^m. Besides this he found a consolation in composing verses a d singing. But in spite of the joviality ">f his character we can easily imagine him becoming im- rtntient under the confinement and breaking out into such 1) And not GeofFroi de Vinisauf. See Stubba' introduction to his editioa of the Itinerarium in „ Chronicles and Memorials of Gt. Britain and Ireland". 2) See Raumer, Geschichte der Hohenstaufen III, 33. 3) Mahn, Werke der Troubadours I, 129. The Old French text is printed by Leroux de Lincy, Recueil de chants histori- ques fran^ais I, 56. — 9 — complaints as are contained in the following verses, which date from the winter of 1193—94, shortly before his release, and of which I will give a metrical translation. A prisoner boots it naught to tell his wrong, As mute endurance doth to grief belong, Yet may a man for comfort make a song: Poor are their gifts, tho' rich my friends and strong. Shame be to them that I two winters long For ransom lie in bonds. Now well must all my knights and barons know In Gascony, England, Normandy, Poitou, That I count not the poorest serf so low To leave him ransomless imprisoned so; This say I not contempt on them to throw. But still I lie in bonds. This truth doth now itself to me commend: A prisoner, like a dead man, hath no friend. If they their gold and silver will not spend. Hard fate for me; yet will a worse attend Themselves in the reproach after my end. They left me thus in bonds. No wonder is it that my heart is sore: My lord*) to turmoil now my land gives o'er. And thinks upon the aolomn oath no more That we together to th' Almighty swore; Yet know I well 'twill not be long before I shall be freed from bonds. Companions whom I loved, and cherish still. Of Cahors and of Perche, I live until 'Tis sung that they no longe- oaths fulfil, Tho' knew they ne'er in me a recreant will. The deed of caitiffs, should they treat me ill While I remain in bonds! lit 4) The king of France. — 10 — Well, too, know they of Anjou and Touraine, Those mighty knights to whom I call in vain. That hostile hands their lord far off detain. Aid me they might, — but that they count no gain; They're men renowned in arms, yet feel no pain That I am still in bonds. Countess, sister**), for thy weal doth pray Thy captive king; may guard thee God alway For whom I am in bonds. Let Lewis' mother still at Chartres stay, — For her no prayer resounds. The second poem by Richard is a sirventes addressed by him to the Dauphin of Auvergne and Gui of Auvergne, and has reference to a quarrel which arose between them and Richard in 1196 after the latter's return to his French possessions. By the treaty of Louviers Auvergne had been handed over to Philip in exchange for another province. With this change of masters the counts of Auvergne were not at all satisfied, and with right, for their new lord bought a castle in Auvergne and deprived the Dauphin of the town of Issoire. Richard promised assistance to * . 'brothers in their opposition to Philip, but seems to havf as ^a' ty left them sadly in the lurch, so that nothing .t.jained for them to do but make peace with Philip as best they could. When after a time the French king made an attack on some of Richard's possessions, the latter had even the audacity to call upon the Dauphin of Auvergne and his brother to support him, which they naturally refused to do. At this juncture Richard composed, in French, the follo- wing sirventes*'), of which I also give here a metrical translation. 5) Richard's sister Johanna, first married to William II. of Si- cily, and afterwards to Raymond, Count of Toulouse. Hence called Countess. 6) Mahn, Werke der Troubadours I, 129. (. - — 11 _ IJauphin, I will yon arraign, You, and with you too Count Guy, For in the years till now gone by' Doughty warriors were ye twain, Kept your oath of loyalty, And were as faithful unto ine As once the Wolf unto the Fox, — Your likeness in the fallow locks. Your aid from me ye both withold Lest the guerdon be too low, Since at Chinon now, as ye know, Lies no silver and no gold; A king that's rich is now preferred, High in arms, that keeps his word:' And I'm a coward, niggardly, So that ye look no more to me. Once more of you I would inquire: Issoire, if good of it ye hear? Will ye still go to chase the deer. And there your soldiers still to hire? But one thing shall ye constant know, Tho' ye thus do break your vow, A warrior of undaunted mind In king Richard shall ye find. I saw at first your liberal ways, Largesses in full abound; But occasion soon ye found Such mighty castle towers to raise That now no gifts, no wealth is spent In festive court or tournament: But this trouble may ye spare, For Langobards^) the Frenchmen are. t 7) The Lombard merchanis were notorious for their dishonesty ana treachery. ■' f I t / — 12 Go, sirventes, send I thee Unto Auvergne; say thou from me To both the Counts, that should they e'er Seek peace, may God o'er them have care. A faithless henchman, what if he Lacks the sense of loyalty? Henceforth let him but beware Lest harsher fate he have to bear. The Dauphin, who also has his place among the poets of that time, answered king Richard in a similar sirventes**), in the course of which he speaks of the latter as one swhom the villanous Turks feared more than a lion". Though from these two poems of king Richard that have been preserved we are not Justified in ascribing any high degree of poetic talent to the author, yet oven these are sufficient proof that he was by no means a stranger to the flourishing art; and they make it easy for us to realize the joy he found in the productions of the poets, and the liberality with which he befriended so many of them and attached them to himself. Indeed, the personality of Richard Coeur de Lion is closely bound up with the contemporary Troubadour poetry in its highest representatives. Peire Vidal, that peculiar combination in one person of the court jester and the court poet, was for a time per- sonally connected with Richard, and in all probability accom- panied the latter as far as Cyprus on the way to Palestine. In the poetry of this Troubadour Richard is mentioned occa- sionally, but only in passing; and from one of his later poems'*) we may infer that the earlier friendship between king and poet had come to an end, for here the poet ex- presses his opinion that, if the emperor were to set Richard free, now that he has him in prison, the English would only ridicule him for doing so. 8) Mahn, Werke der Troubadours I, lol. 9) Mahn, Wke. d. Troub. I, 227. — 13 — Folquet of Marseilles also enjoyed the favoi of Richard, and in several of his songs gives expression to his gratitude and esteem. Two years before Richard really entered upon the crusade, he was accused from some quarter of unwil- lingness to take part in the rescue of the Holy Sepulchre, and Folquet of Marseilles took up his defence, as we see from the following words from one of his poems ^°): „But he who blamed the good king Richard, of whom I sing, for not having departed then, defends him now, for one sees that he held back in order to better go forward It is clear from his taking the cross that I say the truth, and now it is seen that I did not then speak falsely.* At the close of a second poem^^) Folquet expresses a wish that Limousin (a portion of Richard's dominions as duke of Aqui- taine) were nearer his home, „in order that I might oftener see my liberal and powerful lord." Of still greater interest is Richard's relation to one of the greatest of all Troubadours, to Bertran of Born, whose poetic activity reached its climax in the years 1180 — 1195. Bertran stood on very intimate terms with the family of Herry II. of England, and had for each member of it a nickname. Richard, in whose nature there were so many contradicting characteristics, and who could in few respects be with certainty reckoned upon, appears in the poems of this Troubadour as Oc e No, Yes and No. In the never- ending quarrels between Richard and his brothers Bertran v^ould, according to the circumstances, take part first with one and then with the other, or even caused additional troubles by stirring up the sons against their father — a crime for which Dante thought fit to place him in one of the lowest circles of hell.^'^) While Richard ruled as duke of Aquitaine in his earlier years, Bertran more than once experienced the severity of his sway; but the poet, who was 10) Mahn, Wko. d. Troub. I, 322. 11) Mahn, Wke. d. Troubad. I, 323. 12) Divina Commedia, Hell 28. ; ''i r ' I — 14 — noble knight as well, was himself no submissive spirit, and bravely opposed his domineering feudal lord by word and sword. In one of his sirventes^") of this period he bestows upon Richard the far from flattering appellative „Poitevin glutton", and at other times many similar ones. Later on the poet became reconciled with the prince, and visited his father's court in Normandy in 1183. From this time for- ward he appears as a true adherent, but is nevertheless not always content with his feudal lord. , Never", he says^*), referring to Richard, ,will a court be perfect where there is no jesting and laughing; a court without gifts is nothing but a park of barons." In another place, however, he speaks in quite a different tone of Richard's liberality, and compares him in this respect with the niggardly Philip of France, a comparison which was made by many of their contempor- aries. The following from a sirventes^'') by Bertran is very characteristic: ,King Philip loves peace more than the good man of Carentrais, while my Yes and No (Richard) wishes war more than does one of the Alguis (well-known robbers).* And again ^*'): .Richard catches hares and lions, and turns not aside for plain or wood; he binds them two and two by his strength so that none dare move; and from now on he thinks to catch the mighty eagles with merlins, and with buzzards to put the hawks to shame. „King Philip hunts with falcons his sparrows and little birds, and his men dare not tell him the truth, for he is little by little letting himself be despoiled by Richard &c." At no time was Bertran of Born a servile flatterer, and however much he sings Richard's bravery and noble qua- lities, he „ presents him", as he says, „with many a cutting word. " 13) Mahn, Wko. d. Truub. 1, 278. 14) Malm. Wko. d. Troub. I, 291. 15) Mahn, Wke. d. Troub. I. 298. 16) Mahn, Wke. d. Troub. I, 291). 17) Mahn, Wke. d. Troub. I, 275. i\ — la- in the years 1180—1200 flourished the Troubadour known by the name of the Monk of Montaudon. This pe- culiarly favored individual tells us how that, Enoch-like, he frequently visited Paradise during his life -time, and in his poems he gives accounts of the conversations that he there held with the Almighty. From the following words, taken from one of his poems, we can see that the good Monk, like so many of his brothers in the poetic art, had received favor and gifts from Richard. The Lord speaks to him***): — ,Monk, thou hast done ill, that thou didst not at once go willingly to the king to whom Salaros (unknown reference) belongs, who was so much thy friend; that he may ever be gracious unto thee. Ha! how many good marks sterling he has lost in gifts to thee, for he raised thee from the dust.** Of Arnaut Daniel, held by Dante and Petrarch for the greatest of the Troubadours, and who was celebrated for his difficult rhymes, a story is told, according to which he had a contest with a minstrel at Richard's court, upon which occasion the king played the part of judge. In his later years Arnaut Daniel found himself in needy circ ustances, and Richard was one of the princes who responded to his plea for support. Guiraut of Borneil speaks of king Richard shortly after the latter's death in the following words :^") — „I believe not that since the time of Charlemagne was there born a king celebrated and extolled for so many glorious deeds." And the poet then goes on to lament that the names of such great men should so soon be forgotten. But none of his contemporaries has paid Richard such a noble tribute as Gaucelm Faidit in his well known elegy -*^) upon the king's death. As this poem forms such a fitting close to the references to Richard in Troubadour poetry, I will give it in full in translation. t I j 18) Mahn, Wke. d. Troub. II, 64. 