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SPE ECH 
 
 OP 
 
 MR. M. P. GENTRY, OF TENNESSEE, 
 
 ON THE OEEGON aUESTION. 
 
 Delivered in the House of Representatives, U. S., February 5, 1846. 
 
 i The House having under consideration the joint resolution reported b)r the Committee on Foreign 
 ^ffairs, directing the President to give notice to Great Britain that the United States will terminate the 
 convention between the two Governments, providing for the joint right of trade in Oregon territory, 
 At the expiration of twelve months — 
 
 Mr. GENTRY having obtained the floor, said — • ;' 
 
 Mr. Chairman : Tnis House has placed itself in a most extraordinary attitude. On 
 ^esterdaj"^ or the day before it passed a resolution requesting the President of the United 
 States " to communicate all correspondence which has passed between the Government 
 ^f Great Britain and this Government, or by or between any of the officers of said Go- 
 vernments in relation to the country west of the Rocky mountains since the last annual 
 lessage of the President to this House." If the adoption of that resolution by the 
 louse meant any thing, it meant that the representatives of the people on this floor 
 |elieved that, before they were called upon to vote upon this great question, they were 
 Entitled to know all that had transpired between the Government of Great Britain and 
 
 iiis Government in relation to the difficulties between the two nations since the Presi- 
 ent communicated his annual message at the beginning of the present aession of Con- 
 ress. But what have we seen this morning ? This House, which but yesterday 
 assed the resolution to which 1 have referred, has this morning passed the resolution 
 lat all debate upon the great question before it shall cease on Monday next, and that 
 ilie committee shall then proceed to vote upon the resolution reported by the Commit- 
 ^e on Foreign Affiairs, and upon the various amendments which have been offered ! I 
 ras surprised to witness the efforts made by the leaders of the Administration party to 
 jefeat the resolution of inquiry which was passed by the House, and v/as pleased to 
 Ipe those efforts unsuccessful. 1 have witnessed with regret their eff'orts this morning 
 pass the resolution to terminate debate, and bring the House to a vcie on Monday, 
 tnd was astonished to see those efforts successful. Has the House heard from the 
 ■^resident in reply to its resolution? Has he responded to the important inquiry? Is 
 his House in possession of the facts which, by its inquiry, it declared to be necessary 
 guide its conclusic r upon the question before ihe committee ? Does this HouFe 
 aiow all that has transpired between the two Governments ? Is it informed of the tS' 
 ict posture of our present relations with England ? Is it prepared to act blindfolded, 
 6 take a leap in the dark, on a question which involves the highest interests of the 
 iOuntry — a question admitted on both sides of the argument to involve the issues of 
 xbace and var ? I say on both sides of the argument. For while, on the one hand, it is 
 ;Ontended, that to pass this resolution is the most effectual mode of securing a speedy 
 .^d peaceful adjustment of the controversy with England ; on the other, it is urged, 
 Wth equal earnestness, that its tendency will be to promote war. All, then, agree that the 
 jtestion pending before this committee is fraught, for good or evil, with the most mo- 
 (lentous consequences. Ought we not, then, to have all of the facts of the case before 
 before we are required either to speak or vote upon it ? I regret the necessity which 
 ipels me to speak in the absence of facts necessary to a proper understanding of the 
 Bsent relations of our Government with England, and which I conceive I have a right 
 kknow. 
 
 was much astonished, in the early part of this debate, to hear the distinguished 
 kirman of the Committee on Foreign Aff'airs (Mr. C. J. Inoersoll) declare, in the 
 bst positive and unqualified manner, that no correspondence had taken place betweeii 
 
 fc G. S, Cideon, printen. 
 
 iuii2lH 
 
 •*^r"'*'!fiH"'9 
 
$ 
 
 -t 
 
 the two Governments since that communicated to Congress at the beginning of th( 
 present session. I believed then that the gentleman was mistaken. I believe so now 
 But the gentleman made the declaration most emphatically, and took upon himself the 
 responsibility of doing so. If he had not made that declaration so positively and un 
 qualifiedly, I would have introduced a resolution, at an early period of this debate, call 
 ing on the President to communicate to this House any correspondence which migh 
 have taken place between the two Governments ; but I felt that it would not be res 
 pectful to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. C. J. Ingersoll) then to do so. Thi 
 gentleman from Vermont, (Mr. Collamer,) in introducing the resolution which thi 
 House adopted on the day before yesterday, anticipated me in a purpose which I in 
 tended to execute. I repeat my conviction, that the chairman of the Committee o: 
 Foreign Affairs was mistaken, when he made the declaration to which 1 have referred , 
 and he is mistaken now, if he thinks there has been no correspondence between thetwc 
 Governments since that communicated by the President at the beginning of the preseii 
 session of Congress. Such a conclusion is at war alike with the suggestions of reasoi 
 and of common sense. It is impossible that nothing other than that which has been f-om 
 municated to this House has transpired between the authorities of this Government and thi i 
 of Great Britain. To suppose so is to suppose that the Executive branch of this Govern < 
 mentis altogether unmindful or regardless of the duties which it owes to the American pec ^ 
 pie ; and that the British Government is entirely indifferent as to the question of peace Of| 
 ■war, as between herself and this nation. The supporters of the Administration on thig 
 floor have labored most strenuously to convince the House that to give notice to Enj| 
 land in the form proposed by the resolution reported by the committee on Foreign k% 
 fairs, now under consideration, of the abrogation of the treaty of 1818, will not, car.-' 
 not, produce war ; and they have taxed their talents — they have brought into requisition 
 all their eloquence, to present to our view, in the most striking lights, the powerful rei-.; 
 sons, the considerations of State policy, which operate to make it pre-eminently the ir ; 
 terest of England to maintain peace with the United States. I, in part, grant their cor 
 elusions ; I admit the force of their reasoning ; I admit that England desires peace wii ' 
 the United States; I admit that it is pre-eminently her interest to maintain peace with ui 
 I maintain, however, that it is equally our interest to maintain peace with England, 
 hope, for the interestof my country, that we will not presume too much upon the unive: 
 sally admitted fact, that it is her interest to maintain friendly relations with us. I hop 
 that we will not forget to remember (and if we are wise we will not forget) that En[ 
 land may not, cannot, wiH not, dare not, attempt to preserve and maintain any or all ( 
 her domestic interests by sacrificing her national honor — by disgracefully lowering hi 
 proud crest, or in any way compromising her high and commanding position among tli 
 nations of the world. 
 
 If, however, it be true, as all admit, that England is so very desirous to maintai 
 peace with us, is it not to be presumed that Sir Robert Peel, charged as he is with a 
 the interests of that great nation, would, upon the reception in England of such a me 
 sage as the President communicated to Congress at the commencement of the presei 
 session, seek an interview with the distinguished individual who represents the inte 
 ests of this nation at the court of St. James ? Would he not desire to propound inte 
 rogatories to Mr. McLane ? Would he not desire to learn from him, whether, indeei 
 all hope of honorable compromise was at an end ? Haviag announced to Parliamen 
 ■when the President's inaugural was the subject of discussion there, that " England hi 
 Hghts in Oregon which, by the blessing of God and the support of Parliament, she wi 
 prepared and determined to maintain," would he not seek to know from the America 
 minister whether those rights could be peacefully maintained ? Would he not seek ir 
 know all this before he determined the question whether England must appeal to tli| 
 last resort of nations to maintain those rights ? Most assuredly he would. No man | 
 common sense can doubt this conclusion. And can it, for a moment, be supposed, thli 
 the President of the United States was so unmindful of the duties which rested upc^ 
 him, as the Chief Magistrate of this great nation, as not considerately to foresee the e 
 
 theP 
 
I 
 
 .m 
 
 ginning of the 
 elieve so now 
 on himself the 
 itively and un 
 lis debate, call 
 B which migh 
 Id not be res 
 to do so. Th( 
 ion which tht 
 )se which I in 
 Committee o: 
 have referred ^ 
 stween the twi ' 
 l of the preseii 
 lions of reasoi . 
 has been f.oin : 
 rnment and thi .i 
 )f this Goverr « 
 American pec ^ 
 lion of peace (k^j 
 stration on thii 
 notice to Engl 
 on Foreign Ail 
 , will not, cai!« 
 into requisition^ 
 B powerful res-.v 
 linently the ir ; 
 yrant their coi ■ 
 ires peace wil ^ 
 peace with ui 
 h England. 
 )on the unive: 
 th us. I hop 
 rget) that En[ 
 in any or all i 
 f lowering ht 
 tion among tli 
 
