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Les diagrammes suivants lllustrent le mithode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 PLAIN truth: ADDRESSED TO THE INHABITANTS or AMERICA. CONT AINING Remarks on a late Pamphfetj INTITLED COMMON SENSE: \ I . Wherein are (hewn* that the Scheme of Independence is — . ruinous, delufive, and i(npra6licable ; thar were the Author's Lj|Ql)eir;:ia-;;on8, if;fpe£)iri^ the i'^-Aer (;• Ara,^. ekca, .ys ^eal as nugatory, Recoacih'ation on h'beral Principles with Great Sritain would by'i ^ix|!f^ P<|»licy ; and that, circumftanced as we are, pernnanene Liberty and true Happinefs can only be obtained by Reconciliation with that Kingdom. Written by C A N D I D U S, Will ye turn from Flattery and attend to this Side. *There TRUTHt unlicenc*dt walks ; and dares accoft Even Kings themfel'vest the Monarchs of the Free. Thomson on the Liberties of Britain. PHILADELPHIA, Printed : Dublin, Reprinted by M. MILLS, No. 135, CAPBL-STiiEBr» oppofite Abb&y-Strbbt, m,dcc,lzxvi. ittp://www.archive.org/details/cihm Jt4^ -..■ ^:g *^^ T . ^* ' ** ' I H s - ,.;/ ifiJL^ i i t ( TO JOHN DICKINSON, Esq. ALTHOUGH I have not the honour to be known to you> I am not unacquainted with your native candor and unbounded benevolence. As happy as cbfcure* I am indeed a ftranger to the language of adulation : flattery I deleft ; virtue I refped. Be not offended, Sir» if I remark that your charafler is contemplated with profound veneration by the friends of the Conftitution. Thofe abilities which you fo illul^ trioufly difplayed in defence of the Conftitution, they nour fupplicate you to exert, in faving it from impending ruin, under the Syreti form of deluflve Independence. Step then forth ; exert thofe talents with which heaven has endowed you ; and caufe the parent and her children to embrace, and be foes no more. Arduous as this extraordinary talk may feem, perhaps your virtue and ta- lents may yet efteft it. Your endeavours to ftop the efFuHon of blood, of torrents of blood, is worthy of your acknow- ledged humanity — even the honeft attempt^ upon recol- lection, will afford you ineffable fatisfadion. My prefuming to infcribe to you the following crude re- marks is to remind you. Sir, what your diftreffed cbuntry expeds, nay, loudly deMands from your extenflve capa- city. I beg you will forgive this temerity ; and that you may long enjoy the fruits of your exalted virtue, and remain an honour to your country, and to mankind, is the ardent wifh of. SIR, l •r Tour moj! ohtdient and refpeffful fervanti CANDID US. "^m r r> rr r - *> or y3 £: l1 .) INTRODUCTION, TF, indignant atthedo^rine contained in the pamphlet I ijititled Common Sen/e, I have expreffed myfelfy in the lullowing obfervations> with fome ardour^ 1 entreat the reader to impute my indignation to honeft zeal againft the author's inHdious tenets. Animated and impelled by every inducement of the human heart, I love, and (if I dare fo cxprefs myfelf ) I adore my country. Pailionately devoted to true liberty, I glow with the pureft flame of patriotifm. Silver'd with age as I am, if I know myfelf, my humble fword (hall not be wanting to my country (if the moft honourable terms are not tendered by the British nation) ; towhofe facred caufe I am moft fervently devoted. The judicious reader will not impute my honeft, though bold remarks, to unfriendly dcHgns againft my children • againft my country ; but to abhorrence of independency, which, if effefted, would inevitably plunge our once pre- eminently envied country into ruin, horror^ «nd defola^ tion. PLAIN I ia« vJ '■«!^«' ^» * r'fi" PLAIN truth: CONTA INING REMARKS ON A LATE PAMPHLET, INTITLED COMMON SENSE. I HAVE now before me the pamphlet intitled Common Senfe ; on which I (hall remark with freedom and candour. It may not be improper to remind my reader, that the inveftigation of my fubje^ demands the utmoft freedom of enquiry ; I therefore intreat his indul- gence, and that he will carefully remember, that intem- perate zeal is as injurious to liberty, as a manly difcuflion of fads is friendly to it. ** Liberty, fays the great Montef- quieu, is a right of doing whatever the laws permit ; and if a citizen could do what they forbid, he would no longer be poffeffed of liberty, becaufe all his fellow-citizens would have the fame power." In the beginning of his pamphlet the author aflferts, that fociety in every ftate is a blefling. This in the fincerity of my heart I deny j for it is fupreme mifery to be aflbciated with thofe wh' , to promote their ambitious purpofes, flagitiouily pervert ihe ends of poli- . tlcal Society. I do not fay that our author is indebted to BurgA's Political Difquifitions, or to Roufleau's Social Compad, for his definition on government, and his large tree ; although I wifh he had favoured his reader with the following extraft from that fublime reafoner : " To invef* tigate thofe conditions of fociety which may beft anfwer the purpofe of nations, would require the abilities of fbme fuperior intelligence, who ihould be witnefs to all the paf- fions of men, but be fubjeft itfelf to none, who fhould have no connexions with human nature, but Ihould have a perfeft knowledge ©fit: a being,in fhort,whofe happinefs Ihould be independent of us, and who would neverthclefs A cmplpy i ^i 2 P L A I N T R U T H. employ itfelf about us. It is the province of God to make laws for men." With the utmoft deference to the celebrated Rouffeau, 1 cannot indeed imagine, that laws even fo conftru6led, would materially benefit our imper- feO: race, unlefs Omnifcience deigned previoufly to ex- alt our nature. The judicious reader will therefore per- ceive, that malevolence only is rcquifite to declaim agaiijft, and arraign the moft perfect governmcfits. Our political quack avails himfelf of this trite expedient, to cajole the people into the moft abjed (lavcry, under the delufivc name of independence. His firft indecent attack is a?jainft the Englifh conftitution, which, with all its imperfeftions, is, and ever will be, the pride and envy of mankind. To this panegyric involuntarily our author fuhfcribcs, by grant- ing individuals to be fa fer in England, than in any other part of Europe. He indeed infiduoufly attributes this pre-eminent excellency to the conftitution of the people, rather than to our excellent conftitution : fo fuch con- temptible fubterfuge is our author reduced. I would afk him, why did not the conftitution of the people afford them fuperior fafety, in the reign of Richard the third, Henry the eighth, and other tyrannic princes ? Many pa- ges might indeed be filled with encomiums beftowed on our excellent conilitution by illuftrious authors of different nations. This beautiful fyftera (according to Montefquieu) our conftitution is a compound of monarchy, ariftocracy, and democracy. But it is cften faid, that the fovereign, by honours and appointments, influences the commons. The profound and elegant Hume agitating this queftion, thinks, to this circurnftance, we are in part indebted for our fu- preme felicity ; fince, v.ithout fuch controul in the wn, our conftitution would immediately degenerate into de- mocracy ; a government, which, in the fequel, I hope to prove ineligible. Were I aiked marks of the beft govern- ment, and the purpofe of political fociety, I would reply, •the encreafe, prefervation, and profperity of its members ; in no quarter of the globe are thofe marks fo certainly to be found, as in Great Britain and her dependencies. Af- ter our author has employed feveral pages to break the mounds of fociety by debafing monarchs, he fays, " the plain truth is, that the antiquity of Englifii monarchy will not bear" looking into, Hume, ^ t I .V a PLAIN TRUTH. m God to E to the hat laws r impcr- f to ex- ore per- agaipft, political jole the delufive IS a^aind fe6tions, nd. To }y grant- ny other utes this ; people, ich con- '■Quld alk le afford lie third, /[any pa- 5wed on different ieu) our icy, and eign, by s. The I, thinks, our fu- 2 wn, into de- hope to scovern- Id reply, embers ; tainly to es. Af- reak the , " the rchy will Hume, I 1 Hume, treating of the original contra^, has thefoUow* ing melancholy, but fcnfible obfervation ; " yet reafcn tells us, that there is no property in durable objefts, fuch as lands and houfes, when carefully examined, in paffmg from hand to hand, but mud in fome period have been founded on fraud ar.d injuftice. The neceifities of human fociety, neither in private or public life, will allow of fuch an accurate enquiry ; and there is no virtue or moral duty, but what may, with facility, be refined away, if we in- dulge a falle philofophy, in fifting and fcrutinizing, by every captious rule of logic, in every light or pofition in which it may be placed." Say, ye votaries of lionour and truth, can we adduce a ftronjger proof of our author's turpitude, than his quoting the ajiti-philofophical ftory of the Jews, to debafe monar- chy and the befl of monarchs. Briefly examining the ftory of this contemptible race, more barbarous than our favages, we find their hiflory a continued fucceflion of miracles, aftonifhing our imaginations, and exercifing our faith. After wandering forty years in horrid dcfarts, thev are chiefly condemned to perifh for their perverfenefs, al- though under the immediate dominion of the king of Heaven. At length they arrive in the fterile country of Paleftine, which they conquer by exterminating the inha- bitants, and warring like demons. The inhabitants of the adjoining regions juftly, therefore, held them in de- teftation, and the Jews finding themfelvesconflantly ab- horred, have ever fmce hated all mankind. Thispeople, as deftitute of arts and induftry as humanity, had not even in their language a word expreffive of education. We might indeer? remind our author, who fo readily drags in the Old Teflament to fupport his finifter meafures^ that we could draw from that fource many texts favourable tc monarchy, were we not confcious that the Mofaiac law gives way to the gofpel difpenfation. The reader no doubt will be gratified by the following extract from a moii primitive Chriflian. ** Chriflianity is a fpiritual religion, relative only to celcftial objeds. The chriftian's inheri- tance is not of this world. He performs his duty it is true, but this he does with a profound indifference for the good or ill fuccefs of his endeavours : provided he hath nothing to reproach himfelf, it is of little con&quence to him whether matters go well oi* ill here below. If the h^:..... A 2 ilate u 1^ 1 1 4 P L A I IJ T R U T H. (late be in a flourifhing condition, he can hardly venture to rejoice in the public felicity, left he (hould be puffed up with the inordinate pride ot' his country's glory. If the Aate decline, he bleflfes the hand of God, that humbles his people to the duft." Having defined the beft government, I will humbly at- tempt to defcribe good kings by the following unerring rule. The beft princes are conftantly calumnitaed by