^ m^ A$ A % o* 'e. 7 /A IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 Jfi 21 ill 2.5 I.I 11.25 I 1^ IIIIM - 6" Photographic Sciences Corporation // < <;« A U., s? \ w \\ % m ^iV * i ^ « ''^^ • # if p *' Tin ujefulnMs of ' The ftlive Branch/ lo not wholly, or*evcn principally ronliiied lo oriL' or u\o reiuliiiji> v>. a' hook ol relereiic*;, it is jiinio>t rmov.' v;, uc M'-ii w''t> '^'C eii.;Aged coiitiiai.illy in tiif avocalious hy which tiiey and their fa- roiiu's siibsijt, cmnot he txprctftl to commit to nx-mory even the most important pai iK ol tiiL' lUiiny iiitoro'fViiig dociuui'iits wliicli relate to our intercourse with fo- reign nations, nor do they often collect and preserve th«»e documents to recur to wlwn a ditreience of opinion arises. The Olive Branch is calculated to supply botli tiiesc dt'ects. Hrrt' the mo?t important stale papers, on the most di-putf^d nihjpctL:, are thrown together and explained ami illustrated witii intelligence and candor. **'fien any dispute occurs, one lias only to take up tiiis work, turn to the index, and opm to wliatever topic he desires to b»« informed of. Tiie docii- ni'-nts ar« aullientio ; and the party who is mistaken, wiH, if his mind is open to conviction, be convincKl of liis error, and, if h« ih an honest mao. he will ac- linowU'di;e and abandon it ** vVlien t!ie first edition of this work appeared, notwithstanding some errors and omissions, I considered it the b' st politic il tract whicu had been [-iihli.:,cd for many years When t:ie s^ecoiid ediiion issued from the press, I purcna.-cd that , ami lo.i.nd it amended in some, and much improve^ iti othr'r particulars.— Tlie third fdition, wliicli was, I understand, printed m Boston, i ditJ not see. But tlie fourth eilirion, which was extended to two volumes, which enhirged on sev-T.il topics 'rt'ifod on in'the former editions, and embiaced several important fuhji'^ts not touched on in them, was so hii;lily sat sfactory to me, that 1 present- rd the copies 1 had to some of my neighbors, who had not the ability to purchase for themselve.s, and procured this for myself. Its utility to me has he-'ii v'ry gii'Al. It has reminded me of many thinifs I had forgotten, and ac(juainteil mn with many others I was ignonint of. I think the same beneficial etU.cts miisi be experienced by every man who reads it, with a desire ^o hav« his memory re- freslit'd. and his mind enlisilitened. If our govermneut ia worth maint ainiijij and the intelli2;ence of thf people is one of its safe guards, those who empo' l;;tir tini'j and t.ilcnts in dilTusin'j; that intelligence in tiie most correct and acctpi able Tuaaner and form, arc naiiy entidfd tn the grititud.; of every friend of Xhe go- verujrtont."— Trenton 7Vue Ame.rkan, May 22, 1815. " The Olive Branch is a Rerious appeal to tlie two great parties which divide our coun'ry, on the necessity of mutual rorf!,ivenfs« and harmony, in pur«ning bis plaa, th«> writer has, with gicat iiid'i>try, collected and arranged his martri- als ; and with no small share of talent, has illu.-trated his su'ijfct in tiie most strikirs manner, by arguments drnwn from official and autlicntic documt'iits of va- rious kinds — from natiuial and state arciiives — wlietiier as a repository of au- thfntie facts and references— as an iiistorical sketch of the rise and progress of party spirit, from the consummation of our indepcndenc*^ to the present day— as a memori.il which ought never to be forgotten of the pernicious cfl'ects of *Ii,it spirit, when carried beyond the bounds of reason and jn>tice :- in short, wheth- er we view the Olive Branch ps a political appeal to the good sen.se of the nation, or Hs a record of historical events, with which every American ought to bo ac- quainted— we consider it a work of the lilghest value, the circulation of which every friend of his country is hound to promote. '• It is not the republican alone, who will derive satisfaction from the perusal of this volume The fei'uialist will find in it many egregious fn'ts pointed out, which have been committed by tlif npubiican pariy, hoth in tiie national and state governments; otlierwis* the work would not bf consist-nt with its til le, which is-THF, Or.IVE BR ^ NCH OK, F \UI.T«^ ON BOTH *;iDns, FED- ERVL \iVD DFMOCRXTIC— A SERIOUS APPEAL ON' THE NECESSI- TY OF .MUTUAL FORGIVENESS \.\D HARMONY -And it must be conlV-stied, that tlie best way to corre-'.t the faults of both -ides?, l< to induc' both, if possible, to open their eyes lo their own fault-, as well as to thosf of their op- ponent' Tliis laudab'o work Mr Carey has the credit of attempting. VV|, (.til- er '.ae itempl i«i a visi'onarv one or not. t'me must determine \t all events, let ev !•'• ' » ', iiulenendent man, of hotii ,,\r»ie' re d the Olive Braneh, if he would kaow the whole tmih.*^ ^Mbany Register, Ju7ie 13, ltfl>. , *' In the warmth ami violence of a po'.ilical eontest, it rarely happens that ei- ther pvirt> is trilii«iy l;iulllr:s. Jinpnicttioii, iii w gicatn or It >> d<>:Mc i« Btmiiped on ovtMy tiling auiuaii ; and liie individuai, innili niorr lii«; parly, wlio jliuiiUl claim an rntirr « xcniption tVoin it, noiild bt'tray l,ie gio^scst igiHuii'mt . — Jir times ttf turbulence. Iiowover, lew art .«ufficieiilly elivattd above Uie luliiicnce of party pasMon, to expose error, wlier«:vtr louiid. llie faull^i of a favontc p.r- ty are loo connuoniy pasbed over in biience, and ttiose of the oppo.«ite, uurta>on- ably mugnitied. " The author of tlie Olive Branch has taken a stand h or the republican party liavc deserv«d ceiisur*-, lie has freely bee.(()\v«'d it lliji worlc carriebon its face the motg; in.-l ' 8;it-.in and IM- niij* »," it dis- pels and puts to tiighl an aiiny of error and Jaibthood." — H tthhj Jit^isUr, vol. Tii. pagjj 371. •' The Olive Branch, or faults on boi.i bidesi, federal and democratic, is no par- ty puhlicaliou . it contains a Irnid tx;uMnatiject>- :ind ri mh uien- p< nd«r.l entic and ►triling facts, and atldicssinglhejoi impartially and iodepeiidisitly, but with kfcoming runphasis, to *he attention of the public, was t)est fitted to render it a -•valuable and seasonable service ; and it appears that the success ot your labor Kill, well reward the laudable views with hich it waswidertaken " Extract of a leUer from Thomas J fffn son, enq. expresidfntof the U S'otit. Monticello Feb V. •: 5. •* 1 thank you for the copy of the Olive Branch you have hn n k ' i- as to 8«»d ni« Many extracts from it wh ch 1 had seen in the news) apci" h ( » d a wituiiiK»ii ol iijovcrnnn'iii v.rv iiion iiyiirious than la I 'S', tlir •• uiii oi laws: eitn a i,nyiit nininuli'ni min/ dtstroinlt prindplfi. The fra- iiui i> ttie coustilutioii liad beluri* ihfiij iiol only llie I'oniu wliieii liad been pie- fiii' .1 by I'le M'v» ral stattn, but tliO'*^ also whiih bi fon tiiat tiiiic liad b(i n dc- viacd ill utiiu a^'.'s and nations \(id tliuo/'i tlie rt'iH-ated expvi 'inciitN wliicit li iv(j .Miiici' takiii i>!acB in Fiiirojip, may *iijij;< .-t niatlti I'ji waruiii,.', llay allnid r.otliiiijj lor iiiutation. If, iKitwitiislaridini;, ii is fouiid by t\j>» ritnce, tlr.il tin; roiibUlulion opcr.itcs \(,'ry urn^'juilly, or tin- r.oii>y part ih doii!)tl"iil, aimiidiiiiiil" may be necessary >o aJUi or ix[ili.iii il. liul ii I'i in vain to ejpect thtti .ill ivUlU Mti\f)iii. Fr'-'; ;.',ov('iriin(Mts admit of jiii (•t)dl«"^^ii vaiitU ol modi- r...i; I ii.„ „..:..: ,....,._•„:.... J r .1.,: -.: _:i ' 11 CiMtion noil J , aii'I the opiiiioijs friilerlaintd >{ thcii rt's> r-clive nieritn uio i/ mutual con- ct.^^'tn — and Mich inditd iiiii?l always be tiic ciso wijcu a form of ;;ovL'rnintnt u voiuiilanly accepted by a coiimuin.ty *' ^^r' ^^ '^"^ minds nf stout mm there, seems to he a resllrsines'inkirh rcvdera them. dLSiiiti'-fitd trith (uii/ iiwj'>rm rourxe vj' thin;;s^ aud uudiei them (.uger in thtt pursuit nf novtUfi Thi if (,'jt-inid in projats, mid urr < err mvdHutins "''»• Juv.- c'/ul chuiif^e in the, plan of f^orrrnnuiA, nhich thi ir i7,higinuti>in'i rrpresenl us uvo Jul. litU 7)icn rf grtfit timbilit^n arc still mire dunger^un ; ih'y commmdy iiaike the /(lirest prttences io primiplcs, though they are actuated onlii by .^elf interest. — 1/ the fonslituti'm tr laws <\f their cnmtrtf presinl oh:,tnIes to t'le mcomplishmtnt of Uitir lAshe.s. Iheij employ cvcrij artijice to altir or idxdi^h them ; and if iinlivi- duals oppiise their u:*e.iupt<), lhcyail U"Dxselvcs if lids dispoaltiim to change , and encmra.;e, tticir fidlowtrz ti> expect thai the. amendmtntr, they fnyposenilL po- feelli) shii their case, nndprndure. the i)i.ry hlesaings they wish : in thi;! way thoy not 'only fctitct tlieir imiuediale object, but acquire au iuflueute which enables ihetn afterwards to accomplish the most disastrous innovation?^. Such pcivons tiicour- ageiiopes that can never be reaUaed, »iid excite complaints which the most wise and f)enevoIent administration i« unable to remove. ... " Our forms of government are doubtless liice all other human institutions, im- perfect- but [T/'they will insure the blis?ings of freedwiu to the citizens, and preserve their tranquility as long as they are virtuous ; and no constitution that has befn or can be formed will secure those blessings to a depraved and vicious people." Extracl/romtheamnerof the Massachiuetts senate to the governor's spaexh of nth Jan. 180B. ti r*-^ We shall look with a still more cautious eye upon every innovation at- tempiTtl to be made upon our national constitution. The integrity, experience, and extensive inforiBation discovered by tl e illustrious characters who framed that valuable instrument and the series of public prosperity enjoyed under it, in- title it to our highest veneration , its excellence appears with sull greater lu?tre, when compared with the ephemeral constitutions of many nations w»jch liave flitted across the the eye in rapid succession, and then sunk into total oblivion.— We are not insensible that our form of government must be imperfect, as was tlie nature of its autliors : huC we recollect, at the same time, that Q^ any proposed alteration under the name of anu ndment is liable to the same imperfection '• BeMevin" tlu refore that [TP the principles of the constitution are as ncll ad- justed as hur^n infirmilv nitl permit, and that a small innovaHon may essentially 'pervert its original tendency, we shall exert ourselves to preserve it in its present form, except in cases whtre ita operation shall be found extremely unequal and oppressive." 4 - .' ■*^- THIS BOOK, (\3 A MARK OF OR\TI TUDE FOR INESTIMABLE BLESSINGS ENJOYED, IN LIBERTY OF PERSON, LIBERTY OF PROPERTY, AND LIBERTY OP OPINIONS, TO A DEGREE NEVER EXCEEDED IN THE WORLD,) !• RISPICTFCLLY OEDICATKB TO A BELOVED BUT BLEEDING COUNTRY, TORN IN PIECES FACTIOUS, DESPERATE, CONVULSIVE, AND RUINOUS STRUGGLES FOR POWER. of »■ IT IS LI1BWI«B OXAICATIO TO THOSK \ ' ' A'iLLIONS OF HUMAN BEINGS, ^ WHO NEITHER HOLD NOR SEEK OFFICE, BUT WHO ARE MADE THE INSTRUMENTS OF THOSE WHO DO SEEK THEM; ' * AND WHO, WHILE A FOREIGN ENEMY PRESSES AT THE!H DOORS, ARE ENFEEBLED \ND KEPT PROM UNION, ' TO GRATIFY THE AMBITION OF A FE^V MEN, (NOT ONE IN FiVE THOUSAND OF THE WHOLE COMMUNITT) WHO HAVE BROUGHT . TO THE VERY VERGE OF DESTRUCTION, THE PMREST PROSPECT THAT EVER SHONE ON ANY NVTION. '\ BY THE AUTHOR, ,■*■■' '3^ GO, OLIVE BRANCH, INTO A COMMUiMTY, WHICH DRlT.or.n IM4) A DEATH-I.rKK STUPOR, WITH UNPARALLELLD APATHY BEHOLDS tin PILLARS OF THE GOVERNMENT TEARING AWAY- PROPERTY SINKING IN VALUE- THE COUNTRY PROSTRATE AT THE FEET OF A RUTHLESS FOE, ANARCHY RAPIDLY APPROACHING, A NUM3ER OP AMBITIOUS LEADERS, REGARDLESS OF THB COMMON DANGER, STRUGGLING TO SEIZE UPON THE GOVERNMENT, AND ., APPARENTLY DETERMINED THE COUNTRY SHALL GO TO PERDITION, UNLESS THEY CAN POSSESS THEMSELVES OF POWER j AND, WITH THIS VIEW, OPPOSING AND DEFEATING . , EVERY MEASURE, CALCULATED TO INSURE OUR SALVATION. V^ APPE\L TO THE PATRIOTISM, THE HONOUR, THE FEELING, THE SELF-INTEREST OF YOLR READERS, TO SAVE A NOBLE NATION FROM RUIN. fhil»da. Jan. 4, 1815. PREFACE. TO THE FIR'iT EDITIOX. Fkiladdi'hia, Aot. 8, loll.' I SL'B.MIT tilis work to my fellow-citizens with an uncommon drgt re of !:'i, and tliP ohji-ots it li.i< in view, iir« of inex- pressible nugnitiide. Tlic nuhjcct is tlif prt-sout ciitinil iiitiiatioii of tlit* IJiiiUil Pt;itf.s witli tlje c;ins«s tliat have led to that sitiiatioii ; the objects, the rcjloratioii of harmony, and dissipation of party raije and rancor. It cannot be any longer doubted that thoie pxislsa conspirary in iNVw-Knjilandt nmonga few of the inoil wealthy and influential citizens, to itftct a dissolution of the union at every hazard, and to form a sfpar.itr conft-diT-icy. 'I'liis lias bocu assserted by some of our citizens for years, and streniiou-dy d reived by the inaipk tho conspirators wore, and their hollow professions Hut it requires more than BiCotian stupidity and dulntss, to hesitate on the subject after tlie l.iteextraoidinary inovementi, which cannot possibly ha v.- any other object. It is eighteen years since this dangerous project was proniui^^at* <1 f I'Voni that period to the present, it has not been one hour out of view. \iid unholy and pernicious as was tiie end, llie means employed were at least equally unholy and pernicious Falsehood, deception, and calumny, in turn, have been calltd in to aid the design. The passions of thf people have been kept in a c;le number of the Centinel, Repertory, Boston Gazette, &c has been published for }'ears, free from attacks on the administration. And f am pretty well con- vinced, that attempts at vindication are hardly ever allowed a place The ob- ject steadily, and invariably, and industriously pursued, is to run down tiie in- cumbents in office at all events. To this every thing is made subservient. On the injustice, the cruelty of this procedure, it is needlees to descant. It is treating the highest public functionaries of the country, chosen by the unbiassed suffrages of a free people, worse than we should treat the veriest rascal in society. If !ie were accused of any crime whatever, his defence would be patiently heard before sentence would be pronounced. But our first magistrate, and other public officers, are accused, tried, and condemned, without a possibility of defence. This is a great and deplorable evil — an evil so inveterate, as to render a reme- dy almost hopeless. It is hardly possible for any government to stand against 8uch an unjust system. It i» pregnant with the most awful consequences to socie- ty. I am not to be told, that there are many newspapers devoted to the defence of the government as well as to run it down. This I well know ; but this does not remove the difficulty. Such is the folly and madness of the times, that the mast of our citizens conline themsi^lves to those papers calculated to strengthen their prejudices. They rarely read defences, if any appear. ^ * The reader is requested, in reading the diflferent Prefaces, to pay particular altentioD to their dates, + In a jeries of essays, published under the signature of Pelliam, io the Coa- necticut Couraat, 1796. See page 271, 8 PRFFVOE TO TRK FfHST EDITION. h Ar.fl ♦' IIS it i« not (nirpi>iii!i flial lli^«' Kiid'criiiftt wliic;. hive really Uowett from the rapacity and iiyiM t: nf the M'ij:' l''irt-> B«'M''e:tti p^rtj ill Npw-F.iit^land, whoaro de'eMiniif I on .• i« paration of tht; jtati (Ti r ihrir own aeent di/tMiifiil -there iH a pa;'y in tin' iniddU* "t.itrs tqnal!y dani,' oils Tii»'} art' d lily o ;;;idenl to F'lhi. and PUpj'ly lii<« phc*' wilM *" nc- cr.s!»ity of ano'In r clei-lioii. Mr. Barenl (iardfiiier, of Ncw-Vork, and a fiw vio- Ifnl iiirn iit cnn ri-gs, a-v tl-.p most active of lliis pirly. All tlifir talents and in- du«tiy arr drvolfd tot!ii« viir piiruosp. Bl"<>d and murder-- laniorns and guillotines apart. This is as revolutionary, a» di' !gaiii-/inz, a« jarobinii-il a pioject as any of thoFc of Danton, LtkiiPndrp, Ma.at, FV*ion. or Roht ^^ i«*rre. in the early stages of the French revolution. And. ir-aler, " lufj tif.t Iht Jlnftf.ring unrlvm to your suuL^* that we shall in tliia oven' ' s. .t]>c hloitdihffi. It i« as iinposiible tlsat such a flairitiens project should be carried Iiilr «>p'i (tim without torrents ol blcod being Hlied, as that you can tear away the rMuridatio;!« on which n ndghty ( diflce rest.o, without thr edifice itself crnntb'io'Z t > ruins ; or that you can remove the d\ keh which oppose the progress of a v -t body ot' ua'er, and not have tic adjacent count ly overflowed With Mr (i;"d. i.i.r, it is \i favorite phrase that '* the pr^'Utt iiilminiftr'l'nn mu^i cnnn dtmni " 'I'liiv is quit*^ exji'icit. It is iiiipos-ible to mistake the inten- tion or th'' mode ',\ efTectitij; it. The latter is very hinip!«. History furnifilics numerous > xamphs. Il is the irnde hi which Cromwell expelled the Ruui;» par- liami nt and seiz.d t'le reins of government himself. It is the mode by which, aftei the Piibicon wa.j passi'd. Juliu" rtesar rose »o power on the ruins of the conunr'nwenMit md, to tomf to a later luriod, it is tht.mode wheithy Bona- }*arte ma I" himse'f mristei of thedesliniesor F^al•c^■ Pu' M'' fi!\rd' li- r. we are not ripe forthi« pioject yet. Can you, or ireneral Wl^vtoii. w^'o ha.'< jiiven thetorist -" Jame< Muli-on, on the Island of Flbu" — caiiynu I siy, b* mad ei\Au;rb to believe tliat t'le hardy yeomanry of N"w York, New Ji rsey, or Pein-vlv uiia. witi submit toull^w any band ordc»prrad'»es with imi unity 1 > •■ u' tie lii;iiHst public fund ion \rie-i of the nation from their seats — m I chng' . 'T. strict conformitv' with the li ruis of tiie social compact )* Jf vou fl itter your-e'f nit'^ any rni of ?n\pi mnnn' I'l'; pf iS ..biy nut one material defect. It wants a due de?T<'' o)' eneigv . p irli'-ularly p< nding war. If it were free from ttiis, it might la-! as 'oriJ- ^^ \ \sid< raliim this seriouv d-'Vct In the frame of our government, it is the dutv of a'i guod citizens to upi'old uid support it But all coui'i erations of dut' ipar*. mere St' '"e pr.i I ! 1 in I'.p e i|i.'ii,>!i' of .i;l '.'i-- h!i'- hit;? of 1 lie. Put 1 i- av"(i 1 celtxt" tj.-it a arv rro'xi'ion f f i!ie v.eaithipst men !'■» the COmm'jnii'' ' ^\ h-f\\ s'^'o" f"ii*,y ''aiploved in :ei'!P.- down '.lie pill; rs of the aovernmeut — in (ivowie cv^iy oHv • i^ md di'ficuHi', au.l embr-rr \5mpnt i f.he way of ita adiniuisuator?, as if it were equally oppressive with that of Al- t I rUKFACE TO THi: FIRST EDITION. ' and moj<» 3in ? of our prrverkion pacity and ition of tlir U.s tqiially fciziiig t!io KIbi. and lit '''^ nc- I a few vio- iits and in- ►lullonnry, Lt/Pii(!rp, revolution, lali in thia [ should he m cati tear liticc itself ic progress nnislrflinn tho inten- Hirnifilics luuijj par- by wliici), iiii« of the it!*y Bona- or jf r irt'iicral Flbu"— f'-w YorJf, d'iPM with cir seats — shake ofT li^rieus at- triiltora. acle of the )i)l8 a due s, it might men, not lid di tant III pe- subject of rnmfnt, it • ralionu ititerpst in d tumults, wiifteby nen in th e piiliTS of rMTijment iiat of Al- I :| Idlers or Tinkcy, or iih if thfy could derive advantage* Iroiii uiurcay. Should Xhv.y Ik> curried wilti liii.il iiuco«i<:i in tticu° cudo.tvoi;<, I ny and Uitu' pubtenly wdl Mourn llie cou»i'|cl pieparui,; all po^»ll»lc m.'\n4 for her do»tiuclidn V'l't, iii»li .id of e dor la to «.xtricat«' u»i, tu«e cifw ,tre diitriclrd by a disputt- how *\v: caui*- uilo Id it Miiuaiion i'lu' i^iand and oMy (jbj'Ct witba p.irlof tli^in i» to bciz*- l!ie blein— and atlierliian nol Miii.i«d, t if.y uf r«n)lv»!d 'lie shall j!;o to p-rdilion. l''.u* party awt-ari ail our diUicully and dHu^rt-r aieowin^ to lliu jiutjcculy, the lorruplion, tne inadiii'«s, tne loily of llu- pilot, whom llify threau-ii wiilj • a u,ill«r," or to put mm ashore • on the L-latH of MiIm " rije otlUM-n sw(.ir with »f|ual vtlienit ice, luai llic n frac- tory, turbdlj-nt, and factiou-t opirht of ili^ niu'Jnous p.ut of I lie crew \iii run the '•c/i'r< /yranr/i," and inipiori" liifui to Mi>pfud '.'.il i-nqpirlcs PS to tht! causae of the daiig**! till the ship id ritfhtcd It is in vain. Wiiilir the p irtics arc nioie and more uiihuned asiin»t each oinor, llie vc^nel 'jij|y;'S on a siiarp roi k — down si'e uoi^-i— pilot — and supporters— und mutiueer*— and peace inaKiN — all in oupcrmrnou destruction. Tii;^ I atu f^-ariul will b.; our fate. Hut it may he prt-vented. All thai, is nc- niid nolitLal maxim, that a thoroughgnin.'^ party man nuer nm a perferfly hmest pilitician ; for tiiere perhaps never yet was a party free from er- rors and criinos, more or Icji gross, iu exact piouorliou to the folly or the wicked nesg of its leaders. 10 PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. ! H V * r 4 n I) The Jews when be<<»eged by Titus, within tho wallsof their niftropolis, availed theinxeives of the ce-:ssti.iii of hostile attncks on tlie piiil of tli«'ir extei aal erionoics, to glut their vongeance and inaiice, and facliou-' spirit, by butchering each other — and thus both partio») fell an easy pipy to the invaders. To this deploruSIc yi\,c\\ oi wnAntis we. have not yet arrivtd But that we have hitherto escaped this calamity, id not for waul of indus'ry on the part of some persons who are un- eeasin2;ly employed as incendiarirs in blowing up the flames of discord, and prepa- ring us for similar scenes. The cool, and calm, and temperate part of the coniinu- iiity appear torpid and languid, and tak<' no isteps to avei t tiie awful cata>>trophe. JiCt them aw:ikp from their >-lumbprx soon ; or at no distant day, the evil may be remediless, and they will in vain mourn over their folly, i believe Mr. .\Jadison perfectly upright ; that his administration of the pov- ernmerit has been conducted with as pure intention!": as evcractuatfd a first ma- gistrate of any couniry ; and that lord Chatham or tl;e grejt ?ully would li;ive found it a very arduous task to manage the helm under the difiicultits, external f.ii'l internal, tli;it he has*o contend with. Hut were it a question that related wholly to Mr. M idisoii cr lis administratiou, I f^hould never have trespas^sed on the public. — Were Mr. Madison as patriotic as Curtius. or thf Decii, who giacc the Roman story— and as immaculate as an archangel— nay, wcrr all the heroes and statesmen of the revolution restored to life, and entrusted with the adminis- tration — 1 should consider their honour, their interests, their liap]>inef=. or their safety, as du->t in the balance compared with the salvation of eight millions of people. Il is difficult to conceive an object more worthy of the efTorts of an ardent mind. A review of hiatory will convince any reasonable or candid person, liiat there probably never was. and indubitably thefp Is not at present a more interesting portion of the human species, than the inhabitants of the United States There never was a nation in which all the solid blessings and comiorts of life were more fully enjoyed than they are here, and where they were secured by such tleiider ■acrifices. I am not so blind an admirer, as not to see that it has defects. '1 here never was a nation or individual free from them But take all the leading points that give assurance of happiness, and afford the necessary indications of respecta- bility : and at no period can there be found a nation itanding on mure elevated ground. The former points of difference between the federalists and democrats have lost nearly all their importance. They are merged in objects of incomparably liigher moment. Evils of incalculable magnitude menace us. A powerful enemy, flush- ed with succers, and with superabundant means of annoyance, hovers on our coasts, and, through his formidable navy, h enabled to inflict on us deep and las- ting injury. And wiiat is pregnant with more terror by far, instead of aiding to extricate us from this perilous situation, the opportunity of a season of difficulty and danger is seized on to dissolve the union, to raise up hostile and jarring con- federacies, and to destroy the hopes mankind have formed of our noble govcrn- BQental experiment. To continue to dispute about the minor points that divided the parties hrreio- fore would be madness. How superlative would be the folly and absiiidilyof two men, who were fighting about the interior decorations and arrangements of an edifice, regard'ess of the operations oi two others, one of whom was uiidrrmi- ning a jd preparing to blow it up in the air, and the other providing a torch to set it on tire :' A. strait jacket would be t< o slender a ref^tnint for them, l^urh is the folly and madness ol those democrats and federalists who continue tl;oir war- fare :ib<.ut the mode of admini-terii.g the constitution, or the persons by w liom it ahail be administered, at a time when the constitution itself is in danger of beiiig destroyed root aiid branch. The plan of this work may require some jhort explanation. T believe the country to be in imminent danger of a onvul'-ion, whereof the luinian mind cannot calculate the consequeneeF. The naticr i.s divi'led into t-wo hostile parties, whose aaiinosity tuwai'ds edch other ib daily iiicreas- polls, availed uial f iiomios, g eacli otiier i deplorable srto escaped * wlio are ud- i. and prrpa- f tiic conimu- calaistroplie. evil njay be of the pov- I d a firtt ma- would luive vH, external tliitt relr.tcd rospaf^sed on i, wlio piacc 1 the lierops he Etlininis- iPf«. Of ti)eir t millions of irdcnt rajnd. that there interesting les. There ? were more jch fleiider ?cts. 'Ihere ding points of reppecta- e elevated ^9 have lost hiy l;ighcr my, flush- rs on our p and las- aiding to difficulty uring cou- )le govcrn- Ics herelo- ISIIldity of ;einents of uiidrrnii- •rrli to set i^urh is I'.eir war- wl'.om it of beiijg believe luinjan ii\ into iiicreas- PROTACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 11 ed by infla.!i:iiulory publicatiuiis. F.iicli charges the other with the giiilt ol ..I J '•; |»fi>duced ihe present alaniiitij; stdte of ulFaiis. In private life, wiicn two iiidiviiluals 4uarrel, ad each helievCh the other wholly m the wi'oii ', A recoiiciliatioti is hardly practicable. iJiil when they can bo conv Ml ed that the errors are muliial — an is aliiKist universally the cave— they open their ears to the voice uf reason, and are willing to meet each oih'i" half \v:iy. v inaxiiii ?oiiiid ki (>rivate ailaii!?, h rarely uiisounii in pu'ilic life. Wiiile a viuient I'edcialiM l»elifve^ that all the evils of the piVM-nt state uf tiiiiij;!' have arisen from the -uiit of the admiiiislration, n(it!ii(i'' less will satisfy hhu than iiiirli i^- d»-. Mailiswn fro i» ilie seat of, "o- eniiM Mil, aiid -euli-i^ hiKi it >'. Ita. Wiiile 'jii tiie other hand, a vio- leni il.'inocral persuades hiiu'-t-lf that all (»ur evils have arisen from the di.:i' ullieg and eiui-iirra siiieuls co.istanlly and stei dily thrown in the vv.i", of the adini li tratiott uy iMe federalists, he is utterly averse to any CO ii romise. — '^'.ach In -Us down upon the .i(her v\ itii -crn and iiatred as the phari e(! in the ^o' el, upon the pnMic.n. 1 have endeavored to pr )ve, and I beMf.t 1 have fully proved, tli it each [arty has a h<:ivy di t of error, and ftdly and ..^iiiit to answei- fur to their injured country, and to po>ter.ty — ad, as I liave stated in the It dy oI" this wi rk that nvitual for;;ivene^'' is no more than an act <>l justice — and can lay no cl mil to the character of iiberality on ei her side. Kut even su;ij nfiiii; f^r a inoiiient— what probably hardly ever occur- red fiiice the wiuld was f«frnietl — that the errfir was all on one side, i^ it less ill^ane for tlie other t» increase thediificnlty of extiicatinn— to re- fu^•• its aid — to fiiibarrass thi'sc uhn have the inana^finent of our affaiis ? My house is on lire. Instead T calling for aid—i,r ijiovidiiifx fue en- gines— or endeavoiing; to smother the Hauies— I institute an inquiry Ik w it ook lire— whether by accident or design— and if by clesign, who was- the incendiary, and further undertake to ( nnii-h him foi his wickcdtiess ! a m>st wise and wonderful procedure-- and just on a level with the w 8- dom, ani! patriutism, and the public spirit of those sajient members of congl•e^•;. who spend days in making long speeches upim the causes of the war. and the errors of itfe management— every idea whereof 'has been a hundred, perhaj'S a thousand, times repeated in the newsiiaperR— insteaA of meeting the pressing and imperious necessity of theemeigency. ■- ". I claim but one merit in this production, and that is by no means in* •onsiderable. Ft is, that with a perfect knowled};e of the furious, r©» m-Mseless, ncver-dyintr, and cut-throat hoftility, with which f'acti) n in all ages has jjersecnted those who iiavi; dared oppose her — and perfectly satisfied, that with us she is as implacable, as malignant, and as inexora- ble a monster as she has ever been, I have dared, nevertheless, to state the truth, regardless of the consequences. I was. it is true, reluctant. I should have pi'eferred by far, for tlie remainder of my life, steering clear •f the quickfiands of pcliticft. None of the questions that have heretofore • divided parties in this country could liave induced me to venture upoa the tempestuous ocean. But at a crisis like the present, neutrality w old be guilt. The question now is between the friends subject. But this is the real state of the case, or 1 am . 1/8 PREEACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. grosfily deceivt'il an ever was hunmn being. And utilrss som« of our \u- flupiitial men exert themftlves o allay the storm, a few short months will pxcliant:*' doubt into aw liil and dreadful certainty. While I was dclihcratin;^ about tlu^ hacntice which such a publication ail this recjuires, one serious and atlccting consideration rrmovcd my doubts, aud decided my conduct. Seeing thousands of thellower of cur population— to wliowi the sprini;; of lilc just opens with all its joys, and pleasures, and enchantments- --pre])ared in the tente.. field to rit'k, or, if necessary, saerificc their lives for their country's welfare ; 1 thonjiht it Would be baseness in me, whote sun has long passed the nieritlian, and on whom the attractions of life have ceased to operate with their ei'.rly fascinations, tn have dfclined any risk that might arise from the effort to ward off the patricidal stroke aimed at a couutry to which 1 owe Mirh l)piivy obligat'otis. With this view of the subject I could not decide otherwise tiian I have done. On the execution of the work it bt hoves me to offer a few remarks. I bnovvitis very considerably im,>erfect. It is hardly [lossible to prei.ai^ any work under greater disadvantages than have attended the (ilivc Branch. A large portion of it is, therefore, crude, and indisirsted, and without order. Were it a treatise on morals, religion, history, or science, which could not suffer by the delay necessary to mature and juf thodize it, > should be unpardonable, and deserve the severest castiga- tion of criticism, for pres» nting it to the public in this unfinished state. But the exigencies of the times are so pressing, that were it delayed till I could digest it propeily, it might be wholly out of season. ,:, „ ., .. y^ . It would be unjust were I not to acknowledge the nnmeron? and weighty obli- gations I owe to " The Weekly Rp(8,ister.'' edited by H. Ni es, the bei-t peiitxli- cal work ever published in America, from which 1 have drawn a Isirge portion of the fads and dociimrnts that 1 have employed 1 venture to assert that no Ame- rican library can be complete without tlii? work. ,'^!:j " > '► I have carefully studied to be correct in point of fact and arg;iimpnt. But the circumstances under which I have written render it probable that I may have fal- len into errors I shall therefore regard it as a most particular favor, if any grn- tleman who discovers them, however minute, will frankly point them out, ar.d they shall be most cht'pifully corrected If of sufficient import'^nce, I shall make a public acknow]edii,«-mpnt in the newspapers. If the cause I espouse r-nnol be suppoited by truth, candor, and fair argument, may it perish, never to find anoth er advocate ! _ ,-:•■-. .. . •: ^}''- ^ PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. M-: ".' ■ '* Philadelphia^ Jan. 4, 1815. * - Tn« unequivocal and decided approbation with which the former edition of this work iin!» been fa von d bj respectable mrv of both the hoiitiie parties that divul ■ thiscoii'ihy, I regard as amone the niosi grateful cirrnmstances of my iife. Its iiunii'vou- defects — its wnnt ol method .:nd thf an ii iir.perfectinn ol its style aod tuaouer — were, 1 preniUBe, regarded as atoned fur by its obvious aud i'r i N'. PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. U i of our in- ort moriihs publication ^movi'd my «'cr of CUP sjoys, and ri^k, or, if thought it iian, and on their ejirly II tlie effort I owe furli not detiile rcmaikp. I to [irej.ai* il the Olivc lie^ted, and history, or mature and •ej't castijra- i«he(l state, delayed till 7';r; f. reiehty obli- [be^t peritxJJ- re portion of hat no Ame- >t. But the ay have fal- if any grn- i'm out, ar.d ball make f rnnnol be find anoth- |4, I81J. edition of parties tiiat )f my life, linn ol its Itvious aud tiadeniat)le object— the object of contributing my feeble ctTorts towards allaying fie » ifervescenct, the turbulence, the animosity that pervade the community, ana are pregnant with such alarmin,; coiisequence>-. or the tune. that has elapaed since its tirst appearance, I hive availed myself, to amplify— to methodise— and to improve it. And altiiou!^li I am very far in- deed from presurain? it to be perfect, yet I hope it will be found more entitled to patronage than it was in its original diishabille It einuraces a very convulsed period of our history ; and has been written un- der no common di-.ulvant.jges i h ivo labored undor a deiiciency of various ma- terials and documents, wuicli noexTtion- li ive on ililed me to procure— and il hag been begun, ca. rii-'d on, and completed in mcniimts constantly subject to those in- terruptions iut'vitable in the pressure of busiisess To suppose, then, it were ')er- fect, would argue a degree of insanity which the fondest ;md most doting deli- rium of pitvnial vanity could harf^.ly palii^te. it would be a case unparalleled in thci ann lis of literature Tiie world has had lU ncrous iasfini-es of men of mo'-: splendid tnlems — of laboriotil research — wit!i <>.bund..nt milerials and doc- !im nts -enjoying full leiijure to do justite to their --ubjerts — and employing years ibr ilie purposured, that I have written three pages in less time than I employed in the ^t-arcii for a single document, which does not occupy one, and wliereof 1 coii'd readily give an analysis ; and long, laborious researches for a document or newspaper paragraph or essay, have not unfrequeutly been wholly in vain. But though a thirst for literary reputation is far from illaudable — and though it inspires to great exertions, and has been the honored parent of some of the mos' stupendous efforts of the human mind — it has not hud the slightest influence on me in this case It would have buen utterly unavailing to counteract the loalhi 12!. the abhorrence 1 felt for entering into political discussion or for making my*< If O'ice more an object of newspaper assault, of which few men in private life have been honored witii a greater simre. No. I appeal t) heavni for the truth of what I now declare, I soared to higher objects far beyond .such narrow views. I believed — i still believe — tliat a dissolution of the union is contemplated by a few ambitious and wicked mon ; that in the state of excitement to which the public mind is raised, and which is hourly increasing by t!ie most proilig.ite disreaard of truth and tiie welfare of the country — and by t'le utmost prosti'ution of talents — a mere trifle would snfuce to proiluce a convulsion— (as, when you have collected together a quantity of highly combustible materials, a single spark suffices to produce a conflagration)— that a dissolution o( tho union would infalliby produce a civil war; that in the event of a civil war, tiiere would be a stru gle througliout the country for the ascendency, wherei ri would he p rpetrated atrocities similar to those which disgraced the French revolution; that even if we should be so fortunate as to escape a civil war, or, (if we should not.) after it" termination, and the establishment of sepa- rate confederacies, the country would be cursed with a constant border war, fcv menled by the nntions of Europe, to whom we sliou'd be a sport and a prey ; and that, in one word, a nation most highly favored by heaven is on the very verge of perdition. B i!:' U PREFACE TO THE SECON'D EDITION. These vjrws may be prronootig They differ from those of most o f my frienfltj Tlie mass of tlie community do not aixord with tlitiu. But they are uniijtcrabljr inprcssid iiijon my mind I cannot shakr them off, Tlif-y are all siij-poiied by the in triictive but neglected voice of hiftory 1 possess not the hupps fatuity with wiiicli so ra;»»y are endow* d 1 cannot believe an event will not take place, because i hope and pray it may not. 1 am disposed to envy those wiio are thus gifted. It diminishes the hours of suffering. In a life jo cliequertd as ours, this IF some advantage, Hut it has, like all other ble.rJd, mule us rrgnrd with s1u]'id, torpid apathy and inditference, the bctuul banknipUy of our novrrnm (>r our de-irui tioH I.i\ii gston, e aj piia''l»- iid.s whcri I le fchall be rho have an '.(e CIVIL, iice. us at the iuncrs lit all of an ele' ssolvcd but ppaii ing or attempt, of liimifn on ai;y at- and incal- ictated by of Europe i TREFACE TO THE FOURTH EDITION. IS flie formation of new ones, have almost inviriably produced bloody civil wart!\ the greatest curse that ever afflicted munkind , and wliereas the present forui of the general government, if duly supported by our citizens, is calculated to pro- duce as hig'.i a degree of happiness as has ever fallen to the lot of any nation ; and v?hereas the separate conftderacico, coiitemplated as substitutes for the pres- ent general confederacy, i.tu if it wrre possible to estabiisii them peaceably, would be pregaant with interminable future wars, such as have almost coubtautly prevailed DCtween neighboring states, with rival intcre!< convened on the 19th of Sep- tember, nearly two months earlier than the period fixed by law, in order to make provision for such an extraordinary emergency. The .state of the nation was fully detailed io them in various executive communica- tions, which called, imperiously called for energy and decision. ' , Karely has a legislative body had more important duties to fulfil, or a more glorious opportunity of signalizing itself, and laying claim to the public gratitude. Rarely have stronger motives existed to arouse every spark of public spirit or patriotism that had lain doruia.nt in the heart. And 1 venture to assert, there hardly ever was a legislature that more completely disappointed public expectation — that more egregiously fail- ed of its duty. The imbecility, the folly, the vacillation, the want of system, of ener- gy, and of decision, displayed by the majority — and the unyielding, tlic stubborn, the violent, the factious opposition of the minority to all the measures for which the occasion so loudly called — haveaflixed an indeli- ble stain on the memory of the thirteenth corigr'?ss. 1 hey will be long remembered with emotions neither of gratitude nor respect. No where, I am persuaded, in the annals of legislation, is thereto be found an in- stance of precious time more astonishingly misspent. They had been in session nearly five months when the news of peace arrived — and had but three weeks to sit. The spring, the season of hostility and depredation, was rapidly approaching. And what had they done to serve or save their country ? What provision had they made of men or money ? lat- tle or none. Nearly all the measures adapted for the emergency that had been brought forward in congres.s, had been defeated.*' ^^ «,,-«; * I have asserted elsewhere, that Engl.ind presents much to admire and copy. In this point, she is tranFcrncleiitly superior to up. H?d parliament been called in sucli a crisis as ''xistcd 'a?t t^eptmiber in this country, all the etTpctive prepara- tions necessary to breast Ihc storm would have been made in one week. Some of I ►N. been our ) a basis »s 1 tbe fears s subsided, jnt lor the e but ju8- vvhicb we I, so obvi- . Tt had ;agements. L he banks, ij'S one or k notes of I 15 to 25 s wore en in chapter . Be the tially sus- urope had Jegree iu- ith of Sep- V, in order he state of ;>niniunica<' ulfil, or a m lo the use every he heart, hat more )usly fail- , of ener- ding, t!ic to all the an indeli- 1 be long where, id an in- l1 been in 1 had but redation, i or save ey ? liit- ;ncy that and copy, eeii called ! prcpara- Some ot PREFACE TO THE FOURTH EDITION. H ^«* n-fT-r That this state of public affairs was calculated to excito warmth of feeling, and to call forth a stron^^ eKpression of that warmth must be ob- vious — and will not merely account for, but justify the high-wrought pas- sages to be found in the work, which, under other circumstances, tnight perhaps be iudefeiisible. It will b(! asked, what good purpose can the re-publication of this work -nnswerat present ? Is it not, it will be said, far better to bury the hatchet, 'and t ) consign these things to oblivion, than to keep alive ani- ni:)."ily and discord ? Were the tendency of the Olive Branch to keep alive discord, I shouI«i iinht>sitatingly consign It to the flumes. But I utterly disbelieve this wiil or can be the consei^uence. I cannot admit that a fair detail of tbe mutual follies of the two parties, has a tendency to perpetuate hostility between them. It is contrary to reason, common sense, and the univer- sal experience of mankind. Peace, or harmony, or conciliation, is not to be hoped for, white both parties clothe themselves in the deceptions mantle of self-righteous- ress— while they not only believe themselves immaculate, but their op- ponents " monsters unredeemed by any rirluey* Nothing but a serious, solemn, and deep-rooted conviction on both sid^s, of egregious miscon- duct, can lead to that temper of mind which is nece6S?.py to produce a mild, conciliating spirit. While both par''es act the part of the sclf- apnroving pharisee, we might with equal chance of success attempt to rinite fire and water — li^ht and darkness — virtue and vice, as to recon- cile them. But when both regard themselves in their tnie light, as of- fenders against their dnties to their country, they will be disposed to for- give that they miy be forgiven. This idea, which is the basis whereon this \york rests, ha»« been more than once stated, ajd cannot be too often repeated, and inculcated on the public mind. I fondly hope this wark will have other uses — that it mny serve as a. beacon to other tiuios than onivs. When a navigator discovers new shoals, and rocks an:' qnicksaii'I-^. he marks them on his chart, to admon- ish future navigat.w to be on their guard, and to lihun the destruction i<) .vliich ignirance might lead This strongly applies to our ciise. By an extraordinary mixture of folly a>.!l ivickodiie V we had run thevesselof state on ricks a'ld quicksandf, anil bi'^'ik:.'rs, where 8he was in imminent danger of perisihing. We had broii,:;iit to the verge of perdition the n.jhlest form of government, and the nost free and h i!»py people, that the sun ever beheld. But thanks to heaven — nut to our virtue,! our public spirit, or our liberality — we the d?cUmatory sper-c'ie-' of two or three u lys long, occujiied a>» mii'ch time as parliaiiiie)t woul ! : vt^ i-fquin'd to ni-'p fifty miilicns of money, and ta provide •means for pmhoiying an jumy of iO,000 men. ■ ■ ■ • ; , ■ . - J,"*: * ^Imstra nxdl^ -virhtle rcdttrnpta. f T'le illustri">U9 h'^roes of the western country— onr o;allant navy — several r>fourgeneral< .>nd armies on th'/ lines —llie citiz^nx of Riltimore, and of Stomng- toii— the garrison at Crany hlaud— and Vw people ofsom-^ other places — areob- •viou4y ex"m ;'. fvtm t;;i'- c^^nstire \ncl ii.-ver was there greater enero;y dispi.iyod III u) in IVo\v V i;k, la m ikin;i proparitioiis for 1 1' w irm reception of an ent my. But when we coasid t th° vlolenc • of the ei^tfirri s'lt 'n aj;a;nt t'l" lule. -■ c'lOiseia "by the p»>op!e, t.u* to; p'lr atul iiifltiT.Tc!);' : of (v mivity ^'•.-i' of Petm^ylvama. •and of olher portioDj of the uulorj, we nrj4 lieave a sigh, and drxtr a -YciL^yir cpast scenes. ' ■ ■ ■ ■ •■ '■■ • - ■ JR^ Its- - , ; ■ ■='**' •■"*■ i V -' ■ -^>- '■ ' ■ — ... . Jtt. 13 PREFACE TO THE FOIRTII EDITION. Iiave e^cftpe«l. Wo have nrrivcd safp in port. I linve cndcnvored to <\f.' lineate Hcliurlof the most formiilublt; of the rocks on which our vessel was striking, to serve as a guide to future slate pilots. 1 trust the chai ^ cannot he examined attentively without benefit. It establishes iin iti. ■ portant, but most awful political maxim, that (lurin<; the prevalence of the destructive, and devouring, and execrable s{)irit of fiietion, men, otherwise good and respectable, will too frequently sncriiice, witiiotit f.firu|)le f)r remorse, the most vital interests of their country, under the dict'itos, and to promote the views, of violent, and ambitioui> leaders! What a terrific subject of contemplation '. The publication of this book has decided one point of considerable im- portance to the truth of history, and to the happiness of mankind. 1 his point is, that it is not quite so dangerous, as has been supposed, for a writer to driw a portrait of his cotemporaries — provided the featurcH Le luithfully and im|)artially delineated. It hasi been too generally presum- ed that it is utterly unsafe to write of our own times with truth. Wi'h this idea 1 was imi)rossod when I en^fitied in the work. And it required jio common stimulus to inspire me with the hardiho'^d the undertaking required. But the event has falsified the anticipation. Without any of the ad- vantages that otiice, or rank, or connexions afford, 1 have dared publicly to call faction, and jacobinism, and disorganization — as well as factious men, and jacobins, and disorgauizers — by their proper rmmes, without nly requires honesty of inten- tion to make the po: trait a t(ilcrable likeness. But when we treat on occurrences of " years that tue past and gone," it is like tracing thf features of a deceased fci end from nicmory. 'J he^reat and leading out- lines may be correct — but in filliiig u[> tlie drawing, many of the Uiost important eharactrristics must t!-eape. It may not be im; rojier to warn the rcade.r that I am attached to, and in general approve r,f the poli tiio party to which he is altaclir-l ; and which I otwij^tlisiandiu;; I have setliiously rndeuvoied t:) iiuurd nuuiustt it^ j..;iu»'ncp. iM ly havi; occahi..nally led tiu: ui^tray.- T(j no Iuiumui i.eiuj^ has htavcn dci};tu-il to iiujiiirt intullibility : and it wouhl be aim ^l u miracle, if. in m<*Ii a wide scope us 1 have lakeu, 1 were not suiuelluies war,.ed by ( a:-siuu or prejudice. Uit i.) tliis It is pro|ier to add, that I believe no man ever wrote a book of thi« extei.t, and embracing Mich a variety of subjects wlio mu(;e li 'lil<*r tbiuaiids oil the cuinpbusu.ice nr crtibilily of Ins naders tliiiu i have d )m'. For as tiic subject- I have di.-cussed are of incnlciii.tl»le nioinenl— as the happiues or misery of unborn mlliioiis. as well as of this cciUMatioii, depoiulsou the course we sti-or— as thatcdiirse must be n^ate- riallv aifected by the correctness or ermrs «)f the views we may i*!ve of our past system of coiirluct — and as I have dared to cite lieforc the bar of the puttlic, men of hi^h standing — t;rciit talciits-grcat wtulth — and powerful influence— F. ha e judged it pr"per to support, as far as in my power, and to a dejjreo iiaidly ever exceeded, all my importatiL f els, by tlocuiiiLMits of undeniable authority. 3lany of my readers will probulily believ(! that I have gone unnecessary lengths in thitj respect. IJnt I trust i have not. It is at all events far better to produce too uiucb evidence than too little. ■ . . ■ Were every line of my own writififc in this work annihilated, tiie doouiuents, which arc its bones, nud sinews, and muscels, woald be umply adequate to estal)lish the ))ositions I meant to prove. The strong style I have used in treating of the conduct of the fa«lern federalists, will be censured. IJut it may be defeiuUd on impregtiablc ground. In all their lucubrations on the motives id" the war — the pro- ceediir^s of the administration — and the conduct of their opponeflls — they uniformly employ the most unqualified terms of reprobation and con- deiMiiation. To sheer, downright wickedness, all the errors and misfor- tunes tl'.at have occurred, ere ascribed. There is not the slightest shade of allowance ma.le for human imperfection. A deep, wicked, and des- perate conspiracy to destroy commeice ii- assr-.ied as the leading motive of government. And all Its meafurcs are ascribed to and accounted for by, this absurd, tliis unfounded, this often refuted allegation. Those who sliew no mercy, have no right to coiiiital on Chemistry — nor l.uther, nor Cttlvin nor AVc^iey, among their respective fullMwws, on religion — arc huperior Huthority to general Wa^hillgton on militia service. I have thertfure 'avaiU (1 myt^elf of his testimony, to an exti nt which nothing but the kniinentie magnitude of the nubject coulil justify. 1 have, likewixe, in the appeiiilix analyzed a small pamphlet, which 'i published last November, entitled, '* A enim address to the (leople of ' the eastern states," wherein I have given a full view of the very errone- ous opinions entertained respecting the Niave representation ; and i think fully proved, that notwithstanding the unceasing outcry and clam^ )N, 't'tMT T' lor Pinck, 'rtlviii luir hiiperior tlieiffctrc g but the et, which people of •y erronc- i(i I think i: lamer on ion ol the r fhare of regard to avp made have each hough sh« tude of a ?>ting the deficiency will I ear ui'8 stolen mnion de- 1 my vari- of errors, /e alM> m rom those tongues, lot a new nry could I have iais for a "i^e with system IS provo- ■and the the cen- >erpetu- ly inten- )oliry, if all the re of the by the be the usl con- icted on we liave I ^ PREFACE TO THE SIXTH EDITION. Philadelphia, Sept. G, I8I:;,. ONCE more and probably for the last time, I offer the " Oliv^ Brancli," to my fellow citizens; inj|troved and cnlurj?edus fur as in my po.VLM-. I feel grateful for the kindness and indulgence extended to its inijiorfections. s)i" the jii;;iii and progress of a work, which has succeded so far be- yond nil human expectation, I may, perhaps, bo pcrmittod without in" 'uj.iinj; ihechirge of vanity, to give a brief acuount. "Should tlie detail bi: i-eally cliiir^eable to vanity, (no man can judge correctly of bimaelf) I hope It will be regarded as a venial failing. B^RLf in September, 1B14, I \vm under as great a depression of mind, about the state of affairs, public and private, as I have ever expe- rienced. A deep and awful gloom pervaded the thinking part of the community ! Thick clouds and darkness covered the horizon ! Ihe k>tea- est eya conid not behold, and could hardly anticipate a single spark of Buiishine! Washington had been taken— and its public buildings destroy- ed with Gothic barbarity ! Alexandria had been pillage I and plundered ! Ha;ii|)ton h»id suffered rape and rapine ! Baltimore was menaced with sigiirt! vent^eauce, and pointed out for military execution, Sj" in payers 'piilf'ixlip.i hf cilizeas of the United Stales ! ! Philadelphia and .Mew York were linid in ii state of the most alarming -uspense. and in daily expec- tation )f a hostile visit — and, of perhaps sharing the fate of Washington and Alexandria ! »iK-i PREFACE TO THE SEVENTH EDITION, I hnve made a nuiiSer of alterationg, addition^", and amendments in thcpres' ent ed'lion, for which I solicit a continunncf of that public indulgence and isnvot wtiioli ijive been so liberally bestowed on me heretofore. r 1 ' llir*^' la-t civxptersi are enlirely iit»w Tlio subject of the seventy- third is of vitil importance to the peace ml b.innony of tlie country. How far I have succevided in establisliin)? th.i posi; 'oni I Ijave undertaken to prove, I submit to the decision or an enlightened community. •C '- 'I f .* „.J 4 m '.. »V, ' • • A . I I , _ '■. r.l' ^ rtf-i..^ i!iv' T,^ »,'••" _it •- t.'.i ■« ' f './I 'I SfV I . , . I •- • I, , 'I '.I » ■■«:. :^i ' "K H i ■ -W, i)st,j ili^■'f •I .<; ,■■1^ . 'i ff/ f •/•.'■>>>•?/*■, I' >v 'is.'- .'ft.., r L- 1^: ■-/ ,i«^,rj3te,:*^i5'»i ••■-' :''-.i5n' "i CONTENTS. ..J 4. !t. «. 7. ll 8. , . .^ jfl 0. fl 11. ^^v II • f ic. 1 jl 17; .■■ I .•,' , t •J 115 1 .. ' » '..I 15). 1 '.^0 ■ .:■ :h .* ii'. 1 • J • ^' • • n*} • * ■^ *>M- '. ,tdniiral W arnii. AppoiutuvMil . MiMC.tnlile clamor. MoMton nienional. btrong call lor proUi lion .Xrwyork in'Mnori d Sol» mn pl«d;i»' ol .-uppLit. Kxtr icts from J'liil i(le!plii i niercanliU; niciuaria'. K\tr.ict from Baltiuioi*; uifiuorial. Mewliavcn uicuiorial. Decisive call for resistance niorial SaU 111 memorial. Solmin plrdpo of support in the evi'iit of war. Rollcctions on the mcnioriaU Unlfurni call for retlrcss CliaractiM' (»f luerciiaiit^ by E Ru ke. IliihiTal and iiiitounded. British drpii-dations b!ou>j;liton the taiiis, in thestnuteof the U. States. Aniha.sador.-t extraordinary to Enj^land. Attack on tiu- CMu-'-apc' ike. Inteidatory proclamation. IVockadeof tlip co iht IVoin the Kibe to Pr«:tit. Berlin decree. Orders in council of rVoveuibtT II. 1807. Milan dtcroes. Orders in council dt-fendi'd by Aiue rican-t. Baring's inmiiry. Embargo, a wire, prudent, and ncceisary measure. Factious clamor. Situation of \in( rican com^nerce. Innuiry into the constitutionality of the euforcin;; act. Lamentable pub- lic deluKion. Patriotic proceedings. John Henry's mission to the eastern states. Instructions from the gov- ernor general of British America. Embargo repealed. British and Frencli vessels interdicted our harbors. Importations from both countries prohibited. 20. Embargo recommended to congrts;) oy a respectable body of Newyork merchants. 30. Er^klne arrangement. Liberal and magDanimou^. Loud!y applauded. Rejected by England. 31. ImpressMient of American seamen. Plea of James Madison. Of Wm. Cobbet Of Weekly R.'nister. 32. Impressment during Gen' ral Washington's administration. 3). Impressment during Mr. Adams' iidministration, Judge Marshal's io- btructions. 34. Mr. Liston'^ project for a convention for the delivery of deserter"*. Ob- jected to by Messrs. Pickering, Stoddard. Wolcott, and M'Henry. Rejected. 35. Horrors of impressment, as submitted to congress by Timothy Pickering, esq. secretary of state. 3B. Impressment during the administration of Mr. JfflTerson. Letter from RuPus King. Arrangement with lord St. Vincent rejected by Mr. King. Documents on impressment continued. ■'•^ * 39 ii bA i% C3 C9 71'. 8'J 8£* B!) ill 93 (M* lot 103 100 111 120 122 127 13; 149 152 ler, 170 172 102 197 190 206 •208 83. Subject of iapressmeat concluded. 210 213 24 CONTENTS. 39. Egrfgioui error commilted by the author of the Olire Branch. Aimple pnpaif.tioi ,- made for war 22J* 40. Kcprortch«-s 01 tlu' minority against the majority for their imbecility. Biitish deceived by their fri^nt/s. 233 41. War proceedings in congress Yeas and nays. Inexplicable conduct of Mr. Quincy and his friends. ^ . 