 IS to maintai 
 s he is with a 
 of such a me 
 of the presei 
 ents the inte 
 ropound inte 
 iiether, indee( 
 to Parliamen 
 " England h 
 iment, she wi 
 I the America 
 he not seek if 
 appeal to th| 
 1. No man 4 
 supposed, thil 
 ch rested upc^ 
 forei^ee the e^ 
 
 citement which his message would create in England ? That he did not forward instruc- 
 tions, or cause his Secretary of State to forward instructions, to our minister at London, 
 as to how he should bear himself with reference to all the questions that would arise at 
 that court in relation to our unadjusted difficulties with England ? No sane man will, 
 for a moment, indulge such a supposition. Now, I contend, Mr. Chairman, that, be- 
 fore this House shall adopt the conclusion of the President, that " all attempts at com- 
 promise have failed," hopelessly failed, and take action upon that conclusion, it is a 
 duty, a high and solemn duty, resting upon it, to demand of the President an opportu- 
 nity of seeing those instructions and all correspondence which have passed between the 
 two Governments since the termination of negotiations in August last. The House 
 has so determined, but no response has been received from the President. What is the 
 character of those instructions? What the character of that correspondence? What 
 the nature and character of the information forwarded to this Government by our min- 
 ister at the court of St. James ? I repeat, that, reasoning from tne nature of things, no 
 man can doubt the conclusions at which I have arrived. They are not mere conjec- 
 tures — they are palpable, undoubted, self-evident facts. Have we not a right to see 
 and know all before we adopt the measure which is urged upon us — a measure which may 
 bring war, with all its long train of calamities, upon our country? The resolution 
 which this House has passed contained the usual qualification, leaving the discretion of 
 the President free to determine whether the information called for could be communi- 
 cated consistently with the public interest. More than a week ago, the Senate passed 
 a similar resolution. No response has yet been made by the President either to the 
 House or the Senate. fVfiy is this so ? Have negotiations been resumed ? If so, 
 the reasons upon which the President grounds his recommendation of notice have ceas- 
 ed to exist; and this committee ought at once to be discharged from the further consid- 
 eration of the resolution. Has the delicate point of honor, which was supposed to have 
 lesulted from the circumstances under which the negotiation closed in August last, been 
 overcome? If so, certainly the committee ought to be discharged from the further con- 
 sideration of the resolution of notice ; for I presume no gentleman on this floor would 
 deem it either wise or courteous to pass such a resolution in the midst of a negotiation, 
 having for its object a peaceful, fair, and just settlement of the difficulty between the 
 two Governments. I contend that we have a right to know the present state of the 
 facts of the case. Have new propositions of compromise been submitted by the British 
 Government? If so, what is their character? It is the duty of this House to insist 
 upon knowing, before it takes action upon the resolution before it, which is the first 
 of that series of measures recommended by the President for the maintenance of the 
 right which he assumes for our Government to the whole of Oregon. Can this House, 
 without knowing all the facts, wisely and properly determine whether the course which 
 Congress is advised to take by the President and the Committee on Foreign Afliairs, 
 composed of a majority of his friends, is the best calculated to lead to a peaceful main- 
 tenance of the nation's rights ; or whether its t'^'^dency will not rather.be to involve us 
 in an unnecessary war? I contend that this House cannot, consistently with its duty 
 to the country, proceed to final action on this question, until all the facts shall be com- 
 municated. With these impressions, Mr. Chairman, I feel it to be my duty to call 
 upon the Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Afl'airs to state distinctly to the House 
 whether he is now prepared to repeat the declaration, which he made so positively at 
 an early period of this debate, that no correspondence, other than that which has been 
 already communicated, has taken place between the two Governments or the represen- 
 tatives of the two Governments? The relation in which he stands to the Administration 
 will doubtless enable him to speak advisedly to the question. 
 
 Mr. C. J. Ingersoll rose to explain. 
 
 And the floor having been yielded for the purpose — 
 
 Mr. INGERSOLL said, he did not recollect that he had said any thing on the subject be- 
 fore. He rather thought he had said nothing. He meant to say that on that point he 
 rather thought he had said nothing. He would now say that recently he believed some 
 
I 
 
 correspondence had taken place, between the British Minister and the Executive of the 
 United States, which would be laid before the House without delay. As to the instruc- 
 tions, he was not aware tnat the President had been called upon to give any. 
 
 Mr. Gentry proceeded. My opinions, then, are sustained in part by the revelation 
 made by the Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs ; and, in my humble judg- 
 ment, when time and circumstances shall have revealed to us all the facts of the case^ 
 the opinions which I have expressed will be fully sustained. The Chairman of the 
 Committee on Foreign Affairs tells us that some correspondence has recently taken 
 place between the British Minister and the Executive of the United States. I am hap- 
 py to hear it. I congratulate the country upon that fact. Some progress has been made 
 towards a resumption of negotiation, and the reason for giving notice of the termination 
 of the convention of 1818 ceases; for it was upon the ground that negotiation was at an 
 end that the President recommended that the notice should be given ; and it was upon 
 the ground that njiice would induce a resumption of negotiation that gentlemen have 
 urged, in this debate, the adoption of the resolution which proposes to give that notice. 
 When all the truth shall be known, it will be seen, that my conjectures relative to the 
 instructions given to Mr. McLane will also be sustained. Until those instructions shall 
 be brought fully to the light I will not express an opinion as to the conduct of the Ex- 
 ecutive in relation to our Oregon difficulties; until then I abstain from expressing any 
 opinion upon some subjects to which our attention has been somewhat /^rot'o/eerf by the 
 declarations of the friends of the present Executive Administration during this debate^ 
 until then I reserve the expression of my opinion with reference to the declaration made 
 by the gentleman from New York, (Mr. P. Kino,) when he said that he " could not 
 but think that the Administration had been greatly in error when it made to England 
 the offer of the 49th parallel of latitude. It might become embarrassed by having as- 
 sumed such a position. With the responsibility, however, which pertained to him as an 
 American citizen, Mr. K. should freely express his opinions. It had been said that the 
 Adn^inistration must have felt sure the offer would be rejected, or it never would have 
 been made. The offi^r was rejected, and the position of the Administration rendered 
 stronger thereby ; and thus it had been saved from experiencing any injury from the er- 
 ror it had committed, if error it was." And further: '* Any man of common sense 
 might have known that such a proposition to the British Government would be rejected, 
 as it has been, without even being remitted across the water." Until then I reserve my 
 opinion in regard to the declaration of the gentleman from S. Carolina, (Mr. Rhett,) 
 when he, in reply to the gentleman from New York, (Mr. P. King,) said that " as the 
 gentleman had been so kind as to inform the House what was said elsewhere of Mr. 
 Calhoun and the South, he would take the liberty of telling the gendeman, in return, 
 what was said of him and those who voted with him in this matter. It was said that 
 this was a quarrel got up for purposes of political power and of President-gambling, 
 and not for Oregon at all; that it was a profligate gambling with the limbs, and lives, 
 and blood, and happiness, of the people of the United States, for an otiject like this, for 
 the gratification of a reckless ambition." 
 
 Perhaps it would be prudent, also, to abstain from expressing an opinion upon the 
 imputation made by the same gentleman from New York against a distmguished Sena- 
 tor from South Carolina, (Mr. Calhoun,) who is now, most honorably to himself, ex- 
 erting his high talents and large influence, in the other wing of this Capitol, lo preserve 
 the peace of the country ; but I would feel that I was conniving at the grossest injustice 
 if I were to fail to express my most unqualified disbelief of the truth of that imputation. 
 I adjourn the discussion of these and other similar allusions, which have been made by 
 the friends of the present Administration in this debate, to the effect that this war about 
 Oregon is only intended to be a war for political purposes, for party efriect; a war to 
 strike down one aspirant to the Presidency and build up another. Future developments 
 will shed light upon these topics which we are not now permitted to see. •! do not 
 feel authorized to speak all that I think at present; for if, despite the exertions of the 
 patriotic, the country shall be involved in all the calamities of war, it will be the duty 
 of ev ery patrietic citizen, whether in private or public station, to sustain the constituted 
 
 authol 
 sourcl 
 tion ,| 
 I am 
 the dJ 
 whici 
 somel 
 
 TiOt si 
 
 Govel 
 now 
 lend l| 
 to wl 
 with 
 in a( 
 of the 
 
« 
 
 Ixecutive of the 
 i to the ins true- 
 any. 
 
 the revelation 
 i humble judg- 
 ts of the case^ 
 lairman of the 
 recently taken 
 58. I am hap- 
 has been made 
 le termination 
 tion was at an 
 id it was upon 
 ntlemen have 
 ve that notice, 
 relative to the 
 tructions shall 
 ct of the Ex- 
 «pressing any 
 jvoked by the 
 ? this debate,'; 
 laration made 
 e " could not 
 e to England 
 y having as- 
 to him as an 
 
 said that the 
 r would have 
 ion rendered 
 ' from the er- 
 tnmon sense 
 1 be rejected, 
 I reserve my 
 Ir. Rhett,) 
 that «♦ as the 
 here of Mr. 
 1, in return, 
 as said that 
 It-gambling, 
 s, and lives, 
 like this, for 
 
 >n upon the 
 ished Sena- 
 limself, ex- 
 10 preserve 
 ;st injustice 
 imputation. 
 ;n made by 
 I war about 
 t ; a war to 
 velopments 
 •I do not 
 ons of the 
 >e the duty 
 constituted 
 
 authorities of the country, so hr as may be necessary to enable them to wield all the re- 
 sources and energies of the nation to bring the war to a successful and glorious termina- 
 tion ; and, therefore, in the present state of uncertainty with referoiico to the future, 
 I am unwilling to indulge in a harsh or uncharitable judgment of their conduct. Wher 
 the day shall come for the American people to hold them to account for the manner iu 
 which they have discharged the high duties entrusted to them, then I propose to have 
 something to say upon these themes, now forbidden by considerations which I need 
 not state. But I must say that, if it shall appear that any public functionary of this 
 Government, charged by his countrymen with the management of the question which 
 now threatens the peace of the nation, has been so lost to patriotism and honor as to 
 lend himself to the guidance of motives and objects, such as are imputed by the remarks 
 ] to which I have referred — so base and wicked as to put up the peace of the country, 
 with all the interests which stand connected with its' preservation, as a gambling stake 
 in a desperate and vile play of mean ambition, he deserves the concentrated execrations 
 of the present and all future generations of mankind ; tmd there ought to be " a whip of 
 scorpions placed in every honest hand, to lash the rascal naked through the world." 
 