the envenomed tongues and pens of the moft worthlefs of their fubjeQs. For this melancholy truth do I appeal to the teftimony of impartial hiftorians, and long experience. The noble impartial hiftorian Sully, fpeaking of the al- moft divine Henry the Fourth of France, fays, " Thus was this god-like prince reprcfented (by the difcontented of thefe days) almoft throughout his whole kingdom, as a furious and implacable tyrant : they were never without one fet of arguments to engage his catholic nobility in a rebellion againft him ; and another to few fedition among his proteftant officers and gentry." Kume fays, that the cruel unrelenting tyrant, Philip the fecond of Spain, with his infernal inquifition, was not more deteftedby the peo- ple of the Netherlands, than was the humane Charles ivith his inoffenfive liturgy, by his mutinous fubjeds. The many unmerited infults offered to our gracious fovereign by the unprincipled Wilkes, and others down to this late author, will for ever difgrace humanity. For he fays, ** that monarchy was the moft profperous invention the devil ever fet on foot for the promotion of idolatry. It is the pride of kings which throws mankind into conftifion : in fhort, continues this author, monarchy and fucceflion have laid not this or that kingdom only, but the world in blood and afhes." How deplorably wretched the condition of mankind, could they believe fuch execrable flagitious jar- gon ! Unhappily indeed, mankind in every age are fufcep- tible of delufion ; but furely our author's poifon carries its antidote with it. Attentive to the fpirit of his publication, we fancy ourfelves in the barbarous fifteenth century ; in which period our author would have figured with his ** Common Senfe" and blood will attend it. After his terrible anathema againft our venerable confti- tution and monarchy, let us briefly examine a democra- tical ftate ; and fee whether or not it is a government lefs fanguinary. This government is extremely plaufible and • -'*: ■ -i^ ^\ indeed $. % PLAIN TRUTH. venture : puffed If the lumbles ibly al- inerring 1 by the hlefs of jpeal to erience. the al- « Thus )ntented dom, as without ty in a among hat the r with the peo- Charles b. The )vereign this late he fays, tion the It is the ion : in ion have in blood iition of ious jar- ! fufcep- arries its lication, ury ; in with his ; confti- smocra- lent lefs ible and indeed / indeed flattering to the pride of mankind. The dema- gogues therefore, to feducc the people into their criminal defignp, ev^r hold up democracy to themj although confcious it never did, nor ever will anfwer in pradice. If we believe a great author, " there never exifted, nor ever will exift a real democracy in the world." If we examine the republics of Greece and Rome, we ever find them in a (late of war domeflic or foreign Our author therefore makes no mention of thefe antient ftates. When Alex- ander ordered all the exiles to be reftored throughout all the cities, it was found that the whole amounted to twenty thoufand, the remains probably of ftill greater (laughters and mafla;;res. What an aftonidiing number in fo narrow a country as antient Greece ? and what domeftic confii- fion, jealoufy, partiality, revenge, heart-burnings muft tear thofe cities, where factions were wrought up to fuch a degree of fury and defpair ?" Appian's hiftory of the ci- vil wars of Rome contains the moft frightful picture of maf- facres, profcriptions, and forfeitures, that ever were pre- fented to the world. . • -. The excellent Montefquieu declares, ** that a demo- cracy fuppofes the concurrence of a number of circumftan- ces rarely united ; in the firft place, it is requifite that the ftate itfelf fhould be of fmall extent, fo that the people might be eafily affembled and perfonally known to each other : fecondly, the fimplicity of their manners (hould be fuch as to prevent a multiplicity of aflFairs, and per- plexity in difcuflTing them : and thirdly, there (hould fub- fift a great degree of equality between them, in point of right and authority : laflly, there (hould be little or no lux- ury, for luxury muft either be the eflfeO: of wealth, or it muft make it neceCfary ; it corrupts at once, both rich and poor: the one, by the pofTeflTion, and the other, by the want of it." To this may be added, continues the fame au- thor, " that no government is fo fubje£t to civil wars and inte(line commotions, as that of the democratical or po- pular form ; becaufe no other tends fo ftrongly and fo conftantly to alter, nor requires fo much vigilance and for- titude to preferve itfirom alteration. It is indeed, in fuch a conftitution particularly, that a citizen (hould always be armed with fortitude andconftancy, and (hould every day, in the fincerity of his heart, guard againft corruption, arif- ing either from felfi(hnefs in himfelf, or in his compa- V - , A 3 triots; i 6 PLAINTRUTH. triots ; for if it once enters into public tranra6lions, to root it out afterwards would be miraculous. Our author alTerts, that Holland and SwifTerland are without wars domedic and foreign. About a century ago, Holland was in a few weeks over-ran by the arms of France, and almoft miraculoufly faved by the gallantry of her Prince of Orange, fo celebrated afterwards by the name of Wil- liam the third. Almoft from that period, until. the treaty of Utrecht, Holland was a principal in wars, the moft ex- penfive and bloody, ever waged by human kind: the wounds fhe then received were unhealed in 1 744, when reludlantly roufed from her pacific lethargy, (he was drag- ged into war ; and lofing her impregnable Bergen'-op-zoom and Maeftricht, was again on the brink of becoming a province to France, when happily liberated by the Britifli Nation. In the war of 1756, Holland continually in- fulted in the capture of her (hips by our cruifers, preferved a humiliating neutrality. If viftory indeed had not crown- ed the Britifli banners, the Dutch indubitably would have dflifted their natural allies, in whatever quarter of the globe attacked ; for it is inconteftibly true, that the exift- cnce of Holland, as a ftate, depends, and invariably will depend, on the profperity of Great Britain. Since the murder of Barnevelt, and the immortal Dewits, by the de- luded furious people, Holland hath too often been con- viilfed by anarchy, and torn by party. Unfortunately alas I for the caufe of humanity, the rugged and incult deferts of Swiflerland preclude not ambition, fedition, and anarchy. Her bleak and barren mountains do not fo efFedually fe- cure precarious liberty, as daily vending her fons to the adjoining nations, particularly to France, by whom the Thirteen Cantons could be fubjefted in as many days, did that court meditate fo fenfelefs and delufive an objc6t.— Nugatory indeed, if we confider, that France derives more fubftantial advantage from the prefent ftate of Swiflerland, than if Ihe exhaufted herfelf, to maintain numerous bat- talions to bridle the Cantons. A moment let us fuppofe, that our author's affeverations of Holland and Swiflerland are as real as delufive : his inferences do not flow from his premifes ; for their fuperior advantages do not arife from their popular government, but from circumftarecs of pe- culiar local felicity, obliging the princes of Furope to de- fend them from the omnipotent land force, if I may fo fpeak, •V. I, 1 i'i » .)& PLAIN truth; r fpeak, of France. After impotently attacking our fove- reign and the conftitution, he contradifts the voice of all mankind, by declaring, that America " would have flou- rifhed as much, and probably much more, had no Euro- pean power taken any notice of her." If he means, that had this continent been unexplored, the original inhabitants would have been happier, for once I agree with him. Previous to the fettlement of thefe pro- vinces by our anceftors, the kingdom of France was con- vulfed by religious phrenzy. This, and Sebaftian Ca- bot's prior difcovery, perhaps, happily afforded the people of England an oppcrtunity of locating thefe provinces. At length, peace being reftored to France by her hero, Henry the Fourth, his nation in turn were feized with the rage of colonizing. Finding the Englifh claimed the pro- vinces on the Atlantic, they appropriated the fnow banks of Canada, which we dare not fuppofe they would have preferred to thefe fertile provinces, had not the prior oc- cupancy and power of England interfered. I hope it will not be denied, that the notice taken of us at this time by an European power, was rather favourable for us.— Cer- tain it is, had not England then taken notice of us, thefe' delegable provinces would now appertain to France ; and the people of New England, horrid to think, would now be counting their beads. Some years after the sera in queftion, the civil wars intervening in England, afforded to the Swedes and Dutch a footing on this continent; Charles the fecond being reftored, England reviving her claim, rendered abortive the Swcdifh prctenfions, and by conqueft, and by granting Surinam to the Dutch, procu- red the cefTion of their ufurpation, now New- York. Ido indeed confefs my incapacity to difcern the injury fuftained by this fecond ** notice taken of us by an European power," in default of which intervention, the Swedes, to this hour, would have retained their fettlement, now the famed Penn- fylvania ; and the Dutch, confequently, had retained theirs. Sometime after this period, the people of New-England were employed in framing and executing laws, fo intole- rant and fanguinary, that to us they feem adapted for devils, and not men. • " ' " ' :•";-<■ Indeed it is worthy of note, that the inhabitants of Ja- maica, Barbadoes, and Virginia, at that very time, enabled laws, breathing the fpirit of humanity, and fuch as men ♦"ould ft PLAIN TRUTH. '■■ ;:^ t'l ti could bear. Soon after the period in queftion arrived the great and good William Pcnn, with his philofophic people called Quakers, together with toleration, induftry, and permanent credit. The people of England, encouraged by the extenfion of their laws and commerce to thofe co- lonies, powerfully aflifted our merchants and planters, in- fomuch, that our fcttlements encrcafed rapidly, and throve apace. It may be affirmed, that from this period, until the prefent unhappy hour, no part of human kind ever experienced more perfeQ: felicity. Voltaire indeed fays, that if ever the golden age exifted, it was in Pennfylvania. France, difgufted with the unhappy fituation of her Ame- rican colonies, had long meditated the conqueft of one of our middle provinces: to accomplifh this purpofe, (he extended a line of forts on our frontiers, and a6tually forti- fied the place now called Pittiburgh. Juftly alarmed by thefe encroachments, in the hour of our diftrefs we called aloud on Great Britain for aififtance, nor was (he deaf to our cries. The Englifh miniftry, after in vain cxhaufling all the arts of negociation, declared war againfb France. After fpilling torrents of bloody after expending one hun- dred and ninety millions of their dollars, and four or five millions of ours, they glorioufly reduced the French fct- tlements. Surely it will not be faid, that this laft notice taken of us by the people of England, was injurious to us ? Our enemies indeed alledge, that this laft intervention by bloating us with pride, will eventually ruin us, and ren- der the people of Britain objefiks of derifion, for lavifhing their blood and treafure in defence of provinces ; ** a match not only for Europe (according to our author) but for the world."