19) Mahn, Wke. d. Troub. I, 201. 20) Mahn, Wke. d. Troub. II, 92. If i — Ifi — Sad lot it is, that of the blow most sore, The greatest grief, alas! e'er fate did bring, O'er which henceforth my plaint must ever pour, I now am doomed to sing anew the story; For he who was of heroes chief in glory, The mighty Richard, England's valiant king, Is dead! Heaven, what source of sorrowing! What awful word! Wl at horror death to dare! His heart is hard this grief unmoved can bear. Dead is the king! In many a hundred year Such mighty man was not; no, ne'er was seen, Ne'er lived a man the world might call his peer. So generous, brave, of such a matchless name; Tho' Alexander Persia's king o'ercame, Such gifts he spent not, nor such meed, I ween. Not Charles was his compeer, nor Arthur e'en: He all the world compelled — let truth be said — One half to honor him, the other dread. Strange is it that in this false age 'tis thought A wise man should to noble deeds go forth, Since upright deed or word availeth nought. AVho then v ould strive to live one noble hour? And death has shown us now how great its power, Has robbed in this one blow the best from earth, All honor, what ennobles, what hath worth. And since we see for nought 'twill turn aside, We, too, should less in fear the end abide. How, valorous Prince, alas! shall live again The joy in sword and lance and kinghtly state, What castle halls resound to festive strain. Since thon, the bloom of kinghthood, absent art? For what shall now the desolate have heart Who served thee faithful at thy board but late. And now in vain upon thy bounty wait? What shall they do, who owe to thee alone Their all, but wish their days like thine were done? i , f — 17 — A life of shame that's worse th«n death is then Of those thou leav'st behind the hapless lot- Whilst Heathen, Turk and Persian, Saracen,' Who trembled at thy name of mortals most, Will go their way, and from th' inflated host The Sepulchre will be more dearly bought- God wills it thus, for if his will 'twere not And thou, Sire, hadst thou but life again In Syria would they longer not remain. Small hope I have the holy grave to see By king or prince from hand of heathen wrung- Yet ought they all that follow after thee And fill thy place, thy noble spirit know; How, too, thy valorous brothers twain lived so, — Count Geoffrey and the royal ruler young; Who now will take his place you three among. In truth a heart must have unerring bent On noble deeds, and all on good intent. heavenly Father who dost mercy show, Who art true God and man, true life, I pray Forgive him, for he oft forsook thy way; Look not, Lord, upon his deeds of shame, Remember only how he served thy name. With Gancelm Faidit ends the list of the more impor- tant Proven9al poets amongst Richard's contemporaries, who were more or less closely connected with him, and in the hfe-time of Gaucelm Faidit, in fact, began the decline of Troubadour poetry in general. In the poems of the Trou- badours who flourished after Richard's death we find re- ferences to him from time to time, but nothing that is not m keeping with the picture drawn by his contemporaries The younger Bertran of Born, a son of the famous poet already mentioned, says in a sirventes^i) which he addresses to John, Richard's brother and successor upon the throne of 21) Diez, Leben u. Werke d. Troub., 426. Needier, Richard Coeur de Lion. o 'i 18 — En^'ljiiul: — , Would he but remeinber his predecessors, well iiiij;{ht he hang his head in shame for givinj? over Poitiers iind Tours to Philip without a stniggle. All Guienne mourns for king Richard, who devoted so much gold and silver to iheir defense; but our present lord (John) seems not to give them u thought.* The poetry of the Troubadours was de- voted almost exclusively to persons and events of the present, and witli the death of a prince, a knight or a fair lady poems ceased to be written in tlieir lionor, and their names sunk into oblivion after the succeeding generation. As far as the poetry of the Provence is concerned, such was tlie case with Richard. During the years from 116!), in which he entered upon his active career as duke of Aquitaine, until his death in 1199 as king of England, lived and flourished the greatest poets in the annals of the Provence, and few princes of that period were so often the subject of their verses as "ichard. He was the ideal knight, and in his person were united, to a high degree, the weaknesses as well as the virtues likely to draw the poets to him, and arouse enthusiasm in them. In the political world he was an important figure, and we have seen that he also, on account of his intimate personal relations with many of the poets themselves, played a considerable part in the history of the poetry of that period. From the many adventures of Richard's life, and his exploits on the field of battle and elsewhere, marvellous enough in themselves, arose in course of time stories much more marvellous still, in which fact had lost itself in fiction. From the realm of actual history, by a gradual transition through chronicles partaking of the nature of both extremes, we pass now to the realm of the completely legendary. III. Metrical Chronicles and Metrical Romances. 1. AmbrosiuH' Histoire de la guerre nainte.") Already during his life-time Richard appears in a poem of quite a different kind. A certain Ambrosius, concerning whom little is known, wrote — probably in the year 119() — an account of the third crusade in rhyming couplets of 8 syllables. The poem, which consists of some 12000 lines, possesses next to no poetic worth, but is highly valuable from a historical point of view, as, with the exception of a few Anglo-Norman works, it is the earliest French account of contemporary events extant. The author professes to have witnessed the meeting of Philip and Richard in Normandy, the crowning of Richard in London, the march of the cru- saders from Vezelay to Lyons, and their sojourn in Messina. As a faithful adherent of Richard, Ambroise always places his master in the most favorable light. ,The earl of Poi- tiers, the valiant Richard, would not be wanting in God's need and call for help; he took the cross out of love for him. He was the foremost of all the noble men of the lands we yet know.* The poem is a very matter-of-fact account of historical events. In Messina, says Ambroise''"), began the jealous hatred of Richard on the part of Philip, „ which lasted all his life. There originated the war that laid Normandy waste." The close of the poem contains a short reference to the war of retaliation undertaken by Richard against king Philip after his return to France in 22) Printed in part in Monumenta Germaniae historica XXVII, 532 if. 23) 11. 825 ff. 2* i I f^ — 20 — 111)4. Tlu! hoiiH'wnnl journey iirul Uicliunl'H detention in (Jonnuny «ir«' only mentioned in puHMing. ThiH work of Ani- brosiiiH wiiN soon alter itH completion traiiNlated into Latin by Ilichard, a prior of Holy Trinity at London. I'l "i. Koiirud of WttrxbmVN Tiirnei von Nanthelz. Next in order of time eonies a work by an important German poet of the Ul"' century, the Turnei von Nantheiz of Konrad of Wllrzburg, by which we see that Richard was by no means to disappear from the world of poetry with the decline of the Troubadours. This Tournament of Nantes is the first example of the class of heraldic poems, and is also written in 8 -syllabled couplets. It is a pure fiction of the poet, and has no historical event for its basis. In a j^reat tournament which is supposed to have been held at Nantes, Richard king of England appears as the hero of the day who outshines all competitors by the })rilliance of his feats in the lists. „He was true and steadfast, powerful, noble and mighty; there lived not his equal within the circle of many lands." Many celebrated kings and princes come to the tournament, but Richard surpasses them all in strength and skill. When he entered the ranks of the com- batants ,he clove the throng, just as a keel cuts through the sea -foam". In the closing verses the poet does not forget to tell us that Richard, among his many virtues, had also that of liberality to the „ travelling folk", the minstrels. Ry far the greater portion of the whole poem is taken up in descriptions of the magnificent attires of the various par- ticip'tors iu the tournament. 'i-his poem, which dates from about the middle of tlie IS"* century, that is, only 50 to GO years after Ricliurd's death, is evidence that he was known beyond the confines of his own dominions as a valiant and famous knight; and that even at this early period he was beginning to be enveloped in the mist of the unhistorical and the le- gendary. i.- — 21 3. Robert of OloucoNter^N Chronlclo. The first of the Engliflli works that cotneH under otir notice is the metrical chronicle of llobert of Gloucester, which dates from about the year 1300. This is a history of England from the earliest period (beginning, according to the idea of those times, with the Trojan war) down to the year 1270, written in a very patriotic English spirit. For the first part of his Chronicle Robert drew principally from Geoffrey of Momnouth's Ilistoria regum Britonum, in the introduction to the Chronicle and in that portion treating of the history of the Britons Henry of Huntingdon's Historia Anglorum and, to a less degree, William of Malniesbury's Gesta regum Anglorum being also used. For the Anglo-Saxon period the two last mentioned histo- rians are the chief sources, and are drawn from to about an «"qual extent, while Henry of Huntingdon continues to be chiefly made use of up to the beginning of Henry H's reign. From that date on, the Waverley Annals supplied Robert with most of his material, besides which he used the Tewkesbury Am.als and, probably, also Roger of Ho- veden's chronicle.'*) Here and there Robert also introduces circumstances from his own personal experience, and occa- sional lines of his Chronicle are apparently not founded upon any of the works from which he is known to have taken material. The portion of the Chronicle that directly concerns us, that devoted to the reign of Richard I., consists of some 200 lines, which relate in a very prosaic style the course of events. Richard's coronation, the plundering of the Jews, the crusade, Richard's imprisonment on the home- ward journey, his arrival in England, and his death are very *■; 24) Further details as to the relation of Robert of Gloucester's Chronicle to the sources from which he drew are to be found in the articles by W. EUmer in Anglia X, Iff. and 291 tf., Ueber die quellen der reimchronik Robert's von Gloucester. Compare also K. Brossmann's Ueber die quellen dor mittelenglischen chronik des Robert von Gloucester, Breslau, Dissertation, 1887. i.i ; — 22 — concisely sketched. In the midst of the account of events in the Holy Land the following interesting reference to a ,romance' concerning Richard is to be found***): ,King richard bileuede per & so nobliche he wrojte' p&t al />ut lond [>er aboute* In is poer he brojte* Me nuste longe per biuore- neuer eft in he/»enesse- Of so noble knijt ne prince* ne do so muche prowesse Me ne mai nojt al telle her" ac wo so it wole iwite" In romance of him imad* me it may finde iwrite* The , romance' here referred to by Robert of Gloucester is undoubtedly the metrical romance of Richard Coeur de Lion, which existed originally in French and was afterwards traus- lated into English and in the course of time greatly enlarged beyond the compass of the original French version. Robert of Gloucester's reference to the romance is, as seen in the above 6 lines quoted from his Chronicle, of such a general kind that it is impossible from it alone to draw any con- clusion as to the form in which he was acquainted with the romance — the French or the English,^") 4. The Chronicle of Peter of Langtoft, and its trans- lation by Robert Mannyug of Briinne. Tv.o other metrical chronicles may be conveniently con- sJcJered togeiujr, namely, that in French alexandrines by Peter of Langtoft, a Canon of Bridlington in Yorkshire, and its translation into English by Robert Mannyng of Brunne (now Bourn) in Lincolnshire. The portion of these chronicles treating of the reign of Richard I. is much more expanded than the corresponding portion of that of Robert of Glou- cester. As a historian, howewer, the latter is much more 25) W. Aldis Wright's ed., II. 694. 