IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)

^O
/^A^

1.0

I.I

U£|2£ 125

■50 ^^~ W^B

ttl .->. I

2.2

1^ 1^

? ^ IIIIM

1.25 1 1.4 1.6

-• 6"

Photographic

Sciences
Corporation

23 WEST MAIN STREET

WEBSTER, N.Y. MSSO

(716) 872-4503

,.v

FA^

<?*.<.

CIHM/ICMH

Microfiche

Series.

CIHM/ICMH
Collection de
microfiches.

Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions / lnstitv«t Canadian de microreproductions historiques

T«chnical and Bibliographic Notes/NotM uchniques et bibliographiquo*

The Institute has attamptad to obtain tha baat
original copy available for filming. Featurea of this
copy which may be bibliographically unique,
which may alter any of the images in the
reproduction, or which may significantly change
the usual method of filming, are chaclced below.

D
D

Coloured covers/
Couverture de couleur

I I Covers damaged/

Couverture endommag6e

Covers restored and/or laminated/
Couverture restaur6e et/ou pelliculAe

I I Cover title missing/

Le titre de couverture manque

I I Coloured maps/

Cartes gAographiques en couleur

Coloured inic (i.e. other than blue or black)/
Encre de couleur (i.e. autre que bieue ou noire)

I I Coloured plates and/or illustrations/

Planches et/ou illustrations en couleur

Bound with other material/
ReliA avec d'autres documents

Tight binding may cause shadows or distortion
along interior margin/

La reliure serr6e peut causer de I'ombre ou de la
distortion le long de la marge intArieure

Blank leaves added during restoration may
appear within the text. Whenever possible, these
have been omitted from filming/
11 se peut que certaines pages blanches ajouties
lors d'une restauration apparaissent dans le texte,
mais, lorsque cela Atait possible, ces pages n'ont
pas At6 fiimies.

Additional comments:/
Commentaires supplAmentaires;

The«
to th

L'Institut a microfilm* le meilleur exemplaire
qu'il lui a At* poaaibla de se procurer. Les details
de cet exemplaire qui sont peut-Atre uniques du
point de vue bibliographique, qui peuvent modifier
une image reproduite, ou qui peuvent exiger une
modification dans la mAthode normale de f ilmage
sont indiquAs ci-dessous.

[~~| Coloured pages/

Pages de couleur

Pages damaged/
Pages endommagtes

Pages restored and/oi

Pages restauries et/ou pellicultes

Pages discoloured, stained or foxe(
Pages d6colorAes, tachat^es ou piqu6es

Pages detached/
Pages ddtachies

Showthroughy
Transparence

Quality of prir

Quality intgaie de i'impression

Includes supplementary materii
Comprend du materiel suppiimentaire

Only edition available/
Seuie Edition disponible

I — I Pages damaged/

r~~) Pages restored and/or laminated/

r~l Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/

I I Pages detached/

r^ Showthrough/

! I Quality of print varies/

r~1 Includes supplementary material/

I — I Only edition available/

The I

P088

of th
fiimii

Origi
begii
the li
sion.
othe
first
sion,
or ill

Thai
shall
TINL
whic

IVIapi
diffe
entir
begii
right
requ
met^

Pages wholly or partially obscured by errata
slips, tissues, etc.. have been refilmed to
ensure the best possible image/
Les pages totalement ou partieiiement
obscurcies par un feuiiiet d'errata, une peiure,
etc., ont M fiimies A nouveau de fa9on A
obtenir la meiiieure image possible.

This item is filmed at tha reduction ratio checked below/

Ce document est film* au taux de reduction indiqui ci-dessous.

10X

14X

18X

22X

28X

30X

12X

16X

20X

24X

28X

32X

The copy filmed here has been reproduced thanks
to the generosity of:

National Library of Canada

L'exemplaire film6 fut reproduit grAce d la
ginArositi de:

Bibliothdque nationaie du Canada

The images appearing here are the best quality
possible considering the condition and legibility
of the original copy and in keeping with the
filming contract specifications.

Les images suivantes ont 6t6 reproduites avec le
plus grand soin, compte tenu de la condition et
de la nettetA de l'exemplaire film6, et en
conformity avec les conditions du contrat de
filmage.

Original copies in printed paper covers are filmed
beginning with the front cover and ending on
the last page with a printed or illustrated impres-
sion, or the back cover when appropriate. All
other original copies are filmed beginning on the
first page with a printed or illustrated impres-
sion, and ending on the last page with a printed
or illustrated impression.

Les exemplaires originaux dont la couverture en
papier est imprimie sont film6s en commenpant
par le premier plat et en terminant soit par la
derniire page qui comporte une empreinte
d'impression ou d'illustration, soit par le second
plat, selon le cas. Tous les autres exemplaires
originaux sont filmis en commenpant par la
premidre page qui comporte une empreinte
d'impression ou d'illustration et en terminant par
la derniire page qui comporte une telle
empreinte.

The List recorded frame on each microfiche
shall contain the symbol ^^> (meaning "CON-
TINUED "), or the symbol y (meaning "END"),
whichever applies.

Un des symboles suivants apparaitra sur la
derniftre image de cheque microfiche, selon le
cas: le symbols — »• signifie "A SUIVRE". le
symbols V signifie "FIN ".

Maps, plates, charts, etc.. may be filmed at
different reduction ratios. Those too large to be
entirely included in one exposure are filmed
beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to
right and top to bottom, as many frames as
required. The following diagrams illustrate the
method:

Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre
filmds d des taux de reduction diff6rents.
Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre
reproduit en un seul clichd, il est filmd d partir
de Tangle sup6rieur gauche, de gauche d droite,
et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre
d'images ndcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants
illustrent la m6thode.

1 2 3

32X

s • .

! 5.

RICHARD COEUR DE LION
IN LITERATURE.

VON

D« OEOROE HENRY NEEDLER.

LEIPZIG

OIJSTAV FOCK

1890.

)•■' ft)

&ji, lu^/.

'eW-VV.<it«^^

RICHARD COEUR DE LION

IN LITERATURE.

VON

DR OEOROE HENRY NEEDLER.

LEIPZIG

GUSTAV FOCK

1890.

(

Introduction.

The life of Richard Coeur dj Lion fell in the midst of
a period in which, more than in any other in the history of
Western Europe, men gave themselves up to the delights
of adventure and the sturdy joys of living; when, more than
at any other time, life was made a romance. It was not a
time, indeed, of such unclouded sunshine as we might be
led to suppose from the poetry of the Troubadours alone,
which was then at its zenith, but the spontaneous freshness
of this poetry, pre-eminently lyric as it was, shows us at
every step that the poetic and the prosaic, the romantic and
the every -day, aspects of life were more nearly one than
they ever were before or have been since. And Richard
Coeur de Lion was at once one of the most important figu-
res in the political world of that time, and one of the
time's most typical representatives.

Though king of England from 1189 to 1199 Richard
spent scarcely six months of his reign on the island, a fact,
however, which must not mislead us to believe that his sym-
pathies were entirely estranged from this the principal part
of his kingdom. England was then, as far as the court and
the upper classes were concerned, as thoroughly French as
France itself. From the year 1066, when William duke of
Normandy defeated Harold the last of the Saxon kings at
Hastings and made himself king of England, French in-
fluence had ruled supreme. And Richard Coeur de Lion
was even less English than his predecessors since the con-
quest, spent less of his time on the island, and bestowed
less care on its government. But this was chiefly owing to

(

— 4 —

the fact that the exigencies of the time called him elsewhere,
and forced hiin to devote nearly all his energies to main-
taining his possessions in France intact. England in the
meantime, safe from the attacks of his enemies, and with
its peaceful population already at work laying the founda-
tions of future mercantile prosperity, was principally useful
to Richard in furnishing him with the means of carrying
on his expensive wars and exploits in France and in coun-
tries farther away. In spite, however, of his seeming neglect
of this portion fo his suhjecls, he was held by them in the
very highest esteem, and it was they who longest perpetuated
his valorous deeds in their poetry. In as short a period as
about a century after his death Richard Coeur de Lion had
become almost as much a mythical personage in epic poetry
as Roland and Charlemagne. This (juick process of heroifi-
cation, if one may use the word, was begun by Norman-
French romancers and, probably about the beginning of the
fourteenth century, taken up by versifiers in the English
language; the course of political events at that time favored
the process, and with the rapid fusion of the numerically
small, but politically great, element of Norman-French con-
querors with the main body of the English people, Richard
became transformed by the singers into a national English
hero, whose chief glory was his life-long antagonism to the
French. The fact that he was French himself and had only
])een the rival and enemy of another king in France, had
in the course of a hundred years faded away to a dim tra-
dition, and Richard in the heroic poetry of the fourteenth
century was only the brilliant counterpart of the Edward
of the then national struggles with a later French rival.
But in the meantime the political relations of France and
England had very greatly altered, and , France* had come
to denote an altogether different tract upon the map of
Europe. Here it is not necessary to follow the course of
these political changes, but some account of Richard Coeur
de Lion's life and sphere of action will form the most fitting
standpoint from which to view the tortuous |)ath he wandered.

— 6

or rather has heen made to wander, in the world of litera-
ture, where his figure has been constantly re- appearing, from
the time of his contemporaries amongst the Troubadours
almost down to the present day.

In 11G8, when only 12 years old, Richard was made
by his father Henry II. of England duke of Aquitaine. Right
at the beginning of his activity as a ruler, he gave evidence
of that severity in his nature which often amounted to cruelty,
and his vassals were continually rising in rebellion against
him. Almost the whole western half of the France of the
present day formed then a part of the dominions of the
kings of England, whose reigns were one long series of wars
with the kings of France their neighbors and rivals to the
east. The family of Henry II., too, was often disturbed by
domestic broils, and in the campaigns of this king against
l*hilip August of France the sons of Henry, with Richard
at their head, often went so far as to range themselves on
the side of their father's enemy. From his early years
Richard distinguished himself before all others by his bra-
very and daring, and when in 1189 he succeeded his father
upon the throne of England, he set to work to secure his
possessions in France from the attacks of Philip. On
August 13"' of this year he went to England and had
himself crowned there, but returned on December 12"' to
France. He soon made peace with his rival Philip, and in
the following year the two kings joined in a common cru-
sade to the Holy Land. After raanj adventures in Sicily
and Cyprus Richard landed in June 1191 before Acres, where
Philip had arrived a couple of months before. The old feud
between the two leaders soon broke out again, and after a
stay of only four months in Palestine Philip sailed for home
on a plea of ill health. Richard carried on the war against
the Saracens until the end of the following year, winning
a wide-spread glory by his feats of arms, and before leaving
Palestine concluded a three years' peace with the sultan, the
heroic Saladin. On the journey homeward, being wrecked
on the northern shore of the Adriatic, he endeavored to pass

6 —

through (/CMitnil Ktiropc in tlM> ^uise of a palmer, hut fell
into the handM of Leopohl duke of Au.stria upon whom he
had once vented liis wrath in J*alestine, and was hy him
given over to the emperor Henry VI. who kept him prisoner
from Deceml)er 115)2 till Fehniary 111»4. The re(piired ran-
som of 100,000 marks was raised — almost entirely in
England — and alter regaining his freedom, ilichard pro-
ceeded on his way to his island kingdom. There he remain-
ed harely two months, and crossed over to Normandy.
England he never saw again. The last five years of his
life were principally taken up hy renewed wars with I'hilip,
imtil in 1199, while engaged in the siege of the castle of
Chain/., which belonged to one of his rebellious vassals, he
met his death by an arrow from the walls.

The most characteristic feature of Richard's character
was his dauntless bravery, and in the numerous wars which,
as we see, took up the greater i)art of his time, he found
ample opportunities for brilliant exploits. But it was not
in achievements on the l)attle-tield alone that he was the
first knight of his day. There was a milder side to his
nature, namely, the virtue of splendid generosity, which
showed itself especially in assistance to the singers whom
he attracted to his court, and in whose art he took more
than a passive interest. For Richard Coeur de Lion himself
holds a place, if only a very modest one, amongst the poets
of his day; and ranks amongst the most meritorious of the
princely patrons of poetry in that i)eriod, on account of the
active assistance and favor he extended to so many of the
foremost poets of the Provence.

Richard and Contemporary Troubadour

Poetry.

The closing years of the twelfth century saw the highest
development of lyric poetry in the Provence, and contem-
])orary with Richard (.'oeur de Lion flourished the greatest of
the Troubadours. Marcabrun 1140 — 1185, Bernart of Ven-
tadour (about) 1148 — 1195, Peire Vidal 1175— (about)1215,
Bertran of Born 1180 — 1195 (time of greatest activtiy),
Guiraut of Borneil 1176 — (about)1220, Uambaut of Vaqueiras
1180 — 1207, Gaucelm Faidit 1190—1240, all flourished du-
ring his life-time, and, as will be seen, several of these and
others of only less distinction were more or less intimately
connected with Richard and his court, whether as political
enemies or as partakers of his bounty.

Richard doubtless inherited his love for poetry and the
talents which enabled him to be not only a lover of it, but
an active practiser of the art, as was the case with so many
of the princes and nobles of that day. His mother was the
celebrated Eleanor of Aquitaine, herself a grand-daughter of
one of the first Troubadours, William IX. earl of Poitiers.
She was a constant friend of the poets, and Bernart of Ven-
tadour, who visited her court while her husband, afterwards
Henry H. of England, was yet only duke of Normandy,
honored her in his verses. We can with certainty suppose
that this was only one example out of many, and that du-
ring Richard's early years the poets were always welcome
guests at his father's court, and by none seen more gladly
than by the young prince. We are told by Richard's bio-
grapher, Roger of Hoveden, that, when made by his father

8 —

duke of Aquitaine, he caused verses to be written in his
honor — Roger even calls them „begged-for poems", emen-
dicata carmina — and attracted French singers and glee-
men by gifts to his court, in order that they might proclaim
his praises in public places. It would seem that' he attained
his object in this rather peculiar way, for ,it was soon said
everywhere* — so continues the biographer — ,that there
was none such as he in the world". By another historian,
Richard, a Canon in London^), in his Itinerarium Ricardi,
an account of Richard's deeds in Palestine, we are told that
the king was there attacked by duke Henry of Burgundy
in indecent songs and that he replied in songs of a similar
sort. The anecdote, too, concerning the discovery of Richard's
place of imprisonment by the French minstrel Blondel, though
lacking an actual basis in history^), nevertheless points to
what was probably a well-known fact, that Richard had at
least made some practical efforts in poetry. And of this we
have surer evidence in the manuscripts which have preserved
the poetry of the Troubadours, for here we find two poems
ascribed to Richard I. of England.

The first of these is a complaint in prison, which is
preserved only partially in the Provencal text, but perfectly
in the French, a proof that it was originally written in the
latter language.^) — When imprisoned in Germany Richard
was wont to pass the time in performing feats of strength
for the guards and such other recreations of that kind as
were allowed L^m. Besides this he found a consolation in
composing verses a d singing. But in spite of the joviality
">f his character we can easily imagine him becoming im-
rtntient under the confinement and breaking out into such

1) And not GeofFroi de Vinisauf. See Stubba' introduction to
his editioa of the Itinerarium in „ Chronicles and Memorials of
Gt. Britain and Ireland".

2) See Raumer, Geschichte der Hohenstaufen III, 33.

3) Mahn, Werke der Troubadours I, 129. The Old French
text is printed by Leroux de Lincy, Recueil de chants histori-
ques fran^ais I, 56.

— 9 —

complaints as are contained in the following verses, which
date from the winter of 1193—94, shortly before his release,
and of which I will give a metrical translation.

A prisoner boots it naught to tell his wrong,
As mute endurance doth to grief belong,
Yet may a man for comfort make a song:
Poor are their gifts, tho' rich my friends and strong.
Shame be to them that I two winters long
For ransom lie in bonds.