— Our author next remarks, " that the commerce by which (he hath enriched herfelf, are the neceffaries of life, and will always have a market while eating is the cuftom of Europe." I reply, that our exporting grain is as it were of yefter- day ; that the recent demand was principally occafioned by the diftra6ticns in Poland, and other parts of Europe, and probably will totally or partly fail, foon as the fertile country of Poland, and more fertile Ukraine, (hall again become cultivated. I believe the Europeans did eat before our merchants exported our grain, and perhaps will eat when they ceafe to export it. I denv, that this momentary commerce hath enriched us ; and 1 couid adduce number- lefs -A ived the c people try, and :ouraged hofe co- ters, in- d throve )d, until nd ever :ed fays, fylvania. ;r Ame- F one of )fe, fhe \y foiti- medby e called deaf to lauding France, le hun- or five ^ch fet- notice ious to mention id rcn- /ifliing match or the imerce ries of is the ^efter- fioned Jrope, fertile agaia jcfore ill eat mtary nber- lefs ^M PLAIN TRUTH. 9 lefs melancholy proofs of the contrary. I fhall only re- mark, that ill the moft fertile and deleftable wheat coun- try in America, bounded by Chefopeak-bay, and almoft ad- joining that of Delaware, a tra6t of the befl: wheat land, ten years ago, would hardly have exceeded a guinea and a half per acre ; indeed in 1773, fuch land, covered with wood, would fcarcely have fold for four guineas an acre ; an undoubted proof of want of people, induftry and wealth; particularly fo, if we confider that one crop of corn and wheat on fuch land, judicioufly cultivated, would aduaUy repay the fuppofed price. Our author afferts, ** that our prefent numbers are fufficient to repel the force of all the world ; that the Continent hath at this time the largeftdif- cjplined army of any power under heaven ; that the Eng- li(h navy is only worth three millions and a half fterling," which, in efFe£t, would reduce it to thirty-five (hips of the line, twenty fiiips of forty guns, twenty of thirty-fix, and . eight of twenty guns. ** That if America had only a twen- tieth part of this force, fhe would be by far an over-match for Britain : that independence is ncceffary, becaufe France and Spain cannot afTift us until fuch an event." He alfo affirms, " that Great Britain cannot govern us ; and that no good can arife from a reconciliation with her." I (hall humbly endeavour to (hew,that our author (hame- fully mifreprefents fads, is ignorant of the true ftate of Great Britain and her Colonies, utterly unqualified for the arduous taik he has prefumptuouily affumed, and ardently intent on feducing us to that precipice on which he himfelf (lands trembling. To elucidate my ftriftures, I mutt with fidelity expofe the circumftances of Great Britain and her Colonies. If, therefore, in the energy of defcription, I un- fold certain bold and honeft truths with fimplicity, the judi- cious reader will remember, that a true knowledge of our fituation is as elTential to our fafcty as ignorance thereof may endanger it. In the Englilh provinces, exclufive of negroe and other (laves, we have one hundred and fixty thoufand or one hundred and feventy thoufand men capable of bearing arms. If we dedufi the people called Quakers, Anabaptifts, and other religionifts averfe to arms, a confi- derable part of the emigrants, and thofe having a gratefiil predile£iion for the ancient conftitution and parent (late, we (hall certainly reduce the firft number to iixty or feventy thoufand men. Now, admitting thofe equal to the Roman legions. ■"♦ I i 111 10 PLAIN TRUTH. legions, can we fuppofe them capable of defending againft the power of Britain, a country nearly twelve hundred miles extending on the ocean ? Suppofe our troops affembled in New England, if the Britains fee not fit to aflail them, ihcy hafte to and defolate our other province?, which eventuUy would reduce New England. If, by dividing our forces, we pretend to defend our provinces, we alfo are infallibly undone. Our moft fertile provinces, filled with unnum- bered domeftic enemies, flaves, interfedled by navigable rivers, every where acceffible to the fleets and armies of Britain, can make no defence. If, without the medium of pafTion and prejudice, we view our other provinces, half armed, deftitute of money and a navy, we muft confefs, that jio power ever engaged fuch potent antagonifts under fuch peculiar circumftances of infelicity. In the better days of Rome, flie permitted no regular troops to defend her. Men deflitute of property flie admitted not into her militia (her only army). I have been extremely concerned at the reparation of the Connecticut men from our army ; it au- gured not sn ardent cnthufiafm for liberty and glory. We Sill have an army before Bofton, and Ifliouldbc extreme- ly happy to hear fubftantial proofs of their glory : I am fl:ill hopeful of great things from our army before Bofton when joined by the regiments now forming, which want of bread will probably foon fill. Notwithftanding the prediledion I have for my countrymen, I remark with grief, that hither- to our troops have difplayed but few mark of Spartan or Roman enthufiafm. In the fincerity of my heart I adjure the reader to believe, that no perfonismore fenfibly afflic- ted by hearing the enemies of America remark, that no ge- neral ever fell fingly and fo inglorioufly unrevenged before the inaufpicious affair of Quebec. I am under no doubt, however, that we (hall become as famed for martial cou- rage as any nation ever the fun beheld. Sanguine as I am, refpefting the virtue and courage of my countrymen, depending on the hiftory of mankind fince the Chriftian ara, I connot however imagine, that zeal for liberty will animate to fuch glorious efforts of heroifm, as religious en- thufiafm has often impelled its votaries to perform. If the cruel unrelenting tyrant Philip the fecond of Spain, had ne- ver attempted to introduce into the Low Countries the in- fernal Tribunal of the Inquifition, it is moft probable, that the prefent States of Holland would to this time have re- mained i I PLAIN TRUTH. againft •ed miles mbled in em, ihey ventully r forces, infallibly unnum- avigable irmies of ;dium of :es, half fefs, that ks under tter days "end her. tr militia ed at the r; itau- ry. We xtremc- I am ftill on when ofbread dileftion t hither- )artan or I adjure ly afflic- it no ge- d before doubt, tial cou- line as I trymen, 'hriftian :rty will ious en- If the had ne- s the in- )le, that tiave re- mained mained provinces to Spain, and patiently paid the fiftieth penny and other grievous exaftions. Certain it is, that the fanatics of Scotland and people of F.ngland had never arm- ed againft the firft Ch.^rles, if religious enthufiafm had not more powerfully agitated their minds than zeal for liberty ; the operatbns of which on the human mind hath, fince the sera in queftion, ever been more languid than the former moft powerful pafTion. Thefe hardy affertions are fupport- ed as well by notorious faQ:s, as by the learned HUme, and other judicious hiftorians. I cannot here omit remarking the inconfiftency of human nature. The Scotch, the moft furious enthufiails then in Europe, were flaughtered like fheep by Cromwell at Dunbar, where their formidable ar* my hardly made any refiftance, if we except that made by a handful of loyalifts, deftituteof that paflTion. Certain it is, that thofe enthufiafts were often cut in pieces by their countrymen the gallant marquis of Montrofe, whofe troops (Highlanders and other loyalifts) held Pi-eftjyterianifm in contempt. With the utmoft deference to the honorable Congrefs, I: do not view the moft diftant gleam of aid from foreign powers. The princes alone capable of fuccburing us are the fovereigns of France and Spain. If, according to our Author, we poffefs an eighth part of the habitable globe, and actually have a check on the Weft India commerce of England, the French indigo and other valuable Weft India commodities, and the Spanifh galeons, are in great jeopardy from our power. The French and Spaniard are therefore wretched politians,if they do not affift England in reducing her colonies to obedience. — Pleafantry apart, can we be fo deluded to expe^ aid from thofe princes, which, infpiring their fubjedsvvith a retifti for liberty, might even- tually fhake their arbitrary thrones—Natural avowed ene- mies to our facred caufe, will they cherifti, will they fup- port the flame of liberty in America, ardently intent on ex- tinguiftiing its latent dying fparks in their refpedive domi- nions ? Can we believe, that thofe princes will offer an ex- ample fo dangeroutto their fubjefts and colonies, by aiding thofe provinces to independence > If independent, aggran- dized by infinite numbers from every part of Europe, this continent would rapidly attain power aftonifliing to imagi- nation. Soon, very foon, would we be conditioned to con- quer Mexico, and all their Weft India fettlemcnts, which to 14 PLAIN TRUTH. I to annoy, or poffefs, wc indeed are moft happily fituated. Simple and obvious as thefe truths are, can they be unknown to the people and princes of Europe ? Be it however ad- mitted, that thofe princes, unmindful of the fatal policy of Richlieu*s arming Charles's fubjefts againft him, and the more fatal policy of Lewis the fourteenth permitting our glorious deliverer to efFeft the Revolution : I fay, be it ad- mitted that thofe princes, regardlefs of future confequences and the ineptitude of the times, are really difpofed to fuc- cour us ; fay, ye friends of liberty and mankind, would no danger accrue from an army of French and Spaniards in the bofom of Ameria ? Would you not dread their juntlion with the Canadians and Savages, and with the numerous koman Catholics difperfed throughout the Colonies ? Let us now briefly view the pre-eminently envied ftate of Great Britain. If we regard the power of Britain, un- embarrafTed with continental connexions and the political balance, we may juftly pronounce her what our author does America, " A match for all Europe." Amazing were the efforts of England in the war of Queen Ann, when little benefited by colony commerce, and ere Ihe had availed herfelf of the courage, good fenfe, and num- bers of the people of Scotland and Ireland. That England then prefcribed laws to Europe, will be long remembered. Lafl war her glory was, if poflible, more eminently exalted : in every quarter of the