2M 42 Declaration of war. Violently opposed "" 241 43. Peace party. Composed of warlike matt-rials Repeated clamor for war. 218 14. Inquiry into the justice of the war. Awful accusations against the gov- ernment. 249 45. Considerations of the orders in council Reprobated by James A. ifeay- a:d. Harrison G. Otis, and James Lloyd. 256 '16 fnciuiry continued Warranted on the ground of impressment alone, ac- cording to the doctrine of James Lloyd. 213$ 47. Turbui''i)ce of Bo.'»ton. Jealousy and discord sedulously excited. ' Yan kecism, Moral and leligious ppopie. 2tj| 48. Arrogiinc*' of the claims of the eastern states on the subject of commerce. Statistical tabjes. 276 49 Coinp.ii isons of tlie exports of the different states, foreign and domeftic, from 1701 to 1813 (fiance at tonnage. 280 50. Duties on imports. Southtrn states pay nearly as much as the eastern. Wondt rful d^-lusion. 293 31. No hostility in .sontiiirn stales towards the eastern. Commercial and aericultral states mutually drpend( nt on each other. 298 52. Money the sinews of war Associations to prevent the success of the loans. Efforts to bankrupt the government. 305 53. Smuegling carried to great excess in Boston Specie abundant. Oppres- sive drafts on Newyork. Treasonable intercourse with Canada. 313 54. Subject continued Brief Statement •f facts 321 55. Massachusetts compared with Tennessee. Blind leading the blind Pro- fits of 'rade fifty percent. Road (o ruin. 323 50. PuIpU politics. Prostitution of the sacred functions. Anthology of Se- dition. 327 57. Parties change nnmes and character. Jacobins. Unholy struggle for powor c'.uise of all our difficulties. 334 .Og. Iliiherality of prejudices against foreigners. Ungrateful on the part of America. 337 59. Addrp.-s to the federalists of the U States. 344. Postscript. 350. Ap- pendix. 351 60. Orders in ceunril. Re'-frictive system. Impolicy of the Britisi) ministry. 353 61. England said to b« strut>.gling for her existence. This uo palliation of hfr outrages on neutral nations 3f>6 Senatorial representation examined. Factions delusion. Statistics. 371 Statistics continued Slave representation fairly stated. 374 Inquiry into the charge ag?iinst the southern states of destroying com- merce to promote manufacture ."^fiZ Militia defrnre. Classification systera rejected. '•' 233 66. Right of society to coerce and duty of citizens to afford military ser- vice, reco^ni.xAl by the constitution and laws 386 Power uf coDfrress to call out the militia Usual mode of drafting op- pressive, unequal, and uniust. ^ - 39.3 Inefficiency of militia generally. Extravagantly. expensive. . '" 39.7 ClaSf-ification of militia a measure of the revolution. Borrowed by Bo- na] arte. General Knox's plan 408 Gerpi'mandeii'm Grand discovery to enable a minority to rule the majority. - . 413 fif:\ir. of rep~espntation in Mas:>achusette. 418 VV(,ii(!eiful contrast In vocation to war. , 422 rrn.peri'v of the U States during the different abministrationi. 427 445 62. 63 64. 65. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71 TZ. 7'i fi. Mificellaaeous observations. • *** 1. AlRpiii uibeciJity, 233 conduct of iJ36 241 or for war. 218 t the gov- 249 fs A. Bay- 256 alone, ac- 2t]^ ed. ' Yan 2ti8 commerce. 276 ilomeftic, 280 le eastern. 293 ercjal and 298 :esB of the 305 Oppres- nada. 313 321 lind Fro- 323 ogy of Se- 327 ruggle for 334 le part of 337 >50. Ap- 351 ministry. 353 iation of sties. 371 374 ^'ing com- 382 233 tary ser- 386 ting op- 3fl3 39.7 d by Bo- 408 rule the 413 413 422 427 445 ■j'r't.f-.f^H- ** TRB OLIVE BRANCH, ^c u ■4 -4' tf'ft s •f '■'.''■. '» CHAPTER I. -•/"Y-'^ ►»*■ ^:4 Crisis of the affairs of the United States, Dangers of parties and factions. Similarity of our situation to that of France, Italif and England, previous to their civil wars. To excite insurrection easi/. To all/a/ it dijfficuU, Dangerous tenden^ cy ofinjlananaiory publications, THE sKuation of the United States was in the fall of 1814 highly critical. Party and faction, the bane and de« atruction of all the old republics,'"' were carried to such ex- travagant lengths, as to endanger the public tranquillity— nnd perhaps lead to civil war, the greatest scourge that ever afflicted mankind. Unceasing efforts were used to excite our citizens to open resistance of the government.! This principally took place in the eastern states ; but there was hardly a portion of the union, in which there were not per- sons constantly employed in inflaming the public mind, and V* * An idea Iim been -propagated by superficial writers, and pretty universal- ly believed hy superBcial readers, that party and faction are peculiar to re- Sublics. Never was there a greater error. There is hardly a body of men, ow small or insignificant soever, that is not disturbed more or less by party and faction Within the last ten years, one-half at least, of the Religious Con- gregations In Philadelphia, have been distracted by discord and faction, which, in more instances than one, have been carried to tiie extreme length of abso- lute separation. And, to mount higher, who can forget the violent f:ictions at the commencement of the reign of Georse III. when England was on the ve- ry verge of insurrection— and let me add the religious crusade of Lord George Gordon, which was the offspring of faction, and ti^rminated in enkindling tlur" ty-gix fires at onee in London — of which city the mob had undisturbed posses- sion for several days. All the folons, and other tenants of the prisons had their chains knocked off. and were let loose once more to prey on the public. The enumei-ation were endless. Let this slight sketch suffice. t These topics will be fully dlscu£.«ed in specific chapters at the cloie of tlu> work. f ' 30 THE OLIVE BRANCH. [I preparing it for commotions.^ Thousands and tens of thou* sands of citizens, upright, honest, and honorahle in private life, were so deluded by the madness of party as to believe, that the defeat, the disgrace, and the disasters of our armiesf— the destruction of Uie public credit^-- (as leading to the expul- eion from their stations of the highest public functionaries du- ly chosen by the people) were all " a consummation de- voutly to be wished" — and the certain means of procuring a speedy and an honorable peace, which we could not fail to obtain from the magnanimity of Great Britain, provided we removed those public officers, whom, according to them, she had so much reason to execrate. It was in vain that the uniform voice of history proclaimed that the generosity of nations towards each other is a nonen- tity ; that the terms of a treaty are more or less favorable or injurious in proportion to the relative strength, and energy, and means of annoyance or defence, of the parties ; that |)Ow- crful nations have almost always taken advantage of the fee- bleness of their adversaries ; and that the certain road to a Bpeedy and an honourable peace has ever been to wage war ivith the utmost decision and effect. Were history wholly silent on this topic, the inherent pro- pensities of human nature, properly explored, might satisfy every rational mind of the soundness of these political max- ims. They are fair deductions of reason and common sense, to which the universal experience of mankind bears testimo- ny. Every nation, in its periods of debility, has been oblig- ed occasionally to submit to injustice. Every nation, pos- sessing the power to do injustice, has more or less availed itselfof the opportunity. w -^ ^ • •" * See second Note, at the bottom of the preceedirig page. f To some of my readers this will srem impossible. It certainly appear* incredible. But there are many things rery incredible, that are nevertlicless true. And it is capable of the most complete judicial proof, that gentlemen highly estimable in private life, have thanlced God most fervently for the dis- graceful capture of our armies. Others have prayed to God tliat every one of our soldiers who entered Canada, might be slaughtered. This is one of the inany strange and unaccountable instances in which our history is utterly un- like the histories of the other nations of the earth, it is really a sui generis. I feel pretty confident that no man of character or worth in England or France, ever rcjoicvs at the disgrace or disasters of his country. But I blush to tell it, the disgrace of our armies has been repeatedly a subject of as much exulta- tion in our cofTec houses and our newppupers, as in the city of London. I could name individuals of the utmost worth in all the social relations, except that nhich they bear to their country, whose satisfaction at the distresses and ein- barrassmeots of our goveroraeat hat at least equalled that of lord Castle- rjagh. :,!i THE OLIVE BRANCfr. 31 IS of thou" in private believe, armiest— Ihe expuN naries du- fiation de- ocuring a not fail to vided we them, she roclaimed s a nonen- vorable or d energy, that |>ow- of the fee- road to a wage war lerent pro- ght satififjr ical max- non sense, rs testimo- een oblig- ion, pos- SB availed inly appears nevertlicless it gentlemea for thedis- Bvery one of s one of the utterly un- sui generis. A or France, sh to tell it, luch exulta- lon. f could except that ses and em- lord Cagtie* I was aware, that my fears of civil war were regarded as visionary, as the wild effusions of a disorded brain. I found myself in a small minority. And were the correctness of opinions to be tested by the numbers who entertain them, mine, would appear most miserably erroneous. But, this is a conclusion not warranted by history. It had been a thousand times asserted, and will be as often repeated, that the people of the United States were too enlightened to fall into such a fatal error, and that they knew too well the value of the blessings they enjoyed, to sacrifice them so absurdly. Such a delusion was pardonable a few years previous to that period. But our then recent, stupendous follies ought to have wholly dispell- ed it. We displayed, in many cases, as much insanity as the history of the world exhibits in any of its pages. Danger is not diminished by shutting our eyes against its approach, or by denying its existence. This would be a cheap price to pay for security. But it is not to be purchas- ed thus. And those who seriously weigh the causes that led to the civil wars which desolated France, under the house of Yalois; England under Charles I. ; and Italy for entire centuries, with hardly any intermission ; will have reason to believe that our security was by no means so well founded as was generally supposed. In numberless points of view, our situation and our proceedings bore a very strong analogy to those of the three nations to wbieh I have referred, immedi- ately previous to their respective civil wars. Whoever reads with due attention Davila's history of France, Machiavel's of Florence, or Clarendon^s of the rebellion under Charles I., will be astonished at the near resemblance. '^ The difference between our situation a few years since, and the hite turbid state of the country, was indubitably far greater than from where we then stood to insurrection, and separation, and civil war. While there were so many com- bustible materials scattered abroad, and such unceasing pains taken to inflame the public mind, very trivial accidents * Tho divisions^ nnd distractions, and factions, that prevailed among, and the butelierjes alternately perpetrated on each other, by tlie contending par- ties in the Grecian and Italian republics, are ably and instructively detailed in the Difence of the American Constitutions by the ex-pre.sidc;it John Adams, "I'his work has not had the fate it merited. It has been laid aside and almost forgotten. _ Vet there is no work extant whicli contains more useful lessons for an American— none in which the horrors of faction are more forcibly dis- played—none timt our stgtrfmen and politicians ought to study more care- fully. A few passages, selected here and there, have been employed for the- purpose of decrying it, and with too much succes". But there never yet was a human prcductioii that might not be eoBdemned to the flames by the same mode of tiial. i^^ THE OLIVE BRANCH. might have enkindled a conflagration.— ^Onee unhinge a gov* ernment — once let loose mankind from the restraints of law and constitution'-and the human mind cannot readily calcu- late the terrible result. It was said, that those who had for years urged the propri- ety, and necessity, and advantages to the eastern states, of a dissolution of the union, did not intend to proceed thus far ; and that they held out these threats m terrorem to awe the administration. There is the strongest possible reason to be- lieve that this was a pernicious, a fatal error — and that the leaders of the malcontents were perfectly serious in their views of a separation. How often had the churches echoed ^Ith the insurrectional, the .treasonable, the fanatical, the re- bellious cry, "WHERE IS OUR MOSES? Wlure is the rod of Ms miracles ? Where is our Aaron 2 Have we no Mo^ €es to had us out of the land of Egypt J"' Fatuity itself coukl not mistake the meaning of this species of declamation. But even were the leaders merely threatening, it afforded us no se- curity against the ruinous result. Those who raise the storm of civil commotions, possess not the power at pleasure to alluy its violence — to say with effect, " thus far shalt thou go, and no farther."* This theory was fully exemplified in the civil w; rs of England between Charles I. and his parlia- ment, and likewise in the French revolution. The latter, of which nearly all the early leaders perished in jails and on scatfolds, is a very strong case. Very few of these distin- guished and illustrious men contemplated a recourse to arms. They hoped for a bloodless triumph over tyranny. But they were borne down and destroyed by violent, and wick- ed, and sanguinary men, or rather monsters, whom their pro- ceedings released from restraint, but whom their utmost ef- forts could not restrain or control. Never had brighter prospects shone on a nation than those that shone on the United States. Never had a nation been more highly blest. Never had the security of person and property — of liberty, civil and religious — been attained by such easy sacrifices. Never had the weight of government pressed more lightly. It was not felt. Never had the fond- est theories of philosophers and lovers of mankind, been more completely realized. Our case was very analagous to that of a youth who inher- its a large estate, and, unacquainted with the. ditTicuIty of its acquisition, cannot form an estimate of its value. This can only be done by a due consideration of the condition of those rvho are destitute of the advantages of fortune. He becomes :■■* ige B gov'o nts of law liily calcU' the propri- jtates, of a 1 thus far ; lo awe the 18011 to be- ll that the s ill their les echoed cal, the re- 'here is the we no M(h itself could ation. But 3d us no se- ) raise the at pleasure r shalt thou lified in the his parlia- le latter, of lils and on lesc distin- 'se to arms, ny. But and wick- 1 their pro- utmost ef- (han those [ition been lerson and tained by overnnient d the fond- Lind, beeu who inher- julty of its This can on of 1 hose e becomes THE OUVE BRANCH. a prodigal. He lavishes away his treasures. He only then begins to appreciate them, when they are irretrievably squandered. This was precisely our case. We had not suf- ficiently compared our situation with that of the mass of manliind.— We had never taken a full view of the glorious, the inestimable advantages we possessed. We had the most no* ble inheritance that ever f«ii to the lot of a nation, and had not duiy appreciated our happiness. We had jeopardized it most wantonly and fatuitously. — We were on the verge of its total loss. A little further progress in folly and madness, and we should have been undone. We had by rapid strides, ajtproached the banks of the Rubicon. Whether we should plunge in, and ford the stream, or, struck with a due sense of our errors and our danger, make a retrograde movement, and regain the elysium whence we started, was in the womb of time. Heaven directed us to the blessed alternative! Be- yond the stream verges a dreary desart, wKere anarchy and civil war hold their terrific reign, with all their long train of horrors, and where the devious paths lead directly to ruth- less des[iotism. It was time, thierefore, to make a solemn pause — to retrace our steps — and, since we refused to profit by the sad expe- rience of other ages and nations, to avail ourselves of our own. By honest endeavours by abating the odious vio- lence of i)arty spirit — by mutual compromise — by rending asunder the odious, the degrading, the pernicious yoke of the violent men whose influence and prosperity depended on public commotions — we might happily regain the ground we Inid lost — we might dispel the delusioa that was leading us to temporal perdition. To vindicate myself from the charge of folly, in my gloo- my apprehensions and anticipations, I submit to the reader a few specimens of the unceasing efforts which for years have' been making^to enkindle the flames of civil war. That we liave not yet been involved in it, isnot justly chargeable to the want of a due degree of labour and industry. Never wag more activity displayed — never was a cause more sedulous- ly or ably advocated. And never was there less scruple about the means, provided the end was accomplised. " On or before the 4th of July, if James Madison is not, out of oflBce, a ntm form nf government will be in operation in the tasteYn seeUon of the union, instantly ^fter, the contest in many of the states will be, whether to adhere to the old, or join the new government. Like every thing else foi^told years ago, - and which is verified every day, this warning will be also ridiculai* as visona- ry. Be it so. But Mr. Madison cannot complete his tenn ©f pervicc, if the ■• war coutinues. It is not possible ; and if he knew human nature, he wouli^ see it." Ftdtrul Republiami November 7. ViU, D3 m d4 THE OLIVE BRANCH. " Is there a federalist, a patriot in America, who conceives it his duly iu rfird hi« blood for Bouapai te, for Madison, for J«?frerson, and that HOST OF RUFFIANS in Congreas, who have get their faces against US for years, and l>I)irited ii]> the BRUTAL pakt of the populace to destroy us P Not one. — shall we then any longer l)e held in slavery, and driven to desperate poverty, by such a graceless faction !'— Heaven forbid," Boiton Gasitle. " // at the present moment, no symptoms qf civil war appear, TTT' THE Y CERTAINLY WILL SOON, unless the courage o/the mir party jail them.'' Sermon by DaviJ Osgood, D. D. Pastor of the chujci) of Medford, delivered Juno26 1812, page'J. *• A civil war bfcnmrj as certain a« the events that happzn aeeording to the, known laws and established ctmrse of nature y Idem puge 15. ♦• If we would preserve the liberties, by llmt struggle [the American revolu- tion] so dearly purchased, the call for RESISTANCE ugaimt the tisurpations qfour own governmtnt it as urgent as it was formerly against those if our toother counttyy* " If the impending negociation with Great Britain is defeated by insidious artifice ; if ll»e friendly and conciiiatory proposals of the enemy should not, from Frendi subserviency, or views of sectional ambition, be met throughout with a spirit of moderation and siwcerity, so as to terminate the infamous war which is scattering its hoiTors around us, ani arrest the calamities and distress of a disgraced country, it is necessary to apprise you, that suck conduct will be tvo longer home nilh. The injured States will be compelled, by every motive (f duty, interest, and honour ; by one manly exertion rf their strength, to daih into atoms the bonds if tyranny. It will t/ien be too late to retract. The die nill be cast. Freedom preserved, "f '• A separalitm of the States nill be an inevitable result. Motives nutwrous and urgent will demand that mea^tire. As they originate in opj)ression, the op- pressors muH be responsible for the momentous and oyntingent events, arising from the dissolutim of tlie present confederacy, and the erection of separate governments. It will be their work. While posterity will admire the inde- pendent spirit of the Eastern section of our country, and with sentiments of gratitude, enjoy the fruits of their firmness and wiedom — the descendants of the South and West will have reasoa to curse the infatuation and folly of your councils." (Idem page 9.) ** Bold and rt^ohitt, nhen tJiey step forth in the sacred came of freedom and independence, the Northern ptople will secure their object. No obstacle can im- pede them. No force can withstand their powerful arm. The most numerous armies will melt before their manly strength: Does not the p3ge of history instruct yon, that the feeble debility of the South, never could face the vigor- ous activity of the North ? Do not tlie events of past ages remind you of the . valuable truth, that a singh spark of Northern liberty, especially when en- tightened by congenial covimerce, nill explode a whole atmosphere of sultry Southern despotism ? You well know the termination of the expedition of Xerxes, with his hundreds of thon.«and9, against the Greeks ! The comnter- eial Atlienians taught the debilitated tyrant of Asia, on the plains ofMara- tlion, and at tlie streights of Salamis, of what exertions Freedom is capable, when roused by oppression- The hardy Macedonians not only defeated and dispersed countless hordes of Southern effeminacy, but traverfced their coun- try at pleasure." (Idem page i:^) * Discourse delivered ^jefbre the lieutenant "•nvemor, the council, and the two houses composing the legislat»''e of tlie 'oniiPonwealth of Massachusetts, . jVIay 31, 1809. By David Osgood, D. D. page 25. f " Northern grievances, set forth in a Letter to James Madison, by a North American.." Publisiied May, 1814, and circulattd with great industl'y, throughout New-England aad New- Vork. page 4. l ' ♦ THE OLIVE BRANCH. 35 it his duty iv at HOST OF for years, and ? Not one. — f rate poverty, rti^/aUlhem.''' brd, delivered cording to thf. leiican revolu- Ihe usurpations it tJwse of OUT d by insidious ny should not, aet througliout s infamous war ieg and distress conduct nill be every motive (f ren^^th, to da:,h ••act. The die lives numfrous )rcssion, the op- ivents, arinng on of separate mire the inde- li sentinipnts of descendants of id folly of your of freedom and jbitacle can im- most numerous i3ge of history face the vigor- ind you of the inlly nhen en- ohere of sultry ^ expedition of The comnier- ains ofMara- miis capable, y defeatf'd and ed their coun- uncil, and the Massachusetts, on, by a North reat indudtl'.v, ;, '• When ?'.ic!i are the efferts of oppression upon men resolved not to submif, , as dirplayed in the North and Scuti; of Europe, and in all ngcs of llie world, ; ^ do you flatter yourself with it." pidduciiig a dilTercHt operation in this country ;' '\^ Do you lliink tiic energies of Nortiit rn freemen are to be tamely muoLhcred V Do you imagine they will allow tiuin^selvcs to be trampled upon with inipjuii t> !' And by whom? The Southmi and Western Stute.s ! by men who eunl ted eflbrtu are not sufficient to keep in order thtir own enslavfd population, and dffend their own frontiers ! by warrior.'^ whose repeated attempts at inva- sion o» a neij;hbouriiis province, have been disgracefully foiled by a handful oi disciplined 1 1 oop.s ! by Generals, monuments of arro;;ance and folly I bycouir- / cils llic esbence of corruption. imlK^ci'ity und tnadnevs ! " The (iggrti^rite strength of the Soidh and fVest, if brought agidnsi the North, would he driven int't the acean. or back to their on n suUri! nild'!—!md the,; mi^ht think thanselcji fortunate \f they esc r/nvi other punishnunt thnn p de feat, which their temerity ntuld merit. WWiXk the one would strive to en- slave, tlie otlier wouUl tight for freedom. Wijile the councils of the 0!ie would be di-stracted with discordant interests ; the decinions of tlie otiier would he di- rected by one soul. Beware ! Pause ! before yoa take the fatal pluiise " (Idem pae;f 1.1) ** You have carried your oppressions to the utmost it^ etch. iVc will no longer submit. Restore the Constitution to its purity j give us scfurity foi* tiie future, indcumity for the past. .Vboiish every tyrannical law. Make ar\ immediate and honorable peace. Revive our Commerce. Increasejonr a:.- vy. Protect our seamen. Unless yni cumply nith thi^f.just demands, mtk- out delay, we mil nithdraiv from the Uni-m, ^caller to the ninds the bonds of tyranny, and transmit to posterity, that Liberty purchaicd by the RcvAution.''* (Idem page Iti.) " Americans f PREPARE YOUR ARMS—yminillsuun hr^cUcdtoir.s them. We mu-it use them for the empeiorof France, O/i POll OUR- SELVES. It is hut an individual who m\v points to this ambiguous alterna- tive. But Mr. Madison and his cabal m.iy rest assured, there is in the hearts of many thousands in this abused atid almost ruined cou:itry, a sentiment and energy to ilhutrate the distinction when his madness. shall call it into action.'* (Boston Repertory.) " Old Massachusetts is as terrible to the Anuria n. non; as she was to tiie British cabinet in 1775 y for America., too, haa her Butcs and htr Norths. Let then the commercial st'ites breast themselves to the i-hock. afid know tlr.it to tliem- selves they must look for safety. All party bickerings must be s.icrificed on the altar of patriotism. Then, and not till then, shrill they humble the pride and ambition of Virginia, whose slren.ith lies in their weakness ; and chastise the insolence of those madmen of Kentucky and Tennessee, nho aspire to the govermment tf these states, and threaten to involve the country in all the horrors of war.''* (Nciv- York Commercial Advertiser.) The language of the writers is plain and unequivocal. It aduiits of no mistake or misconstruction. That lliey intend- ed to produce insurrection and dissolution of the union, ua- i less they and their friends were enabled to seize m)on the I government, regardless of the frightful consequences, it woidd I require consummate inpudence to deny ; it would be folly, I or insanity to disbelieve. What might ultimately be their U success, it was ihfipnssible to foresee. Every thing deuend- (i, ed on the course pursued by those who had an interest in the I public welfare. If they were not wanting to themselves and to their country, we wert^ sure to rise triiimt'hant over our (Ufficulties and emburrasgiueuts. But if the then prevailing m 3» THE OLIVE BRANCH. wonderful apathy continued; if we remained sluggishly with our arms I'oldtd, while our situation- became daily more aw- ful and iihumui'i; ruin was inevitable. We should have af- forded one of the most striking instances in history, of pre- in'ilure ilacjy nnd dtorepitude. The Lord in his mercy has averted such an awfu! fate ! Reliance was i)laced by those who denied the existence of the danger which I deprecated, upon the sober ciiaracter of the nation. They regarded- that chtii'MCler as a guarantee asainst civil war. I was well aware ol th's circumstance. I allowed it a due share of intiuence and importance. But the strong inference drawn from it, was unwarranted by history. And let it be observed, once for all, that the only unerring guide in government, or politics, is history, to the neglect of whose lessons may be ascribed more than two thirds of our errors and follies. T^je Athenians were a highly polished, and a refined peo- ple. No nations in ancient times, ever excelled them in these respects. Yet they were occasionally seduced into the most frightful cruelties by their Cleons and other enrages. They often massacred their prisoners in cold blood, and long after they were taken. And the proscriptions and butcheries the adverse parties perpetrated on each other, as they gained the ascendency, are frightful subjects of reflection, and to us hold out most invaluable warnings. No nation of modern Europe excelled Prance, few equal- led her — in courtesy — in mildness — in urbanity. And yet never did mankind exhibit themselves under a more hideous aspect — never did they change nature more completely with "wolves, tygers, and hyaenas, than the French under Marat, Danton, Couthon, and Robespierre. UT^" These are awful kssans^ to which these who were lending their aid to tear down the pillars of our government^ ought to have attended. Man is the same every where, under the same excitements. We have our Cleons, and our Couthons, and our Dantons, and our Robespierres, who only required suitable occasions to have given scope to their energies^ Mild and gentle as is the American character generally, the revolution in this country exhibited in various places, where the parties were rancorously embittered against each othec many terrifying scenes. Prisoners were often hung up without trial by the partizans on both sides. Men and women were treacherous- ly shot down in their houses. And not unfrequently private malice, to sate its rage, disguised itself under the cloak of public spirit. Let us ponder well on those circumstauces. They are fraught with importaat admonitions* 7 4 THE OLIVE BRANGH. 37 jglialily with y more aw- uld have af- Lory, of pre- 3 mercy has jTfistence of ?.]iaracter of u guarantee instance. I B. But the by history. \y unerring B neglect of lirds of our refined peo- em in these ito the most i^es. They ] long after tcheries the I gained the cl to us hold few equal- And yet jre hideous letely with der Marat, are awful tear down d. citements. Dantons, ccasions to ;entle as is [>n in this irties were terrifying rial by the eacherous- tly private cloak of imstauced. To apply a remedy to any evil, moral or physical, it is in- dispensably necessary to explore its nature — to ascertain il5 causes — and to trace its consequences. Any other proce- dure arises from error and folly, and is pregnant with defeat and disap{)ointment. With this view I respectfully solicits he public atten- tion. I took a rapid retrospective glance at the folly and guilt, which the factious and discordant state of our country bad generated. As far as in my power, I divested myself of any party bias, and treated the subject as if it belonged to an- other age or nation. Whatever errors 1 fell into, arose not from sinister intention: they were chargeable to inadvert- ence and human imperfection. On my freedom from partial- ity, 1 felt the more reliance, from my unalterable conviction* that both the hostile parties that divide this country, and who regard each other with so much hatred and jealously, had largely contributed towards the misfortunes that had befallea us — the melancholy change that had taken place in our situ- ation — and the dangers that threatened us. It was impossi- ble for a candid mind to review the scenes through which we had passed for some years, without a thorough conviction, that each had been guilty of most egregious errors and follies, and occasionally of something worse than either; and ^ that \Xj^nlicnev€r the interests of the nation and tJie interests of . the partly came iti collision, the former had been too frequent^ sacrificed^ hy both federalists and dimocrats to the latter. No man who has any public spirit, can take a review of our his- tory without feeling the deepest regret at the extent of the mischief this miserable system of conduct has produced. It has defeated many of the noblest plans that the wisdom of the country has ever devised. 1 may be wrong in my calcula- tions ; but I believe it has prevailed to at least as great an extent here, as in almost any other country, or at any other period of time. When the present generation sits for its pic- ture to the historian, it will form a strong contrast to that which is past and gone. The errors or follies, however* of either party would have produced but little injury compara- tively, had not those of the other conspired to give them ma- lignity and etfect. From this exposition of my views, it was obvious I should iteer a course very ditferent from the generality of \^ riters on jjolitical topics. With hardly a single exception, their ob* *■ This is one of the most lamentable and humiliating fucts ip our history. A.*. 38 THE OLIVE BRANCH. Ject is, having espoused a party, to justiry and emblazon its supporters, whether right or vsrong ; and, if needs be, *' To make tlic worgc appear the better cause.** In pursuit of this object, their own partizans ure all angels of light, — whose sublime and mtigniticent plans of policy ure calculated to produce a political millenium ; and their oppo- nents, demons incarnate, intent on the destruction of the best interests of the country. These portraits are equally unjust and incorrect. One is all beauty, with little resemblance to the pretended original — the other a hideous caricature, equal- ly foreign from honor, truth, and justice. Amon<]; the frightful consequences resulting from this odi- ous practice, a plain and palpable one presents itself. These horrible portraits engendered a satanical spirit of hutred, malice, and abhorrence in the parties towards each other. Citizens of adverse opinions, whose views were perfectly pure and public spirited, were to each other objects of dis- trust and jealously. We attached all possible guilt and wick- edness — political at least — to our opponents — and then de- tested the hobgoblins which we hao ourselves created. ' It is not thus society is constituted. The mass of man- kind perhaps of all parties,' and in a'l.ages, have meant well, except in very corrupt states of society. And little more is necessary to produce harmony between them, than to under- stand each other correctly.. But hostility is excited and per- petuated by the intrigues and management of demagogues, whose influence and consequence depend on fomenting dis- cord, and who would sii.k into insignificance in times of tranquility. Mankind, aa 1 have hinted, hate each other, not for real existing differences, but for phantoms, the pro- duction of heated imaginations. Experience has frequently evinced that the very plans of policy which parties out of power have reprobated and denounced as pernicious, they have j)ursued themselves ns soon as they had vanquished their opponents, and seized on their places. And I believe every man of reflection will acknowledge, that if the federal- ists had retained the administration in their hands, they would have advocated the rights of their country as firmly as their successors have done ; and would probably have adopted measures to resist the arrogant and destructive claims of England, similar to t-hose, for which they have so strenu- ously, though not very honourably or consistently, opposed the present administration. This is not mere supposition. It is historical fact. It will be seen in the sequel of this work, that the federalists ^. THE OLIVE BRA 39 emblazon i{& ids be, 'e all angels of of policy are nd their oppo- on of the best equally uiijust esetnblunce to icature, equal- from this odi- itself. These rit of hatred, s each other, fere perfectly objects of dis- nilt and >vick- -and then de- zreated. mass of man- e meant well, little more is han to under- cited and per- demagogues, )raenting dis- 5 in times of ; each other, )ms, the pro- las frequently larties out of licious, they 1 vanquished nd I believe ' the federal hands, they try as firmly •obably have jctive claims ve so strenu- itly, opposed jal fact. It le federalists took as high ground on the subject of »»pr» ssm**' , and aa firmly and j>atriotically resisted the un juf the liar l^ th*- «le. grading pretensions of England, as Mr. .) Terson o\ Mr. Mp V ison have done. Yet the resistance of the two latier p> • dents has tieen among the strongest accusations £iIUmI a against them by their political adversaries. It is impusfe< e to rrfli'ct on these topics without sigbing over human wi .«k- ncss and folly. Federalism hag in these transactions suffer^ ed a stain never to be effaced. •>» CHAPTER 11. Errors of the Democratic Party, Federal Constitution. Oppo- silion to a Navy. Allien ami Sedition Law. Jay's Treaty. In pursuance of my plan, I proceed to a review of those errors of the democratic party, which contributed to produce the change in the prospects of this country, and to darken the political horizon ; and 1 trust it will appear that I have not done them injustice in charging a large portion of the folly tnd guilt to their account. » Federal Constitution. In the convention that formed the federal constitution, the ilemocratic party sowed the seeds of a premature dissolution of that instrument, and of the American confederacy. Re- garding society more as it oughf to be, than as it has ever been, or is ever likely to be — led away by theories more plausible than solid — applying to a free elective government, deriving all its powers and authorities from the voice of the people, m:ixims,and apprehensions, and precautions, calcula- ted for the meridian of monarchy, they directed all iheir ef- forts, and all their views, towards guarding against oppres- sion from the federal government. Whatever of authority or power, they divested it of, to bestow on the state govern- ments, or reserve to the peo[)le, was regarded as an impor- tant advantage. Against the federal government their fears and terrors were wholly directed. This was the horrible monster, which they laboured to cripple and chain dowp. to prevent its ravages. The state governments they reganled with the utmost complacence, as the public protectors against this dreadful enemy of liberty. Had they succeeded in hU tbeir views, they would have depriveil the geneial govern 10 THE OLIVE BRANCH. fin il' f f^' itirnt of nearly all its efficiency. Alas ! little did they gup- poie that our greatest dungcrs would arise from the UBurfia^ tions or the slate governments, some o( which have since most awfully antl treasonably Jeopardised the union. Unfor- tunately this party whs too successful in the convention. Its endeavors proult. The state of Mas«achusetT8 acquired a high dt;i!;r;'e of honour by j 'h iiberality to the warrior of De» ne, on whom it bestow- ed 10 000 acres of land as a mark of its esteem ar.d admiration. This act off generosity, by the cor.trast, made the miserable conduct of Congress appeST woLthy of additicoal eootenipt. •E «r 'm. Ai THE OLIVE BRANCH. 'I it I from depredation, is probably above $ 750,000 per annum. Yet 1 doubt wliether there is gratitude e«iQufh in our public bodies, who hold the purse strings of the nation, or in the in- dividuals whose property has been preserved, to make him any adequate return. 1 hope and pray I may be deceived. 1 deprecate being correct in this calculation. But I have . fearful misgivings on the subject. ' To enable us to form an estimate of the immense debt we owe our illustrious heroes, it is only necessary to call to recol- lection, the prostration of the public mind, and the d^rada- tion of the national character in the early part of the war, when our operations on land were *' onen;ontinued stream" of disgraces and disasters ; and when but for the exploits of Hull and a few others on the ocean, the name of an American would have been a passport to shame and disgrace. The na- tional character was supported throughout the war by our lit- tle navy, whose exploits may chiUlenge comparison with any of the most signal acts of heroism recorded in history. And on land it was, towards the close nobly retrieved by the he- roes whose names I have given, and others who will grace their country's annals. And is it possible that congress will lie base enough not to give some substantial proof of the na- tion's gratitude for benefits so far beyond all price ! In no instance, hitherto, have congress or the people of the United States discharged their duty in this respect, or dis-< played a suitable degree of gratitude. Of votes of thanks they Iiavc been abundantly liberal. These cost nothing. A few Bwords and medals too have been awarded. But of all the benefactors of their country — those men who have preserved it from tlie hoUomless abysses of disgrace and dishonour into which it ivas precipitously falling — who have given it a rank nmong the nations of the earth, I believe there is not one ou whom the nation has bestowed a reward worthy of him or it. Who was he that said, ** the sin of ingratitude is worse than witchcraft ?" Whoever lie was, honoured be his name. The debt due to the illustrious men with whose names I have honoured my page, and others, who have trod the same path of glory, can hardly ever be discharged, even on the ground of mere calculation of benefit to the nation, exclusive of the elevation of its character. If England, whom in this respeci we ought to aspire to em- ulate, gave 500,000/. sterling to per Wellingtons and Nel- sons, let the United States give some solid and substantial proof of their gratitude, to their illustrious heroes. I need not add, tliat I do not ciUcuIate upon such very extravagant per annum. 1 our public or in the in- ) make him e deceived. But I have nse debt we all to recol- he d^rada- of the war, d stream" of loitsofHulI 1 American !. The na- r by our lit- Dn with any tory. And by the he- * will grace ongress will f of the na- b! teople of the »ect, or dis- thanks they ng. A few it of all the ve preserved honour into en it a rank not one ojb )f him or it. worse than ame. se names I >d the same ven on the I, exclusive THE OLIVE BRANCH. 43, spire to em- ( and Nel- substantial I need xtravijgaat rewards as the British parliament voted " the great lord," as he has been styled. But the gift ought to be worthy of the donor and accentor ; ought to operate as a rewaid to the mer- none. I return to the navy. , ^ w I feel confident, that the nation has lost one hundred times as much through the want of a small navy, as it would have cost. Numbers of instances have occurred, of valuable merchant- rwoM iioving been captured by petty pickaroons or pirates, with one or two guns. Our ports have been insulted and out- raged, and the ships and cargoes of our merchants been plun- dered by privateers and sloops of war, which a few armed ves- sels would have forced to keep a respectful distance. There is none of the points on- which the two hostile parties have differed, wherein the democrats have been so very far below their adversaries in consulting the real, the permanent honour and interest of -the country, as in the establishment of a na- val force. The policy of the federalists in this respect wa» dignified and honourable ; that of the democrats miserably contracted. Mien and Sedition l/awSt and "Eight pet cent. Loans. The factious clamour excited against the seditionand al- ien lawsj and against the eightpercent.'ldan — which clamour was the principal means of changing the administration, and taking it from the hands of the federalists, to place it in those of the democrats — may be justly reckoned among the sins of (he latter party. A candid review of the so-styled sedition law, at the present hour, when the public ferment to which it gave rise has wholly subsiued, will satisfy any reasonable' majj, that so far from being an outrageous infringement of liberty, as was asserted, it was a measure not merely defensi- ble; but absolutely necessary and indispeusible towards the support of government.* To enable the reatler to judge for himself, without the trouble of referring to a volume of the laws, 1 annex the document itself. * It is but justice to avow-that the writer of this book wag as ardent in his opposition to, and as much alarmed at the probable consequences of the alien and sedition laws, as any man in the community. As it requiies an extraordi- nary degree of corporeal sanity to resist the effectst of a violent epidemical disorder, so it requires great strength of mind to keep out of the vortex of fac- tious contagion, when prevalent with those whose opinions are generally con- genial with our own. Of thi? strength of mind tiie writer was dcbtitute in com- mon with a large iicrtipa ©f his fellow citizens. 4i THE OLIVE BRANCH, the .all •| Sec 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Renrosf nliitiv>:! of United States of Auicrica, in Congress assembled, That if any ceii-ons s unUmifully combine or conspire ingdher, nith inUnt h dppose any mca.inre or measures of the government i^' the Unittd SUdcs, nldch are or shnll be diredal by proper authority, or tj impede Uie operation of any law fif the Unittd Stata; •r to intimidate or j^revcnt any person holding a place or office in or under the government of the Uriilt'd States, from umiertaking. performing, or executing Ins trust, or duty ; and if any person, or per • ns, with mtent as aforetiaid, shnM counsel, advise or attempt to procure any insurrection, riot, imiawful asst nibjy, or combination, wiiether sucli coii'^piracy, threatenir g, counsel, advice or sit- teuipt shall have the proposed effect or not, he or they fliall bo deemed guilty «f a high misidemeanor ; and on con%iction, before any court of the United faokien to find sureties for his or their good bthaviour in such bum, and lor buv-u time, as the said court may direct. " Sec. 2. And ha it furtlu r enacted, Tliat if any person sliall write, print, utter or publish, or shall cau-o or procure to be written, printed, uttered or j;i>i>;iiihed, or shall kno«iii';^ly and willingly assist or aid in writing;, priiitlnp, uttering or publishin? ^^^^ any false, scandalous and malicous nriling nr nri- lin^s agi,imt the govera>' <^nt f\f the United Stales, or either house <\f the Con- grtis of thd United Stales, or the President nf the United States, with intent to defame the said governmwnt, or either house of the Congress, or the said Pres- ident, or to bring them, or either of them, into contempt or disreput§ ; or to excite against them, or either or any of f lieni, the hatred of the good people of the United States, or to stir up sedition within the United States} or to excite any utdawful combination3 thereiii, for opposing or resisting any law of the tjaited States, or any act of the president of the United Statfs, done in pursu- ance of any such law, or of the powers in him vested by the confititutiou of the United States ; or to resist, oppose, or defeat any such law or act ; or rj^ to aid, :ncourage,or abet any hostile designs qf any foreign nciipnagitnu the United States, their people or government, thensuclj person, being thereof con- victed before any court of the United Statei having jurisdiction thereof, shall be punished by a fine not exceeding two thousand dollars, and by imprison - saent not exceeding two years. " Sec. 3. And be it further enaetcd and declared, That if any person shall , be prosecuted under this act, for writing or publishing any libel as aforesaid, rrT' it shall be lanfui for the defendant, upon the Irud nf the cause, to give in evidence, in his dffence, the truth of the matter contained in the publication charged as a Itbel. And the jury who shall try tlie cause, shall have a right to determine the law and the fact, under the direction of the court, as in other cases. "Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That this act shall continpe and be in fcrce until the third day of March, one thousand eight hundred and one, ard no longer : Provided, that the expiration of the act shall not prevent or defeat a prosecution and puuishmeot of any offence against the law, during the time it shall be in force." July, 1798. The fate of this law holds out an all-important lesson on faction and party spirit. Laudable and necessary as it was, and guarded, as far as a law can be guarded, against abuse, the o,*po8ition to it was as violent, and it excited as much horror and indignation, as if it had wholly destroyed the lib- erty of the press, and " left not a trace behind.''' And in this senseless and disgraceful clLwour, were engaged vast numbers THE OLIVE BRANCH. 45 '4' ntiilivf :? of the \y per.-oiis sliall any measure or hnll he (lirtiUil ! United .S'/p/ci-, in or under tlie g, or executinc; aforebaid, siin.'l iwful assenibiy, 1, advice or at- I deemed guilty of tiie United t exceeding five lan six niunllis, court, may be m, uiiu lor huy-u II write, print, ed, littered or tina;, priiitinjj, wriiing or nri' uae fj" the Con- , with intent to r the said Pres- reput§ ; or to I good people of :s ; or to excite any law of the done in pursu- ifititutiou of the act ; or fj^ to lifiti ag-ii.'vii the ig thereolcon- thereof, shall by inoprisou- \y person shall i;l as aforesaid, /W$e, to give in he publicatimi 11 have a right irt, as in other iniae and be in and one, ard svent or defeat uring the time t lesson on y as it was, inst abuse, (1 as much red the lib- ^nd in this IS t number 't M ni5 of tl»e best and moat intelligent members of Ihe community. Tiie Alien and Sedition Laws were made the subject of an elegant, but violent and inflammatory report, agreed to by the legislature of Virginia, as respectable and enlightened a de- liberative botiy as any in the United States, or perhaps in the world. But they were bitten by the mad dog of faction in common with so large a portion of their fellow-citizens, and were seized wiih the prevalent disorder. They regarded the two obnoxious laws as inroads upon public liberty, which re- quired to be repelled with the utmost firmness. It would be uncandid hot to state, that the trials under thig .•?«t, for libels against the president, and, as far as my recol- lr?cUon serves me, agaijist some of the other public function- aries, were managed with very considerable rigour; and, from the abuse of the law, tended to give an appearance of propri- ety and justice to the clamour against it. The case of Thomi- os Cooper and Matthew Lyon, Esqrs. who were both treated uith remarkable severity, excited a high degree of sympathy in the public mind. I have strong doubts, whether, under all ihe circumstances, a jury could be found in London to pro- nounce a verdict of " guilty" against either of them. Of the two cases, it may be justly said — summumjusy summa injuria. But the censure did not attach to the law. It lay at the doot of thejuriest. I have little to offer respecting the alien law. It was un- doul)tedly liable to strong oltjections. It invested the presi- dent with powers liable to great abuse. But it certainly heV- er warranted the awful outcry that was raised against it. To enable the reader, however, to form his own opinion — and, if mine be erroneous, to reject it altogether, I annex the most obno!Liou8 clause of the act. *'Sec. I. Be it enacted hy the Senate and Mouse of Representatives of the United States qf Jmerica in Congress assembled. That it shall be lawful for thfe IVosident of the United States, at any time during the continuance of this act, to order all such aliens as he shall judge dangerous to the peace and safety of llie United States, pr shall have reasonable grounds to suspect are concerned in any ^reasonable or secret machinations against the government thereof, t6 depart out of the territory of the United States, within such time as shall ht expressed in such order ; which order shall be served on such alien by deliv- ermg him a copy thereof, or leaving the same at his usual abode, and return- ed to the office ©f the secretary of state, by the niarghall or other person t(^ whom the same shall be directed. And in case any alien so ordered to depart* shall be found at large within the United States after the time limited in suc^ order for his departure, and not having obtained a license from the president to reside therein, or having obtained- such license shall not have conformed thereto, erery such alien sliall, on conviction thereof, be imprisoned for a terdi not exceeding three years, and shall never after be admitted to become a citi- zen of the U. States Provided aHvays, and be ii further enacted, That if any aUcn 80 ordered to depart, shall prove to the jatisfaction of the presideat, >y £4' 2 S 7, 4i THE OLIVE BRANCH, evidence to bo takr-n before such ptTson or persons an \he prc-iJoiit ib^li .,^ .^,,. >,/ 'J^Uli OLIVE BRANCH. lout zhnW «ii )atlis, Ihiitn*) (■ucli alien U* remain with- at sucli place :h alien to en- y direct, with authorized by )iir of such al- ig l;is licrrBC } k propiT." d with, and ilion laws ; y olservcd, have since IhemselveB Is would af- ter '.e rival, mer can fur- stency, and ;holly truth, that have, nd scourged )lacable hos- ily disgrace- s3, the folly, ntl desidera- ch pervaded on of Gener- ou the part IS, plausible, een realised. i sudden im^ ry thing be- son a^id «n- on such oc- iformed and I the predic- h-sayi«gs of prejudices — as have been by the solid i difference '.U CHAPTER HI. Monroe and IHnkncy's Trcatij with England, the States. Trcaaoniible Publications. ten'CGuroc, Embargo. Separation of ISonin- Of the errors of Mr. Jefferson's adiiiinistnition, it is unne- Cpssary to mention more than tliroe, ilenoling two v<^ry o;)- posite extremes of character — the one highly bold and daring — the other di3|)laying an equal dei^ree of feeMeness. Monroe and Pinkney*s Trcatij with England, Two mi uistersr appointed by Mr. Jeirerson,had negociated a treaty with England, the best they could procure. It had been transmitted to him in due form. Without consjjl ting the co-ordinate branch of the treaiy-maltihg power, he, on his own responsibility, rejtctetl it, and transmitted to these min- isters instructions to begin the negociation anew. This was a mighty and a fatal error.* It may he doubted whether it were not a violation, at least of the spirit of the constitution. It was at all events a case that probably did not enter into the conceptions of the framers of that instrument. If it had, it, is likely they would have provided against its occurrence. A calm reflection on this subject can hardly fail to convince tiie redder that probably to this source may be fairly traced nearly all our present diflficultie?'