Now well must all my knights and barons know
In Gascony, England, Normandy, Poitou,
That I count not the poorest serf so low
To leave him ransomless imprisoned so;
This say I not contempt on them to throw.
But still I lie in bonds.

This truth doth now itself to me commend:
A prisoner, like a dead man, hath no friend.
If they their gold and silver will not spend.
Hard fate for me; yet will a worse attend
Themselves in the reproach after my end.
They left me thus in bonds.

No wonder is it that my heart is sore:
My lord*) to turmoil now my land gives o'er.
And thinks upon the aolomn oath no more
That we together to th' Almighty swore;
Yet know I well 'twill not be long before
I shall be freed from bonds.

Companions whom I loved, and cherish still.
Of Cahors and of Perche, I live until
'Tis sung that they no longe- oaths fulfil,
Tho' knew they ne'er in me a recreant will.
The deed of caitiffs, should they treat me ill
While I remain in bonds!

lit

4) The king of France.

— 10 —

Well, too, know they of Anjou and Touraine,
Those mighty knights to whom I call in vain.
That hostile hands their lord far off detain.
Aid me they might, — but that they count no gain;
They're men renowned in arms, yet feel no pain
That I am still in bonds.

Countess, sister**), for thy weal doth pray
Thy captive king; may guard thee God alway

For whom I am in bonds.
Let Lewis' mother still at Chartres stay,

— For her no prayer resounds.

The second poem by Richard is a sirventes addressed
by him to the Dauphin of Auvergne and Gui of Auvergne,
and has reference to a quarrel which arose between them
and Richard in 1196 after the latter's return to his French
possessions. By the treaty of Louviers Auvergne had been
handed over to Philip in exchange for another province.
With this change of masters the counts of Auvergne were
not at all satisfied, and with right, for their new lord bought
a castle in Auvergne and deprived the Dauphin of the town
of Issoire. Richard promised assistance to * . 'brothers in
their opposition to Philip, but seems to havf as ^a' ty left
them sadly in the lurch, so that nothing .t.jained for
them to do but make peace with Philip as best they could.
When after a time the French king made an attack on
some of Richard's possessions, the latter had even the
audacity to call upon the Dauphin of Auvergne and his
brother to support him, which they naturally refused to do.
At this juncture Richard composed, in French, the follo-
wing sirventes*'), of which I also give here a metrical
translation.

5) Richard's sister Johanna, first married to William II. of Si-
cily, and afterwards to Raymond, Count of Toulouse. Hence called
Countess.

6) Mahn, Werke der Troubadours I, 129.

- — 11 _

IJauphin, I will yon arraign,
You, and with you too Count Guy,
For in the years till now gone by'
Doughty warriors were ye twain,
Kept your oath of loyalty,
And were as faithful unto ine
As once the Wolf unto the Fox,
— Your likeness in the fallow locks.

Your aid from me ye both withold
Lest the guerdon be too low,
Since at Chinon now, as ye know,
Lies no silver and no gold;
A king that's rich is now preferred,
High in arms, that keeps his word:'
And I'm a coward, niggardly,
So that ye look no more to me.

Once more of you I would inquire:
Issoire, if good of it ye hear?
Will ye still go to chase the deer.
And there your soldiers still to hire?
But one thing shall ye constant know,
Tho' ye thus do break your vow,
A warrior of undaunted mind
In king Richard shall ye find.

I saw at first your liberal ways,

Largesses in full abound;

But occasion soon ye found

Such mighty castle towers to raise

That now no gifts, no wealth is spent

In festive court or tournament:

But this trouble may ye spare,

For Langobards^) the Frenchmen are.

7) The Lombard merchanis were notorious for their dishonesty
ana treachery. ■'

t /

— 12

Go, sirventes, send I thee

Unto Auvergne; say thou from me

To both the Counts, that should they e'er

Seek peace, may God o'er them have care.

A faithless henchman, what if he
Lacks the sense of loyalty?
Henceforth let him but beware
Lest harsher fate he have to bear.

The Dauphin, who also has his place among the poets of
that time, answered king Richard in a similar sirventes**),
in the course of which he speaks of the latter as one swhom
the villanous Turks feared more than a lion".

Though from these two poems of king Richard that
have been preserved we are not Justified in ascribing any
high degree of poetic talent to the author, yet oven these
are sufficient proof that he was by no means a stranger to
the flourishing art; and they make it easy for us to realize
the joy he found in the productions of the poets, and the
liberality with which he befriended so many of them and
attached them to himself. Indeed, the personality of Richard
Coeur de Lion is closely bound up with the contemporary
Troubadour poetry in its highest representatives.

Peire Vidal, that peculiar combination in one person
of the court jester and the court poet, was for a time per-
sonally connected with Richard, and in all probability accom-
panied the latter as far as Cyprus on the way to Palestine.
In the poetry of this Troubadour Richard is mentioned occa-
sionally, but only in passing; and from one of his later
poems'*) we may infer that the earlier friendship between
king and poet had come to an end, for here the poet ex-
presses his opinion that, if the emperor were to set Richard
free, now that he has him in prison, the English would only
ridicule him for doing so.

8) Mahn, Werke der Troubadours I, lol.

9) Mahn, Wke. d. Troub. I, 227.

— 13 —

Folquet of Marseilles also enjoyed the favoi of Richard,
and in several of his songs gives expression to his gratitude
and esteem. Two years before Richard really entered upon
the crusade, he was accused from some quarter of unwil-
lingness to take part in the rescue of the Holy Sepulchre,
and Folquet of Marseilles took up his defence, as we see
from the following words from one of his poems ^°): „But
he who blamed the good king Richard, of whom I sing,
for not having departed then, defends him now, for one sees

that he held back in order to better go forward It

is clear from his taking the cross that I say the truth, and
now it is seen that I did not then speak falsely.* At the
close of a second poem^^) Folquet expresses a wish that
Limousin (a portion of Richard's dominions as duke of Aqui-
taine) were nearer his home, „in order that I might oftener
see my liberal and powerful lord."

Of still greater interest is Richard's relation to one of
the greatest of all Troubadours, to Bertran of Born, whose
poetic activity reached its climax in the years 1180 — 1195.
Bertran stood on very intimate terms with the family of
Herry II. of England, and had for each member of it a
nickname. Richard, in whose nature there were so many
contradicting characteristics, and who could in few respects
be with certainty reckoned upon, appears in the poems of
this Troubadour as Oc e No, Yes and No. In the never-
ending quarrels between Richard and his brothers Bertran
v^ould, according to the circumstances, take part first with
one and then with the other, or even caused additional
troubles by stirring up the sons against their father — a
crime for which Dante thought fit to place him in one of
the lowest circles of hell.^'^) While Richard ruled as duke
of Aquitaine in his earlier years, Bertran more than once
experienced the severity of his sway; but the poet, who was

10) Mahn, Wko. d. Troub. I, 322.

11) Mahn, Wke. d. Troubad. I, 323.

12) Divina Commedia, Hell 28.

;

''i

'
I

— 14 —

noble knight as well, was himself no submissive spirit, and
bravely opposed his domineering feudal lord by word and
sword. In one of his sirventes^") of this period he bestows
upon Richard the far from flattering appellative „Poitevin
glutton", and at other times many similar ones. Later on
the poet became reconciled with the prince, and visited his
father's court in Normandy in 1183. From this time for-
ward he appears as a true adherent, but is nevertheless not
always content with his feudal lord. , Never", he says^*),
referring to Richard, ,will a court be perfect where there
is no jesting and laughing; a court without gifts is nothing
but a park of barons." In another place, however, he speaks
in quite a different tone of Richard's liberality, and compares
him in this respect with the niggardly Philip of France, a
comparison which was made by many of their contempor-
aries. The following from a sirventes^'') by Bertran is
very characteristic: ,King Philip loves peace more than the
good man of Carentrais, while my Yes and No (Richard)
wishes war more than does one of the Alguis (well-known
robbers).* And again ^*'): .Richard catches hares and lions,
and turns not aside for plain or wood; he binds them two
and two by his strength so that none dare move; and from
now on he thinks to catch the mighty eagles with merlins,
and with buzzards to put the hawks to shame.

„King Philip hunts with falcons his sparrows and little
birds, and his men dare not tell him the truth, for he is
little by little letting himself be despoiled by Richard &c."

At no time was Bertran of Born a servile flatterer, and
however much he sings Richard's bravery and noble qua-
lities, he „ presents him", as he says, „with many a cutting
word. "

13) Mahn, Wko. d. Truub. 1, 278.

14) Malm. Wko. d. Troub. I, 291.

15) Mahn, Wke. d. Troub. I. 298.

16) Mahn, Wke. d. Troub. I, 291).

17) Mahn, Wke. d. Troub. I, 275.

— la-
in the years 1180—1200 flourished the Troubadour
known by the name of the Monk of Montaudon. This pe-
culiarly favored individual tells us how that, Enoch-like, he
frequently visited Paradise during his life -time, and in his
poems he gives accounts of the conversations that he there
held with the Almighty. From the following words, taken
from one of his poems, we can see that the good Monk,
like so many of his brothers in the poetic art, had received
favor and gifts from Richard. The Lord speaks to him***): —
,Monk, thou hast done ill, that thou didst not at once go
willingly to the king to whom Salaros (unknown reference)
belongs, who was so much thy friend; that he may ever be
gracious unto thee. Ha! how many good marks sterling he
has lost in gifts to thee, for he raised thee from the dust.**
Of Arnaut Daniel, held by Dante and Petrarch for the
greatest of the Troubadours, and who was celebrated for his
difficult rhymes, a story is told, according to which he had
a contest with a minstrel at Richard's court, upon which
occasion the king played the part of judge. In his later
years Arnaut Daniel found himself in needy circ ustances,
and Richard was one of the princes who responded to his
plea for support.

Guiraut of Borneil speaks of king Richard shortly after
the latter's death in the following words :^") — „I believe
not that since the time of Charlemagne was there born a
king celebrated and extolled for so many glorious deeds."
And the poet then goes on to lament that the names of
such great men should so soon be forgotten.

But none of his contemporaries has paid Richard such
a noble tribute as Gaucelm Faidit in his well known elegy -*^)
upon the king's death. As this poem forms such a fitting
close to the references to Richard in Troubadour poetry,
I will give it in full in translation.

18) Mahn, Wke. d. Troub. II, 64.

19) Mahn, Wke. d. Troub. I, 201.

20) Mahn, Wke. d. Troub. II, 92.

— Ifi —

Sad lot it is, that of the blow most sore,
The greatest grief, alas! e'er fate did bring,
O'er which henceforth my plaint must ever pour,
I now am doomed to sing anew the story;
For he who was of heroes chief in glory,
The mighty Richard, England's valiant king,
Is dead! Heaven, what source of sorrowing!
What awful word! Wl at horror death to dare!
His heart is hard this grief unmoved can bear.

Dead is the king! In many a hundred year
Such mighty man was not; no, ne'er was seen,
Ne'er lived a man the world might call his peer.
So generous, brave, of such a matchless name;
Tho' Alexander Persia's king o'ercame,
Such gifts he spent not, nor such meed, I ween.
Not Charles was his compeer, nor Arthur e'en:
He all the world compelled — let truth be said —
One half to honor him, the other dread.

Strange is it that in this false age 'tis thought
A wise man should to noble deeds go forth,
Since upright deed or word availeth nought.
AVho then v ould strive to live one noble hour?
And death has shown us now how great its power,
Has robbed in this one blow the best from earth,
All honor, what ennobles, what hath worth.
And since we see for nought 'twill turn aside,
We, too, should less in fear the end abide.

How, valorous Prince, alas! shall live again
The joy in sword and lance and kinghtly state,
What castle halls resound to festive strain.
Since thon, the bloom of kinghthood, absent art?
For what shall now the desolate have heart
Who served thee faithful at thy board but late.
And now in vain upon thy bounty wait?
What shall they do, who owe to thee alone
Their all, but wish their days like thine were done?

, f

— 17 —

A life of shame that's worse th«n death is then
Of those thou leav'st behind the hapless lot-
Whilst Heathen, Turk and Persian, Saracen,'
Who trembled at thy name of mortals most,
Will go their way, and from th' inflated host
The Sepulchre will be more dearly bought-
God wills it thus, for if his will 'twere not
And thou, Sire, hadst thou but life again
In Syria would they longer not remain.

Small hope I have the holy grave to see

By king or prince from hand of heathen wrung-

Yet ought they all that follow after thee

And fill thy place, thy noble spirit know;

How, too, thy valorous brothers twain lived so, —

Count Geoffrey and the royal ruler young;

Who now will take his place you three among.

In truth a heart must have unerring bent

On noble deeds, and all on good intent.

heavenly Father who dost mercy show,

Who art true God and man, true life, I pray

Forgive him, for he oft forsook thy way;

Look not, Lord, upon his deeds of shame,

Remember only how he served thy name.

With Gancelm Faidit ends the list of the more impor-
tant Proven9al poets amongst Richard's contemporaries, who
were more or less closely connected with him, and in the
hfe-time of Gaucelm Faidit, in fact, began the decline of
Troubadour poetry in general. In the poems of the Trou-
badours who flourished after Richard's death we find re-
ferences to him from time to time, but nothing that is not
m keeping with the picture drawn by his contemporaries
The younger Bertran of Born, a son of the famous poet
already mentioned, says in a sirventes^i) which he addresses
to John, Richard's brother and successor upon the throne of

21) Diez, Leben u. Werke d. Troub., 426.

Needier, Richard Coeur de Lion. o

18 —

En^'ljiiul: — , Would he but remeinber his predecessors, well
iiiij;{ht he hang his head in shame for givinj? over Poitiers
iind Tours to Philip without a stniggle. All Guienne mourns
for king Richard, who devoted so much gold and silver to
iheir defense; but our present lord (John) seems not to give
them u thought.* The poetry of the Troubadours was de-
voted almost exclusively to persons and events of the present,
and witli the death of a prince, a knight or a fair lady
poems ceased to be written in tlieir lionor, and their names
sunk into oblivion after the succeeding generation. As far
as the poetry of the Provence is concerned, such was tlie
case with Richard. During the years from 116!), in which
he entered upon his active career as duke of Aquitaine,
until his death in 1199 as king of England, lived and
flourished the greatest poets in the annals of the Provence,
and few princes of that period were so often the subject of
their verses as "ichard. He was the ideal knight, and in
his person were united, to a high degree, the weaknesses
as well as the virtues likely to draw the poets to him, and
arouse enthusiasm in them. In the political world he was
an important figure, and we have seen that he also, on
account of his intimate personal relations with many of the
poets themselves, played a considerable part in the history
of the poetry of that period.

From the many adventures of Richard's life, and his
exploits on the field of battle and elsewhere, marvellous
enough in themselves, arose in course of time stories much
more marvellous still, in which fact had lost itself in fiction.
From the realm of actual history, by a gradual transition
through chronicles partaking of the nature of both extremes,
we pass now to the realm of the completely legendary.

III.

Metrical Chronicles and Metrical Romances.

1. AmbrosiuH' Histoire de la guerre nainte.")

Already during his life-time Richard appears in a poem
of quite a different kind. A certain Ambrosius, concerning
whom little is known, wrote — probably in the year 119()
— an account of the third crusade in rhyming couplets of
8 syllables. The poem, which consists of some 12000 lines,
possesses next to no poetic worth, but is highly valuable
from a historical point of view, as, with the exception of a
few Anglo-Norman works, it is the earliest French account
of contemporary events extant. The author professes to have
witnessed the meeting of Philip and Richard in Normandy,
the crowning of Richard in London, the march of the cru-
saders from Vezelay to Lyons, and their sojourn in Messina.
As a faithful adherent of Richard, Ambroise always places
his master in the most favorable light. ,The earl of Poi-
tiers, the valiant Richard, would not be wanting in God's
need and call for help; he took the cross out of love for
him. He was the foremost of all the noble men of the
lands we yet know.* The poem is a very matter-of-fact
account of historical events. In Messina, says Ambroise''"),
began the jealous hatred of Richard on the part of Philip,
„ which lasted all his life. There originated the war that
laid Normandy waste." The close of the poem contains a
short reference to the war of retaliation undertaken by
Richard against king Philip after his return to France in

22) Printed in part in Monumenta Germaniae historica
XXVII, 532 if.