26) Ellmer'8 assertion, Anglia X, 294, ^sicher ist jedenl'alls, daes l)eide werke, das englische und das franzosische, einen und denselben inhalt gehabt haben" in only true in a general way. A considerable portion of the romance in its longest Englisli form undoubtedly con- sists of additions made in English in England, which are not foun- ded on any French original. See note 27. l! ■ " I — 23 — accurate and independent than Langtoft or Mannyng, with both of whom the dividing line between legend and history is by no means sharply drawn. In his account of Richard's life and exploits Robert of Brunne oifers many variations from, and additions to, his original; on the whole, however, his work is a fairly faithful reproduction of Langtoft. It is not necessary here to follow in detail the course of the narrative as given by Peter of Langtoft and Robert of Brunne. From the king's coronation and his preparations for the crusade until his return to England the chronicles correspond, in their leading features and in the succession of events, to the facts of history. Tlie sojourn of the king in Sicily, which is not at all mentioned by Robert of Glou- cester, is here described with g; at minuteness. In Langtoft, who wrote his (Chronicle soon after the year 1307, and still more frecjuently in Robert of Brunne, whose translation was completed in I008, we also meet with references to a ^romance". Those made by Robert of Brunne are in many cases independent of Langtoft altogether, and show a direct acquaintance with the „ romance"' alluded to. It would lead too far afield to discuss here in which of its versions, the French or the English, this romance was known to Langtoft or to Robert of Brumie, or whether they knew both; but that the romance referred to by these writers in their chronicles is the metrical romance of Richard Coeur de Lion to be immediately taken into consideration, is evi- dent from the references, amongst numy others, in Robert of Brunne to the „mate Griffoun", Richard's engine of war used at Messina and Acres, to the tale of the archbishop of Pisa (here called „bisshop of Perouse"), to the battle of Caiphas, and to many other objects and events we shall presently meet with in a re"iew of the romance itself 5. The Metrical Romance and its different versions. The figure of Richard, as he next meets us in English literature, is almost as much dinmied and altered by tradi- tion as that of Charlemagne and his circle of peers. He has :■ I ; 1 f t - i — 24 — become an almost completely legendary personage, and much more fabulous than heroic. A long Metrical Romance with Richard as its hero, has been handed down to us. This extensive poem existed, as is evident, originally in a French form, and was afterwards translated and greatly added to by later English minstrels."^') The French original has, so far 27) Tliiit the pi-oundwork of the romance of Richard Coeur de Lion Wilis originally French is evident from the words of the English translator himself in nunu'rons places. In the introduction to the poem we road (Weber 11. 21— '24): In Frenssho bookys this rym is wrought, Lewede menne know it nought, Lewede monno eunne French non, Among an hondryd unnothis on. Again (Weber .5059—5062): Off my tale be nowght a wundryd; The Frensche says he slowgh an hundryd (Wherott' is made this Ynglysche sawe), Or he reste hym ony thrawe. Many more references to „the book", ^talo". , story", ^geste" are only dirt'erent ways of pointing to the French original. In Weber's text these references are to be found in the following lines: 21 — 24, 37 — 42, 197-202, 1305—06. 1963-66, 2037—38, 2369—70, 2447-48, 2611—14 2873—79. 29.53, ;}415— 16, 4847—4856, 5059—5062, 5277—78, 5358— 60, 5625-30, 5710-11, 5812—13, 5840—41, 6153, 6433-36, 6487— 88, 6543—44, 6947—50, 7039—41. Some of the lines hero given may only bo insertions on the part of the English poet to give an appear- ance of greater truthfulness or reality to his narrative, but the vast majority of them are genuine references to the French poem that he was rendering in English. That the English version grew in time to be much larger than the original French is also easily seen (1) from the lack of harmony between the different jiarts of the whole poem, which of itself would lead us to suppose interpolations; (2) from the absence of any reference whatever to a French original in large sections of the poem, which sections show in themselves a unity of plan, and are easily separable from what precedes them and from what follows ; and (3) from the style of certain sections of the poem, which have an unmistakeably English flavour. The introduction (Weber 1 — 34) is of course English. Lines 35 — 240, in which is found the story of Cassodorien, contain references to „my sawe" and „tho book", and thus probably formed part of the poem in its French form. — 25 ~ as is known, not been preserved, while the English form exists in several diflFerent versions, which will now be con- sidered in succession. a. The longest and most complete version is that preserv- ed m a manuscript of Caius College, Cambridge, which was In linos 240-1234 occur no references to an original of any kind whatever. The episode related in them, namely, Richard's tournament at Salisbury, his choice of Sir Thomas Multon and Sir Fulk Doyly as companions for the pilgrimage, the imprisonment in Almayn, the kilhng of the king of Almayn's son and of the lion, is evidently out of place here in the early part of the poem, because Richard never saw the Holy Land until he went there at the head of an army as IS told later in the poem. It is thus highly probable that this epi- sode 240-1234 was later inserted here owing to the fact that the original French poem never contained the account of Richard's ad- ventures in Almayn on his homeward journey, or that this portion of it, which would naturally form the close of the poem, had been lost or from some other cause remained unknown to the English poet It Ls impossible to deny that this episode or a similar one uiay have been originally written concerning Richard in French, but, if so, it must be of later date than the main body of the French poem' And this lateness of origin, [and especially the absence of references to any French original, point to its having been first written in Eng- lish. — Another large section of the poem, Weber 4731—3788, is also to all appearance of English origin. It forms an episode complete in itself and only loosely connected with what goes before and what comes after; it is, as we shall see presently, not found in the Donee ms.; and is thoroughly English in spirit, as is seen from the lyi-ic opening: Merye is, in the tyme of May, Whenne foulis synge in her lay; Floures on appyl trees, and perye; Smalo foules synge merye, etc. A minute examination of the relation between the romance in its various English forms and the French original is yet necessary, but lies outside the range of the present work. But from what is here pointed out it is plain that, though a French poem on Richard Coeur de Lion formed the groundwork of a corresponding English poem, this latter, even if at first a faithful reproduction of the French poem, has afterwards received in England large English additions which have no counterpart in the original French form. |5 f I y S 1 1 ! i ^ "^ i I — 26 — printed in 1810 by Henry Weber.'*'*) Of the contents ot the poem as there found, the following is a synopsis. 11. 1 — 24. Many romances are to be read of Roland and Oliver, Alexander and Charlemagne, Arthur, Gawain and other good knights; now I will tell you of Richard, who surpassed them all. This book is written in French; but unlearned men understand it not, for they know no French. 35 — 240. Story of Richard's birth. His father, king Henry, being persuaded by his barons to take to himself a wife, sends messengers to seek for the fairest woman that lives. At sea they meet a wonderful ship in which is Corbaryng king of Antioch, who, instructed in a vision, had set out with his daughte*" Cassodorien. The messengers conduct these two to king Henry, who weds Cassodorien. They had, as the book (i. e. the French original) says, two sons and a daughter — Richard, of whom this romance is made, John, and their sister Topyas. Cassodorien could not abide the elevation of the host at mass, and when the king consented that his knights should force Ler to remain in the church, she took her daughter and John, and flew aloft and out from the roof. John fell from the air and broke his thigh, while she and her daughter were never afterwards seen. King Henry at his death ordained Richard to be his suc- cessor. 241 — 1234. Richard is crowned in his 15*^^ year, and grew to be a mighty and noble king. He held a tournament at Salisbury, to which he summoned all his knights in order to see who were the best among them. Richard during the course of the tournament disguises himself in three different attires, black, red and white. Sir Thomas Multon and Sir Fulk Doyly, who had proved themselves his bravest oppon- ents, are afterwards summoned to the king's presence pri- vately, and the latter chooses them to accompany him as 28) Metrical Romances Vol. II. Edinburgh, 1810. \^- '^imtmmm i i nnum ilMf O ti mm itaaMr- a — 27 — palmers to the Holy Land. The three set out and pass through Flanders and many lands by way of Brandys (Brindisi) and Cyprus to the Holy Land, where they visit Acres, Babylon, Caesarea, Nineveh, Jerusalem, Jaflfa and many other places. On their homeward journey they are in Almayn betrayed by a minstrel, whom they had not received in a friendly way, and fall into the hands of the king, who casts them into prison. Richard kills the king's son Ardour in a friendly exchange of buffets with the fist, in which case Richard used wax for his hand. The king's daughter Margery, who loves Richard, orders the gaoler to free the prisoner of his chains, and shows him all the courtesy of a fair lady of that chivalrous age. The king of Almayn takes counsel with his barons how he may avenge himself upon Richard for the death of his son. Sir Eldryd, the wisest of them, advises that, since it would be contrary to international laws of hospitality to hang a king, a savage lion be placed in prison with Richard. Margery warns the latter of the fate in store for him, but cannot prevail upon him to flee, as that would be against the law of the land. He stands in no fear of the lion, and promises Margery its heart by prime the third day; but asks her for silk kerchiefs to wind round his arm. That evening Margery provides a supper for Richard and his companions. After her departure on the following morning Richard winds the kerchiefs about his arm, and awaits the lion. When the beast was let into the prison Richard watched his chance and, thrusting his arm down the lion's throat, tore out the heart, lungs, liver and all else. Having returned thanks to God for his victory, he proceeds with the heart to the hall where the king sat at meat, and before the eyes of all he dips the heart into some salt and eats it — .withouten bred." From this feat he was afterwards called Kyng i-crystenyd off most renoun Stronge Rychard Coer de Lyoun. The king of Almayn, who was then in great grief and rage for the death of his son and the disgrace of his daughter, !l ll — 28 — ordains that a high ransom shall be the price of Richard's freedom. OfiF enny kyrk that preest in syng, Messe in sayd, or belle in ryng, There two chalyses inne bee, That on schal be brought to mee: And yift" there be moo than thoo, The halvyndel schal come me too. f I n % Richard thereupon writes a letter to his chancellor in Eng- land, and in course of time the required amount is raised, and Richard set free. The king orders his daughter Margery to quit his land, but the queen, her mother, bids her wait until Richard shall send for her ,as a kyng dos afiftyr hys qwene." 