globe did vi£kory hover round her armies and navies, and her fame re-echoed from pole to pole : at prefent Great Britain is the umpire of Europe. It is not exaggeration to affirm, that the RufTians principally are indebted for the laurels to her power, which alone retained France from preventing the ruin of her ancient faithful ally the Ottoman Porte. Su- perfluous it were to enumerate her powerfial alliances, or mention her immenfe refources : her raifing the incredible fums of eighteen, nineteen, and twenty-two millions fter- ling for the fervice of the years 1 759, 60, and 61 , was more aflonifhing to Europe than the viftories of her fleets and armies. The annual rents of the kingdom of England on- ly, many years ago, amounted to thirty-three millions fter- ling. Thirty-five millions bufhels of wheat are annually produced in that kingdom, and perhaps as many bulhelsof other grain. Twelve millions of fleeces of wool are there yearly fhorn. In fhort, the kingdom is a perfect bee-hive PLAIN TRUTH. J3 !y fituated. unknown 'wever ad- 1 policy of , and the litting our , be it ad- ifcquences ed to fuc- would no lards in the juntlion numerous »nies ? ivied ftate itain, un- e political ur author Amazing^ een Ann, 1 ere Ihe and numo >e, will be f pofllble, globe did her fame Britain is to affirm, laurels to •reventing orte. Su- ances, or incredible lions fter- was more fleets and gland on- lions fter- annually bufhelsof are there bee- hive sit in numbers and induftry ; and is faid to contain more in- duflry, confequently more wealthy than all the reft of Eu- rope. The famed Hume fays, '* I (hould as foon dread, that all our rivers and fprings (hould be exhaufted, as that money fhould abandon a kingdom, where there are people and induftry." The Britifti navy, at the clofe of thelaft war, confifted of nearly two hundred (hips of the line, and one hundred large frigates, and about one hundred fmaller frigates, or other armed veffels. Since the peace, I believe, the navy has been moft vigilantly preferved by lord Sand- wich, (faid to be as equal to that arduous department as any man in Europe). Since the war, fcveral capital fhips have annually been built ; and it is moft certain, that on fix months notice Great Britain could equip fleets, fufficicntly formidable, to contend with all the naval force that could or would aft againft her. The immenfe quantity of na- val and other ftores, in the different arfenals, with the roy- al navy ^, cannot at this time be worth kfs than twenty millions fterling. The ifland of Great Britain, between fix and feven hundred miles in length, and upwards of two thoufand miles in circumference, and being every where in- dented with harbours, forms (with other caufes) fuch nur- fcries of feamen as the world cannot produce. Let us now examine our author's account of the navy of Great Britain. " It is^ fays he, worth no more than three millions and a half fterling." This in efFeft will re- duce it to ten fecond-rate ftiips of war, ten third-rate, fif- teen fourth-rate, ten fhips of forty guns, ten of thirty-fix, and eight of twenty. ** If America, fays he, had only a twentieth part of the naval force of Britain, (he would be by far an over-match for her ; becaufe, as we neither have or claim any foreign dominion, our whole force would be employed on our own coaft ; where we fhould in the long-run have two to one the advantage of thofe who had three or four thoufand miles to fail over before they could attack us, and the fame diftance to return, in order to refit and recruit. And although Britain by her fleet hath a check over our trade to Europe, we have as large a one over her trade to the Weft Indies, which, by laying in the neighbourhood of the Contijaent, lies entirely at its mercy." ■ - Were * Scvcnteea capital (hips were built from tj6i until 1771. .■'4. V "••(•IWOWIIIJM* H PLAIN TRUTH. Were it lawful to joke on (o ferious an occafion, i would remind the reader of our author's modefty, in fay- ing, " that we claim no foreign dominion ;" fince we have the mofl numerous and beft difciplincd army under the Heaven, and a navy fufficiently ftrong to combat that of Great Britain ; for our prefent naval armament compofe a fleet more than equal to a twentieth part of the Britifn navy (acccrdina; to our author's eftimation.) Notwith- ftandirg our author's delicacy, reiving on the well-known utility cf mclaffes to the New England governments, I hope they will order admiral Manly to feize Jamaica and the other Weft India illands. The admiral cannot be at a lofs for men ; fince, according to our author, " a few focial failors will foon inftruQ: a Sufficient number of aftive land-men in the common work of a (hip." I do indeed confcfs, that the Britifh Ihips of war are conftantly eqiiipt altogether with very focial failors ; and as conftantly drub the French (hips, double mannM with adive land-men, tho' fufficiently inftrufled by a few focial failors. ■ T he reader will perceive, that our author has humbled the naval power of Britain with more facility than France and Spain could have done ; and has alfo expelled her from our ports with happier fuccefs than did Spain, who was compelled to yield her Gibraltar and Portmahon for the conveniency of her fleets and commerce. We muft indeed allow, that Spain, tho' poffeffed of Mexico and Peru, cannot maintain the moft numeroum us, and fo tquef us, they I Pennfylvania 1 lands, (hews id fully proves, reguhte conti- at Britain has )f of her wife, he Colonies— ied, viz. our 1 the affair of ly could grant luance of our inly every dif- Pennfylvnniang, alone detained city of Phila- have as jud a . claim P L A I N T R U T H. ig claim as to thofe fertile regions in Pennfylvania which they furreptitioufly have poffeffed themitlves of. In wrath to niankii.i), Ihould heaven permit our author's new-fangled government to exift, I, as a friend to PennfylVanians, ad- Vife ihem to explore new fettlements, and avoid the cruel mortification of being expelled by the Saints from therr delicio'js abodts and pleafing fields. — " iiut (fays the author) the moft powerful argument is, that nothing but independence (that is, a continental form of government) can keep the peace of the continent, and prcterve it in- violate from civil wars. I dread the event of a reconciliation now with Britain, as it is more than probable it will be followed by revolt fomewhere ; the confequences of which way be far more fatal than all the malice of Britain, Thoufands are already ruined by Britiih barbarity, thou- fands more will probably (hare the fame fate. Thefe men have other feelings than thofe who have nothing fufFered ; all they now poffefs is liberty ; wliat they before enjoyed is Sacrificed to its fervice, and having nothing more to lofe, they difdain all fubmidion." Here we cannot miftake our autl/or's meanirg, that if Due or more of the middle or fouthern Colonies reconcile V^ith Great Britain, they will have war to fuftain with New England, " the confequences of which may be more detri- mental than all the malice of Britain." This terrible de- nunciation, fortunately for fuch Colonies, is as futile as its author. Should Great Britain re-eftablilh her authority iti the faid Colonies by negociation, furely it is not temerity to add, that the weight of Britain, in the fcales of thofe provinces, would preponderate againfl the power of New England. If Britain ihould reduce the Colonies by amis (which may heaven avert !) the New England provinces wiH hive as little inclination as ability to difturb the peace of their neighbours. I do indeed moft fincerely compaffionate thofe unhappy men who are ruined by our unfortunate diftrafbions. I do fervently pray, that Britain and ih6 Colonies may moft effectually confider their peculiar irt- felicity : fuch attention will do infinite honour to the parent ftate, who cannot view them as enemies, but as men unhappily irritated by the impolitic meafures of Gicat Britain. " The diminution of trade affords an army, and the neceffities of an army create a new trade," (fo fays our sftithor). I atn furpriz-^d the miniftry, fo often reproached B a with 1 20 P L A I N T R U T H. V'ith ruining the commerce of Britain, never urged (what was never thcnght or faid before) our author's excellent axiom, " that the diminution, &c." Certain ft is, the minority had replied, fince the commencement of this century, the diminution of the commerce of France hath afforded her nearly one million of foldiers ; but the receflities of this prodigious number of troops created her fo bad a commerce, that (he hath twice proved bankrupt fmce, and more than once experienced the miferies of famine. ** If premiujiis (fays our author) were to be given to merchaniis to build and employ in their fervice (hips mounted with 20, 30, 40, or 50 guns, the premiums to be in proportion to the lofs of bulk to the merchants ; fifty or fixty of ihofe (hips, with a few guard(hips on conftant duty, would keep up a fufHcient navy, and that ■without burdening ourfelvcs with the evil fo loudly com- plained of in England, of fuflfering their fleets in time of peace to lie rotting in their docks." — Yield the palm of in- genuity to our author, ye De Wits, Colberts, Pelbams, and Pitts. He hath outdone ye by conftru^ing a beautiful navy, alas ! on paper only. « ■ Firft, no nation in Europe depends on fuch (hips for her defence. Secondly, fuch (hips would be unfit to contend with capital (hips. Thirdly, in the hour of danger, thefe (hips on their voyage or return would alternately be taken by an adive enemy* Laftly, lix times as many fuch (hips would be unequally matched with that part of the naval power of Great Britain, which (he actually could fpare to combat on our coafts* This cannot be thought exaggeration, if we confider that the Britifh navy, la ft war, carried about feventeen thoufand guns, and upwards of ninety-five thoufand focial feamen. •* No country (fays our author) is fo happily fituated, or internally capable of raifing a fleet as America. Tar, timber, iron, and cordage, are her natural produce." He fpeaks of forming a fleet as if he could do it by his fiat. A third rate (hip of the line fined for fea is allowed to cod 74,oool. fterling, which at the prcfent exchange is about l2Q,oool. Now as labour, fail cloth, cordage, and other requifiles are dcuer than in Europe, we may reafonably fuppofe the advanced price at twenty-five per cent, which makes the amount 154,000!. We mull next fuppofe our navy equal to that of France, which conlifts of (ixty-four fliips jrged (what r's excellent in *t is, the ent of this France hath ; but the created her ed bankrupt miferies of be given to fervice (hips premiums to merchants ; Liardfhips on vy, and that loudly com- s in time of palm of in- 'elhams* and a beautiful 10 nation in I. Secondly, papital (hips, their voyage £live enemy* be unequally Treat Britain, our coaftst confider that een thoufand )cial Teamen. fituated, or lerica. Tar, oduce." He by his fiat, owed to coft nge is about 5e, and other y reafonably cent, which t fuppofe our of iixty-four (hips .m- P L A I N T R U T H. U Ihips of the line (fifty gun (hips incluilve) twenty-five frigates, with (hips of inferior force. In cafe of inde- pendence, we cannot admit a fmaller naval force. Indeed, when joined to the fleets of France and Spain, the navies fo united, and navigated principally by iandfmen) in{lru6ted by a few focial failors, will be vaftly inferior to the fquadrons of Britain. The amount therefore of fuch a navy will only require the trifling fum of 12,625,0001. currency, which I am very unwilling to believe we can fpare, being fcarcely one fourth the value of our property real and perfonal. With excellent management, our navy would lail eight, nine, or ten years : we therefore would find it extremely con- venient to rebuild it conflantly at the expiration of that term : of this there cannot be a doubt, when we remember with our author, " that fhip-building is America's greated pride. 