23) 11. 825 ff.

— 20 —

111)4. Tlu! hoiiH'wnnl journey iirul Uicliunl'H detention in
(Jonnuny «ir«' only mentioned in puHMing. ThiH work of Ani-
brosiiiH wiiN soon alter itH completion traiiNlated into Latin
by Ilichard, a prior of Holy Trinity at London.

I'l

"i. Koiirud of WttrxbmVN Tiirnei von Nanthelz.

Next in order of time eonies a work by an important
German poet of the Ul"' century, the Turnei von Nantheiz
of Konrad of Wllrzburg, by which we see that Richard was
by no means to disappear from the world of poetry with
the decline of the Troubadours. This Tournament of
Nantes is the first example of the class of heraldic poems,
and is also written in 8 -syllabled couplets. It is a pure
fiction of the poet, and has no historical event for its basis.
In a j^reat tournament which is supposed to have been held
at Nantes, Richard king of England appears as the hero of
the day who outshines all competitors by the })rilliance of
his feats in the lists. „He was true and steadfast, powerful,
noble and mighty; there lived not his equal within the
circle of many lands." Many celebrated kings and princes
come to the tournament, but Richard surpasses them all in
strength and skill. When he entered the ranks of the com-
batants ,he clove the throng, just as a keel cuts through
the sea -foam". In the closing verses the poet does not
forget to tell us that Richard, among his many virtues, had
also that of liberality to the „ travelling folk", the minstrels.
Ry far the greater portion of the whole poem is taken up
in descriptions of the magnificent attires of the various par-
ticip'tors iu the tournament.

'i-his poem, which dates from about the middle of tlie
IS"* century, that is, only 50 to GO years after Ricliurd's
death, is evidence that he was known beyond the confines
of his own dominions as a valiant and famous knight;
and that even at this early period he was beginning to
be enveloped in the mist of the unhistorical and the le-
gendary.

i.-

— 21

3. Robert of OloucoNter^N Chronlclo.

The first of the Engliflli works that cotneH under otir
notice is the metrical chronicle of llobert of Gloucester,
which dates from about the year 1300. This is a history
of England from the earliest period (beginning, according
to the idea of those times, with the Trojan war) down to
the year 1270, written in a very patriotic English spirit.
For the first part of his Chronicle Robert drew principally
from Geoffrey of Momnouth's Ilistoria regum Britonum,
in the introduction to the Chronicle and in that portion
treating of the history of the Britons Henry of Huntingdon's
Historia Anglorum and, to a less degree, William of
Malniesbury's Gesta regum Anglorum being also used.
For the Anglo-Saxon period the two last mentioned histo-
rians are the chief sources, and are drawn from to about
an «"qual extent, while Henry of Huntingdon continues to
be chiefly made use of up to the beginning of Henry H's
reign. From that date on, the Waverley Annals supplied
Robert with most of his material, besides which he used
the Tewkesbury Am.als and, probably, also Roger of Ho-
veden's chronicle.'*) Here and there Robert also introduces
circumstances from his own personal experience, and occa-
sional lines of his Chronicle are apparently not founded
upon any of the works from which he is known to have
taken material. The portion of the Chronicle that directly
concerns us, that devoted to the reign of Richard I., consists
of some 200 lines, which relate in a very prosaic style the
course of events. Richard's coronation, the plundering of
the Jews, the crusade, Richard's imprisonment on the home-
ward journey, his arrival in England, and his death are very

*■;

24) Further details as to the relation of Robert of Gloucester's
Chronicle to the sources from which he drew are to be found in
the articles by W. EUmer in Anglia X, Iff. and 291 tf., Ueber die
quellen der reimchronik Robert's von Gloucester. Compare
also K. Brossmann's Ueber die quellen dor mittelenglischen chronik
des Robert von Gloucester, Breslau, Dissertation, 1887.

i.i ;

— 22 —

concisely sketched. In the midst of the account of events
in the Holy Land the following interesting reference to a
,romance' concerning Richard is to be found***):

,King richard bileuede per & so nobliche he wrojte'
p&t al />ut lond [>er aboute* In is poer he brojte*
Me nuste longe per biuore- neuer eft in he/»enesse-
Of so noble knijt ne prince* ne do so muche prowesse
Me ne mai nojt al telle her" ac wo so it wole iwite"
In romance of him imad* me it may finde iwrite*
The , romance' here referred to by Robert of Gloucester is
undoubtedly the metrical romance of Richard Coeur de Lion,
which existed originally in French and was afterwards traus-
lated into English and in the course of time greatly enlarged
beyond the compass of the original French version. Robert
of Gloucester's reference to the romance is, as seen in the
above 6 lines quoted from his Chronicle, of such a general
kind that it is impossible from it alone to draw any con-
clusion as to the form in which he was acquainted with the
romance — the French or the English,^")

4. The Chronicle of Peter of Langtoft, and its trans-
lation by Robert Mannyug of Briinne.

Tv.o other metrical chronicles may be conveniently con-
sJcJered togeiujr, namely, that in French alexandrines by
Peter of Langtoft, a Canon of Bridlington in Yorkshire, and
its translation into English by Robert Mannyng of Brunne
(now Bourn) in Lincolnshire. The portion of these chronicles
treating of the reign of Richard I. is much more expanded
than the corresponding portion of that of Robert of Glou-
cester. As a historian, howewer, the latter is much more

25) W. Aldis Wright's ed., II. 694.

26) Ellmer'8 assertion, Anglia X, 294, ^sicher ist jedenl'alls, daes
l)eide werke, das englische und das franzosische, einen und denselben
inhalt gehabt haben" in only true in a general way. A considerable
portion of the romance in its longest Englisli form undoubtedly con-
sists of additions made in English in England, which are not foun-
ded on any French original. See note 27.

l! ■
" I

— 23 —

accurate and independent than Langtoft or Mannyng, with
both of whom the dividing line between legend and history
is by no means sharply drawn. In his account of Richard's
life and exploits Robert of Brunne oifers many variations
from, and additions to, his original; on the whole, however,
his work is a fairly faithful reproduction of Langtoft.

It is not necessary here to follow in detail the course
of the narrative as given by Peter of Langtoft and Robert
of Brunne. From the king's coronation and his preparations
for the crusade until his return to England the chronicles
correspond, in their leading features and in the succession
of events, to the facts of history. Tlie sojourn of the king
in Sicily, which is not at all mentioned by Robert of Glou-
cester, is here described with g; at minuteness.

In Langtoft, who wrote his (Chronicle soon after the
year 1307, and still more frecjuently in Robert of Brunne,
whose translation was completed in I008, we also meet with
references to a ^romance". Those made by Robert of Brunne
are in many cases independent of Langtoft altogether, and
show a direct acquaintance with the „ romance"' alluded to.
It would lead too far afield to discuss here in which of its
versions, the French or the English, this romance was known
to Langtoft or to Robert of Brumie, or whether they knew
both; but that the romance referred to by these writers in
their chronicles is the metrical romance of Richard Coeur
de Lion to be immediately taken into consideration, is evi-
dent from the references, amongst numy others, in Robert
of Brunne to the „mate Griffoun", Richard's engine of war
used at Messina and Acres, to the tale of the archbishop of
Pisa (here called „bisshop of Perouse"), to the battle of
Caiphas, and to many other objects and events we shall
presently meet with in a re"iew of the romance itself

5. The Metrical Romance and its different versions.

The figure of Richard, as he next meets us in English
literature, is almost as much dinmied and altered by tradi-
tion as that of Charlemagne and his circle of peers. He has

:■ I ;

1 f

— 24 —

become an almost completely legendary personage, and much
more fabulous than heroic. A long Metrical Romance with
Richard as its hero, has been handed down to us. This
extensive poem existed, as is evident, originally in a French
form, and was afterwards translated and greatly added to by
later English minstrels."^') The French original has, so far

27) Tliiit the pi-oundwork of the romance of Richard Coeur de
Lion Wilis originally French is evident from the words of the English
translator himself in nunu'rons places. In the introduction to the
poem we road (Weber 11. 21— '24):

In Frenssho bookys this rym is wrought,
Lewede menne know it nought,
Lewede monno eunne French non,
Among an hondryd unnothis on.

Again (Weber .5059—5062):

Off my tale be nowght a wundryd;

The Frensche says he slowgh an hundryd

(Wherott' is made this Ynglysche sawe),

Or he reste hym ony thrawe.
Many more references to „the book", ^talo". , story", ^geste" are only
dirt'erent ways of pointing to the French original. In Weber's text
these references are to be found in the following lines: 21 — 24, 37 — 42,
197-202, 1305—06. 1963-66, 2037—38, 2369—70, 2447-48, 2611—14
2873—79. 29.53, ;}415— 16, 4847—4856, 5059—5062, 5277—78, 5358—
60, 5625-30, 5710-11, 5812—13, 5840—41, 6153, 6433-36, 6487—
88, 6543—44, 6947—50, 7039—41. Some of the lines hero given may
only bo insertions on the part of the English poet to give an appear-
ance of greater truthfulness or reality to his narrative, but the vast
majority of them are genuine references to the French poem that he
was rendering in English. That the English version grew in time to
be much larger than the original French is also easily seen (1) from
the lack of harmony between the different jiarts of the whole poem,
which of itself would lead us to suppose interpolations; (2) from the
absence of any reference whatever to a French original in large
sections of the poem, which sections show in themselves a unity of
plan, and are easily separable from what precedes them and from
what follows ; and (3) from the style of certain sections of the poem,
which have an unmistakeably English flavour. The introduction
(Weber 1 — 34) is of course English. Lines 35 — 240, in which is found
the story of Cassodorien, contain references to „my sawe" and „tho
book", and thus probably formed part of the poem in its French form.

— 25 ~

as is known, not been preserved, while the English form
exists in several diflFerent versions, which will now be con-
sidered in succession.

a. The longest and most complete version is that preserv-
ed m a manuscript of Caius College, Cambridge, which was

In linos 240-1234 occur no references to an original of any kind
whatever. The episode related in them, namely, Richard's tournament
at Salisbury, his choice of Sir Thomas Multon and Sir Fulk Doyly
as companions for the pilgrimage, the imprisonment in Almayn, the
kilhng of the king of Almayn's son and of the lion, is evidently out
of place here in the early part of the poem, because Richard never
saw the Holy Land until he went there at the head of an army as
IS told later in the poem. It is thus highly probable that this epi-
sode 240-1234 was later inserted here owing to the fact that the
original French poem never contained the account of Richard's ad-
ventures in Almayn on his homeward journey, or that this portion of
it, which would naturally form the close of the poem, had been lost
or from some other cause remained unknown to the English poet
It Ls impossible to deny that this episode or a similar one uiay have
been originally written concerning Richard in French, but, if so,
it must be of later date than the main body of the French poem'
And this lateness of origin, [and especially the absence of references
to any French original, point to its having been first written in Eng-
lish. — Another large section of the poem, Weber 4731—3788, is also
to all appearance of English origin. It forms an episode complete in
itself and only loosely connected with what goes before and what
comes after; it is, as we shall see presently, not found in the Donee
ms.; and is thoroughly English in spirit, as is seen from the lyi-ic
opening:

Merye is, in the tyme of May,

Whenne foulis synge in her lay;

Floures on appyl trees, and perye;

Smalo foules synge merye, etc.
A minute examination of the relation between the romance in its
various English forms and the French original is yet necessary, but
lies outside the range of the present work. But from what is here
pointed out it is plain that, though a French poem on Richard Coeur
de Lion formed the groundwork of a corresponding English poem,
this latter, even if at first a faithful reproduction of the French poem,
has afterwards received in England large English additions which
have no counterpart in the original French form.

I y S

1
1

! i

^ "^

i I

— 26 —

printed in 1810 by Henry Weber.'*'*) Of the contents ot
the poem as there found, the following is a synopsis.
11. 1 — 24. Many romances are to be read of Roland and
Oliver, Alexander and Charlemagne, Arthur, Gawain and
other good knights; now I will tell you of Richard, who
surpassed them all. This book is written in French; but
unlearned men understand it not, for they know no French.
35 — 240. Story of Richard's birth. His father, king Henry,
being persuaded by his barons to take to himself a wife,
sends messengers to seek for the fairest woman that lives.
At sea they meet a wonderful ship in which is Corbaryng
king of Antioch, who, instructed in a vision, had set out
with his daughte*" Cassodorien. The messengers conduct
these two to king Henry, who weds Cassodorien. They had,
as the book (i. e. the French original) says, two sons and
a daughter — Richard, of whom this romance is made, John,
and their sister Topyas. Cassodorien could not abide the
elevation of the host at mass, and when the king consented
that his knights should force Ler to remain in the church,
she took her daughter and John, and flew aloft and out
from the roof. John fell from the air and broke his thigh,
while she and her daughter were never afterwards seen.
King Henry at his death ordained Richard to be his suc-
cessor.

241 — 1234. Richard is crowned in his 15*^^ year, and grew
to be a mighty and noble king. He held a tournament at
Salisbury, to which he summoned all his knights in order
to see who were the best among them. Richard during the
course of the tournament disguises himself in three different
attires, black, red and white. Sir Thomas Multon and Sir
Fulk Doyly, who had proved themselves his bravest oppon-
ents, are afterwards summoned to the king's presence pri-
vately, and the latter chooses them to accompany him as

28) Metrical Romances Vol. II. Edinburgh, 1810.

\^-

'^imtmmm i i nnum ilMf O ti mm itaaMr- a

— 27 —

palmers to the Holy Land. The three set out and pass
through Flanders and many lands by way of Brandys
(Brindisi) and Cyprus to the Holy Land, where they visit
Acres, Babylon, Caesarea, Nineveh, Jerusalem, Jaflfa and many
other places. On their homeward journey they are in Almayn
betrayed by a minstrel, whom they had not received in a
friendly way, and fall into the hands of the king, who casts
them into prison. Richard kills the king's son Ardour in a
friendly exchange of buffets with the fist, in which case
Richard used wax for his hand. The king's daughter Margery,
who loves Richard, orders the gaoler to free the prisoner of
his chains, and shows him all the courtesy of a fair lady
of that chivalrous age. The king of Almayn takes counsel
with his barons how he may avenge himself upon Richard
for the death of his son. Sir Eldryd, the wisest of them,
advises that, since it would be contrary to international laws
of hospitality to hang a king, a savage lion be placed in
prison with Richard. Margery warns the latter of the fate
in store for him, but cannot prevail upon him to flee, as
that would be against the law of the land. He stands in
no fear of the lion, and promises Margery its heart by prime
the third day; but asks her for silk kerchiefs to wind round
his arm. That evening Margery provides a supper for
Richard and his companions. After her departure on the
following morning Richard winds the kerchiefs about his
arm, and awaits the lion. When the beast was let into the
prison Richard watched his chance and, thrusting his arm
down the lion's throat, tore out the heart, lungs, liver and
all else. Having returned thanks to God for his victory, he
proceeds with the heart to the hall where the king sat at
meat, and before the eyes of all he dips the heart into some
salt and eats it — .withouten bred." From this feat he
was afterwards called

Kyng i-crystenyd off most renoun

Stronge Rychard Coer de Lyoun.
The king of Almayn, who was then in great grief and rage
for the death of his son and the disgrace of his daughter,

— 28 —

ordains that a high ransom shall be the price of Richard's

freedom.

OfiF enny kyrk that preest in syng,
Messe in sayd, or belle in ryng,
There two chalyses inne bee,
That on schal be brought to mee:
And yift" there be moo than thoo,
The halvyndel schal come me too.

f I

n %

Richard thereupon writes a letter to his chancellor in Eng-
land, and in course of time the required amount is raised,
and Richard set free. The king orders his daughter Margery
to quit his land, but the queen, her mother, bids her wait
until Richard shall send for her ,as a kyng dos afiftyr hys qwene."
1235 — 1420. Arrived in England, Richard and his compani-
ons receive a fitting welcome. After a year the king sum-
mons his Parliament to meet at London.