 But, sir, I waive the discussion of all questions of this kuid as unsuited to this occa- 
 sion, and proceed to address myself to the important subject now under consideration by 
 tlds committee. The House of Representatives has resolved itself into a Committee of 
 the Whole on the state of the Union ; and the question for our consideration is, what 
 aetion ought to be taken by the Congress of the United ?»tates upon the resolution re- 
 ported by the Committee on Foreign Affairs, which is as follows : 
 
 " Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States ofJlmerica in Congress assembled, 
 That the President of the United States forthwith cause notice to be given to tiie Government of Great 
 Britain that the convention between tlie United States and Great Britain, concerning the territory of 
 Oregon, of the sixth of August, eighteen hundred and twenty-seven, signed at London, shuU be annulled 
 and abrogated twelve months after tlie expiration of the said notice, conformably to the second article of 
 the said convention of the sixth of August, eighteen hundred and twenty-seven." 
 
 In considering this question, we must embrace in one comprehensive view all the in- 
 terests of this great Republic, as those interests are liable to be affected, injuriously or 
 advantageously, by a disgraceful surrender or firm maintenance of national rights and 
 national honor, by the preservation of peace, with all its couniless blessings, or by the 
 occurrence of war, with all its innumerable cclamities and evils. In considering this 
 question, we ought to elevate ourselves above every motive which does not have its 
 origin in the purest patriotism, iri a sincere desire to arrive at wise conclusions, and to 
 take such action as will best protect the honor and the rights of our country, and pro- 
 mote the happiness and welfare of the twenty millions of people committed to our guar- 
 dianship. With my mind thus chastened, I have endeavoretl to consirier this question. 
 I have formed my opinion; I have determined upon the line of conduct which I believe 
 it to be my duty to pursue. My opinion is, that we will best discharge our duty to our 
 country by declining to take any action upon the question now before this committee 
 until the last month of the present session of Congress, or until the next session of Con- 
 gress; and that, if we are forced to vote upon it now, we ouglit to vote against it. What 
 evil can possibly result from this course ? Mow can the rigiits of the nation be jeopard- 
 ed by a postponement of the vote upon this resolution? By such a postponement, we 
 will give further time for the adjustment of the difficulty between the two Governments 
 by negotiation ; and we will then come to the consideration of the question better pre- 
 pared than we now are to determine wisely what ought to be done by Congress to 
 maintain our claims in Oregon. We will then be able to know certainly whether there 
 is, in the language of the President, " satisfactory evidence that no compromise which 
 the United States ought to accept can be effected.'''' In urging this course of policy, I 
 am not unmindful of the fact that the resolution now before this committee is the meas- 
 ure recommended by the Administration ; nor of the fact that a large majority of this 
 House are the political friends and supporters of the present Administration. But are 
 they not more devoted to country than to party ? If that majority shall perceive th^f 
 
Isler 
 in Tio| 
 
 Engla 
 Thl 
 4efinl| 
 from 
 
 J*akei| 
 
 jiienci 
 reprel 
 ■was ij 
 liverej 
 tion V 
 States 
 meas! 
 ^put 
 
 ' . . ' , liot th| 
 the President has rashly committed himself to a policy not necessary to maintain the ^^^y 
 
 rights of the nation, and calculated to endanger the peace of the country, will they, un- ^g^ 
 der the blind guidance of party, follow his lead? The wise framers of our Constitution ^^ ^| 
 intended to form a system of government in which the Legislature should be indepen- ^p\a 
 dent of the Executive; and they invested the Legislature with power to check and con- 
 trol the Executive, when tiie public interest demanded the exercise of that power. 
 
 I trust that this Congress will sublimely realize the intentions of those illustrious 
 founders of our C4overnmont, by interposing its authority to arrest the Executive in that 
 reckless system of measures in relation to our difficulties with England, which, if car- 
 ried out, must inevitably involve this nation in a most unnecessary and calamitous war. 
 The resolution now before this committee, proposing to give peremptory and unquali- 
 fied notice to England of the termination, at the end of a year, of the treaty of 1818, 
 may fairly be regarded as the measure of the Administration. I hope that none will J^duc 
 attribute my opposition to it to party motives. I opposed the election of the present ^ione 
 President of the United States, but I did not come here to make factious opposition to 
 his Administration. Upon all questions relating to our foreign affairs, especially, it 
 would be far more agreeable to nie to support than to oppose the Executive. I hold 
 the opinion that all questions relating to our foreign affairs ought, as far as possible, to 
 be pla ed beyond the scope of party views and party considerations. And 1 am not 
 without a hope that a majority of Congress, acting upon patriotic motives, will defeat 
 the Administration upon this measure. I feel that I am justified in regarding the reso- 
 lution now before the committee as the measure of the Administration, from the fact 
 that it was reported to this House by a committee composed mainly of the friends of 
 the Administration ; from the fact that a resolution precisely analogous has been re- 
 ported in the other wing of this Capitol by a committee similarly constituted ; and 
 from facts and circumstances, known to us all, constantly transpiring in this hall and 
 out of it. Any material change or modification of the resolution is, then, a defeat of 
 the Executive. I have already stated that I believe it to be the wisest policy for Con- 
 gress to take no affirmative action whatever, at the present time, upon the question of 
 notice. I fear that a majority of this House will not agree with me. Whilst it is 
 probable thai a majority of this House is in favor of giving notice in some form, I can- 
 not believe that a majority will sustain the resolution in its present form. I admit 
 that the resolution may be so modified as to relieve it of its hostile aspect, and make it 
 powerless for good or evil. But, in my humble judgment. Congress ought not to inter- 
 pose in matters connected with the foreign affairs of the nation, unless its interpositiorfc 
 shaU carry with it that dignity which can alone attach to that kind of action which» 
 founded in wisdom, is powerfully effective of good. Nevertheless, if the resolution 
 cannot be defeated entirely, let it be modified so as to relieve it of it3 hostile aspect. In 
 either event, the Execvitive will not be sustained in his reckless system of measures, 
 and the peace of the nation will be preserved. 
 
 I repeat that, if I believed this measure of the Administration calculated to conserve 
 the peace of the country, and necessary to maintain its rights, it would give me sincere 
 pleasure to support it. But I believe its tendency will be to produce war, and that it is 
 not necessary to maintain the rights of the nation. I have nothing to say in relation to 
 the various propositions which have been made to amend it. I desire all that I say to 
 be understood as applying to the resolution as reported by the Committee on Foreign 
 Aflfairs. On what grounds do its supporters urge its adoption ? It is said to be neces- 
 sary to bring the difficulty between this Government and England, in relation to their 
 conflicting territorial claims on the northwestern coast of this continent, to a speedy 
 and peaceful setdement. It is said to be necessary to induce a resumption of negotia- 
 tions, and as an auxiliary to our negotiators. How is it to produce these effects ? 
 Where are the proofs of these assertions ? Has not England already given us sufficient 
 proofs that she desires a peaceful and speedy adjustment of that difficulty ? Was not 
 Lord Ashburton charged with its adjustment by England when he was sent by that 
 Government to settle the difficulty in relation to the northeastern boundary ? And was 
 
to maintain the 
 y, will they, un- 
 our Constitution 
 >uld he mdepen- 
 
 check and con- 
 at power, 
 hose illustrious 
 xecutive in that 
 
 which, if car- 
 Ralamitous war. 
 ry and unquali- 
 ireaty of 1818, 
 5 that none will 
 of the present 
 s opposition to 
 
 especially, it 
 utive. I hold 
 as possible, to 
 
 And I am not 
 es, will defeat 
 ding the reso- 
 from the fact 
 the friends of 
 3 has been re- 
 istituted; and 
 this hall and 
 ■n, a defeat of 
 )licy for Con- 
 e question of 
 Whilst it is 
 3 form, I can- 
 w. I admit 
 > and make it 
 t not to inter- 
 interpositioiv 
 ;tion which, 
 le resolution 
 3 aspect. In 
 >f measures, 
 
 1 to conserve 
 3 me sincere 
 md that it is 
 n relation to 
 hat I say to 
 on Foreign 
 to be neces- 
 ion to their 
 to a speedy 
 of negotia- 
 se effects? 
 IS sufficient 
 
 Was not 
 Pnt by that 
 
 And was 
 
 hot the adjustment of this difficulty postponed then, because it complicated the diffi- 
 culty of agreeing upon a treaty with regard to the northeastern boundary, which was 
 Aen a question of urgent necessity, imminently threatening to disturb the peace of the 
 two nations ? Reference to the documents will sustam me in these facts, and in the 
 declaration which I now make, that, immediately after the ratification of the treaty of 
 l^Vashington by England, that Government forwarded instructions to its resident min- 
 ister here to move the President to forward sucli instructions to the American minister 
 in London as would authorize him to negotiate a treaty prescribing a boundary between 
 England and the United States on the northwest coast of this continent. 
 