'J he vail empire of Ruflia is almoft (hut out from the fea, wherefore her boundlefs forefts, her tar, iron, and cordage, are only articles of commerce." 1 reply, that RuflTia containing ten times our numbers, is deflitute of induflry and commerce. She has ports fufficient to build and contain a navy to fubdue the world. Defl:itute, as we have remarked, of induftry and commerce, her navy is* in- confiderable ; and being equipt with landfmen, cannot figure againfl: (hips navigated by focial failors. Who can doubt the ability of Spain to build a navy as formidable as that permitted to Great Britain (by the aiiihor of Common Senfe) ? In her ifland of Cuba, pofiefled of an immenfity of fine cedar, (he might con ftru£t a navy as formidable as that of Great Britain, but to what purpofe, other than to adorn the triumph of her enemies ; unlefs (he could arm her (hips otherwife than by attive landfmen, inftrufled by a few focial failors. Our author fays, " that the nVrtible, Capr. Death, ftood the hotteft engagement of any (liip laft war, yet had not twenty failors on board," (i hough her complement of men was upwards of two hundred). We do indeed eonfefs ourfelves doubtful on this head, and therefore wilTi our author had produced his authority. We do apprehend, that naval aOiions very generally de- pend on feaman-fhip, that is, on dextroufly working the (hip during the combat. Now the judicious reader will remember, that (hips of war in engagement cannot be na- vigated by a few focial Aiilors, nor even by a bare com- B 3 pctency, Mi I ti^ PLAIN TRUTH, petency) y^lefsfucli failors are more invulner^l^le than waf the great Acbilles. <, ,^ . «* Were the continent (fays our author) crowded with inhabitants, her fufferings under the prefent circvunft^nqes would be intolerable, the niore Tea ports we had, the more we (hould have both to defend, and to lofe." This is ra- ther incomprchenfible ; I cannot imagine, that we would be lefs formidable with ten times our prefent numbers ^ if at prefent we can defend ope fea-port, furely, with ten times as many inhabitants, we could equally defend ten. If with our prefent numbers, we are a match for the world* confequently with ten times as many* we would be 9 match for ten worlds, which \yould indeed be prodigious ! <' The infant (late of the Colonies, a§ it is called, (b far from being againft, is an argument in favour of independence.*' This afTertion is as abfurd, as if he had maintained, that twenty is inferior in number to two. ** But the injuries and difadvantages we fuflain by that connexion, ^re with* out number, and our duty to mankind at large, as well as to ourftlves, inflru.^ us to renounce the alliance. Bcoufip any fubminion to, or dependence upon Great Britain* tends diredly to involve this continent in t-uropeap wars and quarrels. As Europe is our market for trade, we ought to form no political connexion with any part of it.'^ Innumerable are the advantages of our connexion with Britain ; and a jufl: dependence on her is a fqre way to avoid the horrors and calamities of war. Wars in Europe will probably than heretofore become lefs frequent ; reli- gious rancour, which formerly animated princes to arms, is fuccceded by a fpirit of philofophy extremely friendly to peace. The princes of Europe are or ought to be con- vinced by fad experience, that the objects of conqueft gr6 vaftiy iniulequate to the immenfe charge of their armaments. Prudential motives, therefore, in future will often di6late ncgociation inilead of war. Be it, however, admitted that our fpeculations are nugatory, and that, as ufual, we are involved in war ; in this cafe we really do not participate a twentieth part of the miferies and hardlhips of war expe- rienced by the other fubje£ts of the empire. As future wars will probably be carried on by Britain in her proper element, her fuccefs will hardly be doubtful ; nor can this be thought audacity, if we remember the great things ef- feded by Britain in her naval wars, then fecondary objefls to ) V rable than wa^ crowded with cir<:uinft4n.q«8 lad, the more This is ra- lat \ye would ; numbers J if elyj with teo y defend ten. for the worldy e would b^ a e prodigious ! id* fo far frond idependence.*' iintained, tha^ 'ut the injuries on, are with- •ge, as well as nee. Bcc.iur

Here I humbly apprehend our author's meaning is truly confpicuous. This Continera, fifty years hence, infallibly will be richer and much better peopled than at prefent ; confe- quently abler to affed a revolution. But, alas t ere that period, our author will be forgotten : impelled therefore by his villainous ambition, he would rather precipitate his country into every fpecies of horror, mifery, and defola- tion, than forego his fancied proteftorfhip. ** But if you have (fays our author) and ftill can (hake hands with the murderers, then are ye unworthy the name of huflDand, fa- ther, friend, or lover ; and, whatever may be your rank or title in life, you have the heart of a coward and the fpirit of a fycophant, &c. To talk of friendlhip with thofe in whom our reafon forbids us to have faith, and our affefitions wounded through a thoufand pores inftru6ts us to deted, is madnefs and folly." Ye ^ PLAIN T R U T Hi Ye that are not drunk with fanaticifm. anfwer me. Arff thefe words didated by peace, or bafe foui revenge, the fconjlant attendant on cowards and fycophants ? Dues oujT author, fq perfeiStly verfed in fcripture, mean to condu^ uf to peace or defoiation ? Or is he fit to legidate for men or devils ? Nations after defolating each other (happily for iniinkind) forgive, forget* and reconcile; like individuals who quarrel, reconcile, and become friends. Following thf; laudable example of the Congrefs, we lately have mo{1: readily ihaken hands with our inveterate enemies the Cana- ^uns, who have fcaJped nearly as many of our people as the Britifi) troops have done : Why therefore may we not for- give and reconcile ?' By no means : it blafts our author's avnbitious purpofes. The Englifh and Scotch, fince th(p firft Edward's time, have alternately ilaughtered each other (in the field of Bannockburn more men fell than are now in the New England provinces) to the amount of feveral hun- dred thoufands and now view each other as fubje€ls; defpif- ipg the efforts of certain turbulent fpirits, tending to rekin- dle the ancient animofity. Many of the unhappy men, cri- minally engaged with the Pretender, reconciled by humane treatment to that family againft whom they rebelltd, fervedi in their armies a few years after. Indeed the condu^ of tho Canadians to our trpops as effediially illuftrates our doc- trine as it reprobate^ the anti-chriftian diabolical tenets of oiftx Authoi'. — " The unwarrantable flretch likewifc which, that houfe made in their lad fitting, to gain an undue au- thority Over the Delegates of that province, ought to warn the people at large, how they iruft power out of their own- h^ds. A fet of inftrudions for the Delegates were put to- gether, which, in point of fenfe and bufinels, would have- diihonoured a fchool-boy, and after being approved by a few,^ a very few, without doors, were carried into the houfe, and there pa0ed in. behalf of the whole Colony. Whereas, did the vrhole Colony know with what ill will that houfe hath entered on fome necefTary meafures> they would not hefitate a momeiit ta think them unworthy of fuch a truft." This very infidious. charge we cannot read without indignation. It the Pennfylva- nians had happily adhered to their virtuous refcl e^^ it is more than probable, that a conAitutional reconciliation had ere now taken place. Unfortunately refcinding their opinions, they perhaps adopted the feniiments of certain per fens, by no means fuperior in virtue and knowledge. Thofe not inebri- t i ated PL A 1 N T R U T H. ^ ated with independency will certainly allow, that the uir ilru£tions to their Dtiega^tes were di6Uted by the true fpirit of peace) jufiice* and exalted policy. If infpiration had; 4i3ate4 thofe reiolye9> obnoxious as they are to indepen^ dency* our author had reprobated them. How dare tho author of Common Senfe fay, " that they attempted to gaia an undue authority over the delegates of their province ?-^ Who fo proper to inftruft them as thofe chofen by the people? Not in the hour of pafiion» riot, and confu(iDn» but in the 6^f» of peace and tranquil reBedion. The gentleman whom oud ai^thor impotently attacks in this and other innuendu&r wilk be long revered by his grateful countrymen and the riiend» pf mankind, a& well for his true patriotifm and extenfiva abilities as his unbounded benevolence. Wculd we profit by the unhappy examples of our anceftors (which, aUsl mankind too feldom do) let us remember the fate of thoflci Uluflrious patriots of the firfl: Charles's time : allied at fiffb with the independants, they did not fufped thofe exe* crable hypocrites of the horrid deHgn of deftroyirg thai king and conftitution : when they faw through their abo<» minable views, it was too late to fave the king and kingdom;- for the independants had feized the fovercignty. Soon a» they were firmly poffeffed of power, they periecuted thofo illuArious patriots with more unrelenting virulefce than the profefled advocates of arbitrary power. Every virtuous* Vennfylvanian mufi be fired with indignation at the infidious» attack made by this independent on the relpeflable afiftmblyi of his province. Indeed the affembly of Fennfylvania in thii unworthy treatment have a fure earned of their future ex-^ pefl:ations.