. Had this treaty been, as it ought; laid before the senate, they would in all likelihood have ratified the chief parts of it, and, as had been the case "with Jay's treaty, have referred the obnoxious clauses to a new discussion. Our disputes with England would have been thus compromised — and our party divisions could never have been excited to such a height as to endanger the peace and security of the country. It has been inferred from the rejection of this treaty, that it arose from Mr. Jefferson's desire of a cause of war with England. This is radically wrong. At no period since the commencement of the French revolution has there been a deficiency of a real cause of war with England, in fhe impress- ment of our seamen, and the violent proceedings against our commerce. But a pregnant proof of the fallacy o^ this charge * It has been attempted to justify this procedure, by the circumstance, that the negociators had violated one explicit item of Mr, Jefferson's instructions-— to conclude no treaty without a specific article euarding against iinpresgmenta. Tttis is no justiGcatioo. It is barely a palliation. m m }tL' ^•^ I W- m THfe OLIVE BRANCff, arises out of the attack of (he Leopard on the Chesnpcake. Tliis circumstance settles the question forever. Had Mr. Jeilerdon been desirous of war with England, nothing more was necessary than ta have convened congress immediately alter that event, during the extraordinary ebullition of the public m'lQiX which it created. All parties were then clam- orous for, and would have heartily united in a war. And war would certainly have been declared by congress almost unan- imously. But with a desire of peace, deserving of the high- est praise and gratitude of his countr}^ which he has never re- ceived, he deferred the convening of congress about ibur months, within which periotl the public ferment had subsided. This important fact .las been wholly overlooked in the fac- tious discussions that have taken place respecting his admin- istration; so true it i&, that in times of turbulence, reason rai- ses her voice in vain. It is drowned in the obstreperous brawlings of noisy factionists. The justice which leads to this vindication, compels me unqualifiedly to censure the very extraordinary and unpre- cedented measure of rejecting the treaty on his ow n responsi- bility. , Besides the want of an explicit clause on the subject of im- pressment, the friends of Mr. .lefferson assign another plea to justify hjra for the rejection of this treaty. After it was agreed to by both parties, there was a rider annexed to it by the British commissioners, which was calculated to give the treaty-sanction to the celebrated orders in council, which, even then, it would appear, were in contemplation. To enable the reader to decide correctly, I annex the rider. NOTE Of the British Commissioners^ acconvpamfing Monroe and Pinckney'*& Treaty* London, Dec. 31, 1866. " The undersigned, Henry Richard Vassal, lord Holland, and William lord Auckland, plenipotentiaries of his Britannic majesty, have the honor toinforia James Monroe and William Pinkney, commissioners extraordinary and pleni- potentiaries of the United States of America, that they are now ready to pro. ceed to the signature of the treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation) on the articles of which they have mutually agreed. " But at the same time they have it in command from his ra^esty, to call the attention of the commissioners of the United States, to some extraordinary proceedings which have lately taken place on the continent of Europe, and to communicate to them officially the sentiments of bis msgesty*s government thereupon. " The proceedings alluded to are certain declarations and orden of the Freacb goverameot issued at Berlia, oq the Slat of JNoveiober lait. . ■'•^. esapcakc. Had Mr. hing more imediately ion of the Lhen ciam- . Andwar nost unan- f the high- s never re- about ft)ur i subsided, in Ihe fac- bis admin- reason rai- jstreperous ;ompels me and unpre- m responsi- ibjccl of irn- itber plea to Jter it was Led to it by to give the iCil, which, 1. X the rider. THE OLIVE BRANCH. 49 mroe and .31, 1806. William lord ^nor to inform lary aud pleni- 1 ready to pro- EgatioD) on the ty, to call the lextraordinary luropc, and to Is government wden of the ■*' •:i ♦ III IhoiiC orders, the French goyernment seeks to justify or palliate its own iiniust preteusionw, by imputing to Great Britain principles, which she never piofessid, and practices which never existed. His maj. fcty is accUFcd of a sys- 4«MJialicand Rt'iieial disregard of the law of nations, lecogniied by civilii:ed m.iUd and more particularly of an unwarrantable" extension of tlic right of blockade. Whereas his majeft>j imy covJidmUu appeal to the rvorld on hts uivform rfuved to iif.ulrul rinhls, and his gimrul and scrupulous adherence tj ihe lutv of mtions, without coiule-ccnding to contrast hii conduct in tliese particulari with that of liis enemy : and with regard to the only specitied cliarge, t« is mtoiiaus that he has never declared any ports to be m a stale of blorkude, nilhout alliittlnn to t/iut object a force siiJUcitnt to make Vie erUrance into Ifitm manifestly diiitiserous * * • «-f " ^ uch allegation?, unfounded as they are, the enemy attempts to justify his pretentions of confiscating ai lawful prize, all produce of English industiy or inanufacliwe, tiiouih it be the property of neutrals ; of excluding from his harbours every neutral vessel, whicli lias touched at any port of his majesty's dominions, tiiongli employed in an innocent commerce ; and of declaring Great Di-.t.-.o in be in a state of blockade, though his own naval ports and arsenals are actually ni«eUafl«'rf ! and he iu unable to station any naval force whatever, beforeany port of the united kingdom. '^ Such vprinciples are in themselves extravagant and repugnant to the law of nations ; and the pretensions founded on them, though professedly directed solely against Great Britain, tend to alter the practice of war among civilized nations, and utterly to mbvert ihe rights and independence of neutral powers. The underaig&ed cannot, therefore, l^lieve that tli» etH^iny will ever seriously attempt to enforce such a system. If he sliould, they are confident that the good sense ef the American government will perceive the fatal consequences of such pretensions to neutral commerce ; and that its spirit and regard to nation- al honour will prevent its acquiescence in such palpable violations of its rights aud injurious encroachments on its interests. " If. however, the enemy should carry these threats into execution ; and if neutral nations, contrary to all expectations, should acquiesce in such usurpa- tions ; his majesty might probably be compelled, however reluctantly, to re- taliate in his just defence, and to adopt, in regard to the commerce of neutral tiiktions with his enemies, the same measures which those nations shall have permitted to be enforced against their commerce with his subjects. The com- missioners of the United States will therefore feel, that at a moment when^is nmjfrjy and all neutral nations are threatened with such an extension qfUie belli- gerent pretensions qf his enemies, he cannot enter into the stipulations of the present treaty, without explanation from the United States of their intentionH, or a reservation on the part pf his majesty in the case ab»ve mentioned, if it should ever occur. " The undersigned, considering that the distance of the American govern- ment, renders any immediate explanation on this subject impossible, and anima- ted by a desire of forwarding the beneficial work in which they are engaged, are authorized by his msyesty to conclude the treaty without delay. They proceed to the signature under the full persuasion that before the treaty shall he returned from America with the ratification of the United States, the ene- my will either have formally abandoned or tacitly relinquished his unjust pre- tensions ; or that the government of the United States, by its conduct or as- surances, will have given security to his majesty that it will not submit to such innovations in the established system of maritime law ; and the undersigned have pressnted this note from an anxious wish that it should be clearly under- stood on both sides, that without such an abandonment on the part of the ese- my, or such conduct on the part of the United States. HIS MAJESTY WILL NOT CONSIDER HIMSELF FOUND, BY THE PRESENT SIGNA- TURE OF HIS COMMISSIONERS. TO RATIFY THIS TREATY, OR PRECLUDED FROM ADOI'TING SUCH MEASURES AS MAY SEEVI NECESSAHY FOR COUNTERACTING THE DESIGN3 OF HISF-NEMY, rrr 50 THE OLIVE BRANCH. I m It!*' ' ** The undersigned cannot conclude, witliout expressihg their satisfaction on the prospect of Hcconiplishing an object so important to the interests and friend- ly connection of botii nations, and their just sense of the conciliatory disposi- tion, manifested by tlie coiumiEsicnerB of the United i9tates, during the wliole course of the negociation. (Signed) VASSAL HOLLAND,- AUKLAWa To James Monroe, ^c. Ac. &c, ■* • • William Finknev, &c. &.c. &c. _^ However exceptionable the terms of this note maybe, I can- not persuade myself that it justifies the rejection of the trea- t}-^ without consulting t4ie senate. Men of powerful minds de- feud the procedure. Their arguments have never convinced me. To the read^rs's judgment I submit the subject. Separation of the. States. The next error of Mr. Jefiferson's administration, involves a very great neglect of duty. During nearly the whole of that period, the insurrectional and treasonable doctrine of a separation of the states, was publicly advocated in some of the gazettes to the eastward, and, wonderful and shameful to tell^ preached from the pulpit. These publications and sermons, having a dirtct tendency to the destruction of social order, and the introduction of civil war, demanded the severe ani- madversion of the law officers of the government. It was the incumbent duty of the President to have had the laws put in force, to repress the offences, and to punish the offenders. And if there were no law ta reach the (^ence, he ought to have submitted the case to congress, for the purpose of sup- plying the defect. A re-enactment and enforcement of the sedition law were imperiously required. And the good sense of the nation would have supported a measure which the pub- lic welfare rendered so necessary. It may be fairly averred that there is no country in the world but the United Slates^ In which an open attempt to subvert the government, and tear doAvn the pillars of society, would have escaped condign pun- ishment. Every society ought to possess within itself, and to exercise whenever occasion calls for it, the fundamental principle of self-preservation. It is impossible to censure too highly the error here ad- verted to. The jeopardy in which the nation was lately pla- ced,' when the nearest and dee est interests were in the most imminent danger, may be fairly ascribed to this most fatal and pernicious misconduct. In every science there are some great, leading truths which cannot be controverted. And in political economy there is no maxim jnore indubitable than THE OLIVE BJIANCH. bl lis faction on s and friend- Lory disposi- ig the w-liole LLAND, rbe,Ican- >f the trca- minds de- convinced ic-t. .. 1, involves le whole of ctrine of a Bomc of the lefiil to teli; id sermons, ocial order, severe ani- It was the laws put in J offenders, he ought to )ose of sup- mentof the ; good sense ich the pub- irly, averred ited States, >nt, and tear ondign pun- 1 itself, and 'undamental •or here ad- IS lately pla- in the most lost fatal and re are some •ted. And il itable than ..;< this, that [trtrcason never rvas, and never will be — andin truth hardly can be propitiated by forbearance. Since the world was formed never did a conspiracy meet with the same de- gree of impunity. " 0»r PRlinurus slept at the helm." The mutineers had full scope for their activity. They made their arrangements at leisure, as undisturbedly as if they were engaged in promoting the salvation of the state. To what- ever cause this neglect may be ascribed, whether to torpor, inactivity, or reliance on the good sense of the nation, it casts an indelible stain on the administration of Mr. Jefferson. The last of the errors of that administration which 1 shall notice, arises from its neglect of enforcing, The Embargo^ Which was a most efficient weapon for procuring redress from England. Its effects upon her colonies by privations of the necessaries of life — and upon her trade and naval power, by withholding supplies of raw materials and naval stores, were 'vcry considerable. And had it been duly enforced, as the duty of the chief magistrate required, it could hardly have Ctiled to impel the British to relinquish those pretensions, which so highly and perniciously infringed our rights. But it was openly and flagitiously violated : and of course its in- tended operation on England utterly counteracted. It be- came a mere brutumfulmen. Its effects on this country were highly pernicious. While it curtailed the trade and profits of the fair trader, it enabled smugglers, and those who set the laws of their country at defiance — whose god was gain, to make rapid and unhallowed fortunes. In a word, it sacrificed the interests of some of -the best, to those of the very worst members of the community. In proportion as a citizen held the laws sacred — in proportion as he honestly yielded them obedience — in the same proportion did he sacrifice his inter- ests. And by this political arithmetic, in proportion as he^ disregarded the law — in proportion as he sacrificed the pub- lic interest to his thirst of gain — in the same proportion did he aggrandize himself. The export trade, which was frau- dulently carried on to a considerable extent, was wholly in the hands of persons of the latter description. Their vessels, laden with abundant supplies for the British colonies, were very conveniently driven to sea by westerly winds, and forcr ed into the West Indies. v It has been said, in vindicatian of Mr. Jefferson, that h^^ had not sufficient power to enforce the ex^ecutioQ of the law. This is utterly incorrect. His powers were amply adequate 54 THE OLIVE BRANCH. k for this purpose. But even if this defence were valid, it ex- onerateB him not from the high degree of censure attached to this dereliction of duty. He ou^ht, in that case, to have sta- ted ;he defect to congress, who had the power of applying, and undoubtedly at his requisition would have applied a rem- edy. Besides the non-euforcement of the embargo act, there was a raartments of the government. I presume it cannot lie doubted, that if a charter of incorpo- ration be unconstitutional, every extension of the powers of the corporate body must be equally unconstitutional— perhaps I might go so far as to assert that every act recognizing the charter is in the sjime predicament. But U is not neoesswy for my pur|j08e to proceed thus far* "^ " ^ 94 THE OLIVE BRANCH. r^ It rtiererore irresistibly fullows tlmt every rnemlier of congreis w1k> voted for the act of March 1804, and afterwurds voted against a renewal of the charter, merely on the grounds cf unconstitutionality, vibh guilty of a manifest, if pot a criminal inconsistency.* • A circumstance connected with this transaction, rendered the impropriety of the rejection of the application of the banjv for a renewal of its charter, still more striking and palpable. The government till the year 1802 held 2200 shares of the stock, Tvhich they sold to Sir Trancis Itnring at 13 per cent, advance, whereby they made a clear profit of $300,600 beyond the par value. Those who purchaseil of Mr. }laring, and held the stock till the dissolution of the bank, lost all tlii^ sum, exclusive of a considerable difference between the dividenOs and legal interest on the purchase money. They could never have entertained any doubt of the continuance of the charter. They must have conceived it to be as permanent as that of the bank of England. Had they supposed otherwife, they would j)ot have bought at so great an advance. And it would not be «asy to satisfy the candid and impartial, that our government could with propriety or justice, make such profit out of their %ni>rance and their confidence in its integrity and fairne?!3< \t' ^*l CHAPTER V. Armistice f^cposedhy Admiral Warren, •Pre next of the errors of Mr. Madison's administration, that I notice, is the refusal of the armistice offered by admiral Warren, . on the 12th of September, 1812, nearly three jnonths after the declaration of war. Never, probably, was war inore just. Never had a country more patiently borne the most humiliating accumulation of outrage and injury than the United State? had done. Her char- acter hi^d in consequence fallen in the estimation of mankind. She was universally presumed to be so lost in the sordid pursuit of gain, hC to be Ci\llbus to outrage, to insult, and tojcontumely. She bad ap|>eaced to ha^ye forfeited all regard to national honor and dignity. Her mendicant ambassadors had been, for years, in vain suing for justice and forbearance at the poitals of St, ♦ For furthfr d^tailfi on this subject, the reader is referred to *' Seven letter* to Dr. Seybert en the renewal rf tlie charter of tlte Back of the United Statw," ^yM.Q. to oth fihi Cit the\ ofoongreis ircis voU> But whatever might be the justice, necessity, or policy of the "war, if was a great error, when the orders in council were repealed, and an armistice oflered by the British government, not to accept it. Negociations for the removal of the rest of our grievances might have taken place ; and would undoubtedly liave b^en conducted under more favorabble auspices, than those that preceded them ; for England having discovered that she had calculated too far on our passiveness, would have beea far more disposed to do us justice. Unftirtunately the proposition was rejected — a rejection preg- " " * ^ " .. -.. r-i — u^ m * Candor and.iust}c«. t6 IVfr. Madison require that T should state that heoffei*il o a.ree to «n armistice with Sir John 6orlase Warren, on cond t^on tha* ^e rrac ice of impres^mrnt should be suspended during the ..egociSn. FroS the^ letter of tfie Secretary of Stale to Sir Jdm on this subject. I annex an eJ^ «ti?JI'® "^'f '™ ''[,*'}f. Y'^'^^} Kovernment is to take from the merchant vessels of other countne^, Bnti.h subjects. In the practice the commanders of the British ships of war oHen take from the merchant vecsels of the United States American Citizen... r^IfihtUniUdSUiUsprohmihtemphymeni e/5wS'iS ?S Mnr^crrra, ami enforce the prohibition by suitable regulati^s aJpeSe th» «.. ue to the prachce ts takmm^y. Q^it is in this mode that the FrVsident il TT.l mg to accoramoda e^his imnorta,rn?o„troverFv with the British gove niSnt f -nd It cannot be conceived on wUt groynd the ^rinpoincnt can be rlfi £9 THE OLIVE BRANCH. When the preceding article was written, I hail not sufficIentljT examined the celebrated repeal, as it is styled, of the orders in council, which is very different intleed, from what I had con- ceived it. It is liable to strong olijections, which I believe have never been fully stated, and of which the public are not probably aware. To enable the reader to comprehend my lAeaning, anil to form his own opinion correctly on a point of such great magnitude, independent of any impression to be " A suspension of the practice of impressment, pending tho armistice, aeems to ')e a nrcPBsary consequence. It cannot be presumed, witilc the parties are eng;aged ill a ni^gociation to adjust amicably iliis important difference, tliat the United States would admit ^he right, or aci^uiesce in the practice, of the opposite party ; or that Great Rritam would be unwilling to restrain her cruisers from a practice which' wbiild have t!»e strongest tendency to defeat the negociation. It is pre- eiimahle, that both parties would enter into the negociation with a sincere desire to give it effect. For this purpose it is necessary that a clear and dis inct understanding be firi^t ohtnined between them, of the accommodation w^iicli each is prepared to make, rj^^ If the British government is willing to suspend the prncliceofimprcwnenl./>')>n American vessels, on connderatian that the United Stales 7vill exclude British seamen from their service, the regulationi by ivhich the eampromise should be carried into effect, would be solely the object of negndntion . The armistice would be of short duration. If the parties agreed, peace would be tile result. If the negociatiou failed, each would be restored to its former state, aud to all its pretenuons by recurring to war. *' The President desires that the war which exists between the two countries should be terniinated on such conditions as may secure a solid and durable peace. To accomplish this great object, it is necessary that the great subject of impress- ment, be satisfactorily arranged, fj^^ He is rdlling that Great Britain should bn secured againH the evils of which me complains. He seeks, on the other hand, that the citizens of the United States should be protected against a practice, which, rrj=»ivhile it degrades the nation, deprives them of their rights as freemen, takes t/um by farce from their families and country into a foreign service, to fight the battles (f a foreign power, perhaps against their omn kindred and country.'^ '^ These proposals were perfectly fair and honorable — and it is to be lamented that Sir J. 6. Warren's powers were not extensive enough to allow him to accept them : but as they were not thu«i extensive, it is equally .^o be lamented that the suspension of impressment was insisted on. As this is a most important feature in our public proceedings, it is proper t«> state further, that so sincerely desirous was Mr. Madison to close the breach, that on the 'Jtitli of June 1812, only eight days after the declaration of war, he authorised Mr. Ru-:sel to make the same proposition to the government of Great Britain. The communication was made to lord Castlereagh by Mr. Russel, in ♦t~ ft»ii-.™j A - ijonOon, August :£, incompatible with the personal rights of her citizens.'* This proposition was rejected. * Message of the President to Congress, Nov. 4, 1812. THE ^LlVfi BRANCH. ^7 ficiently orders ia had coa- l believe ; are not hend my point of ion to be :e, seems to ire engaged the United )site party ; n a practice It is pre- icere desire ind dis inct w^iclj each srispfTid tfie the United by rvhich the negodntion. Loe would be ormer state, fo countries rable peace. ; of impress- lin should be. other hand« ctice, which, iemen, takes to fight the country.'^'^ iraented that in to accept ted that tlie g proper to the breach, n of war, lie ;nt of Great r. Russel, in impressment law shall be imen, in the more efRca. impressment, incompatible made by my statement, I annex the paragraph of the instru- ' ^ meat to which 1 allude, and which I am confident never vvaa mt generally understood or attended to. •' His royal highness is hereby pleased to declare, in the name and on the behalf of IiIk majesty, that nothing in this present order contained ahall be understood t(j preclude his royal highnefs the prince regent, IP CIRCUMSTANCES {SHALL jjO REUUIRE," [mark thes^ words, reader — '' if circumstances shall so require,''^] '^from restoring, after reasonable notice, the ordei of the 1th qf January, 1807, and 2&th of April, \%QQ, or any part thereqf, to their full effect p OR, fi cm taking such other measures of retaliation against tlie enemy, ag may appear to his royal highness to be just and necessary." This is a most extraordinary clause. The prince regent has received an authenticated document, containing the repeal of the Berlin and Miiiin decrees, on which he deems himself bound to repeal the orders in council. But in the instrument ivhich hi! issues on the subject, he expressly reserves the right of restoring thoseorders, *^ if circumstances shall so require.^* On these " circumstances^^ he, of course, is to decide. These *' circumstances^^ are wholly independent of " retaliatiorC — as provision is made in the su!)sequent part of the paragraph ex- pressly for " retaliation^^ in a distinct clause. It therefore appears that the orders in council were, in strict technical Ian- "^ guage? never repealed. They were merely suspended till " cir- cumstances should require" their revival. No candid reader will deny that the above is fair reasoning. This, therefore, cannot be regarded as a "rfpca/," in the sense in which this nation had a right to expect the orders in council to be " repealed'''' according to the British pledge, to proceed pari passu with the repeal of the French decrees. The ordem in council might have been " restored*^ in one month, after the date of this instrument, according to its tenor, " ifcircutnstance^ should have so required^^ without our government having any just reason to complain of breach of faith on the part of that avtbeire are always oiber» to supply hid M r THE OLIVE BRANCH. id» * rcpeaU'' y on the )ur trade. rs, but it ot boldly ground ^e in his a repeal, ot accept >r redress in that objectioiy ith Great cct 0/ due reat with r. This e, of being Ive years^ le nationv. ite to the (vhen the might be ;was thea of his de- :i{d duties incoTrect ct in the the less the demo- jisapprov- y General nth Great moreover e any ma- supply hid place. But there are high and responsible duties attached to the office of secretary of the treasury, which can never, with- out very great impropriety, be devolved on a deputy. I pass over all but the transcendent one of remitting fines anA forfeit- ures, too high a power probably to be trusted to any individual whatever, not excepting even a secretary himself.* Negociation at Gotlmlurg, At a peritxl when it was of immense importance to the Uni- ted States to close the war as speedily as possible, the president had the alternative of Fjondon or Gottenburgh as the scene of negociation. We had been unfortunate by land, through trea- son, incapacity, or some other cause. It was our interest to accelerate — it was that of the BritisU to procrastinate the ne- gociations. The, chances from delay were much m their lavor. War is, moreover, a component part of their system. Ours is calculated for peace. These observations acquired treble force from a reflection on the disaffection of the Eastern portion of the union, and its aversion to the war. Of course, we ought to have shunned every thing that might cause delay. It was therefore most extraordinary and unHCcounta!»!e that the pro3jdent should have chosen Gottenburg in preference to London, under all the obvious delays res4ilting from the ne- cessity that would probably arise or be pretended, to consult the coijrt of St. James*, by the ministers of that court. It appears almost as absurd as it would be to choose the Havanna, or Port Royal, were the negociations to be conducted on this oide of the Atlantic. This was the more erroneous, from the tkinsideration that the fate of large portions of our territory, and the lives of inmdreds of valuable citizens, might depend upon flie delay of a single day. Shortly after the annunciation of the choice of Gottenburg, ftiere was a paragraph published here, extractetl from a London new3-paj>er, stating that tvventy mails were then actually due trom that place at London, owing to the continued prevalence of adverse winds. This was an unanswerable proof, if any vrere necessary, of the impropriety of the choice of Gottenburg Recent neglect of due Preparations, Under this head, the president and the heads of departments* were still more culpable than under any of the former ones. * See tl-.e luminous essays on this subject by W. B. Giles, esq. which are repletCs ^Itb the most coavificiDg and uaaiuwsrablc argwDcats; m «0 THE OLIVE BRANCH/ i! if From the perio*! of the dowufal of Bonaparte, and the com-, plete triumph of Great Britain and iier allies, it vvaa obvious to the meanest capacity that her powers of annoyance UmI in- creased prodigiously. The immense forces raised to aid the coalition against France were liberated from all employment but against ua. And of the disposition of England to continue the war, we had the most convincing indications. The British newsjiapers were replete with denunciations of vengeance against us, and with statements of immense [treparalions for our chastisement. And to crown the whole — to remove alt possible doubt on the subject — to deprive us and our rulers of all plea in Justification of our torpor, and apathy and neglect, an address was published from the lords of the admiralty to the navy, stating, as a reason for not discharging so many seamen as (lie return of peace in Europe might have warranted, that the war existing with this country for the maritime rights of Ihe British Empire, rendered such a measure improper. liondm, JprilSOth, 1814. *'Tlie lords comnilssloners of the atliHiralty cannot announce to tlie fleet the tenninatloti of liostiliiies* wilhout expifs^inp; to the petty officers, seamen and royal iriariues of his majesty's ship!? the hie;h spns** which their lordships entertain of their Kallant and 2;iorious services durins the la*" wrar The patience, perseverance and discipline ; the skill, courage, aiidd*'Voti« n, with wiiicn the seamen ai>d ma- rines have upheld tlie hest interests, and achieved tiie noblest triumphs of oiir country, entitle them to the gratifude. not only of their native land, which they have preserved inviolate, but of th? other nations of Europe, of whose ultimate delivenmce their success maintained the nope ruid accelerated the accompiislnnent. Their lordships regret the unjust and unprovoked figgre''svm of the AMERICAN' GOVERNMENT, in declaring war mjon this country, after all the causes of its tmgin'd complnnt had been remijved^ does not permit them to reduce the fleet at once to a peace establishmen*. But as tiie question now at issue in this war, is^ the maintenance of those m>iritime rights, ivhich are the sicre foundation "f our naval glvryy their lordships look with confidence to that part of the fleet which It may be still necessary to keep in commission, for a contiimance of that spirit of discipline and gallantry, which lias raised tho British navy to its present pre- eminence. In reducing the fleet to t!ie establishment necessary for the American rmr, the seamen and marines will find their lordships attentive to the claims of their respective services. The reduction will be first made in the crews of those ships which it may be found i^xpedient to pay ofl*j and from them the petty officers and seamen will be successrvely discharged, according to the leugtli of their services ; beginning in the first instance with all those who were in his majesty's service previous to the 7th of March 1803, and have since (continued in it. When the reduction shall have been thus made, as to tiie ships p«id off", their lordships will direct their attention to those which it may be found necessary to keep m commission ; and as soon as the circumstances of the war will admit, will bring home and discharge all persons having the same standing and periods of service, as those discharged from the ships paid off, so that in a few months the situation of iodiv'duals will be e(iualized ; all men of a certain period of service will be at libert}' to return home to their families; and the number which it may be still necessary to retain, will be composed of those who hnve been the shorten time in tlje service. An arrangement in iiself so just, cannot, in their lordships^ opinion, fail to give universal satisfaction ; and they ar« induced to make this communica- ti(|p to the fleet, because they thittk that ttie eseii)plar7 good cood^et of all tte 1 the com-. 3 obviouii e had in* to aid the. ijiloymetit ) continue he British engeance at ions foi* imove all ilers of all eglect, an ilty to the \y seamen nted, that J rights of r. }th, 1814. tlie fleet the len and royal entertain of perseverance uen and ma- mptis of oiir which they ose ultimate )mplialimei)t. MERICAN causes of its the fleet at this war, ?s, ition of our fleet whicli it hat spirit of present pre- he American the claims of ews of those petty officers ijilii of their liri majesty's in it. When ;ir lordships • to Veep m t, will bring of service, as ! situation of ' will be at may be still >rte^ time in ips^ opinion, communica- ct Of all tlWi THE OLIVE BRANCH. 61 x*^ JjHtty oft'icers, scaiurn, and marines, entitles tliem to every conflder.cc, and to this nil iifid candid explanation of tht ir lordships' intentions. Tlitir lordships cannot conclude witliout expiessing tlieir iiope, that the valor of liis majesty's fleets and ainiies will speedily bring tlie American contest to a conciusion, honorable to the fit iti!
  • d States. *rom Mr. tin would essed by extrava- ' our citi- desire for *Thc craih of the conflagration at Washington, awaked us putofour.BlumberB, and dispelled the delusion. — We were tJien aroMsed to a full sense of our dangerous situation, and of the folly and supineness that had caused it. We went manfully to work — and in a lew weeks made such pre|)arations as renewed public confidence, and promised fair to enable us to repel the enemy, should he make his appearance. that Ad- ; an ap- m the A- [1 to lead ated most py man of approach- id, deserv- indictiver 3 measure Washing- was there e inform- ivas their It of their iceedings, il calcula- rt, utterly cation on ntelligen- e, or of a ons could <»>«1 innrh -% % ^ f : CHAPTER VII. ' ' General Wilkinson and General Hampton. Prccccdina^.'i of Conr grcss. Lamentable torpor^ delat/, and indecision. Neglect of public opinion. In military affairs, when combined operations are. underta* ken, it is indisjiensibly necessary, in order to insure siucpss, that a good understanding should prevail between the com-i manders who are to co-operate, A want of due attention to this obvious dictate of prudence and common sense, has caused the failure, among various nations, of expeditions of the utmost importance. It is one of those plain rules, which can hardly escape the discernment of a man of even mediocre capacity. Nevertheless, the northern campaign of 1813, was intrusted to Gen. Wilkinson, and Gen. Hampton, between whom existed a high degree of hostility, which was sufficiently well known, to have pointed out the absurdity of the procedure. The issue of the campaign was disastrous. And it is not improbable that a large portion, perhaps the whole of the disaster, arose from the neglect of a rule so very rational, that it is astonishing how t could have been overlooked. Proceedings of Congress. Among the grievous sins of the ruling party, I know of none much more culpable than the shocking and miserable mode in which the proceedings of Congress are managed. — Whatever may be the urgency of public business, how ruinous soever may be delay, it appears utterly impossible to inspire that body ■with a due degree of energy or promptitude. Week after week, and month after month, pass over — and the public anxiously, but in vain, expect remedies to be applied to the disorders of the state. To a most culpable spirit of procrastination, i»nd the itch of speaking, this wretched waste of time and neglect of the public embarraennents may be fairly traced* 94 THE OLIVE BRANCH. i 'fi*;'* if ■ Two or three powerful orators on eacli side take a compve* hensive view of a subject. They exhaust it coratjietely — They are followed by a crowd of speakers, who are uiiahle to throw any new or important light on it — and whose speeches stand in the same relation to those of the early orators, that a hash warmed over a second or third time does to the original noble sirloin, of whose fragments it is formed. And thus is the money of the nation expended, and its hopes frustrated, merely that Mr. A, and Mr. B, and Mr. C, and Mr. D, may have an opportunity of making lo',j; speeches to prove to their constituents how wisely they have selected representatives ! I have not before me the debates of the British parliament — and therefore cannot with full confidence state what is actually their mode of proceeding. But it is strongly impressed on my mind, that they generally decide on questions at one sitting. This at least I cin aver with the utmost certainty, that many of the most momentous questions, involving the interests of 80,000,000 of people,* have been thus decided, after a debate from three o'clock in. the afternoon, till three our four in the morning. And in the debates on these subjects, some of the greatest men in Europe have displayed their talents on both sides — Erskine, and Pox, and Grey — Pitt, and Burke, and Wyndham. Whereas one of our specchip.rs will sometimes occupy eight, ten, or twelve hours, sometimes two days, with a single speech. A large portion of the people of this country have taken opposite sides respecting England, its manners, and its customs. One party admires and copies — the other censures and desf>i- ses almost every thing British. — They are both in equal error. England presents much to admire and imitate — much to censure and avoid. It is highly desirable we should imitate her in the management of her parliamentary preccedings. As repects the business of Congress, a remedy ought to be applied immediately. The debates ouashttobe limited within reasonable ')ounds. When they have been extended far enough, thej'' ought to be terminated by flie previous question, notwith- standing the clamor and outcry of the minority. And whenev- er the emergency of the case requires promptitude, the sitting ought to be continued till the subject is decided, unless its comi^lication and ditficulty may render an adjournment neces- sary. What a lamentable prospect the country exhibited at the moment I wrote these lines ! It was the sixth of Decemlier. * I ncTuding it!< East India po»se8aioo3»; the abore is Uie number of the subject qftUe British Empire. .. J., . • . f - - ■ • . - »-■■--,,■.» ■■•t THE OLIVE BRANCH. ^ I conipve* ►letely — iiKible to spfiechea rs, tliat H 3 original id tllU3 IB friiet rated, . D, mny e to their atives ! liament — is actually jed o;i my ne sitting, that many interests of jr a debate four in the ome of the its on Wotli ?urke, and sometimes lys, with a lave taken s customs. and desf)i- qual error, to censure her in the ught to be ited within far enough, notwith- id whenev- the sitting unless its lent neces- ited at the December. ofthesubjcctl %< [1, Congress had been in session nearly three months. — They found the credit of the government laid prostrate — the sea-board exposed to depredation — the pay of the array in arrears — and every thing in a situation that was calculated to excite energy nnd decision among a nation of Sybarites. And what was the result ? There had probably been one or two hundred flowery •speeches made — amendments and postponements innumerable , and only two important acts passed — one for borrowing three millions of dollars — and the other for buying or building twenty schooners. To those who were actuiited by a sincere regard for the wel- fare and safety of their country, these proceedings were a source of the most poignant uneasiness. They were utterly unac- countable, and irreconcilable with the plainest dictates of rea- son and common sense. Laying aside all considerations of pultlic spirit or patriotism, a due regard to personal interest and {lersonal safety, ought to have prescribed a totally dififerent line of conduct. The majority endeavoured to shelter themselveh by censuring the minority who made those long speeches for the purpose of embarrassing them and protracting their debates and proceed- ino;s. This plea would not stand examination. Were it valid, a minority of six or eight persons, possessed of the faculty of making " long talks^"* might at all times baffle a majority, and paralize the motions of the government. Suppose each member- of the minority to m'ake a speech of a day or two on every sub- ject that arose for discussion — allow a reasonable time for repli- cation to the majority — and the whole year would be inadequate for that portion of business which the British parliament would with ease despatch in a month. Besides the delay arising from the disfdays of oratory which I have stated, there is another source of delay, equally injuri- ous. Private and triffing business obtrudes itself on the atten- tion of congress, and occupies a large portion of th« time which is loudly called for by the important affairs of the n^ition. The former ought to be postponed till the other is :dl despatched. Here I must notice one particular case, of the most extraor* dinary kind that ever occupied the attention of a public body. Never was there a greater mockery of a deliberative «8S*»mbly, A stud horse, called Romulous, belonj^in^^ to a ^Jv. David D^rdin, was impressed by a continenta! officer, in the year 17BI. Having been valued at 7)0 pounds specie. General Green returned him, on account of the extravagant price. He was aAe^wards taken by another officer, and never returned. His widow, Mrs. Amy Dardin, has been a very as»iduuu8 dJ^ G '1 % Oft THE OLIVE BRANCH. plicont to conf^rres Tor remunerntion from that period; ami llie subject has nt various sessions, occupied a large portion of the time of that body. The wages of congress, during the lime of the debates, would, I am persuaded, purchase horses for the best ap|>ointed regiment of dragoons in Christendom. A wor- thy member from Virginia used to ride Romuhis into congress in great stale, every year during his life. He is now no more. Who has been apj.'oiiiitd " master of the horse" in his place, 1 cannot decide. But that he has a successor, is beyond a doubt ; for Dardin's horse wns curvetting and prancing as usual, even during the late very important session. A gentleman to whom I mentioned this circumstance, in- forms me that in the years 1802 and 1803, there were twopHm- phlt'ts published on this subject at the expense of the nalion,/or ilic use of the members, the ccst of which would perliaps have paid for the horse. To render this procfulure more culpable, as well as more farcical, the Senate of the United Stales were on the 'th or 8th or 9th of February, 1815, when every moment of their time was inexpressibly invaluable, gravely debating a bill for the re- muneration of Mrs. Danlin ! And they were then within a month of the close Cff their session — and had made no provision for the defence of our cities, liable to hourly destruction, nor for (lie restoration of public credit ! The mind is lost in the most profound astonishment at the contemplation of such a futile, such a puerile mode of managing public business. I am mist^en if the annals of legislation can produce any par- allel. One of two things. The claim is .just or unjust. If the for- mer, it is disgraceful and dishonorable not to have discharged it. If otherwise, it is really insufierable to have the public tax- ed by such importunity. ■>,■-' ■- ' '■■■•' ■'■■•' \ ' Neglect of Public Opinion, Of all the errors of the two administrations of Mr. JefTersoa and Mr. Madison, the least criminal, but probably the most pernicious in its results, is, the indiflference they have display- ed, towards the unfounded allegations whereby they were borne dpwn, and their reputation and usefulness destroyed. This may have arisen from an absurd reliance on the good sense of the public — or on the rectitude of their own intentions— perhaps from their indolence or inattention. It was probably founded, if it arose from eilher of the two first motives, upon a trite, but Callacious maxim, whijch antiquity hath bequeathed ut-— Trutlt THE OLIVE BRANCH. or i i«i fi;rea( niiil will prevail. Million^) oftimcB has this cni)tiv(^ tiiij; maxim been pronounced ; ami it is almost nniversally ad- mitteif 08 incontrovertible. Yet the history of the world in almost every page bears testimony to lU fallacy. Truth, un- aided by iiidnstry, and activity, and cnerjjy, combats at very inieqnal odds against falsehood, supporied by these auxiliaries. That truth, "other things beina; equal," is an overmatch for falsehood, 1 freely grant. But the friends of the forner, if they ivly Avholly on its intrinsic merits, and do not exercise a due ilei^ree of vigilance, will be miserably deceived in their calcula- tions. A supposed case in point. A matron is charged with having been seen entering a brothel in the face of day, with a notorious seducer. The story spreads. It is universally believed. Her character is destroyed. She is shunned as contaminatory. Six months afterwards, she produces a host of unexceptionable witnesses to prove an alibi. They establish incontrovertibly, that at the time stated, and for months before ami after, she \\t\a in China or Japan. It is in vain. Her character is gone. The waters of the Atlantic would not purify her. She pays for her neglect and her folly, the mighty forfeit of a destroyed rep- utation. Thus has it been with the administrations of Mr. JefTerson and Mr. Madison. They have been charged with criminal conduct, freq\^ntly of the most flagrant kind. The charsres have been passed over in silence for a consitlerable time. Not being denied, they were presumjd to be admitted. And in fiict, how can the public determine, whether silence under accusation arises from conscious guilt, a reliance upon con- scious rectitude, or an absurd and criminal neglect of public oj)inion ? I say, " a criminal neglect of public opinion.''^ This declara- tion is not lightly hazarded. The character of a public oflicer is in some sort public property. A private person may allowr his to be destroyed, perhaps without inflicting misfortune on any person but himself. But the destruction of that of a public oflBcer is really a public irvjury — as it materially impairs, if it does not destroy, his usefulness. There is in the history of General Washington, a circum- stance which appears a departure from the sound, masculine good sense that almost universally presided over his conduct. During the revolutionary war, some of the British emissaries published a collection of letters ascribed to him, which were partly genuine, but interpolated with forgeries, and partly let- ters ^together forged. They were calculated to inspire strong fl ■ w I m THE OLIVE BRANCH. •k)ubt8 of his attachment to^ and confidence in the revolution. They were edited bj a masterly pen. The attaclc was unavailing. The attachment to, and cunfi- denre in, the general, were unimpaired. The pam;)hlet sunk into oblivion. In the year 1795, during the discussion excited by Jay's treaty, it was reprinted as a ^enunie cnliection, and h>id an extensive circulation. General Wasbiii(;tun did not at the time notice it. He allowed it to take its course, apparently indifferent as to the consequences. But at the close of liis public functions, he recorded in the office of the secretary of ;*tate a formal declaration of the forgery. I feul convincctl the procedure was iujudicions. If the ^lamphjet were entitled to any animadversion, the proper period was when it was repub- lished, and of course when it would jiroduce all the etrect liiat o«ui!d result from it on his public cbaracler. The instances of neglects of this kind on the part of Mr. Jefierson and Mr. Madison, are numberless. I shall only instance two. A cliarge was alledged against the former, of having sent two millions of dollars to France for some secret and sinister purpose, which I cannot now recollect. It had teen in univer-s sal circulation throughout (he union, without any formal or satisfactory contradiction, for montiis. At lencitb, after it had done all the mischief it was calculated to produce, an authentic documental disproof crept out, {IZT exactly/ like the lad ij^ 6 alibi, and CtT^ rvilh the same effect. One other instance, and I have done with ihis^part of my subject. The olTer of the Russian mediation was made by r»I. Daschkoffin March, 1813. Mr. Pickering in Boston, shortly afterwards published a series of letters on the suiyect, which were republished in almost every town and city of the United States. He openly and unqualidedly asserted that the who!*:; transaction was a fraud and im{)ostnre — solely calculated to delude the citizens into subscriptions for the pending loan.-— He denied the offer of mediation altogether : and boldly referred to M. Daschkofif, and to Dr. Logan, to prove his statements correct. If ever an accusation demanded attention and dis- proval, this was of that description. It was advanced under Jbis own signature, by a man who had held high ofiicial stations, and who possessed very considerable standing with the opposers of the p;o*'ernment. But tlw same fatal and unpardonai)le neg- Ifct prevailed as in so many other instances. The allepitioii was allowed tc» produce its full effect without any other at- tempt at counteraction, than a few anonymous paragraphs of denial. ^5 ■ t. »•.*** m THE OLIVE BRANCH. To rentier this error more palpable, a motion was made itk the senate of the United States, on the 2d of June, 1813, for a disclosure of the corre8|)oninettt. Port Washington. Trial of Captain Dysor Extraardiiu-jScn-' tincc. Loans, Injury to Public C'cdii Reirospeclion, The Capture of Washington. On the 24th of August, the capital of the United States was taken by the enemy. Their force war by no means of such magnitude as would have prevented the disaster from being accomp « lied by disgrace. Had it been overwhelming, the Ios8> might have excited regret, but we should have been spared mortification and disgrace. But as it stands a subject for historical record, the loss, although very great, is undeserving of consideration. Placed bet :<> the dishonor, it sinks into* insignificance like a molehill beLide a mountain. The force of the enemy is variously stated. The highest estimate is 6,000; Dr. Gatlett, who had a favorable ofiportunity of ascertaining with preriiL loin states it at 3j540. Every person with whom I have conversed, that saw theni, has been of opin* Ion that they were so jaded with their march, and so dispirited^ that, had suitabiie preparations been made, they might have been easily diefeated, and probably captured; They landed at Benedict, on the 1 8th of A ugust, and proceed- ed in a tolerably regular course toward? Washington, which wa» tke only object worthy of their attention* They were six days Q Z 4' i TO M^ THE OLIVE BRANCH. on their march. And there was hardly any attempt at eflfiiient preparation made for their reception, till tliree or lour (hiys before their arrival at that cily- The secretary at war ridicided the idea of their attacking Washington, till within three days of the battle of Bladenshurg. One obvious plan of tlefence» which wouid have struck thcj mind of a mere tyro in military aifairs, was to have garrisoned the capitol and the president's house, with as powerful a force as could conveniently operate there. The strength of these two buildings would have enabled the garrisons to hold out a long time, until troops could have been collected to encounter tbe enemy. It is not for me to decide on whom the censure ought to fall — on the president — the secretary at war — on the district general. Winder — or on the whole together. But let that point be de- termined as it may, it cannot be denied, tliat nothing but the most culpable neglect could have led to the results that took place — results which could not fail to prove injurious to the national character in Europe, and which, had not the news of the exploits of the brave and illustrious Macdonough and Ma- comb, arrived there at the same time as the account of this disgraceful disaster, would have materially and perniciously affected the ncgociation at Ghent. W^hen the preceding strictures were written, I had not seen the Report of the Committee appointed to investigate the sub- ject, which I have recently examined with attention. It is clearly established by the documents annexed to this report, that the disaster arose from a series of the most extraordinary and unaccountable mismanagement I shall enumerate a few of the instances in brief. Let nae previously observe, that the president stands excul- pated from cejisure in the affair ; for a cabinet council was held at Washington, on the 1st of July, wherein it was resolved to •stablish a new military district, to comprise the cities ol^ Washington, Baltimore, and the adjacent country. The command of it was given to general Winder, who had explicit directions to make preparations to repel the enemy, should he make any attempt on the seat of government, which the council judged highly probal>le. Amona: the errors committed, the following are the mogt prominent : 1. There was no attempt made to fortify those parts of the country calculated for defence, although General Van Ness, en behalf of the citizens of the district of Columbia, made repeated and earnest applieatioos to the becretar^ at vfac ou ""s??-' THE OLIVE BRANCH. 1 tlie subject, and although he as repeatedly promised to pay attention to their requests. 2. There was not the slightest effort to arrest the progresa of the enemy, from the time of his debarl^ation till the day of the battle of Bladensburg, although the country through which he passed was admirably calculated for the purpose. 3. There was no camp formed eijuidistantly between Balti- more and Washington, so as to be able to cover and protect either or both places. 4. The troops from Baltimore were not ordered out in due season. Had the orders been, as mosi indubitably they ought to have been, issued at least on the debarkation of the enemy, these troops would have arrived in proper time — been tit for duty"-— and probably rescued the country from the dis2;race. 5. The orders for the Baltimore troops to march, were re- ceived in Baltimore on Saturday the 20th of August. They k)ok up the line of march the ne\t day, Sunday the 31st. — On that evening they received an order from general Winder^ hy express^ to halt until further orders t Next day, thejS' had renewed orders to march with fall speed to Bladensburg.— Those to General Stansbury were received at 10 A.M. and those to Colonel Sterrett at 2 P. M. The former reached Bladensburg on the 22d at night— the latter on the 23d at night. The fatal delay arising from the orders to halt, was among the principal Causes of the disaster. Colonel Sterrett's corps arrived on the ground, jaded, and fatigued, and harrassed. They had but little rest the night previous to the battle, owing to some false alarms, and were in every respect unfit for being led into the engage- juient. 6. Colonel Young's brigade, by order of General Winder, was stationed at a distance from the field of battle, where it remained inactive during the whole time of the engagement^ although within hearing of the report of the cannon. 7. An efficient corps of 600 infantry, and 100 cavalry, under Colonel Minor, arrived at Washington on the evening preced- ing the battle. The Colonel applied to General Armstrong fop arms, and was directed to [CT' report himself the next morning ! ! ! to Colpnel Carberry, who had the care of the arsenal. This gentlerpan spent the night at his country seat, and was not to be found in the morning, although invaluable hours were spent in the search for him. At length an order for arms was procured from General Winder. Even then delay occurred, from the sciupulosity of Colonel Carberry^s deputy in counting the flints, and further delay in giving receipt for them. The consequence was, that thia corpS} which would|^ almost to a certainty, have ra THE OLIVE BRANCH. decided' the fate of the day in favor of iheir country, begaa their rnarch so late, that they had no share whatever in tiie action^ and met the retreating army afier its defeat ! ! ! 8. Had a stand been made in Washiog'on, and the whole force, even discomfited as it was, been collected together, there is no doubt but the loss might have been retrieved. But there was not the slightest effort of the kind made. The retreat was conducted in a disorderly manner, and as much like a flight as could be. Throughout this work, in all important cases, I do not merely refer t,'> my authoiitiei, as is usually done. The reader must observe that I quote, as well as refer to them. I am desirous of silencing incredulity herself. In pursuance of this plan,.