 Then Mr. Pakenham was sent here with full power to negotiate a treaty to settle 
 definitively the claims of the two Governments in the Oregon territory. It appears, 
 |rom the correspondence communicated with the President's annual message, that Mr. 
 i*akenham importuned the authorities of this Government repeatedly, before he could 
 induce them to enter seriously upon the important business which he was commis- 
 sioned by his Government to adjust. After considerable delay, negotiations com- 
 menced, and were in progress on the 4th of March last, between Mr. Calhoun, as the 
 representative of tins Government, and the British minister. On that day Mr. Polk 
 was inaugurated President of the United States, and, as is usual on that occasion, de- 
 livered an address, in which he reiterated a vesolution passed by the political conven- 
 tion which nominated him as a candidate for the presidency, that the title of the United 
 States to the Oregon country is clear and unquestionable, and announced that all the 
 measures necessary to perfect that title, and make it complete by occupancy, would be 
 •put in operation, &c. What was the effect of this declaration ? 
 
 All knew how this declaration exasperated the British ministry an J people. No one 
 can have forgotten the replies made to it on the fioor of Parliament by Sir Robert Peel, 
 the Minister of the Crown, and Lord John Russell, the head of the Opposition, and 
 how their declarations were instantly responded to by all parties on all sides of the 
 House. Parliament seemed unanimous in the declaration that Britain had rights in 
 Oregon, which she was prepared and determined to maintain at all hazards. 
 
 Mr. Calhoun retired from the Department of State, and Mr. Buchanan was ap- 
 pointed his successor ; and, under his auspices, the negotiation with Mr. Pakenham 
 was continued ; and by him, under the direction of the President, a proposition was 
 made to the British minister to make the parallel of the 49th degree of north latitude 
 the boundary line between England and the United States. This proposition was sub- 
 stantially the same as those made by two preceding administrations of our Govern- 
 ment, with this difference, that, in some slight and unimportant particulars, it seemed 
 to be less favorable to England than the propositions which had been previously made 
 by Mr. Monroe's administration and by Mr. Adams's. It was rejected by Mr. Pak- 
 enham, and immediately Imffi-shhi withdrawn by Mr. Buchanan, under the direction of 
 the President. The withdrawal was accompanied by a labored argument, to prove thaj 
 the title of the United States to the whole of the Oregon territory was "clear and 
 unquestionable." This occurrence transpired in August last. On the first Monday in 
 December last, the President communicated to Congress his annual message, in which 
 he gave us a history of these transactions, apologized for having made a proposition to 
 partition the territory, and, after informing us of the rejection by the British minister 
 of his proposition, proceeded to say: 
 
 "The extraordinary and wholly inadmissible demands of the British Government, and the rejection 
 of the proposition made in deference alone to what had been done by my predecessors, and the implied 
 obligation which their acts seemed to impose, afford satisfactory evidence tliat no compromise which the 
 United States ought to accept can be effected. With this conviction the proposition of conripromise, 
 which has been made and rejected, was, by my direction, stibsequently withdrawn, and otcv titk to the 
 whole Oregon territory asserted, and, as is believed, maintained by irrefragable facts and arguments." 
 
 And further, he informs us: 
 
 "JU attempts at compromise having failed, it becomes the dntj' of Congress to consider v/nat measures 
 it may be proper to adopt for the security and protection of our citizens now iii)ial)iting, or who may 
 hereafter inhabit, Oregon, and for the maintenance of our just title to that territory." 
 
And, tliat no man may doubt the effect of the measure of notice which he recor, \Vc 
 incnds, he proceeds to say: egotial 
 
 "At the end of the year's notice, should Crngress ihink it proper to make provision for Riving th^)?^, " 
 notice, wf uhiill liavc reaciu'd a period wlv ii the national ri^jhts in Orc;^on must »'ithor l)e aUandonod di **" 
 firmly maintained. That they cau.i.Ji he ubiUidoneU without a sjucrifice uf botli national honor undinltt not tc 
 cut is too clear to admit of doubt," ^^ y^ (tI 
 
 Mr. Chairman, tliesc are tlie circumHtances under which we are called upon to givf'* *^' ff 
 this notice, to pass this Administration measure. We will fail to determine correcth*" "*;*' 
 the effect of this notice if we do not embrace within our view of the subject all of tlu**^*^ '*'.' 
 circumstances with wliich it stands connected. By itself, and of itself, notice is nothinj??*.^^'" 
 for the convention of 1818 expressly provides that either, of the nations which are par*^"'^^ ' 
 ties to that treaty may at any time terminate it, by giving one year's notice to the other' 
 party. But if Congress shall adopt the extreme position of the President, by passim.'' 
 the resolution now before this committee, under exisiiMjT circumstances, this (lovern-' 
 uient will stand pledged to that series of measures hinted at by the President, when he 
 says, that "at the end of the year's notice, shoidd Congress think it proper to make'f . . 
 provision for giving that notice, we shall have reached a period when the national rights'l^'**"^'" 
 in Oregon must either be abandoned or firmly maintained. That they cannot be aban-' >8sun 
 doned without a sacrifice of both national honor and interest is too clear to admit ol")? f|^ 
 doubt." Looking at the question in this connexion, who can regard it as a peace mea-T* . 
 sure? Who can believe that its tendency will be to facilitate a resumption of negotia-"** '" 
 tions ? Who can fail to see that its tendency will be to increase the difficulties which^X ^^^^ 
 obstruct a peaceful adjustment of our difficulty with England? And who can say that t'"'' V 
 it will not tend to produce war? What necessity is there for the adoption of this reso-'*^'^^"'' 
 lution? What will be its effect ? How is it to operate towards makir- England ne-'M' g'^*'" 
 gotiate a peaceful adjustment of the controversy? What does it amount to? To this,'||*'"'^ |?_ 
 and this only: We have a right to the whole of Ores^on: but in 1818 we agreed that'T|,P| I 
 you should occupy it jointly with us until one or the odier of us should terminate the ' ^ *' '^i 
 convention. We now find it our interest to terminate the convention, and you must |^ "*^ ,^| 
 march out ; the lohole country is ours, and we will have it, peaceably or forcibly ; and, '^ Sp '^ 
 if you do not march out at our bidding, we intend to drive you out at the end of a ^^? J 
 year. Is this is a suasive argument to induce liberal concessions and fair compromises 8tmiims 
 by negotiation? What is there in the history of England to induce the belief that she "^ "**^ . 
 can be thus bullied into a compliance with the demands of our Government ? In what ^Jf^ "'| ' 
 page of her long and eventful history can any thing be found to justify such conclu- ^f .^ 
 
 tH 
 
 ts m 
 
 thi 
 
 sions? Will she negotiate with the sword of coercion brandished in her face ? Is the 
 Executive branch of this Government acling under the belief that the reasons and mo- 
 tives which make England desire a continuation of peace with this nation are so pow- 
 erful, that she will yield to our demands, under circumstances of disgrace and dishonor 
 to herself? Are they striving to obtain a setdement of our dithcully with England 
 under such circumstances, as that they can claim to have bullied that nation into terms? 
 Is this the triumph which they propose to achieve ? Are these the poor, mean, base, 
 damnable motives and objects which, actuating the functionaries of this Government, 
 have brought the peace of the country into unnecessary peril ? Are these the high and ' w^nx 
 patriotic aims of those who are entrusted with the destiny of this great nation? Is it ^¥'" ^° 
 thus that th^y acquit themselves of the high task confided to them by the American ff]^,^*'; 
 people ? I trust not. I trust that the President and all his associates in the Executive ^'^ 
 
 pifoinise 
 and bel 
 0|ivn CO 
 e|ves ii 
 it, Cha 
 f^r this 
 I Engla 
 
 to_ 
 that th 
 
 administration are laboring with singleness of purpose to effect a peaceful adjustment of , 
 
 our difficulties — such an adjustment as will secure the rights and honor of the nation ?9" "^' 
 without jeoparding its peace. My opinion upon thi? point will be determined by the owi'^^^ 
 developments of the future. I express none now. I contend, however, that if this 
 Government is aiming to effect such an adjustment of our controversy with England, 
 the adoption of the resolution now before this committee will not facilitate the accom- 
 plishment of that object. It is not necessary, as has been argued, to stimulate negotia- 
 
 levea 
 t abou 
 
 gyess ' 
 
which he recor We have abundant proofs that England anxiousily desires to settle the controrersy 
 egotiation. Her saffacious statesmen know tliat, if any thing can give us the whole of 
 ision forpivinff tlnC"*^^"" territory, it will be time, and the operation of that "American multiplication 
 i''i- be aliaiidoncd ,)/' so delicately referred to in this debate. England understands her interest too 
 mil hoiiorundniut not to desire a peaceful and curly settlement of the difficulty. That she does not 
 re to go ti) war with us is abundantly proven by her own conduct, and by the argu- 
 led upon to givfMi "f genllemen in this debate, wlio have lahired to magnify the reasons and causes 
 ermine correcrth''^ make it almost fatal to her to do so. And I apprehend that he who seeks to find 
 subject all of tlii^^ '**'■ ^'''^ extraordinary display of that spirit of bullying and of gasconading de- 
 otice is nothinc'* ^^'''^■'' ''•'■'^ characterised ibis debate, equalling any thing Miat Mexico ever achiev- 
 » which are pal-Jy^'*^^ '"'^^ ^^ S'oiy, cannot do better than to refer it to the profound conviction which 
 tice to the otherV"*^'^ entertain that England, by reason of causes having their existence in her 
 lent, by passin<'ji''*^'>''^'^''''^' cannot be provoked at the present time to go to war with the United 
 