1235 — 1420. Arrived in England, Richard and his compani- ons receive a fitting welcome. After a year the king sum- mons his Parliament to meet at London. Before that time all the country of Bethlehem and the adjoining lands were in the hands of Christian men, and palmer and pilgrim might visit them without hindrance. The duke Mylon and earl Renaud held the land against the Sultan, until betrayed by the false earl Joys and Markes Feraut, when all the land of Syria and the holy cioss were lost, a An holy Pope, that hyghte Urban" exhorted every Christian man to rise and avenge Jesus of his enemies; and many kings and princes, among them the king of France, the duke of Austria, the emperor of Almayn and others, responded to the call. King Richard, at a solemn feast held at Westminster, announces to his subjects his intention of also taking arms in the holy cause. Multitudes of his men assembled. He had 200 ships well victualled, and 13 ships laden with hives of bees; a strong tower of quaint device; and still another ship with an engine called Robynet. He sends on the ships in charge of his admiral Trenchemer to Marchyle (Marseilles), where they are to await his coming; for he will pass with a host through Almayn to call king Modard to account for having before detained him in prison. 'I — 29 — 1421 — 1658. Richard divides his host in three, allotting one portion to Sir Thomas Multon, another to Sir Fulk Doyly, and commanding the third himself. Before leaving England he appoints the bishop of York his chancellor, and commands the justices to rule aright and care for the poor. Having passed over sea and set out with his hosts for Co- loyne (Cologne), Richard gives strict orders to take nothing from the inhabitants without paying for it. The people of the city refuse to sell fuel to Richard and his followers, whereupon the king orders his steward to buy up all the wooden vessels — dishes, cups, saucers, bowls, trays, platters, vats, tuns &c. — and with them prepare a meal. The poor people and the mayor of the city are also invited to partake of the feast. After further progress into the country, the king's daughter Margery comes to welcome Richard. Before the city of Marburette king Modard again seeks to impede their march by refusing them fuel. This time Richard evades the difficulty by ordering his steward to gather figs, raisins, nuts and all kinds of fruit, use some wax, tallow and grease along with these, and thereby make a fire. At the city of Carpentras king Modard casts himself at Richards feet, but Margery intercedes for him, and the two kings are reconciled. Modard returns to Richard the money he had formerly extorted from him as ransom, and offers to join him in his crusade. This offer Richard will not accept owing to the king's great age, but receives two golden rings, the one of which will protect him from death by water, the other from death by fire. Richard then proceeds to Marseilles, where he finds his fleet waiting, and embarks for the Holy Land. 1659 — 3730. Arriving at Messina Richard finds king Philip of France already there. The latter endeavors in a treach- erous way to turn Tancred, king of Poyle (Apulia), against Richard, but Tancred's son Roger, ,kyng in Cesyle land" (Sicily), takes the part of Richard, and upon investigation the treasonable practices of Philip are laid bare. At Christmas the enmity between the two kings' followers leads to serious conflict. In the city of Messina the French / i: j 1 I; 'S i I i '/ — 30 — and (irittons'^*') kill several Englishmen, whereupon Richard in anger captures the city by a land and sea attack, and after great slaughter brings the French to surrender. Jtichard's wonderfully constructed tower was from this event cuIUmI Mate-(jiryffon. Richard had pity for the king of France as he knelt to beg mercy, And light adown, so sayth the book, And in his armes up him took. In March the king of France went on to Acres, and after Lent Richard followed. A storm tl.rew some of his ships on the coast of Cyprus, and their crews were plundered by the islanders and cast into prison. When Richard came up three days later, he sent messengers to the emperor of (■yprus to demand the instant surrender of the prisoners, lint the messengers mot with a blunt refusal, and barely escaped from a knife the angry emperor threw after them, but which fortunately missed its mark and pierced a door. AVhen the emperor's steward remonstrated with him for such treatment of a king's messengers, the emperor traitorously cut olf his nose. Richard vk^ith his men lands upon the island, and with the assistance of the ill-treated steward is able to surprise the emperor's camp, where he secures much valuable booty, amongst it two noble steeds Favel and Lyarde, which he retains for his personal use. The emperor soon Sues for mercy, which is granted him; but upon his proving traitorous to Richard again, the latter causes him to be bound and taken along into Syria. The earl of Leicester is left to govern Cyprus, while Richard proceeds to Acres. On the way thither the fleet falls in with, and captures, a ship laden with stores for the Saracens. Arrived at Acres, Richard stands on the prow of his shi}) and with his axe that was made of twenty pound of steol cleaves the chain drawn across the entrance to the harbor. Tiie terrible engines of war he exhibits as the ships enter the harbor strike terror into the hearts of the Saracens- '2i1) Niimo commonly applied in the Middle Ages to the mixed inhaliitants of Sioilv. — 31 I' I Richard is received with great joy and honor by the king of France and the other Christian princes already there, a.id the archbishop of Pyse (Pisa) relates to him the suflFerings of the Christians before his arrival. The siege, he said, had lasted seven years. On one occasion a noble steed had strayed away from one of the heathens, and 11,000 Christian knights, who sallied out to its capture, were slain. The Sultan also caused the water used by the Christians to be poisoned, resulting in the death of 40,000. On St. James eve the Saracens pretended to flee before the onset of the Christians, but after the latter had plundered their camp and were so impeded by the provisions and riches of all kinds they attempted to carry with them, the Saracens returned suddenly and slew 15,000 of the unprepared Christians. At Michaelmas 60,000 died of hunger. King Richard wept to hear this doleful tale , and begged the archbishop's prayers for his success. Commencing operations, he sets up his Mate-Gryffbn, and also works great havock among the Sara- tens by the hives of bees he causes to be hurled into the city. He puts to flight a great host that had come to the assistance of the Saracens at Acres. In course of time Richard falls sick and longs for pork, which his steward is unable to procure. As a substitute, however, a portion of a Saracen prisoner is prepared and set before him. This, which he supposes all the while to be pork, he eats with great relish and recovers health. Later, when resting after battle, he calls for the head of that supposed swine. The steward with fear and trembling brings in the cooked head of the Saracen, but Richard is anything but wroth: What devyl is this? the kyng cryde. And gaii to laughe as he wer wood. He adds that so Jong as Saracens are to be had he and his followers need never want for food. A proposal for peace, on the condition that Markes Feraunt be made king of Syria, is scornfully rejected by Richard. Acres surrenders, and the holy cross is given up. Messengers come from the Sultan to offer ransom for V « i .11 — 32 — the prisoners taken, when Kichanl terrifies them by setting before them u meal prepared from tlie lieads of their Sara- con relatives, each with his name attached. Each of the messengers sat stylle, and pokyd othir. They saide: This is the develys brothir Ttiat sles our men and thus hem eetes. Richard himself proceeds with the meal, and bids his guests be not „squoymous'', as it was his custom as host. There is no flesch so noryssaunt. Unto an Ynglysche man, Patrick, plover, heroun, ne swan, Cow ne oxe, scheep ne swyn, As the hed off a Sarezyn. Saladin then offers to give over Syria, Egypt and all the adjoining lands, if Richard will forsake Jesus and take Appolyn for lord. This oii'er is naturally refused, and when the Saracens say they do not know where the holy cross is, Richard orders 60,000 of the })ri.soners to be slain. 3731 — 478H. Richard holds a feast, and displays great liberality toward his followers, an example thai is not follo- wed by the king of Francr A plan is arranged for the conquest of the whole country. Philip, more by vain display than by actual assault, brings the cities of Tal»urette and Archane to surrender, and, contrary to Richard's previous advice, takes ransom from the inhabitants. Richard again divides his host into three parts, en- trusting one to Sir Thomas Multon and one to Sir Fulk Doyly. With the third he himself subdues Sudan Turry (Sidon-Tyre) after a hard siege, and puts the citizens to the svvord. Sir Thomas takes Castle Orglyous, and after the inhabitants had made an attempt to murder him and his men at might he shows no mercy; while Sir Fulk, upon defeating a great Sai'acen host on the plain before Ebedy, takes the city and treats the inhabitants in a similar manner. After these events the English and French assemble in Acres, and give account of their experiences. Philip is ,»^ a;j - rebuked by Kicliurd for huviiif^ spured the towns ol' T»ib\iretto unci Archune, and tlie two iirmies set out for these phices n^iiin. The citizens, hs whs expected, deny entrance to Philip, whereupon they are subdued u second time and slauj^htered; afterwards the two kings return to the sea- coast. 