Before that time all the country of Bethlehem and the
adjoining lands were in the hands of Christian men, and
palmer and pilgrim might visit them without hindrance.
The duke Mylon and earl Renaud held the land against the
Sultan, until betrayed by the false earl Joys and Markes
Feraut, when all the land of Syria and the holy cioss were
lost, a An holy Pope, that hyghte Urban" exhorted every
Christian man to rise and avenge Jesus of his enemies; and
many kings and princes, among them the king of France,
the duke of Austria, the emperor of Almayn and others,
responded to the call. King Richard, at a solemn feast held
at Westminster, announces to his subjects his intention of
also taking arms in the holy cause. Multitudes of his men
assembled. He had 200 ships well victualled, and 13 ships
laden with hives of bees; a strong tower of quaint device;
and still another ship with an engine called Robynet. He
sends on the ships in charge of his admiral Trenchemer to
Marchyle (Marseilles), where they are to await his coming;
for he will pass with a host through Almayn to call king
Modard to account for having before detained him in prison.

— 29 —

1421 — 1658. Richard divides his host in three, allotting
one portion to Sir Thomas Multon, another to Sir Fulk
Doyly, and commanding the third himself. Before leaving
England he appoints the bishop of York his chancellor, and
commands the justices to rule aright and care for the poor.
Having passed over sea and set out with his hosts for Co-
loyne (Cologne), Richard gives strict orders to take nothing
from the inhabitants without paying for it. The people of
the city refuse to sell fuel to Richard and his followers,
whereupon the king orders his steward to buy up all the
wooden vessels — dishes, cups, saucers, bowls, trays, platters,
vats, tuns &c. — and with them prepare a meal. The poor
people and the mayor of the city are also invited to partake
of the feast. After further progress into the country, the
king's daughter Margery comes to welcome Richard. Before
the city of Marburette king Modard again seeks to impede
their march by refusing them fuel. This time Richard evades
the difficulty by ordering his steward to gather figs, raisins,
nuts and all kinds of fruit, use some wax, tallow and grease
along with these, and thereby make a fire. At the city of
Carpentras king Modard casts himself at Richards feet, but
Margery intercedes for him, and the two kings are reconciled.
Modard returns to Richard the money he had formerly extorted
from him as ransom, and offers to join him in his crusade.
This offer Richard will not accept owing to the king's great
age, but receives two golden rings, the one of which will
protect him from death by water, the other from death by
fire. Richard then proceeds to Marseilles, where he finds
his fleet waiting, and embarks for the Holy Land.
1659 — 3730. Arriving at Messina Richard finds king Philip
of France already there. The latter endeavors in a treach-
erous way to turn Tancred, king of Poyle (Apulia), against
Richard, but Tancred's son Roger, ,kyng in Cesyle land"
(Sicily), takes the part of Richard, and upon investigation
the treasonable practices of Philip are laid bare.

At Christmas the enmity between the two kings' followers
leads to serious conflict. In the city of Messina the French

/ i:

j 1

I; 'S

i I

— 30 —

and (irittons'^*') kill several Englishmen, whereupon Richard
in anger captures the city by a land and sea attack, and
after great slaughter brings the French to surrender.
Jtichard's wonderfully constructed tower was from this event
cuIUmI Mate-(jiryffon. Richard had pity for the king of
France as he knelt to beg mercy,

And light adown, so sayth the book,

And in his armes up him took.
In March the king of France went on to Acres, and after
Lent Richard followed. A storm tl.rew some of his ships
on the coast of Cyprus, and their crews were plundered by
the islanders and cast into prison. When Richard came up
three days later, he sent messengers to the emperor of
(■yprus to demand the instant surrender of the prisoners,
lint the messengers mot with a blunt refusal, and barely
escaped from a knife the angry emperor threw after them,
but which fortunately missed its mark and pierced a door.
AVhen the emperor's steward remonstrated with him for such
treatment of a king's messengers, the emperor traitorously
cut olf his nose. Richard vk^ith his men lands upon the
island, and with the assistance of the ill-treated steward is
able to surprise the emperor's camp, where he secures much
valuable booty, amongst it two noble steeds Favel and
Lyarde, which he retains for his personal use. The emperor
soon Sues for mercy, which is granted him; but upon his
proving traitorous to Richard again, the latter causes him
to be bound and taken along into Syria.

The earl of Leicester is left to govern Cyprus, while
Richard proceeds to Acres. On the way thither the fleet
falls in with, and captures, a ship laden with stores for the
Saracens. Arrived at Acres, Richard stands on the prow of
his shi}) and with his axe that was made of twenty pound
of steol cleaves the chain drawn across the entrance to the
harbor. Tiie terrible engines of war he exhibits as the ships
enter the harbor strike terror into the hearts of the Saracens-

'2i1) Niimo commonly applied in the Middle Ages to the mixed
inhaliitants of Sioilv.

— 31

Richard is received with great joy and honor by the king of
France and the other Christian princes already there, a.id
the archbishop of Pyse (Pisa) relates to him the suflFerings
of the Christians before his arrival. The siege, he said, had
lasted seven years. On one occasion a noble steed had
strayed away from one of the heathens, and 11,000 Christian
knights, who sallied out to its capture, were slain. The
Sultan also caused the water used by the Christians to be
poisoned, resulting in the death of 40,000. On St. James
eve the Saracens pretended to flee before the onset of the
Christians, but after the latter had plundered their camp and
were so impeded by the provisions and riches of all kinds
they attempted to carry with them, the Saracens returned
suddenly and slew 15,000 of the unprepared Christians. At
Michaelmas 60,000 died of hunger. King Richard wept to
hear this doleful tale , and begged the archbishop's prayers
for his success. Commencing operations, he sets up his
Mate-Gryffbn, and also works great havock among the Sara-
tens by the hives of bees he causes to be hurled into the
city. He puts to flight a great host that had come to the
assistance of the Saracens at Acres. In course of time
Richard falls sick and longs for pork, which his steward is
unable to procure. As a substitute, however, a portion of a
Saracen prisoner is prepared and set before him. This,
which he supposes all the while to be pork, he eats with
great relish and recovers health. Later, when resting after
battle, he calls for the head of that supposed swine. The
steward with fear and trembling brings in the cooked head
of the Saracen, but Richard is anything but wroth:

What devyl is this? the kyng cryde.

And gaii to laughe as he wer wood.
He adds that so Jong as Saracens are to be had he and his
followers need never want for food.

A proposal for peace, on the condition that
Markes Feraunt be made king of Syria, is scornfully rejected
by Richard. Acres surrenders, and the holy cross is given
up. Messengers come from the Sultan to offer ransom for

« i

.11

— 32 —

the prisoners taken, when Kichanl terrifies them by setting
before them u meal prepared from tlie lieads of their Sara-
con relatives, each with his name attached. Each of the
messengers

sat stylle, and pokyd othir.

They saide: This is the develys brothir

Ttiat sles our men and thus hem eetes.
Richard himself proceeds with the meal, and bids his guests
be not „squoymous'', as it was his custom as host.

There is no flesch so noryssaunt.

Unto an Ynglysche man,

Patrick, plover, heroun, ne swan,

Cow ne oxe, scheep ne swyn,

As the hed off a Sarezyn.
Saladin then offers to give over Syria, Egypt and all the
adjoining lands, if Richard will forsake Jesus and take
Appolyn for lord. This oii'er is naturally refused, and when
the Saracens say they do not know where the holy cross is,
Richard orders 60,000 of the })ri.soners to be slain.
3731 — 478H. Richard holds a feast, and displays great
liberality toward his followers, an example thai is not follo-
wed by the king of Francr A plan is arranged for the
conquest of the whole country. Philip, more by vain display
than by actual assault, brings the cities of Tal»urette and
Archane to surrender, and, contrary to Richard's previous
advice, takes ransom from the inhabitants.

Richard again divides his host into three parts, en-
trusting one to Sir Thomas Multon and one to Sir Fulk
Doyly. With the third he himself subdues Sudan Turry
(Sidon-Tyre) after a hard siege, and puts the citizens to the
svvord. Sir Thomas takes Castle Orglyous, and after the
inhabitants had made an attempt to murder him and his
men at might he shows no mercy; while Sir Fulk, upon
defeating a great Sai'acen host on the plain before Ebedy,
takes the city and treats the inhabitants in a similar manner.
After these events the English and French assemble in
Acres, and give account of their experiences. Philip is

,»^

a;j -

rebuked by Kicliurd for huviiif^ spured the towns ol' T»ib\iretto
unci Archune, and tlie two iirmies set out for these phices
n^iiin. The citizens, hs whs expected, deny entrance to
Philip, whereupon they are subdued u second time and
slauj^htered; afterwards the two kings return to the sea- coast.
4789 — 7120. On liis way to the city of Caiphas Richard
is attacked by Sahidin, but with great effort wards off the
attack and puts the Sultan to Hight. He repairs to the city
of Palestyn and is forced to wait for provisions, while Sala-
din in the meantime levels nuiny cities with the ground.
Richard accepts the sultan's challenge to battle, and tiu' two
armies meet by the forest of Arsour. A noble knight, .lakes
Denis, is killed, but his body recovered by Richard. Tiie
Turks are put to flight, and as Saladin flees from the Held
Richard sends an arrow after him which pierces his „ shoulder
bone". Richard and Philip besiege Nineveh. Three of the
Saracen leaders challenge Richard, Sir Thomas and Sir Fulk
to combat, which results in the death of all three heathens;
whereupon the inhabitants of the city surrender. Richard
calls a bishop to baptize them to the Christian faith.

Saladin flies to Babylon, where Richard and Philip be-
siege him. The latter traitorously accepts money from the
Turks and desists from the siege. Saladin sends a challenge
to Richard and at the same time the offer of a steed of
great worth, which the latter accepts. A necromancer con-
jures two , fiends of the air" in the likeness of two
steeds, mare and colt, the colt being sent to Richard,
while the Sultan rides the mare. An angel warns Richard
not to be afraid to ride the colt. Only an enormous lance
forty feet long shall be fastened to the saddle and project
out in front of the animal, the bridle shall be made fast
upon its head. Its ears also are stopped with wax, Richard's
axe and mace are strung to the saddle, and the other ne-
cessary preparations are made for the contest. On the
morrow the two hosts meet, but before the contest is begun
an oath is sworn that if Richard is victor all the Sultan's
lands shall be handed over to him, while, in case the Sultan

Needier, Richard Coeur de Liou. 8

— 34 —

wiiiH, every ChriHtift!i mIuiII depftrt from the Iftiid. When the
two leaderH then doah towards each ottier, the Sultan'H tiendinh
mare neij^hs h)\idly in order that, aw the necromancer had
ordained, the colt upon which Kichard rode nhoi Id run to
its dame, and, m it knelt down, the Hultan hIiouM have his
apponent at a di8advanta^e. ()win>?, however, to the wax
in its ears, tlie Hendinh colt hearH nothing, and Kichard,
hearing down \ipon tlie Sultan with his huge tree-like lance,
sends him

Hakward ovyr hys meres croupe,

The feet toward the fyrmanient.

Behynd the Sawdon the spere out went,

after which feat he dashes into the midst of the heathen
host, working the greatest havoc wherever he goes

For al that ever before hym stode,
Hors and man, to erthe yode,
Twenty foot on every syde.

Encouraged by his example, both English and French display
the greatest valor, and ere long the town is taken. When
the Sultan, who had only been wounded in the first en-
counter, sees that the men in the town have opened their
gates he flees into a wood whither Richard is unable to
follow him owing to the size of the tree-like lance, which
demands so great a space for action.

After a sojourn of a fortnight there, Richard and
Philip set out for Jerusalem. On the way thither a dispute
arises between the two kings as to the ownership of Jerusalem
after it shall have been taken. Philip grew sick for anger
and, on the advice of his leech, returned to France, accom-
panied by the taunts of Richard. Thus their mutual enmity
was increased.

And aftyr that partyng, forsothe,

Ever yitt they were wrothe.
Richard then repairs to Jafla, which city he fortifies, and
thence to Chaloyn (Ascalon) where he calls upon all the
lords of the Christian host to assist in building up the

— 3.-, -

1 1

vralld. They all respond to tlio cnll except the duke of
Auntria who, when Richard courteously requeatH him to join
in doing his share of the work, replies

My fadyr n'as niaHon, ne carpentere;

And though your whIIoh should all toschako,

I Hcholl novir h«'lpe horn to make.
At this Richard turns color with wrath, and maltreats the
duke, ordering him to leave the host inside of three days.

Traytour, we truvayle day and nyght
In werre, in wakyng, and in fyght,
And thou lyes us a vyle glotoun.
And rentes in thy pavyloun,
And drynkes the wyn good and strong,
And slepes alle the nyght long.
I schal breko thy banere
And slynge it into the ryvere.

The duke departed after being thus insulted,

And swore by Jesu in Trynyte,

And he myghte ever hys tyme see,

Off Richard sholde he be so awreke

That al the worlde scholde theroft' speke,
and the minstrel goes on to add that

He heeld hym al to weel foreward:

In helle myght he be hangyd hard.

For, thorwgh hys tresoun and trehcherye,

And thorwgh the waytyng off hys aspye

Kyng Richard he dede gret schame.

That turnyd all Yngeland to grame.

A lytyl lenger had he most

Have lyvyd, by the Holy Gost,

Ovir king, duke, and emperour.

He hadde ben lord and conqueror:

Alle Crystyante, and al Paynym

Scholde have holde under hym.
After the walls of Chaloyn are finished, the castles of Albary
and Daroun are in succession taken, the latter with conside-

3»

•I,

n '

rablc difficulty. All prisoners except those who pay large
ransoms are put to death. The engines of war, Mate-Gryf-
fon and Robin et, are used with great effect at the siege.

Richard next distingiushes himself at the taking of
Gatryo (Gaza, Gazara). The citizens had thrown open their
gates upon a promise from Richard that their lives would
be spared. In answer to his inquiry after the lord of the
place Richard is told that a huge image set up in the centre
of the city represents their lord, and the inhabitants agree
to become Christians if Richard is able to break, as he pro-
poses, the neck of the image by charging against it with
his lance. Mounted upon his steed Favel of Cyprus, and
armed with a mighty shaft, he severs the head of the image
from the body, killing five Saracens underneath. When the
old governor of Gatrys is brought before him, Richard
generously hands over the city to him again. He returns to
Chaloyn, and afterwards takes Leffunyde and the city of
Gybelyn, which latter place the Knights of the Hospital and
the Templars had held many a year.

Tidings now come from England of the treachery of
his brother John, which Richard will not believe. At Be-
thany, which he next captures, other messengers arrive with
similar tidings, and Richard is inclined to return privily ta
England to make peace with John, and return in haste to
the Holy Land. At this juncture a Saracen enters with the
news that an immense treasure is being taken to Saladin,
and to tell Richard how he may capture it. The king re-
fup^s to take advantage of strategy against the large escort
that has the treasure in charge, but defeats them openly and
makes himself master of all their riches, which be distributes
amongst his men.

Now come the bishop of Chester and the abbot of St.
Alban with fh/i news that John is about to have himself
crowned king .r. England, and that the king of France has
invaded Normandy. When Richard is at Acres about to
depart for England, the Sultan, wishing to avenge the loss
of his treasure, besieges the Christians in Jaffa. Henry of

37 —

Champagne is sent to their relief, but is unsuccessful. En-
raged at this, Richard undertakes the task.