 ;s, this (Tovern-^* 
 
 Mdent, when lic*^ i^ ^^ certain that a peaceful settlement of the difficulty is desired by all who have 
 >roper to make'!" *^'^ ^^''^ **"^.i^^*^ Gentlemen scout the idea of a partition of the territory. Hav- 
 ! national rights'V^^'^'^*^ tiiemselves that our title to the tvhole territory is clear and unquestionable, 
 cannot be aban-' Msume that any settlement of the question which surrenders a portion of the ter- 
 ?M to admit ol"X ^° England amounts to a disgraceful purchase of peace by giving away Ameri- 
 is a peace mea-T^*'' ^"If^^s they are prepared to give England some valuable equivalent for her 
 tion of negotia-"^" '" ^'^'^^ territory, it is preposterous to expect such a settlement of the controversy 
 fficulties which^y propose, by any other mode than that of conquest by war. I do no ' lieve 
 tio can say that H^^^ nation ought to go to war to maintain such a claim to the wh- ^e of Oregti;. I 
 m of this reso-'*"^"^'""^^y believe that gentlemen who contend for the position to which I Snvi re- 
 '~ England ne-'^' ground their opinions upon the resolution of the Baltimi re Convention and the 
 to? To this '©iT'^l of the President, rather than upon ihe facts and arguments of .\t case. I 
 ive agreed that'*^ believe that this nation has a clenr and unquestionable title to the whole of Ore- 
 terminate the' ^ ^'^ ^'^^' ^" believe, I would be /.lUing to wage war to make good that title. I 
 find you must H ""^^ ^''^P ^^ inquire how long, how disastrous, or terrible the struggle might be, I 
 forcibly ; and, ^^ go for such a war rather than purchase dishonorable peace by yielding up terri- 
 the end of a ^'I'icb was "clearly and unquestionably ours." But we have no such clear title, 
 compromises *lnii"istration of Mr. Monroe, of Mr. Adams, and of Mr. Polk, have proposed to par- 
 belief that she ^:^^^^ territory by making the 49th degree of north latitude the boundary between 
 nt ? In what 'f^ nations west of the Kocky mountains. 
 
 ■ such conclu" '^^ ^'^a\e thus, by solemn acts of our own Government, admitted that England has 
 
 "ace ? Is the ^ '" ^^^^ territory as well as ourselves. We are committed to the principle of 
 
 ons and mo- Pfomise by a partition of the territory. Shall we be justified in this enlightened 
 
 are so pow- ^"'^ before the nations of the earth, and more especially by our own countrymen and 
 
 and dishonor ^'^ consciences, in going to war for a territory in regard to which we have placed 
 
 ih England 4^'es in this attitude? 
 
 it. Chairman, I am endeavoring to convince this committee that there is no neces- 
 
 .f0r this noil?e, as a means of facihtating a peaceful adjustment of our difficulties 
 
 I England in relation to the controversy about the territory of Oregon. With a 
 
 r to this aim, let me inquire whether there is anything in the recent advices from 
 
 laifld to induce the belief that the Government of England is not disposed to adjust 
 
 cfntroversy peacefully and liberally ? I maintain that there is nothing in those 
 
 368 to justify such a conclusion. The newspapers of England reveal to us the 
 
 that the conduct of the Executive administration of our Government in relation to 
 
 fon has excited feelings of animosity and resentment in that kingdom, which, un- 
 
 oidinary circumstances, would have displayed itself in a most imposing form. But 
 
 teveal to us also the additional fact that the people of England found their resent- 
 
 h England, t about Oregon more than neutralized by that portion of the message which advises 
 
 the accom- $!f^^^ ^^ abandon that system of policy which has built up manufacturing eslablish- 
 
 te negotia- % ^^ ^^^^ country, which have, to a considerable extent, driven English manufao- 
 
 ^ut of the American market, and which have entered into successful competitioa 
 
 into terms ? 
 mean, base, 
 Tovernment, 
 le high and 
 tion ? Is it 
 le American 
 
 Executive 
 justmentof 
 
 the nation 
 ned by the 
 that if this 
 
10 
 
 H 
 
 With the manufactures of England in other regions of the glohe. The tariff pa^\ 
 the message is more than a salvo to the Oregon part. Whilst the Oregon part o^^ o^ 
 message makes John Bull frown, ttie free trade part of it drives that frown froiw**"° ^ 
 brow ; and he delightedly exults in contemplating the commercial and manufacti •P^'^ 
 prosperity which will enure to him, when, by the policy of the President, the mW the 
 facturing interests of this country shall be broken down, and the country thereb^ditio 
 stored to a commercial dependance on England, like that which existed when these|l '^he 
 States were her colonies. The British Government, then, will make no war wit[*# w^^ 
 United States about Oregon, whilst our Government offers her, as an equivalent ®"*^, ^ 
 ?ier claims in that territory, commercial advantages far more valuable to her thai'li) ".^" 
 undisputed possession of the whole 0/ Oregon. Give England satisfactory assu 
 that the policy recommended by the President will be the permanent policy of thii 
 tion, and she will, to secure such a result, give us the whole of Oregon ; and I a 
 sure that she would not cede us the Canadas also. For what purpose does she i 
 tain her colonial system, at a vast expense, other than to promote her commercial 
 manufacturing interests. Guaranty to her these interests, and she would gladly re! 
 herself of the expense of governing and defending those colonies. Has our minis 
 London been instructed to urge these considerations upon the British Governmei 
 dispose that Government to liberal concessions with respect to the Oregon controv 
 Has he been instructed to negotiate a commercial treaty with that Government' 
 would like to know. I desire to see those instructions. There will be no warl 
 about Oregon, unless, by some act of extreme folly, this Government shall placi 
 question in such an attitude that England cannot make the concessions demand 
 our Government, without sacrificing her honor, without losing her high position ai 
 the nations. •• ' . '>. .' 'T 
 
 Gentlemen affect extreme sensitiveness about the honor of the country, as involvi 
 this controversy with England. They assume that " our title to the whole of OrW^^^ ' 
 is clear and unquesticnable,^^ and declare that any adjustment of our controversy^*^*^ "C^ 
 England, which shall give to her any portion of that territory, will be a dishono' " 
 purchase of peace. Can they see no dishonor in adapting the legislation of their 
 try, on questions affecting the interests- of our own people and country, to the 
 and interests of England 1 Are they willing to purchase peace, in a controversy 
 comparatively valueless territory, by sacrificing, as a peace offering, that wise 
 of policy which was founded by the fathers of this republic— by surrendering thai 
 icy which has made our country grow, and prosper, and flourish, as no nation ev^ 
 fore grew, and prospered, and flourished ? Lli u 
 
 But, Mr. Chairman, the clock admonishes me that the hour to which I am limitf^ , at 1 
 a rule of the House is rapidly passing away, and that 1 must hasten to some othet%^" '°^ 
 siderations which I desire briefly to present to this committee. Is the title ot'the li3[ 
 States to the Avhole of the Oregon territory, or any part of it, a perfect title— a "M^ 
 and unquestionable" tide ? I am not a lawyer, and am not competent, therefore, ^^."*» ? 
 into those nice distinctions and technicalities, those refinements of logic and argiii'l*^^"^ /' 
 which have been very properly introduced in this debate by gendemen learned iw ^"'^ 
 law, to determine the doubtful questions of fact and of law involved in that tide. UWritory 
 only law with which I am familiar (and I am not sure that I am even master of th;^ ^ 
 the law of common sense. I have looked into the facts of the case, I have listen'^ ^ 
 the arguments, and, as far as 1 have been able, have made myself acquainted witlTp. j.^^ 
 principles of public law applicable to the controversy; and it appears to me, that *f *-^ ?*<; 
 ery point of the controversy there is a plausible conflict between the claims of En^^^ ^ 
 and the United States; and if all the facts which either nation contends for, as the gr^^^}' ^^ 
 of their respective claims, be admitted as true, yet, when you apply the admittedn? " p 
 ciples of public law to the claim of either nation, no principle of that law can be flP ^ 
 •which will determine either nation to have a perfect tide to the whole or any p^ 
 Oregon; and it is my deliberate opinion, formed after the most careful examinatl 
 the subject, that, if the Emperor of China had the power now to make a setUema 
 
 ht of > 
 cific t( 
 
 
The tariff pC . 
 