4789 — 7120. On liis way to the city of Caiphas Richard is attacked by Sahidin, but with great effort wards off the attack and puts the Sultan to Hight. He repairs to the city of Palestyn and is forced to wait for provisions, while Sala- din in the meantime levels nuiny cities with the ground. Richard accepts the sultan's challenge to battle, and tiu' two armies meet by the forest of Arsour. A noble knight, .lakes Denis, is killed, but his body recovered by Richard. Tiie Turks are put to flight, and as Saladin flees from the Held Richard sends an arrow after him which pierces his „ shoulder bone". Richard and Philip besiege Nineveh. Three of the Saracen leaders challenge Richard, Sir Thomas and Sir Fulk to combat, which results in the death of all three heathens; whereupon the inhabitants of the city surrender. Richard calls a bishop to baptize them to the Christian faith. Saladin flies to Babylon, where Richard and Philip be- siege him. The latter traitorously accepts money from the Turks and desists from the siege. Saladin sends a challenge to Richard and at the same time the offer of a steed of great worth, which the latter accepts. A necromancer con- jures two , fiends of the air" in the likeness of two steeds, mare and colt, the colt being sent to Richard, while the Sultan rides the mare. An angel warns Richard not to be afraid to ride the colt. Only an enormous lance forty feet long shall be fastened to the saddle and project out in front of the animal, the bridle shall be made fast upon its head. Its ears also are stopped with wax, Richard's axe and mace are strung to the saddle, and the other ne- cessary preparations are made for the contest. On the morrow the two hosts meet, but before the contest is begun an oath is sworn that if Richard is victor all the Sultan's lands shall be handed over to him, while, in case the Sultan Needier, Richard Coeur de Liou. 8 i\ I 7 — 34 — wiiiH, every ChriHtift!i mIuiII depftrt from the Iftiid. When the two leaderH then doah towards each ottier, the Sultan'H tiendinh mare neij^hs h)\idly in order that, aw the necromancer had ordained, the colt upon which Kichard rode nhoi Id run to its dame, and, m it knelt down, the Hultan hIiouM have his apponent at a di8advanta^e. ()win>?, however, to the wax in its ears, tlie Hendinh colt hearH nothing, and Kichard, hearing down \ipon tlie Sultan with his huge tree-like lance, sends him Hakward ovyr hys meres croupe, The feet toward the fyrmanient. Behynd the Sawdon the spere out went, after which feat he dashes into the midst of the heathen host, working the greatest havoc wherever he goes For al that ever before hym stode, Hors and man, to erthe yode, Twenty foot on every syde. Encouraged by his example, both English and French display the greatest valor, and ere long the town is taken. When the Sultan, who had only been wounded in the first en- counter, sees that the men in the town have opened their gates he flees into a wood whither Richard is unable to follow him owing to the size of the tree-like lance, which demands so great a space for action. After a sojourn of a fortnight there, Richard and Philip set out for Jerusalem. On the way thither a dispute arises between the two kings as to the ownership of Jerusalem after it shall have been taken. Philip grew sick for anger and, on the advice of his leech, returned to France, accom- panied by the taunts of Richard. Thus their mutual enmity was increased. And aftyr that partyng, forsothe, Ever yitt they were wrothe. Richard then repairs to Jafla, which city he fortifies, and thence to Chaloyn (Ascalon) where he calls upon all the lords of the Christian host to assist in building up the — 3.-, - 1 1 vralld. They all respond to tlio cnll except the duke of Auntria who, when Richard courteously requeatH him to join in doing his share of the work, replies My fadyr n'as niaHon, ne carpentere; And though your whIIoh should all toschako, I Hcholl novir h«'lpe horn to make. At this Richard turns color with wrath, and maltreats the duke, ordering him to leave the host inside of three days. Traytour, we truvayle day and nyght In werre, in wakyng, and in fyght, And thou lyes us a vyle glotoun. And rentes in thy pavyloun, And drynkes the wyn good and strong, And slepes alle the nyght long. I schal breko thy banere And slynge it into the ryvere. The duke departed after being thus insulted, And swore by Jesu in Trynyte, And he myghte ever hys tyme see, Off Richard sholde he be so awreke That al the worlde scholde theroft' speke, and the minstrel goes on to add that He heeld hym al to weel foreward: In helle myght he be hangyd hard. For, thorwgh hys tresoun and trehcherye, And thorwgh the waytyng off hys aspye Kyng Richard he dede gret schame. That turnyd all Yngeland to grame. A lytyl lenger had he most Have lyvyd, by the Holy Gost, Ovir king, duke, and emperour. He hadde ben lord and conqueror: Alle Crystyante, and al Paynym Scholde have holde under hym. After the walls of Chaloyn are finished, the castles of Albary and Daroun are in succession taken, the latter with conside- 3» •I, ii i! n ' 36 I rablc difficulty. All prisoners except those who pay large ransoms are put to death. The engines of war, Mate-Gryf- fon and Robin et, are used with great effect at the siege. Richard next distingiushes himself at the taking of Gatryo (Gaza, Gazara). The citizens had thrown open their gates upon a promise from Richard that their lives would be spared. In answer to his inquiry after the lord of the place Richard is told that a huge image set up in the centre of the city represents their lord, and the inhabitants agree to become Christians if Richard is able to break, as he pro- poses, the neck of the image by charging against it with his lance. Mounted upon his steed Favel of Cyprus, and armed with a mighty shaft, he severs the head of the image from the body, killing five Saracens underneath. When the old governor of Gatrys is brought before him, Richard generously hands over the city to him again. He returns to Chaloyn, and afterwards takes Leffunyde and the city of Gybelyn, which latter place the Knights of the Hospital and the Templars had held many a year. Tidings now come from England of the treachery of his brother John, which Richard will not believe. At Be- thany, which he next captures, other messengers arrive with similar tidings, and Richard is inclined to return privily ta England to make peace with John, and return in haste to the Holy Land. At this juncture a Saracen enters with the news that an immense treasure is being taken to Saladin, and to tell Richard how he may capture it. The king re- fup^s to take advantage of strategy against the large escort that has the treasure in charge, but defeats them openly and makes himself master of all their riches, which be distributes amongst his men. Now come the bishop of Chester and the abbot of St. Alban with fh/i news that John is about to have himself crowned king .r. England, and that the king of France has invaded Normandy. When Richard is at Acres about to depart for England, the Sultan, wishing to avenge the loss of his treasure, besieges the Christians in Jaffa. Henry of 37 — Champagne is sent to their relief, but is unsuccessful. En- raged at this, Richard undertakes the task. It was before the heygh myd nyght, The moon and the sterres schon ful bryght, as Richard with his galleys arrives at the city. All is quiet, until the dawn of day when Richard is comforted by learning that tile beleaguered Christians are still holding out, through tho reveille by which one of the watchmen announces the arrival of help. By the „time of evensong" the Saracens were driven from before the gates, and Richard that night made mei ry feasting with his men. The following day they are again attacked by a countless host of Saracens, but Richard, on his steed Favel, slaughters them by the hundreds. Multitudes are forced into a great mire outside Jaffa. What ther wer drownyd, and what wer slawe, The Sawdon loste off hethene lawe Syxty thousand in lytyl stounde, As it is in the Frensche i-founde. Richard rescues his nephew Henry of Champagne from great peril, mowing the heathens down on his vv^ay. Be the dymmyng off the more, Men myghte see where Richard fore. But the city is meanwhile again beset more violently than ever. Many prominent men among the Christians are slain before Richard makes his way to the gates. His steed Favel is slain under him, but on foot he slays two sons of Saladin and various other heathen leaders with his battle-axe. His other steed Lyard is brought. Kyng Richard into the sadyl leap; Then fledde the Sarezynes as they wer scheep. On the morrow he sends messengers to the Sultan offering to fight single-handed five and twenty of his men, to decide thus the possession of the Holy Land. If this offer be not accepted, Richard asks a truce of three years, three months and three days, in order that he may return to England to arrange his affairs there, and come again. Saladin informs I 'I 38 — i i. the messengers that he would not consent to a combat ot even a hundred of his men against Richard, but is ready to make a truce. Christian men are then at liberty to wend their way to Jerusalem to the Sepulchre, and whithersoever else they will as pilgrims go. Kyng Richard, doughty oflF hand, Trrnyd homward to Yngeland. Kyng Richard reynyd here No more but ten yere. Sythe he was schot, alas, In Castel-Gaylard ther he was. Thus endyd Richard our kyng: God geve us alle good endyng. And hys soule reste and roo. And oure soules whenne we com thertoo. Amen. Explicit. b. The romance of Richard Coeur de Lion is preserved again in a ms. of the Bodleian Library in Oxford, in the collection Douce, No. 228. Many .mes of the text are here lost. Those that are preserved correspond on the whole very closely with Weber, though many present variations as regards import, and many are also quite independent of, and comple- mentary to, the text in Weber. The Douce ms. opens at 1. 269 of Weber. Kyng Re cam owt of a valey. (edge torn) ffor to fulfellyn p^ knybts pi . . , As a knyth ^* wer aventor . . . His atyr was orgilor,>, Altoged"^ col blac W* owtyn ony kyngys lac Upon his crest a ravyn stod /** g ... yd as he hadde be wod Abowte his nekke hynge a bell A reson by I schal jow tell It then proceeds Avith the account of the tournament at Salisbury, which is shorter than in Weber; of the journey ^V 39 to Palestine in company with Sir Thomas Multon and Sir Fulk Doyly; and of the imprisonment on their return. The lion exploit differs considerably from the account in Weber. Richard, upon refusing to flee with the king's daughter Margeryte, begs of her not only the silken kerchiefs but also a knife: Do me to naue kerchis of sylke A doseyn iwyth as ony mylke & a long Irysch knyf As J3" wilt saue my lyf Richard and his two companions are treated in the same hospitable way by Mp.rg.iryte that evening, and on the following morning the liou is led inti. the prison, „a wyld best p* was sauage." & kyng Ric' also sket In p^ lyonnys throte his harm he schet Al in kerchis his harm was wonde Tho lyon he strangelyd on a stonde W* his pawys his kertil he rof Wt p^ lyon to p^ erthe he drof Ric w* p^ knyf so smert strok p^ lyon to /»« hert Owt of his kerchis his harm he drow At p^ gamyn Ric' low & p^ kerchis still he lette pus p^ lyon w* his macche mette He hopenyd hym at p^ brest bon & tok owt his herte a non And thankyd god omnipotent Of /»« grace he hadde hym sent & for pia dede of gret renon He was i callyd queor delyon After a time the king sends some knights to the prison who, contrary to their expectations, find Richard unharmed with the lion dead b'^side him. The king exacts as ransom gold and silver enough „an house to ffill^ When the money \, if \\ r — 40 — h had been collected and Richard is leaving the country he vows vengeance. Kyng Ric'' swor bo seynt John That he wolde haue too for o" a threat, however, which he does not carry out, for, strange to say, 11, 1238 — 1658 of Weber have no parallel here. Only 24 lines tell of his return to England and the pre- parations for the crusade. The second visit to Almayn is entirely omitted, Richard with his host going directly to Marseilles, and thence to Messina. The events in Sicily correspond closely, though the following noteworthy lines based upon actual history occur, in the place of Weber 2027—2032. Kyng Ric'' sesyd & rest ffro cristemesse // heye ffest And dwellyd a tul ageyne J>e lente His mod"^ hi brout a fayr p'"sent Elyanor brou^^t hi Berynger The kyngs dowf of Na;5'er Kyng Rog''is wyf ca w* her than sche hythe a ffayr woman Kyng Ric' /»^ p''cyous Beryng"" he schuld spouse E seyde he nold not in swylk seson spouse her among fi" Grefoh He wolde her spouse to be his wif Elianor her leue tok & went fforth so seth />'* bok In marche monyth p^ kyng of f^ns Dede hym to chip w* owtyn dist"ns The ms. continues parallel to Weber through the events in Cyprus, the capture of the treasure - ship on the way to Acres, the tale of the archbishop of Pisa, and the operations commenced by Richard. The cure by Saracen's flesh offered instead of pork, as related in Weber 3019 — 3102, and also the subsequent fabulous accounts of the devouring of the '4 — 41 _ Saracens by Richard in 11. 