It was before the heygh myd nyght,

The moon and the sterres schon ful bryght,
as Richard with his galleys arrives at the city. All is quiet,
until the dawn of day when Richard is comforted by learning
that tile beleaguered Christians are still holding out, through
tho reveille by which one of the watchmen announces the
arrival of help. By the „time of evensong" the Saracens
were driven from before the gates, and Richard that night
made mei ry feasting with his men. The following day they
are again attacked by a countless host of Saracens, but
Richard, on his steed Favel, slaughters them by the hundreds.
Multitudes are forced into a great mire outside Jaffa.

What ther wer drownyd, and what wer slawe,

The Sawdon loste off hethene lawe

Syxty thousand in lytyl stounde,

As it is in the Frensche i-founde.

Richard rescues his nephew Henry of Champagne from great
peril, mowing the heathens down on his vv^ay.

Be the dymmyng off the more,

Men myghte see where Richard fore.
But the city is meanwhile again beset more violently than
ever. Many prominent men among the Christians are slain
before Richard makes his way to the gates. His steed Favel
is slain under him, but on foot he slays two sons of Saladin
and various other heathen leaders with his battle-axe. His
other steed Lyard is brought.

Kyng Richard into the sadyl leap;

Then fledde the Sarezynes as they wer scheep.
On the morrow he sends messengers to the Sultan offering
to fight single-handed five and twenty of his men, to decide
thus the possession of the Holy Land. If this offer be not
accepted, Richard asks a truce of three years, three months
and three days, in order that he may return to England to
arrange his affairs there, and come again. Saladin informs

38 —

i i.

the messengers that he would not consent to a combat ot
even a hundred of his men against Richard, but is ready to
make a truce. Christian men are then at liberty to wend
their way to Jerusalem to the Sepulchre, and whithersoever
else they will as pilgrims go.

Kyng Richard, doughty oflF hand,
Trrnyd homward to Yngeland.
Kyng Richard reynyd here
No more but ten yere.
Sythe he was schot, alas,
In Castel-Gaylard ther he was.
Thus endyd Richard our kyng:
God geve us alle good endyng.
And hys soule reste and roo.
And oure soules whenne we com thertoo.
Amen. Explicit.

b. The romance of Richard Coeur de Lion is preserved again
in a ms. of the Bodleian Library in Oxford, in the collection
Douce, No. 228. Many .mes of the text are here lost.
Those that are preserved correspond on the whole very closely
with Weber, though many present variations as regards
import, and many are also quite independent of, and comple-
mentary to, the text in Weber. The Douce ms. opens at
1. 269 of Weber.

Kyng Re cam owt of a valey. (edge torn)

ffor to fulfellyn p^ knybts pi . . ,

As a knyth ^* wer aventor . . .

His atyr was orgilor,>,

Altoged"^ col blac

W* owtyn ony kyngys lac

Upon his crest a ravyn stod

/** g ... yd as he hadde be wod

Abowte his nekke hynge a bell

A reson by I schal jow tell
It then proceeds Avith the account of the tournament at
Salisbury, which is shorter than in Weber; of the journey

to Palestine in company with Sir Thomas Multon and Sir
Fulk Doyly; and of the imprisonment on their return. The
lion exploit differs considerably from the account in Weber.
Richard, upon refusing to flee with the king's daughter
Margeryte, begs of her not only the silken kerchiefs but
also a knife:

Do me to naue kerchis of sylke
A doseyn iwyth as ony mylke
& a long Irysch knyf
As J3" wilt saue my lyf

Richard and his two companions are treated in the same
hospitable way by Mp.rg.iryte that evening, and on the
following morning the liou is led inti. the prison, „a wyld
best p* was sauage."

& kyng Ric' also sket

In p^ lyonnys throte his harm he schet

Al in kerchis his harm was wonde

Tho lyon he strangelyd on a stonde

W* his pawys his kertil he rof

Wt p^ lyon to p^ erthe he drof

Ric w* p^ knyf so smert

strok p^ lyon to /»« hert

Owt of his kerchis his harm he drow

At p^ gamyn Ric' low

& p^ kerchis still he lette

pus p^ lyon w* his macche mette

He hopenyd hym at p^ brest bon

& tok owt his herte a non

And thankyd god omnipotent

Of /»« grace he hadde hym sent

& for pia dede of gret renon

He was i callyd queor delyon

After a time the king sends some knights to the prison who,
contrary to their expectations, find Richard unharmed with
the lion dead b'^side him. The king exacts as ransom gold
and silver enough „an house to ffill^ When the money

— 40 —

had been collected and Richard is leaving the country he
vows vengeance.

Kyng Ric'' swor bo seynt John
That he wolde haue too for o"

a threat, however, which he does not carry out, for, strange
to say, 11, 1238 — 1658 of Weber have no parallel here.
Only 24 lines tell of his return to England and the pre-
parations for the crusade. The second visit to Almayn is
entirely omitted, Richard with his host going directly to
Marseilles, and thence to Messina. The events in Sicily
correspond closely, though the following noteworthy lines
based upon actual history occur, in the place of Weber
2027—2032.

Kyng Ric'' sesyd & rest

ffro cristemesse // heye ffest

And dwellyd a tul ageyne J>e lente

His mod"^ hi brout a fayr p'"sent

Elyanor brou^^t hi Berynger

The kyngs dowf of Na;5'er

Kyng Rog''is wyf ca w* her than

sche hythe a ffayr woman

Kyng Ric' /»^ p''cyous

Beryng"" he schuld spouse

E seyde he nold not in swylk seson

spouse her among fi" Grefoh

He wolde her spouse to be his wif

Elianor her leue tok

& went fforth so seth />'* bok

In marche monyth p^ kyng of f^ns

Dede hym to chip w* owtyn dist"ns

The ms. continues parallel to Weber through the events in
Cyprus, the capture of the treasure - ship on the way to
Acres, the tale of the archbishop of Pisa, and the operations
commenced by Richard. The cure by Saracen's flesh offered
instead of pork, as related in Weber 3019 — 3102, and also
the subsequent fabulous accounts of the devouring of the

— 41 _

Saracens by Richard in 11. 3163-3202 and 11. 3323-3672
nave no parallel here. '

The offer of Saladin to make Richard king of the
countries about the Holy Land if he should renounce the
Chnstian faith, and Richard's subsequent order for the
beheading of the prisoners at Acres correspond. Lines 3731—
4788 of Weber, which contain the account of the taking of
Taburet and Archane by king Philip, of Sudan Turry by
Richard, of castle Orglyous by Sir Thomas, ofEbedy by Sir
Fulk, and of the retaking of Taburet and Archane by the
combined hosts, are here unrepresented. Next follows the
attack by Saladin upon Richard on the way to Caiphas, and
the death of Jakes Denis in the battle by the forest of
Arsour, corresponding almost line for line with Weber 4789—
6146. The account of the siege of Nineveh, the Sultan's
stratagem to take Richard by means of the conjured horse
at the siege of Babylon, and the later quarrel between
Richard and Philip on the way to Jerusalem, as given in
Weber 5147-6888, are not found here. Richard fortifies
Jaffa, as in Weber 6889-5900. Between 11. 5900 and 5901
occurs the following historical reference.

// inne he dede beringer

his quen />* was hjs lef & der

And Jhone his susf />* was a quene

ffor /;«y schulde at ese bene

Again, between lines corresponding to Weber 6908 and 5909,
we find the following:

To Torye he went be Breui

ffour myle from Jerlm

Tho haddyn />« cristen gret blysse

ffor />«' wendyn wel I wisse

/^" schuldyn on morow h^ oward in her Jurne

qwanne p^^ haddyn wo%'^ Jerlm Cete

& so /.« haddy"^ w' owtyn fayll

Ne . . . . hadde be Gaut'is consayll

Gaut'' na/*eles p^ ospiteler

p"' was he no good co'Sseler

Anon w* owtyn lesyng

Thus he seyde to our kyng

Ric' yf p^ Jerlfn wynne

j&row py cowytyse & p^ gyne

p'^ folke schal p'' stede a non

That god was onne to deth don

& qwanne />®' hau don her viage

And holy al her pilgrimage

heye & lowe squier E grom

Hastely wyl heym hom

Tume JO" oii syde toward chaloyne

That weye ys toward babiloyne

& draw jou ford in to paynyme

Wei je schul be settyn jour tyme

And saladyn p^ soudon

ge schul hi /f"^ quik tan

To his consel p^ kyng lyst

pof yt wer not p^ best

Many Erl & baroun forso/<^

ffor /'' tydyng p^^ wer ful wro/>*

& wenty'^ hom in to her c'^ntr

And let RiC ])'e still be
Richard's quarrel with the duke of Austria at the building
of the walls of Chaluyn, as told in Weber 5909 — 5996, is
also found here. Of the taking of Albary and Daroun,
Weber 5997 — 6164, however, nothing is said. Next follow
the taking of Gatrys, and Richard's breaking down of the
image; the return to Chaloyn and the taking off Leffunyde
and Gybelyn; the arrival of messengers from England, and the
other events in regular succession up to the beginning ot
the siege of Jaffa by Saladin, — the whole corresponding
almost line for line with Weber 6165 — 6590. Here, at the
foot of a leaf which is badly torn, the ms. Douce 228 ends.

c. In the ms. of the British Museum catalogued as
Additional 31,042, a third version of the romance is preserved.
Several folia of t^^is ms. have been lost, and others are much

— 43 —

mutilated, but these constitute a very small proportion of
the whole, and from those that still exist intact we may
reasonably infer that, as far as the course and import of
the narrative is concerned, the version here given corresponded
exactly with that of Weber. Hardly any two lines of the
two texts, however, agree word for word, those of the ms.
now under consideration being almost invariably expanded;
in which process they have lost much of the grace and
lightness of the octosyllabic lines of the romance as it
exists in the ms. printed by Weber. It would appear that
the ms. Additional 31,042 i.i the work of some scribe devoid
of fine poetic sense, who in the attempt to make the lines
more explicit in their meaning, has shorn them of what
charm they possessed. That the writer of this ms. at all
events did not confine himself to reproducing accurately the
copy before him is clear frori a mistake he made in one
place of writing a second time twenty lines which had a
place in a earlier part of the narrative, and which, after
discovering his mistake, he drew his pen through. The
writing shows plainly that both versions are the work of the
same scribe, so that it is interesting to compare them. The
lines refer to the deliberations between the king of Almayn
and his knights as to the most expedient way of disposing
of Richard, and in their proper place in the narrative read
as follows.

And thus pan ansuerde J^^ay Jj^ kynge
W* owttyn any op' lesyng
Bot a knyghte Jmn spak vn to p^ kyng
And seid hym Sir grefe the na thyng
ffor Sir Eldrede for sothe y wysse
He kan telle the here of whate beste es
ffor he es a wonder wyse man of rede
And many a man base he demyde to dede
The Kyng comande />an w* owtteri lett
pat he were swythe by fore hym fett
pan was he broghte by fore p^ kynge
pat asked hym sone w* owtteh lesynge

:i {

— 44

And seid kane y" me telle in any manere

How one Kyng llicherd }>* I vengid were

And he ansuerde w' liert full fre

And seid [>" appoii I miiste avyse me '

ffor ^e wote wele it es no lawe

A Kynge to bange nor ^^it to drawe

Bot je schall done l)y my resoune

Hastyly takes jo' grete lyoune
In the middle of the archbisliop of Pisa's tale where the
scribe inadvertently inserted them again, these lines are
given thus:

And thus they ansuerde vn to /*« kyng

With owtten any lesynge

Bot /'an a knyghte spake vnto p^ kynge

Sir he seid grefe the no thyng

Sir Eldrede tor sothe I wysse

He caii wele telle what ])este es

ffor he es wyse & gude of rede

ffull many a man has he derayde to dede

The kynge comande thane w* owtten lett

Swythe /j* he were by fore hym fett

He was broghte by fore the kyng

That askede hym sone w* owte lesynge

Kane you me telle one any manere

Of this Kyng Richerde /* 1 vengede were

And he ansuerde w* herte full fre

There appon me moste avyssede be

gee wote full wele it es no lawe

A Kyng no/)'' to hange ne to drawe

Bot (je schall done be my resoune

Hastely takes ^o^ grete lyoune
The lines of this version of the romance that are missing
owing to the loss of portions of the ms. are those cor-
responding to Weber 3U87— 3588, 4949—5034 and 6316—
6604. The following extracts, together with, those given
above, will suffice to furnish an idea of the style of the
whole. The ms. opens thus:

- \\m» » i w. 'ifit f» ti>

46 —

he
,re

ig
ir-

Lorde .Thu Criate kyng of glory
pe faire grace and the victory e
pat thou sent to kynge Uicherde
pat neu' in his lyue waa funden cowerde
It is righte gude to heryn in ieste
Off his prowesche and his noble conqueste
Also full fele romance men make newe
Of gude knyghtis pt were stronge & trewe
Of /)aire dedis men redys Romance
Bothe in yglonde and eke in ffraunce
Of Duke Rovvlande and of Sir Olyuere
And also of eu'e ylke a duzzepere
Of Alexandere and of Sir Gawayne
Of kyng Arthure & of Sir Charlemayne
How they weren gude and also curtayse
Of Bischope Turpyn & Sir Ogere Danays
And also of Troye men redis in Ryme
Whate werre was there I olde tyme
Of Ectoure and also of Achilles
And whate folkes were slayne />' I /»* prese
In ffraunce Bokes thies rymes men wrote
Bot in Ynglys lewede men knewe it note
Lewede men kah ffrauncf righte none
Amanges ane hundrethe vnnethes one
Bot nowe will I schewe ^ow w* gude chere
jiff that jow lyke to lythe & here
A noble geste I undirstonde
Off doughty knyghtis of iglonde
And ther fore nowe I will jow rede
Of a Kyng that was doughty in dede
Kyng Richerde p^ was p^ werryour? beste
^at men redes offe in any geste
And to alle pat heris p's ilke talkynge
Jhu now graunte tbeym his dere blyssynge
The lines in Weber 6657—6674, containing reference to the
other well-known romances, read in the present version as
follows:

I )

— 46 —

Bot nowe herkyns my tale for it es sothe

/)of />' I swere ^ow /)' to none othe

I will gow neneri romance none

Of Partynope ne of Churlemayne

Of Kyng Arthoure ne of Sir Gawayne

Ne jitt of Sir Launcelott de lake

Of Beues ne of Sir Gy ne of Sirake (?)

Nor of Uly nor jitt Sir Octouayne

Nor gitt of Sir Ectore the strange man

Of Jasone ne jitt of Ercules

Of Eneas ne jitt of Achilles

ffor I ne wene neu' per ma faye

pat in the tyme of their daye

Did any of theym so many doughty dede

Nor gitt so strange Batell in J^aire nede

Als Kyng Richerde dide Saunce fayle

Att Jaffe in this ilke Bataylle

The concluding lines of the romance, corresponding to Weber

7119ff,, are as follows: —

And than aftir warde alio these thre gere
Cristyii men bothe fferre and nere
jode the wayes to Jerusalem
To the holy Sepulcre & to Bedelem
And to alle othir pilgreraage
With owtten harme or any damage
And kyng Richerde ^* was doughty of hands
Torned harawarde in to Ynglande
Kyng Richerde regned here
Noghte bot allanly ten ^ere
Sythyn was he slayne w' schotte alias
At the castelle Galyarde there he was
And thus Endys /)® Romaunce of Richerd oure Kynge
And god grante vs alle gude Endynge amen
Explicit The Romance
Of Kyng Richerd /j« Coqueroure

d. A portion of the romance is preserved again in the British

Museum ms. Harley 4690, consisting of 1608 lines. This

— 47 —

version, so far a8 it goes, agrees closely with that offered
by the ms. Douce 228 already described. In a few places
slight variations occur, and a few lines in ms. Douce 228
have no parallel here.