 i Oregon part oW^ of the territory of Oregon not occupied by British subjects or American citi- 
 that frown fronvT^nd could maintain it for a sufficient length of time, he could establish a better 
 and manufacti ^^^ ^"7 "^^ possessed by England or the United States; for, as I have said» 
 -'resident, the rolt ^^^ ^^^ Government nor the other has performed all the acts, complied with all 
 ditions, which by the law of nations, is required to give either nation a perfect 
 the whole of that territory, or any part of it. I know that this opinion is in 
 with very high authority. I know it is assumed that the Secretary of State 
 iuchanar-) has, in his late correspondence with the British Minister, (Mr. Pack* 
 ) demonstrated conclusively that our title to the whole territory of Oregon, ta 
 tude of 54 deg. 40 min. is " clear and unquestionable." Mr. Buchanan is an 
 yer, and he has argued the claim of the United States to that territory as a feed 
 argues a cause for his client. I have examined it as a juror. Bring the Se- 
 to the Bible, and require him to swear to his conclusions, and he would start 
 horror-stricken at the idea. The crime of perjury would present itself in 
 deformity before him. No, sir; no man knows better than the Secretary of 
 at the United States have not a perfect title to that territory; and I have no 
 hat he has been surprised and amused to find that his argument has been so sue- 
 in convincing intelligent gentlemen on this floor of the truth of conclusions 
 he himself did not believe, nor expect any other man of sense to believe, 
 n what grounds do we claim a perfect title to the whole of that territory? By a 
 concluded with Spain in 1819, we acquired all the rights of that kingdom to the 
 y on the northwest coast of this continent north of the 42d degree of north lati- 
 Had Spain a perfect title to that territory, when she ceded her rights in that re- 
 this Government ? Her navigators were undoubtedly the first to discover and 
 y explore the northwest coast of this continent; but centuries passed away, and 
 ade no such settlements in the country as, by the law of nations, would have 
 d her title by discovery. In 1788, Lieutenant Meares, a British otficer, in com- 
 of a merchant vessel, landed at Nooka, and constructed a hut. In the ensuing 
 is establishment was destroyed by Spain, who sent armed vessels to Nootka for 
 rpose. England resented this practical assertion of exclusive rights of sove- 
 by Spain, contending that no nation possessed the exclusive rights claimed by 
 that she, in common with other nations, had a right to nav'gate the northern Pa- 
 ean, land upon its coasts, trade with the natives, and make settlements. Spain 
 " upon her pretension, and the two nations were preparing for war, when the 
 ty was adjusted by a treaty, called the Nootka convention. I have carefuUy ex- 
 that treaty, and, according to my understanding of its provisions, Spain con- 
 ali for which England contended. She practically renounced her pretensions to 
 ht of exclusive dominion, and admitted the country on the northwest coast of 
 cific to be free and open to all the nations of the earth, for the purposes of trade, 
 ent, occupation, and colonization. If I am right in this conclusion, the Nootka 
 
 country thereb 
 sted when thes 
 ke no war witl^^ 
 
 an equivalent] 
 table to her thai 
 atisfactory assu 
 snt policy of thii 
 egon ; and I a 
 jose does she ii 
 her commercia 
 would gladly rel 
 Has our minisi^ 
 tish Governmerj 
 )regon controv 
 at Government' 
 will be no warl 
 lent shall plac 
 ssions demand 
 tiigh position ai 
 
 iintry, as involvi 
 
 he whole of Or\ 
 
 •ur controversy 
 
 I be a dishono! 
 
 lation of their 
 
 (untry, to the 
 
 a controversy 
 
 f, that wise sy 
 
 rendering thai 
 
 1 no nation ev^* 
 
 ich I am limiti 
 I to some other' 
 e title ot'the U 
 Feet title — a " 
 mt, therefore, 
 
 offic and areuirlP^^^'^ ^^ "^^ ^"^'^ ^ treaty as is abrogated by the occurrence of war between the 
 
 men learned 
 in that title. 
 
 n master of thf 
 I have listen^ 
 
 icquainted witi* 
 
 s to me, that 1^ 
 
 which are parties to it; and I conclude that, in acquiring the right-^ '-*' Spain to 
 ritory now in dispute between Great Britain and the United Stateo, our Gov- 
 t did not acquire a perfect tide. The claim of Spain originally extended to the 
 rst degree of North latitude. 
 
 Government of the United States concluded a convention with Russia, in 1824# 
 ch it was agreed, " that hereafter there shall not be formed by the citizens of 
 claims of Eny*^'®^ States, or under the authority of the said States, any establishment upon the 
 s for as the el'''^®^* ^^^^ °^ America, nor in any of the islands adjacent, to the north of 54 de- 
 the admitted li*"*^ ^^ minutes of north latitude, and that in the same manner there shall be none 
 It law can be W ^^ ^"^si^n subjects, or under the authority of Russia, south of the same par- 
 lole or any pM ^o^' if ^*"- United Stoles derived a perfect title from Spain, why did we cede» 
 iful examinatiB** ^" equivalent, to Russia, the territory situate between the latitude of 54 deg, 
 »ke a settleraiw'* ^"^ ^^^ ^^^' degree o"" north latitude ? And if the United States believed that 
 

 Spain possessed a perfect title to the whole territory, why did our Government, in- 
 before we had acquired the rights of iSpain by the Florida treaty, make a formal {listion 
 sition to England to divide with her the Oregon territory, by making the 49th m Engl 
 of north latitude a boundary, without even making allusion to the rights of Sttt of 
 And if the title of Spain was a perfect title, how can our Government found aclas have, 
 the territory drained by the Columbia river, upon the discovery of the mouth o,:!© the 
 river by Capt. Gray ? Upon that discovery, made in 1792, and the establishmie. E 
 Astoria, near the mouth of Columbia river, on its south bank, in 1811, and the dii^ims b 
 Try of the southern head-waters of the Columbia river, and its exploration to its ned as 
 in 1805, by Lewis and Clarke, despatched for that purpose by their Governmeiaiarived 
 United States claim exclusive sovereignty over all the territory drained by that rivMlv to ' 
 its tributaries. Whilst I admit that these are better grounds of title than any otli 
 tion possesses, I do not believe they constitute a perfect title. The whole norl 
 coast of the Pacific had been discovered and carefully explored centuries before th 
 covery of the mouth of the Columbia by Capt. Gray, by the navigators of Spaii 
 England, but their discoveries were not followed up by such settlements as woul 
 either of those nations rights of sovereignty over the country. The mouth of thi 
 lumbia was discovered by Heceta, a Spanish navigator, in 1775, seventeen years r 
 Ihe discovery of Capt. Gray. Can the discovery of a river previously discovered 
 territorial rights to the nation making the second discovery ? . Such a position, I 
 hend, cannot be maintained; and, therefore, neither the discovery of the mouth 
 Columbia, (long before discovered by Heceta,) nor the explorations of the coast b 
 tish navigators, (long before explored by the Spaniards,) can give to either Engl 
 the United States territorial rights in Oregon. The trading establishment at the i 
 of the Columbia remained in the possession of Mr. Astor until the war of 1812, a of the 
 it was taken by a British force, and the British standard was erected. By the trei^ple giv 
 Ghent, Astoria was restored to the United States, and our flag was oflicially h|pude; 
 over it in 1818. It is therefore, technically, now in the possession of the leqple is 
 8tates, though it has not in fact been occupied under the authority of the Govern 
 nor by the citizens of the United States, since its lestoration; yet this is the on! 
 tlement in Oregon upon which we can found a claim of title; for, by the treaty bet 
 England and the United States of 1818, now in force, neither nation can found all, 
 upon any settlements made since that treaty. The claims of both nations, theri^lved i 
 are resting now precisely upon the same grounds that they did in 1818. Is this sQfP, will i 
 settlement and occupation as, by the law of nations, will give a perfect title ? IfiCWtive t 
 not, the discoveries and exploration of Lewis and Clarke lose their value, because»ipss, exi 
 have not been followed up by a sufficient settlement and occupation of the terr-»l"hus ac 
 The value of Lewis, and Clarke's discoveries and explorations is somewhat neutrhc mean 
 by the discovery, in 1811, of the northern head-waters of the Columbia, and its ei^o incr 
 ration to its junction with the southern branch of that river, by Thompson, an aijl^ion ca 
 the Northwest Company. England asserts that, in 1806 and 1811, the same coni>l|it less 
 established trading posts on the northern branches of the Columbia, and on the^^^P gen 
 stream of that river; and that, in 1806, Dr. Frazer, under the order of the NortH^n the 
 Company, crossed the Rocky mountains, discovered the head-waters of Frazer's 
 and established a trading post on that river, which, as is alleged by England, had 
 previously discovered and partially explored in 1792 by Mackenzie. If all tl*^; 
 true, it is very questionable whether these temporary establishments of roving htii 
 and trappers, for purposes merely of hunting and trading with the natives, cons*8f 
 that kind of settlement and occupation which public law determines to be necessa: i^^'O'^^ 
 create a title to territory; and none of the discoveries inland, alluded to, except thc^^ "n<^ 
 Lewis and Clarke, seem to meet the requisitions of the law of nations. They'ww, to 
 made by individuals pursuing their private interests, and not commissioned byj 
 Crovernnients to go upon expeditions of discovery. 
 