-^** It i? the cuilom of nations (fays our author)- when any two are sl* war, for fome other powers, not en- gaged in the quarrel, to ilep in as mediators, and bring about the preliminaries of a peace. But while America calls- herfelf the fubjeft of Britain, no power, however well dif- pofed (he may be, can ofFer her mediation: wherefore, in. our prefent ftate, we may quarrel on for ever." — Nations, like individuals, in the hour of paiHori attend: to. no mediation; but when heartily drubbed, and tired of war, are very readily reconciled, without the intervention of mediators ; by whom belligerents were never reconciled, until their interefts or paiTions didated the pacification. If" we may ufe our author's elegant language, mediation i<> •* farcical." I grant, however, that the idea of our forcing. England i9 PL A IN TRUTH. England by arndS'to treat with us is brilliant. " It Is unrea* fonable (continues our author) to fuppofe, that France and Spain will give us any kind of.afTiftancet if we mean only to make ufe' of that adlftance for the purpofe of repairing the breach, and flrengthening the connection between Bri- tain and America ; becaufe thofe powers would be fuffereri by the confequences." Confidering ** we have the moft numerous and bed dif- ciplined army under heaven» and a fleet fit to contend with the navy of Britain,^' we muft fuppofc our author's brain afFeded by dwelling conflantly on his beloved independency* clfe he would not have the imbecility to require the aiTill- ance of France and Spain. The manner of his prevailing on France and Spain to aflifl us is alfo a flfong proof of his- infanity ? Did thofe powers hefitate to fuccour the Scotch rebels in 1745, becaufe they did not declare themfelves in<*^^ dependent ? It then was their intereft to create a diverfion* alas ! too ferious in the fequel for the deluded rebels in that kingdom : and were they now intereded in aiding us, they undoubtedly would do it in fpite of quibbles. In fuch cafe» ere this time their armies and navies had joined us without interruption : for we mufl confefs, that the efforts of Britain hitherto would not have precluded the republic of Genoa from aiding us. Suppofe our author had a foh, or an appren- tice, eloped to his intimate acquaintance, and defired to en- ter into his fervice. If this perfon replied to the youth, I know your apprenticefhip is unexpired; notwithftanding, declare yourfelf a free man, and I will hire and proted you. I demand, would fuch odious, ridiculous duplicity render cur fuppofed perfon lefs criminal in the eyes of our author^ or render the example lefs dangerous to his own apprentice ? ** Were a manifefto (fays our author) difpatched to foreign courts, &c." This alfo is a conclufive proof of our au- thor's maniacum delirium. Our Author, <* challenges the warmeft advocate for reconciliation to fliew a fingle advan- tage this continent can reap by being connected with Great- Britain. I repeat the challenge. Not a Tingle advantage is derived : our corn will fetch its price in any market in Eu- rope." Were the author's afTertions, refpeding our power, as real as delufive, a reconciliation on liberal principles with Great Britain would be moft excellent policy. I wave Similarity of manners, laws, and ciiftoms, moft friend- ly indeed to perpetual alliance. The greateft part of our plankj, PLAIN TRUTH. 29 pUnky (laves, (hingles, hoopS) corn, beef/^ork* herringSf -and many other articles, could find no vent but in the Eng- lifti iflands : the demand for our flour would alfo be con- fiderably lefTened. The Spaniards have no demand for thefe articles, and the French little or non<^. Britain would be a principal mart for our lumber, pari f our grain, naval (lores, tobacco, and many other articles, which perhaps are not generally wanted in any kingdom in Europe^ If it is fuggefted, that the Engli(h iflands, impelled by neceflityy would trade with uS) 1 reply, that it is not uncommon to fee Englifli flour for fale in thofe iflands, as our merchants have more than once found to their cofl. Since 1750 flour hath fold in the iflands at ten and twelve per cent, the price being reduced by flour from England. Britain is alfo better calculated to fupply us with woollen goods, and other necefTary articles, than any kingdom in Europe. Should a feparation enfue, Britain will open an cxtenfive commerce to the Baltick and RuflTia for all, or many, of the commodities (he now receives from us ; the Ruffians, fince their laft glorious treaty with the Port, can now export the commodities of their mod fertile Ukraine through the Mediterranean ; until that period they were conflrained to carry their hemp eight or nine hundred miles to the Baltick; whence, by a long and dangerous navigation, it reached the different ports in the Atlantic. I need not inform the reader that fuch immenfe land carriage precluded the fubjeds of Ruflia from raifing wheat, which generally fold in the Ukraine for ten- pence per bufhel, as did rye at five-pence in that extenfive re- gion, than which no country on earth is more happily adapted for that grain : the Britifh nation, pre-eminently diftini;uifhed for induflry and enterprize, will eflablifh faflories in the provinces of Rufila, and animate thofe people to emulate our produftions, which they will tran- iport by the Mediterranean to the ports of Europe and the Wefl Indies. — By thefe means, and the culture of Poland, our grain would probably be reduced to its prifline price, two (hillings and fix- pence. As our au- thor is fo violently bent againft reconciliation, he muft cither fuppofe a conflant war with the incenfed power of England, or admit that he is a proper inhabitant of the domains of Ariofto (the world in the moon) ; now, ad- mitting ** we have the mofl numerous and befl difciplined army i 50 P L A I N T R U T M. army vhnd^r heaven, and a navy formidiible fot thbt cf England ;" pray what are our refotirces to pay fnch con- iiderable armament ? although I do not wifh to mortify my coumrymeH) I muft acknowledge^ that the neat pro- ceedi of all cur produce is inadequate to that end: our author allows ** that ue have a considerable check on Ihe Weft India commerce of Britain, and that Great Britain has a condderable check upon our Europeaif trade." In cafe Great Britain infults, therefore, our European bound (hipsi we have only to order our admirals to feiz^ their Well Indiaraen. Unfortunately, the Aigerines and other piratical ftates of Africa have no Weft-India com- merce ; and not having the cleareft diftrn€tions of thmte and mine, will be apt to feize our veffels. Our author afHrms, ** that our trade will always be our proteftion." I therefore crave his pardon, and fhall believe, that tht iight of our grain, and fmell of the New Err land codfiftt, will effe^ually fervc as a Mediterranean pa{s to the pi- ratical rovers. I do humbly confefs my iiifpicions, leaft Portiigal, extremely dependant on Great Britain, may not infolt us. When independent, we no doubt will receive ilrong proofs of friend{hi

ports, ^ <\ c >minef t by Great Britaiti. The king's fliips now in Sew Eng nd unhappily are more than fufficient to ruin it ports d con crce of ihefe provinces. New York is alreaxly fecurcd nd I ihould be extremely grieved to hear that a fmall an iment were deftined againft Philadelphia. In the opinion >t the bed officers of the navy, Philadelphia is acceiTible to a few forty and fifty gun fhips, in defpite of our temporary expedients to furtify the river Delaware. If fuch opinion is groundlefs, the miniftry by their imbecility have be- friended us, fince by guarding the river Delaware with a few frigates only, they had precluded us from arming t)ur vedels and ftiengthening the river Delaware. I would remind our author of the conftant language and apparent purport of all ranks in oppofition to Great Britain : " vire have (fay they) been the happieft people on earth and 'would continue to be foy (hould Great Britain renounce her claim of taxation ; we have no fmifter views» we claim not independance ; no! perifh the thought;" fuch I be- lieve alfo was the tenor of the petitions from the congrefs to his majefty. Now I would aik every man of fentiment, what opinion our friends in Great Britain, nay the whole world vf'iW entertain of uis, if ingratefuliy and madly adopting our author's frantic fchemes, we reject reafonable terms of reconciliation ? will they not mod afiiiredly believe that our popular leaders have by infinite art deluded the unwary people into their pre-concerted fchemes, on fup- pofition that the time had iound us } thofe acquainted with Britain mud confefs, that the minority in parliament hi- therto have been our main prop : now indep«ndancy for ever annihilates this our bed refource. Let us admit a part of the minority, republicans, or what is more pro- bable, bent on removing the prefent mini dry from their power, our author's fchemes annihilates all their con- fequence, all their oppofition. In cafe of our indepen- dence, fliould a Barrd, or Burke, patronize our govern- ment, fuch patrons would infallibly participate the fate of the great and good De Witts, be torn in pieces by the furious people. If my remarks are founded on truth, it refults that the time hath not found us ; that independency is inexpedient, ruinous, and impracticable, and that recon- ciliation wiih Great Britain on good terms is our fole refource i it is thia alone will render us refpedable; it is this 3a PLAIN TRUTH. this alone will render us numerous} it is this only will make us happy. I (hail no longer detain my readers but conclude with a few remarks on our author's fcheme: the people of thofe colonies would do well to confider the charz&erp fortune* and defigns of our author and his independents ; and compare them with thofe of the mod amiable and venerable perfonages in and out of the congrefs» who abominate fuch nefarious meafures ; I would humbly ob- ferve, that the fpecious fcience of politics is of all others the moft delufive. Soon after the Revolution the ablefl; (latefmen in England and other parts of Europe confi- dently predided national ruin> infallible ruin, foon as the public .debt exceeded 6fty millions (lerling: the nation^ now indebted nearly thrice that fum^ is not arrived at the zenith of her credit and power. It is perhaps poflible to form a fpecious fyftem of government on paper which may feem pradicable, and to have the confent of the people ; yet it will not anfwer in pradice» nor retain their approbation upon trial : " all plans of government (fays Hume) which fuppofe great reformation in the manners of mankind, are merely imaginary." The fabricators of independency have too much in* fluence to be entrufled in fuch arduous and important concerns; this reafon alone were fufficient^ at prefent, to deter us from altering the conftitution : it would be as jnconfiilent in our leaders in this hour of danger to form a government, as it were for a colonel, forming his battalion in the face of an enemy^ to flop to write an cflay on war. This author's Quixotic' fyftem is really an ihfult to our underftanding ; it is infinitely inferiof^ to HumC'S idea of a perfed: commonwealth, which, ndhRrithflanding his acknowledged greatnefs of genius* is flill rfeptthenfible : it is not our bufinefs to examine in what manner this author's afTociates acquired their knowledge in national affairs ; but we may predict, that his fcheme of indepen- dency would foon, very foon, give way to a government impofed