The opening lines describe the close of the tournament
at Salisbury and Richard's contest with ,Syr ffoukedoly",
in which, contrary to the version given in Weber, the latter
is unhorsed. Sir Thomas and Sir Fulk are summoned by
the king, who informs them of his intention to visit th<»
Holy Land, before he reveals himself as the knight who
had so distinguished himself at the tournament. The account
of the adventures in Almayn agrees in all respects with the
ms. Douce 228, where both of these versions offer variations
from Weber. Mention is also made here of the Irish knife.
Do me to have kerchewes of sylke
ffourty wyte as any mylke
and a scherpe yrysche knyfe
As /)" wilte saue my lyfe.
The following lines describing Richard's victory over the
lion, will also serve to show the close connection between
this version and that of ms. Douce 228.

And Kyng Richard also skette

Yn to ys throte ys arme he schette

AUe ynne kerchewes ys arme wownd

the lyoune he strangled in /•* stownd

Richarde w*- the knyfe so smerte

Smote the lyon to the herte

Atte p&it game Riv^harde lowghe

And of ys harme ^e kerchewes drowe.

He openedde hym atte ^e breste bone

And touke oute ys herte anone.

And thonked godde omnipotente

Of the grace he hadde hym sente

And of this dede of grete renowne

cleped he was conquer de lyoune.
The narrative then runs parallel with Douce until the return
to England, with the exception that nothing is said of any

— 48 —

inttTceNHion of tlie (niffii lor her dmi^litor, thus leaving uh
to siippoHe thut the hitter uccoinpHiiieil Uichurd on \m ile-
jiurturc from Ahnayn.

Kyng Kiihanl Nwero by seint .loon

He wokle haue too for oon

thanno the kyng y vncleristonde

towke yy dowgliter by the honde

and bad her wytli Kicharde goo

Oute of ys londe for euer moo

He swore by allu ys parage

thare schuld sche liave non herytage

thws come Iticharde owte of pryson

God r^etfe vs alle ys Beuesoune.
The second visit to Almayn is here also entirely omitted,
and the preparations for the crusade are told even more
concisely than in Douce; after which the two mss. run
closely parallel to the end of this fragment, which closes in
the middle of the archbishop of Pisa's tale with the line

On a Seynt James day veramente,
corresponding to Weber 2756.

e. The celebrated Auchinleck ms. in the Advocates' Library
at Edinburgh preserves still another fragment of 340 lines
of the romance, which agree lor the most part very closely
with the version printed by Weber. It is curious to note
that the opening 24 I'nes have been transformed into two
of the 12-line stanzrts familiar in later romances such as
Amis and Amiloun and Sir Amadas, after which the ms
proceeds in the usual octosyllabic couplets.

Lord Jhesu king of glorie
Swiche auentour and swiche victorie
Thou sentest king Richard
Min it is to leren his stori
And of him to haue in memorie
That neuer no was couward
Bokes men maketh in latyn
Clerkes witen what is ther in

) I

— 49 —

Botho Almnundos and Pikard

IloMiiiunoo nmk(5 folk of Kraunce

Of kiiiclitcs tlmk wer in dcstuunce

Tliiit dyed tliurlli dinh of svviird

Of Hoiilund and of Oliucr

And of till! other dukf IVr

Of AliHannder and ('Imrleineyn

Hector tlu5 grtt vvcrrer

And of Dunys lelich (?) Oger

Of Arthur and of Oaweyne

Ac this ronmnnco of frenya |is wroucht]

That mani h;\ved no knovve noiicht

In j^cst ash) (?) we seyn

This k'WL'd no can frcyng non

Ainon<» an hundred unneth ou

On lede is noucht to leyii

The ms. then continues: —

No the les with gode chore

Feie of hem wahl y here

noble ^estes ich vnderstond

Of deukes knichtes of In^Iond

Thtr fore now icli il jou rede

Of a knicht douhti of dede

Khv^ Richard the werronr best

That men findeth in ani <,'est

Thon al that listen this aminji

Jhesu hem giant gode ending
After this introduction there evidently occurs a break in
the copy, for the lines immediately following correspond to
those in Weber 1303H".

A freyns kniciit the douke Miloun
Douke Renaud a bold baroun
Thurth tresoun of the counte Roys
Surri was lorn and the holy croys
The douke Renaud was hewen smale
Al to peces so seys the tale

Noodloi, Ilicliard Cueur do Liou. 4

— 50 —

The second visit to Almayii is here also omitted, Richard
going direct to Marseilles, and thence to Messina. The ac-
count of events there agrees line for line with Weber, as
far as their inipcrt is concerned, tliough in every case pre-
senting variations in language, from 1. 1659 to 1744. Here
a great break occurs, owing to several leaves being lost, and
Weber 1745 — 2702, containing the account of the quarrels
in Sicily, of the events in Cyprus, the capture of the trea-
sure-ship, and the arrival at Acres, have no parallel in this
fragment. The next, lines belong to the middle of the tale
of the archbishop of Pisa, corresponding to Weber 2763 ff.

Thai seyche the Sarrajins had riches
And we of all gode destresse
And thouciit winne to her proye
Of that tresour and that noblt-ye

From here to the close of the archbishop's story, and
through the account of llichurd's pv»diminary operations
against x4cres with his Mate-Gryflbn, robiiiet, and the bee-
hives, the ms. runs line for line p-irallel to Weber from
1. 2703 to 1. 2930, where it ends as follows: —

That day so Richard sj)ed ther

That he was hokkn coiiquerer

For better he sped that day ar none

Than the other in souen ,Yer hadde done.'")

f. In tlie Bodkian Library is also an interesting blackletter
copy of the romance, printed by Wynkyn de Worde in the
year 1528. Each section into which the |)oem is here divided
is headed by a wood-cut representing the chief event described
in the narrative that follows. As to content, however, this
edition otters little that is new, as it is only a modernized
form of the version given in Weber and, allowing for the

31) This lnif,'inont in the Anchinlock ms. was copied for mo by
Iho courtesy of a friond, so that 1 cannot, as in the caso of tho other
m .-., iK.'vs-ouiiUy vouch for tho accuracy of every letter.

— 53 —

difference in language and in variations as to words and
phrases, agrees line for line with Weber from beginning to
end, with the exception that lines 6147—6340 of Weber, in
which is contained the account of the siege of Nineveh and
of the combat with the three Saracen leaders, have no
counterpart here, and that the closing Hnes of this blaek-
letter copy have been expanded, as will be seen. It is not
the case, as Weber asserts in the introduction to his edition,
that ,the savage meal which Richard made upon the heads
of the Saracens, and the feast he prepared for the messengers
of Soliman, are here onatted." These lines, and those con-
cerning Kichard's longing for poik, arc found in Wynkyn
de Worde's printed copy exactly parallel with Weber. '^^j
I will give the following passages to show the general
relation existing between the two texts. Wynkyn de Worde's
copy opens as follows: —

Lorde kyny-e of ijflorve

Such grace and such [torn]

Thou sendest to kyng

That neuer was foun

It is good to here Je

Of his r owcsse and his conquestes

Many romances men make newe

Of good kiiyghtes and of trewe

Of theyr dodes men rede romauns

Bothe in Englonde and in Fraunce

Of Ilowlande and of Olyvere

And of euery desepere

Of Alysaunder and of Chariemayne

Of kyiige Artliur and of Gawayne

How they were knyghtes good and curtoys

Of Tarpyn and of Oger the danoys

Of troye men rede in ryme

82) But it would bo a laborious task to enumerate all the in-
stances in which Weber and his contemporaries seem to have drawn
upon their imagination instead of looking up the facts.

I '

«l

What was by olde tymo

Of Hector and of Achyllea

What folke they slevve in prees

In frannce these rynies were wrought

Euery englysshe ne knewe it nought

Lewde man cun frcnsshe none '

Of an hondred unneth one

Neuertheles with gladde chere

Yff that ye wyll now here

Newe Jestes I vnderstonde

Of doughty knyghtes of Englonde

Therfore now 1 wyll you rede

Of a kynge doughty of dede

Kynge llycharde was the beste

Tliat is founde in ony Jeste

Now all that here this talkynge

God gyue them good endynge
Weber 6657 ff. are here: —

Herken now how my tale goth

Though I swere to you no othe

I wyll you rede romaynes none

Of Pertonape ne of Ypomydone

Ne of Alysaunder ne of Charlemayne

Ne of Arthur ne of Gawayne

Ne of Launcelot de lake

Ne of Beuys ne Guy of Sydrake

Ne of Ury ne of Octauyan

Ne of Hector the stronge num

Ne of Jason neyther of Achylles

They ne wanne neuer parmafaye

In thyr tyme by theyr daye

And anone of them so doughty dede

Ne so stronge batyll ne of felowrede

As dyde kynge Rycharde without fayle
At Jaffe at that stronge batayle
The closing lines of this version give the .duke ofEstryche"
as being with his host in ,castell Gaylarde"* when Richard

^|A

'< ■

— 53 —

was wounded by one of the defenders from the walls. For
the sake of the further historical reference to Richard's
burial, I will reprint these lines here 83), which take the
place of the closing ten lines in Weber:

Thus Kyng Rychard that doughty man

Peas made with the Sowdan

And sith he came I vnderstonde

The waye to warde Englonde

And thorugh treason was schotte alas

At castell Gaylarde there he was

The duke of Estryche in the castell

With his boost was dyglit full well

Rycharde thought there to abyde

The weder was bote in somer tyde

At Gaylarde vnder the castell

He wende he niyght haue keled hyrn well

His helme be abated thare

And made his vysage all bare

A spye there was in the castell

That espyed Rycharde ryght well

And toke an arblaste swythe stronge

And a quarell that was well longe

And smote Kynge Rycharde in tene

In the heed without wene

Rycharde let bis helme downe fall

And badde his men dygbt them all

And swore by the see and the sonne

Tyll the castell were iwonne

Ne sholde neyther mete ne drynke

Neuer into his body syuke

He set up Robynet that tyde

Upon the castelles syde

On that other halfe the one

He set up the matgryffone

33) They are also to be found in Wober II, 476.

J .

— 54 —

To the castell he threwe stones

And brake the walles for the nones '

And so within a lytell tyde

Into the castell they gan ryde • .

And slewe before and behynde

All tlio that they myght ayenst them tyude

And euer was the quarell by the lede

Stycked styll in Ilychardes hede

And whaii it was drawen out

He dyed sone withoute donte

And he comniaiuided in al thynge

To liis fader men sholde hym brynge

That they ne let for nesshe ne harde

Tyll he were at the forte Enerarde''*)

At fort Euerarte wytterly

His bones lye his fader by

Kynge Harry forsothe he hyght

All Englonde he helde to ryght

Kynge Rycharde was a conquerour

God gyve his soule moche honour

No more of hym in Englysslie is wrought

But Jesu that us dere bought

Graunte his soule reste and ro

And ours whan it cometh therto

And that it may so be

Say all amen for chai-yte.
Here ends the list of versions of the romance of Richard
Coeur de Lion with which I am directly acquainted. Another
ms. of it is preserved in the library of the College of Arms.
This, according to the description given by Hardy in hia
^Descriptive Catalogue of Materials relating to the History
of Gt. Britain and Ireland*'^''), contains the account of
Richard's pilgrimage, his exploits in Germany, return to
Germany with his host, and the events in the Holy Land,
ending with Richard's return.

34) King Henry II., Richard's father, was buried at Fontevrault,

35) Vol. II, 519. See also Ellnier, Anglia X, 294f.

"Ml

— 55 —

A fragment of the romance is also to be found in a
ms in the possession of the Marquis of Stafford, commen-
cing with Richard's arrival at Messina, and ending with the
truce with Saladin.'*")

Taking a final glance back at what has here been said
concerning these 6 different texts of the romance, we see
that they all point to one and the same original. The four
longer texts, Weber (VV), Douce 228 (D), British Museum
Additional 31,042 and Wynkyn de Worde's black-letter copy,
differ slightly here and there in the matter treated of, but
for the great bulk of the poem agree very closely. The
fragment, Harley 4G90, is more closely connected with D
than with the others, while the smaller Auchinleck fragment,
with the exception of the first 24 lines in stanza form,
chows most affinity with W. Where one or other of these
English texts presents divergence in point of matter from
one or more of the others, it is almost certain that this
particular part of the text is of purely English origin, and
a later addition to the translation from the French. Such
is the case with the lines treating of Richard's cure by
pork, and his fabulous devouring of Saracens (Weber 3019—
3102, 3163—3202 and 3323—3672), which are not found
in D at all. By eliminating all such later additions and
interpolations, there would be left the substance of an Eng-
lish poem forming the bulk of these six texts, and which
poem would probably be a pretty faithful reproduction of
the original romance in French concerning Richard Coeur
de Lion. This original French poem plainly followed the
facts of history more closely, and was freer from fabulous
extravagances than the later English versions. It also either
ended with Richard's departure from Palestine and did not
contain an account of his imprisonment in Germany, or else
the closing portion of it was unknown to the first English
translator.

36) See Hardy II, 520. The extracts given by Hardy from the
romance are not to be relied upon for literal accuracy.

4 U

IV.
Later Works in cliroiiolo^;ical Order.

From the early part of the fourteenth century until the
close of the sixteenth Richard Coeur de Li<jn seems to have
disappeared from among the notables who formed the sub-
ject of song or story, and his name, like that of so many
of the heroes of the Middle Ages who had in the course of
time developed into monstrosities of kinghthood, was preserv-
ed only in the compilations of the chroniclers. When he
appears again in literature it is in a different role. Many
of the legends that were early connected with his name
have come to be looked upon as actual facts of history, but
from now on he is no longer the performer of fabulous
feats of strength and skill, but is treated seriously as a
historical personage of the past. These later works in which
he appears again will now be taken up in chronological
order.

1. The Troublesome Raigiie of John King of England,
with the discouerie of King Richard Oordelions Base

Sonne etc.

This play printed in 1591 is the basis of Shakespeare's
King John. We read on the title-page that „it was
(sundry times) publikely acted by the Queenes Maiesties
Players, in the honourable Cite of London", and was thus
amongst the many plays which our great dramatist found
attracting large audiences there, and which he considered
worthy of remodelling.

Here, as in the closing lines of the romance quoted
above from Wynkvn de Worde's printed copy, the duke of
Austria is the cause of Richard's death. A further step is
madd in the union of the duke of Austria and the viscount

— 57 —

of Limoges (possessor of the castle of Chaluz where Richard
met his death) in one person. Philip Fawconbridge, Richard's
bustard son, avenges the death of his father by killing thi;j
representative of two historical names. The king of Fmnce,
who is supporting the claims of the young ArUiur to the'
throne of England, as prior to those of king John, says
,Braue Aiistria cause of Cordelion's death
Is also come to aide thee (Arthur) in thy warres."
and Lymoges adds vauntingly upon this reference to himself:
nMe thinkes that Richard's pride and Richard's fall
Should be a president t'affright you all."
The Bastard, in a battle that takes place, pursues Lymoges,
depriving him of the lion's skin which he had previously
taken from Richard, and later accomplishes his revenge in
the death of his father's enemy; upon which follows this
monologue with an allusion to Richard's rough treatment
of the duke of Austria in Palestine: —

, Bastard. And as my father triumpht in thy spoyles
And trode these Ensignes vnderneath his feete,
So doo I tread vpon thy cursed selfe,
And leaue thy bodie to the fowles for food"
The reference contained in these lines, and especially the
uniting of the duke of Austria and the viscount of Limoges
in one person, seem to indicate that the author of this play
of The Troublesome Raigne of John was acquainted
with the romance of Richard as contained in the version
printed by Wynkyn de Worde in i528.

Shakespeare, in his allusions to Richard in the play of
King John, simply follows the old play. The Bastard,
when told by his mother that he is really Coeur de Lion's
son, exclaims (Act L Sc. 1).

„Your fault was not your folly;
Needs must you lay your heart at his dispose, —
Subjected tribute to commanding love, —
Against whose fury and unmatched force
The avvless lion could not wage the fight,

— 68 —

KPoji hia princely heart IVotn ^iclinriVs liand.
He, that i)erforce robs lions of their hearts,
May easily win a woman's."

A^ain (Act II. Sc. 1).