 But, sir, I will not further pursue this very dry subject, with which this comr 
 has been already so much wearied. I desired to say only so much upon this branl 
 
 stice. 
 y mac 
 overnr 
 tbut 
 
. i.'?r 
 
 lined by that rivj 
 :le than any otli<( 
 rhe whole noriii 
 ituries before ihi 
 igators of Spail 
 ejnents as would 
 'he mouth of tM 
 
 h a position, I 
 
 of the mouth 
 
 s of the coast b 
 
 to either Engl 
 
 shment at the 
 
 war of 1812, 
 
 Government, inT 
 
 make a formal Astion as would indicate the grounds of the opinion which I have expressed, thJt 
 king the 49th df England nor the United States hcve a complete and perfect title to the whole or 
 the rights of Std^t of the Oregon territory. The Governments of Great Britain and the United 
 iment found aclaiiiiave, however, for a long term of years, set up a vague, indefinite, indeterminate 
 of the mouth o^ffo the whole of the territory, and no other nation pretends to contest with th«nx 
 the establishni^. Each of the nations have at different times proposed to adjust their conflict- 
 811, and the dii||ms by a partition of the territory. They have failed to agree, only because they 
 loration to its m$ as to what constituted a fair and just division of the territory. The time has 
 iheir Governmeia^ived when, it the two nations desire to maintain peace, they must proceed 
 to adjust this controversy. It cannot be much longer postponed with safety, 
 iculty is in finding some principle upon which to proceed, which, wbile it will 
 ce to both nations in 'he matter of territory, will also take care of the honor of 
 tions. What is that principle ? The 49th parallel of north latitude is declared, 
 nvention between th(; United States and Great Britain, signed at London, Octo- 
 1818, to be " the line of demarcation between the territories of the United States 
 se o^ his Britannic Majesty, and that the said line shall form the northern boun- 
 H'enteen years rf the said territories of the United States and the southern boundary of the terri- 
 usly discoveredj^f his Britannic Majesty, from the Lake of the Woods to the Stony Mountains." 
 Chairman, I am a plain farmer; and, having been reared to that avocation, I am, 
 st farmers, very partial to straight fences. By the right of contiguity the United 
 may justly claim to extend tlieir northern boundary due west from the point of 
 ination east of the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific Ocean, and to settle and oc- 
 and exercise all the rights of sovereignty over, all of the Oregon territoty lying 
 f the 49th parallel of north latitude ; and. in my humble judgment, the same 
 d. By the tre^Ble gives England an equitable claim to all of that territory north of that para llel 
 vas officially h«ude ; and a settlement of the controversy between the two nations upon this 
 ssion of the IW^le is demanded by the interests of the two nations, and by principles of right 
 of the GovernMstice. Propositions to settle the controversy upon this principle have been re- 
 this is the onlffly made by this Government, and as often rejected by England. But now, when 
 Y the treaty beiwovernment sees that the controversy must soon be closed, peacefully or otherwise, 
 3n can found a Woi but believe that her regard for the peace of the world, and her own interests, 
 Ived in the maintenance of peace with this nation, if not her sense of right and 
 will induce England to accede to such a compromise. I believe that, if the 
 tive branch of our Government will, with a prudent, wise, and statesmanlike 
 ss, exert itself for that purpose, a treaty may speedily be concluded with Eng- 
 hus adjusting our controversy with that Power in relation to the Oregon territory, 
 mean time, Congress ought to be careful to take no action on the subject calcu* 
 increase the difficulties which surround it. Is not the measure now under con- 
 ion calculated, if adopted, to increase those difficulties, and make a peaceful set- 
 t less easy of attainment? I have already endeavored to answer the arguments 
 ia, and on thel<*e gentlemen who have labored in this debate to show, that to give notice to Eng- 
 !r of the NortHilin the form proposed by the Committee on Foreign Affairs, (which, in relation to 
 ■s of Frazer's ;|iiestion, may, without any violation of courtesy, be regarded as the organ of the 
 England, hadi^tive Administration,) is not necessary as a means of facilitating a peaceful settle- 
 izie. If all tlJiW^ ^^^ difficulty by negotiation, nor as an auxiliary aid to our negotiators. It re- 
 5 of roving hii^ifor me to show that its tendency is precisely the reverse of this; that it will in- 
 ? natives, cons»*l the difficulties of a peaceful settlement by negotiation, and tend to involve the 
 to be necessa! p^ations in war, and I will have accomplished the task which I have felt it to be my 
 to, except thd^to undertake. 
 
 lions. They ^pw, to determine the effect of the measure which we are called upon to adopt, we 
 missioned byl^not leave out of view the fact that the President has committed this Government 
 position that the whole of Oregon is ours, and advises the Legislative branch of 
 overnment to take the same position, by passing this notice as the first of a series 
 sures necessary to maintain this position. If Congress shall act in conformity 
 he advice of the President, by passing the notice in the form reported by the Com- 
 
 1 nations, ther 
 818. Is this si 
 rfect title ? Ifii 
 value, because 
 ion of the tern 
 )mewhat neutr 
 mbia, and its ei 
 3mpson, an ag 
 . the same cora' 
 
 ich this com 
 ipoa this brani 
 

 mittee on Foreign Affairs, this Government will stand pledged to the whole sen 
 measures that will be necessary to maintain the position thus assumed. WNs t '\\Mras 
 the consequences resulting from this ? What will be the position of this natpf fror 
 the end of the year? I maintain it to be a palpable, an incontrovertible truth, thtj^rgottl 
 nation will stand in a position from which it cannot recede without dishonor, njttpowj 
 Vance without war. National pride, national honor, will urge us forward at all ha^hav^ 
 and I, if I shall then have a voice in the councils of the nation, will say, Go forw; Iftirelyl 
 all hazards, and maintain the honor of the nation. There must be no cowardly rBlttglanj 
 ♦• We have passed the Rubicon." We must march up to 54° 40' north latitude 
 must conquer from England the whole of Oregon. But the gentlemen who mi 
 adoption of this resolution tell us that all this is to be accomplished peacefully, 
 can it be pfeacefully effected? How will you substitute the laws of the United 
 for the British laws which are now in force in that territory, without hostile colli 
 What will you do with the British magistrates now in commission in ihat terq 
 How will you displace them? Will there not be a conflict of jurisdictions that 
 inevitably eventuate in war? What will you do with the numerous forts and tri 
 establishments in that territory over which the British flag now waves? Will 
 consistent with the honor of this nation, after taking the position to which I have 
 red, to permit the British flag to wave in that territory? Such a thing cannot bf-ory is t 
 mitted without bringing disgrace and infamy upon the nation. How will you pea,j|rmy t 
 ly displace the Cross of St. George, and substitute in its stead the star-spangled ilBparat 
 ner? Will it comport with the honor of England to peaceably permit this to be'pd not 
 —to see you drive her subjects out of the territory, or compel them to take the ol^tice o 
 allegiance to the United States ? All this must be done, if Congress takes the fir/lgnglan 
 recommended by the President. That step being taken, nothing short of the wlv TThe ge 
 Oregon, and the exercise by this Government of all the rights of sovereignty ovtf'B'wroHi 
 whole of Oregon, will maintain the national honor. Is it wise for this Govern»attemj 
 after having three times offered to divide the territory with England, thus to placel^l fo''c 
 under the necessity of going to war to maintain an unfounded claim to the whole 8|; "^ast 
 But what if war comes? What patriot will be appalled by the horrors of war? Upiatenir 
 a willingness to plunge the nation into war the newest and truest test of patrirt^jA^ i^s c 
 Who will lose ihe distinction of being considered a patriot, when that distinction (*ipy ^f^^ 
 obtained at the cheap price of a speech and a vote ? At the risk of having my pii«j^ection 
 ism and courage called in question, I must say, that I deem that fear neither unif^l'i be 
 nor ignoble which fears to bring upon this nation the calamities which a war with 
 land must bring. 
 
 If such a war should come, what will be its character and what its consequence 
 will not underrate the prowess of my countrymen, nor the martial resources o, 
 country. In a defensive war, against unjust aggression, I believe this nation capal^ 
 defending itself against England, or any other nation. Though we might be vanquj 
 upon many fields, we could never be conquered. As long as there was left one d 
 dant of the Whigs of the Revolution to shout defiance against the minions of tyri 
 and offer up his life in defence of that inheritance of freedom bequeathed by his al 
 tors, resistance could never end. But, when we are talking about the probabilitil 
 war, it is unwise to underrate our adversary. Gentlemen sneer at those who su 
 as an argument in favor of peace, the calamitousi consequences of a war with Eng! 
 and intimate that such is not the proper way " to prepare the heart of the natioi 
 war." The heart of the nation is, in my opinion, always prepared for a war tli 
 necessary to protect the honor or defend the rights of the nation. But when w 
 debating measures, the effect of which may be to bring us into a war which is n 
 necessary for the maintenance of our rights nor honor, I do not conceive it to b 
 wise or unpatriotic to prepare the head of the nation as well as its heart, by poi 
 the public mind to such considerations as will make it inquire into the necessity ol 
 war, and the sacrifices which it will impose, and into all the consequences whi 
 will produce. We ail remember, with a just pride, that our ancestors, when thii 
 