on us by fome Cromwell of our armies : nor is this fentiment unnatural, if we are attentive to conflant experience and human nature: the fublime Montefquieuy fo aptly quoted by the congrefs, unhappily corroborates our dodrine> « from (fays he) a manner of thinking that prevails P L A I N T R U T IT. 3^ prevails amongft manlinc!, they fet a higher value upon courage than tiiriOroufntfs; en a6livity ih-m prudence; on Orength than crunfcl. Hence, the army will ever defpife a ienatc, and refpecl: their own ofHcers ; they will naturally flight the crder km them by a bru'v o\ men whom they look upon as co\v;irds, and thertfore un- worthy to command them ; k^ liiat as fbon as the army depends on the Icgiflative body, it becomes a military one ;" and if the contrary has ever happened, it has been owing to fome extraordinary circumfiiances, fuch as Hol- land being able to drown her garrifons, and the Venetians having it in their power to compel their troops to obe- dience by the vicinity of the Furopean armies ; refources to which we for ever mud be flrangcrs. If independence takes place, the Nev/ England men by their confequence therein will affume a fuperiority impatiently to be borne by the other colonies. Notwithftanding our author's fine words about tolera- tion, ye fons of peace and true chriftianity, believe me, it were folly fupreme, madnefs, to expeft angelic ' tolera- tion from New England, where (lie has cop.tlantly been detefted, perfecuted, and execrated ; even in vain would our author, or our Cromwell, cherifli loleration ; for the people of New England, not yet arrived in the feven- leenth or eighteenth century, would reproNate her. — It is more than probable to fuppofe ihat the New England governments would have no oojt;61ion to an Agrarian law ; nor ' it unreaforiahle to fuppole that fuch divifion or property would be very agree;ible to the fokliers ; indeed their general could not, j^eihaps, wi;h fafety to his exifl:- ence as a general, refufe them io rcafonable a gratification, part'cularly, as he will have more l;han one cccafion for their fcrvices ; let us, however, adnnt that our general and troops, conlradifting ^he experience of ages, do not afTume the fovereigniy. Releafed frcm forei|2,n v^'ar, we would probably be plunged into all the mifery of anarchy and inteftine war. Can we fiipnofe that the people of the fouth would fubmit to have the feat cf empire at Phi- ladelphia, or in New England ? or that the people op- prcfled by a change of governmenl, contrafiing iheir mifery with their former happy Hate, would not invite Britain to le-aflume the fovereignty ? C A failure i /'■ 34 P L A I N T R U T H. A failure of commerce precludes the numerous tribe of planters, farmers and others, from paying their debts con- tra£ted on the faith of peace and commerce. They can- not, nor perhaps ought not to pay their debts. A war will enfue between the. creditors and their debtors, which will eventually end in a general fpunge or abolition of debts, which has more than once happened in other ftates on occadons fim'ilar. Ye refpe61:able defcendants of the planters from Holland and Swiflerland, who acknowledge, that your fathers have inftruded you to felicitate yourfelves in exifting un- der the benign Britifli government, and have taught you to execrate the government of Holland and other popular flates, where the unhappy people, unacquainted with trial by jury and other peculiar felicities of Brltiih fubjefts, are (to ufe the fignificant language of your fathers) under the harrow of opprefTive Demagogues, do ye poffefs the wif- dom to continue your happinefs by a well regulated con- Eedion with Britain. Volumes were infufficient to defcribe the horror, mifery, and defolation awaiting the people at large in the Syren form of American independence. In Ihort, I affirm that it would be mofl excellent policy in thofc who wifli for true liberty, to fubmit by an advantageous reconciliation to the authority of Great Britain ; " to accomplifti in llie long run, what they cannot do by hypocrify, fraud, and force in the fliort one." Independence and flav.cry are fy- nonymous terms. ^ r FINIS. The following Publication byRATioNALis, is printed in this Jize for the convenience of thofe Gentlemen who choofe to hind it with other Pamphlets, in an Odavo Volume. T^he Republican Spirit is indeed at bottom as am- bitious as the monarchical. Volt aire. . THE town has been lately amufed with a new political pamphlet, intiiled Common Senfe. This piece, though it has taken a popular name, and implies that the contents are obvious, and adapted to the underftandings of the bulk of the people, is fo far from meriting the title it has aflumed, that in my opinion it holds principles equally inconfiflent with learned and com- mon fenfe. I know not the author, nor am I anxious to learn his name or charaSer; for the book, and not the writer of it, is to be the fubjeft of my animadverfions. It is the glory of a free country to enjoy a free prefs, and of this, that the fentiments and opinions of the meaneft, equally with thofe of the greateft, are brought to view ; for we know by frequent inftances, that the rich and high born are not the monopolizers of wifdom and virtue; on the contrary, thefc qualities are oftner to be found among the middling clafs in every country, who, being lefs diffi- pated and debauched than thofe who are ufually called their betters, apply themfelves with more induftry to the culture of their underftandings, and in reality become better acquainted with the true interefts of the fociety in which they live. But to my great grief I have too often feen inftances of perfons in every clafs of life, whofe publications, at the fame time they have reflefled honour on the parts and ge- nius of the authors, have been fo ihamefully wantinpj in candour as to attempt, by the cadence of words, and force of ftile, a total perverfion of the underftanding. C 2, The 36 RATIONALIS. The pamphlet in queftion feems to be plainly calculated to induce a belief of three things : ill. That the Englifti form of government has no wif- dom in it, and that it is by no means fo conftru6J:ed as to produce the happinefs of the people, which is the end of all good government. 2d. That monarchy is a form of government inconfifl- cnt with the will of God. 3d. That now is the time to break off all conne£lion "with Great Britain, and to declare an independence of the Colonies. It muft be obvious to every impartial eye, that the au- thor reafons from the abufes of, againft the benefits de- rived from, the Englifh conftitution ; and after reciting thefe abufes concludes very unfairly, that ** it is incapa- ble to produce what it feems to promife." — For if an ar- gument of this fort is to be received, it will prove perhaps rather more than the author would chufe— it would even prove that the Jewiili theocracy was quite as improper, and as incapable to produce what it aimed at, as the re- probated Englifh government. — The records of facred hif- tory inform us, that the law was given to the people from God, and that the great Jehovah himfelf condefcended to call them his ch of en people. He fignally interpofed in their behalf in bringing them out of bondage, in preferving them from the rage of Pharaoh's army, and feating them in a land flowing with milk and honey, under his immediate government and laws, " written with his ov/n finger." ** And he will love ihee and blefs thee, and multiply thee : he will alfo blcfs the fruit of thy womb and the fruit of thy land, thy corn and thy wine, and thy oil ; the in- creafe of thy kine, and the flocks of thy (heep, in the lard which he fware unto thy fathers to give thee.'* Deut. vii. 13. ** I'hou fhah be blefied above all people; there fliall not be male or female barren among you, or among your cattle." Deut. vii. 14. But what effc8:s did all thefe extraordinary favours and promifes of the Deitv himfelf produce upon that wicked, pervcrfe, fliff- necked people ? Mofcs tells them, «* From the day that thcu didjl: depart nut of the land of Egypt until ye c ime unto this place, ye have baen rebellious againfl: the Lord." Deut. ix. 7. « You \ RATIONALIS. 37 « You Viave been rebellious againft the Lord from the .day that I k lew you." Deut. ix. 24. Profane as well as facred hiilory informs us of the inef- fe^uality of the bed governments and the wifeft laws among a corrupt, degenerate people. It does not regularly follow, that if the people are not happy under an excellent torm of civil polity, that the fault is in the government, it may be owing to the corruption of the people ; and this I take to be the cafe in Great Britain at this day. When the Britiih parliament is properly balanced, and each branch of the legiflature faithfully executes its duty, I think 1 am fafe in affirming there was never yet a form of government in the world fo well calculated for the happinefs of a free people as this; and yet we are told by the author of the pamphlet, that the " prejudice of Engliflimen in favour of King, Lords, and Commons arifes as much or mor« from national pride than reafon.** The world has already feen numberlefs inftances of fine-fpun political theories, which, like the quackeries of mountebank dodors, are to cure all the political evils to which human nature is liable. — But when the experiment is made, they become aftonifhed at the ill fuccefs of their boalled fcheines — they find a thoufand little paflions and interefts continually in- terfering with their defigns, and at length retire ogain to their clofets, chagrined they had not thought it neceifary to ftudy the great volume of human nature, before they ventured to fay what was the beft for mankind. The author, after venting his fpleen ati;ainil- the Englifli form of government, comes next to conlider the fiibjefit of monarchy and hereditary fucceflion ; in treatin/^ which he plainly difcovers the utmoft prf^polTcfilon in favour of a republic. I fliall not follow him through his fcripuire quotations, v/hich he has fo carefully garbled to anfuer liia purpofe, but beg leave to oppofe fonie authorities to it. The celebrated Trenchard, in No. 60, of Cuo's Let- ters, fays, " there is no government now upon ..arih, which owes its formation or beginning to the immediate revelation of God, or can derive its exillence from fuch re- velation : it is certain, on the contrary, that the rife and inftitution, or vailation of government, from time to time, is within the memory of men or of hiflorics ; and that every government which we know at this day in the world, 38 RATIONALIS. was edabllflied by the vifdom and force of mere men, and by ihe concurrence of caufes evidently human,*' • ^ " Nor has God by any revelation nominated magidrates* (hewed the nature or extent of their powers, or given a plan of civil polity for mankind.'