^I submit a few short extracts from the documents published by Congress, on which the preceding views are founded. Extracts from the letter of Gen Van Ness to the committee of Congress, appninted" to enquire into the causes of the crpture qf Washington, dated Nov. 23, 1814. " About the opening of the presscnt campaign, I pressed again upon the secretary the subject generally of our dtferice ; suggesting, in addition to the occlusion of the river., the convenience and importame of a central camp, intermediate between Bal- timore, Annapolis, Washington, Alexandria, Georgetown, and the neighbouring- towns and country. And in frequent iutervic\rs, (in number, to be sure, very much increased by the importunate applications and solicitations \o me, of both the civ- il and military branches of the community, whose confidence in the secretary ap- peared at an early period, at best wavering, if not declining,) sometimes official, ut other times not so, which I had with him, as the campaign progressed, 1 did not fciil to repeat the suggestion. I still received assurances, generally verbal, fa- %-ourable^ accompanied by an otherwise apparent iudifTereDce, and confidence io. cqr security.*"' * * * * •* Thus had the campaign progressed, without any visible steps towards works of defence, either permanent or temporary, either on the land or the water side, (/ never having heard qf a spade or an axe being struck in any such operation,) or towards forming a rendezvous or camp of regular troops in the neighbourhood, to the great anxiety, itiquietude, and alarm, qf the district and surrounding country ; the secretary generally treating with iiidiffermce at least, \f not with levity, tht idea qfan attack by the enemy, j,** # # * # " In August last, when the increased and' reinforced fleet, with the troops, as- cended the Chesapeake, and were known, from authentic information, to have entered the Patuxent, 1 called on secretary Armstrong again ; and expressed, as u'fual, my apprehensions, arising from want of means and preparations ; adding, that from the known naval and reputed land force of the enemy, he probably meant to strike a serious blow. His reply was, " Oh yes ! by G—d, they mould iwt come nnth sufh afieet without meaning to strike somewhere : but they certainly jfrill nut come ''ere. What the d^—l mill they do here ?♦♦ ^c. After remarking that I differed very much from him, as to the probable interest they felt in destroying or capturing our seat of government, and that I believed a visit to this place would> for several reasons, be a favourite object with them, he obsei-ved. " No, no t Baltimore is the place, sir; that is of so much more consequence. )" * * * * ** I continued to see general Winder occasionally as before, and to be astonished at the apparent sluggishness or procrastination in the preparation for the recep- tkiD of the enemy, who was on his advance. I recollect well, tliat even after he t,'- f Report, page 287. f Idem, page 288, t Hem, page 202. V f : -«••(? THE OLIVE BRANCH. iu Iheli tion^ If hole Ihere there t was ;hta8 lerely must ous of Ian,,, I ed by 1814. ecretary OH of tbe leen Bal' ibmring^ ;ry much I the civ- stary ap- s official, I did not rbal, fa- dence in. is works iter side, IfttonO or rhooa, to tounlry ; \vityt tk9 3p9, a»- to have essed, as adding, probably ey would ftrlainly [ing that [stroying uis place "No. * * * koniihed recep- lafter be had, according to authentic and undotibted infcrmation, ascended to the head of (he ship navigation of the I'atuxcnt, and had, for a^out Iweiity-four hour?, been debarlijng on the hither bank of that river, and marching his troops to their en- campment on the l)eight3 of Benedict, (about 40 inile* from tl.is on the UFiial route,) general W, in answer to an inquiry of mine, whether he had ordered ou any trooi'S from Baltimore, and whether he thouglit they would be here in time, wid, THAT THEY WERE ORDERED ON; AND THAT AJ-L Hi$ FEAR WAS, ; I\T THEY WOULD BE HERE TOO SOON. Expres- sing to him n.} aslouisliiiipnt at the appteiiension, he said, lie thoujiht it very probable ti)ut tlie enemy would suddenly turn about, and make a blow at BaUi- iiiore.f" ^ ,rfj • Exlracl from General Siansbwyh lUport. ^ " The men under my command were worn down and nearly exhausted from }ong and forced marches, want of food, and watching. Tfiey had bten, nith I cry liltle inlcrjnission, under arms, avtd inarching, from the time n/ their depar- turf from Baltimore^ wiih hut little slttp, bud provisions, and but little opportunity to rook. They certainly were not in ^ situation to go into battle ; but my orders were positive ; and I was determined to obey them. '' Before, and during the action, / did not see uny of the force I rvm Ird to expert ivQuld support me. 1 understood since, they were on their way to my assistauce, and 1 presume exertions were made lo bring them up|." Extract from Colonel Minor'*s Report, " I took up my I'ne of march, and arrived at the capitol between sunset and dark, [Aug. 2'U\.] and immediately made my way to the president, and reported ray arrival ; when he referred me to general Armstrong, to whom I repaired, and informed him as to the strength of the troops, as w«II as to the want of arms, am- munition, &c. which made it as late as early candle-light ; when I was informed by that eentlen.an, the arms, &c. could not he had that night, and directed to re- port myself next morning to colonel Carberry, mho would furnish me nith arms^ lie wliich gentleman, from early next morning, I diligently songht for, until a late hour of the forenoon, without being able to find him, and then went in search of general Winder, whom I found near the Eastern Branch ; when he gave an or- der to the armourer for the munitions wanting, with orders to return to the ca^i- io\^ tkere to ivait further orders\\.^^ Extract from the Eeport of Doctor Catlelt. " Respecting the condition of the enemy's troops, I was informed by several Ok' Uio Britisli officers, that just previous to their reaching Bladensburg, (with exces- Mve latgue or entire exljaustion) they mere dropping off in considerable nunUters ; that in the action, it mas only by the most extraordinary exertionx that the main body could be goaded on. Although I observed some of their flankers at times advance on the run a small distance, these were said to be only the most active of their light companies of, and attached to, their 85th regiment, commanded by lieute- nant-colonel Thornton, acting as brigadier ; they nppeared to me to halt, as if ex- hausted with fatigue, at or near the place where the firing ceased on our part, about a mile and a half on this side of Bladeu&burg, about two o'clock, P. M."11 Extract from the Heport of the Committee of Congress on the capture of Wa^hivtgtun. " Our forces at this time at the Old Fields, are variously estimated, with no material difTerence, at about 3,000 men, in the following corps ; about 400 horse, under the command of the following oUcers: iieut. col. Jjavall, col. Tilman, raptains Caldwell, Thornton, Herbert, Williams. &c. 400 regular troops, under the command of Iieut. col. Scott, viz. 36th, 33tb, and capt. Morgan's company t Eeport, page 296. t Wem, page 185. |1 Idem, page 231. H idem, page 3U. I] t\ 4 74 THE OLIVE BRANCH. of the l2tii inrantry ; 600 marines and flotilla-mcn tinder com Barney ar^ capf. Miller, witli five pieces of heavy artillery — two 18 pounders and three twelve yoimders : 1,800 militia and volitnfeers, gen. Smithes brigade of Georgetown and city militi.'i, and Maryland orilitia under col. Kramer, of which there were two companies of artillery under cnpt. Burch and m^jor Peter, with six 6 pounders each, making an aggregate of 3,200, with 17 pieces of artillery The enemy ned through Bladensburg; and parties continued until morning, and stragglers until after mid -day. The retreat of Ok enemy to his shipping rvas precipitate and apparently under an alarm : and it is biippoeed that it was known to him that our forces had marched to Montgomery ^ourt-house,"} * * # * "On the 12th of July, gen. Winder was authorized, in case of menaced oT' actual invasion, to call into service the whole quota of Maryland. On the I7tl« gen. Winder was authorised to call into actual service not less than 2 nor more than 3,000 of the drafts assigned to his command, to form a permanent force to he stationed in some central position between Baltimore and the city of Washington. On the same day, 17th or July, gen. Winder was authorized to call on the state of Pennsylvania for 5.000 men ; on Virginia, 2.000 ; on the militia of the district of Columbia, in a dinposable state, 2,000 ; together with the 6,000 from Maryland, making an aggregate force of 15,000 drafted militia, 3,000 of \f\nch authorised to be called into actual service ; the residue in case of actual or menaced invasion, besides the regular troops estimated at 1,000, making 1H,000, independent of ma- rines and Hotii la-men.. This was the measure of defence contemplated for the military district No 10, and tiie measures takeo by the war department up to th« 17th of July in execution of it.l" •July * Report, page 21. P Idem, page 34. \ f Idem, page 2?. 5 Idem, page 3t}. \ Idem, page 2(J. If Idem, page 38 Onel ure lilt J escapeJ to provl due re J GenI neighbl distanc^ veteraiL that qui piness, to the THE OLIVE BRANCH. Destruction of Fort Washington, 15 One extraordinary circurastance attended this disastrojis nffair, ivljich 1 cannot refrain from statinjy to the public. Fort Wash- ington was commanded by captain Dyson, when tbe Hrilish took the city of Washini^ton. He had feceived oulors from general Winder, incase ihe enemy crime in o his rear, to blow uj) the fort, and retreat with his garrison. The enemy came. His orders were clear and explicit. He olieyed ihem — as it appeals he was in duty bound. For this act, he was brought to trial — and sentenced to be dismissed the service. I am no military man, I know little of military afTairs. I fim therefore liabie to error when I pronounce opinions on them. But with due deference to this court martial, whereof " brigidier general Smith, of the militia of the district of Colum'ia, was president," I cannot but believe captain Dyson's case to be peculiarly severe : and, judging on plain principles of reason and common sense, I think the sentence most exira^ale and pernicious dread of forfeiting popularity, and losino; the reins of govern- ment — a dread often the parent of the most destructive meas- ures. The consequence of this highly reprebensible error was, that the Ipans were m^^de to very considerable loss, and that the public credit of the nation was most lamentaldy impaired. * It may he proper to state, that the true distinction of the Canaille, is not dress, or station. It is luind. There are men worth ten thousand a-year, who areoCthefanatVfe. x^m THE OLIVE BRANCH. 71 TiiAVE now gone through a review of the principal errors nnd follies, the neglects and the mismanagenientB of the demo- cratic party. I have detailed and canvassed them with the boldness and independence of a freeman. I have followed the feound advice of Othello : *^ Nought extenuate — nor aught set down in ma1i6e.** On many of these points I am greatly at variance with men of powerful talents belonging to that party. Some of my facts and opinions have been controverted by a critic of considerable acumen, in one of the daily papers. I have reexamined the various subjects embraced in this volume; and, where I have tound cause to change my opinion, I have unhesitatingly done 80. My object is truth. I have pursued it steadily — and as fat us I can .judge of myself, without undue bias. But I well know liow ditlicult it is for human weakness to divest itself of preju- dice and partiality. To the candid reader, I subOiit the de- cision. This detail of misconduct has been a painful task. Far more agreeable would it have been to have descanted on the merits and talents of the president and other public functionaries. — To a man of a liberal mind it is infinitely more agreeable to be- stow the meed 3f praise, than to deal out censure. But a rough truth is preferable to a smooth falsehood. And whatever chance we have of arriving at the haven of peace and happiness, de- pends upon a fair and candid examination of ourselves, which must infallibly result in a conviction, that, so great have been the errors, the follies, and the madness on both sides, that mu- tual forgiveness requires no effort of generosity-7-it is merely an act of simple justice. ^ •? * • Before I quit this branch of my subject, it is but proper to observe, that it is hardly possible to conceive of a more difficult and arduous situation than Mr. Jefferson and Mr Madison have been placed in. They have had to struggle with two belliger- ents, one supremely powerful by land, aud on that element hold- ing in awe the chief part of the civilized world — the other equally powerful by sea : — and each in his rage against the oth- er, violating the clearest and most indi3;>utable rights of neu- t/als, and inflicting upon us, in a time of pretended peace, nearly as much injury as if we were ranked among the bcHigerents.— And the divisions and distractions of the country^ with the* formidable opposition of a powerful party, embracing all the governments of the eastern States and a coasideraHle portion of the citizens of the rest of the union, must have caused tbo ndr H 4| mi 78 THE OLIVE BRANCH. minislmtion infinitely more trouble and difficulty than tlie two bfciligerenU together. Tie federalists, as i shall show more fully in the sequel, after goading the government into resistance, ai^i vil'ifyinj^il for not procuring redress, thwarted, opposed, an.l rendered nugatory every rational etfort made to accom- plish the very object they professed to seek — a decree of mad- ness and folly ncver-enongh-to-bc-deplored. »'- ' ' CHAPTER IX. The Federaliats. Federal Co7ivention and Constitution. Complaints of want of energy in the ConstittUion. Disoreanizcrs and jacobins. Alien and Sedition Larvs. Loss of Power , Change ofpiews. Having thus taken what I hope will be allowed to be a can- did view of the errors and misconduct of the democratic partjs it remains to perform the same office for their opponents. And I feel confident, it will appear that the latter have at least as much need to solicit forgiveness of their injured country, as the former. In the career of madness and folly which the nation lias run, they have acted a conspicuous part, and may fairly dis- pute the palm with their competitors. In the federal convention, this parly 'made every possible ex- ertion to increase the energy and add to the authority of the general government, and to endow it with powers at the expense of the state governments and people. Bearing strongly in mind the disorders and convulsions of some of the very ill-balanced republics of Greece and Italy, their sole object of dread appear- ed to be the inroads of anarchy. And as mankind too generally find it difficult to steer the middle course, their apprehensions of the Scylla of anarchy effectually blinded them to the dangers of the Charybdis of despotism. Had they possessed a complete ascendency ip the convention, it is probable they would have fallen into the opposiite extreme to that whichdecided the tenoi' of the constitution. This party was divided among themselves, A small but ve- ry active division were monarchists, and utterly disbelieved in the efficacy or security of the republican form of government, especially in a territory so extensive, as that of the United States, and embracing so numerous a population as were to be taken into the calculation at no distant period. The remainder ivere genuine republicans; meji of enlightened views, and a THE OLIVE BRANCH. 79 p two more ance, ccom- mad- tplainis rs and Jhani(c a can- is party. Ami least ns astlie natioa jrly dis- sible ex- f of the expense in mind balanced I appear- renerally nsions of angers of complete iild have the tenot II but ve- jlieved in ^ernment, e United ere to be remainder vs, and a :f} !iifi;h depree of public spirit and patriotism. They difTered as widely from the monarchic part of that body, us from the tlc- mocrats. It is unfortunate that their councils did not prevail. For it 18 true in government, as in almost all other human con- cerns — that safety lies in middle courses. Violent and impass- ioned men lead themselves, and it is not wonderful they lead others astray. This portion of the federal party advocated an enerpelic, but at the same time a republican form of govern- nienf, which on all proper occasions might be able to command unn(li u trinl it was essential that the government should be mo conotnicted ni to "ive it all tin- energy and thn stability reconcilable with ihe principles of that theory. — These IV ere the genuine Rt-iitiinentB of my heart : and upon them I then acted. '* I sincerely hope that il may not hereafter be discovered, that tiirough wiiit ofFufncient attention to the last idea, the cxpj'rinieiit of republican government, fcven in tiiis country, hab not been as couiplcle, uo balisfaclory, aud a^ dt^ci^ivc as could be wished. Very tmly, dear gjr, Your friend mid servant, A. HAMlLTOiN." TlMOTHIt PiCKKHING, Esq. In the conflict of opinion that arose in the cnnventioii, there ^Hs if^ finost iin{)erious necessity for a spirit of coin]>i'omisc, in onier to secure success toils labours. — The tenacity of some leading men, of adverse opinions^ hatl nearly rendered the ef- fort abortive. According to Luther Martin, Esu. one of the ^Maryland delegates, the convention was several times on the verge of adjournment, without fulfilling the object of thuir ap- pointment. But the good forlime of ihe nation prevailed: and after a session of about ibur months, the constitution was (iiiaily agrjeed upon, submitted to public discussion, and joyfully ac- cepted by the American people. The federal party immediately took the reins, and adminis- tered the government of the United States for twelve years. — During this period^ its wantof suflicien: energy, audits danger from the state governments, were -frequent subjects of imjfnss- ioned complaint. Every man who opposed the measures of the iMministration, of what kind soever they were, or from whatev- er motives, was stigmatized as a disorgauizer and a jacobin.— The last term involved tiie utmost extent of human atrocity. A jacobin was, in fact, an enemy to social order — to the rights of property — to religion — to morals — and ripe for rapine and spoiJ. As far as laws could apply a remedy to the alledged feeble* nessofthe general government, the reigning party sedulously endeavoured to remove the defect. They fenced round the constituted authorities, as I have stated, with an alien and sedi- tion law. By the former, they could banish from our shores obnoxious foreigners whose period of probation had not expired. By the latter, every libel against the government, and every imlawful atttempt to oppose its measures, were subject to pun- ishment, more or less severe, in proportion to its magnitude. The alien law was not, 1 believe, ever carried into operation. It was hung up in terrorem over several foreigners, who, in the language of ihe day, were rank jacobins, andof conree enemies THE OLIVE BRANCH. n oT Gotic ; notwithstanding that among the earliest acts of the new incum- bents, was the repeal not merely of the alien and sedition laws^ but of some of the most obnoxious and oppressive taxes t Under the effects of these new and improved political views, n most virulent warfare was begun against their successors.— The gazettes patronized by, and devoted to federalismi, were un- ceasing in their efforts to degrade, disgrace, and defame the ad<> ministration. All its^ errors were imhistriously magnified, and ascribed to the most perverse and wicked motives. Allegations wholly unfounded, and utterly improbable^ were reiterated in regular succession. An almost constant and unvarying oppo- sition was maintained to all its measures, and hardly ever was there a substitute proposed for any of them.- There was not the slightest allowance made for the unprecedenteK and con- vulsed State of the world.- And never was there more ardor and energy displayed in a struggle between two hostile nations, than the opposition manifested in their attacks upon the administra- tion. The awful, and lamentable, and ruinous consequences of this warfare, and its destruction of the vital interests of ther nation, will fully appear in the sequels ■-S- H Z ' ■■ n C2 THE OLIVE BRANCH. CHAPTER X. British Orders in CounciU November 1793. enforcement of the Rule ofn59y Oeneral clamour throughout the United States, Afl the difBcultiefl ami dangers of our country have sprung from the belligerent invasions or our rights, I snail commence the consideration of them with the Brisish order of 1703. At that peiiod, during the administration of general Wash- ington, the following order was issued by the British privy council :^ *' George R. Additional initruction, to all ihips of war, privateers, &c. ^ That they shall stop and detain all shipsi laden with good^, the produce of i)D7 colony belonging to France, or carrying provisiiotia or otiier supplieti for the use of such colonies ; and shall bring the saiue, with their cargoes, to legal ad- judication io our courts of admiralty. "By liifl majesty's command, ' '* Signed, Nov. 6, 17«8. •' Hs.NnT Du.'tDAS." This order was a most lawless invasion of our rights, almost unprecedented in extent, and incapable of pleading in its de- fence the right of retaliation, so hacknied and worn so thread- bare since that period. In a few weeks it swept the seas of our commeiee. Hundreds of our vessels were captured : and many of our merchants, who had no more anticipation of such a sys- tem, than of an attack on their vessels by the sulyects of the emperor of China, were absolutely reduced to bankruptcy.—- The annals of Europe for the preceding century furnish no measure more unjustifiable. The circumstances attending it very highly aggravated the outrage. It was issued so clandestinely, and with such an ex- traordinary degree of secrecy, that the first account of its exist- ence that reached the London exchange, was couveyed with the details of the captures it authorie^d and occasioned. And the American minister at the court of St. James', was unable to procure a cop^y of it till the 25th of December. This lawless procedure excited universal indignation in the United States. There was a general clamor for war among all parties. Several very violent measures were moved and debar ted in Congress — among the rest the sequestration of all British property in the United States, for the purpose of indemnifying our merchants. This, if my memory do not deceive me, was brought forward by Jonathan Dfty ton, of New Jersey, a leading man among the federalists. 1*H£ OLIVE BRANCH. It While Congress was engaged in debating m various modes of procuring redress, the president nrrested it in its career, by llie nuinination of Ju(l);e Jay us minister extraordinary, toseeli re- dress from the liritish government. This eventuated in llie celebrated trrafy A^hich bears that minister's nume, against \vhich volumes of denunciations were published by the democrats, with numberless gloomy and terri- fying predictions, on nearly the whole of which, as 1 have alrea- dy stated, time has stamped the schI of false prophecy. From this period till the year 1805, the collisions between the two nations were inconsiderable. The Unitetl States were in a most enviable state of prosper- ity in the years 1800, 1, 2, 3, 4, and 5. No nation ever eryoy- ed greater happiness. The trade of the country, and particular- ly its exports had most wonderfully increased. During the tirst four years of general Washington^» adminis- tration, the whole value ot the exports from this country, foreign and domestic, was below 100,000,000 dollars ; whereas during the years 1803, 4, 5, and 6, tlicy were more than treble that amount. Exports. FoniToiT. Domestic. Total. 1803 1 3,594,000 42,200,000 55.800,000 1804 36,231,000 4I,4C8,000 77,039,000 1805 53,179,000 42,387,000 95,5RB,00O U06 60.283,000 41,253,000 10l,5J6,00a 163,287,000 ItJ7,31l,000 r^o,coi,ooo The foreign articles were principally the pro<1nc(ions of the colonies of the enemies of Great Britain ; and their amount ex- cited her jealousy in a high degree, and led her in the summer of T805, to adopt the rule of the war of 1 736, which rendered illegal any commerce carried on by a neutral, with the colonies of a belligerent, during war, which had not been permitted during peace. This rule was carried into operation, without any previous notice, whereby our vessels and property to ati immense amount were seized — carried into British ports — tried and condemned. A circumstance attended this transaction, which greatly ag- gravated its injustice. It was in direct hostility with previous decisions of the British courts of admiralty, which had legalized in the clearest and most explicit manner, the trade now pro- scribed and subjected to condemnation. In order to display the gross impropriety of this procedure of th«? British government, and its utter inconsistency with their preceding conduct and decisions, I annex a statement of thd 94 THE OLIVE BRANCIf. report of tfie king's advocate, on an application made to him in March, 1801, at the instance of Rufus King, Esq. our minister at the court of St. Jame,^', on certain cases wlierein this rule of 1750 was attempted to be enforced. " It is now distinctly undnrslnod, hthI has been repeatedly so decided hy 1 he *' hi^h court of appoiil. tli-tt nys JHK HFIODUCE OF THR COLONIES OF "THE r:.\EMY MAV li^, IMPORTED RY A JNEUTH\L INTO HIS ♦'GUN COUNTRY, AND MAY BE RE EXPORTED ITIOM THENCE, «' EVEN TO IHE MOTHER-COl NTRY OF SIXH pOLONY ; \ND IN •'LIKE MANNER rrj^THE PRODUCE AND MANUFACTl^RES OP •'THE MOTHER U^tnSTRY MAY. IN THIS CIRCUITOUS MODE, *' LEG ALLY FIND THEIR U' AY TO THE COLONIES. The direct trade, •'however, between the inolhtr-co'.mtrv and it? colonies, has not. lappreiiend, *' been recognized as legal, either by his :iu\|esty'5 governmei*t, or by his tribti- *' nal«. . " What is a direct trude, or what araoutits to an iritcrmediate importation into " the ncnitral country, may goinptiraos be a question of some difficiilly. A genjB;- " ral defi;iition of either, applicable to all cases, cannot well be laid down. Tbe " question must depend upon t!ie particular circumstances of each caie. Perhaps " tliemere touchinjj in the neutral country, to take fresh clearances, may prop- •' erly be considered as a fra'jdulent evasion, and is in effi^ct the direct trade ; but *' the high court of admiralty has expressly decidcfl (and 1 see no reason to expect •' tlKit the court of appeals will vary the ru\i^) thai [^^'.anding the floods aitd *^ pitying the duties in tlie neutrnl country, breaks tke coiUimtily u/lfie voyage and •• IS such an importation as legnliips the trade, uWiungh tlie, goods be re-shipped in *' the same ve!,sd, and on account nfthe same neutral proprietors, and be/orrvarded •' /or sale to the mother coiintry or the colony.''^ " An extract from this report, containing the foregoing passage, was transmit- ted by the- dnke of Portland, in a letter of the 30th March, ISOI, to the lords commiai-iuners of the admiralty. FIIs grace^s letter concludes thus : " In order, therefore to put a stop to the inconveniences arising from these erroneous seiitea- tes of the vice admiralty courts, I have the honor to signify to your lordships the king's pleasure, that a cominuMication of the doctrine laid down in the said report should be immediately made by your lordships to the several judges presiding in them, setting forth what is held to be the law upon the subject by the superior IffibuDiU, for their future guidance and direction."* The depredations above stated excited universal indio;na(ion throughout tlie United States. The mercantile part of the community were exasperated to the utmost degree. The ad- ministration was stigmatized as equally regardless of the lionor and the interest of the nation, for not resisting these pretension* and not procuring redress for the depredations. A recurrence to the gazettes of that period will show that the federal party was then clamorous for war, if redress could not be procured for grievances incomparably less than those that finally provoked the late declaration of war. But it may be said, and with some degree of truth, that news-papers are an equivocal criterion of the public opinion. This 1 admit. And 1 shall lay before the reader other and most unerring proofs of the Liiercantile temper of this period. ♦ letter from Messrs. Monroe and Pinluiej' to kJcd Howick, dated Aug'ist 20, m ♦«it * 14 'ff prop THE OLIVE BRANCH. 85 ioD into A genje^ n. Tbe Ferliaps ly prop- idc ; bat .o expect wds and lyagf- and iipped iM urrvardtd transmit- Llie lords In order, 13 senten- Iships the lid report esiding i» ; superior ornation of the Mie ad- e honor ensione urrenne l1 party ured for •ovoked th some erion of fore the temper Lugvist 20. \^ IVI'eetingB of the merchants were held in almost all the com- mercial towns and cities in the United States. The suhject was eloquently discussed. Strong memorials were agreed upon, urscing the president and congress to adopt such measures as mis;ht be necessary to procure redress. In these memorials, which were couched in the most emphatical language, the pre- tensions of England were treated as not far removed from actual piracy* — as opening a door to the most flagrant frauds and im- positions — as unworthy of a great and magnanimous people — and as derogatory to the reputation and honor of an independ- ent nation to submit ♦o. The administration was, in the most impassioned style invoked to resist such pretensions ; and the memorialists generally pledged ihaojielves most solemnly to sup- port it in the attevipt. As I shall devote a seperste chapter [the 18th] to the consideration of the policy of the mercantile part of the nation, 1 shall not here inquire how far these pledges were redeemed. These memorials are inunensely important in the formation of a correct estimate of the policy of our government. I shall, therefore, make very copious extracts from them. They are most precious documents, and present "a round unvarnished tale^' of the outrages experienced by American commerce, and the extravagant pretensions, as well as the lawless depredations of Great Britain, CHAPTER XI. -^ ^ - Extracts Jrom tlic Boston Memoried, Strong Styk. British pre tensions tkstructive of the navigation of neutral nations. Duty of the United States to oppose the?n. Energetic call for adequate tncasures to protect commerce. The Boston merchants, after glancing at the vexations, in- sults and barbarities, suflfered from France and Spain, pass on to the consideration of the grievances inflicted by the British. They state that, " It i? their object in tlip prcspnt momorial, to confine their animadversions to |r?^THE MORK \LARMlx\G, BbXAUSR MORR NUMEROUS AND I^XTEN.SJVC DETEl^TIONS ANDCO?;DE\1l\AT]ONS OF AMERICAN VESSELS BV GREAT BRITAIN j and to advert to the principles recently '^f " It cinnot hrcome the intec;ri(y of a great nation, to prey upon the unjyroted- !'fl propcriy ff a friendly poivcr.^^ (Bo'ton Memorial.) n THE OLIVE BRANCH. avowed, and adopted by hor courts, relative to neutral tiade in articles of colonial produce. Prii)cij)Ic5, wlticii, it adniilted, or practised upon in all the latitude, which may fnirly hi- ijifcrrrd to he intended, would \r: rTr' destructive to the navigatim, and rrp tlM)]C\LL\ IMPAIR THE iviu^T LUCRATIVE COMMERCE Ut OUR COUNTRY. PiincipIcK that had heen virtually abin.loned subsequently ti/ tlieir first avowal ; even during nn inlcrmcdiite and inveterate war, and (hiring the pro.srctilion of a trade n'hich is n-)n> interdicted find alledged to bt iUff!;nl, but which trade w as at tliat time sanctione'' by the 'promulgated decisionh of iter courts, and by an offirinl communication from one T)f the highest organs of the very government, which is now attempting to destroy it, and with its Pupprrssioii to n-p ANNIHILATE OR GREATLY DIMIN- ISH THE COM.MERCE 01 .aEUTRAL NA TIONS " There U great cause to apprehend, tliat the British government mean to set lip as a principi(t, that she has a rigl»t to interdict all commerce by neutrals, to the ports of her enemies, which ports had not been opened previously to the fommencemont of hostilities ; — that if she permits a trade with them in any de- gree, sl'.e has a right to prescribe the limits of it j to investigate the intention of the parties prosecuting it ; and if nuch intention be not the actual disposition of the property in the neutral country, to consider the merchandize, even after the importation into snch country, after having been landed therein, warehoused, and the duties paid" on it, a.- ^j^mlyin the stage of a continued and dirtci voynge from the coUny to the mother country, or vice versa ; and therefore illegal, and liable to condcmnatioa. •* In some instances, your meiaorialists find j'j^ncrvvesiels, on thtirjlrd pes sage from the United States to Europe, arrested, carried out of their course, and injuri- ously detained under ihe vexatious pretence of a continuity qf voyage from the country or colony ^ a beUigertnt. In another instance they have witnessed a vessel captured and condemned under the most frivolous pretext^ when in the prosecution of an acknowledged and permitted trade, under circumstancei which Danished every shadow of doubt, ag to the real destination of the vessel, the iden- tity of the ortners, or the actual intention qf the parties. " 'I'hese few instances they have thought it needful to notice, in order to demonstrate, tliat unless tiie present disposition of the British admiralty courts, and navy officers, can be countcracttd and removed, a widely dispersed and unprotected commerce, extending to every region of the globe, will only serve rrp TO INVITE DEPREDATION, TO BANKRUPT OURSELVES, AiND ENRICH OTHERS, UNTIL SUCH COMMERCE BE SWEPT FROM THE FACE' OF THE OCEAN, and leave nothing in its stead, but sentiments of hostility and acts of contention. *' A tacit submission to prctenriiina ilius lofty and compreftenfive, but nhich yovr memorialists tru^t are most if thtmitntinahle, nvuld^ they conceive, be [Tjp AN ABANDONMENT OF RKiHTS OPENLY RECOdNlZED, AN Da DE- RELICTION OF THE MOST IMPORTANT COMMERCIAL INTER- ESTS OF OUR COUNTRY. " Reason, and tiie most powerful considerations of equity, enjoin it as Q^ A DUTY ON THE UNITED STATES TO OPPOSE THESE PRE- 'i ENSIONS ; for clrcumstajiced as these states arc, possetijing an immensely extended «nd fertile territOij', producini^ mostly the necessaries of life, which, with the merchandize obtaiticd from abroad by the industry and enterpri-i- o' her citizens, she is obliged to b-Arter, or furnisli in payment for importalioris of foreign produce or nianufacturts ; rj;^ it behovea her strenuously tn contend fi/f the right qfa7i opincnimnerce in iniivcrnt urlicks bet/veen other nations that are ivillivg to accords il, and herself; for if the right be not both claimed and admitted, scarcely any of the European powers can in future be engaged in war- faro iviihnut makitig thn Unittd State'!, in opposition both to her efforts and n-ii/i' Qy= EITHER A yiGTlM OR PARTY IN THE CONTEST. Your niemosialists coiicrlve these pretensions aiFord constant sources o. co'litioB, continually tending to invo' ve these states in the !S.suc of European wars and would oblige the government, on tl»e occurrence of such of such wars, spnt'f- 'i'.y to unite with one yr ^ 'aer of the parties, io order Ihut t!ie roiti::.(.irp of l' *■ THE OLIVE BRANCH. 87 ' oiintry •..i^Ut lawfully aval) it'clf of .«ome df-grec ofpecuritj", fro!i» ti»e protection trhich its own foicp, and that of its ailie;', could aflbrd. To lliis state of lliingH, voiir incuiorialitts bfUfve it can neither be the interest nor wi^li of tlie BriLibti j;ov< rimirrl to reduce otir coiinliy. ♦* 'ilic nio^^t tcnai'.joiif: advocates for the rights of bplli;;crcnts admit, tliat during var, ncutralH ii.ive a rij^l)t to enjoy in the utmost latitiidf, the. trade to whicli Ihey had Von accustomed in times of peace. .\ow il'the belligerent iii.« the right (o bloci. ado an extended -ea-coast, and to [^^ exclude nrutruls from, perfiopSy tnaiinel tlnrini; n its groateit fifty ftilft rent jiorls, {as was the cast n-ith t/u p/tnch pirb in the ' t/ic int n\ir,) how can the neutral enjoy 'iii= uwnl ])euce trade i latitude, ur.ltsj ttils deprivation is hajauo' d by anotiu-r trade, n jiicii is opened to him durin;; tlie war!' — As to the inquisitorial rigl»t ofsearcli into tiie ownership of neutral property setup by Great BriUiin. and the dottiine flppeKded to it, that ;« nrulr-.ii iniyiortcr shall not ;igain exjiort his' j^oods, hut liiat they sliall i)e first alienated ur.il p isscd into the j>os>e«kion ofotiiers — vour memoriali'-ts l>eiie.ve them to he liN; oi :n'I) in point Ol PKh\ClFl.E OFFE.\SiVE IN PRAC- T!< K, ANO NIGX'JOKV IN EIFECT. " Your nitriiorialists would with reluctance believe that the sacred tiibunals of iiiPlicr have become yubsrrvleut to motives ofpol' c.a! evptdiency, more especially ui a naiioii (vliO'^^e judicial proceedings have frequi ntly ile^erved and commanded the respect of all civilized countries. Yet they know not e >ily how to reconcile on on any otlier grounds, the contradictory proceedings of tlie British admiralty courts, during the 1 t;;t and present war. " At any rate, whether the doctrine were sound or not. or whether it injured 4"5reat Briiain or not, it cannot become the integrity and magnanimity of a great and powerful nation, at once, and without notice, to reverse he'- rule of conduct towuds other states, and [15= TO PREY UPON THE IN PROTECTED PR\>PERTY OV A FRILiNDLY POWER, the extension of whose commerce had been Invitt d by the formal avowal of h-r intentions, and prosecuted, under a reliance onherjiuod faith, and from the confidence reposed, that her courts, uniform to their principles, would never be iufiuenccd by the time-serving politics uf the moment. " In all events, fully relying that the subject of our diff»*ren«es with Gveat Dritaia v'ill rtct-i re the due cunsidtrutum of government ; and that such measurts will in conseqiience be piotnpilv (idphd, as will tend to D1SR.MB\RR\SS OUR COM MERCK— A.SSEK.T OUU RIGHTS— AND SUPPORT THE DIG- NITY OK THE UNITED ST \TES. " Your nienioria'i.>;ts have the honor to -♦•niun, in behalf of thei'- constitueott and Iheinielvts, u:o^t respectful !y, Jame<< L^oyd, jm*, John Coffin Jones, . David Gr ti", George (\ibot, Arnold kVeilos, Ihoma^ il. Ferkioi. David S? 'xrs, Boiton, Jan. 20, 1808. ' • To this memorial I reqiieKi tip parliculrir a!tGntion nf the reader. It was the act ol i\\r Bcvuu in Si^eneral. The seven gentlemen whose S!p;uat«rjmtats. Besides the contents, I wish iv.o of the signatiircs to he most partictiliirly adverted to. They are titose of George C i\\\\ m^K .Fames liloyd, jun. who have both acted conspicuous parts in the recent affairs of the Uttited States, The former gentleman was a member of ,► " -if, km 88 THE OLIVE BRANCi:, the convention at HaHforcI, whose professed o'yecl was lo form some ussociation amons; the commercial states for the "•protection oj commerce^'* against the hostility of government. These gentlemen explicitly state, Ihat \m\\gzz '' the present disposition,''^ that is, the disposition in 1 805, (for as the remon- strance was drafted in January, 1806, it must refer to the proceedings of the preceding year) •' Of the Rritish adinirnlty courts, and navy ofiicers ran be counternrt- *d and removed, a widely dispersed and xinproUrlcd commerce, exlcndin'- to every region of the globe, will only serve to invite (iepreilHtion, t3 BATVfKBrPT ornsELVEs, AND ENRICH OTHiJKs, untM such commercs be «wept from the face of the ocean." They further state, that *' A tacH siUtmission to pretensions thus hfty, vovid bf. an abandenmtv. ' of rights openly recognised, and a dereliction or the most import- ant COMMERCIAL INTERESTS OF OUR COUNTRY." And they f ^1 — •• Reason and the most powerful consiiderations of equity enjoin it a» a duty on the United Slates to oppose these pretensions." And that These pretensions are " unsound in point of principle, offensive in prac'- lice and nugatory in effect. ''^ And to cap the climax, they explicitly charge Great Britain, with something not far from piracy, or "PREYING UPON THE UNPROTECTED PROPERTY OF A FRIENDLY POWER. They and their friends then call upon the government •' Promptly to adopt such measures as raij5ht disembarrass our commeree '■^assert our rights — and support the dignity of the United States.''* This call, so strong and so solemn, implied with equal strength and solemnity a pledge of support. It behoves these gentlemen and their friends, who are now, for that nur;>08e, called on pub- licly in the face of their country, to point out any one instance in which they lent their aid to the government in the pursuit of redress, or redeemed the solema pledge they held out to their country and to the world. THE OLIVE BRANCH. CHAPTER XIF. Extracts frmn NenhTork Memorial. Equally explicit and pointed 7mtk ihM from BmMon. The prftcnsions of Grtat Britain a violation of the law of natimis, A Urcn'r and peremptory call for resistance on thr part (f the sovemmrnt. Solemn pledge of supfort. Lons^ and respectable Hal rf i^t^ners, *' Tlipy Imvp bfen suddenly confoimtlod i)y unexpr'-" d inlt'lligeuce of ihe ar- restalian, on the, ki'j:h se/is, i>fn lurc;<: pitrtion qf their r-'i't-i i.y which hud h jj em- Larked mUi t»f mtst iLmniajt^ctiug tanfidtnce. Tli •eeiiugs .if yi ir m in wialifts arc nol only »^\dl.rHl by tne losses wliicii iliey hnv* ..otadlly 5n;st-.ii. J .ii conse- tfU'-iMif of d luj-asiire irisiiscfptioio oi l)^^*vion^ calciilannii, but «!*©, from (lu- stiitc of uocTtniiiiy in wiiicii tliey are i)iaced with respect lo futuiv cuioinoiciai opera- tions. "' 111 l.iie recent deci-»ton, which prottiWts an importer of "olonia] p»^»duie from «"fyorSiiiz it *o Kurop/', tiiey p>-r'\v w:t\i coufTi), titlur n nu^.torif 'ind vcxor tioui regulation irr a mrdltnUd Uum ut wkal Ikty dttm an incx,nitstibU a-ud v.ilua- bk ri^ht. '• If tlie arrival of a sliip in tlie coiititry to wliicU it b^ ongs ; the landin;:; of the cargo ; tlu' inspection of tu« tustom-l.ou-'e ; the p tynietit or security of duties , do nol terminate a voy.i)i,e, then we confess our ignorance on a point, which, never l\ wiivr b.*pn before qiie>illoncd, lias been ns>-umed bv us as an acknowledi^ed truth. If the entry for txportatiun ; the embarkatioQ of merchandize; there-inspection of tiie custom- iiou^e ; the bond for securing i delivery in a foreign country ; and a public clenrance do not indicate the commeocemeut of a new voyage — then we are yet to learn the meaning of the expression. " But the «e embarrassnienls, though perplexing and vexatious, are not those which principilly oc';;asion our solicitnd'' ; we are compelled to consider the late decision, of the British tribunals a? preliminary stej^s towards n $ysltm »/ conlridling the importations and cxportntionn of colimial produdims, and thereby ANNIHI- LAThNG THE Mt)*^! LUCRA.'i'IVE BRANCHES OF OIJ R COMMERCE. If we owe J, this rade solely to the favir of Great Rrilain, still we migtit ask, what ur2;ent nlo^iv*•, what imperious necessity, requirfd that the favor should be resumed at (> pei'iod when 'jur commerce was "spread over the ocean, and wiien a c!ian;5e so eji^ential mig!i' dts^iroy its security, and subject u* to incalculable losses. We deny, however, tiiat the ritriits of comtnerce, as claimed by up, are to be dt'emed f.ivors ; on the contrary, ifi'ie l;w) of nations is other than n temporary rule, prescribed by an arbilraru nilf, nnd enforced by poner, then ne appeal lo its mo^t ^inivcrwl nnd invioiihlr principle in our defence. This principle is, that Me goodi of a ncxdrci, consisting of articles not contraband of war, in a neutral vessel^ emplnjied in a direct trade between neutral covniriex and ports of a belligerenl country ntt invested or blockaded, are protuted. " Whatever theoreiical opinion.* rn^y heretofore have been advanced, there baa existed no sucli practical ruV, [as that of 17.'i6] which, under the unparalleled circu.nst uices of the present war, MUST INFALLIBLY DESTROY THH COMMERCE OF THIS COUNTRY. " Willi these preliminary facts in view, we request permission to detail some of the most important consequences of tiie ■issunied rule, that neutrals may be reslr.iined in time , of war to tluir accnsiouie I trade in time of p«ace. The inj>istlc3 of such a rule, in relation to the Uni'^ \ States, wiU be mo^t manifest ; the individuals employed in c<>mmerc» tou'' 1 not alot'- be afF?cted : aLu tlieinternn! refctHons of our couniri/ uh, dd be disturbed ; Ihe inl-rests of tlwxc dist rids ivliicit KT". most remote from r.vr "primipal ports, nould, m lirojiorlion to tlicir drjicidence on foreign ivp^lits. iic mo»t &€vtrdii digressed, I f -t-;l m mm .90 TIU5 OftlVE BRANCH. Ell '*,«2 *' If Great Britain permits commerce bettveen her subjects and the colonies qf her enemiea, may we not, witli the consent of tliose colonieb, parmi^aie in the sam« commerce.'' If our commerce witli tite rnemics of Greut t^rilam may now bn confined to the system established in time oi* peace, may we not appieliend that the principle will be retalii^ted in respect to our conmierce wiili tne colonies of Great Britain P In that case, WHAT CAN ENSUE BUT WAR, TILLAGE AND DEyASTATlQNi' " T^cse are not imaginary suppositions. They illustrate the most important principles of our commerce. 1 lity evince the necessity of a circuitous trude, to enable us to realize the great value of exports of our own native productions, by which, alone, we acquire the power to liquidate the balance against us, in our commerce witli (ireat Britain : they demonstrate, that the position againsi nhich Tveconlend^ is net a rule of the Urn of nations. THE LAW OF NATIONS ORDAINS NO RULE, WHICH IS UNEQUAL AND UNJUST " It is, however, with much surprise, that we have recently discovered that the very circumstances upon whicli our hopes of fecurity were reposed, have been urged as arguments to ju-tify an invasion of our rights ; and that HAViixTJ TOTALLY SUPPRESSED THE EXTERNAL COMMERCE OF HER ENEMIES, GREAT BRITAIN IS NOW COUNSELLED TO APPPRO- PRIATE TO HERSELF THAT OF HER FRIEIVDS. " Surely the security of neutral rights ought not to diminish, as their value is augmented. Surely a maritime preponderancy which enables its possessor to block ide any of the ports of i'ls enemies, conveys Jo just title to a monopoly of the comjnerceof the world. •' Id the list of our complaints we cannot forbear to enumerate the Iiumiliating and oppressive conduct of ships of war in the vicinity of our coasts and harbors. We respeci, the prhiciple and enni'.ate the conduct of Great Britain, in regard to her own juiiydiction : and nc ni^k maelii to daimfor ourselves the same measure rf justice., which she exacts /ran. others. "This view of the subject while it excite? our anxiety, furnishes, also, a re- fource for our hopes. We v. ish only for justice : and believing timt a commercial nation wbicb dis^regards justice, thereby undermines the citadel oi' her power j vje rely on the eflect ofnnitual interests and wiiiios in promoting a cordial explanation and fair adjustment of every cause of misunderstanding J in particular 7ve rely on the govemmnt ur country, THAT OUR RIGHTS WILL NOT BE ABANDONED, -M that NO ARGUMENT IN FAVOR OF AN USURP- ATION WILL EVER BE DERIVED PROM OUR ACQUIESCENCE. *' Your memorialists conclude with remarking, that they deem the present eituatioD of I'ublic affiiirs to be peculiarly critical and perilous ; and stich as requires all the prv.dtnce^ the ni^dom, andthe evergyqf the government, SUPPORTED BV the CO-OPEFtATlON OF ALL GOOD CITIZENS. By mutu.il ex- ertio»;', under the beqign influence of Providence upon this hitherto favored na- tion, we hope the clouds which threatrr to obs^cure its piosperity may be di?ijelled AWD WE PLEDGE OUR UNITED SUPPORT IN FAVOR OF ALL MEASURES KfGHTS OF ADOPTED TO VINDICATE AND SECURE THE OUR COUNTRY. THE JUST JVin-Yprk, D^c. 2P. 1805. Signed on behalf of the merchants, by ^•. «. ^^^i^-V- JohnBrooi. , ubairmau,, Oliver Wolcott, John Franklin, Isaac Lawrence, Thomas Carpenter, John Taylor, Henry J Wyckoff, . George M. Wooloey, David M. Clark son, Goelet Hoyt, Daniel Ludlow, Elisha Coit, John B Murray, licffert Lefferts, Samuel A 1/aurence;, -Robert Lenox, John Murray, George Griswold, Henry Pos^t, Jo'u! R Livingston, Wiliiam riendenson, Archibald Gracie, THE OLIVE BRANCH. 01 Samnel Ruek-I, James ^rdt-n, Willivini liovet, Kdiiioiid Seanian, Jam* s Maxwell, Bcnj. Bailey, Tlioiiins F'ainier, \V. Etlgar, Wynant Van Zandt, Cliarlps Wright, Joliii De Peyster, .1. Clason, U'ui Clark KOD, John B. Coles, Benjamin G. Mintui-n, William Bayard, Gulian Ludlow, Eben. Stevens, Rensselaer Havens, Peter bliermcrhorn, William W. Woolscy, James Scott, John I*. Mumford, Cl'arUs M'Evers, jun. John Kane, John Clendining, Wm. CodiDiin. f,i CHAPTER Xni. Extracts frotn tJie Memorial i ^ |.V^ :t OjJ THE OLIVE BRANCH. to elutnber, they might regret tlie departed good, biit could impute no injo^tice to the hand tliat withdrew it. They are sliui-k, however, with the novelty of thcte doctrines; tiikik inkquivocal iioitilitv to neutral intkrists and rights; THEIR INCOMSISTKNCY WITH FORMER OKCLARATIONS OF THEIR MINISTRY, itlld decisions of their courts ; and with the cxtraordiuary time and manner of theiF annunciation. " Tliat policy, not justice — that ifttcrent, not fair and admitted precedent, have given birtli to the principle, that neutrals should be restricted to the gamf com- merce with a bcHigerent, which « us allowed to them by that power in time of peace, is conceived by your numorialibts to he true. Incompatible with the general frertlcm of neutral commorcc, this rule has the sanction of no cumnioii observance by civiliz»d nation?, and cannot boar that faitliful test which every fair and righteous principle of the h:w of nations will abide. " The offi-ct cr" this novel principle upon nrutral interests is of the most serioos j.ndalArming character. IT GOES lO NO'lHiNG S}f(,>IlT OP THE UE- S'J RUCTION OF i\El'TRAL COMMEllCE ; and liom the well known neutral situation and character of the United iStutes, to nothi.no ishort op INFI.UTING A most DEKP ANP PKAPIV WOl'M) M'O.N THEIR THADE. " But your n\emoi ialifts cnnnot but, coii^iilcr, Hint this principle has not the w« ij^lit of a cocsiistcnt and uiuforni hiipport by ttie govoriimciit which professes to iij)lioid it. In 1801, the declarations of its niini«:try r.nd tiie decisions of its courts, v«ie, niif.'juivocally, " that the produce of the colonies of the enemy may be ii5»poitt'd by a neutral invo his ov.iv, country, and lie re-exported from tlience, ♦•ven to the motiier country cf such colony ;" and alfo, " that landing the goods and paying the diui.?.-; in tlie ncuLriil country, breaks tliu continuity of the voyage, and 1.S sncii an jiouorlatinn as Ipgalisca t.'ie tr;'.de, nlthougli the goods be re-shipped in the same vessels, and on account of the same m^iitral proprietors, and forwarded (t>r sale to the mother country." In IRO."), it U decided, that landing and paying the duties docs not break the contimiily of the voyage ; and that the Course of trade pointed out to the neutral, four years before, as legal and safe, is now unsat- isfactory to the belligerent, and ATTENDED INFALLIBLY WITH CON- FISCATION. What dear and immutable principle of the law of nations, can that be, your memorialists would a.«k, which is supported b^ the high court of admiralty, and avowed by the ministry in 1801, and w^iich is prostrated by the ministry and the high court of appeals in liiO^ P St'CH a principle must r| CONSIDERED AS RATHER PAI^TAKI^O OV THE SHIFTING CHARACTER OF CONVENIENCE, THAN 0» THAT OF PERMANENT RIGHT AND ESTABLISHED LAW. •' The time and manner of announcing it accord witli the principle itself. At a moment when mercantile enterprise, confiding in the explanations on this point given by the British ministry to our anjf)assador, was strained to the iitmot'. aji;ain>t tliitt new rritcrion of Irf^ality, hcrauff! of ila iiicvitahU' tendency to injiis- tice ; bccinise olfjjr**'' pccnlinr rii purity to tmburrass nith sfi::urr, iind ruin fvith co7\fi%cation, uit nhole, nf our trade mlk Europe in the surplus of our colu- nial importatinns. " If the conseqijencf 8 to tli;it trafRc worn not I'nti'ndcd to be serious, and exten- ■ive, and permanent, yotir nieuiorivilists scaivli in vain for a mo'.ivc, by which a ■tate, in amity with our own, and moreover connocted with it by the ties of com- mon interest, to which imuiy considerHtions seem *-> sjive pecu'i.ir 8tren;rt{j, \*^ haa hetn imlnn'A li( interests/or which an enHshUneA ntlvni inij/fiiirlj/ br silidtauh and wliich only asteLidy regard to jiDiiice can ultimately secure. U'iieti we see a powerful state, iD posseijsion of a commerce, of which tlie wotid aiCoids no examples, [J^ (nrfe»- vouring to interpolate into Uie lams (\f nations casuistical niceties anu li'-tyvard diitinrtions^ ivhich forbid a citistn of another indeptndtnt eoinmercinl country to expoi t from that count rv nhat uwfustionahlrf hchnptu him, onlj* because he im- ported it himself, and yet allow him to sell a right of exporting it to another, which proliibit an end, liecausc it arises out of one intention, hut perntit it wlien it ari.ses out of t'^o ; — nliii-h, dividing an act into 8ta2;cs, searcli into the mind for a correspondent division nf it in the contemplation of itt> author, and determine its innocence or rrrinin.ility accordingly ; Which, not denyin);; that the properly acquired in an authui *.::;d traflie by neutral nationi) from belligerent'^, may become incorporated into tlic niiilonal stock, and, under tiie shelter of it» neutral cliarat- ter, thus superinduced, and still preserved, be afterwards transported to every quarter of the Riobe, rtject tlie only epoch, which can distinctly mark tlie incor- poration, and jKiii/t c'.il none otiier in it<' pir.ce ; — which, proposing to fix witii accuracy and precicir.ii, the line of demarcation, beyond which neutrals art trespassers upon the .vide dnnriin of beliiirerent rijjhts, involve every thin(; ni darkness and confii-ioa ; fry there can tt but one opinion as to the purpose which all this is to accomplish. rjys ** /'(ir the l'jR.DJjlt TO JUSTIFY THE CONSUMMATION OF THAT RUlN, WITH WHICH OUR LAW- FUL COMMERCE ^S MENACED BY HER MAXIMS AND HER CONDUCT. *' Thi« principle, therefore, cannot hr a sound one. It wants uniformity and consistency ; is partial, uneqiral, and delu.sive. It makes every thing bend to the rights of war, while it affects to look back to, and to recognize, the state of things in peace, as the foundation and the measure of the right? of neutrals. Profe.ss- ing to respect the established and habitual ti-ade of the na+ions at peace, it af- fords no shadow of security for any paj't of it. Professing to be -an equitable «t9udai'd for the ascertaiameDt of ueutral rights, it deprives them of all body and * THE OLIVE BRANCH. 9b and ttiecHutures, of wliicli tlie Diilott coitijii precotjfd oy no wuiriing. THl'S IS 1 jdy and niH!