,,Lewis (the Dauphin). IJei'ore An^iers well met, brave Austria

Artlu.r, that great lore-runner of thy blood,

Richard, that robbed the lion of his heart.

And fought the holy wars in Palestine,

By this brave duke came early to his grave.

ArtVrr. God shall forgive you Coeur de Lion's dt'vth,
The rather, that you give his offspring life."

Uy Shakespeare, in conforinity with the old play, the duke
'■' .iistria and the viscount of Limoges are also made one
aiicl the same persori, upon whom the Bastard ave igcs
Richard's death.

2. The Trngefly of Richard J. King of England, To
which are annexed Some oliier Papers. IJy George
Sewell, M. D., late of Hanipstead. sill iaitlifiilly piihli-
Khed from his on'iglnal Mannscripts, by his Brother.

London 1728.

Tiiis is a portion of an unfinished play founded on the life
of Richard. The dedication is interesting from its reference
to the approval of the subject of the play by Addison.
,To his Grace the Duke of Newcastle.
My Lord,
The opera of Richard the First being the present
entertjiinment of the court, and my brother having signified
to your Grace, that he was honoured with the sentiments
of Mr. Secretary Addison, in thinking this a proper subject
for the Drama, drew some scenes in order to the forming a
tragedy thereon. In the address to your Lords'hip prefixed
to the last collection of his poem?, printed in the year 1820,
he first applies to Mr. Addison, and concludes his
apostrophe to your Grace in the following lines.

— 51) —

O! had yon liv'd to fivn tin? kindled rii<;(«,
E'en I the least, the lowest of the sttiire
To your own fav'rite them the lyre had strunpf,
And f]freat Fhinta^enet triumphant snn^,
First of hia line, which miohty in extent
Shines forth in (ieorf^e, and hrij^htens by descent.
Then had you heard the poet-monarch's strains
And view'd your Garter first on Jewry's Plains.
Upon this motive, my Lord, I hope you will forj^we the
present interruption, since I look upon it rs piy incumhent
duty to put these papers of my brother's under your pro-
tection, h'''"fif, with most profound respect.
Your Grace's Obedient

Humble Servant.

Gre<i;ory Sewell."
Preceding the tragedy itself is a history of the life of
Richard. The unfinished play consists merely of tlire. .scenes
of Act I., one scene of Act II., and a few other scattered
scenes unnumbered. The last scene shows Richard on a conch
in his tent wounded. He dies in commonplace philosophis-
ings upon life and death.

From these few scenes that we have, iliere is no great
cause for regret that the play remained a fragment.

8. Ricliard Coeur de Lion, coiniMlie en trois actes, me\(e
d'ariettes. Par M. J. Scdainc."'")

This comedy, interspersed with music, was performed
for the first time at Paris in October 1784 and, from the
numerous imitations it called forth, seems to have enjoyed
considerable popularity. It is founded upon the fiction of
the discovery of Richard's place of imprisonment in the
castle of Linz by the minstrel Blondel.

S7) M. J. Sedaine 1719 — 1797. IIis vaudevillos and operettas
attracted the attention of Diderot. Two of his plaj's, which were
very original and free from the prevailing excessive sentimentality,
vrero performod at the Theatre B>an<,'!ii.s. Sedaine was later elected
member of the Academy.

— 60 —

Act I. Flort'staii, the governor of the cnstle, is in lovo
with Jjiinrt'tte, the diuij^litor of Sir WillianiH, iin exilod Ei;^-
lisli knight living near hy. Bloiidel, feigning blindness, is
led by tlio youth Antonio to the vicinity of the castle.
A letter sent by Laurette to the governor is intercepted by
her father, and Blondel learns its contents. Marguerite,
countess of Flanders and Artois, who has long been desolate
owing to the imprisonment of her lover Richard, arrives at
the house of Sir Williams and, on hearing a familiar air
played by Blondel, calls the latter to her presence.

Act II. At dawn next day Blondel plays l)efore the
castle walls and is answered by Richard who sings to the
same melody, the nuister and faithful adherent thus recog-
nizing each other. Soldiers arrest Blondel for disturbance
but, upon being brought before the governor, he wins favor
with the latter by imparting to him the message from
Laurette, and is set free again.

Act III. Blondel has audience of the countess Marguerite,
reveals himself, and informs her that Richard's place of con-
finement, which they have both been searching for so long,
is the castle a few yards away. They, along with Sir
Williams, arrest Florestan when he comes to see Laureite
at the ball given by Williams that night, and the countess'
soldiers, led by Blondel, storm the castle. Richard is thus
rescued, and Marguerite restored to the arms of her lover.

Of this play by Sedaine three adaptations exist.

a. Richard Coeur de Lion, an historical romance.
By General Burgoyne.''**)

This free translation of Sedaine's work was brought
out for the first time at Drury Lane in 178(). The „ad-
vertisement" of the translator shows its general relation to

38) Boat known aa the British General who surrendered to the
Americans at Saratoga in 1777. Wrote for the stage later. The
Heiress (1785), a comedy, vmn popular for some time. Other
pieces are The Maid of the Oaks (1774), and The Lord of
the Manor (1781). Died 17l!2.

■V.

*4.

— (51 —

the original. ,In nrlapting the following scenes to the Eng-
lish stage no adventitious matter has been introduced: some
liberty, however, has been taken in effecting the ])rin('ipal
incident of the piece; tlm discovery of Richard's confinement
being now giv»'n to Matilda in phu'e of Blondel, as well to
increase the if.terest of the situation, as to avoid the less
affecting interposition of the heroine in the latter part of
the drama. — The elegant anchor of this Romance will
pardon a freedom whidi has been taken with no other view
than that of giving the best assistance of our stage to his
admired com))osition."

Here, as is seen, the heroine's name is changed from
Marguerite to Matilda; otherwise, the whole closely follows
St'daine, the nuisic (by M. Gretry) being the same. It is
curious to note that just a week before the appearance of
Burgoyne's adaptation at Drury liane another version by a
Mr. Mac Nally came out at Covent Garden, without, however,
meetiiig with success.

b. Riccardo cuor di Leone, con Pulcinella guida

di un cieco. Napoli 1800.

This is an enlarged form of Sedaine's work, containing
a good deal of buffoonery. The motive of love between
Florestan and Lauretta is more largely employed in the
Italian adaptation. Pulcinella, who has no counterpart in
the original French work, is servant to Guglielmo, and also
in love with Lauretta. Riccardo, when released, liberally
forgives Florestan, whom he takes with him to England
along with Lauretta.

c. Richard Coeur de Lion, an historical romance,
arranged by Messrs. Maffey for their Theatre of the

Petit La/ary at Paris.
This is simply a free English translation of Sedaine,
made for the purpose of enabling English theatre-goers un-
acquainted with the French language better to understand
the representation. At the same time a few somewhat ob-
jectionable passages are softened down.

— «2 —

4. La tour ti^iiC'breiiHo ct Icn joiii>i liiininoiix, conies

an^loiN, par Mile. rHeritioi* <lc Villaiidon.
AiiiNtenliiiii ITS').

Tim ,tour teiM'hrt'Use" is only ii rniiiic-work used hy
the uiitliort'N.s in which to set two stories, vi/; Iticdin-
Uictloii, mid Lii robe de siiicerite.

Itichiird, kiiij( of Kii<^l;iiid, hiiviii«; distinj^nished himself
in Palestine, pusses in dis<fiiise throiij^h (u'riuany and siiddtMily
disappears. No trace of him is to be found by his jieoplo
after sixteen months searcli, vmtil one day at Linz Hlondel
de Nesh.', who has traveUed ail over Europe, accidentally
hears from his host at an inn of a noble prisoner who was
guarded with much care in a t(/W(!r — la tour tenebreuse --
at the entrance to a nei}^hl)orin}^ wood. Blondel repairs
thither and sin;^'s before a window the iirst verse of a son;^ of
which Kichard had formerly composed tlu^ remaining Hve,
he innnediately recognizes the voice. of the king who re-
sponds from within. Hlondel succeeds in procuring the
position o[' instructor in singing to the daughter of the
gaoler, and in this way gains admission to Richard's presence.
The king relates to his faithful minstrel the history of his
imprisonment, and tells him how he spent his time com-
posing tales, two of which — the two abone mentioned —
he repeats to lilondel. Their course it is not necessary here
to follow, lilondel nnikes wax impressions of the keys of
the prison, and sets out for Vienna. We are left to infer
Richard's subsequent liberation.

5. Walter and William, an historical ballad, tninslated
from ilio orl^ional poem of Uicliard Coeur do Lion.

8(>cond edition London 1707.

On the fly-leaf of the copy in the British Museum are
written the words: ,From the author, vi/ I. Watts." The
ballad consists of 70 4-line stanzas of the following type:

'Twas when athwart the dusky plain

Was thrown the veil of night,

And heroes, wearied out with strife,

Had ceased the lengthened fight.

^jfc

— 6y ~

Tlio work of st'iirch unioiij^Ht dusty volumes of ilu! pust
Ih nmdi! li^lilci' hy tlu' dLvcovi-ry of such iuuusiuj( pnKlnctioiis
HH tlu^ lon^ |tr»'fii(;o to this pociu. Tlio biilliul ifsflf is pro-
ft'sstMlly II tninslutiou I'rouj tlu; (mtmuiu; tlio ori<;iiml, ;u;cor-
(iiiiK ^'> tilt' tnuKsJutor, haviu^ hceu cuuipostMl l)y Wiclmrd in
ti (ivruiiiu (linii^cou, — uud, <M>iitniry to tlio Jisajfo of tho
I'oyiil uiitlior, iu tlu- Ucrniau luuifuiij^o! Tlirouj^h the kii\(l
ussistuucf of a (n'l'iu.iu professor tho trauslator was put iu
possossion of tli(> poi-in, wliicli hai till tlioti laiu in ohscu-
rity. ,'riii' uiau who attou\pts to tlotuoiistratt' an ii\i(»ui*,
he siiys, .('.ouiUM)uly couchules his labours with loavinj^ the
Hiiltjcct, uioif involved than ho found it. Siu'h would be our
Hitiuitiou woro we to uttornpt any iltuslratiou of the authfuti*"
city of this pooni. There are some jjliilosopiuTs, whose
Hot'|)ticisiu has aris"ii to such a ht'i,u:ht, that they have
disbeliovi'd tluir own oxistouco."

As far as subject is coiUM.'nied, this ballad has nothing
to do with Ilichard, t'xcoi)t that the two oarls, Walter and
William, an' supposed to have served under hiui in his wars
in Palestiut!. William leads forth a hand of men a}^ainst
the Saracens, and does not return. ^Valter redoubles his
eiVorts in the war, and searches in vain for his missiufj
brother, until one ni<^ht tho s])irit of the latter comes to
him, and leads him to a distant castle where the real
William lies dead, with his bride, who had killed herself in
despair, beside him. Walter had previously liad \mlawful
relations with the girl, and given orders to assassinate her
lover. This lover turned out to be William; and Walter
was thus in his wickedness himself unconsciously tho cause
of his brother's death.

(J. Richsird the First: ii poem. IJy Sir J. Jt. ]{urgos.

London ISOO.

This very voluminous poem in Spenserian stanzas is
divided into 18 Books, containing in all 17,2('>2 lines. The
progress of events as here narrated is shortly as follows:
During liichard's absea-" ' in Palestine the Daemon stirs up

— t)4 —

revolt in Eiif^liind against those he had left in power at his
departure. Alter a time the news of Richard's wreck and
disappearance in Germany is brought back, whereupon
Blondel is commissioned by Queen Elinor to set out in
search of the kiug's place of confinement. The minstrel
discovers his master in the well-known way, by singing to
bis harp before the window of the castle, and hearing the
respojise in the familiar voice from within. When lilondel
returns to England and reports his success, Elinor summons
the nobles of the land to debate measures for obtaining the
king's release. One of them, Hubert by name, is sent to
the Po\)e to beg his friendly offices, while Mortimer, Pem-
broke and Blondel return to the court of Henry of Ger-
many, who holds Richard prisoner, to demand that he be
set free. As a result of these messages Richard is brought
before the Diet of Worms to answer the charges preferred
against him by the duke of Austria, the king of Sicily and
others. The royal prisoner, in the course of a very long
speech in his own defence, relates the tale of his many
adventures, and explains his conduct in the cases in which
charges had been made. Daemons, especially the one per-
sonifying False I'hilosophy, prompt Henry to refuse, but
after Richard's final powerful plea, and upon the advice of
the Prelate of Cologne, he consents to the release. The
Daemon False Philosophy now sets on the English people
to revolution, whereas Richard uses his persuasion to lead
them to be satisfied with the monarchy as upheld in his
own person. Aft^H* the jubilee over Richard's return to Eng-
land, preparations are made for war against France. In the
course of this war Richard, who uses his mighty sword Ex-
caliber, rescues his Queen Rerengaria, who had fallen into
the hands of his enemies. By the use of the same weapon
he overcomes, in a later encounter, kin<T Philip of France,
who is borne wounded from the field; but afterwards a re-
conciliation takes place between the two. Richard returns
to Berengaria in England, and Blondel is not forgotlen, but
is joined with the lady of his heart.

— 65 —

When we consider that tlie substance of the narrative
just given is stretched out to make up an epic over half as
long again us Milton's Paradise Lost, we are forced to
the conchision that the author had little of the true poet in
hira, and was utterly devoid of the faculty of knowing when
he had become tedious. The events of history, when he
introduces any such, he distorts in a most arbitrary way,
while his pompous style of dealing with such lifeless ab-
stractions as the Daemon of False Philosophy has an air of
the ludicrous. Posterity has more than confirmed the ver-
dict of a friend who, when the author sent him proof-sheets
and asked him for a candid criticism of tiie poem, advised
him to curtail it by at l^ast one-third.

From the higher point of view of the history of civili-
zation this long production has greater worth. It throws a
side-light upon the state of feeling in a portion of the Eng-
lish peoplt^ at that eventful time immediately following the
Frencli RovoJution. The Daemon of False Philosophy is
nothing more than a personification of the revolutionary ideas
emanating from France; Richard is the representative of
conservatism and the established hereditary monarchy.

7. a. The Lamentation of Queen Elinor. Printed in
Evans' Old Ballads II, 78.
This poem of 11 6-line stanzas contains the lament of
Queen Elinor, wife of king Henry II of England. She has
been imprisoned by him for 16 years owing to the trouble
she had caused in his family by her jealousy and malicious-
ness, and while in durance repents of her maternal short-
comings, acknowledging that she had put out of the way
by poison the king's mistress Rosamund. The last two stanzas
only have reference to Richard. King Henry's death is
finally reported to Queen Elinor in prison.

But when she heard these tidings told,

Most bitterly she mourned Lhen;
Her wof'ul heart she did unfold
In sight of many noble men.

Noedlor, Ricliard Coeur du Lion. K

And her eon Richard being king,

From doleful prison did her bring;
Who set her for to rule his land,

While to Jerusalem he went;
And while she had his charge in hand,

Her care was great in government,
And many prisoners there in hold

She set at large from irons cold.

b. A Princely Song of King Richard Cordelion. In
Evans' Old Ballads 11,81.

This ballad consists of 22 stanzas of 7 lines, the last
line of each stanza constituting a refrain. It begins:
A noble Christian warrior.

King Richard of this land.
For fame amongst our worthies brave,

Now orderly may stand;
The god of battles gave him still

A gallant great command.
To fight for our Saviour Jesus Christ.
When „fair Jerusalem" lay mourning in heaviness, king
Richard with a noble band of knights and gentlemen went
forth to its relief.

But by the way such chances there

King Richard did betide,
That many of his soldiers

For want of victuals died:
A new supply this noble king

Was forced to provide
To fight for etc.
The mighty duke of Austria, to whom he goes for aid, not
only refuses all such, but cowardly holds the king prisoner.
Richard's followers return to England and
When they are here providing

A ransom for his grace.