3163-3202 and 11. 3323-3672 nave no parallel here. ' The offer of Saladin to make Richard king of the countries about the Holy Land if he should renounce the Chnstian faith, and Richard's subsequent order for the beheading of the prisoners at Acres correspond. Lines 3731— 4788 of Weber, which contain the account of the taking of Taburet and Archane by king Philip, of Sudan Turry by Richard, of castle Orglyous by Sir Thomas, ofEbedy by Sir Fulk, and of the retaking of Taburet and Archane by the combined hosts, are here unrepresented. Next follows the attack by Saladin upon Richard on the way to Caiphas, and the death of Jakes Denis in the battle by the forest of Arsour, corresponding almost line for line with Weber 4789— 6146. The account of the siege of Nineveh, the Sultan's stratagem to take Richard by means of the conjured horse at the siege of Babylon, and the later quarrel between Richard and Philip on the way to Jerusalem, as given in Weber 5147-6888, are not found here. Richard fortifies Jaffa, as in Weber 6889-5900. Between 11. 5900 and 5901 occurs the following historical reference. // inne he dede beringer his quen />* was hjs lef & der And Jhone his susf />* was a quene ffor /;«y schulde at ese bene Again, between lines corresponding to Weber 6908 and 5909, we find the following: To Torye he went be Breui ffour myle from Jerlm Tho haddyn />« cristen gret blysse ffor />«' wendyn wel I wisse /^" schuldyn on morow h^ oward in her Jurne qwanne p^^ haddyn wo%'^ Jerlm Cete & so /.« haddy"^ w' owtyn fayll Ne . . . . hadde be Gaut'is consayll Gaut'' na/*eles p^ ospiteler 42 p"' was he no good co'Sseler Anon w* owtyn lesyng Thus he seyde to our kyng Ric' yf p^ Jerlfn wynne j&row py cowytyse & p^ gyne p'^ folke schal p'' stede a non That god was onne to deth don & qwanne />®' hau don her viage And holy al her pilgrimage heye & lowe squier E grom Hastely wyl heym hom Tume JO" oii syde toward chaloyne That weye ys toward babiloyne & draw jou ford in to paynyme Wei je schul be settyn jour tyme And saladyn p^ soudon ge schul hi /f"^ quik tan To his consel p^ kyng lyst pof yt wer not p^ best Many Erl & baroun forso/<^ ffor /'' tydyng p^^ wer ful wro/>* & wenty'^ hom in to her c'^ntr And let RiC ])'e still be Richard's quarrel with the duke of Austria at the building of the walls of Chaluyn, as told in Weber 5909 — 5996, is also found here. Of the taking of Albary and Daroun, Weber 5997 — 6164, however, nothing is said. Next follow the taking of Gatrys, and Richard's breaking down of the image; the return to Chaloyn and the taking off Leffunyde and Gybelyn; the arrival of messengers from England, and the other events in regular succession up to the beginning ot the siege of Jaffa by Saladin, — the whole corresponding almost line for line with Weber 6165 — 6590. Here, at the foot of a leaf which is badly torn, the ms. Douce 228 ends. c. In the ms. of the British Museum catalogued as Additional 31,042, a third version of the romance is preserved. Several folia of t^^is ms. have been lost, and others are much — 43 — mutilated, but these constitute a very small proportion of the whole, and from those that still exist intact we may reasonably infer that, as far as the course and import of the narrative is concerned, the version here given corresponded exactly with that of Weber. Hardly any two lines of the two texts, however, agree word for word, those of the ms. now under consideration being almost invariably expanded; in which process they have lost much of the grace and lightness of the octosyllabic lines of the romance as it exists in the ms. printed by Weber. It would appear that the ms. Additional 31,042 i.i the work of some scribe devoid of fine poetic sense, who in the attempt to make the lines more explicit in their meaning, has shorn them of what charm they possessed. That the writer of this ms. at all events did not confine himself to reproducing accurately the copy before him is clear frori a mistake he made in one place of writing a second time twenty lines which had a place in a earlier part of the narrative, and which, after discovering his mistake, he drew his pen through. The writing shows plainly that both versions are the work of the same scribe, so that it is interesting to compare them. The lines refer to the deliberations between the king of Almayn and his knights as to the most expedient way of disposing of Richard, and in their proper place in the narrative read as follows. And thus pan ansuerde J^^ay Jj^ kynge W* owttyn any op' lesyng Bot a knyghte Jmn spak vn to p^ kyng And seid hym Sir grefe the na thyng ffor Sir Eldrede for sothe y wysse He kan telle the here of whate beste es ffor he es a wonder wyse man of rede And many a man base he demyde to dede The Kyng comande />an w* owtteri lett pat he were swythe by fore hym fett pan was he broghte by fore p^ kynge pat asked hym sone w* owtteh lesynge il :i { — 44 And seid kane y" me telle in any manere How one Kyng llicherd }>* I vengid were And he ansuerde w' liert full fre And seid [>" appoii I miiste avyse me ' ffor ^e wote wele it es no lawe A Kynge to bange nor ^^it to drawe Bot je schall done l)y my resoune Hastyly takes jo' grete lyoune In the middle of the archbisliop of Pisa's tale where the scribe inadvertently inserted them again, these lines are given thus: And thus they ansuerde vn to /*« kyng With owtten any lesynge Bot /'an a knyghte spake vnto p^ kynge Sir he seid grefe the no thyng Sir Eldrede tor sothe I wysse He caii wele telle what ])este es ffor he es wyse & gude of rede ffull many a man has he derayde to dede The kynge comande thane w* owtten lett Swythe /j* he were by fore hym fett He was broghte by fore the kyng That askede hym sone w* owte lesynge Kane you me telle one any manere Of this Kyng Richerde /* 1 vengede were And he ansuerde w* herte full fre There appon me moste avyssede be gee wote full wele it es no lawe A Kyng no/)'' to hange ne to drawe Bot (je schall done be my resoune Hastely takes ^o^ grete lyoune The lines of this version of the romance that are missing owing to the loss of portions of the ms. are those cor- responding to Weber 3U87— 3588, 4949—5034 and 6316— 6604. The following extracts, together with, those given above, will suffice to furnish an idea of the style of the whole. The ms. opens thus: - \\m» » i w. 'ifit f» ti> 46 — he ,re ig ir- Bn he Lorde .Thu Criate kyng of glory pe faire grace and the victory e pat thou sent to kynge Uicherde pat neu' in his lyue waa funden cowerde It is righte gude to heryn in ieste Off his prowesche and his noble conqueste Also full fele romance men make newe Of gude knyghtis pt were stronge & trewe Of /)aire dedis men redys Romance Bothe in yglonde and eke in ffraunce Of Duke Rovvlande and of Sir Olyuere And also of eu'e ylke a duzzepere Of Alexandere and of Sir Gawayne Of kyng Arthure & of Sir Charlemayne How they weren gude and also curtayse Of Bischope Turpyn & Sir Ogere Danays And also of Troye men redis in Ryme Whate werre was there I olde tyme Of Ectoure and also of Achilles And whate folkes were slayne />' I /»* prese In ffraunce Bokes thies rymes men wrote Bot in Ynglys lewede men knewe it note Lewede men kah ffrauncf righte none Amanges ane hundrethe vnnethes one Bot nowe will I schewe ^ow w* gude chere jiff that jow lyke to lythe & here A noble geste I undirstonde Off doughty knyghtis of iglonde And ther fore nowe I will jow rede Of a Kyng that was doughty in dede Kyng Richerde p^ was p^ werryour? beste ^at men redes offe in any geste And to alle pat heris p's ilke talkynge Jhu now graunte tbeym his dere blyssynge The lines in Weber 6657—6674, containing reference to the other well-known romances, read in the present version as follows: 1 I ) — 46 — Bot nowe herkyns my tale for it es sothe /)of />' I swere ^ow /)' to none othe I will gow neneri romance none Of Partynope ne of Churlemayne Of Kyng Arthoure ne of Sir Gawayne Ne jitt of Sir Launcelott de lake Of Beues ne of Sir Gy ne of Sirake (?) Nor of Uly nor jitt Sir Octouayne Nor gitt of Sir Ectore the strange man Of Jasone ne jitt of Ercules Of Eneas ne jitt of Achilles ffor I ne wene neu' per ma faye pat in the tyme of their daye Did any of theym so many doughty dede Nor gitt so strange Batell in J^aire nede Als Kyng Richerde dide Saunce fayle Att Jaffe in this ilke Bataylle The concluding lines of the romance, corresponding to Weber 7119ff,, are as follows: — And than aftir warde alio these thre gere Cristyii men bothe fferre and nere jode the wayes to Jerusalem To the holy Sepulcre & to Bedelem And to alle othir pilgreraage With owtten harme or any damage And kyng Richerde ^* was doughty of hands Torned harawarde in to Ynglande Kyng Richerde regned here Noghte bot allanly ten ^ere Sythyn was he slayne w' schotte alias At the castelle Galyarde there he was And thus Endys /)® Romaunce of Richerd oure Kynge And god grante vs alle gude Endynge amen Explicit The Romance Of Kyng Richerd /j« Coqueroure d. A portion of the romance is preserved again in the British Museum ms. Harley 4690, consisting of 1608 lines. This — 47 — version, so far a8 it goes, agrees closely with that offered by the ms. Douce 228 already described. In a few places slight variations occur, and a few lines in ms. Douce 228 have no parallel here. The opening lines describe the close of the tournament at Salisbury and Richard's contest with ,Syr ffoukedoly", in which, contrary to the version given in Weber, the latter is unhorsed. Sir Thomas and Sir Fulk are summoned by the king, who informs them of his intention to visit th<» Holy Land, before he reveals himself as the knight who had so distinguished himself at the tournament. The account of the adventures in Almayn agrees in all respects with the ms. Douce 228, where both of these versions offer variations from Weber. Mention is also made here of the Irish knife. Do me to have kerchewes of sylke ffourty wyte as any mylke and a scherpe yrysche knyfe As /)" wilte saue my lyfe. The following lines describing Richard's victory over the lion, will also serve to show the close connection between this version and that of ms. Douce 228. And Kyng Richard also skette Yn to ys throte ys arme he schette AUe ynne kerchewes ys arme wownd the lyoune he strangled in /•* stownd Richarde w*- the knyfe so smerte Smote the lyon to the herte Atte p&it game Riv^harde lowghe And of ys harme ^e kerchewes drowe. He openedde hym atte ^e breste bone And touke oute ys herte anone. And thonked godde omnipotente Of the grace he hadde hym sente And of this dede of grete renowne cleped he was conquer de lyoune. The narrative then runs parallel with Douce until the return to England, with the exception that nothing is said of any — 48 — inttTceNHion of tlie (niffii lor her dmi^litor, thus leaving uh to siippoHe thut the hitter uccoinpHiiieil Uichurd on \m ile- jiurturc from Ahnayn. Kyng Kiihanl Nwero by seint .loon He wokle haue too for oon thanno the kyng y vncleristonde towke yy dowgliter by the honde and bad her wytli Kicharde goo Oute of ys londe for euer moo He swore by allu ys parage thare schuld sche liave non herytage thws come Iticharde owte of pryson God r^etfe vs alle ys Beuesoune. The second