«tan<*e, and leaveti tlicmonly n plniiflble and unreal iii)pear,inc*» of Bi'\pm)U'lp au«J iuiiioil.ui'.'o. It di'livcrs tiii'in Dvtr, mi ii uoin'^, nvn/unrtd by Uu ships o/mir, uiui frriv:iktrs, by iihuh ihcy nere, curriut inti ixirnti >n. " Th*" lali: decisions of her courts. v.lii»'!i siro in (he Uvv «piril of tlii" doctrine, and arc culculatod to r»'»torr it in prHttic", to th:it lii^ili tone of severity, which luilder dpcii«ion» Irul -.ilniost cnucr.iltd fro.n tho world o:un»' upon us by mirpriHe ; iliiiu'd, ill t lie ?ev(!ii year."' war, weit ins IMIINCIPLK iMOST RAPA tlOUS AND OrPREShlVE liV ALL ITS BRARiiNGS. H^rMii and myste- rious in it^elf, it has always been, and ever niu.t be, n-ed tt) betray nnurul merciiants into a trade, supposed to be laul'ul, and tiitn to sive them up to pil iase, and to luiii. " But tlicre can he no seciirity r»^ tvhilt a !ru:li,^n:nt and dfcei'ful prlnciplf lik« this lutnt^s over us. It in ,i wliat tin* beliiierent cliooseft to make it, lurking, unseen, and unftU, or t 'tcUne, and noxiius. It nuiy come abroad wlien least expected : and tlie ui it of conlidence may be ilie moment of de»- irtiction. It mny skep for a time ; hut no mnn knn^rs nhen it it to awake, to shed i/> bolffid ivjiii'-nce upon the commerce q/' (hi no/Id. It clotlies" iterlf, from season to season, i'l wliat nrjy bt! cail»'d relaxations; but again, witlioiit any previous* intimation to the deluded cifixens of the neutral power?, these relaxations arr (iiddenly laid aside, eitiier in the wiiole, or in part, and lh>' iv.>. #. a2 ■**<.. ^ .0^. ^'^ T.% V] WAR ARE MADE SUH8T\NIIALLY THE SAME. In tjis absence of all oilier authority, \ur courts have made an appeal to litr own early ccample, for tlie justiilr.Uion of lier own rect".A practice. Your »innoiialist.s.join in that appeal as afibrdiiip tlie moft conclusive and authoritative reprobation of the practii f* , which it is iiiK'ndrd to sujiport hy it. '' Q^y^* I he gol'^tnn reiitnici^tion of the principle in nnrstion, in tl-e face of the \. .1 lie world, hy her hi^'je.-t tribunal in matters of prizf, reitiraled in a suc- CfssioH of drcrcf.'S, down to tl.e yeir I7H(», and after'.vards, is powerfully confirnj- ed hy the ncquiescencp of Gnat B'ltain, duiin-; tne lirst, most important, and active period of the late war, in the free and unlimited prosecution, by neutraN, of the wliole colonv tradi- of France She did int'eed, at la«;t, prohibit that trad:% hvan instruction, (Ty LWHRECEDENTED IN THE AMVALS OP MARITIME DEI'REDa l IONS ; hut the r. vival of hor discarded rule, wa« characterised with ?uch circuni'tances of ini»|uily and violence, as rather to lieighten, by the efiiect of contrast, the v^nei'ation of mankind for the past justice of her frihunalg. The world has not for^fotten the instruction to wliich we nllude, or the enormities by which its true chaiacler was developed. Produced in niystrry, at a moment when universal confidence in tlie integrity of her gov- ernineat had brought upon t!ie ocean, a prey of vast value and importance ; sent abioad to the dilt'erent naval stations with such studied jecreoy tliat if would almost sfom to have been intended to make an experimer.t rr?^ HOW FAR L\W AND HONOL'R COULD BE OUTRAGED BY A T^iTION PRO- VERBIAL FOR RESPECTING BOTH— the heralds by whom it was first announced were the commanders of her conunissioned cruisers, who at the came instant carried it into etiect, with every circumstance of aggravation, if, of such an act, theie can be an aggravation. Upon such conduct there was but one sentiment. It wa.i coademnod by reason and justice. It was condemned by that law which flows from, and is founded upon i hem. IT WAS CONDEMNED AND WILL. FOREVER CONTINUE TO BE CONDEMNED BY THE UNIVERSAL VOICE OF THE CIVILIZED WORLD." Henry Payson, Benj, William Wilson, Wm, T. Swan, Wm Josepli Steret, Steuart Brown, John Collins, David Stewart, Mark Pringle, John Strieker. Thomas Tenant, John Donnel, Luke Tiernan, Tlios. Hollingswortb^ George Stiles, J. k. Bucliannn, Alexr. M'Kim. "Wm Patterson, John Sherlock, Williams, Lormau, Taylor, Robert Gilmor, James Calhoun, Samuel Steret, Hugh Thompson, Samuel Taylor, Baltimore, Jan. 21, \iO^. V .^ ^ This list, like that signed to tbe Philadelphia memorial, embraces federalists and democrats indiscriminately — ae well as citiziens of various nations. v ■ t v ^ CHAPTER XV. Newhaven. Decisive call for resistance. Unlimited pledffe of sup' port. — Extracts from Memorial of Mcrcliatits of Ncnhuryport, Reliance on wisdom^ firmness atid justice of the government. Extracln/rom the Memorial oftJie Chamber of Commerce of Newhaven, " Your memoriHliKts cannot behold, without surprise and regret, ly^ft powerful and ves]^wtvn country colonial produce with the intention to tran- sjiip it to the mother country, if a direct intercourse be interdicted iu peace the circuity of the route shall not protect the property from con- fttcntion. It seems admitted that such circuitotis route, with such inten- tpution, is n<;t considered as evidence of enemy's property, ci nfiscable within ordinary rules ; hut as a distinct, subsJantial, and «;nndemnatory principle, independent both in efficacy and application. For it yields jiot to the most clear proof of neutral property, or innocent though mis- dirocti'd conduct. The unaccustomed trade, or the importation with specific intentions, are the tests by which every voyage is to be tried. ** In another view the rule appears to your memorialists not less un- tenable and unjust. It is stated, as a part of it, that if colonial producB be imported by any person with an intention to tranship it on his own account to the mother country, it is subject to confiscation. But if im- ported for the purpose of general commerce, and tlirown into the market for general transhipment, it is within the exception. To distinguish be- tween gineral and particular irUentions, and to seperate things so subtle in their own natures, and almost incapable of proof, for the purposes of national decisions, seems a refinement reserved for the present age. The foundation of this modern doctrine is laid in this principle, that the neu- tral has no right, by an extension of his trade, to afford supplies to tbei belligerent to ward off the blows of his enemy, and to oppose for a lon- ger period the dominion of his force. Bat to this your memorialists^ deem it a conclusive answer, that the proposition proves too much ; that, if true, it is a foundation for a far more broad and sweeping. principle-; that every commerce with the belligerent is inhibited to neotrab; for every commeroe assists him in resistance, and diminishes his necessities. A doctrine thus comprehensive, has never yet been avowed, and it is presumed never will be. Y«t such must be the logical conclusion ; and it shews irresistibly the absiwdity of the assumetl premises. " The accustomed, as well as the unaccustomed trade is within the terms, and must stand or fall together. Either the doctrine is unsound, AND ASSUMED AS A MERE PRETEXT FOR PREDATOR Y^ SEIZURES; or neutrals have iio rig}]ts as sueh ; and must endure the calamities inflicted by belligerents in a contest in which they have no voice, and in which they can reap only injury. " Other considerations add force to the preceding remarks. It is well knMvn that in time, of war neutrals cannot carry on even their accustom- ed trade in its full extent. They are prohibited from trading in contra- band goods, and to blockaded ports. Variations necessarily arise in the relations of the hostile powers, which the neutral ought to possess a right to turato hifi profit, as an indemnity for the obstructions of his old trade. These obstructions a:e of a very serious nature. Wl^en exercis- ed in the mildest form, they produce OPPRESSIVE SEARCHES AND DELAYS, EXPENSIVE LITIGATION, AXD OFTEN A TOTAL FAILURE OF AN OTHERWISE LUCRATIVE VOY- AQ^. R«Mo«i would.tlu^efore 6fii^4o . (l«clft»e, thai for. hazards of v-4', >i5'. 100 THE OLIVE BRANCH. this nature, the benefits arising to neutrals from war, are not more thati a jiist equivalent. " It is somewhat iflered in itself. On this examination they confess it appears to them, fundamentally incf)rrect. It subjects commerce to fluctuating de- cisions ; overthrows the ordinary rules of evidence ; and places an im- mense power tn be wielded at the uncontrolable discretion of mugistrutes appointed by a single party. " It therefore wants all the discriminative features of a fundamental proposition of the law of nations — uniformity, precision, and general ap- plicability. It would, in their opinion, if established, create greater evils than it professes to redress, by perpetuating strife, dtstroyin^ (he ttnoluments of trade, embarrasnrifr commercial mlercourse, and LETT1>»G LOOSE THE PASSIONS JO PHK\ ON THE MISERIES, AND PLUNDER THE PROPF^RTY OF THE INNOCENT. It would subject neutrals to hazards nearly as perilous as those of actual hostilities ; and independent of its influence in stimulating to revenge and retaliation, IT WOULD TRANSFER THE BENEFITS OF PEACE TO ANY VtCTORIOU'^ USURPER OF THE OCEAN. *' But your memorialists are unwilling to rest the question on the pre- ceding grounds, however supported by reason. They appeal to higher considerations ; and (J^denythat the rule is, or ever has made, a part of public law, or acquired by usage or prescription, any authority a- mong nations. " Every pege appears to give a direct contradiction. They adhere to the ancient interpretation of the law of nations, which pn nounces that the goods of an enemy are lawful prize, and those of a friend free ; that the neutral, except in case of blockade and contraband, has a right to the uninterrupted pursuit of his commerce, when carried on with his own property, at all events in a direct trade from his own country. " They conceive [Hr'that it is not within the authorittf of any nation to legislate fitr the rest ; and that the law of nations being founded on the tacit<;r>ov«ation of the nations that observe it, can be binding only on tbojie nations who have adopted it. ^ It is conceded by the British Civilians that during the American revolution the doctrine was entirely intermitted, and the commerce of neutrals was pursued according to the ancient code. Many cases of this period might be cited from the admiralty records, which overthrow the rule, and expressly vindicate the opposite. If precedents are to decide, the judgments of a tribunal established in Great Britain under her sole appointment, and acting with open powers, must dnrely, when acquies- cence creates the law, complete the renunciation of the contested rule. " It is not the least singularity attending the conduct of the present war, that Great Britain has licensed her svhjrrts iv n trade which she rfe- clares fraudulent in others ; that she, admits fliutn unmolested t» supply her enemy with means of resistance, when shr declares confiscation is thr prnalfy of neutral succour. Were the rule ever so just in itself, itcrtninlv de- mands relaxation, when the belligerent pnriakefi tlie profit, and connives at the breach. If its foundation be the unlawfulness of affording assistance to a distressed enemy, surely {t onght not to be enforced whn that assitt" anci is etn authorised object of specukUion with the ditlrwin^ belligerent' into \ THE OLIVE BRANCH. ■.'j idi ** It is our pride to believe that the American mercbantfl, with very few exceptionH, are as distinguished for good faith as any on earth. The imputation thrown on them is a masked preltnee to repel the odium of vexo- Hous injuries^ and to excuse violations of law^ which cannot be justified. ** Your memorialists wish to tai(e no part in the contests which now convulse the world ; but acting with imfjartiality towards all nations, to reap the fruits of a just neutrality. If however, conciliation cannot ef- fect the purpose of justice, and AN APPEAL TJ AR;VIS be the last and necessary protection of honor, they feel no disposition to decline the common danger, or shrink from the common contribution. '* Relying on the wisdom and iirmncss of the general government in this behalf, they feel no hesitation to PLEOrrE THEIH lilVES and PROPERTIE'^ in support of the measures which may be adopted to vindi- cate the public riglits, and redress the public itTongs." John Hathorne, Renj. Growninshietd, jin.^ Joseph Sprague, Joseph White, jQiu \ Committee. Jonathan Ma«on, Joseph Story. j ^ Salem, Jan. 2.0, noij. / '■ ,K, aef alion to on the nly on merican TiiPrce of 8 of this irow the decide, her sole acquies- inlc. present k she de- pply her r prnalty inlv de- mi re.' at «si stance atasii*^' crcn(' A CHAPTER XVII. Re/lections en the Memorials, Uniform call for redress* Vnir form pledge of support, -■■'' ' •> I BBG the reader will devote a few minutes to a re-perusal of these important, these invaluable documents. Without bearing in mind their contents, it is impossible to form a correct estimate of the policy of this country, or of the merits and demerits of the two parties, whose senseless, and envenomed, and infuriated hostility, was of late rapidly sending to perdition the noblest country, the happiest people, and the best form of government in the world. We must not forget for an instant, the cause of all these im- passioned comjdaints, these invocations of redress, these pledg- es of suppor^. This is the most important item in the affair. It was simply the right tore-export the productions of the colonies of the enemies of Great Britain — a right, however clear and in- defeasible, which was wholly unessential to the prosperity of our country. We might have abandoned it without the sacrifice of an iota of the happitiess of our citizens, or the real honor of the nation. No man of decency can deny, after the perusal of these docu- ments, that the mercantile citizens of the United States urged — it would not be extravagant to say, goaded — ^the government into a resistance of the high-handed and oppreissive pretensioiis i! 'Si L02 THE OLIVE BRANCH. and outrages of Great B-iitain. Every paragraph establishes this important fact. The expression of ihe [.iibiic sentiment on this subject, was nearly simultaneous from Newburyport to Baltimore. That they calculated upon war, as Ihe dernier resort, is ob- vious from the [ihraseoio^y. It cannot be misunderstood. — When the Boston merchants express their reliance that ' " 3uch meadur-s will he prompt y adopted, as will tend to (lisembnrrasif) cnm- aierce, ASSERl' OUR RIGHTS, and sujiport the dignity of the United btates," it would be absurd and ridiculous to suppose these measures were to be limited to mere negociation, the utter inefficacy of which had been so often experienced. A ciiild would spurn at the idea oi '^ supportins; the dignity of the United States''' by ne- gociation alone. This had already been found to be a very ^eble resource, and might have been protracted for an age, without *^ asserting any of our rightsJ*^ Their views were not 60 limited. No. War, war, war, must indubitably have been in their contemplation, should negociation have an unfavorable issue. Can any man of common sense doubt, can any man of char- acter, deny, that the merchants of Philadelphia calculated on WAR, when, after having suggested, ••"That every measnre not inconsistent with the honor and interests of the na- tion, by which the great objects of redress and security might be attained, eiiould be first tried,** they add, " If such measures should prove ineffectual, whatever may be the sacrifice od their part, it will be met wiih submission.'* When the merchants of Newburyport " Rely with confidence on the FIRMNESS and JUSTICE of the govemmeut, to obtain for 'them compensation and protection,'* they must have been insane, if they did not calculate upon WAR as the uttinm ratio. These are the worthy citizens who stand recorded in the annals of their country, as having since pnirioticaUy pledged themselves to resist their own govern- ment, « EVEN UNTO BLOOD." And who can pretend, that the merchants of Newhaven, Tvhen they called upon the government " Firmly to resist every encroachment upon the rights of neutral nations," ■ did not calculate upon war ? And did they not most solemnly pledge themselves, when they tendered the " Assurances of their disposition ta give aid and support to EVERY MEAS- URE calculated to accomplish this important object." Jind when the Ne?r-York mc rcbants declared their THE OLIVE BRANCH. 103 " Reliance upon the governincDt of their country that their rights would not be abandom-d," and that (he crisis required ♦• All tub knekoy, as well as the prudence and wisdom of the government," can there be found a man who will pretend that war was not calculated on, unless other means might be found to accomplish the end in view ? It cannot be. And can there be a more ex|)licit pledge given, than is to be found at the close of their memorial — •« Wn pledge our united support in favor of ail the measures adopted to viadi-» rate and secure the juit rights of our country." I am credibly informed that there are subscribed to this me- morial, names of persons who lately prayed fervently and open- ly, for the destruction of the armies of the United States inva- ding Canada ! This is most wonderfully consistent and patri- otic. But the merchants of Salem are more explicit on the subject of war than any of their mercantile brethren elsewhere. They leave no room for inference or supposition. They most unam- biguously declare their views. " If, however, conciliation cannot effect the purpose, and AN APPEAL TO ARMS be the last and necessary protection of honor, they feel no dieposiiioD tbdseliae tlifi ^oiomoo danger, or shrink from tite conamon cootributioo." And was there ever, «ince UiQ world was formed, a more solemn pledge given, than the one with whicb tbey close theis memorial, and which I here repeat — " Relying on the wisdom and firmness of the general government, in this behalf they feel no hesitation, to pledge their lives and propertiev in support ofth« measures which may be adopted to VINDICATE THE PUBLIC RIGHTS. AND REDRESS THE PUBLIC WRONGS." In the next chapter, I shall investigate the question, Ivjw fas., these pledges were redeemed. i'% v4 CHAPTER XVIII. Character of merchants hy Edmund Burke, Illiheral andurtfound' ed. Merchants as various in character as other classes of men, American merchants shrewd and intelligent. Most lamentably blinded hy faction to their dearest interests. lEixample of Eng* land worthy of imitation. Struggles between ins and outs. All unite against the common enemy. American faMions mere del' eterims than those in England. Edmund Burke has left on record a most unfavorable char* acter of merchants^ which has been a thousand times ^oted i i.04 THE Olive branch. to their disparagement. He hag, if my memory do not deceive me, asserted, that they have no national attachments or f)at- riotism— that their ledger is their Bible — and gold their God. This character is unfounded and illiberal. All sweeping de- nunciations of entire classes are unjust. The merchants are as various in their characters as any other description of men. There are among them numbers of persons of the highest re- sjtectability— great patriotism— a high sense of honor— great liberality— and possessing all the other virtues that can adorn the human character. There are likewise some as base and vile as the others are excellent. There is nothing in mercantile affairs or commerce, that has a tendency to deteriorate those who follow the profession. It is iAtohceivabl^ how it should be otherwise. The large scale on which comiherce is conducted, is rather calculated to expand than iliiberalize the mind. Moreover, a considerable portion of the merchants having enjoyed the advantages of the best education, must, from tha^ circumstance alone, have a fair chance of not meriting the de- nuuciution of Edmund Burke. That the American merchants are, in general, shrewd, intel- ligent, and pfen6trating, cannot be denied. They are in these t^spects, at Ifeast on a level with the merchants of a»^" -" country. "^ ; '; — ^ ^^^^^^ It must, however ^'^ -v^' « ■• i 1. * . a*. have *<♦''' . , w« ateKlttO'Wicagcd, that m the course they ^.wci'ed from the commencement of the year 1806, when ftie preceding memorials were presented to Congress, till the declaration of war, and during its continuance, they have been as lamentably blind to their own vital interests, and to the highest interests of their country* as if they were almost alto- gether deficient of the reasoning faculty. They have inflictecjl incalculable injury on both. Indeed, so intimately in this case iwere these interests connected, that both were, and must ne- cessarily be, equally affected by the same wound. I hope to mnke this appear to their conviction, and that of the public. The reader has seen that the mercantile part of the commu- nity felt the highest indignation in 1 803, at the pretensions of Enslnnd to limit the American trade in the colonial produc- tions of her enemies ; that they very strongly remonstrated witli the government to resist those pretensions ; and that they pledg- ed themselves to their country and to the worlds to support tlie gov- emmejit in whatever measures might be necessary to obtain re- diress — obviously^ evidently^ and undeniably contemplating even war nrith all its horrors. I propose to examine how far their (V^eti<$e corresponded with their professions and pledges. jPMe RI|C>fic measure)! adppted to effect the object of their dfh THE OLIVE BRANCH. 105 sires were — a prohibition c^tlie importation ofsome of tlie mmt important of the manufactures of Cireat Britain — an cmbnri!;o, when the injuries we experienced from that nation had vuatly increased — and non-intercourse. Did the American merciiants redeem their pledge ? Did tliey pre&erve their faith ? Did they support the government in all or any of these measures? No. They indul>itably did not. There is not a candid fed- eralist from New-Hampshire to Georgia, that will assert, that the merchants, as a corps, supported the government in any one of these measures. 1 say distinctly, as a corps. There were illustrious exceptions. But the tidclity of these except- ions in redeeming their pledge was imavailing. [ET* The pledge was forfeited hy the corps — completely forfeited. The clear, indisputable, and melancholy fact is, that nften having impelled and goaded the government into measures to procure redress, they not merely withheld their support from those measures, but actually as far as depended on Uiera, pre- vented their success. They hung hostilely on the skirts of th^ government, and defeated the embargo, non-intercoune, and all the other restrictive measures. I have thus far considered the point as it respected their plighted faith, and the obligation they thereby incurred to sup- port the government in measures which had arisen out of their memorials, remonstrances and solemn pledges. I now enter on the consideration of their conduct, as it de- monstrates an unparalleled blindness towards their own intexeats, and those of their country. Whatever misjudging prejudice, or faction, devotion to Eng- land, or hostility to France may pretend, the solemn fact m. that the United States were most grievously outraged and injur- ed by Great Britain. The violence or excesses of France, enormous, and iniquitous, and indefensible as they were, afiTordecl no justification to those of her enemy. " Retaliation,'^ in the words of Mr. Bayard and Mr. Ltoyd* " was A MERE PRE- TENCE." If A rob tne of my hat, it does notfoUm that B has a right to retaliate on HIM, by robbing ME^rfmycoator waist- coat. And still less, if A threaten to rob me, but has not the power to do it, has B the right to retaliate on him by robbing rm. France pretended to blockade England, and seize neutral vessels bound there — but was unable to effect her purpose through her destitution of naval power. England retaliated i^(m France by seizing our vessels bound to that country ; and * In a subsequent cbaptcr, I shall quote the sentifflents of these geotlemen at All! length. -v. K 2 . . . \m THE OLIVE BRANCH. persevered in that lawless course for entire years, havii)^ depredated on the United States to the amount of many millions, and with every ttpecies of agi^ravalion, of which such an out- rage is susceptible — and forsooth all was perjfctratcd to punish France, whom she was at the satne time su/jjjtt/inir with our pro- ductions herself: .' / There is not in the history of the world any conduct more gross or less defensible. When we are laid in our graves, and our factions and con< vulsions are buried in oblivion, posterity will pass a heavy sentence of condemnation upon these odious, tliese oppressive, these scandalous transactions. I am sure such i» tlie deciitioH of all impartial and unprejudiced men in Europe. I would fur< felt a world, were I possessed of one, if this be not ** Alexander the deliverer's" sentiment. That America has been the aggrieved nation, ami England Tvholly the aggressor, is palpable from one circumstance. In all the diplomatic intercourse that has taken place between the cabinet of St. James' ami that at Washington, the former ha^ hardly ever made the slightest complaint of injustice against the latter, except occasionally otparlialil\f towards France. This, ''i'it mean any thing, must certainly mean tiiat we bore French tii'pnd'Uiofiy insidt, and outrage^ more patientbf than English out- raje, insuUy and depredation. If it have any other meaning, I »hail be gratified to have it dcGioastrated. W« inflicted on France one solid, oubstaniial, important, and most destructive iiyury, from which England was wholly fi^ee. We uniformly submitted from 1792 to 1812, to the violation of our neutndity, to the material beuetit of one belligerent and extreme disadvantage of the other. Our commercial marine was a constant nurscri/for Great Britain^ to ^ipplij her namf with sea- men to artnoy and distress Iter enemj/- This was a r.on&tant eause of war against us by France. It was indirect hostility with fundamental principles of the lawi)f nations. It was affording a most decisive and all-important aid to one belligerent for the destruction of the other, to an enor- mous extent, I believe unpannlleled in the history of Europe. It will riot, from the premises, be denied, that from the decla- ration of war between France and Enj;!and, the latter power condtantly made inroads upon us-— and we as cwistantly sought redress — ^and that our principal grievances were the outi'ages practiseti on our seamen, and the reiterated and intolerable infringement of our commercial rights and privileges. Under this view of the case, the correctness of which will not, I trust, be disputed, what ^qv^hq ought a.u enlightened body of njierchsiats to atj^ei I her cha Th mei ed THE OLIVE BRANCH, 107 »s> It aw of nt aitl enor- 8lu|>i»o«e tliem pntriotir, anil public spiritcfl, and magnani- mous ; a i'«'j;ar(l to Ihe-natiunul honur und interest would impel them to uphold the fi;overumcnt of their own country in a strug- gle against the lawless ontra^^tB of a fore)(;n nation. But even suppose them base, sordid, Keifish, avaricious, and without a sin- gle spark of patriotism, public spirit, or liiieraliiy, ought not their very selfishness dictate the same course ? How could they fail to see that every step Ihey took to harii-ss, to cripple, to embar- rHss their own goveruoient, was a step towards enabling the foreign and u«:gref:»ing nation, to triumph over Ihelr country, Hud to enforce its claims, to the manifest and immense injury oi' their own most vit;d intercbls ? I should pity the fatuity of a lad who had been but six weeks, in a counting-house, and did not at once percf'ive the cogency of these arguments. This point is clear, and plain, an therefore, we may fairly ascribe its ravages. In ail the wild, frantic, and fatuitous career of faction — from the earliest records of time to the present day, I believe thereis no parallel case. Never did an intelligent, enlightened aniT re- spectable body of men, make so immense, so wanton, so irrecov- erable a sacrifice of their dearest interests, and so completely contrary to the dictates of reason and common sense. UJ^IfBelsehub or Lucifer held the reins ofgovemmentypolicy and self-interest would dictate that in ail contests ivith foreign nations^ he &ught to be supported unless most maan^est^f and egregioushf unjust. Puldic spirit and selfishness equmly combine to enforce Oiis precept, „ How transcendantly superior Great Britain towers over us, in this respect ! What a suhlune lesson she holds out— what a nobk example she offers us to follow ! "^ She Is torn by faction like America. There is a constant struggle between the incumbents in office and those who pant after the seats they fill. But whenever the honor or vital inter- est of the nation is at stake, party in a great measure dies away, or, at least, becomes incapable of injuring the common cause — all unite under the national standard — and, till the end in view is .accomplished, distinctions arc almost wholly lost in one com* mon designation, supporters of their country's interest and honor. Not so in America. It is a fatal truth, that at the moment, when this page was written, [Sept. 1814] when not merely our interest, and our honor, but even our very salvation was jeopard- ized, faction raged in many places with unabated violence ; and wicked men were incessantly employed in exciting our citizens to imbrue their hands in the blood of their c(Aintrymen,^ instead * Tliis was the inevitable tendency, although not the declared purpose, Of a 'ViiTy coDgiderable-DUffiber of the pubiications ia certaia oewspapors. THE OLIVE BRANCH. loe HI of preparing to oppose a vindictive enemy. May the God of peace and love, dispel the clouds that impend over us — banish our discords — and, once more unite us in tlie bonds oi harmonf aiid charity towards each other. Ao^en. „,^,, ,.;„,. r.,,,., '^'•'3 S*K CHAPTER XIX. British Depredations hrottght on ilu tapis in the Senate of the V- nited States. CondemncUory Resolutions passed. Messrs. Pick- ering^ UUlhofuse^ Bayard, and Tract/, in the ajfirtnative. — A mbassador txtraormruay to England. British goods prohib- ited. In consequence of the presentation of the mercantile memo- rials, the Sej^ate of.tlie United States took the subject into their most serious consideration; and passed the following Resolution, on the 10th Feb. 1806. " Resolygdj \j^ lis cajture ai^d condemnation, under order^ of the BritUh •orernment, and adjudications of ilieir courts of admiraltf, of American veaaejs and tlieir cargoes, on the pretext of their being employed in a trade with the en- mies of Great Britain prohibited in time of peace, is AN UNPROVOKED AG- GRESSION UPON THE PROPERTY OF THECITIZENSOF THE UNI- TED STATES-.A ,VIOIiATlON OF THEIR NEUTRAL RIGHTS— AND AN ENCROACHMENT UPON THtJlR NATIONAL INDEPEND- ENCE."* I hope the reader will attentively peruse this resolution. It is clear and explicit. It solemly protests against the revival of the exploded rule of the ifrar of 1 756, as *'■ An encroachment upon tiie national independence, and a violation of our Beutral rights." Stronger Icrnguage could not well be used. What renders it peculiarly remarkable, is, that it was carried by an unanimous vote of the Senate, 28 membjers present. But secondly and chiefly, I beg it may be borne in eternal remembrance, that a- mong the names of tl»e senators who thus voted, are to be found those of Messrs. PICKERING, Hillhouae, Bayard, and Tracy. Another resolution^ passed February 14, stands in thes^e words^: — *• Resolved, that the preisident of the United States be requested [i;^^ to DEMAND the restoration of the property of their citizens captured and con- demned (J^ oil (he pretext of itt being employed in a irade rvith the enemies of Creat Brit.iin, prohibited in Uint qfpzace ; aad rj^ the indemnijicatiori of suck American (f/tizeni /(tr t^«ir ime» arid dcimages sa^iained by these captures and PondeKaaUoos ; and to enter into such arrangements with the British government, "4 1*-' * Journals of the Senate for 1808— page 126. •ytt lid THE OLIVE BRANCH. on thMe and all other differences between the' two nationp, (and particularly respecting rj^T' the IMPRKSSVIEIVT OF AMERICAN SEAMEN) as may he consistfiiL wuU the liouoi and interest of the United States, and manifest their earnest desire, for themselves and their citizens, of that justice to which they ai'e entitled."* There was a division upon this resolution. It was carried by twenty affirmative, against six negative votes. Messrs. PICKERING, Hillhouse, Bayard, and Tracy were in tlie af- firmative, as on the former resolution. To obtain rediess from Great Britain, four modes present- ed themselves — negotiation — non-intercourse — embargo, and war. The first in order required to be first essayed. Accordingly the administration entered upon negotiation, and, to attach more solemnity to it, Mr. Wm. Pinkney was appointed mii^ster ex- traordinary, and united with Mr. Monroe, then resident at the tsourt of St. James\ To give the negotiation a greatsr likelihood of success, an act was passed,! making a strong appeal to the interest of Great Britain. By this act, the importation into the United States ViM prohibited, of a variety of hermoBtimpurtaut uiatiufaetures, viz. ' All articles of which leather is the material of chief value. " All articles of which silk is the material of chief value. *' All articles of which h«mp or flax ie the material of chief value. " All articles of which tin or brass is the material of chief value, tin in sheets excepted. ** >Voollen cloths, whose invoice prices shall exceed five shillings sterling per square yard. •' Woollen hosiery of all kinds. '^ Window glass and all the manufactures of glass. •• Silver and plated wares. " Paper of every description. •' Nails and spikes. •* Mats and clotijing ready made« •' Millinery of all kinds. " Playing cards. " Beer, ale,, and porter j and pictures and prints." This act was passed on the 18th day of April, 1806, in com- pliance with the remonstrances nf the merchants, as a means of inducing England to abandon her uiyust pretensions, and to cease her depredations. And with a laudable wish to afford her time to weigh its consequences, and to prevent a rupture, its operation was not to commence till the 15th of the Ibllowing November, a period of seven months. Thus reluctant was our government to have recourse to extremities, notwithstanding the grievous provocations that had been Offered^ It is impossi- « Journals of the Senate for 1806— page 131. f Laws of the United Stat^ vol. vi.' page 80; THE OLIVE BRANCH. , 111 blc to conceive a more lenient mode of proceedinpf, or one re- flecting more credit on tlie forbearance of an injured and insult- ed nation. Still further to evince the wish of our rulers to preserve peace, the operation of this act was suspended in December 180ti, till tJie Istof July 1807* — uid moreo/er, the president was author- ised, " if in his judgment the public good should require it, to suspend it still farther till the second Monday of December in the same year." Here let us pause a moment. The United States had suffer- ed depredations on their commerce to an enormous amount, by the revival of a pretended rule of the law of nations, which had been formally abandoned, and of which revival no previous no- tice had t)een given. And instead of having recourse to repri- sals, or to a declaration of war, either of which would have been perfectly just, they adopted the mild measure of restraining the commerce of the aggressor, in order to make it his interest to do them justice. Never was greater forbearance shewn — never was forbearance worse requited* .(.. •> ; CHAPTER XX. Attack on the Chesapeake. Proclamation interdicting our harbors to the British, While the depredations sustained by our merchants were yet under discuiision, a tragical affair occurred, which still fur- ther unfortunately embroiled the two nations. The Chesapeake, capt. Gordon, sailed from Norfolk on the 22d of June, 1807. The Leopard, of 50 guns, which was moor- ed near her, weighed anchor shortly afterwards. She soon o- vertook the Chesapeake, and demanded four sailors, three of whom had deserted from the British frigate Melampus. The fourth was said to have deserted from a British merchant ves- sel. Commodore Barron, who was on board, refused to deliver them : and in consequence the Leopard commenced an attack upon the American frigate, which wag wholly unprepared for resistance. Three men were killed, and sixteen wounded ; a- mong the latter was the commodore, who struck his flag, and surrendered the vessel Capt. Humphreys of the Leopard sent an officer on board the Chesapeake, who seized four of her crew^^ f Laws of the United States, page 220.' 112 THE OLIVE BRANCH. William Ware, Daniel Martin, John Strachan, and John Wil- son. Of the four persons, thus seized, one was brought to trial at Halifax, and, being found guilty of desertion, was hanged. — One died in confinement. The other tvro were retained in bondage till June 13th, 1812, when they were restored to free- dom on board the Chesapeake, at Boston. This outrage excited the utmost indignation throughout the United States, and for a time united all parties in the common clamor for reparation of the insult and injury, or war. The federalists were as loud in their denunciations of the lawless violence as the democrats. I have already stated the prudence of the then president, Mr. Jefferson. The attack took place on the 22d of June — und he delayed the extra meeting of congress till the 26th of October, to afford time for the effervescence of the public to subside. This wise measure saved the country from war at that period. But to guard against similar outrages, and against others which we had suffered within our own jurisdiction from British vessels of war, the president issued a proclamation forbidding them the entrance into our ports and harbors, of which I subjoin a copy. PROCLAMATION. During the wars which, for some time, have unhappily preTailed among the Eowers of Europe, the United States of \nierica, firm la their principles of peace, ave endeavoured by justice, by a regular discharge of all their national and social duties, and by every friendly office their situation has'admiltod, to maintain with all the bellijerents their accustomed relations of friendship, hospitality and commercial intercourse. Taking no part in the questions whicii animate the powers against each other, nor permitting themselves to entertain a wisli but for tlie restoration of general peace, they have observed with good faith the neutral- ity they as bearing oflSce, civil or military, within or under the authority of the United St'\^es, and all others, citizens or inhabitants thereof, or being within the same, with vigihnce and promptitude to exert their respective authoritie!>, and to be aiding and assisting to the carrying this proclamation, and every part thereof, into full effect Provitled nevertlielcss, tliat if any such vessel shall be forced into tiie harborf or waters of the United States by digress, by the dangers of the«ea, or by th^ pursui*: of an enemy, or shall enter them charged with despatches or buiinesf from tlieir government, or shall be a packtt for the conveyance of letters or des[:atches. the commnnding o6ficcr »mmodiit"iy reporting his vessel to the collector of the district, stating the object or causes of entering the said harbors or waters, and conlbrming himself to the regulations in that Case prescribed under the authority of the laws, shall be allo^red the benefit of such reRii'atioos respect- ing repairs, supplies, stay, intercourse and departure, aa ibali be peimitted under the same authority. . m 4',. At 114 THE OLIVE BRANCH. In teitimony whereof, I have caused the seal, Ac. , Given at Washington, the second day of July, one thousand eight ' - , hundred and seven, and of the iodepeodence of the United Stntes the thirty-first. Th . JEFFERSON. By the President, James Madison, Secretary ^5ta by Great Mrilain against all neiitrmln9tv,n!i in ^enertnlj and particularly againsti THE OLIVE BRANCH. na htld 1807. Great of the sfaction ves to United vieiniiyi ihcpersam and privileges of our citizeni, as a free and independcDt people, have cxcitfd in us just abhorrence and indignation ; titat the late outrage by tlie Leopard ship ol' war af^niast the Chesapeake, we consider as a premeditated insult tt our government and national character, and wearing so barbarous an aspectf that longer patience nould degrade the name of Americans. " Resolved uaaniinously, Tiiat if upon tlie rateeting of Congress, it shall be found n^ce^sary to resort to hostile measures against Great Britain for the attain- uient of justice, nolence and barbarity had reached tiie neplus uUta. They bad the unblushing eflrontery to claim the rights of liospitality, while their hands were crimsoned and smoking trith the blood of your countrymen ; even at the instaat they bad declared war, in sight of those shores from which, BOt many years past, their discomfited and recreant myrmidonti were driven with disgrace ; in sight of those monuments, whicli fill your breasts with a holy and inspiring admiration for the valor and triumphs of your forefathers. The nation was unexpectedly plunged into war, and your- selves the first exposed to its luthless blast. The choice of tame submissiou or resistance was forced on your consideration ; with one voice you declared that your ancestors had wrested their rights, their liberties, and independence, from the suffocating grasp of British tyranny, by the sword ; and tliat you, thcii posterity, had resolved with it tp defend and to perpetuate the hallowed patt i- fftony." " Extraetfrom the proceedings of the CitisemofNew York, July 2, 1807. " Having received, with the mos,t lively indignation, authentic information, that on th(i 22A ult. an attack, unwarranted by the known usages of nations, and in violation of ournational rights, was made off the capes of Virginia, on tlie tJnited States* frigate Chesapeake, commodore Barron, by his Britannic majesty's armed ship the Leopard, captain Humphreys: the citizens of New-Vork, assembled m general meeting, deem it to oe their duty to express their opinionij ■?=^ THE OLIVE BRANCH. llf^ E(l patii 1807. )rinntion, ons, and on tite majesty's w-York, opinions of Great made op ty's ship, isiti§«»- ;» Last in the long Tist, let me take the liberty orofTering to the %voi'!ii t' : sentiments of the citizens of 'Boston, io town meetingr held in the court-house. Boslon, July iOy 1807. " Wliereas it appears by a proclamation issued by the President of tiie United filiates, that a most wanton and cruel outrage has been committed upon the United {jtatep' frigate Cliesape»i»e, by th" British ship of war licopard, in which our ri(i/:piis have been wounded nnd murdered, and the flag of our nation insulted and violated. And wlierira« it is the duty, as well as rigfit, of the citizens of a free country to express their readiness to Pupr>ort the constituted authorities in the measures thoy may adont for national redress of an injury so barbarous in its nature, and fo unprecedented in its execution : therefoie, '' Resolved unanimously. That the late aggression, committed by a British ship of \VA,- on a frigate of the United States, for the avowed purpose of taking from Jier hy iorce a part of her crew, was a wanton outrage upon the persons and lives of oji' clti;;en<', and a direct attack on our national sovei eignty and independence ; that the spirited conduct of our fellow citizens at Norfolk on this occasion, hf'fore tlie orders of government could be obtained, was highly honorable to themselves auil to the nation. •' Rpsolved unanimously, That rrja the Jirm, dignyied, and temperate policy nd'iptcd hy our executire at this muniHiiious crisis is entitled to our most cordial gpprobatlim and support. " Ros Ived unanimously, Tliat XTitli all our personal influence and exertions we will viid and assist t!ie constituted authorities ui carrying the proclamation of t lie president of the United States, in every particular,, into full and effectual oxfcutias, " Resolved unanimously, That though we unite with our government in wishing most ardently for peace on juBt and honorable terms, yet rj^ vfc are rea^" cin?erfully to co-operate in any measures, however serious, wiiicti they may judge neccssaty for the safety and honor of our country, and will suppqrt them with our lives ami fortunes." Besides tlie above meeting, there was another held in Boston^ at Faneuil Hall, on the 16th July, 1807, at which John Coffin Jones, esq. acted as moderator* John Quiney Adams, Ham^ofi Grai/ Otisy Wm. EuatU, Christopher QorCy Charles Jones, John C. Joncsy Thomas H. Perkins^ Jonaihaa. Masoriy and John War- ren, esqrs. were appointed a committe to prepare a report, whicbr contained the following resolutions Resolved, that we consider the unprovoked att&ck made on the United States* armed ship Chesapeake, by the Bnstish ship of war Leopard, a wanton outrage upon the lives of our fellow-ciiizens, a direct violation of our national honor, and an infringement of our national right? and sovereigntj'. Resolved, that we most sincerely approve the proclamation, and the firm and di.-ipassionate course of policy pursued oy the president of the United States, and ih> will cordially unite with our fellow-citizens in afTording effectual support to Euci. measures as our government may further adopt, in the present crisis of our affairs. To those unacquainted with the solemnity- and regularity of the proceedings in Boston town meetings, it may not be improp^ er to state, that there is probably no town in the world whose public meetings are conducted with more propriety and deco- rum-^aud that these resolutions may be regarded ae full and as W- )I8 THE OLIVE BRANCH. fair an expression of the sentiments of the citizens of (he toT\u as ever \\m given. I have already ofTered a few reflections on the cliarge of French influence, so universally alledged against Mr. Jeflerson, and 80 generally believed by the federalists throughout the un> ion. At the period of passing these resolves, hf had l)een in oflice six yeni's and four mouths, out of eight yeftrs of his presi- dency. And, 6ehold, the town of Boston, after so long an ex- perience of his conduct in this dignifled and arduous oflic4'» passes on him the highest encomiums for his ^•firm^ and dispas- sionate course of policy y'' at a crisis of the utmost delicacy. What a contrast — what a contradiction between this panegyric and the never-ending abuse, the remorseless virulence, with whicfr he has been assailed from that period to the present, in tiiai town, by men, the ms^jor part of whom were probably at the meeting, and concurred in this vote of approbation ! Alas ! alas f what a poor, miserable, contemptible, senseless animal is man ! To how little purpose is he endowed with that proud, distinct- ive faculty, called reason, of which he makes so little use ! It is due to Justice, and to the spirit of impartiality which I have studiously labored to preserve throughout this work, to state, that previous to the sailing of the Chesapeake, Mr. Ham- ilton, the British consul at Norfolk, hiKl made repeated oflicial- demands of these four seamen, which demands were repelled by the oflicers on board the Chesapeake, with the concurrence and approblsition of the cabinet at Washington. This refusal led to the orders issued by admiral Berkley, then at Halifax, to Cap- tain Humphreys, to take the men by force. It is also due to justice, to state, that as these men had enter- ed voluntarily on board the Chesapeake — and as Great BrilaJn steadily refuses to surrender foreigners who enter her vessels voluntarily — the claim made for these four sailors was not justi- fied or warranted by her own practice. The following account of three of the four men thus seijed, is extracted from a letter written by commodore Baroa, to the sec- retary of the navy, and dated April 7lh, 1812. It arose from the requisition of the British Consul at Norfolk for the delivery of these persons* " William Ware, pressed from on board the brig Neptune, captain Ci afts, by the British frigate Melampu^, iu t'.ie bay of Biscay, and has served on board the •aid frigate fifteen months. "• •* William Ware is a native American, born on Pipe creek, Frederick county, state of Maryland, at Bruce's mil I?, and served his time at said niiUs. He also lived at EUicott's mills, near Baltimore, and drove a waggon several years be- tween Hagerstwvn ard Baltimore. He also served eigliteen months on board the United States* frigate Chesapeake,, under the command of commodore Morris su)d iP'«ird nf llif snmp time and idaro. Hois a nntivr of WfsliJort, in MiisBiw-liiisrHs, ubout tliirty miles to tlie rnstward of IN<'Wj)Oit, Rhode- Island ; jf-rvt'd liisi liini' oi ( of Nivv-York, with captain Marrowby, in Ihf Cah'donia ; refertitoMr. nt'iM.imin l)ilvi^, niercliant, and Mr. Uciij unin Corce, of VVcstport. He is acoli^ii d mm "John Straclian, bom on ilw r astern vhim- of M.irybtml, Uiirrn Ann'i connty, between Ccnterville and Qiin'n-i-toAn : ref-rs to Mr .loiui rrioc, and IV'ilt, Efiq. on Kent Ifiland wlto know lij^ rclrttions. :?triu'lian ^iiili d in t!ie hrig Martha DInnd, cantuin VVivill. from New York to I)ii''!iii, mid froii. {Ii^-iire to Liverpool. He tliere left the biig and shipped on btvrd -i, K:i -i.di (iaii'.'iimaii. Me wm pressed on l)oard tUe Melampns off cape Mui^U'ri-' , to bctlrr ids situation, he consented to enter, bcin;j dcternjini-d to in i •• his i-cnp*- n lii>« opportunity ofTered. He served on board the frit;ate two years. Hl* i^j a wlute man, about live f^et seven inches high. *' U'illiam Ware and John Strachnn have prolcctiotis, D^oiel Martin sayi ha lost his after after leaving the frigate." , , .«» While the American mind was festering untler the atrocioui outrage perpetrated by Capt.Hum[ihreys, the Brilisli government isBued a proclamation, directing the search for, and seizure of British subjects on boanl neutral merchant vessels, of which I subjoin the two principal paragraphs. •'For the better execution of the purposes of this our royal proflamation, we do aiithoris^e and command all captains, masters, and others commanding our ships and vessels of war, to stop and make stay of all and every such person or persons (beio^ our natural bom subjects) as shall endeavor to transport or enter themselves Into the service of any foreiiin state, contrary to the uitcnt and command of this our royal proclamation, and to seize upon, take, and bring away all such persons as aforesaid, who shall be found to be employed or servinj; in any foreign merchant ship or vessel as aforesaid ; but we do strictly enjoin all sui'li of our captains, masters, and others, that they do permit no man to go on bo:ird .^uch ships and ve.<;sels belonging to states at amity with us, for the purpose of seizing upon, taking and bringing away, such persons as aforesaid, for whose discreet and orderly demeanor, the said captains cannot answer ; and that they do take especial c^re that no unnecesxay violence be done or offered to the vessel, op to the remainder of tlie crew, from out of which sjich persons shall be taken. *' And in case of their receiving information of any such person or persons being employed, or serving on board any ship of war belonging to such foreign state, being a state at amity with us, we do authorise and command our captains, masters, and others commanding our ships of war, to require of the captain or conwuander of f^uch foreign ship of war, that he do forthwith release and discliargc such person or persons, being our natural born subject or subjects ; and if such release and disciiarge sball be refused, then totran.smit infonn ition of such refusal to tlie commander in chief of the squadron under whose orders su'.*h captain or commanders ,=!hall be then serving; which information the said commpnder in chief is hereby. strictly directed and enjoined to transmit, with the least possible delay, to our minister « esiding at the seat of government of that stnte to which the ^aid foreign ship of war shall belong, to demand reparation for tiie injury done to u« by the unwarrautabie detention of our natural born subjects iii the service of a foreign state." -V ) u«. THE OLIVE branch: CHAPTER XXI. Blockade of the Coast from the Elbe to Brest. Berlin Decree. [NRri^:AD of ie»Ire»9liig th« grievances of which our merrhantfl ro loiully, nnd so floqucnUy, nnil sojuatly complained, the Ilrit- isri governnu-nf, on the lOih of iM»y, 1808, under the adminis- tration of the cele')rf\leh tries .Inmes Fox. Issued a proclama- tion, t)lui*k;idini? the constof Germany, Holland, and France, fr JOT tlu' KP'O to Brest, exlendinc to about 800 miles. Ther« never was .m ailfipiate force alationed to effect a legal hlockado of ft third part of tlie coast incUnled witlrin tile prochimation. The Fn nch govei nun n<, exasperated at thin otfensive and unjjstitiaMe meaisure, retaliated on (jlreat nritain. by the noto- rious Berlin decree, whereby the whole of the British domiur ions were declared to be in a state of hlocka«le, although a sin- gle French vessel of war hardly dared to shew itself on the seas ! ! ! Imperial decree declaring the British Isles in a state of Blockade. Imperial Camp, Berlin, IVov. 21, 1806. N^pDlcnn, Rinjirror of tlie Frpncli, mid Kina; of Haly, considering: 1 . I'lal MfigLiiid does not admit ttie right of liatiouii, as universally aclnowledg- ed by all civilized people ; '{. Tliiit filie declares as an enpmy every individual helontting to an enemy state, and in consequence makcR prisoners of war, not only of the crews of armed vessels, but those also ottntrchaiit vessel?, and even the siipercargoes of the same ; 3. Tiint she extends or a]>plies to merchant vessels, to articTes of conimeicc, and to the property of individuals, the right of conqueut, which can only be applied" or extended to w!«at belongi to an enemy state ; 4. That she extt'nds to ports not fortified, to harbors and mouths of river?, the Tight of hliickade, which, according to reason and the usage of civilised nations, is applicable only to ptroug or fortified ports ; :». That she declares places blockaded before which she has not a single vessel of war ; although a place ought not to be considered blockaded but vrlun it is so inve^'ted as that no approacii to it can be made without iamiineTit i'.azard : that she declares even places blockaded which her united forces would be incapabic oi* doing, such as entire coasts, and a whole empire ; 6 That this unequalled abuse of the right of blockade has no olher object than to interrupt the communication of diftcrent nations, and to extend the commerce and industry of England upon the ruiu of those of the continent ; 7. That tins being the evident design of England, whoever deals on the continent in English merchandize favors that design, and becomes an accomplice ; 8. That thih conduct in England (worthy only of the first ages of barbarism) has ber.eflted her to the detriment of other nations ; 9. That it being right to oppoge>to an enemy the same arms she mnkes use of; to combat as she does ; when all ideas of justice, and every liber.il sentiment (thi? result of civilization among men) are disregarded ; We have resolved to enforce against England the usagec which she has consC* crated in her maritime code. The present decree shall be considered as the fundamental law of the empirel, UBtii England has acknowledged that the rights o/nar are the eame oa land as at rp rHE OUVK BRANCH. 