The duke's own son unreverently

King Richard did abase;

— 67 —

For which with one small box o'tli'ear

He kill'd him in that place:
In honour of our Saviour etc.

The King is thereupon cast into a dungeon, where a
lion is to bo let in to him. But the daughter of that duke
IS moved with gentle pity and enamoured of the prisoner
and comes to his aid. '

A rich embroider'd scarf of silk

She secretly convey 'd
Into the dungeon where the king

For execution staid;
The which, to save his gentle life,

An instrument was made,
In honour of our Saviour etc.

When the lion approaches, Richard nimbly takes the
same, thrusts his arm down the beast's throat, and in sight
of tli.« dnke and all his lord, pulls out its heart. Atler
the performance of this feat Richard is, according to the
law of arms, a free man, and returns to England; leaving
however, his ^dearest love- behind him. Englishmen the^'n
muster, and a valiant army is ready to pass the seas to
Aeon Avails. Thus „ consuming fire and sword" come into
,that country" (apparently the land of the duke of Austria),
and cities and towns are laid waste,

Till those the wrongs King Richard had
Were righted by the same.

But the noble King Richard meets witli death in the
prime of life, by a poisoned shaft. All his „ warlike train"
make moan for his death; but more than all, ,his lady fair"
the daughter of the duke, who assigns rich rewards for the
discovery of the murderer.

Upon the murtherer (being found)

Much cruelty was shewn;'
By her command his skin alive

Was flead from flesh and bone:

— 68 —

And aftir into dust and air
His body it was thrown,
In honour of our Saviour etc.

But the lady's grief did not end here. Sorrow for Ri-
chard broke her heart, she died, and both were buried in
one grave.

This interesting balhid is plainly a popular vouiiniscence
of the metrical romance, and we are quite iiuniliar Avith
such points of resemblance as the scarcity of provisions;
the killing of the son of the })rince that imprisoned Ivichard
by a blow of the fist; the contest with the lion; the love
of the daughter of the prince, and the assistance she renders
with the scarf; the subsequent revenge of Richard upon his
maltreaters; and the method of his death. In the course of
time the persons in the romance have become indistinctly
separated from each other, and here the duke of Austria
also represents the king of Almain. An addition of later
times is the love of the princess, her condemnation of Ri-
chard's murderer, and her death from a broken heart.

c. Song by Richard the First, Coeur de Lion, written

during his imprisonment in the Tenebreuse, or Rlack

Tower. In Evan.s' Old Ballads IV, 231.

This is merely a free and enlarged translation of the
French text of Richard's comj)laint in prison, a version of
which in the metre of the original I have already given '^")
This translation is, according to Evans, from the pen of
Dr. Burney^°), and printed in the second volume of the
latter's General History of Music. It has no particular
merits, and is made heavy by the change to 8-liued stanzas.

39) Page !).

40j Charles Burney (1726-1814). Chiefly known by hi« Ge-
neral History of Music (1776—89.) Received degree of Doctor of
Music from tlio University of Oxford in 1762. His daughtcir was the
novelist Frances burney, afterwards Mine. D'Arblay.

— G9 —

The envoi is omitted. It is worthy of note that this ,son«x"
of Richard, as announced in the title afKxed to the trans-
hition, is supposed to have been composed in the ,Tenebreuse,
or Bhxck Tower", a name which seems to show the trans-
lator to have been acquainted with the work of Mile.
L'Heritier de Villandon, La tour tenebreuse, already de-
scribed.*^)

8. Richard Lowenherz. Ein Oediclit in sieben Buchein.

This long German poem appeared, without the author's
name, in a new edition at Berlin, 1819, and published by
the Nicolai'sche Buchhandlung. A considerable , lion
of it is written in rhymed iambic pentameter couplets, though
all through the poem the arrangement of the rhymes and
the length of the lines vary greatly. As regards the sub-
stance of the poem, it is chiefly the creation of the author's
imagination, and only follows history in u i'ew scant out-
lines, as will bo seen from the following short analysis.

Book I. King Richard has distinguished himself in the
Holy Land, leaving Blondel in England to guard his royal
interests. A revolt arises, and Blondel sets out to join liis
master, but is shipwrecked on the coast of Triest. He finds
refuge with a knight named Clifford, now become hermit,
who had formerly suffered shipwreck in a similar way.
Clifford was a follower of King Richard, and relates to
Blondel his adventures.

IL Graf Max von Oitobann, an enemy of Riciiard in
Palestine, stirred up his master, Leopold of Aiistria, against
Richard, and endeavors to induce Leopold to marry his
beautiful daughter Ida, against the hitter's will. Richard pro-
tects her from the profligate duke. On his way home to
England Richard is wrecked. Clifford, who is amongst his
followers, suceeds in reaching land, but believes King Richard
to have been drowned.

41) Paire 62.

— 70

III. Blondel and Clifford soon hear from an old fisher-
man of a knight whom he had rescued after shipwreck, and
who had left him upon his recovery without revealing his
name. Believing this to have been King Richard, Blondel
and Clifford set out in search of him, parting near Vienna.
After two months of search Clifford loses his way in a
wood.

IV. Blondel's adventures are now followed from the
time of parting from his friend. He comes one day upon
a beautiful maiden bathing in a stream deep in a wood.
On finding that she is observed the maiden faints, but
Blondel rescues her. This maiden, as it turns out. is Ida,
who has taken refuge in a cabin in this dense wood with
an old companion Walter, in order to escape from her father
and duke Leopold.

V. Ida relates her adventures to Blondel. After re-
turning from Palestine Leopold once gave a banquet, at
which his praise was sung by many minstrels. Only one
sang of a dishonorable prince. Ida, and Leopold himself,
knew that none other than the giver of the least was meant.
The minstrel is Richard, who is discovered by his proud
bearing, and cast into prison, where a lion is let in to de-
vour him — the same lion that Richard had once presented
io Leopold as a pledge of friendship in Palestine. The lion
is killed by Richard in the usual way, but as it dies it re-
cognizes in Richard its former master. Ida faints as i^ho
reaches this point of her story. Blondel hastens to fetch
water, but on his return to the spot finds that Ida has
disappeared.

VI. Ida had fainted at the sight of avmed knights led
by her father, who had found her place of conct^alinent.
While Blondel is fetching w^ater, one of these finds her and
leads her to her father. Blondel, like Clifford, strange to
say, at this juncture also loses himself in the wood.

VII. The two knights meet at length, for, as it hap-
pens, it was on the same night and in the same wood that
they had lost their way. After reaching a neighboring castle

-- 71 —

Blondel sings before the keep and is answered by King
Richard from within. At this moment Graf Max returns to
the castle (it is night) with old Walter and Ida, who is
about to be given over to the pi-ofligate Leopold, when they
are fortunately rescued hy the bravery of Blondel and Clif-
ford. Graf Max is mortally wounded, but on his death-bed
reveals the fact that Clifford is Ida's brother. Afterwards
Richard, Blondel, Ida, Clifford and Walter, with their fol-
lowers, go in liaste to Aquileja, where a ship takes them
back to England. King Richard is here joyfully welcomed
by his people.

Such is the course of this poem, which shows some
passages of considerable beauty as subjective verse, but is
auythhig rather than a good epic. It reveals throughout a
singular enthusiasm on the part of the author for everything
British — a not uncommon thing among his fellow-coun-
trymen and contemporaries of the close of last century.

«. Ivanhoo (1819), and The Talisman (1835). By Sir

Walter Scott.

It is hardly necessary to do more than mention in pass-
ing that Scott who drew so much from mediaeval sources,
also made Richard of the Lion Heart a conspicuous figure
in two of his principal novels. Both of these works,
I van hoe and The Talisman are chiefly interesting in con-
nection with the present theme, as showing Scott's acquain-
tance with tl.e metrical romance as given in Ellis' synopsis*^);
and the use he made of it in one or two instances. In a
note appended to Ivanhoe he thus refers to the precedent
for introducing the exchange of blows between Richard aiid
Friar Tuck: — »The interchange of a cuff with the jolly
priest is not entirely out of character with Richard I., if
romances read him aright. In the very curious romance on

42) Ellis, Specimenti of Early English Metrical Romances.

— 72 -

the subject of his adventures in the Holy Land, and liis
return from thence, it is recorded how he exchanged a
pugilistic favour of this nature, while a prisoner in Germany
His opponent was the son of his principal warder, and was
so imprudent as to give the challenge to this barter of
buffets. The king stood forth like a true man, and received
a blow which staggered him. In requital, having previously
waxed his hand, a practice unknown, I believe, to the gentle-
men of the modern f'anov, he returnc' the '- c ( \ the ear
with such intf. st as to kill l'.-. t.nthg ui^t .>u ti.e spot. —
Sec, in Ellis's Specimens of Engli^li ''ti)!ri:. ce, that of
Coeur de Lion."

In the introduction to The Talisman, again, we read
the following: — »The most curious register of the history
of King Richard is an ancient romance, translated originally
from the Norman; and at first certainly having a pretence
to be termed a work of chivalry, but latterly becoming
stu'ted with the most astonishing and monstrous fables.
Thei'e is, perhaps, no metrical romance iipon record, where,
along with curious and genuine hu-tory, are mingled more
absurd and exaggerated incidents. We have placed in the
Appendix to this Introduction (see end of Volume) the
passage of the romance in which Richard figures as an Ogre,
or literal cannibal."

Turning to the appendix alluded to, we find extracts
from Ellis, mostly a word-for-word transcription, relating
Richard's longing for pork, and his devouring of the Sara-
cens. There is nothing in these references by Scott to lead
us to suppose that he was acquainted with the complete
romance as printed by Weber in 1810, nine years before
the appearance of Ivanhoe.

10. Richard Coeur de Lion, an historical romance.
Printed by George Pierce, London.

This anonymous and undated work is a historical novel
after the style of Scott. The main story is founded upon

•*.v

— 73 —

actuiil events in Richurd's life, but the writ-r has at the
same time friven free scope to his iniagin-ition

Sir TlM-uas de Multon aid C!r Fnlk D'Oyley appear
as the coir.. anions of Hicbard, aud the whole story of their
imprisonment in Almain, as given here, thoi .,h the most
fabulous (<i die inoidents are omitted, unmistakeably shows
f'Ti ac(|uaiiM .ace on the part of the autiior with the metrical
1 )raHi.ce. Richard and hi? v,ompanions are betrayed by a
gipsy minstrel. The king's son is calletl Armour, and, as
in the romance, exchanges buifets with Richard, the latter
here »lso eiuploying wax to iiarden his hand. The king's
daughter (here called Priscilla^ "s enamored of Hicliard, "to
rescue whom she even kills the guard, enters the prison,
unlocks Richard's fetters, and furnishes him with a dagger.
Thus armed, Richard kills the lion in the sight of the king
of Almain and his knights. Enraged at the result of the
contest, tiie king is about to have Richard summarily put
to death 'vhen the duke Leopold of Austria arrives, to whom
the prisoner is handed over. Sir Thomas and Sir Fulk are
liberated and carry the news over to England, with the
result that Richard is at length ransomed and restored to
his people.

Both before and after the imprisonment the story fol-
lows history more closely. Blondel appears throughout as
the attached and faithful follower of Richard, and many
songs are introduced as having been sung by the minstrel.

Many features of this story, such as an archery contest
in Avhich Locksley appears, remind us of Ivanhoe, and
show the whole to be largely an imitaiion of Scott, The
style is not u)iinteresting, but too many of the incidents
related are so fabulous in their nature as to make it im-
possible for the reader of modein times to take any serious
interest in the heroes of them. The edition is richly illus-
trated with wood-cuts and engravings

— 74

11. Richard Coeur de Lion an historical tragedy.

London 1861.

So late as only 30 years ago we find Richard Coeur do
Lion made the suhject of an English drama. The author,
whose name is unknown, was evidently oppressed by the
dearth prevailing in the field of dramatic production at that
time in England, if we may judge from the following pithy
dedication prefixed to his work:
„To the Public.

Time has long made inquiry for an Original
Drama. — -• Is this one?"

Act I gives a picture of Richard's coronation and the
plundering of the Jews. The Crusade is preached by one
Fulk the Pilgrim. Preparations are made for the Holy
Land. Many so-called troubadours' songs (which, however,
are all else) are interspersed through this and the follow-
ing acts.

Act II is made up of the quarrels between Richard
and Philip of France in Messina, the coming of Berengaria etc.

Act III gives the arrival in Acres, and subsequent
battles with Saladin.

In Act IV the scene is transferred to Vienna. Richard,
disguised as a pilgrim, is captured, but while in prison is
entertained by the songs of the troubadours. As in the
novel just considered, he is brought forth to defend himself
before the diet of Worms — also a feature of the poem by
Burges.

Act V opens with the joyous celebration of Richard's
return by the population of London. Next come warlike
operations in Normandy. The final scene is the siege of
the castle of Chalous. As Richard lies wounded in his tent
Bertram, the archer who had shot him, is brought before
him and generously pardoned by the dying king.

Whether it be „ original" or not, Time has rightly
judged this drama to be of little worth.

— TT) ~

Conclusion.

It would add nothing to tho complutt-nt'ss of the present
theme to enumerute the few other scattered verses of modern
writers referring to Richard Coeur de Lion. They are either
purely arbitrary creations of the writers and equally appli-
cable to any otlier hero of the past as to litm of the Lion
Heart whose fortunes we have been following; or they are
mere passing allusions to incidents already fully reviewed in
these pages.

To the student of tl>e history and the literature of
mediaeval times Richard Coeur de Lion remains one of the
nio.'t inter^vsting figures, and the light thrown by modern
historical research upon his exceptionally eventful career has
shown a striking personality, which explain.s his wide-spread
fame amongst his contemporaries and his fabulous name in
later ger.erutions. He was one of the greatest individualities
at a time vvhon fame depended more upon individual great-
ness than now, and the foremost representative of knighthood
when chivalry flourished most. Of the many ways in which
posterity has written its recollections of him, it has been
the object of these pages to give some account.

The end.

Contents.

I. Introdiution H

11. Richard mid Contoniporiiry Troubadour Pootry 7

III. Metrical Chronicles and Motrical Ronunico.s 19

1. AmbroHius' HiHtoiro do la guerre Hainte 19

2. Konrad of WUrzhur^f's Turnci von Nanihoiz . . , . 2(>

H. Robert of Glouceator'H Chronicle 21

4. ChronicloH of I'otor of Lan<,'toft and Robert Manny ng . 22

f>. The Motrical Romance and its difforont versions . 2;{

a) Mi. of Cains College, Cambridge 25

b) Ms. in Bodleian Library, Douco 228 38

c) Ms. in British Museum, Additional HI, 042 .42

d) Ms. in British Museum, Harley 4690 46

e) Auchinlock Ms 48

f) Wynkyn do Wordo's Printed Copy .'lO

IV. Later works in chronological order 56

1. Troublesome Raigne of John r)6

2. The Tragedy of Richard I o«

3. Richard Coeur de Lion. Comedy by Sedaine . . . .^9

a) Burgoyne's Translation of the foregoing work ... 60

b) Riccardo cuor di Leone 61

c) Richard Coeur de Lion, arranged by Messrs. Malfoy 61

4. La tour t6nebreuso, by Mile. L'Heritier de Villandon 62

T). Walter and William 62

0. Richard the First. By Sir J. B. Burges 63

7. a) Lamentation of C>ueon Elinor 65

b) Princely Song of King Richard 66

c) Song by Richard the First 68

8. Richard Liiwenherz. Ein (Jodicht 69

9. Ivanhoe and Tlio Talisman 71

10. Richard Coeur de Lion, an historical romance 72

11. Richard Coeur de Lion, an historical tragedy 74
V. Conclusion 7A

Druck villi Ht'Hso .* Hecker in Ijnijizig.

:\
7

l<j
20
'21
22

•ja

'25

38
4'2
40

r.o

56
56

'j8

«0

61
61

62
62
63

65
66
6S
69

71
72
74
75