 ed, ai 
 
 iquerei 
 
 r is n 
 
 and 
 
 uer J 
 
 e a ti 
 
 isputi 
 
 y wh 
 
 dred 
 
 erity 
 
 e thi 
 
 umn 
 
 entli 
 
 ene 
 
 meli 
 
 xequi 
 
 ploy< 
 
 ir sm 
 
 sary 
 
 en 01 
 
 tlera 
 
 t li 
 
o the whole ser 
 limed. WiSst \\\ 
 ition of this nati 
 ^ertible truth, (hi 
 
 u 
 
 as much feebler than it is now, waged a successful war with England, which ex- 
 from that nation the acknowledgment of our independence ; but surely we have 
 irgotten, nor ought we to forget, that, in that war, we had for our ally France, the 
 lOut dishonor, nJ|povverful and warlike of all the nations of Europe, 
 'orward at all ha«have had another war with England, "hich did not result in our subjugation ; 
 ill say. Go forwArely we have not forgotten, nor ought we to forget, that, at that time, the energies 
 •e no cowardly ril^gland were employed in a war with Napoleon, who wielded the power and re- 
 north latitude.iHes of a large portion of Europe. If we fight England now, we will fight her at a 
 hen she can direct against us the whole of her military and naval pcwer. She 
 eace with all the nations of the earth ; she is in cordial friendship with all the 
 rful nations of Europe, and in close alliance with our ancient ally France ; and, al- 
 h we are more powerful as a nation than we were at those periods when we were 
 5lision with her, the least informed amongst us knows that England has more than 
 pace with us in all that constitutes preparation for war. If we go to war, we will 
 war upon an issue which cannot be determined until one or the other nation is en- 
 overcome, conquered, annihilated. Every man of sense knows that one of the 
 vents of the war would be the occupation of Oregon by British troops. That ter- 
 is too remote for us to make that the theatre of the war. We could not march 
 ow will you pea&^my thither, for it is two thousand miles west of our most western settlements, and 
 e star-spangled ^parated from them by dreary deserts, and mountains almost inaccessible. We 
 rmit this to bed|d not transport an army thither by sea ; for, to say nothing of the vast and tedious 
 nee of a voyage by sea, our transports would be cut off by the superior naval force 
 ngland. 
 
 he gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. Holmes,) has drawn an eloquent, but not 
 wrought, picture of the character and consequences of a war with England. I will 
 ttempt to repeat what he has said so well. Suflace it to say, that by her superior 
 id, thus to placeftl force she would sweep our commerce from the ocean. She would hover, with 
 n to the whole II vast navies, along our unfortified seacoast of more than three thousand miles, 
 rors of war? Hatening every commercial city on that seaboard. Our Government owes protection 
 1 its citizens, and would be compelled to bring into action, not a large aimy, but 
 y large armies ; for every city threatened with attack would have a right to claim 
 ection and defence. Some of them would probably be successfully defended ; others 
 Id be given to the flames, or laid under contribution. Thus the war would be 
 ed, and thus continued, until one or the other of the combatants would be entirely 
 uered, or until both of them, from very exhaustion, wearied of the conflict. The 
 r is more probable even; for, while I am entirely certain that England cannot con- 
 and subjugate the United States, I am equally certain that the United States cannot 
 uer and subjugate England. After a long and wasting war, the two nations would 
 e a treaty of peace, the main features of which would be, a partition of the territory 
 ispute, precisely what ought to be done now without a war. As an offset to the 
 y which we would achieve, we would have a national debt of little less than ten 
 
 itlemen who uri 
 ed peacefully, 
 of the United 
 out hostile colli 
 ion in that tern 
 irisdictions that 
 3US forts and tr; 
 waves ? Will 
 to which I have 
 thing cannot bi 
 
 ;m to take the ol 
 iss takes the firs! 
 short of the wh 
 sovereignty ov 
 or this Governi 
 
 t test of patri 
 hat distinction 
 if having my p 
 ear neither un 
 lich a war with 
 
 ts consequence 
 ial resources o, 
 his nation capal^ 
 might be vanqiii 
 was left one d 
 minions of tyr 
 
 Bathed by his aftdred millions of dollars to weigh down the energies of the nation, and oppress our 
 
 the probabilitii 
 those who sugj 
 war with Engi 
 rt of the natioi 
 i for a war tli 
 But when wi 
 
 ;erity for many gener£..i..i3, with other evils almost innumerable, which will at once 
 e the minds of reflecting men. Instead of advancing our country forward to the 
 ummation of that high destiny of power and glory, so often referred to with patri- 
 enthusiasm in this debate, we would inevitably retrograde from our present position, 
 energies of our people would be diverted by the inexorable necessities of war from 
 meliorating and hunranizingpursuits. A very large portion of our population would 
 ir which is ne#*'equired to engage in the military service of the country, and the residue, not thus 
 iceive it to be^ployed, would find their industry rendered valueless for the want of markets, and 
 heart, by poiB|ir small hard earning wrested from them by direct taxation, to raise the means ne- 
 fie necessity o»sary to pay the expenses of the war. Why bring upon our country these evils, 
 lequences whi^^ii our difficuhies are susceptible of a peaceful and honorable adjustment ? But, say 
 tors, when thiv^^^^'"^"' ^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ Canada and Mexico. Why should we want Canada or Mexi- 
 ? If England were to propose ceding Canada to this Government to-morrow, in my 
 
16 
 
 II 
 
 ii'! 
 
 Ill 
 
 u 
 
 i 
 
 I 
 
 humble judgment it would be unwise to accept tbe cession. If Mexico were to 
 be annexed to this Union, it would be unwise to grant her prayer. For, if annexd 
 all, the Mexican States and the Canadas would have to come into the Union up| 
 footing of perfect equality with the States which now compose the Union. The 
 British subjects of Canada, the whole population of Mexico — Indians, negroes, Span| 
 Mexicans— all would be adopted as citizens of this Republic, and, as such, would 
 participate, according to their numbers, in governing this Union, making its laws,;! 
 electing its Presidents. Will such infusions into our political institutions either pi) ^ 
 tliem, or guaranty their perpetuity ? It would have been far better for our ance? ' 
 .quietly to have borne the Biitish yoke ; it would have been better for their childrc 
 have been born British subjects, than for us to make such an application of our boa 
 right of self-government as would subject us to the government of British subjects 
 Mexican barbarians, of whom it is difficult to determine which of the three races is i, 
 degraded — the negroes, the Indians, or the Spanish Mexicans. No, sir, Oregon, ii; 
 the 49th parallel of latitude, and the province of Upper California, when it can be fa 
 acquired, is the utmost limit to which this nation ought to go in the acquisition of 
 ritory. I have already endeavored to show that Oregon must be ours in a short tii 
 unless that end be defeated by our own folly ; and with good management, Califoi 
 may presently ba fairly acquired. Within the broad territory which will then be our 
 a territory destined, within the lifetime of those now born, to contain more than 
 hundred millions of inhabitants — a territory stretching from the Atlantic to the Pac 
 ocean, and from the latitude of 49 degrees north almost to the equator — surely we v 
 have " scope and verge enough" within which to illustrate the capacity of republii 
 government to promote the happiness and elevate and improve, the character of in 
 Upon this broad theatre " let us act well our part," and we will achieve a nobler desti 
 for ourselves and our posterity ; we will accomplish more by our example for the 
 tions of the earth, than we can possibly achieve and accomplish by wars of aggressi 
 for the conquest of territory, or for political propagandism. Much has been said in t 
 debate which inspires a wish to enlarge upon this theme ; but I am constrained 
 be brief. I fear that gentlemen have permitted themselves to become so enamored; 
 the glories of war as to forget the blessings of peace. Whilst I believe that a war w; 
 England at the present time would be one of the greatest calamities that could possib 
 befal this nation, I believe tliat peace is yearly bringing to it every thing that can maJ 
 it great and powerful as a nation, and its people prosperous and happy. I believe tl 
 peace, which is so rapidly augmenting its population and wealth and power, will pi| 
 sently place this nation in a position of strength so commanding, that no nation upl 
 earth will be so rash as to dispute its rights, and that all the nations of the earth coil 
 bined will not be able to outrage those rights with impunity. Let not that which [ 
 fraught with so many blessings be lightly and unnecessarily imperiled. If it has bel 
 already brought into jeopardy by the rashness of the Executive, acting under party o 
 ligations imposed by a political convention, let it be made safe by the wisdom and 
 triotism of Congress; let us not still further imperil it bypassing the resolution reportf| 
 by the Committee on Foreign Affairs without modification. I believe that it ought n\ 
 to pass in any form at the present time. If it passes this House without modification 
 Surely it will be modified or rejected by the Senate. To doubt these conclusions is[ 
 doubt the virtue and intelligence of the American People, as that virtu" and intelligeiii| 
 are represented in the Congress of the United States. 
 
 t. 
 
ixico were to asj 
 For, if annexe! 
 > the Union u] 
 Union. The 
 i, negroes, Spar 
 3 such, would 
 aking its law3,j 
 ationa either pui 
 • for our ancesi 
 or their childrei| 
 tion of our boal 
 British subjects] 
 three races is nl 
 sir, Oregon, Uf| 
 lien it can be faj 
 ! acquisition of i 
 rs in a short 
 ^ement, Califorl 
 i^ill then be our| 
 ain more than (| 
 mtic to the Pacl 
 >r — surely we n 
 city of republic 
 character of mi 
 'e a nobler destii 
 :ample for the : 
 j^ars of aggressi 
 s been said in 
 m constrained 
 ae so enamored) 
 e that a war w 
 liat could possil | 
 ing that can ma 
 y. I believe ill 
 power, will pi| 
 it no nation upil 
 of the earth coi^ 
 not that which I 
 i. If it has bel 
 g under party o| 
 I wisdom and 
 isolation reporif ; 
 that it ought n! 
 lout modificatioij 
 conclusions is | 
 " ^nd intelligent