121 vessel it i« $0 : tliat lable oi rbarlsm) uspof ; iDtiinent LS conge^ enipir^, and as at tfa i that it cannot be rxtrnde I to any private proprrty whntcver, nor to pirsoni ivlio art- not iiiilitanf and until tlir U'^Ul of hluckadin)( be reatraiind to loititied places Bctu.il I V invp'-l«d by coinpi-tint fori'»'^. Article I. 'i'lie nrlli-li islands are in ■< •■t.ile of blm-kade. "' 2. All commerce and coiie-pondeno «it'i lli'iii is j rolilbited, Consefjuently, all l''tter« or packets, wrillni I'/t Fit);;tand, oi to ho EiiKlisIiman, «Ti' troop's or tlio>e of our alliei, Bliall be nr.iilc prisoner of war. I. flvcry «are-lioii«ie, all mcrclirindfzc or properly wlialcvcr, bcl()t>fi{ig to an r.ti;;ll'diiniu>, are dcrliirrd Rood pil/.e. .'». Oiio half of the proceeds of inerciiandizr drclar^d to b« j[ood prize, and for- f. ill (I as in the pretcdin:; artirlet, whali go to iiidciniiify tuiTcliints who have 8uf- KTt d lo-ses by the KnKli^b cuiisrr.-'. <}. No vesHfl cominsj directly from FnKland or hrr colonies, or having been liiore since the puhlicallfm ofthi.s decree, shall be admittt'd into any port. 7. Every vessji;! th;it by a false declaration, contriiV( nis the foregoing diipbft- tio!i, shall be seized, and the sliip and carfjoconfi rated iis KngliHli property. 8. [TlU!) article stitex, that the councils of prizes at Paris and at Milan siiall have recognisance of what may arise in the empire and in Italy under the present article.] 9. Comnninications of this decree shall be made to the kings of Spain, Naples, Holland, Rtrinia, and to our other alliei, whose subjects, as well a< ours, are victims of the ii»jnries and barbarity of the English maritime code. 10. Our minister* of foreign relattoni, j|rc> are charged with the execution of the present decree. I^TAPOLEON. EiLtravagant as this decree appears, it is capable of some de- fence; a defence not void of plausibility. It was promulgated to retaliate the blockade of a great extent of coast, of which, as I have stated, two-thirds were not invested by any force whatev- er. And it cannot be denied that if the blockade of a single port three miles in extent, much more a long line of coast, with- out a force to support it, be legal, the blockade of the British do> ininions, or even of a whole continent, without a force, is like- wise legal. And I am [)ersuaded that Capt. Boyle's celebrated blockade of the British dominions, was quite as legal and defea- sible, as the late blockade of such ports of the United States as had no naval force stationed before them. So far as respected American vessels, the Berlin decree was not enforced for twelve months. This is a most important fact, and is not asserted lightly. It stands on resi)ectable authority, lo which no objection will lie. This authority is Alexander B:trin^^, Esq. member of the British bouse of commons. '• N't! condemnation qf an American vessel had ever taken place under il ; and <# little did the French privateers interfere with the trade of America with this coun- try, that the inmrance on it has been very little higher than in time qf prqfound ptice ; while that on tho American trad? with the continent of Europe ha.s at thp hiiine tjiue'been doubled and even trebled by the conduct of our cruisers."* * " Enquiry into the causes and consec^uences of the orders in council ; and aft esiiniuatioii qI the coiidiicj of Great Britaia towards the neutral commerce of Al- 122 THE OLIVE BRANCH. Besides the above authoritj-, I annex an official proof of my position: — , Paris, Nov. 12, 1807. Sir — It was not till yesterday that I received from Mr. Skipwith a copy of the decree of the council of prizes, in the case of the Horizon. This is thejirsl un- friendly decision of that body under the decret of the 21 st of Nov. 180li< la this case, and on the petition of the defendant, the court has recommended the restor- ation of the whole cargo. I did not however think proper to join in asking as h favor, what 1 believed mjself entitled to as a right. I subjoin a copy of my note to the minister of foreign afTairs. And am, sir, Jrc. . JOHN ARMSTRONG. Mr. Madison^ See. ^ • ■ ' ' CHAPTER XXII. Orders in Council ofNovemhcr 11 /fc, 1807. Milan Decree. As a retaliation for the preceding Berlin decree, were issued the orders of Nov. 11, 1807, whereby all neutral vessels, bound to France, or her dependencies, or to any port fronr which British vessels were excluded — and further all vessels furnished with French consular certificates of the origin of the cargoes, were declared liable to seizure and condemnation. This meas- ure, so destructive to the rights and interests of the United States, was predicated upon our acquiescence in the Berlin de- cree of November, 1806, twelve months anterior, although that decree, as I have stated, had not been enforced against our commerce, and of course we had no right to remonstrate against it. There did not, therefore exist that acquiescence which could have warranted this high-handed outrage. To enable the reader to judge correctly on the subject of these celebrated orders, I annex a copy of them at full length. Jt the Court of the Queen's Paltuje, thelUh o/Novetnber, 1807, present^ the King^s most excellent Majesty in council. Whereas certain orders, establishing an unprecedented system of warfare against this kingdom, and aimed especially at the destruction of its commerce and re- sources,^ were some time since is«ied by the government of France, by which "the British islands were declared to be in a state of blockade ;♦* thereby subjecting to capture and condemui>tion all vessels with their cargoes, which should continue to trade with his majesty's dominions : And whereas by tlie Fame orders, " all trading in English merchandize is prohib- ited :^ and every article of merchandize belonging to England, or coming from her colonics, or of her m-iuufacture, is declared lawful prize." And whereas the nations in alliance with France, and under her control, were required to give, and hare given, and do give, effect to sucL orders : inerica. By Alexander Baring, esq M. P." London, published February, ISOB* Republiihed in ThiladelpUia, by Bradford and Inskeep. I'HE OLIVE BRANCH. VMi my 07. )ftht if un- a this estor- ; as a / note ree. issued bound which nished irgoes, , meas- Jnited in de- h that our tgainst which jt ect of ength. 1807, ■ e against and re- ach "the iecting to Intinue to ks prohib- [from her [ol, were -4. -if- • And whereas his majesty's order of the 7th of January last, has not answered the deifired purpose, either (^compelling the enemy to recal those orders, or of in- ducing neutral nat:ons to inteq>08P, with effect to obtain their revocation ; but, en the contraiy, the same have been recently enforced with increased rigor : And whereas hia m^esty, under these circumstances, finds himself compelled to talce further measures for asserting and vindicating his jui>t rights, mid for sup- porting that maritime power which the exertions and valor of hin people liave, under the blessing of providence, enabled him toostabiish and maintain ; and tiie maintenance of which is not more essential to the safety and prof^perity of iiis majesty's dominions, than it is to the protection of such states as still retain their independence, and to the general intercourse and happiness of mankind. His majesty is therefore pleased, by and with the *idvice of his privy council, 'to order, and it is liereby ordered, that all the pMs and places qf France and her nlHes, or of any other country at mar rvith his majesty, and all other ports or places in Europe, from nihich, although not at tvar mith his majesty, the British flag is excluded^ and all ports or places in the colonies belonging to his majesty'*s enemies^ shall from henceforth, be subject to the same restriclums in point qf trade and navigation, with the exceptions hneinafler mentioned, as\fthe sami wrre actually blockaded by his majesty'^ s navalforces, in the most strict and rigorous ma7iner. And it is hereby further ordered and declared, that all trade in articles which are of the produce dr manufacture of the said countries or colonies, shall be deemed and considered to be unlawful ; and that every vessel trading from^ or to the said countries or colonies, together with goods and merchandise on board, and all artiiles of the produce or manvfacturt of the said countries or colonies, shall be captured and condemned as prise to the captors. But although his majesty would be fully justified, by the circumstances and con* siderations aboved recited, in establishing such a system of restrictions with res- pect to all the countries and colonies of his enemies, without exception or quali- fication ; yet his majesty, being nevertheless desirous not to subject neutrals to any greater inconvenience than is absolutely inseparable from the carrying into «ffect his majesty's just determination to counteract tlie designs of his enemies, and to retort upon themselves, the consequences of their own violence and in- justice ; and being yet willing to hope that it may be possible (consistently witii that object) still to allow to neutrals the opportunity of furnisiiing themselves with colonial produce for their own consumption and supply ; and even to leave open, for the present SUCH TRADE WITH HIS MAJESTY'S ENEMIES AS SHALL BE CARRIED ON DIRECTLY WITH THE PORTS OP HIS MAJESTY'S DOMINIONS, OR OP HIS ALLIES, in the manner hereinafter mentioned. His majesty is therefore pleased farther to order, and it is hereby ordered, that nothing herein contained shall extend to subject to capture or condemnation any vessel, or the cargo of any vessel, belonging t« any country not declared by this order to be subjected to tlie restrictions incident to a state of blockade, which shall have cleared out with such cargo from t>ome port or place of the coun- try to wliich she belongs, either in Europe or America, or from some free port io liis majesty's colonies, under circumstances in which such trade from such free port is' permitted, direct to some port or place in the colonies (f his mnjesty^s enemies, or from those colonies direct to the country to which such vessel belongs, or to some free port in his mEgesty'i colonies, in such cases, and with such articles, as it may be lawful to import into such free port ; nor to any vessel, or cargo nf any vessel, belonging to any country not at war wilh his majesty which shall have cleared (mt from some port or place in this kingdom, or from Gibraltar or Malta, under such regulations as his majesty may think Jit to prescribe, or from any port belonging to his majesty's allies, and shall be proceeding direct to the port specified in her clearance ; nor to any vessel, or the cargo of any vessel, boionging to any coun- try not at war with his majesty, which shadl be coming from any port ot- place in Europe, which is declared by tliis order to be subject to the restrictions incident to a state of blockade, DESTINED TO SOME PORT OR PLACE IN EU- ROPE BELONGING TO HIS MAJESTY, and which shall be on her voyage direct thereto^ but these exceptions are qo^ to be understood as excepting ffom 124 THE OLIVE BRANCH. capture or confiscation any vessel or goods which shall be liiblfi tiirreto iii rcspPd of naving cntpred or departed from any port or place actually blockaded by \m majesty*8 squidrons or ships of war, or for being enemies' property, or for any other cause than the contravention of this present or4er. And the coinmandprs of his uiajesty^s ships of war and privateers, and other vessels acting under hi? majesty's commission, shall be, and are hereby instructed, to warn every vessel which shall have commenced her voyage prior to any notice of this order, and shall be destined to any port of France, or of her allies, or of any other country at war with liis majesty, or to any port or plRce from which the British (lag, as aforesaid, U cxocluded, or to any colony belonging to his mr.- .>esty's enemies, and which shail not have cleared out as \% herein before allowed, to discontinue her voyage, and to proceed to some port or place in this kii'gdofri, or to Gibraltar or Mftlta. And any vessel which, after having been so warned, or after a reasonable time shall have been afforded for the arrival of information of this his majesty's order to any port or place from which sh* sailed, or wliicli, after having notice of this order, shall be found in the prosecution of any voyajie contrary to the restrictions contained in this order, shall be captured, and, to- gether with her cargo, condemned as lawful prize to the captors. And whereas countries not engaged in the war have acquie«!cpd in the orders of France, prolibiting all trade in any articles the produce or manufacture of his majestys dominions ; and the merchants of those countries have given counte- nance and effect to those prohibitions, by accepting from nersons styling then> selves commercial agents of the enemy, resident at neutral ports, certain docu- ments termed *• certificates qf origin,'''' being certificates obtained at the ports of shipment, declaring that the articles rfihe cargo are not qf the produce or manu- facture of his tnaje^ty^s dominions^ or to that effect. And whereas this expedient has been directed by France, and submitted toby such merchants, as part of the new system of warfare directed against the trade of this kingdom, and as the roost effectual instrument of accomplishing the same j and it is therefore essentially secessary to resist it. His majesty is therefore pleased, by and with the advice of his privy council, to order, and it is hereby ordered, that if any vessel, after reasonable time shall have been afforded for receiving notice of this his majesty's order, at the port or place from which such vessel shall have cleared out. shall befound carrying any such certificate or document as qfnresaid^or any document rrf erring tn^ or auihenti^ eating the same, such vessel shall he ad,iudged lawful prize to the captors, to- gether with the goods laden therein, belonging to the person or persons by whom, or on whose behalf, any such document was put on board. And the right honorable the lords commissioners of his majesty's treasury, his majesty's principal secretaries of state, the lords commissioners of the admiralty, and the judges of the high court of admiralty, and courts of vice admiralty, are to take the necessarv measures heroin, as to them shall respectivelv appertain. W. FAWKENER. The precpdinaj orders were asslsrned by Napoleon aa a rea- son for, and Justification of, the Milan decree, of which I sub- mit a copy ; althoiic^h it somewhat deranges the pVan of this part of my work. But I prefer grouping: these three documents to- gether, for the ease and convenience of the reader. IMPERIAL DECREE. BfjOinder to his Britannic majesfyU Order in Council oftheWlh Sevemher, 1 Wf . At our Royal Palace at Milan, Tiertmher 17, 1807. Napoleon, emperor of the Freuch, king of Italy, and protector of tite Rhenish confederation Observing the HUeasures adopted by the British government, on the llth PTe- vember lasl^ bp wbidi Testels bebog^ to ««itr»I, fricttdty, or even powers ^ THE OLIVE BRANCH. Ui hllies of Eogland, are made liable, not only to be searolicfl I)y Firtj;!!.^]) cruiser?, but to be coiopulsorily detained in England, aud to Imve a tax Ir.id on them of s6 much per cent, on the cargo, to be regulated hy tiie British legislature. Observing that by these acts, the Britisli government dtnntionalisfs ships of every nation in Europe ; that it is not coinprti^nt for any goverinnont to detract from its own iadr-pendcnce and riglits ; all the sovereigns of Europe having in trust the sovereignties and independence of the fli": ; that if by an unpardoiihble weakness, and which in the eyes of poatprity would be an indelible ytain, if such ■ ft lyranny was allowed to be established into principles, and consecrated by usage, - the English would avail thciiuelves of it to assert it as a right, as they have availed th'^mselves of the tolerance of governments to establish the infamous principle, that the flag of a nation does not cover goods, and to give to their right ofblockade an arbitrary extension, which infringes on the sovereignty of every f tate ; we have decreed and do decree as follows : I. Every ship, to wiiatever nation it may belong, that shall have submitted to he searclied by an English sliip, or to a voj'age to England or shall have paid any tax whatsoever to the English government, is thereby, and for that alone, declare £7 44 1:0 57 22 33 67 11 45 32 4 66 45 46 15 se 22 11 57 96 3 78 26 64 4 44 17 5 93 1 II 2 22 5 98 2 3 1 .Goods not allowed lo be bonded, and vpon tchich the homeoccnsumption duties must be paid on importation : Anchors 40 per cent, on the value. Anliatto Argol Ashes Oak bark • 17 1^ Bread '^^>- Butter ;.- Cuble and Cordage Wheat Wheat meal and Flour Stock-fish 12 85 4d per cwt. 5s — lOs --. 28 6d 4s — ' n 18f 105 5s perqr. per cwt. 25 6d per 120 - 4* per cwt. - ilO 105 per 252 gals. »- 17$ 6d, per cwt. Is 6d per 56 lb. $10 1 4 4 2 I 46 3 65 11 22 55 flO 44 00 22 II 56 90 62 93 33 Other fish Seed Oil Pork Flax-Eced Prize goods prohibited. Goods not enumerated, but which may be used in this country — on the present dtiftes 40 per cent. , A letter from Rathbone, Hughes and Duncan^ of Liverpool, dated in the be- ginning of April, 1808, has tiiis paragraph : " These duties to attach to the cargoes oi all vessels bound from the United States to those ports on the continent, which are under the influence of France, and arrive in thi)> cou&tryi in ctuupUaocc wilh tLc orders iu council of the Hth ^ovc-tahrr," -,,.-- THE OLIVE BRANCH. 127 67 11 43 i 32 4 08 4J 1.5 :iQ » 11 1 37 96 .,...,-. 3 "18 ' 26 64 4 44 17 5 93 1 II 2 1^2 5 'J8 A9ynopsi$ of part of the Effects of these Duties. A cargo of cotton, of 1090 bales, of 300 lbs. each, which is about the common weight, paying Od sterling per »b. in England, would amount to the precise sura of 50,000 dollars. The same cargo of cotton at 14 1-2 cents, ttie average price for fine Louisiana cotton, would not cost at New-Orleans more than 13,500 dollars. Thus the exporter would have to pay 6,500 dollars in London, as a duty for liberty to proceed to the continent, more than the original cost— to this might be added the rarious other charges of tonnage, ^c. amounting to about 1^000 dollars more. A cargo of tobacco' may be said to consist of 400 hogsheads — for the sake of round numbers, we will suppose each hogshead only to weigh 1000 lbs. and the account stands thus— 400,000 lbs. Tobacco, at Id 1-2 sterling per pound, is £2,50a sterling, or $11,100 00 Tonnage, at 125 per ton on 400 tons, is 2210 sterling, or 1,065 00 Li^ht money and various other charges and attendant expenses, would aiBount t(v ' 800 00 Amount of tribute on a cargo' 12,965 00 Of the 80,000 hogsheads we generally exported, about 12,000 were consumed in the British islands. The rest went to the continent. Put them, as before, at 1000 lbs. each, and what is the amount of tribute on this m\g\e article P 68,000 hogsheads tobacco, weighing each 1000 lbs. is 68,000,000 lbs. at Id 1-2 sterling per pound, is 2425,000, or $ 1,998,000 00 170 ships' tonnage, &c. at 3000 dollarseach 340,000 00 Amount of annual tribute on tobacco 2,338,000 00 A ship would carry about from 3000 to 3500 barrels of flknir ; say for the sake of calculation, 6000 cwt. 6,000 cwt. at 55 sterling per cwt. amounts to M500, or $ 6,660 oO Tonnage and charges, as above 1,865 60 .1 . I Amount of tribute on one cargo of flour 8,525 60 A ship load of fish would cost about 3500 or 4000 dollars, inclu^fing the dutii^a aod cluu'ges.* m I u 2 22 55 SO 4 44 4 00 2 22 1 11 ,.. 56 90 46 62 3 92 n- 33 In this thebe- United iFrance, lie litU CHAPTER XXIir. The orders in council of November 11, 1807, defended hy Ameri- cans, Founded on the untenable plea of American acquiescence in the Berlin Decree, Enquiry into their causes end consc' quences hy A,. Baring, Esq. M, P. Pernicious as were the orders in council to the most vital interests of the United States— degrading as was the condition of paying a transit duty in English ports — ^and unjust and un- founded as was the allegation on which these orders were pre- dicated, there were defenders of them in this country — Ameri- cans born. Among the number were men in high and elevated stations, possessing a great degree of public confidence and po- ^- For all these statements and calculations Lam indebted to CTiles*' WeekJ^ Boglster, Tol. 3, pag.e 79^ 'IJ^ 128 THE OLIVE BRANCH. litlcal influence. It is a mo3t singular fact, that the cause o^ England has been far more ably supported in our debates, and in our political speculations and essays, than in London itself. There is no man of chsracter or standing in society in that city, or in the British parliament, that has attempted to deny the magnitude of our wrongs. The minisfiy and their friends have palliated their proceedings by the miserabc plea of necessity — and of retaliation — a plea that Barbarossa, or Koulikan, or Bo- naparte, could with equal justice advance. But such respecta- ble men as the Roscoes, the Whitbreads, the Barings, have be- stowed on the outrageous measures of their government, the most unqualified reprobation. I have it not in my power at present to refer to the debates in parliament. But 1 perfectly well recollect, an«l such of my jeaders as have access to them w\\] see at once, that the rectitude of the conduct of our govern- went, and its mild endeavors to procure redress, have received I he most unequivocal encomiums from some of the most illustri- uus chHracters in Great Britain. The iespectability of Mr. Alexander Baring is a matter of jiubllc notoiioty throughout the commercial world. There is no man in England more attached to the honor and the inter- ests of hie country, His (eetimony has been, as I have said, unhormly borne in our favor, and against the enormous injustice of the orders in council — and as it cannot fail to have a weight proportioned to his talents, integrity, and character I shall very freely quote from such an unexceptionable source. The orders in council of Nov. 11, 1807, were, as we have seen, predicated upon our acquiescence in the Berlin decree. — Mr. Baring having stated the fact,* that this decree not having been put iato operation against our commerce, we had had no right to remonstrate against it, proceeds, *' Unless, therefore, his majesty^s ministers have gome information of which tlif public is not possessed, apd which contradicts the very clear evidence the public do possess, we must conclude that the assertion in the orders in council tiia*: America had been i?uilty of that acquiescence in the decrees of France, which was to draw down, and has drawn down upon her, our menaced retaliation, 35= it totally void of foundationyf The fallacy of the allegation of an acquiescence in the Ber- lin decree having been proved, Mr. Baring thus accounts! for the Milan decree, which was the ofispring of the orders in coun- cil of November 11, 1807. " If what has been stated, be correct, that our orders in eouncll are nc. jus;*<- cuted."t * See page 121. f Baring's Enriuiry, page 70. \ Ibid^ THE OLIVE BRANCH. 12d no": jvisli- the same igidly «;>-«^' l*Iie following masterly analysis of the orders in council is taken from Mr. Baring's pamphlet. *' Jll trade directly from America to every pwt ant country at war rviih Great QriUin, or/rom tvhich the Britishjlag is excluded, is totally prohibited in this gKneral prohibUiont every part qf Europe^ with Vie exception at present qf Sweden f is included: and no distinction whatever made between the domestic produce qJF^ America, and that qf the colonies^ re-exported from thence ! ! ! '' The trade from America to the coloniea of all nations, remains unaltered by ^4ie present order. America may export the prodtue'qf her own countryf but that tif no ot/ier, to Sweden. '' U'ith the above exception, all articles, whether of domestic or colonial pro- duce, exported by America to Europe, must be landed in Uiis country [England] £foni whence it is intended to permit their exportation, under such regulations w ehuil i>e hereafter determined^ '^ By these regulations it is understood that duties are to be imposed on all arti- cles so reexported But it is intimated that an exception will be made in favor of iu.ch as are the produce of the United States, cotton excepted. '^ Any vessel, the cargo whereof shall be accompamed with certificates of' I-'reneii consuls abroad, of its origin, shall, togetlier with its cargo, be liable to' stisure and condemnation."* It is here proper to make a solemn pause. The subject de- serves the deepest, the most serious reflection. Let us examine this sketch, drawn by a masterly hand, beyond the reach of suspicion. Let us consider the despotic,- the lawless claims it asserts — the prostrate, the base, the despicable state it places the coramerce and the •yrights of a sovereign, an independent, and unoffending nation — a nation whose trade was of incalculable importance to the power thus daring tolegblate for us, and de- stroy our dearest rights of sovereignty,- When this is all fairly and duly weighed^ let us correctly appreciate the conduct of so many Americans^ who have asserted with' a zeal worthy of a good cause, that England " has really done our commerce no essential injury Tf The annals of the world can produce no- thing more indefensible — nothing more astonishing. The end proposed by the British government in this stupeu'^ dous project of usurpation, is thus' ably sketched. " CC7* ^^^ Americans m-e to bring to this tountry aU thi produce tf their own^ and aii that of out enemies^ colonies, which they eacp^rt to Europe. We are here to form a grand emporium of the costly produce of Asia and America, which is to be dispensed to the different countries of Europe, under such regulations aa we' may think proper, I suppose, according tatheir good behavior. Q^ Taxes are ti be raised from tKe consumers on the continent ; and they are to be contrived with sucli judicious skill as to sectrre our own West 'ndia plaaters a preference to those of Cuba and Martinique "J ^* The American merchant, with the belt intention! of trading legally, cannof: always know what this country permits ; for we admit that upho!dmg a general prtDciple which we never enforce, we may and do vary our permission to neutrals und^r it as we please. Supposini^ him in this respect not liable to error, he is ex' posed to unjust decisions in our vice admiralty courts-^a danger of no common magnitude, if we are to believe the assertion of lord Uawkesbury in the house ot * Baring's Enquiry, page 12. f Mr. PickeriDg*s letter to gov. Sullivan, page 12- VBariog'8 Enquiry ^ page H), V M 2 m «3?S rJ, 130 r|i rUE OLIVE BRANCH. commons, the 29th pf April, 1301, tliat r/ 318 appeals /totn these courts, onlj Zj t\f the condemnatums mere coi\firmed.''*^ What a hideous picture of tlie rapacity and piratical proceed- ings of the British privateers is here exhibited ! It is not nnfaiv to suppose that of tlie number of vessels captured and brought in for a(\judication, one-fmn'tli were cleared irr the West-Indies. Admitting this calculation, (he whole number of captures em- braced in the statement of Lord Hawkesbury, was probably 420, of ivliich about 100 were cleared in tlie West Indies — 283 uixjustly condemned there, and afterwards cleared in Great Britain — and only 35 really and bona fide lawful prize — so that it appears, that of every twelve vessels brought in for trial, eleven were unjustly captured ! *• If we had maintained and derended this doctrine boldly and fairly against all nations, good arguments in favor of it could not be wanting. But when we have uniformly yielded it, and indeed forborne to claim it, [j;j» can it be condstent either nith magnanimUy or good policy^ to bring it/omurd now, BECAUSE THE ONLY REMAINING NEUTRAL HAS A DEFENCELESS COM^ MERCE ? U5=» If such cowardly injustice is to be one qf our resources in thfse trjjing times, ivken elevation wf sentiment and ^ nolinfmal character are more than tver wanted, the means and strengUi of thif poner/ul empire arc indeed strangely nusunderstood. "* *' This decinoii [in the case of the Esiex, Orme,] although the distinction was mot made to catch the common eye, was well known to am^ace the whole /oreipi trade (\f America, excepting tiiat in her own produ ■^. It circulated rapidly among our cruisers and privateers ; ^j^j^ and in the course of a fortnight the seas were cleared qf every American ship thty could Jindy which now crowded our ports fbr trial; and our West India merchants were grat tiled by neutral uiFurnnee and freights being at least doubled by this ingenious di8covery."t •' This decision laid the foundation of all the complaints of America of our vexatious measures against her trade, ns it introduced a totally new line of con- duct towards it; and that change produced the non-unportalioB act at which ws sfTect 80 much indignatimi."| " Nor was the ii^ury to the Americans confined to the application of these new and Texatious principles ; for our privateers, apprehending little danijer of being made answerable for their «rror, were not disposed to make nice distinctions ; bu^ U^ detained and sent in every vessel tl»ey aiet with, under the most fiivoloug pretences ; in which they were also eQcouragecl by the expectation of actual war. Of the exU-'nt to which this was carried, lovait idea may be formed, when it h stated, that cargoes, wholly of American produce, and of the prdtluce of neutral countries trading wiih America, were captured, and even brou!!;ht to trial. ''^ " QijP'The owners of privateers are in the daily practice oif bringing in valuta ble cargoes, and offering immediately to release them for one or two hundred guineas. They eoraetimes require ^ rnach larger sum. Th«: London merchant is either obliged to-acquiesce in THIS liNIQUITOUS ROBBERY, or let his coi* i*espondent suffer the more expensive vexations which it is unfortunately io the power of these people' to inflict."|( " The measurss resorted to by America, under these circumstances of provo* cation, were certainly of {jja the mildest species of hostility, and such as evi- dently ?howed a desire of peace. A law was pa,ssed prohibiting the importation of certain article? of British manufacture ; by which a demonstration of commeJ^- eial warfare was certainly intended. But it is such as every independent nation, even in time of peace, has a right to resort to without giving of&uce : and if tb'e f Barlng> Enquiry, pnge 43. * Idem, page 47. f Idem, page 50. X Idem, page i\, \ ^m, pages yi and ^3. g Id^u, page i^ . THE OLIVE BRANCH. 131 fOTTimf rr* of AmericM were to be maleriiilly iiitemiptod, a rcdiirtion of her im- portation of Europouii urticiei bpcninc indUpciiiiable. This law, after ditfi'irnt filispeHHions, is not }'et i'cpe.ilt'd. Of iU wisdom, as a cominerria) measure, there i.i;«y be dotibti ; hut 3;^ as an annoyance of our trade, for the purpose of l-ii- forciiij: H respect for tiiwrs, we have no right to complain of it."* '* If we had treated the commerce of America with sincerity, instead of rtJo- lp?ting it, as we have seen, rrys BY A REPETITION OF THE MOST » "S- {iR\CEFUL CHICANE, iii.it coTimerce would have tuflcred less, andour i i-iids would have been answered. Such an appejj to the good SMise of tliit coun- try, would certainly have been less likely to produce war than the sophistry with which they have been treated, and of wbicll every man in it must detest the lolly "f ♦» Fir so extensive an injury to a country rrp WHOSE RIGHT OP INDP^ PENDENT SOVEREIGN fy WAS VluifATED. AND WHOSE COM- MERCE WAS DESTROYED DV THIS PROCEEDING, it would have beco iu vaia to search for authoritlfs or precedents any where."! We have seen that French consular certificates of the oriffia of the cargo of a vessel, hy the orilers in council, subjected both vessel and cargo to coD(renination. Otl the iniquity of this fea- ture of the orders, Mr. Baring reinarlis : — *' We in many cases require foreign arti«l»'9, imported into this country, to be accompanied by certiiica'.es from our consuls abroad. Nothing can, tiierefore, be more trivolous than the assertion of our right to complain of the acquiescence of Ami rican merchants in the regulations of France respecting certiticates of ori- gin."} I hope the readei* \vill attend to the con.*!equences of this fea- lure of the orders in council. Let it never be forgotten. It is %vorthy of being borne in eternal remembrance. If they had no other odious feature, this wouJd be sufficient to disgrace them, and their authors and abettors. Suppose Mr. George Cabot, Mr. James Lloyd, jun. Timothy Pickering, Commodore Dale, or any other citizen of the United States, to send a vessel to sea, owned by himself, manned with American sailors, and h)aded with American productions^ — bound for the solitary cor- ner of Europe, Sweden, which was not interdicted by the orders in council — suppose her provided with a French consular cer- titicate of the origin of the cargo : and finally to close our sup> positions, suppose her carried into London by a British priva- teer—and brought before Sir William Scott for adjudication. — She woukl most assuredly be condemned for ah infringement or THE L fiVf of NATIONS, w heins; provided with q. French consular certificate !'! t What an awful mockery of justice in those who prescribed — what a shameful prostration and baseness of mind in those who preflched submission to — such a lawless regulation, isa'cuJated to "prey upon Hie unprotected properly of a friendly * Biuljig's Enquiry, page .59. f Idem, page 63. i^ Idem, page 61. >. \ Idea)) page 6(}: || See Bofitoo Memorial, {;age 73, Zvo ti'^ J^^' 132 THE OLIVE BRANCH. " The comprehensive nature of the injury which Americi inust suffcr Irom oc. *' jtrstem, by heaving no claas of its population imufTccted by it, afTords little hope of the interference of any for the pretei vation of peace. The great interest which a country still possessing the means of indcpenclencc, should feel in the preservation of ours, rjy will be lo^t in the more immediate and perceptible con- ■cqiiences of our folly and injustice. '^ " The new orders were of a descrintion to produce a revolution in the wliole eominerce of the world — and a toial u«'ran{;caicnt of those mutual righta and re- lartions by which civilized nations have hitiierto been connected."! '* It mu3t beevidrnt from the whole tenor of our proceedings, that commercial interest has been our moving principle throughout ; that rj^ every dcntonitm- tion of the slightest hostility on the other side, has originuicd iii our attempts to advance that mtercst in violating the rights and interests of others ; and that q;^ if we are at Inst called upon to take up arms, it is on «ur part a quarrel w MHit sugar and cotTec, and not in support of national honor. "| *• [j^a The consequences of such a state of things must produce ruin to every (.Ias» .tnd description of persons in America; and they are so obvious, so inevita- ble, that one caimot avoid tliinking, that they muat have occurred to the framera of ih'ii new system."} «* To make this limitation of neutral trade a part of the law of nation<>, it is not sufficient that it should be asserted by one power. — It must likewiittr )m: ad- mitted by others ; which is so far from having been the case, that in all our dl&* cussions about neutral riehts. we have not only never obtained from any nation a recognition of this rule, but OCy^it does not even appear to have been at any time seriously insisted unon.'Y^ " What can then be tne object of holding up this rule [of 1756] as the palla- dium of our maritime rights, or why has it lam so long dormant? Instead of America being accused of a disposition of encroachment hostile to our dignity, in refusing to admit into the law of nations; a principle which has neither been ad- mitted by or enforced towards others, are we not rather ourselves wanting to our own dignity in proclaiming a law which we have never ventured to defend — in setting up a right, which, by our own treaties with foreign nations, we have our- selves encouraged them to trample on.*^ ** It would have been highly interesting io know how many instftaces [ci fraudulent ownership] had l^eii discovered ; as by pointing them out to our gov- ernment, redress might have been obtained by application to thvtt of America, whose strict attention to the character of her flag has always been remarka- ble."** *' I must say, and I speak from eonaiderable experience, that the character of the great body of merchants in America, little deserves the uojuat insinuations in whicii writers on this subject have indulged. "ff *' During a considerable part of the last and present war, we have indeed res- pected the rights of those not concerned in it. rjiiy' But the conduct even of of France can furnish few stronger proofs of a dimegard of them, and of more frivolous pretences- by which they have been invaded, than may be found in our conduct in 1805, and still more in the recent measures which we have been con- sidering. "Jl ^Uf our commercial treaties with Portugal are to be held up, ag they have been, to the admiration of statesmen, we cannot fail to admire the liberal policy of America towards the produce of our industry, when we consider the large bal- ance which she annually pays us, and our illiberal jealousy of her intercourse with Other countries, from which alone thaf balance can be paid."}} *' if my former observations produce, as I think they must, a conviction that the trade and property so sported with, belong to an honest neutral, there can be no doiibt that OUK CONDUCT TOWARDS IT DESfiaVES THE NAME OF THE MOST UNaUALIFJED INJUST1CB."|| * Enquiry, page 78« {Idem, page IS. ** Idem, page 32. 55 Wfem, page 8», f Idem, page 10. 'I Idem, page 22. ^f Idem, page 36. Ij Idem, page 57. T X Idem, page 79. % Idem, page 23. \\ idem, p^e 71. Of' "■i.u; :«: it is THE OLIVE BRANCH. ♦h€ re, uh The reader who compares the style and subsiancc of inemorials, with Mr. Baring's essay, will find that concidr that cogency, that irresistible conviction which result rrom and honorable principles. The American merchants, eloquently and convincingly pleading for the rights of their country, and their own personal interests, unjustly assailed — speak nearly the same language, and make use of the same arguments, as Mr. Baring, when he sought to save his country from the dis- grace and dishonor of employing her Iranscendant naval power to overwhelm and prey upon the commerce of an unofiending neutral, merely because that neutral was not in a state to defend herself. I trust that no apology can be neccesary fbr these copious extracts on this aINimportant topic. The high standing and character of the writer, as I have already observed, and take the liberty to repeat, entitle his sentiments to peculiar attention. Moreover, as an English roerchant, interest, were he swayed by such a consideration, would have led him to advocate the orders. But he had too high a regard for the honor of his coun- try, to wish it to be sacrificed to paltry, and sordid considera- tions of interest. After the reader has with the deep attention the subject de- serves, perused the above eloquent defeo'^o of American rights ^—exposure of our wrongs — and appeal to the honor and justice of Great Britain, written by a high-spirited and noble-minded Englishman, let him ponder for a moment on the conduct of those Americans who have devoted their talents, their industry, and their influence to defend the outrageous proceedings of Oreat Britain, and to place their own country in the wrong! Whata humiliating contrast ! — Mr. Baring pleading the cause of tile injured United States in Loudon — and Mr. Pickering and hundreds of other Americans pleading in Boston, New- York, Philadelphia and elsewhere against their own country, and ia defence of British inroads and British violence ! The contemplation fills the mind with astonishment ! Not- withstanding the evidence is so fully before us, as to be irresist- ible, it is difficult to believe that such an a-vful delusion could have ever existed, and to such an extravagant extent. 1 aver, as my calm and reflected opinion upon this point, th.it it would be difficult, perhaps impossible, to find in history any parallel case. Enlightened American merchants were so far blinded by pt.rty and faction, as to use their utmost endeav- ors to prevent the government of their country from procuring redress of intolerable grievancea which bore so heavily on themselves! ! 'M:\u '*,:^ ' i** 1.11 THE OLIVE BRANCH. CHAPTER XXIV. Embargo. Silualion rj" American commerce. Factious clamor. Embargo a wise, prudent^ and necessary measttrc. I NOW proceed to consider the suhject of the embargo, which was one of the moat potent instruments employed to exasperate nnd inflame the passions of the people of the eastern states, and which actually prepared a portion of them foV open resistance to the government. The justice and propriety of every measure depend on the circumstances that accompany and induce it — the motives that lead to its adoption — and the consequences it is calculated to produce. Let us apply these tests to the embargo. The reader has had the decrees and orders in council laid before him in cxlcnso. He has seen the exposition of the injus- tice of the latter by Mr. Baring. And he has had bn opportunity himself of calculating the effects of both decrees and orders. From a calm consideration of these documents, and of their inevitable operation on our trade, it is perfectly obvious that bad our vessels sailed in December, 1807, and January, Febru- ary, March, April, and May, 1808, as freely as they had for- merly done, they would have universally fallen sacrifices; those bound to France and her dependencies, to British — and those bound for the British' dominions, to French cruisers. This would hftve produced an almost universal bankruptcy among our insurance offices and merchants. The plunder of ou^ ships and cargoes, and the captivity of our seamen, would have augmented the resources of the belligerents, and enfeebled ourselves. The only real question was, whethei our vessels should remain at our wharves, the property of our merchants, or be carried to France and England, the prey of privateers. But for the embargo, there would have been such a calamitous scene proii(U'avur.i to escape il, and dtpiivcU of the Mioat cfTicicnt innanr* fok'ita prosecution. It haH U.eii Haid \h'ar(y punished had been merely passive ! Under these circumstances, what pruilent merchant would send a vessel to sea — liable to capture, whatever might be her destination ? For even if bound to Sweden, or any other cor- ner of Europe, (if any such there were) not embraced in the scope of decrees and ordere in council, she might be searched by an English privateer, and thus be subject to capture by the next French privateer that might overhaul her. What course had a government to steer, which, bound to watcli over the interests of its constituents, was sincerely dis- posed to perform that duty faithfully ? Let any man not tram- meled by faction or inveterate prejudice, calmly consider this question, and I feel most perfectly satisfied, he will reply — the alternative was, war against both uati(ms— or a general em- bargo. Notwithstanding this plain state of the case — notwithstand- ipgthe imperious necessity of this measure — there was, as I have stated, no act of the federal government, since its first' or- ganization, that excited so much outcry or clamor. It was the subject of incessant abuse in all the federal papers from New- Hampshire to Gleorgia, ;and from the IVTisMssippi to the Atlantic. It ha.) been ten thousand times reiterated, that it was unnecess- arily oppressive — that it was wicked and tyrannical — dictated by Napolieon — a sacrfice of the dearest interests of the Ration — and, to cap the climax, unconstitutional, ^ In times of faction, the public possesses a wonderful faculty of swalfowing the most monstrous and improbable falsehoods.— It was almost universally believed in the Eastern States, that the embargo was the result of a combination between the Southern mid Wesisrn States^ to ruin the Eastern ! ! ! I have repeatedly heard this assertion mide liy men otherwise of sound minds and cultivated understandings, and whose veracity convinced me that they did not attempt deception, but were themselves de- ceived. Th2o extravagant idea proceeds upon the miserable and fatuitiou^ supposition, that the merchant, whose vessels re- main unemplbj'ed at the wharves, will in consequence be ruin- ed ; but that the agriculturalist, whose wheat, flour, rice, cotton^ n' These ts dem- strate, at altho' igland, h her ousand ipsofwar »uld have cslroyed coin- Jdemriah — I80i-G. Mr. Sarin?— 1803. Mr. Pickering *' Every sail is stretched to collect the unrraryAmeri- tans, fvho are unsuspecting It) tm\fiding in what nxis the Ian of nations.^^* ♦' Our vessels and effects, to a large amount, liave lately been captured by her commissioned cruisers, up- on the foundation of new principles, suddenly invent- ed."! " The revival of her dis- carded rule was character- ised with such circumstan- ces of iniquity and violence as rather to heighten by the contrast the veneration of mankicd for the past justice of her tribunals, "f * Philadelphia memorial. ^ Baltimore memoriaL DAY ThA'- AIN."* ♦' By attempting to con- fine the European trade of America to Great Britain, and by the avowal of an in- tention to tax that trade on its patsage to the continent^ ne are returning lo thase principles^ to nhicfi^ even as a colony, she rvould ru)t sub- mit. It is iinmateriul, nht- ther it be a lax on slampSyOr on cotton. This question has been already the sub- ject af a long and bloody war ; and it can hardly be supposed that America will now submit to a direct at- - tack on her sovereign and' independent rights."! *Baring*a ExamiaatioD, page 74. fldem, page 76. OF BRIT- upon their na- tional inde- pendence "* * Retiolutlon agreed to by the senate of the U. State?, Feb, 10, liiC8. Seepaj^e 109. ■'.• i It is not for me, to reconcile Mb. Pickering^s sentiments'* to each other — nor to the tenor of the Memorials — nor to Mr. Bar- ing's correct view of the orders in conncil. Let it be observed, let it never be foi^otten, that the ^''unprovoked aggression*^ of 1806, remained unredressed at the date of- the letter to Govern- or Sullivan, Februar3% IVOSi Atid further, to this " unprovoked aggression^ of 1806, the orders in council had been added in 1807, which more than quintupled the original outrage. But' even independent of this extravagant addition, it is out of my power, by all the rules of logic at my command, to satisfy my mind how ** the capture and condemnation of our vessels" — under false ^^ pretcxtSiy* and, as appears by the memorials of the mer- chants, to a most enormous amount — " the unprovoked aggress- ion upon the property of our citizens*^ ^ihe " violation of our neu- tral rigliis" — and ^^the encroachment upon our national independ* ence" can be made to accord with the broad, the sweeping, the unqualified assertion that Great Britain has. ^^reaUi/ done our cotmnerce na essential injury J*^ *• Some of the friends of Mr. Pickerirtg, in ordftr to destroy the effect of the in- consistency of Uiese sentiments, have asserted that he did not make the doclaratioti that '^ England had done our conamerce no essential injury." I dare Mr. Picl- ering thus publicly and explicitly in the face of this nation to deny it himself, j . I^edgi^ myself to prove it inconlrorertibliy. Bu4 he ucver will ddre a deuIaL 'Pi I 140 THE OLIVE BRANCH. ' To be serious. The sul^ject requires serioumess and sobrie- ty. Is not this a moskt astonishing and never-enough-to-be-Ia- ' inented instonce of the horrible delusion in which strong parly passions involve those who submit to their guidance ? Can light and darkness — vice and virtue— seraphs and demons — be ■ more opposite to each other than these assertions are ? Would it not have been a most a\>ful inconsistency had they both been cotemporaneous — had the state of affairs, at the period of mak- ing the second, been exactly what it was at the period of making the first? But what an immense aggravation does this incon- aistency receive from the consideration, that in Feb. 1808, the first jiiiievances had been unredressed, and others, as I have sla- ted, ii^icomparaMy more intolerable, been added? The orders in coiiucii were, in outrage, and injustice, and infraction of our rights of sovereignty, as far beyond the enforcement of the rule of 1 750, which was the ground of complaint in>180G, as wantoa inurder is beyond mere assault and battery. Never was I more deceived in my life, than I am at this mo- ment, if every candid unbiassed reader do not agree with me, tliLit the opposition to the operation of the embargo, was factious, disorganizing, absurd, and impolitic in the extreme ; and that i]„vje who rendered the law nugatory and unavailing have a liiuU crime to answer for to their injured country. To avoid the pressure of the embargo and to hold out induce- menls to our citizens to violate it, and to leave port clandes- tinely, the following most extraordinary order in council was published by the British, government. George R. , Instructions to the commanders of our ships of war andprivalcersi. Given at our court at Windsor j the Wth day of April, 1808, in the AZth year of our reign. Our will and pleasure is, tliat you do not interrupt any neutral vessel laden- Tritl) lumber and provisions, and going to any of our colonies, islands, or settle- ments in the West Indies, or South America, to whomsoever the property may appear to belong, and notnithstunding such vessel may net have regular cleai'ances and documents on board ! ! ! And in case any vessel shall be met with, and being on her due course to the al (edged port of destination, an endorsement shall be made on one or more of the principal papers of such vessel, specifying ttie destination alledged, and the place where the vessel was so visited. And in case any vessel so laden shall arrive and deliver her cargo at any of our cc^onies, islands, oP) settlements aforesaid, such vessel shall hi permitted to receive her freight, and to depart, either in ballast, or with any goods, that may be legally exported in such vessel, and to proceed to any unblockaded port ; notwithstandtng the present hostilities, or any future hostilities which may take place. And a passport for such vestd may be granted to the vessel by the governor or other pirson, having the ^■ktpf civil command if such coJojz^/, island, »r settlement ! 0. I^ the to ftoi wh the and THE OtlVB BRANCH. 141 le- la- rty Ian -be uld eea lak- Ling ;oa- ,the sla- ■der» our rule nioa 3 mo- ll me, tious, a that lave a iduce- Bindea- waB oLcersi, )08, in ;1 laden gettlc- yappMif ices and being on be made stination ly vtssel [ands, or, ;bt, and >orted w |e present tsportfor iving t^« Ig. It.. Tliis astoniahiog document UemaDdi the most particular and pointed attention. — The ministers who prostituted the name of their sovereign by subscribing it to such an instrument, merit and must receive the reprobation of every high-minded English- oian, who feels for the honor or dignity of his native country. — The world has never seen such another instniment. And I hope there will never be another instance of the Itind. I be* lieve that this order alone was adequate cause of war. This at least is certain, that many wars have been declared upon infi- nitely less provocation* What! one of the most potent mon- archs in the world, rather than do justice io an unoffending na^ tion, on which for fourteen years, his ministers had perpetrated the most flagrant outrages, invites, and tempts, and affords fa- cilities to its citizens, to violate the laws of their country, and c;)enly pursue the infamous trade of smuggling ! The subject afifords an ample field for and invites to copious comments. But I forbear. I leave it to the calm considera- tion of the candid reader. CHAPTER XXV. Enquiry intt the ConstituLimalUy of the Act for erforcins^ the Embargo, Compared with acts passed during the presidcficu; ofOcneral Washington and John Adams. Not so ruforous'^- Factious clamor. Lamenlable jrnblic delusion, k The original embargo act had been openly and' flagrantly violated. The public prints in Boston had audaciously and seditiously invited the citizens to set it atdefiance. The British government had also, as we have seen, added the allurement of its powerful invitation. Buch an invitaUon was unnecessary. There are always to be found in every community, men who will seek the shortest road to fortune, whether through the dark ])ath8 of smuggling, or otherwise. And these men united their obstreperous brawl iogs, with the clamor raised by those who^e grand object was to harass the government, for the chance of regaining the power they had lost. Thus was removed from the crime of smuggling, the odium it deserved, and transferred to an act calculated to preserve the property of the merchants fli'om belligerent depredation ;- an> act, be it never foi^otten, which was the mildest mode of procuring that redress for which the mercantile part of the community had so loudly clamored — and in the pursuit of which, they had so solemly pledged thesis sslves^to support the gpvernment !! ! r^H'41 v: 142 THE OLIVE BRANCff. To prevent these evasions, an act was passed to enforce the embargo. This was necessarily more strict and severe in its provisions than the original act. Meetings were held in varioui parts of the United States, denouncing the latter as oppressive and unconstitutional. A very numerous and respectable one was held in the city of Philadelplna, attended by a large pro- portion of the merchantSj and a great nuntber of other citi- zens. Of this meeting Commodore Truxton was chairman.— Sundry resolutions were passed, which embraced the essence of all the objections raisedngainst it throughout the union. I shall assume tliese resolutions as a text ta reason upon, and shall endeavor to refute the objections* During the administration of General Washington, an embargo act bad been passed by Congress. And during his administra- tion, and that of Mr. Adams, various other acts had been passed embracing prohibitory and penalclauses- of a tenor similar to those of the embargo law. No federalist ivill pretend that any of those acts were unconstitutional. Some of their clauses were far more exceptionable than those of Mr. Jefferson^s embargo act. If therefore, the latter contain no provision whatever, which is not substantially to be found in^ those passed during the admin- - istration of the two first presidents, I presume that there is not ^ candid federalist in the union who will hesitate to admit, that the clamor against the former, as uneonstitutionaU was. truly " factioust disorganizing, seditious, and Jacobinical." The 0th, loth and 11th sections were the most rigorous, the most obnoxious ; and, of course, were selected by the Philadel- phia meeting, as proper subjects of denunciation. I shall there- fore fairly collate them with the corresponding sections of the former embargo and other acts^ passed during the reign of fed- eralism, to enable the reader to form^ his opinion : Brueeedingt of a Meeting of the Citizens qf Pkilculelphia, .Commodore Truxton in the Chair. . " Resolved, That we consider the late act (^ CoRgrese, commonly called " The en/brcing law," to be a direct invasion of the established principles of civil liberty, and of the exprefs provisions of the constitution; as arbitrary and severe to a degree unnecessary, even to accomplish the objects fdi* whicli the law is professed to Ijave been enacted ; as creating an enormous 'and dangerous augmentation of executive influence and power ; and as unnecessarily exposing the citizen .to the imseries of civil discord and military execution. "i?e.»