visit to Almayn is here also entirely omitted, and the preparations for the crusade are told even more concisely than in Douce; after which the two mss. run closely parallel to the end of this fragment, which closes in the middle of the archbishop of Pisa's tale with the line On a Seynt James day veramente, corresponding to Weber 2756. e. The celebrated Auchinleck ms. in the Advocates' Library at Edinburgh preserves still another fragment of 340 lines of the romance, which agree lor the most part very closely with the version printed by Weber. It is curious to note that the opening 24 I'nes have been transformed into two of the 12-line stanzrts familiar in later romances such as Amis and Amiloun and Sir Amadas, after which the ms proceeds in the usual octosyllabic couplets. Lord Jhesu king of glorie Swiche auentour and swiche victorie Thou sentest king Richard Min it is to leren his stori And of him to haue in memorie That neuer no was couward Bokes men maketh in latyn Clerkes witen what is ther in ) I — 49 — Botho Almnundos and Pikard IloMiiiunoo nmk(5 folk of Kraunce Of kiiiclitcs tlmk wer in dcstuunce Tliiit dyed tliurlli dinh of svviird Of Hoiilund and of Oliucr And of till! other dukf IVr Of AliHannder and ('Imrleineyn Hector tlu5 grtt vvcrrer And of Dunys lelich (?) Oger Of Arthur and of Oaweyne Ac this ronmnnco of frenya |is wroucht] That mani h;\ved no knovve noiicht In j^cst ash) (?) we seyn This k'WL'd no can frcyng non Ainon<» an hundred unneth ou On lede is noucht to leyii The ms. then continues: — No the les with gode chore Feie of hem wahl y here noble ^estes ich vnderstond Of deukes knichtes of In^Iond Thtr fore now icli il jou rede Of a knicht douhti of dede Khv^ Richard the werronr best That men findeth in ani <,'est Thon al that listen this aminji Jhesu hem giant gode ending After this introduction there evidently occurs a break in the copy, for the lines immediately following correspond to those in Weber 1303H". A freyns kniciit the douke Miloun Douke Renaud a bold baroun Thurth tresoun of the counte Roys Surri was lorn and the holy croys The douke Renaud was hewen smale Al to peces so seys the tale Noodloi, Ilicliard Cueur do Liou. 4 I I. — 50 — The second visit to Almayii is here also omitted, Richard going direct to Marseilles, and thence to Messina. The ac- count of events there agrees line for line with Weber, as far as their inipcrt is concerned, tliough in every case pre- senting variations in language, from 1. 1659 to 1744. Here a great break occurs, owing to several leaves being lost, and Weber 1745 — 2702, containing the account of the quarrels in Sicily, of the events in Cyprus, the capture of the trea- sure-ship, and the arrival at Acres, have no parallel in this fragment. The next, lines belong to the middle of the tale of the archbishop of Pisa, corresponding to Weber 2763 ff. Thai seyche the Sarrajins had riches And we of all gode destresse And thouciit winne to her proye Of that tresour and that noblt-ye From here to the close of the archbishop's story, and through the account of llichurd's pv»diminary operations against x4cres with his Mate-Gryflbn, robiiiet, and the bee- hives, the ms. runs line for line p-irallel to Weber from 1. 2703 to 1. 2930, where it ends as follows: — That day so Richard sj)ed ther That he was hokkn coiiquerer For better he sped that day ar none Than the other in souen ,Yer hadde done.'") f. In tlie Bodkian Library is also an interesting blackletter copy of the romance, printed by Wynkyn de Worde in the year 1528. Each section into which the |)oem is here divided is headed by a wood-cut representing the chief event described in the narrative that follows. As to content, however, this edition otters little that is new, as it is only a modernized form of the version given in Weber and, allowing for the 31) This lnif,'inont in the Anchinlock ms. was copied for mo by Iho courtesy of a friond, so that 1 cannot, as in the caso of tho other m .-., iK.'vs-ouiiUy vouch for tho accuracy of every letter. as — 53 — difference in language and in variations as to words and phrases, agrees line for line with Weber from beginning to end, with the exception that lines 6147—6340 of Weber, in which is contained the account of the siege of Nineveh and of the combat with the three Saracen leaders, have no counterpart here, and that the closing Hnes of this blaek- letter copy have been expanded, as will be seen. It is not the case, as Weber asserts in the introduction to his edition, that ,the savage meal which Richard made upon the heads of the Saracens, and the feast he prepared for the messengers of Soliman, are here onatted." These lines, and those con- cerning Kichard's longing for poik, arc found in Wynkyn de Worde's printed copy exactly parallel with Weber. '^^j I will give the following passages to show the general relation existing between the two texts. Wynkyn de Worde's copy opens as follows: — Lorde kyny-e of ijflorve Such grace and such [torn] Thou sendest to kyng That neuer was foun It is good to here Je Of his r owcsse and his conquestes Many romances men make newe Of good kiiyghtes and of trewe Of theyr dodes men rede romauns Bothe in Englonde and in Fraunce Of Ilowlande and of Olyvere And of euery desepere Of Alysaunder and of Chariemayne Of kyiige Artliur and of Gawayne How they were knyghtes good and curtoys Of Tarpyn and of Oger the danoys Of troye men rede in ryme 82) But it would bo a laborious task to enumerate all the in- stances in which Weber and his contemporaries seem to have drawn upon their imagination instead of looking up the facts. 4* I ' «l I i ll What was by olde tymo Of Hector and of Achyllea What folke they slevve in prees In frannce these rynies were wrought Euery englysshe ne knewe it nought Lewde man cun frcnsshe none ' Of an hondred unneth one Neuertheles with gladde chere Yff that ye wyll now here Newe Jestes I vnderstonde Of doughty knyghtes of Englonde Therfore now 1 wyll you rede Of a kynge doughty of dede Kynge llycharde was the beste Tliat is founde in ony Jeste Now all that here this talkynge God gyue them good endynge Weber 6657 ff. are here: — Herken now how my tale goth Though I swere to you no othe I wyll you rede romaynes none Of Pertonape ne of Ypomydone Ne of Alysaunder ne of Charlemayne Ne of Arthur ne of Gawayne Ne of Launcelot de lake Ne of Beuys ne Guy of Sydrake Ne of Ury ne of Octauyan Ne of Hector the stronge num Ne of Jason neyther of Achylles They ne wanne neuer parmafaye In thyr tyme by theyr daye And anone of them so doughty dede Ne so stronge batyll ne of felowrede As dyde kynge Rycharde without fayle At Jaffe at that stronge batayle The closing lines of this version give the .duke ofEstryche" as being with his host in ,castell Gaylarde"* when Richard ^|A '< ■ — 53 — was wounded by one of the defenders from the walls. For the sake of the further historical reference to Richard's burial, I will reprint these lines here 83), which take the place of the closing ten lines in Weber: Thus Kyng Rychard that doughty man Peas made with the Sowdan And sith he came I vnderstonde The waye to warde Englonde And thorugh treason was schotte alas At castell Gaylarde there he was The duke of Estryche in the castell With his boost was dyglit full well Rycharde thought there to abyde The weder was bote in somer tyde At Gaylarde vnder the castell He wende he niyght haue keled hyrn well His helme be abated thare And made his vysage all bare A spye there was in the castell That espyed Rycharde ryght well And toke an arblaste swythe stronge And a quarell that was well longe And smote Kynge Rycharde in tene In the heed without wene Rycharde let bis helme downe fall And badde his men dygbt them all And swore by the see and the sonne Tyll the castell were iwonne Ne sholde neyther mete ne drynke Neuer into his body syuke He set up Robynet that tyde Upon the castelles syde On that other halfe the one He set up the matgryffone 33) They are also to be found in Wober II, 476. J . — 54 — To the castell he threwe stones And brake the walles for the nones ' And so within a lytell tyde Into the castell they gan ryde • . And slewe before and behynde All tlio that they myght ayenst them tyude And euer was the quarell by the lede Stycked styll in Ilychardes hede And whaii it was drawen out He dyed sone withoute donte And he comniaiuided in al thynge To liis fader men sholde hym brynge That they ne let for nesshe ne harde Tyll he were at the forte Enerarde''*) At fort Euerarte wytterly His bones lye his fader by Kynge Harry forsothe he hyght All Englonde he helde to ryght Kynge Rycharde was a conquerour God gyve his soule moche honour No more of hym in Englysslie is wrought But Jesu that us dere bought Graunte his soule reste and ro And ours whan it cometh therto And that it may so be Say all amen for chai-yte. Here ends the list of versions of the romance of Richard Coeur de Lion with which I am directly acquainted. Another ms. of it is preserved in the library of the College of Arms. This, according to the description given by Hardy in hia ^Descriptive Catalogue of Materials relating to the History of Gt. Britain and Ireland*'^''), contains the account of Richard's pilgrimage, his exploits in Germany, return to Germany with his host, and the events in the Holy Land, ending with Richard's return. 34) King Henry II., Richard's father, was buried at Fontevrault, 35) Vol. II, 519. See also Ellnier, Anglia X, 294f. "Ml — 55 — A fragment of the romance is also to be found in a ms in the possession of the Marquis of Stafford, commen- cing with Richard's arrival at Messina, and ending with the truce with Saladin.'*") Taking a final glance back at what has here been said concerning these 6 different texts of the romance, we see that they all point to one and the same original. The four longer texts, Weber (VV), Douce 228 (D), British Museum Additional 31,042 and Wynkyn de Worde's black-letter copy, differ slightly here and there in the matter treated of, but for the great bulk of the poem agree very closely. The fragment, Harley 4G90, is more closely connected with D than with the others, while the smaller Auchinleck fragment, with the exception of the first 24 lines in stanza form, chows most affinity with W. Where one or other of these English texts presents divergence in point of matter from one or more of the others, it is almost certain that this particular part of the text is of purely English origin, and a later addition to the translation from the French. Such is the case with the lines treating of Richard's cure by pork, and his fabulous devouring of Saracens (Weber 3019— 3102, 3163—3202 and 3323—3672), which are not found in D at all. By eliminating all such later additions and interpolations, there would be left the substance of an Eng- lish poem forming the bulk of these six texts, and which poem would probably be a pretty faithful reproduction of the original romance in French concerning Richard Coeur de Lion. This original French poem plainly followed the facts of history more closely, and was freer from fabulous extravagances than the later English versions. It also either ended with Richard's departure from Palestine and did not contain an account of his imprisonment in Germany, or else the closing portion of it was unknown to the first English translator. 36) See Hardy II, 520. The extracts given by Hardy from the romance are not to be relied upon for literal accuracy. 