* (Hutchefon*s Moral Philofophy, p. 272.) *' There being no natural or divine law for any form of government, or that one perfon rather than another (hould have the fovereign adminillraticn of affairs, or have power over many thoufand diffeient families who are by nature all equal, being of the iame rank, promifcuoufly born to the fame advantages of nature, and to the ufe of the fame common faculties, tnerefore mankind is at liberty to cboofe what form of government they like^"* " God's providence or permiffion fuffered his own pe- culiar people the Jews to be under divers governments at divers times; as firft under patriarchs, Abraham, Ifaac^ and Jacob, &c. then under judges, Othniel, Ehud, and Gideon; then under high priefts, Eli and Samuel; then under kings, Saul, David, and the reft ; then under cap- tains and high priefts again, as Zurobabel, Judas Mac- cabeus, and his brethern ; and the government was laftly taken from them, and they brought under the power of Rome. And that God permits fuch magiftrate or magif- traces as the community thinks fit to approve, is plain by the teftimony of Holy Scriptures; when God faid to Solo- mon, " By me king's rule, even all the judges of the earth.*' Pro v. viii. 16. ** When the fons of Samuel were judges over Ifrael, they took bribes and perverted judgment, therefore the elders of Ifrael defired Samuel to make them a king ; and though the elders are only mentioned to have aftced a king of Samuel, they feem to have been deputed from the whole congregation ; for God faid unto Samuel, «* Hearken to the voice of the people in all that t bey fay unto tbee,^^ i Sam, viii. 4» 7* " j/ind Samuel told the people the manner of tbe kingdom^ and wrote it in a book, and laid it up before tbe Lord, I Sam. X. 25. It is plain the manner of the kingdom fig- nifies the conftitutiou of the government, by which was meant the conditions on which Saul was to be king, and they his fubjefts ; for though God bad given bim tbe crowttf it was to rule the people according to juftice and laws." « After RATIONALIS. 39 '* After the battle between Saul and the Ammonites, Samuel faid to the people. Come, let us go to Gilgal ; and there tbey made Saul king before the Lord, i Sam. xi. i. 5, 6, 7. I4> 15. Now therefore behold the king, whom ye have chojen, and behold the Lord bath fet a king over you J** I Sam. xii. 13. Thefe latter quotations are taken from the great Lord Somers's book called ** the Judgment of whole Kingdom^ and Nations concerning the Rights of Kings and the Peo- ple." This nobleman was Loid high chancellor of Eng- land in King William's reign, and was remarkable for his revolution principles, great learning, and unfhaken integri- ty in public and privr^e life. It does therefore Tom the foregoing teftimonies appear, that monarchy (efpecially a limited one, fueh as that of England) is not inconfiftent whh the Holy Scriptures, as is let forth in faid pamphlet, but that it is as pleadng to the Almighty, if agreeable to the people, as any other form of government, even the author's beloved republic. The "writer next proceeds to inform his readers of the numerous wars and fcenes of blood afttd in England under their kings, and aflerts, that ** Monarchy and fuccejfiott have laid the world in blood and ajbet. It is a form of gO" vernment which the word of God bears tefiimony againfi^ and blood will attend it." Here are bold affertlons indeed. To the latter part I have already endeavoured to make fome reply, fo far as he aflerts it is contrary to the word of God ; but will the author's candour | °rmii him to in- form his reader of the infinite diftra£ti iis and mifchiefs which have happened in the ancient and modern republics? •—Under this form there are always two parties, which divide the whole body of the people, and an eternal war fare fubfifts between them for power. The contefl: is dreadful enough, but whichfoever party prevails, there is no rod heavy enough, no fword fufficiently (harp, to punifti thofe whom they have fubducd. It then becomes a many-headed monfter, a tyranny of many. Let any man read with an unprejudiced eye the accounts which hiftorlans give us of the famous Grecian Common- weahhs, and I will venture to fpeak for him, that he will not bellow great commendations on them.— The Atheni- ans, a wife and poliKhed people, very often baniflied their be ft citizens from an apprehenfion of their power, — a glo- rious 40 RATIONAL! S. rious reward for a virtuous citizen, who, as was the cafe in more inftances than one, had prelervcd his country from deflrudion. In the latter times of the Carthaginian and Roman republics, what conftant fcenes of blood and de- \aftation does hiftory prefent to us — the multitude in a perpetual ferment like the ocean in a florm — in a ftorm, did I fay ? — like the waters of the fea, agitated by a dreadful whirlwind, nothing but the fury of one party encountering the rage of another. — Every trace of humanity being thus Ipft, men change their natures and become as fierce and fa* vage as wolves and tygcrs. But let us defcend nearer to modern times — let us look for happinefs and fecurity in the republic of Holland, fo often mentioned, and fo little known— leb us recolleft the fate of the two brothets, Cornelius and John de Wit, Dutch minifters, who were maffacred by the people in the year 1672. Holland itfelf, from being a republic, is be- cone a downright ariftocracy. Liberty did not continue long in thai country, notwith (landing the blood and trea- lijre that were expended to acquire it. The people^ fo far from being free, have had no voice for many years paft in the dcdion of pcrfons to reprefent them in the States-Gene- r.al, n -r have they any thing to do in the forming of laws by which thty are to bt g< verned. Whenever one of them dies, the vacaiicy is filied up without any interference of the people, and this important cl^ange was made in the ftate, becaufe of the intoii^rabie feuds and animofuies which attended the ele£^-ions of reprcf^-niativcs. Had they been to have chofen a king, wh;it dangerous and deTtru^tive tu- mults mufi it have produced! Founded on the woeful ex- perience of ages, it is now become a p;eneral fixed opi- nion, that hereiiiiary is preferable to eledive monarchy, on account of {he terrible difordcrs, outrages, and confufion which ufually attend the ele for a while to the free exercife of that good underftanding which they are known to poflefs. Thofe who made the appeal have little caufe to triumph in its fuccefs. Of this they feem fenfible ; and Uke true quacks, are conftantly peftering us v.'ith their additional dofes, till the flomachs of their patients begin wholly to revolt. If little notice has yet been taken of the publications concerning independence, it is neither owing to the popularity of the doftrine, the un- anfwerable nature of the arguments, nor the fear of op- poflng them, as the vanity of the authors would fuggeft. I am confident that nine-tenths of the poeple of Penfylvania yet abhor the doctrine. If ..-«(? ,,*w^ ^ '.^ a, n CATO h the People, 43 If we look back to the origin of the prefent controverfyy it will appear that feme among us at lead have been con« flantly enlarging their views, and (Iretching them beyond their firfl: bounds, till at length they have wholly changed their ground. From the claim of Parliament to tax us» fprung the firft reflftance on our part ; before that unjufl claim ^as fet on foot, not an individual, not one of all the profound legiflatois with which this country aboundss ever held out the idea of independance. We confidered our connexion with Great Britain as our chief happinefs— we flourifhed, grew rich, and populous to a degree not to be paralleled in hidory. Let us then a£t the part of (kilful phyficians, and wifely adapt the remedy to the evil. PoiTibly fome men may have harboured the idea of in- dependence from the beginning of this controverfy. In* deed it was ftrongly fufpefled there were individuals whofe views tended that way; but as the fcheme was not fufficiently ripened, it was reckoned flanderous, inimical to America, and what not, to intunate the le.ui fuipicion of this kind. Nor have many weeks yet elapfed fince the firft open pro- pofition for independence was publillied to the world. — By what men of confequence this fcheme is fupported, or whether by any, may pofTibly be the fubje6t of future enquiry. Certainly it has no countenance from the Con- gref?, to whofe fentiments we look up with reverence ; on the contrary, it is direftly repugnant to every declaration of that refpeftable body. It would be needlefs to quote particular pafTages in proof of this, as they are to be met with in almoft every^^p^ge of their proceedings. I will re- fer to a few only, viz. their Refolves, March 5, 1775— their Declaration, July 6— their Addrefs to the King, July 8 — their Letter to the Lord Mayor of London — and more efpeci ally their Declaration for a faft, June 12, in which, with the deepeft marks of fincerity, they call upon all America to join wiih them in addreffing the great Gpvernor of the world — " humbly befeeching him to avert <* the defolating judgments with which we' are threatened, *« to blefs our rightful fovereign, Szc. — that fo America *< may foon behold a gracious interpofition of heaven for the redrefs of her many grievances, the refloration of her invaded rights, and reconciliation with the parent « it 44 CkTOhtbe People, ** parent (late, on terms conftiiutional and honourabis to ♦« both." Will anyone be fo hardy as to fay, that cither the appoint- nnent or obfervation ot" this folemn day was a mere mockery of heaven and earth, or even that any American joined in it who was not fincere ? — 1 truft not. But if multiply- ing authorities were of any ufe, 1 might add the fentiments of our own Reprefentatives in affembly expreffed to the inftrudions to their Delegates ; the fentiments of Mary- land in fimilar inftrU(Etions ; the refolves of New Jerfey and New Hampfhire ; nor ftiall the much-injured province of Maflachufetts' Bay be left out of the catalogue, whofe Provincul Congrefs, while yet bleeding with the wounds received at Lexington, thus addrelTed the inhabitants of Great Britain " Thefe are marks of minifterial ven- <• geance again ft this colony, but they have not yet *• detached us from our royal fovereign, &c. trufting that ** in a conftitutional conne6ition with the mother country *' we (hall foon be a free and happy people." Thefe ■were the fentiments of the colony of the Maflachufetts, iigned by that great martyr to liberty Dr. Warren, and foon after fealed with his blood. The fentiments of -fundry other colonies might be fhewn to have correfponded with thefe. — But this letter has already reached its full length. I fhall take fomc future opportunity to examine the arguments which have been offered to induce a change of thefe fentiments ; and upon the whole I doubt not to make it appear, that in- dependence is not the caufe in which Ajfnerica is now en- gaged, and is only the idol of thofe who wifli to fubvert all order among us, and rife on the ruins of their country! '.:'.-: V A I % V. Philadelphia, March ijth, 1776. CATO.