/ved, Tliat the 9th section of this act, which authorises a ministerial officier, trithout process of lam^ to seiee goads at his discretion, under a pretence that Ik hditmesWiey are intended for exportation, or aeiettrei!, shall not be violated :" and of the 5th article of the amendments, which <.• '"^'^k \\ Ui THE OLIVE branch; On the * Enforcing 1. ** Mini»terial of- ficers are authorised to act without process of law. 2. " Ministerial of. ficers may take goods into their custody found on board of any ship or vessel. 3. •* Ministerial ot ficers, without processv may seize goods on board of any vessel, when there i» reason to heUeve that they arei»- tended fur exportation. 4. "Ministerial of- lieers, without process, Biay detain goods ap- parently on their way to be exported, till se- «urity is given, that they shall not be ex- ported. 5. "The power of eeizure is confined to goods, &c. f6und on board of vessels^ or jipparenti jr on their way to be exported. There is no power given to any ministerial officer to> enter any house REMARKS On the Precedents. 1. "Ministerial officers are authorised to act without process of law. 2. " Ministerial officers, or other per- sons specially appointed by them, may en- ter any ship or vessel, and seize th« goods on^ board, o^TVfZZ without as with- in their respective districts: and com« manders of public vessels may seize ships on the high seas, bound to, or sail* ing towards any interdicted French port, there b^ng. reason to suspeot an il- licit traffic. 3." " Ministerial officers, or any per- son appointed by them, may eut^r any vessel, in which they have reason to sus- pect goods subject to duty are conceal- ed, &c. And ifr it shall appear tirthem^ 4hat any breach^ of i the laws is com- mitted; or, (in the case of arms and ammunition) that there was nn intent to- export, they may make seizures. 4. " Ministerial 'officers, without pro- cess, may seize goods apparently on thiair way to be imported by land; and vessels apparently on their way towards a French port, may be seized by mili- tary officers*. 5. " The seizure is- extended iv goodsj &c found on - board of- vessels, or apparently on their way to be im« port^ by land, and to vessels on the high seas. Tnere is no power givea to a municipal officer to enter bousei^ without process.'* THE OLIVE BRANCH. 145 Commodore Truxlons Third Resohiimi. '* Resolved, That the tenth gection is contrary to the spirit of the constitution, inasmuch as it vests in the president a legislative -authority by giving to his in* structions, in certain cases, the force of law." ' ENFORCING LAW.» ' The porvers given to the * collectors, either by this^ or 'any other act, respecting * the embargo, to refuse per- * mission to put any cargo on ' board any vesseh, boat, or * otijer water craft ; to de- ' tain any vessel, or to take ' into their custody any arti- ' cles for the purpose of pre- * venting violations of the ' embargo, shall be exercised * in c/f\formity with such in- ^ structions as the president ' may give, and such general * rules as he may prescribe *for that purpose, made in * PURSUANCE OF THK POWERS * AFORKSAiD ; which Instruc- * tions and general rules, the * collectors shall be bound * to obey.'— Idem, sect. 10. .ident of the U. States, i-iued in ' pursuance or by virtue of this act.' Idtui, sect. 4. REMARKS On the Precedents. 1. "The president is empowered n::;=TO LAY, AND TO REVOKE EMBARGOES. His discretion in es- tablishing regidationS) is only limited " to such as the circumstances of the case may require ;" while his or(ki'8 might be directed to, and must be obeyed by, all officers of the United States civil and military^ he being constituted the sole judge of what orders were necessary, to carry an embargo into effact \ 2. " The president's instructions to military and civil officers, are also abso- lute, without any limitation by law, or anj/ use of civil process^ to aid in execu- tion of $tcAe Health iJaim ; to enforce ike nonrinlercourse Laws against France ] and to expel aliens from the country.** Commodore Truxton^s fourth Resolution. ** Retohedf That the eleventh section of the act violates a political and civil , ** right, more sacred than any constitution, in authorising the military to lire upon . ** the people, without the sanction or interposition of the civil authority, The ** principle contained in this section, if mucti further extended, might, with com- ** petent force, convert our government into an an absolute despotism." * ENFORCING LAW.' PRECEDENTS, Under Washington and Adams. * In every case arising under this act, it shall be * lawful for the President of the United States, or * such other person as ha shall have emponered for * ihai purpose, to employ such part of the land or ^ naval forces of the United States, or of the mili- 'tia thereof, as shall be judged necessary, for the 'purpose of taking possession qf and detaining * any su^h ship or vessel, with her prize, or prizes, * if any, in order to the execution of tiie penalties * of this act, and to the restoring of such prize or * prizes, in the cases in which restoration shall have ' been adjudged ; and also, for the purpose of pre- ' venting the carrying on of any such expedition or * enterp)Hse from the territories of tlie United * States, against the territories or dominions of a ' foreign prince or state, with whom ine United . * States are at peace.'— A«t of the dth of Jupet 1794, sect 7, Mt shall be lawful for the * -president of the United * States, or such other person *as he shall Jiave empowered *for that purpose, to employ *such part of the land or * naval forces, or militia of * the United States, or of the ^territories tlieceoC^ as may * be judged necessary, in con- * formity with the provisions *of this and other acts re- ^-^pecting the embargo, for * the purpose of preventing *4he illegal d^arture qf any *^4hip or vessel, or of detain- *tng, taking possession of, * end keeping in custody and Ma THE OLIVE BRANCH. 147 prizes, malties rize or II have of pre- Hon or United IS of a United . f JuWf * guarding any 8i>ccie or ar- * tide of doniKi^tic growth, ' produce, or uianufai-ture ; * and also, for tlie ptirpose of ^prevejUing and nipin'csiing . ♦ any armtii or ri')tous asitm- * bltige of persons rcnsting « the Cuitom House Q^ers * in the txercise of their du- * ^fei. or in any manner op- * posiog the exi cution of the * laws lading an embargo, or * otherwue violating and as- * siiUng and abetting viola- ' iions of the game/— Idem, !;'cction 1 1, ' Tliat whenever the lawi of the United States ' shall be opposed, or the execution thereof ob- ' 9truct«d in any »tate, by combioatioos too power- * All to be suppressed by the ordinary course of ju- 'diciul proceedii)gvas, so far as respects this im|)ortant branch of legislation, [^r'an actual surrender of the lep;islative power into th€ hands of the executive magistrate — and thnt they likewise conferred on him authority " :nresslng to them our approbation ofthemsas^ uies tliey have already luloptcdupon this important subject, and requesting them to take sucli other imu.rdiate steps for relieving the people, either by themselves alone, or in cmccrt v iih nlhcr commf.rcuil slates, as the extraordinary circumstanee$ of our situation rani' require.'*'' Extract from the memorial of the town ofHonton to the legislature of McuS' hchuseits, Junnnry ^5th, \Q09. " The inhabitant'^ of the town of Boston, in town irf^ting assembled, respect fnUy ropresont — That they are conslrr.Iiif d if* apply to your honorable body, ai the immediate ginrdinns ofllieir rI,T,!its nnd Hf erties, for j our interposition to pro- cure for tlu'in relirffvum tlie ji.-ievancfs whicli tl'.ey now sniffer, under the opeja- tlon of the laws of the geii"ral government, abolishing foru-ign commerce, and sub- * The factious, and sedition'', and jac.cbinicHl prorepdInp:.s that took place in the ^as-torn states in the year lOO", and shook tlie s^vornaipnt to its centre, were pa- raded In many of the ff^d ralpnT'cr^ thronihout tl>e injion with grerit solemnity, headed with tl-.e words • PATRIOTIC PROCEEDIIVGS," in slarinfr capital*. It is truly lamentable to reflect on the extrava. Never was the woru " j*o(rM/ic'* more groasly mhap plied. . . 149 '.if • » .^ t m i i\ ft 159 THE OLIVE BRANCH. jpdinfe, the coasting trade to ennbarrasRineuts wliiili tlueati^n its annihilation. — Our hope and con>olation rest with the legishitiire of our state to nhym it is compc- lent fode.viie mcan^ ofrdirf against thf. uncoitstilutional measures of the. general £ 'Vtriinient ; that your power is adequate to thi? object is evidtnt Jrom tkt organ- izatitm of tJic cov/edtracy.'''' ExUactfrur.i the procccfUngs of the town ofTopsfield, Janucmj i5lh, 180?, " Rpstjlvcd, That such has been our suirenn*?, and so grrat is our alarm, oc;*- s'oncd b}' the extraordinary measures {ately adoptrd, that we shall never be to.;- Itnttd until Tve are secured from a repftili»n of the same evils. That a b,ir'i rrpcal of the obnoxious acts ouglit not, th' refore, to satisfy a free and prudent, pifcple, any more than the rrpeal of the British stamp act s^ilerced the patriots r\' that diy — that there ought to be a solrmn renunciation of the right thu'5 asrii'/.- vi\ ; and it is the opinion of this assembly, that legal and constitutional mcajui* ji iilionld be adopted lor that purpose. *' I'his arSi'mhly declare it as their deliberate opinion tjiat there rxi: t^ T^'O <^AUSEof war with Great Britain ; that such a warwonld be mijust, .utinecers:;- ly, nnd cxtrsnuly to be deplored ; that the removal of the embarzo will not ric-- cisjarily involve us in war ; but should this be the alternative, it ought to he i v.T.r with France, and not with Great Britain. " Inhabiting a part of the union the most enraged in foreign cominercp, they (!u!)k themselves {lualilied to decide upon its risks, and the nature and extent ^i tlie injuries to v.'hich it is exposed ; and it is their firm belief that our commerce, uiireytrahu-d by self-destro} ing nieasures, might find many sources of ]>rofitabln ♦■mploymcnt, mthontinttrferivg in any degret nith those pri7idplts rf nmritimt hn; which GIlEAiT BRIl AITn' deems esscntitd to her existence, and7vhichin un ci'ivJful moment like the present she nill NEVER YIELD. *' And liiis asscnihiy cannot refrain from expressing their convicllon, that nei- ther the honor nor the permanent interests of tnc United 'iStates require that we F-.Cfild drive Grent Piritain, if it wer** incur power, to the stirrcndfr tf tho'^o tlni'ins r-o P'scidini Ij for in the mighty conflict in nhich she is at present tngngfj ; p covjUdinttiCiling to hum unity , to inonds, to religion^ and the lad slrugSil: rf liberty.''' Fxfrnctfror.i a CircuLr TTandlill, published at ycrdiirvfor:. " You have rrpo«ed confulence in a COWARD, [JetTerson,] and leaned on r, broken stafi'too long. — 'il-.e day of political probation is fa^t vorsiina; to a clore — wiien the fate of Anciioa V. ill he decided, and laurels bought with the pricr ov frt i tnt ii'a h]o(>d vill grace the brows of the Gallic tyrant. Let every man who holds the nuino of Ainerica dear to him, stretch out his hand, and put this ncruvF- fd thing the EMBARGO, from him. [f^Fe resolute : act like the sons of liher- lly, of GOD and of your country— nerve your arms with VEISiGEAlSCE again^v tj,e DESPOT who would wrest thtt inestimable genu uiyour indt pcndence ircni ycu — and you shall be conijnerors ! *' Give ear no longer to tlie syren voice of democracy and Jrjferscnian lihnt^. It is a cursed delusion, adopted bv traitors, and reconmiended by sycophants. •' Jetibrson— a man, who with the DAGGER of popular car{fidcnct first gave Ike stab to your liberties." — Extract from the proceedings of the tcwn cf Avgnsia in Maine, Jc.v. 16, 1809. " The awful crisis has arrived, when it becomes necessary for the friends cf our independence, to make a firm and decided stand— when it becomes all-impoit- ant to throw acide minor considerations, and unite for the common good ; and when a sense of common danger draws ui together to meet the approaclajj; storm. " With submission almost amounting to criminal apathy, wc hare sufferea pri- vations aiid restrictions never lirfore expected of, or endured by, a free people.-- fiowy that even the means of subsistence is at hazard, and the sacred asyJuin of our dwellings, is no longer held inviolable — nlence would be crime, aud resUlcn.^ .n'6vldbucmea ei.iue (fthcfr:,!. nt^nitudQH ! ■ ■- ■ are t our c "I may ; as if \ "V allies spsak, "It WHO New I ill the and ni *'TI hf is m fciffn m; prohibi Largo, " Th still sov Ezlraci "In a storm scf tic cnnv J"aise my i feel ni3 «houId fi this to b act co'it. BOU>,'E uiit."*f Tiih of the rrom tl hrieiy ; low cit which I beliei was in passed. | Alai oeediriffl of the fan the * For t\ ^fiy are,' f Bostol TiiE OLIVE BRANCH. l!il - •* ResoIv«^i"l, tli^ttiic rcstricliotis -^ncl Impositions on o>ir trad.' and >;or:ri:'^,"Te, nre too gn-al nijil rniiioiis any ' .nger '/> be bonic — and l!i;U the ^-incidl disUi:;: uf our country (Ii'tr.ir.J-; iuimedir.t'M'.'.liel. ■' " Every mm will pre.-iime ti.«t l,(: i^ Ro'. bcui.J 'o r*^ai J It ft'ift K'nbitgoj iM% wiay send his proihi'M; or I.'n n!'!rc,trini!ili-:pn<» 'vi'i ori^ Inn; ■.•vx its poa- airK\< ur earliest conveniency you will proceed to Boston. The prlocipa o*,, ". that I recommend to your attention, is the endeavor io obtain the most accurate information of the true etste of aflairs in that v-^t*. of the union, which, from its wealth, the number of its inhabitants, and the known in- telligence and ability of several of its leading men, must naturally possess a very considerable influence ovit, and will indeed probably lead, the other pasteiirt states of America in the part they may take at this important crisis. I shall not pretend to- point out to you the mode by which you will be mc.«t likely to obtain this important information. Your own judgcmient, ar.d the con- nections which you may have in the town, must be your guide. I think it however oecessan^ to put you on your guard against the sanguin^- ness of an aspiring party. The federalists, as I understand, havei at all times- discovered a leaning to this disposition : and their being tmder its particular in- fluence at this moment, is the more to'be expected from their having no ill founded ground for their hopes of being nearer the attainment of their otiljcct than they have been for some years past. In the general terms which I have made use of in dcteribing the object which I recommend to your attention ; it is scarcely necessary that I> should observe, I include the st.ite of the public opinion, both with regard lo their internal poli- tics and to the probability of a War with England ; the roiaparative strength df the two great parties into wliicli the country is divided ; and theview? and designs of that which may ultimately prevail. It has been supposed that if the federalists of the eastern state? should be suc- cessful in obtaining that decided influence, which may enable them to direct the public opinion, it u not improbable, that rather than subntit to » continuance of file diflicultles and distress to which they are now subject, they will ex ^ o a •^ Jk »•'« * » 154 THE OLIVE BRAN^Crr. Although it would be kighly inexpedient that you should in any mannrr nj.pRsr a« an avowed agent; yet if you coul J. contrive to obtain an intimacy with any of. tiie leading; party, it may not be improper t!iat yoU'ShouId insinuate, though witii great caution, that if they shouUl wish to enter into any communication with oue government through me, you are nuthori:>ed to receive any ouch, and wili safely transmit it tc m» : andas it m^y not be impossible tliat they siiould require some document by which they may be assured, that you are really in the idtu-ation in which you represent yourself, I enclose a credential to be produced in that view. But I most prxticularly enjoin and direct,, that you do not make uic of tliin pa- per, unless i.desire- to that purpose should' be expressed ; and- unlefiS j^ou see good grour d for expecting tliat the doing so may lead to a more confidential com. munic:i''jn, than you can otiicrwise look for. In pasj^ing through the state of Vermont, you will of course exert your en-* deavors to procure all the information that the short stay you will probably make there will admit of. You will use yourown discretion as to delaying your journey, with tlii» view, more op less, in proportiou to your prosp^ects of obtain- ing any information of consequence. I re^iuest to hear from you as frequently as-posnible : and as letters addressed to me might excite suspicion, it may be as well that you put. them under cover to Mr.————. And as even tiie addressing letters always to the same persoa might attract notice, I recommend your sometimes addressing; your packet to the oliief justice here, or occasionally, though seldom^to Air. Rylandf but never*- with the addition of hia official description. 1 am, sir, your most obedient huiuble 8ery!t,. (Signed) x:H.eBfAia4 John henri/f Esq. No. IV». Credential from Sir James Craig to. Mr. Henry ... (Copy.) [seal.] , Tlie bearer Mr John Henry, is- employed by me, and full confidence m«y lie - placed in him for any communicUion which any person may wish to make to me '.a the bn^ness committed to him. in faith of which I have given Jiim this under- lay hand and seal at Qoebec, the 6th day o£. Febeuary, 1809. (Signed) J. He CRAIO. No. V. To hit exeeUeney the Governor General^ &c. til answer tohb^ letter of tn»' sir actions. ' Montreal^ Feb. i0,i»09.^^ Pir — I ha>ve thahonorto acknowledge the receipt of your excellency's letter •f instructions, the letter of credence, and tlie cypher for carrying on m^ corres- pondence. I have bestowed much pains upon the cypher ; and am. notwilhstand- iiig this, deficient in some points which might enable me to. understand it clearly.. I have compared the example with my own exemplification- of the cypher, and find adifferencc in the ref^ults : and as the present niomcnt seems favorable to the interference of his ma^jesty^e government m the measures pursued .by the federal party in .the nortfaera, states, and noore especially as the assembly of Massachu-, setts is now in session, 1 think it better to set forward immediately, than wait for any further explanation of- the means of carrying.onasetMret correspondence; which . the frequency of safe private conveyances to Canada will render almost wholly un- aeeesrary. Should it however be necessary at any 'time, I take leave to suggest that the index alone furnishes a /ery safe and simple mode. In it there is a num> ben for. every letter in the alpliabet, an that when I do not find in the index the particular word.! want, I can spell it with th^ fiptres which stand opposite to the letters. For example, if I want to wy that ** troops are at Albany," 1 find under the letter *' T" that number 1^ •tandii for " troops," and i^umber 125 for '* Albany." The intervening wordJ^ ^ifc at" I.supjply 07 figwres correspoodiiij; will) the letten iQ-tliL«4^.wjpcd«, THE OLIVE BRANCH. 15i^ It will be ncCMsary to provide against ac^'id^nt hy adJr<*gsin5 tlie letters to Mr. , of Monlnial, wjUi a small n)?.rk on the corner of the envelope which he will understand . Wlien 1ip receives it, lie will tUcn addre.^s the enclo- ture to your excellency, and send it from Montreal hy mall. 1 vfill be careful not to addicas your e*ccelleni!y in the body of tiie letter, nor sign my ouinc to any of tliem. — They will be merely de8i;^ii.\ted by the initials A. B. If this mode should in any reiipect appear exceptiouabl<;, your excellency will have the gootlness ti^ ord^r a more pirticuiar explanation of the card. It would, reach me in safety addressed to , Boston, I have the honor to be, (kc, J- H*y« No. VI. Burlington^ Vermont, Feb 14,1809. Sir— I have remained here two deys, in order fully to ascertain the progress of Sie arrangements heretofore !mde for organising an efficient opposition to the general povernment; as well as to bscome acquainted with tlie o,'inious of the leading people, relative to the measures of that patty which has the aacendeucjr in the national coimt^ils. . On the subject of the embargo laws there- seems but one opinion; namely, tliat thoy are unnecessary*, oppfo,*sive, and uaconstilutional. It must also be ob- served that the execution of thoni is so invidious as to attract towards the officer* of government the enmity of the people, which i-< of course transferp.ble to the goveriiracnt- itself ; so tliat in cp.r.e {\w state of Massr.ehusetts sitould take any bold step towards resisting the extertion of these laws, it- is bi.^h1y probable that it inny calculate upon the hearty co-operution of the people of Vermont. I leant that the gov.'rnor of this state is now vl^iiting the towns in the norlhern section of it j. and g;;^^ makes no secret of his detennin^^tion, as commander in rhief of the reilitia, to refuse obedience to nny command from the general gov- ernment which (Sin tend to interrupt tiie good understanding that prevails be- tween the ciliaen!) of Vermont and his majesty's subjects in Canada e£^M It i<' further intimated, that, in oose of a war. he will use his influence to preserve the state neutral;, and resist, with all the force he can command, any attempt to- niake it a party. I need not add, that if these resolutions are carried into effect, gjjp, the state of Vermont may be considered as an ally of Great Britain. To what extent the sentiments which prevail in this quarter exist in the neigh, boring states, or even in tlie eastern section of this state, I am not ftble to conjee, turr. I cau ouly say, with certainty, that the le.iding men cf the federal party act in concert ; and, t!icrcfore, infer, that a common sentiment pervades th« whole body throughout New-England; 1 have seen a letter from a gentlemen now at Washington to his friend in thit flaca ; and as its contents may serve to throw- seme light on paFsiog events tiiere, shall send eiUicr the original or a copy .witli tliis despatch. The writer of the letter is a man of character and veracity ; and \vhether competent or not to form correct opinions himself, is probably within the reach of all the knowledge that tan be obtained by the party to which he belongs. It appears by his statement that there is a very formidable majorityan congress on the side of the administra- tion ; notwithstanding wbicli, there is every reason to hope, that T]^ihe north- ern states in . their diittinct capacity will unite and resist by force a war with Great Britiun. In what mode this resistance will first show itself, is probably not yet determined apon; and may in some measure depend upon the reliance that the leading men may place upon assurances of support from bis majesty's repre- sentatives in Canada ; and as I sliall be on the spot to tender this whenever the moment arrives that it can be Jone with effect— there is no doubt that fjy* all their measures may be rande subordiaats to the intentions of hi.<* majesty's gov- ernmcnt.c£^^ Great pains are taken by the men of talents and intelligence to ^][rj«coofirm the fears of the common people, as to the concurrence of the south- cru democrats in the projects of France ; and every thing tends to encourage the iRBlier,. that the dissolution or the confbdxract wiU be accelerated i^ that 9ii|irit which now actuates both political partiei» Jfri hie. THE OLIVE BRAXCIT. No. vir. Windsor, Vermont, Feb. 10, 1869^. SiH — My last was written at Burlington, the principal town in the nortiicm' part of the state of Vennoiit. 1 am now at the principal town in the eastern section. The fall try of men's opinions when tliey act under the influence of sensibility, itnd are strongly excited by those hopes which always animate a rising party, lead me to doubt the correctiiesj of the opinions which I received in the northera section of this ntate ; which, from it» contiguity tu Canada, and necessary inter- course with Montrt^Hl, has a strong interest in promoting a good understanding with his majesty's govenimcnt. Therefore, since my departure from Burlington, I have souc;ht every favorable occasion of cotiversing with the democrats on the probable result of the policy adbpted by the general government. The difference of opinion is thus expressed. The federal parly declare, that in the event of a war, [jy* the state of Vermont will treat separately for itself with Great Britain ; and support, to the utmost, the stipulations into which it m^y enter, wlthont any regard to the policy of the general government. The democrats on the other hand assert, that, in such a case as that contemplated, the people would nearly be divided into equal numbers ; en« of which would support the government, if it could be done without involving the people in a civil war : but at all events would risk every thing in preference to a coalition with Great Britaiu. — This difference of opinion is not to be wholly ascribed to the prejudices of party. The people in the eastern section of Vermont are not operated upod by the same hopes and fears as those on the borders of the British colony. They are cot dependant upon Montreal for the saile of their produce, nor the supply of foreign commndUies. They are not apprehensive of any serious dan^^rs of inconvenience from a state of war: and although they admit that the governor, council, and three-fourths of the rePTesentation in con- gress are of the federal party, yet they do not believe that the state would stan^ alone and resist the national government. They do not ho«vever deny, that should the state of Vermont continue to be represented as it i6 ajt present, it would in all probability unite with the neighboring states, in any serious plan ^resistance to a war, which it might seem expedient to adopt — This 1 tnink is the safer opinion for you to rely on ; if indeed reliance ought to be j^taced-on any measure depending upon the will of the rabble, which is ever changing, and must ever be marked with ignorance, caprice, and inconstancy. Asthe crisis approaches, the difficulty of deciding upon an hazardous alternative will increase. And unfortu-< nately there is not in Vermont any man of conimandhig talents, capable of attract- ing general coi]fidence ; of infusing into the people his owii spirit ; and, amidst the confusion of conflicting opinions, dangers and commotion, competent to lead in the path of duty or safety. The governor is an industrious, prudent maa, and has more personal influence than any other. But his abilities are net suited to the atuation in which a civil war would place him. I am, &g. A. B. No. VIII. Amherst, New Hampshire, Feb.SS, 1809. Sir — A^entleman going direct to Canada, affords a safe and favorable opportu- nity of giving yon come further account of my progress. I will not make use of tlie post-olScea, when I can avoid it ; because private occasions supercede the necessity of writing in cypher. And the contempt of decency and principle, which- forms part of the morals of the subaltern ofHcers of a demdcracy, would incline them to break a seal with the same indifference, that they break their words, when either cufiosity or interest is to be indulged. I have not had aufficieat time nor evidence, to enable me to form any opinion /or myielf, of the lengths to which the federal party will carry opposition to the national government in the event of a war. Much may be inferred from the result of the elections of governors, which within two months will be made in the states of Massachuseltb, New Hampshire, and Rhode Island. From all I know and all lean learn of the general government, lam not apprehensive of an immediate war. The embfirgo is the favorite measure. And it is probable that otber means^ THE OLIVE BRANCH. i.vr Anion tbe result states nd all ediats will be employed to excite England to commit some act of hostility, for the sol* purpose oj placing llie responsibility of war on that country. This I most par- ticularly recommend to tlic consideration of ministers. The dread of opposition, and the loss of popularity, will certainly keep t lie ruling party at Washington' inactive. — They will risk rrny thing but tlie loss of power ; and they are well aware that thcirpower would pass away with the first calamity which their measures miglit bring upon the common people (from whom that power emanates,) unless indeed, they could fir.d a sufficient excuse in the conduct of Gieat Britain. This impres- sion cannot be too deeply felt by his ma.iesty's ministers ; nor too widely spread throuahout the British nation. It will furnish a sure guide in every policy that may be adopted towards tbe L'uitcd States. I have the honor to be, &c. '" - A. B. ' , . ^'o. IX. Boston, March 5, 1809. Sir — 1 am fT/orctl with r.nother opportunity of writing to you by a private con- veyance ; and tr.i;i;c it probable, at this season, that the frequency of these will, render it unnecei-ury to write to you in cypher. It does not yet appear nece.«sary that 1 sliould discover to any . ^. the pur- pose of my visit to Boston ; nor is it probable that I shall be cou .iled, for the sake of jjaining more knowledge of the arrangements of the federal party in these states, to avow myself as a regular authorised agent of the British government^ even to those individuals who would feel equally bound with myself to preserve with the utmost inscrutability io important a secret from the public eye. nrr' I have ttufEcient means of information to enable me to judge of the proper Senod for offering the co-operation of Great Britain,and opening a correspondence etween the governor general of British America and those individuals, who, from the part they take in the opposition to the national government, or the influence they may possess in any new order of things, that may grow out of the present differences, should be qualified to act on behalf of (he northern states eCQ An apprehension of any such state of things,, as is presupposed by these remarks, begins to subside j- since it has appeared, by the conduct of tbe general govern-- ment, that it is seriously alarmed at the menacing attitude of the northern states. But although it is believed that there is no probability of an immediate war, yet no doubts are entertained, that Mr. Madison will fall upoti some new expedients to bring about hostilities. What these may be can only be deduced from what appears to be practicable. A noniniercoursi with England and France will probably supercede the embargo j which, by opening with the rest of Europe a partial legitimate commerce, and affording strong temptations to that which is illejial, will expose the vessels to capture, detention and embarrassment ; will justify the present policy ; and produce such a degree of irritation and resentment as will enable the government of this country to throw the whole blame and re- sponsibility of war from its own shoulders upon those of the British ministry. If in this, the party attached to France rhould calculate with correctness, and the connnerce of New England would greatly suffer — the merchants being injured and discouraged, would not only acquiesce in the restrictive systems, but even submit to war. On the other hand, should the small traffic permitted by a non-intercoursr law be lucrative and uninterrupted, ^jy» the people would be clamorous for more, and soon compel the government to restore the friendly relations between the two countries. While I offer my opinion upon this subject, I cannot but express a strong hope that if any terms should be proposed by either government, to which the other might think proper to accede, that, A PRINCIPAL MOTIVE TO THE ADJUSTMENT OP DIFFERENCES SHOULD BE UNDERSTOOD TO ARISE FROM THE AMICABLE DISPOSITION OF THE EAST- ERN STATES, PARTICULARLY OF THE STATE OF MASSACHU- SETTS. THIS, AS IT WOULD INCREASE THE POPULARITY OF THE FRIENDS OF GREAT BRITAIN, COULD NOT FAIL TO PRO- MOTE HER INTERESTS. If it could not be done formally and officially, nor in a correspondence between ministers, still perhaps the administration in the parliament of Great Britain might take that grotmd : and the suggestion would ibd lt» wajf. into the papen bolit in England aod America. .^ 'AVI 1j8 THE OLIVE BR AKCrt. inniirji ne too f-.^qiifiil'y rr-ppatetl, tliat this country nn only bf^ ]^overn»d ireotpd hy the iuniicnce oropiuioti ; as thrre ia noUiiiif; permanent in its po- It «nni and (111 ., Iitical in^titutiuii.-* ; r;or uip tlic populace, under any circumstatice*, to be relifd on, when measurta b^couic iuconv-jolent and burdcnsoine, I will loon write a- jnio, and am, -^v. A. B. r^o. X. r.?i/on, 3rarr/i T, 1809. Sir — I liave now asrcrtnined, will) as much nrciiracy jis pnssihls, the course in- lentk-d to be pursued by tl:'J mcaKuros ar.d politics of the iid;tj!nljtintlc(» of the general govpriiiiieiit. 1 iiave nlready given a decided ojiinion that a declar.itlon of war is n*^< to b» rxpected : but, contrary to all re>-.soiiiil)!e calciihition, shou!' line coniTiiSf. possess spirit and independence enough to plni*e their ropuiarilv ii> jeopardy by so stinii,*- a measure, TME LUGISLATLTvFJ OP MASSACHUSETTS AS IIJ< GlVli THETONETOTHEMEIGKDORIiVfi SlAtES; VvlLL J >);.';[. AKC if SELF PERMANENT UNTIL A NEW ELECTION OF Mr.VHKKS ; IK V(TE A CONGRESS, TO BE COMPOSED OP DELEGA'JKS FflOM TilL FEDERAL STATES, AND ERECT A SEPERATEGOVllRNMENTl OR THEIR COMMON DEFENCE AND COMMON INTEREST. This congress would probably begin by abrogating the offengive laT7S, ar.d a- doptin<; a plan for the maintenance of tbe power a-d authority thus a'iumed. — They would by such an act be in a condition to make or receive propo. "idrf fitirr! Great Britain ; and 1 sliould ""eize the fir.«:cTi";n..!:c ;:; o.'nions H'lt if irj.tcud of coiideninjuft tlif> vessels and carj-oe-i whirl; lii i> 1)2 ariL',-f»'d in inifii- iotr tlii^ po'iibilcd c'>nu>i('!CP, they «hou'd J>o coiDjifllfd to i;o into a r5r)ii>'l( p'iJt, a!id tluf" peru'jit'fl so soli tlifin, I think tlie friondsof Eiiil-trvl i:> t!;<'c ?tr.tt', wou!-r-nt stale of the l!urop« ;ni p;:i;ki'ts. tiiink ^hcnl«!e!ve^ vi'ry fortunal»j ; as it would save them the iroiib:.; anM f xjf nic cf Jaiidinj; tlieiii in a iieuird pert, and from thence re -^iiip them to lln;i /iJ. now Iho best market in £u:opc for *.l;e produce of this country. The gov<*rii>>K>nt of -the LUited SUtes would pri>b;ibly loniplain, and Bonaparte hrcoinp peretuptory ; but evc;i t'^v.t would only tend to render the oppo-ition in the northern i.tateg more resniii'c, huI acrei' rat.; the di iiolution of t'le confederacy. 1 lie generosity and justice 'jf Grral Fiitr-.ir would heeictolicd, and thi; commercial stalfi ev;ilt in the succtsf of iiidi'. idual.M over a govi rr-mcnt iiiimical to commerce, and to v, lies*; measures tb« y c'.i! no lonper tubmil with patient acquiescence. The elerll<.r,s are Ij^'irtsu ; undl pifsume n.i vigilance or industry will be rr- aiitted to iiisu.-.; the fuccess of the federal party. I am, £rc. A. B, P. S. Intelligence lin? reached Boston, that a non-intercourse law has actually passed, and that Murtiuiiiue has !ii.rreiidered to tiic Erlush forces. No. xn. . . ^ Boston, March i5,i?,00. Sir — You will perceive from the accourts tliat v,ill reach you in the public j>t- ptrs l)oth from Wajhington r.nl Mas-^achusetts, that the federalists of the north- ern states have Ruccreded in ir»kirif» the congri^ss believe, that with 5rich an oj)po- KJtion as they would make to tlie general government, a war must be confined to their own territory, and might be even too much for that governraeut to su.«tain. Ti»e con.iemjence U, that after all the prtrnde and menaces with which the session Gonmicncetl, it has been suifered to end without carrying into effect any of the plans of tlie administration, cxoRpt the interdiction of commercial iutercourse vfith England and France — an event tint was anticipated in my former letter^*. Under what new circumstances the congress will meet in May, will depend on the state election?, flnd the changes that may in tiie mea!i time triVe place in Europe. Witli regard to Great Pritair:, she can scarce mistake her tiu'.' policy in relation to .America. If peace no the fir?t object, every act which can irritat-f the m.^ritinie states ought to be avoided; because the prevailing disposition of triese will generally be suificient to ket'p the government from hazarding any Ijostile measure, rr-^ If a war between America and Fr^vnce be a grand desidr r- atum, soinetiiing more must be done ; an indulgent, conciliatory policy must be adopted, which will leave the demctrats witliout a pretext for hostilities ; and Bonaparte, whose passions are too hot for delay, will, probably, compel this government to decide which of the two great belligerents i."? to be its enemy, fj^ To bring about a separation of the stpites, under distinct and indepj>ndent governments, is an aflUir of more uncertainty ; ard Lowevr r dcsir^bl' , cannot be efifected but by a series of acts and long continued policy, tending to irritate tlie southern, and conciliate the northern people. The fo: mcr are agricultural, and the latter a commercial people. The mode of cheering and depressing either it too obvious to require illustration. This, 1 am aware, is an object of much interest in Great Britain; as [j;j=*it would forever secure the integrity of his majes- ty's posse«sions oq the continent, and make the two governinents, or whatever liomber the present confederacy might form into, as useful and as much subject to the iDflu«>nce of Great Britain, as her colonies can be rendered. But it is an object ODly to be attained by slow and circumspect progression ; and requires for 'tg .^uiumm^tion Hiore attcytiou t^ Xbe &na;rs Trhicn ogit&te acd excite particg lat. i 1 1 .'1 ; ''.. i. 160 THE OLIVE BRANCH. countrj*, than Grojt BritAin has yet bestowed upon it. An unpopular war — that is, n war produced hy the hatred and prejudices of ono p;:rty hut against tlie roni^ent of the other party, cau ulorie produce a sudden siepuration of any ■cction of tills country from tht; common head. At all eveiilH, it cannot be necestiary to tlio preservation of peace, tint (Ireat Britain should make any great concession at tne present moment ; rj^f^ more especially as the more important changes that occur in Europe miglii lunder it inconvenient for her to adhere to any stipulations in favor of neutral maritime nations. Although the nnn-interconrse law affords but a partial relief to the people of this country from the evils of that entire suspension of commerce to which thtty have reluctantly submitted for some time past, q^ 1 lament tiie repeal oftho emb.tr^o ; because it was calculated to accelerate the pro^rtfss of these states towards a revolution that would have nut an end to the only republic that re- mains to prove that a governmcMit founned on political ecpjality can exist in a •season of trial and difficulty, or is calculated to insure cither securiiy or happiness to a people. 1 am, ^c. , A. B. No. XIII. '^ " ' • Boston, March 20, 1809. Sir— Since mv letter of the 13th, nothing has occurred Avhicli I thought worthy of a comm.Jnic'.itlon. Thf last week of this month and the first of April will be occupied in the elec- tion of governors and other executive officers in tiie N«.w Eiighmd states. 'J'he federal candidate in New Hampshire is already elected by a ninjority of about 1000 voles. His competitor was a man of large fortune, extensive connec- tions, and inofTcnsive manners. These account for the smallness of the majority. In Connecticut, no ch:in?;c is necessary : and none is to be apprehended. In Rhode Island, it is of no consequence of what party the governor is a mem- ber ; as he has neither civil nor military power, being merely president of the council. In Massachusetts, it is certain that the federal candidate will succeed. A few weeks will be sufficient in order to determine the relative strength cf parlies, and convince Mr. Madison that a war with Great Britain is not a measure upon which he dare venture. Since the plan of an organized opposition to tho projects of Mr. Jefferson was put into operation, the whole of the New England states have transferred their political power to his political- enemies : and the reason that he has still so many adherents is, that those who consider the only true policy of America to consist in the cultivation of peace, have still great confidence, that nothing can force hira (or his successor who acts up to his system, or rather is governed by it) to consent to war. They consider all the menaces and "dreadful note of preparation" to be a mere finesse, intended only to obtain concessions from England on cheap terms From every sort of evidence, I confesi I am myself of the ?ame opinion ; and am rj^ fully persuaded that the farce which has been acting at Washington will terminate in full proof of the imbecility and spiritless temper of the actors. A war attempted without the concurrence of both parties, and the general consent of the northern states, wliich constitute the bone and muscle of the co.mtrv, must cominenco wi^i-out hope, and end in disgrace. IT SHOULD, THERErOKE BE THE PECULIAR CARE OF GREAT BRITAIN TO FOSTER DIVl.MONS BETWEEN THE NORTH AND SOUTH; Qj?* and by succeeding in this, she may carry into effect her ov>ti projects in Europe, with a total disregard to the resentment of the democrats of this country. I am, ice. . A. B. No. XIV. Boston, JpriliS, 1809. Sir — I send to Mr. R. a pamphlet entitled " Suppressed Documents." Thft notes and comments were written by the gentleman who has written the "analysis'* ^btchi sent by a fermer coaveyance. These works baye greatly contributed^* 5?ir- THE OLIVE BRANCH. 161 tizcilc-tliK (vnn of the men of talents und property ; who now pitKriR thi enAnet VV MAINTAININO THEIR PAIiTV HV OPEN HFHIHrANCC AND FINAL IKCARATION, tO RR alliance witli France, and a war with En);hind. So that siionld the government unpxpt'ctedly and conti-nry to all ri>asonuhle calcniittion, attempt to involve tli« country in a measuro of tlmt mlure, I am convinced (now that the eh ctions have all tL'i-minatcd favorably) that rj^ none of the Wew England stated would be a party in it. — But, iia I have r»i«Htedly written, the general government doei not 8Pri'»nsly entertain any such deiiire or intention. Had the majority of the New Englnnd states continued to approve of the public measures, it is extremely prol>- able that Great Britain would now have to choose bt^weon war and concfcion. But the aspect of things in thin rcypcct is chanj^ed ; and a war would prodiico an 4Mcurahle alienation of the eastern tttates, and bring the whole country in subordi- nation to the iiitfrest of England, rj^ whose navy would prescribe and Cfiforcn the terms upon which the coirrncrcia! states should carry, and the •uj;ricuiturdl states export their surplus produce. All this is as well known to the deuiocrnts :.% to the other party. TIm refo'o they will avoid a war, at least until the whole n;>tion is unanimous for it. Still wiien we consider of what materials the govern* •jiifiit is formed, it is impossible to speak with any certainty of tiieir measures. — *l'he pist administration in every transaction presents to the mind only a muddy commixfure of folly, weakness, and duplicity. The spell, by wluch the nations of Europe hnve been rendered inert and inefficient when they attempted to shake it ofF, has stretched its shadows across the Atlantic, and rj^ made a majority of the people of these states alike blind to duty and to their interests. Jam, &c. A. B. No. XV. Boslon, Jp/il^6j 1809. Sir — Since my letter No. 14. I have had but little to conaniunicate, I have not vet been able to ascertain with sufFicient accuracy the relative streqgth •cf the two parties in the Legislative liodics in New England. In all of these states, however, governors have been elected out of the federal party ; and even the southern papers indicate an unexpected augmentation of federal members in the next i:ong;re8s. The correspondence between Mr. Erskine and the secretary of state at Wash- ington, you will have seen before this can reach yoa. K has given much satisfac- tion to the federal party here ; because it promises an exemption from the evil they most feared (a wnr with England) and justifies their partiality towards Great Britain which they maintain was founded upon a full conviction of her justice and •sincere disposition to preserve peace. Even the democrats affect to be satisfied with it ; because, as they insist, it proves the efficacy of the restrictive system of Mr. JefFer'^on. But the greatbenefit that will probably result from it, will be, 'that Bonapnrl« may bs induced to force this country from her neutral position. Baffled in hii attempt to exclude fiom this corr! inent the manufactures of Greal Britain, he will most likely confiscate all Americau property in lii.s dominions and dependencies, and declare war. Nothing could more than this contribute to give influence apd stability to the British party. r^y=* The invidious occurrences of the rebellion would be. forgottnn in the resent. u'lit of the people against France ; and thejr would soon bif; weaneil from that attachment to her which is founded on the aid that was rendered to separate from the mother countiy. Wliile Great Britrjn waits for this natural, I misht say necessary re«\|li of the ncjoliition, would it not be extr.^mely inexpedient to conclude a treaty with the AmoricHn e;overmnfcnt .f' Every 'ort of evidence nnd experience jprove, that the democrats consider their political ascendency in a ?rcat measure dependent U]>oa the hostile spirit that t'ley can keep alive tow ird.i Great Britain; and rece^it events demonstrate that t'lelr conduct will be predicited upon that conviction.— n It is therefore not to be expected that they will meet with corresponding feclingi a sincere disposition on the part of England to adjust all matters iu dispute. — They are at heart mortitled and disappointed to find that Croat Britain ha^^ bee* in advance of the French goveriiiar nt in takic|; advaalaje of the prorinioaa) i t * ■* 'V •J ■JOii THE OLIVE BRANCH. rlauscB of the norv-inlorcoursc law. And if tlipy show any fpirit at thf next im- tioi) of con;;rc( i know but little. am, &c. A. B. No. xvn. Bo5/cn, il/fly25, 1809. fiir— My last was under date of the 5th inst. The unexpected change which has taken place ii^the feelings of political mca in tliis country in consecnience of Mr. Madison's prompt acceptance of the friend- ly proposals of Great Britain has caused a temporary suspension of the conflict .of parties ; and they both regard him with equal wonder and distrust. Thoy ^M ascribe bis conduct lo various motivef : but none believe him to he in car s:i My I imagiil of June,! up with f the latli home, ihey mai to repe2 THE OLIVE BftANCfl. IG.-*. 'I ii»' «Ul^ of Now York lias rolurnod to tlie assembly « majority of f«'(UTal lii« provoR tliat an anti-roiniiioiTial fiction niunot nili« I Tw o iMOiitlis sii^o the st.itf? of New York wiu not ranket lli« coin- I nmoiit !lrt>inhcr«. All tlii Oi'Tcial (ttato!*. tlir ulitcH that would aflopt tluMiolicy of that of Massachuselti ; and any favcr- mb|p rlmni^p was cxoeodin^jiy »rot»lcmatic.\l. I bi'ij leave (onir^pst that in the nrefent ^tate of thinn" in tlilc ronntry n)y fiv«cnce fan rontrihute very little to tnr intereii of (Irral Britain. If Mr. Ers- itie be sanctioned in nil lie has conceded, by his ma,iesty'H unniiters, it is iinne re.kie ; and I have no doubt tb^ rest of the democratic party will follow Ihe examr'e, as soon as they recover from the astoniiihment into which his apparent defection has thrown them. The present hopes of the federalists are founded on the probability of a wa; with France ; but, at all events, this party is strong and well organised erougb to {)revent a war with England. It would now be superfluous to trouble ycic >.vcel- ency with an account of the nature and extent of the [j;y» arrangemi nti i; \de by the federnl party to resist any attempt of the govemoient unf;pivorable to Great Britain e£IQ They were such as do great credit to their ability and principles ; and while a judicious policy is observed by Great Britain, secure her interests iu America from decay. My fear of inducing a false security on the part of his mo- jtsty's government in their efficiency and eventual success, may luvo inclined me to refrain from doing them that justice in my former letters, which I v/illiugly **xpref 8 . f trust your excellency will ascribe the styla and manner of my conimnnicatlon^ and the frequent ambiguities introduced in theni, as arising from the secrecy necessary to be observed, and my consciousness th\t you understood my mcaniog on the most delicate points without risking a particular explanation. I lament that no occasion commensurate to my wishes has peniiittcd me to prove how much I value the confidence of your excelleo'^v and the approbation already expressed by his majesty's minister. I- have tlie honor to be, &c. (3igned) JOHN HENRV. No. XIX. Mr. Ryland to Mr. J. Henry, ^si May, 1809, My dear sir — The news we have received this day from the United States will, i imagine, soon bring you back to us : and if you arrive at Montreal by the middle of June, I shall probably have the plet.iure of meeting you ther^, as 1 am going up with sir James and a large suite. The last letters received from you are to the I3th April ; the whole are now transcribing for the purpose of being sent home, where tAc.v cannof/ail qf doing you great credit, and I most sincerely hope ihey may eventually' contribute to your permanent advantage. It is not necessary to repeat the assurances that no effort withio the comgass of my power shall be wantmg.to tliis end. V V I \u THE OILVE BRANCH. I am cruttly out **/ spirits at Oit idea rf OH England truckling to iucfi a dc- ifl.wd and accumed govemmcnl cs that of the, Unittii States. I am greatly oSliged to you for the trouble you have taken in procuring tiie liooks ; thougli if Spiin falls 1 shall fcaicely liave heart to look into theui. 1 can Add no mure now, but liaL I am most hearliiy imdaffeclioDaxely yours, (Signed) H. W. H. J, lienry, Esq. Boston. No. XX. Mr. RylandtoMr. Henry ^ dated iih 3fay, 1809. Mj dear tir — You miist coasider the short letter I wrote you by the last post «i altogether uaofficlal : but 1 am now to intimate to you in a more formal maiM ■er our hone of your speedy returu, as the object of your journey seems, for the ipreseot at least, to be at an end. We have London news by way of the river up to the 6th of March, which tallies to a day with what we have received by the way of the statc8< Heartily witthing you a safe and speedy jouruey back to us, I am, my deer sir, most sincerely yours,. (Signed) ^ H. W. R. Have the goodness to bring my boolcs with you, though I shall have little spirU tf> look into thcnj unless you bring good' news from Spain. No. XXI. JIfr. Henry^s Memorial to Lord Liverpool, enclosed in a tetter to Mr. Peely of the XSth June, 1811, with a copy of that letter. The undersigned most respectfully submits tlie following statement and me- morial to the Earl of Liverpool. Lonj; before and during the administration of your lordship's predecessor, the undcml.^ued bestowed nmch personal attention to the state of paities and to the political measures in the United States of America. [Here is an erasure of about four lines. J. iBoon after the aSair of the Chesapeake frigate, when his majesty |s govemop- ({eneral of British America bad reason to believe that the two countries would be involved in a war, and had $ubmitt.!d to his majesty^s ministers the arrangements ^f the English party in the United States/or an efficient resistance to the general government, nhiehwould probably terminate in a separation qf the northern stales from the general cor\federaey, he applied to the undersig'ned to undertake a mission to Boston, nhere the whole concerns qf the opposition rjere managed rj^ The ob- ject nf the mission mas to promote and encourage Uie/ederal party to re^ml the meas- wrts qf the general government ; to qffir assurances qf aid and support from his majisty^s government of Canada (jy / and to open a commimication between. the leading men engaged in that opposition, and the governor-general upon such a footing a> circumstances might suggest ; and finally to render the plans then in .contemplation subservient to the views of his msgesty's government.* The undersigned undertook the mission, which lasted from the mouth of Janu- ary to the month of June inclusive, during which period. those gublic acts and legislative resolutions of tlie assemblies of Massachusetts and Connecticut were passed, which kept the general government of the United States in check, and deterred it from car^ tying into execution the measures of- hostility with which Great Britain was men- aced. For bis service oft the occasion herein recited, and the loss of time and expenses incurred, the undersigned neither sought nor leceived any compensation; but trusted to the known justice and liberality of his majesty's government for the r«s~ ward of services which could not, he humbly conceives, be estimated in poui.Js, ■hillings and pence. On the patronnge and support which was promised in the tetter of Sir /. Craig, under date of the '23d of January, 1809, (wherein he gives an assurance ^* that the former correspondence and political information tran^^mit- t^ hy the undersigned had met with the particular approbation of bis m;yesty*ft. * Vide the despatches o.*" Sir lames Craig in June, 1808. Craig, pas.sed iiis confi ered any should arrangen Under mod.fat'? ferred yc success w pool wil and an vor, the pub tion. Lord 1 the app. I am, .< . (^ JoUN-f THE OLIVE BRANCir. i6r> ..Js, the ives nit- ty**- r>cretary of ttate, and that bia exerution of the mission (proposed to be und?