4 U IV. Later Works in cliroiiolo^;ical Order. From the early part of the fourteenth century until the close of the sixteenth Richard Coeur de Lian<,'!ii.s. Sedaine was later elected member of the Academy. I — 60 — Act I. Flort'staii, the governor of the cnstle, is in lovo with Jjiinrt'tte, the diuij^litor of Sir WillianiH, iin exilod Ei;^- lisli knight living near hy. Bloiidel, feigning blindness, is led by tlio youth Antonio to the vicinity of the castle. A letter sent by Laurette to the governor is intercepted by her father, and Blondel learns its contents. Marguerite, countess of Flanders and Artois, who has long been desolate owing to the imprisonment of her lover Richard, arrives at the house of Sir Williams and, on hearing a familiar air played by Blondel, calls the latter to her presence. Act II. At dawn next day Blondel plays l)efore the castle walls and is answered by Richard who sings to the same melody, the nuister and faithful adherent thus recog- nizing each other. Soldiers arrest Blondel for disturbance but, upon being brought before the governor, he wins favor with the latter by imparting to him the message from Laurette, and is set free again. Act III. Blondel has audience of the countess Marguerite, reveals himself, and informs her that Richard's place of con- finement, which they have both been searching for so long, is the castle a few yards away. They, along with Sir Williams, arrest Florestan when he comes to see Laureite at the ball given by Williams that night, and the countess' soldiers, led by Blondel, storm the castle. Richard is thus rescued, and Marguerite restored to the arms of her lover. Of this play by Sedaine three adaptations exist. a. Richard Coeur de Lion, an historical romance. By General Burgoyne.''**) This free translation of Sedaine's work was brought out for the first time at Drury Lane in 178(). The „ad- vertisement" of the translator shows its general relation to 38) Boat known aa the British General who surrendered to the Americans at Saratoga in 1777. Wrote for the stage later. The Heiress (1785), a comedy, vmn popular for some time. Other pieces are The Maid of the Oaks (1774), and The Lord of the Manor (1781). Died 17l!2. ■V. *4. — (51 — the original. ,In nrlapting the following scenes to the Eng- lish stage no adventitious matter has been introduced: some liberty, however, has been taken in effecting the ])rin('ipal incident of the piece; tlm discovery of Richard's confinement being now giv»'n to Matilda in phu'e of Blondel, as well to increase the if.terest of the situation, as to avoid the less affecting interposition of the heroine in the latter part of the drama. — The elegant anchor of this Romance will pardon a freedom whidi has been taken with no other view than that of giving the best assistance of our stage to his admired com))osition." Here, as is seen, the heroine's name is changed from Marguerite to Matilda; otherwise, the whole closely follows St'daine, the nuisic (by M. Gretry) being the same. It is curious to note that just a week before the appearance of Burgoyne's adaptation at Drury liane another version by a Mr. Mac Nally came out at Covent Garden, without, however, meetiiig with success. b. Riccardo cuor di Leone, con Pulcinella guida di un cieco. Napoli 1800. This is an enlarged form of Sedaine's work, containing a good deal of buffoonery. The motive of love between Florestan and Lauretta is more largely employed in the Italian adaptation. Pulcinella, who has no counterpart in the original French work, is servant to Guglielmo, and also in love with Lauretta. Riccardo, when released, liberally forgives Florestan, whom he takes with him to England along with Lauretta. c. Richard Coeur de Lion, an historical romance, arranged by Messrs. Maffey for their Theatre of the Petit La/ary at Paris. This is simply a free English translation of Sedaine, made for the purpose of enabling English theatre-goers un- acquainted with the French language better to understand the representation. At the same time a few somewhat ob- jectionable passages are softened down. — «2 — i 4. La tour ti^iiC'breiiHo ct Icn joiii>i liiininoiix, conies an^loiN, par Mile. rHeritioi* cond edition London 1707. On the fly-leaf of the copy in the British Museum are written the words: ,From the author, vi/ I. Watts." The ballad consists of 70 4-line stanzas of the following type: 'Twas when athwart the dusky plain Was thrown the veil of night, And heroes, wearied out with strife, Had ceased the lengthened fight. ^jfc — 6y ~ Tlio work of st'iirch unioiij^Ht dusty volumes of ilu! pust Ih nmdi! li^lilci' hy tlu' dLvcovi-ry of such iuuusiuj( pnKlnctioiis HH tlu^ lon^ |tr»'fii(;o to this pociu. Tlio biilliul ifsflf is pro- ft'sstMlly II tninslutiou I'rouj tlu; (mtmuiu; tlio ori<;iiml, ;u;cor- (iiiiK ^'> tilt' tnuKsJutor, haviu^ hceu cuuipostMl l)y Wiclmrd in ti (ivruiiiu (linii^cou, — uud, iitniry to tlio Jisajfo of tho I'oyiil uiitlior, iu tlu- Ucrniau luuifuiij^o! Tlirouj^h the kii\(l ussistuucf of a (n'l'iu.iu professor tho trauslator was put iu possossion of tli(> poi-in, wliicli hai till tlioti laiu in ohscu- rity. ,'riii' uiau who attou\pts to tlotuoiistratt' an ii\i(»ui*, he siiys, .('.ouiUM)uly couchules his labours with loavinj^ the Hiiltjcct, uioif involved than ho found it. Siu'h would be our Hitiuitiou woro we to uttornpt any iltuslratiou of the authfuti*" city of this pooni. There are some jjliilosopiuTs, whose Hot'|)ticisiu has aris"ii to such a ht'i,u:ht, that they have disbeliovi'd tluir own oxistouco." As far as subject is coiUM.'nied, this ballad has nothing to do with Ilichard, t'xcoi)t that the two oarls, Walter and William, an' supposed to have served under hiui in his wars in Palestiut!. William leads forth a hand of men a}^ainst the Saracens, and does not return. ^Valter redoubles his eiVorts in the war, and searches in vain for his missiufj brother, until one ni<^ht tho s])irit of the latter comes to him, and leads him to a distant castle where the real William lies dead, with his bride, who had killed herself in despair, beside him. Walter had previously liad \mlawful relations with the girl, and given orders to assassinate her lover. This lover turned out to be William; and Walter was thus in his wickedness himself unconsciously tho cause of his brother's death. (J. Richsird the First: ii poem. IJy Sir J. Jt. ]{urgos. London ISOO. This very voluminous poem in Spenserian stanzas is divided into 18 Books, containing in all 17,2('>2 lines. The progress of events as here narrated is shortly as follows: During liichard's absea-" ' in Palestine the Daemon stirs up I — t)4 — revolt in Eiif^liind against those he had left in power at his departure. Alter a time the news of Richard's wreck and disappearance in Germany is brought back, whereupon Blondel is commissioned by Queen Elinor to set out in search of the kiug's place of confinement. The minstrel discovers his master in the well-known way, by singing to bis harp before the window of the castle, and hearing the respojise in the familiar voice from within. When lilondel returns to England and reports his success, Elinor summons the nobles of the land to debate measures for obtaining the king's release. One of them, Hubert by name, is sent to the Po\)e to beg his friendly offices, while Mortimer, Pem- broke and Blondel return to the court of Henry of Ger- many, who holds Richard prisoner, to demand that he be set free. As a result of these messages Richard is brought before the Diet of Worms to answer the charges preferred against him by the duke of Austria, the king of Sicily and others. The royal prisoner, in the course of a very long speech in his own defence, relates the tale of his many adventures, and explains his conduct in the cases in which charges had been made. Daemons, especially the one per- sonifying False I'hilosophy, prompt Henry to refuse, but after Richard's final powerful plea, and upon the advice of the Prelate of Cologne, he consents to the release. The Daemon False Philosophy now sets on the English people to revolution, whereas Richard uses his persuasion to lead them to be satisfied with the monarchy as upheld in his own person. Aft^H* the jubilee over Richard's return to Eng- land, preparations are made for war against France. In the course of this war Richard, who uses his mighty sword Ex- caliber, rescues his Queen Rerengaria, who had fallen into the hands of his enemies. By the use of the same weapon he overcomes, in a later encounter, kinu ti.e spot. — Sec, in Ellis's Specimens of Engli^li ''ti)!ri:. ce, that of Coeur de Lion." In the introduction to The Talisman, again, we read the following: — »The most curious register of the history of King Richard is an ancient romance, translated originally from the Norman; and at first certainly having a pretence to be termed a work of chivalry, but latterly becoming stu'ted with the most astonishing and monstrous fables. Thei'e is, perhaps, no metrical romance iipon record, where, along with curious and genuine hu-tory, are mingled more absurd and exaggerated incidents. We have placed in the Appendix to this Introduction (see end of Volume) the passage of the romance in which Richard figures as an Ogre, or literal cannibal." Turning to the appendix alluded to, we find extracts from Ellis, mostly a word-for-word transcription, relating Richard's longing for pork, and his devouring of the Sara- cens. There is nothing in these references by Scott to lead us to suppose that he was acquainted with the complete romance as printed by Weber in 1810, nine years before the appearance of Ivanhoe. J 10. Richard Coeur de Lion, an historical romance. Printed by George Pierce, London. This anonymous and undated work is a historical novel after the style of Scott. The main story is founded upon •*.v — 73 — actuiil events in Richurd's life, but the writ-r has at the same time friven free scope to his iniagin-ition Sir TlM-uas de Multon aid C!r Fnlk D'Oyley appear as the coir.. anions of Hicbard, aud the whole story of their imprisonment in Almain, as given here, thoi .,h the most fabulous (e history and the literature of mediaeval times Richard Coeur de Lion remains one of the nio.'t inter^vsting figures, and the light thrown by modern historical research upon his exceptionally eventful career has shown a striking personality, which explain.s his wide-spread fame amongst his contemporaries and his fabulous name in later ger.erutions. He was one of the greatest individualities at a time vvhon fame depended more upon individual great- ness than now, and the foremost representative of knighthood when chivalry flourished most. Of the many ways in which posterity has written its recollections of him, it has been the object of these pages to give some account. The end. Contents. I. Introdiution H 11. Richard mid Contoniporiiry Troubadour Pootry 7 III. Metrical Chronicles and Motrical Ronunico.s 19 1. AmbroHius' HiHtoiro do la guerre Hainte 19 2. Konrad of WUrzhur^f's Turnci von Nanihoiz . . , . 2(> H. Robert of Glouceator'H Chronicle 21 4. ChronicloH of I'otor of Lan<,'toft and Robert Manny ng . 22 f>. The Motrical Romance and its difforont versions . 2;{ a) Mi. of Cains College, Cambridge 25 b) Ms. in Bodleian Library, Douco 228 38 c) Ms. in British Museum, Additional HI, 042 .42 d) Ms. in British Museum, Harley 4690 46 e) Auchinlock Ms 48 f) Wynkyn do Wordo's Printed Copy .'lO IV. Later works in chronological order 56 1. Troublesome Raigne of John r)6 2. The Tragedy of Richard I o« 3. Richard Coeur de Lion. Comedy by Sedaine . . . .^9 a) Burgoyne's Translation of the foregoing work ... 60 b) Riccardo cuor di Leone 61 c) Richard Coeur de Lion, arranged by Messrs. Malfoy 61 4. La tour t6nebreuso, by Mile. L'Heritier de Villandon 62 T). Walter and William 62 0. Richard the First. By Sir J. B. Burges 63 7. a) Lamentation of C>ueon Elinor 65 b) Princely Song of King Richard 66 c) Song by Richard the First 68 8. Richard Liiwenherz. Ein (Jodicht 69 9. Ivanhoe and Tlio Talisman 71 10. Richard Coeur de Lion, an historical romance 72 11. Richard Coeur de Lion, an historical tragedy 74 V. Conclusion 7A Druck villi Ht'Hso .* Hecker in Ijnijizig. |v :\ 7 l