^- Caken in tliat letter) would give him a claim not only on the governor-general, but on hU raajciity's ministers/*^ — the undersigned has relied, and now most re- ■pectluily claims, in whatever mode the Earl of Liverpool may be pleased to adopt. The uiidersigned most rei pectfully takes this occasion to state that Sir J. Craig promised him an employment in 6'anada worth upwards of one thousand poundfl a-year, by his letter, (hereAvitli transmitted) under'date of 13th Sept. 1809, which he has just learned, has, in consequence ferred to tliis country; nor, indeed; is allusion made to any kiitiof arrangement or agreement that had been made by that officer with you. Under tliesn cii-cmnsiances, and had not Sir James Craig determined on his im- modlat*^ return to England, it would have been Lord Liverpool's vruh. to have re- ferred your memorial to him; as being better enabled to appreciate the ability and success with wiiich you executed a mission undertaken at nis desire. Lord Liver- pool will, liiwever, transmit it to Sir James Craig's successor in the government, and an assurance tiiat from- the recommendations he has received ' in your fa- vor, and the opinion he has formed on your correspondence he is convinced that the public service will be benefited by your active employment in a public situa- tion. Lord Li-'ernool will also fesl himtelf bound to give th?' same assurance to the Marqiv'^ Wt^Mesley, iftkere is any probability that it will advance the success of-' the app/catio,! which you have made to his lordship. L am, ! of the 27th June, that " his lordsliip would recommend me to the governor of Canada, for the first vacant situation that I would accept/* I beg the favor of you to advise me how 1 am to get that recommeadation. without loss of time. I have the honor to be, &c. &c. J. H. Robert Pekl, Esq. &c. &c. &c. No. XXIV. ^^Py of a letter written by Lord Liverpool, to Sir George Prevost, furnished by the under secretary of state. Original in the despatch to the governor general : Dovming-street, i^thSept, 1811. Sir— Mr. Henry, who will have the honor of delivering this letter, is the gentleman wlio addressed to me the memorial, a copy of which I herewith transmit, and to whom the accompanying letter from Mr. Peel was written by my direction. In compliance with his request, I now fulfil the assurance whicli I have given, of stating to you my opinion of the ability and judgment which Mr. Henry has manifested on the occasion mentioned in his memorial ; and of the benefit the public service might derive from his active employment in any public situation, in which you should think* proper to place him. I am, sir, your most obedient, humble servant, (Signed) LIVERPOOL. To Sir GuoRQB Prbvost, Bart. &c. &c. No. XXV. Mr. Hyland to Mr. Henry. Tuesday evening, July 2d, 1811. "Bear Henry — It gives me real pleasure to find that the apprehension I had furtned with respect to the fulfilment of your expectations, is likely to ^rove erroneous. As every tljing which passed relative to your mission was in writing, i think you will do well in submitting to Mr. Peel all the original papers. 1, myself, could give no other information relative to the subject than what tliey contain j as you and I had no opportunity of any verbal communication concerning it, till after your mission termhrated. I never wrote you a ivcter in the governor's name, wiiich liad not previously been submitted to his correction. The impres3ion 1 had received of your character and abilities made me anxioiM to serve you, even before I had the pleasure of a personal acquaintance with you : iind the same desire has operated ri me ever since. I am, tliercforc, entitl«d to Lope, that any opinion which I may have given you, as to your best mode of ob- taining an employment under government, will be received with the same candor *hat gave rise to it. 1 think you will do well to persevere as you propose. I have no doubt that every lett»'r from you whicli Sir James sent home, will be found in Mr. Peel's office, as the established practice there is to bind the despatches and enclosures yearly up together. Sincerely wishinj you every success, I am m.'st f.uthfully yours, (Signed) H. VV. RVLAND. Juhn Hitvry, enq, . ^ Mr.H To tlia . Loijg the ui;ci«' litic.il nu an erasui formatio Castlerei tions in 1 correspsir m.ijedty's dt'uttal m transmit i iv. bserviei the niissic tie3 coriiie eral govei Prance,j) \ javf'd t!ie dersigned tiiorijied a, furnish th< adhering governniei In tiie a aforesaid, heretofore ular apprt misiiiu as general (o The und departure stipulation his loixlshi tion tliey It m;iy r shape wha Thi«' fact, ^ouch; as Ilu 27 Lelc( It *Seeth and by hi t See do tSee do { See let partraent, i( Seethe % Si'c do THE OLIYE BRANCH. 167 No. XXVI. Mr. Hinry''i nwmoTnMl to l,->rd LivcrpfH, enclosed in Ltrd Liverpool^i dfip.dfi. To the Rt. Hon, tde Earl of Liverpool, the unJcrsigned most respectfully sub- mits l!ic following niemoriiii. Long before and during ih.e adinini^lratioii of jojr jordsliip's predecessor, tl'.o ui'.dcrji^ned bestowed inucli personal attentiou^to tiie state of parties and po litic.d me.nircs in ti»e United ^tiitea of America, and hid an opportunity*' [Here an erasure of 10 or I'J linei) and tr unite the [an erasure here of 2 or 'A lines] in- formation transmitted by tiie ur di-* , ;ned to Sir James Craig, and by him to lord Castlereagh, met with his lurdshtt:.. approbation :f and when the hostile prepar-i- tiona in the United States suggested to Sir James Craig tue uecchsity of makin«; correspiinding arrangeiuents al' precaution and detence, for the security of his m.ijesty's coloui -s, he applied to the undersignetl to uadertake a secret and contl- deutial mission to the northern states to the party already mentioned ; to direct their operaiio7iSf aud transmit re;;ular inforinAtiou of the same, and to endeavor toravdar their puiiK. $v.'j'!eryient to the interests ofGre'it Britain \. The Undersigned readily undertoolf the mission, and spent five months in the active and 2eaIous discharge of ihn du- ties conaected with it [an erasure here of lit) or 25 linesj] which deterred the goii- eral government from the purpose already mentioned, aud from a coalition, witli Prance,|| wiiile the information \7i1icl1 he transmitted to Sir James Craig, probably wvnd the trouble and expense of arming the Canadian militia. All this the un- dersigned performed witliout ever showing his commission or appearing as an au- thorised agent — frouj a tlioroug!i conviction that a discovery of his misiioa would furnish tiie French party with the means of destroying the influence of the party adhering to Great Britain in every quarter of America, and emible the general government to go to war upon popular and tenable ground. in the application of SiijJameii Craig to the undersigned to undertake the mission • ftforesaid, he says "/Ac information and political observations rectived/rom ymi heretofore ivere all transmitted to the secretary of stute^ who has eocpressed his partic- ular approi^ion of them : and there is no doubt that your able execution of such a mission as I' have above suggeited^ would give you a claim not only on the governor- general (of British America) but nn his.tnajesty's ministers," ^c.V The undersigned being now in England on his private affairs, and on the eve of departure for America, most humbly and respectfully aubmits his claims under the stipulations. aforesaid, to the Earl of Liverpool, in the confident expectation that' his lordship will treat them with that justice and liberality which upon investiga- tion t!iey may be found to merit. It raiy not be superfluous to add that the undersigned has never received in any shape whatever any compensation or patronage for the services he has rendered. This fact, Mr. Ryland, the secretary of Sir James Craig, now in London, cau fouch ; as well as for the trutii of all the DOiatt^rs s«t forth in this meinorial. 1 have the honor, &c. (Signed) J. HENRY. 27 Lelcestcr-sc^uare, June 23, 1812. *See the letter of Mr. Henry addressed to the secretary of Sir James Craig, and by him Uansmitted to Lord in the month of April, 1808. f See document No. 22, herewith submitted. I See document No. 22 and 23, herewith submitted. 5 See letter No. 1 of the series transmitted by Sir J. Craig, to the colonial de- partment, under date of Feb. 1 1, 1809. Jl See the remainder of the afw-esaid letter. i Sic document no 1, herewith gyjjijjitted. i I^' THE OLIVE BRANCH. CHAPTER XXVlil.. &nbar^o rrpealcfK British and French vessels interdicted froin entcnn'^ our harbors. Imporlatians from both countries prO' hioited. Invitation held out to both to cease their outrages on our com.nerce. The cl.imour cKcited against the embargo — the tumultuoua proceed inj^s in (he eastern states — iJs inefiicacy to answer the purpose intenjy the rep and nianuf and Portu Your m »fow VISI] the embaxj •lay of Ji BLOODI Your m ORABLE B and giving tbe whole ders in coi THE OLIVE BRANCH. 171 unconstitutionality, it w^s denounced as tyrnnical, and oppress- ive, and unjust towards our own citizens — and feeble, and im- becile, and inefficient towards those nations whose insults and outrages it was intended to prevent. That these sentiments pervaded the mercantile part of the eommuuity in 1807-8, I presume no man of character will dare deny. Consistency is commendable. Let us enquire how far the merchants practised it. On the 15th of June, 1812, a memori- al was presented to Congress, from various merchants in New- York, praying for a continuance of the embargo, and the restric- tive system generally 1 You are amazed, reader. You can hardly believe me. — You are persuaded that I am not seiious — that I am putting your credulity to a severe trial. You are " all in the wrong." I am as perfectly serious as r have ever been. And to remove all doubt on thu suSyect, here is the memorial — and here also the signers — forty -two fed- eralists and sixteen democrats. Yes — deny it, who can. Here are forty-two federal merchants, invoking congress to continue the much abused " restrictive si^stem" as likely to extort justice from Great Britain. MEMORIAL. To the honorablj the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, the memorial of the subscribers, merchants and others inhabitants of the city of New-York, respectfully sheweth : That yqiir meraorialistE feel, in common with the rest of tlieir fellow- citizens, an anxious solicitude for the honor and interests of their coun- Iry, and an equal determination to assert and maintain them. That vour memorialists believe tliat A CONTIINUATION OF THE KESTRICTIVE MEASURES NOW IN OPERATION, WILIi PRODUCE ALL THE BENEFITS, WHILE IT PREVENTS THE CALAMITIES OF WAR. That when the British ministry become convinced that a trade with the Umted States cannot be renewed, but by the repeal of the orders in council, [C/'the distress of their merchant? and manufacturers, and their inability to support their armies in Spain and Portugal, will probably compel them to that measure ! Your memorialists beg leave to remark, that sctch effects aiib evf.v Kow VISIBLE ; and it may he reasonably hoped, that a continuance of the embargo and non-importation laws a few months beyond the fourth iay of July next, (JJ^WILL EFFECT A COMPLETE AND BLOODLESS TRIUMPH OF OUR RIGHTS. Your memorialists therefore RESPBCXFUiiijY soiiiciT of tour hon- or a. ble body, THE PASSAGE OF A lAW CONTINUING THE EMBARGO, and giving to the president of the United States power to discontinue the whole of the restrictive pystem on the rescinding of the British or- ders in council. ' . I if'*'? J 172 THE OLIVE BRANCH. The conduct of France in burning our ships, in sequestrating our pro- perty entering her ports, expecting protection in conseijuonce of tito protnised repeal of the Berlin and Milan decrees, and the deluy in coin> piuting a treaty with the American minister, has excited great senf-ation: and we hope and trust will call forth from your honorable body such ro> taliatory measures as uiey be best calculated to procure justice. John Jacob Astor Samuel Adams How land £( Grioael E. P!o«son Israfil (libbs Isaac (Mnson John Slidell John K. Townsend Andrew Ogden & Co. Thom:i.s Storm Auios Kutler Ebenf^zer Rurrill Isaac Heyr Ralph Bulkley Samuel Bell John F. Delaplaloe JPeter Siagg David Taylor Willi'im A dee John T. Lawrence Joseph W. Tottcn Jsaav Pchermerhorn Alexander Ruden .Jorcjph Otis Lewis Ilartman .Garret Storm George Bemeat S. A. Rich Abraham Smith Thomas H. Smith, jr. Andrew Foster Jacob Barker William Lovett ^^illiam Edgar, juo. S. muel Stillwell Jacob (' Giraud John Hone iXuiHsa Jacktton Williim I. Robinson Josepli Strong Al)raham S. Hallot JosbuH Jones Frcdric Giraud, jr. .Robert Roberts Jolm Crookcs -Hngli M*€orniick Jolm Depeyster Gilbert Haight James Lovett Leffei-t Lefferts Augustus Wynkoop Jolm W. Gale Thomas Rich Sanmel Marshall JElbert Herring John Kaoe Netv York June 1st, 1812. A member of congress, Mr. Taylor, stated that he was in- formed there were on that list the names of two presidents of banks, three presidents of insurance companies, thirteen direct- ors of banks, besides other names of ^'■pre-eminent standing in the comtnercial warhV^ Fonder, I beseech you, reader, on these tilings. They demand the most sober and serious considera- tion. The embargo and restrictive system generally, after liaving been defeated and rendered nugatory liy mercantile op- position, are now, by the merchants themselves, proclaimed to the world as likely to effect "[i:7='fl bloodless triumph of our rights r What a severe satire on themselves — what a panegyr- ic on their opponents — this short sentence contains ! CHAPTER XXX. The Erskine arranirement, A most liberal and magnanimom procedure^ probably never exceeded. Loud'y app lauded hiaU parties. B/'jectrd by England. Then censured by the f federal- ists. Wonderful inconsistency. Never was there a measure of more fairness andtsandor, than (he arrangement made by our governmenf v^ifh Mr. Eiskine. — Tiie annals of diplomacy may be ransacked in vain to produce tion, ©f com ♦'In prized ' a mark inand, THE OLIVE BRANCH. 173 a negociation more deserving of encomium, or more honorable to both parties. In forty-four days after Mr. Madison's inaugu- ration, Mr. Erskine made candid overtures to our government for an accommodation of the existing differences between the two nations. They were met with a proper spirit of frankness, and \. Hh a promptitude never exceeded. The overtures were dated the 17 th of April—the reply the same day— Mr. Erskine'a second letter, and the, reply of the secretary of state, on the 18th. And, both parties being sincerely desirous of a reconciliation, an equitable arrangement was at\justed in two days, that is to say, on the 19th, whereby neither the honor nor the interest of either nation was compromitted. Friendly intercourse between them was once more restored. Never was a negociation con- ducted on more liberal or generous principles. It was manly and magnanimous — and affords one of the very few instances in which diplomacy was divested of her usual attendants, chicane and fraud. To enable the reader to form a correct opinion on this subject, I annex the whole of the correspondence that took place re- specting it, between our government and the British minister. It will then appear that the transaction can hardly be too high- ly eulogized. (No. I.) HK. IR8KINK TO MR. SMITH. Washington, llthJpnl, I8D9. "Sir — 1 have the bcnor to infomi you, that I have received bis msgesty'R ffommands to represent to the government of the United States, that his majesty is animated by the most sincere desire for an adjustment of the difference^ which have unhappily so long prevailed between the two countries, the re- capitulation of which might have a tendency to impede, if not prevent an amicable understanding. •* It having been rejpresented to his majesty's govemmeat, that the congress of the United State*, m their proceedings at the opening of the last session, bad evinced an intention of passing certain laws, which would i>lace the rela- tions of Great Britain with the United States upon an equal footing, in all respects, with other belligerent powers, I have accordingly received his mtjesty^s coni< mands, in the event of sach laws taking place, to offer, on the part of his majestyi an honorabla reparation for the aggression, committed by a British naval officer, in the attack on the Uoittd States' frigate Chesapeake. " ConsideriRg the act, passed by the congress of the United States on the first of March, (usi»lly termed the non-intercourse aet) as having produced a state of equality, in the relations of the two belligerent powers, witn respect to the United States, I have to submit, conformably to instructions, for the consideration of the American government such terms of satisfaction and repara- tion, as, his majesty is induced to believe, will bo accepted, in the same spirit of conciliation, with which they are proposed. *' In addition to the prompt disavowal made by bis m^esty, on bdng ap ' prized of the unauthorized art committed by his naval oflBcer, whose recal as a mark of tlie king's displeasure, from an highly fanportant and honiM*able com- mand, inunediately ensocd, his majesty is wiling to restore the men forciblf I7.J THE OLIVE BRANCH. t;iT(on out of the f'lirsapcalie, nnrl, if acceptable to the American govffnmcnt, to make a siiUuhle provision for tlie unfortunate MiffererH on that occasion. *' I iiavc the honor to be, witii lentiaientd of tite higitest respect and considcra^ (ion, sir, your oiosl obedient humble servant, D. M. ERSKINE." Ihn. Robert Smilh, Esq. itcntary qf slate^ Sic. (No. II.) MR. SUITU TO MR. ERSKINI. . Department of Slate, April 17, 1809. ♦' Sir— I have luiil beiji>re the president your note in which you have, in the iiamR and by the order of his Britannic majesty, declared that his BritHnnic majesty is s growin;:; out of distinct considerations. •' With this explanation, as requisite as it is frank, 1 am authorised i -> inform you, that the president acivpts of the note delivered by you, in tlie namt- and by the order of Uis Britannic majesty; and will consider the saruc, witi) the engage- ment contained therein, when fulfilled, as a satisfaction for the ins-ult and injury of which he has complained. Eut I have it in express charge from the preidont to Ptate, that while he forbears to insist on a further punishment of the offending of- ficer, he is not the less sensible of the justice and utility of such an example, nor the less persuaded that it would best comport with what is due from his Britannic majesty to his own honor. *'* 1 have the honor to be, with the Iiii^hest respect and consideration, sir, your most obedient servant, , . R. SMITH. •♦ The hon. David M. Krskine, Esq. envoy exlraordhxary - . , and mmistcr plenipotentiary qf his Britannit majaty. i. ,, . (No. III.) .! MR. ER9KINB TO MR. SMITH. Washington, April 18, 1809. •• Sir — I have the honor of informing you, that his majesty, having been per pnaded that the honorable repaitition which he had caused to be tendered for the unauthorised attack upon the American frigate Chesapeake, would he accepted by the government of the United States in the aame spirit of conciliation with w!iic!i it was proposed, has instructed me to express his satisfaction, should such a uappy termination of that affair take place— not only as having removed a painful caui<^ of difference, but as affording a fair prospect of a complete and cordial under. standing being re-established between the two countries. THE OLIVE BRANCH. 175 •' Tlie favorable chnnge in the relntinnn of Ills majesty with the U'liited Statf », wliich Urm been produced by tlie act (usually teriiied the noii-intercour«e act) pass- e6 in tlie lust »*--sion of conjienu, was also aiUiripalcd" by his riMJi.'S'ty ; and haii pni'ouraged a furtlier hope, that the n'-coiwidtjiation of the existing differen^t•^•, ini^ht lead to their *ati.'*Mctory adjustiiient. " On tlu'sc grounds and expectations, I am instructed to communiratc to the A- nierican govLTumont, his majesty's determinUion of sending to the United !>tatc« :in envoy extraordinary, inve-lcd with full powers to conclude a treaty on all the p./nits of the relations between the two countries. •' In tlie mean time, with a view to contribute to the attainment of so deiirahlrt on object : hi^ majesty would be willing so withdraw his orders in council of Jan- uary and November, 1807, so far as respects the United State*, in the persuasion that the presidt?nt of tim United Btates would isisue n proclamation for the renew- al of the intercourse with Great Britain; and that whatever difference of opinioa fhould arise in the interpretation of the terms of such an agreement will oe re- moved in the proposed negotiation. *' I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest consideration and cV^ teem, sir. your most obedient humble servant, n.M.ERSKINE." Hon. Robert Smithy trc.Scc t(C. (No. IV.) / t • MR. SMITH TO MR. KRBKINE. Department qf SlaU^ jlpril \fl, liWK " Sir — The note wliich I had the honor of receiving from you this day, 1 losfc no time in laying before the president, who being sincerely desirous of a satisfac- tory adjustment of the dilTerenres unliappily existing between Great Britain and the United States, has authorised me to assure ^ou, that lie will meet, with a dijiposition cvrrespondent with that of hi» Britannic m^est^, the determination of his majesty to send to the United States a special envoy, invested with full pow- ers to coDcludc a treaty on all the points of the relations between the two coun- tiiei. ** I am further authorised to assure you, that in case his Britannic mtgesf y should, in the mean time, withdraw his orders in council of January and Novem- ber, 1807, so far as respects the United States, the pro.^ident will not fail to issue id proclamation by virtue of the authority, and for thn purposes specified, in thi; eleventh section of the statute, commonlj'^ called the non-intercourse act. 1 have the honcr," &c. [ prodaiui, that tho orders in council aforesaid will have ])cen withdrawn on tho yaid tenth day of June next ; after which day the trade of rlie United States with Gvho never before or since accorded on any subject. The federalists cannot have forgotten — if they have, history will not forget — that they repeatedly asserted, in the most confident terms, that England had been at all times ready to do us Justice ; — that it had been in tbe power of Mr. Jefferson, at any period of bis ad- ministration, to have procured equally fair and honorable terms ; and that nothing but his profligate devotion to France, and bis deadly hostility to England, had prevented an equitable adjust- ment of all our differences. Mr. Madison was hailed as a truly American president. He was invited to federal enterlainmenU —-claimed as a federalist and a Washingtonian — and halcyon days of peace and plenty were augured under his administration, which was indubitably to usher in a political millenium. This farce W99 carried on so far by tbe federalistS}^ that the deoiocratji THE OLI\^£ BRANCH. 177 began to grow jeHlous. They were afraid of losing fir presi- ileiit, whose ek'clioii they hjul taken such pains to secure. In an evil hour lor the United States and Great Britain, lhi» honorable arran;^ement was fauluitously and dishonorahly icr jj.cted hy the British ministry — and thus the two countiies were once more involved in the most vexatious discussioDS. So I'ur as respects the administration oC Mr. Aladison, thia afTuir aflurds the most indubitable cviilence of the utter ialse- liood of the chargeof French influence, with which tiie wide wel- kin has rung, and which has been, and is, as firinlj'^ believed by hundreds of thousands of our citizens, as any portion of " holy ^vrit.'' Had there been the slightest particle of that noxious in- fluence in our cabinet, it could not have fai'.ed to prevent such a rapid movement as healing the long-enduring and cankered breaches between the two countries in twadays. Never in the annals of mankind, did a rooted, inveterate, and contemptible prejudice exist, so completely, so unanswer- ably borne doun by a strong and irrefutable fact, as in this case is the accusation of French inlluence: and yet no more atten- tion has been paid to the strong and irresistible fact, than if it had not the slightest bearing whatever on the subject. Through- out the whole of Mr. Madison's administration, this senseless, this absurd, thisjacobinical cry of French influence has disturb- ed the harmony of the country — endangered its peace — and produced the most magical elfects, on " the most enlightened nation in the world." In every age, and every nation there is some slang preva- lent, by which the people are besotted, bereft of their reason, and led " to ploy such pranks before high heaven, as make e'en angels weep." Who is ignorant of the magical effects in Great Britain of the cry, " the church is in danger," whereby the se- veritiei and restrictions under which the i)roteslant dissenters groaned for about one hundred and fifty years, were firmly riv- eted on them. The cry of " French influence*^ in the United States has been so often reiterated, and so far believed that it appears to thousands of our citizens both impertinent and absurd to doubt its existence. But there never has^ been the shadow of proof of its existence ailedged. And I feel perfectly confident^ that there are thousands of Englishmen in: various parts of the United States, particularly in our seaports, any one of whom takes a more active part in our politics, and has more influence on our atTairs, than any twenty Frenchmen. Talleyrand's ob- servation on this subject is perfectly just. "In every part of America through which I have travelled, I have not found a^ siogle Englishmau, >vho did not feel bims^f to be a» 178 THE OLIVE BRANCH. American ; nor a single Frenclini?.n who did not find himself a stranger."* There are Frenchmen in New-York, Philadelphia, and Bal- timore, who have been naturalized ten, twenty, and even thirty years, who do not interfere so much in our politics as English, Scotch, and Irishmen frequently do within the first month oi'ter Iheir arrival. I have never, in thirty years, known three Frenchmen in Philadelphia who took^n active part in our pol- itics. Many of them rarely exercise the elective franchise. This is a digression. Let us return to the Erskine arrange- ment. The conduct of the federalists respecting this celebrated in- strument, was to the last degree inconsistent and indefensible — They were, after it was agreed upon, as I have stated, unan- imous and loud in their applause of England, for her magna- nimity in offering, and of Mr. Madison, for his [)atrioti8m and public spirit in accepting, the terms proposed by Mr. Erskine. The force of the langague was exhausted, in [mnegyrical strains. All the praises of Mr. Madison were accompanied l)y direct or insinuated abuse of his predecessor. The two i»reBi- dents appeared like the two ends of a scale-beam. In proportion as one rose, the other sunk. Mr. Madison was raised araoi^ the celestials — Mr. Jefferson sunk among the infernals. There was hardly one of the party from New-Hampshire to Georgia, who did not assert, that had Mr. Jefferson been disclosed, he might have made an arrangement on as favourable terms at any time during his administration — for England had been at all times equally disposed to do us justice. But when England rejected this airangement— when she gave the lie direct to all their asseverations of her willingness toad* just the differences between the two countries, on fair and hon- orable principles — they still defended her. They assailed, and sibused, and vilified, rnd degraded their own government. And Mr. Madison, who had been placed among the stars of heaven, sunk down at once below the horizon into pitchy darkness, with his predecessor. And for what ? Had he committed any crime to warrant this change of opinion? No, Had he alter- ed the system of conduct which had been so highly extolled ? — No. Had he broken his faith with England ? No. Had he failed of his duty to his country ? No. His only crime was, that England broke the faith her minister had so solemnly pledged io hinii and to that cruelly injured and outraged country I ! ! .' i Alas ! alas ! poor human nature ! * Memoir onthe Commercial Relations, of the Uuitcd Stales ^itli England, pag« 18.. THE OLIVE BRANCir. i 1 7'.* To establish fully what I have asserted, I annex extracts from the federal papers and speeches, publishe^Vhcfore and after tlip fatal, the monstrous, the absurd reJf:4:lion of this arrange- ment. " We owe it to Mr. Midl.'on and his cabinet to say, and we do it with pride and pleasure, that tiiey iiave come forward with a degree of nrouiptitude and Minnlinefis whicli reflect muck hoixtr on Uiem and Hit country. Mr. Madison has now clone ijy nhat Mr. Jeffersvn nas reqiu.ittd by the Brilish gavemment to do in the note nppmdtd to Ike treaty returned by him Mr. M idison is now effectually resist ins the French decrees, by a total non-intercourse with that country ; ani this "ountry will thank him for it to the latest generation." United Slates' Ga- aette, April 24, 1809. " (I!7* ^'*^ candor, HbernVty, avd sincerity displayed in those documents, art. aVh. h'inorabk to the two governments V Pou'son's American Daily Advcrtiiier, April 22, 1809. •' The non-inter eon rae witli Prance, which congress tlireiifened Nov. 22, 1808, and really enact«>d Marcl» ist, 1B09, tatake place on 20rh May next — this ui«as- uve agiinst France, produced wliat no measure against En;;!and alone could ob- tain. England was to be rvon nnt/t signs qf justice and immi tialHy ; and yielded, to these considerations nthat she mould twt yield either to threats or force, — Bostou Jleperlory, May 9, 1809. " Nothinz here said is desIo;ned to reflect on Mr. Madison as the president of the United States, rj^j^ In the fihst act in which hk has bren called upon, HE HAS BEHAVED WITH WISDOM. May he go on so. Mr. Madison thus far has in l.ict acted ministerially ; that is, pursu.int to an act of congress, or the generally expressed voice of his countrymen," — fdcm. " We shall not stop to enquire wlie her the sj^irited and vigorous measures of New-Etigland — their determined public declarations that !!i«?y would not submit to an unnecessary and destruetive war, has induced the adtninistraton to listen to jrT» Uie same terms nhich Great Britain has always hten ready to offtr, and t& irhich we have uniformly contended she ivas sincerely diiposcd.^* — Boston Gazette^ April, 1809. *' That Mr. Madison does not wish to embroil ns with Eiinland, we are now thoroughly convinced ; while he continues to pursue an honest and imparlial policy, where he makes one enemy he will gain a dozen friends ^^—Baltimore Federal Republican, as quoted by the Philadelphia Gazelle, June 21, 1 809. ♦' ScMcely was Mr. Madlscn seated in the chair of state, wlien, contrary to all our expectations, but agreeably to all our wishes, he gave the tie to all his elee- Honeering advocates ; abandoned practic illy an^ '" the face of the world the pol- icy and course of the sage; and concluded with Mr. Erkklne an agreement, which, {J7»)^nocfci»ig the ignominious hand cuffs from^ncr hands, jinmoorivg our shipi, rejoicing our hearts, and ekvatingour tuopes^cCZ i-'rew from the union, (the .1 icobins excepted) an unfeigned burst of heart-ch< rriiis; applause. rj;j> Ncvtr stntesman did an act more populir or mnre conducive to the true and ptrnuinenl in- tercst of his couniri/."— Philadelphia Gazette, June 2:i, 1809. *' The public documents which we this day have tiie satisfaction of laying be- fore om- readers are ot a highly pleasiiiii a:.J intt-resting character. The note of Mr. Erskine furnisher satisfactory evidence of a real disposition on the p-.irt of liis government to adjust, onpermnncnt principles, the long subsisting differences with tliis country : and Mr. Smith's answer to tliat aof e evinces a candor and promptitude equally honorable to the views and wisiies of the American adminis- tration, fVkile both partiei are governed hy this !>piril qf c'jr{fidenre in t/iensrur- nnces of each cihcr, we can foresee no possible circumstance to impede tli;ir arri- ving at a full, Hberal and advantagecus ■^o:ovasao Nothing was wanting but a proper spirit of conciliation — nothing but fair and itonorable dealing on the part of THIS country, to bring to a happy issue all the fictitious difTereiices between this country and Great Britain ; and that is now ac- knowledged to be true, for saying which I have been so raurii censured— censur- ed, because it suited the purposes of some people to attribute to me a confidence in the justice of the British governiaent, which d"d uot become an American cili- aen. *' The president very properly relying on the assurances of the British minia- ter, tiiat the edicts of Great Britain woult? have been withdrawn on or before the twentieth of Juoe then next, aulhcrised a renewal of intercourse after tliat day." The governor of Massachusetts, in his speech to the le- gislature, unites his praises with those of Mr. Gardenier — '* We have great reason to indulge the hope of realising those views [ariiin? fiom a revival of commerce] from the prompt and amicable disposition with which it is unckratood tlie preseut fetlcral admioistraliou met the coociliator" THE OLIVE BRANCH. 181 ovc:turei of Great Britain— g^ a disposition which is entitled to, and will cer* tainly receive, the hearty appiobation of every one who sincerely loves the peace and prosperity of the nalion.^* The senate and house of representatives re-echo the enco- miastic strain : " The jjresent administration of the general government has QIt^ had f.ie wis- dom to discern, and palriotisui to commence, a course of policy respecting our commerce and foreign relations, which i-^ calculated to promote the pros^perity, and to secure the peace and independence of our country " '•The prompt acceptance by the federal administration of the conciliatory overtures of Great Britain, which opened the door for tiie removal of tliose f;rievous embarraFsmentu by which the industry and ijnterpiise of ourcitizens lave so lon^jbten paralizod, rj;;^ meets the approbation and will ensure the support of this commonwealth." Messrs. Wagner and Hanson chimed in with the general strain of approbation, which was carried to the utmost exlent> in order, by the contrast, to blacken the character of the former administration. *' Sophiitry i^ busily at work in the democratic paper* to show that the accom- modation with Englatidi s the result of democratic plans that is to say, of the embargo and non-interc(ourse law. If this could be made to appear, it would so lar absolve thtir authors from the ruin and sulFerings imposed by those law», n« to prove that they fiad some effect. But the common sense of the people is pro if against tlie delusion ; who are persuaded that what was so easily etl'ected in April last, might have been done long before, and the nation been thereby saved from th« humiliation of retiring from the exercise of itii rights upon the ocean, as well as the immer.be loss it has Buffered, and continues to sustain in the decay and depre- ciation of its produce. Every reflecting mind feels tliis at once ; nor does it re- quire any circuitous argument to be convinced, that Q^y" a persevering and ardent cppo.sition to these democratic juggles, and not a voluntary abandonment of them, broke the embargo, and placed France and Great Britain upon that equal footing, which the LkTTEn iniformi.y declared would induce her to compromise. *' Sincere and general as has been the joy spread by the return of a good under- standing with Ensland, will be the indignation, which at no ,'li'^tant day, a calm review of ti'P sd ires which have been laid to entrap our pe'^;e, and extinguish, cur prosperity will unavoidably inspire. The current of ti:t:; i;'sr.pprobation of tlils conspiracy is not at a sttvnd U has much greats pr^i^jx'is to 'lake; njr will it stop until it places an insuperable bar against e en the spivi'jg par^v which till lately ha* lorded it witlioLtoppo-Mtion over the state of Alaryland."' I shall add to these extracts the sentinriitb oi Mr. (;r«leman> editor of the New-York Evening Post,wbijiiPa'c as strong and dt'cisive as any of the others. " Look at f !ie files of this paper for a twelvemonth. Yon will find it in-^isted upon that rry= Great Britain wished for an adjustment of 'differences, and would come to an .;icommodatiou the moment we gave her a chan::t to do so, by placing her on jm equal footing with France. Mr Erskinn very promptly begin.s, by itating, on our government's placing England on a footing with France, Fngland will make reparation — q^ just preciselv what i have said a uuNr-". o times OVER IN THIS PAPER, SHE -^'OULD VEliY GLADLY DO, ' The first part of the second resolution acompanying the report of the com- mittee of foreign relations, contemplated an arrangement by which t' rally expected to be met on the same fair and honorable ground by the other contracting party. But fatally other counsels pre- vailed at St. James'. The solemn contract made by its minis- ter plenipotentiary was rejected on the ground of his having " exceeded his instructions." Had Mr. Erskine made a wanton sacrifice of the honor and interests of his country — the rejection of his arrangement might be palliated, perhaj)s justified. But no man who has any re- gard to his character, vvill pretend this to have been the case. — Both were equally secured. And to prevent any difficulty in the adjustment of the dispute, to evince more fully Mr. Madi- son's sincere wish for harmony, the thorny and difficult sub- ject of imj>ressment was laid aside for future negociation. *' But Mr. Erskine exceeded his instructions." Wliat in the name of heaven, I ask, must have been the instructions that did not warrant an envoy extraordinary to projiose or ratify such an arrangement ; so plain, so simple, so fair, and so hon- orable ? But admitting for a moment, that Mr. Erskine exceeded liia instructions — or let us even suppose that he had made this ar- rangement of his own mere motion, without any instructions whatever — what reasonable objection could be made to it ? — Could the most partial friend of England, if actuated by honor- able views, require better terms ? Let us analyse the arrangement — let us state the quid pi'o quo — f New-York Evening Post, April 21 , 1809. ' « ■ > ' ' X Federal Republican. ^ Those extiaclB are chiefly taken from " Things as they arc,'» THE OLIVE BRANCH. 1B3 To America it off orded ,.,.^ <^ -i 1. A repeal of th#» orders in council — 2. Atoneraeut ior the outrage on the Chesapeake. To Emldumd ^. \ regtoration to all the smsaease advantages of the most v.'iluable commerce in the world — 2. A continuation of the suspension of intercourse between the United States and France. 1 freely appeal at this moment to George Cabot, James Lloyd, Jim. governor Stronj;, Timothy Pickering, Alexander Contee Hanson, or to Lord Castlereagh, to decide whether there were any thins; in these terms that could wprrant the i^o'?- ernment of a mighty nation to break the faith pledge«l by its minister — and to attach sfiame, disgrace, and dishonor to that minister in the eyes of his own nation and of the whoi« world? Neither of these gentlemen will dare to aver that there was. The reader who has perused wUh att*;jilion the Ers if inc ar- rangement, and consi'Jered the advantageous terms it ensured to England, will be struck with suquise. He will naturally ask, by what illstarred and fatal counsels were the British ministry influenced to reject this measure ? This is a question not easi- ly answered. I shall attempt a solution A recurrence to the 26th chapter of this work, will shew the tumultuous, disorganizin!,^, and Jacobinical proceedinw-s that oc- curred in Massachusetts in the early part of the year 1809. — Open resistance to the embargo was advocated in the papers — \)reached from the pulpit — plainly menaced in the legislative body — and publicly proclaimed in hiriammatory resolutions of town meetings. Intelligence of these disgraceful, thes^^ Jacobinical proceed- ings reached England contemporaneousJy with the account of Mr. ErskineV urangeraeut. It is hit^Jdy probable that the Bri- tish ministry deceived themselves into the opinion that our government wouhl be obliged to abandon the restrictive system altogether; tlmt ihey would then be able to enforce the orders in council, without losing the advantages of our trade ; and that this consideration induced them to reject the virrangement. This I ofier merely as a conjecture. That it is plausii*lc, cannot be denied. But in our day there will probably be no opportunity of ascertaining how far it is correct. Anoliier reason has been assigned. It is said that George III. wos irritated at the implied censure of his government re- specting the conduct of admiral Be? 'cley, which, it is assorted, «o fiir wounded hi? feelings as to iaUuce him to reject the ar- ^f;:-' ^'^m^ Pi 184 THE OLIVE BRANCH. rangement. Many of our citizens have defended the rejection on this ground. Let us calmly and boldly investigate the af* (air. The United States are in a state of profound peace. One of their frigates leaves port. She expects no attack. She is un- prepared tbr resistance. She is followed by a vessel of superior force, belonging to a friendly power. This vessel has just en- joyed the hospitalities of our ports. She overtakes our frigate. She imperiously demands four seamen, said to be British. — British or Americans, they had entered voluntarily. And let it be borne in remembrance, the demand is made by a nation ^hich holds in bondage, thousands of our citizens, who, in the purs!iit of their lawful vocations, have been seized by force and violence, and often with bloodshed ,and desperate wounds. — AnCt ri,".'ljer let it be also borne in remembrance, the demand IS mviit by a nation which has proclaimed, as an laRKvecA- BLK Ij. w to all the WORLD, that slic mil hold at every hazard^ ihost stamen, natives of whatsoever country they may be^ who en- ter h(i service voluntarily,* The demand is repelled. Our Uhnte is attacked. Our unresisting citizens are cruelly mur- derei.' ' ; ! The decks of the vessel flow with blood ! ! She is take^i. The crew is overhauled. Four of them are outrage- ously seized and made prisoners. One is ignominiously hang- ed ! I The other three, fully proved to be impressed Americans, are held in bondage 1 can go no farther My pen refuses its office Does not this blood cry to heaven for vengeance on the murderer ? Can the foal stain be effaced but with blood ? " Whoso sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed." But, reader, I was wrong- My feelings led me astray. — The atonement w^s vvorJhy of the justice of the monarch whose subjects penpetrated — worthy of the nation which suf- fered — the horrible outrage. For Admiral Berkley " was recall- ed from a highiy important and honmtrable r.ommand, as a mark efthe king's displeasure //"t But let it be added, he was recalled to be placftd on a better station. — He was removed from Halifax to be stationed at Lisbon.1 And this wns tlie only mark of displeasure he ever experienced. In 1810, he was promoted fVom the rank of vice-adnr^iral to that ot admiral. He is now lord high admiral of Portugal. * This reason has been repeatedly assignee], to justify a refaaal o'l the snrrcndrr ftf natives of America, held in bondage on board British vasseis of war, when claimed by the proper agents of our government. f See Mr. Erskine's Letter, No. h. i The oulrage was conauiitted in June. He did not leave Halifax till Decem- ber, i^tS,^ THE OLIVE BRANCH. \6j lion taf- leof i un- erior it en- gate, sh. — idlct lation in the ;e ami ids. — f?mand Msar(h vho cn- Oar \y mur- Sheis )utrage- y hang- ericans, refuses igeance blood ? e shed." Istray.— .ionarch ich suf- is recall- a mark recalled . Halifax mark of jromoted now lord surrenclrr 1 war, wlitB I till Decetn- To be serious. Every man of a correct roind and sound prin- riplcs felt that his Britannic ms^esty owed it to himself to have f'lisplayed his disapprobation of the foul deed in some other and more decisive mode. The oflfender ought to have been severely ]iunished. And therefore it is impossible not to approve the dignified but mild style in which the president treats the tranis- action : — " I am aiitliorifscd to inform you, that the president accept* of the note deliver- ed by you, in tlic name and by the order of liis Britannic rosgesty, and will con- sifh rthe sanip,, with tlie engagement contained therein, when fulfill*'d, a$ asati$- fid'xmfoy the, bivilt avd injury of which ht has complained. But I liave it in ex- l-rr.js chargt' from the president to state, that while he forbears to insist on a fnr- tlior punishment of the offending officer, he is not the less sensible qfthejtutice and vfUily of sndi an example, nor the less persuaded that itnouLibest comport nith u'"il is (luffrom his Jirilannic majesty to his own Aonor," To enable us to form a correct idea of this transaction, let us suppose that Commodore Barron had anchored in Portsmouth or Plymouth — that twenty of his sailors had voluntarily entered on board a British frigate — that he had demanded them — that he had followed the frigate to sea — had attacked her — had kill- ed part of her crew — had seized as many as he judged proper — and, finally, to cap the climax, that he had hanged one of them. What would be the result ? Vengeance ! vengeance ! would have been the cry from the Orkney-s to the Land's End — ai^d nothing would appeaze the insulted dignity of England, but Co- pe nhilgenizing New-Yoik, or Baltimore, or Philadelphia, or Charleston. . , - *' My dear Sir, one of my oxen has gored one of your cows." •• Well, to be sure, you T^^ill make reparation — you will send me a cow in the place of the one I have lost. To that you cannot make any objection." " U is all very right. But hold, I mis- took. 1 1 is al I the other way. It was your ox that gored my corv.''^ " So, so — well see about it. Call some other time." " My good Sir — this is not very correct. The business would have been soon settled^ had you been as willing to do justice to othcrsy as to reCeiv€ if from them. Since the abo^'^e was written, I have constilted Mr. Canning's despatches to Mr. Erskine, by which it appears that the British government calculated on Mr. Erskine's adjusting the dififerences between the two nations on the following basis : Extract of a letter from Mr. Canning, Secretary, to thehon. David M. Er- skine, dated Foreign office, January 2S, 1809. •' 1. That the American government is prepared, in the evrnt of his majesty's consenting to withdraw the orders in council of January and November, 1807, to withdraw cotemppraneously on its part the interdictioo of its bailK)rs to ships cf R I? fi m m «) 186 ri' TUE OLIVE BKANCH. t i! war, and all non-intcrcourse and non-importation acts to far a$ respects Great Britain -, leaving tlK-m in force witii rt^specl to Fraoct;, and the powerit wiiicli a- tlopt or act under iier decrees. "2. (VVlmt is of tlie utrno»t importanre, as precluding anew source of mistin- \\\ derstanding wliirh might arise after the adjustment of the otiier nneptioiiii,) ' HT^IHAT AMKRICA IS WILLING TO RENOUNCE, Dl'RI.NO THE fi nlESENT WAil, THE I'RE PENSION OF CARRYING ON, IN TIME OF WAR, ALL TRADR WVm THE ENEMIES' COLONIES, FROM WHICH SHE WAS EXCLUDED DURING PEACE ! ! J " 3. Great Britain, for the jpurpose of securing tlje operation of the embargo, iiiidof the &of(/7yi(2e intention or America to prevent her citizens from trading; Tvith i'Vance, and tlie powers adopting and acting under the French decrees, rrpIS TO BE CONSIDERED AS BEING AT LIBERTY TO CAPTURE ALL SUCH AMERICAN VESSELS AS MAY BE FOUND AT I KMPl ING TO TRADE WIIH THE PORTS OF ANY OF THESE POWERS ! ! ! without Tfliich security for the observance of the embargo, the raii^ing of it nominally with .' cspect to Great Britain alone, would, in fact, raise it witli respect to all the world, " [I^On thfse conditionH his mnjriitif nmild consent to mthdraw the orders i:i I oundi qf Juniuiry utid Aovcmbcr, lb07, so Jar as respects Jmericu.''^ Let us examine this most precious document ^vith all (he .ntteution its im|)ortance ilcmands. Let us weigh ils every lino and every word. Let us see what. justice, what fair dealing it meted out to this injur.ed, this insulted, this plundered nation. Let us see how far the advocates of English liberality and Eng- lish Justice are borne out in their commendations of England, and their intemperate abuse of their own government. The orders in council, existing at the date of the Erskinc arrangement, blockaded France, Holland, and a part of Italy ; containing a population of about fifty miUions of people. By Mr. Canning's instructions to Mr. Erskine, these orders were to be rescinded on three conditions — 1. Taking off all restrictions from the English commerce. 2. [I^ " Renouncing during the existing war, aU trade vilh the enemies' colonies from which we were excluded in time of peace :" in other words, assenting by treaty to the unjust and •exploded rule of 1 75G. 3. Allowing the British to capture our vessels bound to France and her dependencies; which, reader, [CT^ is neither more NOR l.ES£3, THAN WEAVING THE ORDERS IN COUNCIL INTO A TREATY — giving our own solemn sanction to the extravagant pretensions of Gr«)at Britain to limit our trade, which preten- sions we had steadrly resisted. Stupendous injustice 1 — Never before were such revolting propositions made to any BatioB, not absolutely subjugated. What ! Make a treaty by which we let loose upon our defenceless commerce, the whole host of the thousand public ships of war, and the hundreds of privateers, of the greatest naval power in ihe world ! The mind is lost in astonishment at such an unpar iaHe!ed requisition. i THE OLIVE BRANCH. 187 Ipav- But ^ross, anil insulting, nnd outrageous as was this proposition —destructive as its acceptance would have heen to the vital interests of this country — there was no federal [jvinter from New-Hampshire to Georgia, that exprf i'sed a single word of • ensure of the conduct of England for her daring and insulting demands, or for her breach of the contract. No. England was uniformly right — their own government as uniformly wrong. — It seemed impossible for England to commit any act, or make any demand that would not bejustified — lict me establish these allegations — " It liavinshfcn shewn, llmt the plen of ignorant-c h inadmi'sbible i» the I'n'^c of I'lc Erskine ar-angoinent ; that it was the secretaiy's duty to know llic power of l!ie minister before he proceeded to act upon it; that to act ii^n an unknown power, is to art without power : it fol own that onr administration, if they un- derstood their business, must liave been aware that \]^!h( y tvere nei^ndnfin^nith an nnuvlnorizcd individual — unauthorized quoad iioc, as to this particular •'uhjecl ; with one ivho had iketvn na authority/or the purpose. Consequently i\\ey l»ad n') reason to rely on, nor to expect, a fuKUment of the compact hy tiio Briti>*I» gn\ trmuent, kunnins as they aid, thiit it liad been agreed upon rrithout mvj ndcqualo :>'fotv.xaUon of the terms hating hern authorised by thit govfrnmtnt.'^ Uuiled States' Gazette, December II, 1809. Now, my dear reader, whoever you be, that have come thus far with me, let me solenmly invoke you, in the name of Iho God of Peace, to make a pause here. x%s you value your beloved country — as you prize its honor — its happiness — your own welfare — the happiness, the welfare of your posterity—' review this whole subject. I must once more bring It before your ey<»s. A British envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary informs our government that he has orders to propose an ar- rangement of two or three leading points of ditference between the two countries, preparatory to a treaty. His overtures are accepted. An arrangement is made. It is highly advan- tageous to both nations, bat more particularly to that of the <»nvo3'. There is not the slightest sacritice of its honor or interest. After this arrangement is completed, we are assured ten thousand times that England had been always ready to arrange owr differences on these very terms. The United States Gazette exj)ressly states that " she had requested Mr. Jefferson to do the same thing." — -And yet, when the arrangement is re- jected, this same United States Gazette asserts that the envoy extraordinary had no power to make the convention — defends England for the breach of her engagement — and, as I have already stated, transfers the odium to its own government ! ! ! No powers of language arc adequate to express ray astonish- ment. - .' — , 1^1 (; ' 188 THE OLIVE BRANCH. ' \ **Wo ejfprM*ion )ias escaped any member of Ihe British cabinet, eitli^v in par liameiit or elsewhere, making indecorous intinuations a((:;ii)st the Ui.>tcd Si '^ta, maoifeKting a temper unfriendly to conciliation On the contrary tliey have de- clared a wish to rtnew amicublt negoeiation y have named a minister for tliat jnir- ;'Oce; and with nt leant apparent sincerity have expresied their fears that this linfortuaate error of M r. krslcine may increase the difficulties of a friendly ar- rangement bettreen the countriea." United States^ Gazette, Oct 5, 1U09. *' By letters from well-informed men in England, we are assured that thi con- f^uct tj Mr. Enkiiu is condemned by all parties in that country ; that the tamper uf the public is far beyond that of the ministry. A very general opinion prevails -fhere, that it will he very difficult to keep any terms nith this country ; Util nt art. govtrned by men dtvottd to th* interests if France^ n>Jio are determvud U> imist •7) terms from England nhich never can be obtained ! / /" Boston Palladium, Aug. II, 1809. •' The people have beenjlagrantly deceived, and grossly abused ! ! ! The matter rests bitneen Mr. Ershine and our administration ! ! ! wherever the blauie i-hall ^ttadt, it is for the people to apply or origiiiate the rcniedy.*' Fed. Republican, July 31. " In shoftf Mr. Erskinc surrendered every thing, and got nothing in return ! ! ." ' Ibid. •' For onr nart, nc have find but onf. opinion from the eommencemenl if this mys- .'rrrous affair — and we have made bold to express it. It is, that Mr. Erskinc act- id contrary to his instructions ! ! ! — and t/mt secretary Smith knetv iihut these inr- i.(riutions were ! ! .'" Ibid. Before I offer any comment on the three last articles, 1 ^vi^h to state to the reader, that I have extracted them from a pamphlet published by Mr. Niles, called " Things as they are" — that I iiave had no opportunity of collating them with the originals — but that I have written to Mr. Hanson, one of the editors of the Federal Republicf^n, to correct me if I have misquoted his paper. I have received no reply — and therefore it is to be presumed the quotations are correct. Mr. Hanson states that ^^ Mr. Ershine surrendered evert/ ihins^, and got nothing in return /" What a stupendous disregard of fttcl is embraced in these few words ! it is impossible to exceed it. What did he surrender ? Merely the odious, the unjust orders in council ! And did he receive nothing in return ? Was the immense trade of the United States nothing ? Was it nothini; to perpetuate the non-intercourse with France, till she rescinded her piratical decrees ? I aver in the face of this nation, and defy Mr. Hanson to controvert the fact, that England gained immensely ; and that she surrendered nothing but what justice ought to have induced her to have surrendered long before, of her own accord. (( " I entreat my fellow citizens to accompany me a little further ia the examina- tion of those invectives which the leaders of an immense party in this country inceisantly utter against Great Britain for the purpose of exasperating us into wa».** U. State;) Gazttte, Oi-,t. I3> 1809. THE OLIVL IJUANCU. I nig, lliing: k(\ it. irdeis tiic >thin^ (imktl ar.t'i taiued luslice ire, of pcatnina- ccuntry lo waf >i • He (Mr. K.'ikine) also de''!,\rri tlut flip Rrilinl h i%-s iin.l >.(St- » Oly a ri<;nt tn disavow Uiea^r«'unrnl ; ;'..ul fAi .1; Vne //jn-; «i'-,-.v i.'iiv? <''nt6cai<;ir an hitv r^ihle mt-om to pifvent nil cmifq%trncf% arising rts to the armed vessels of t!ip one ati wi'll asof iht* othtr. In that spirit wliich Mr. Smith ^till retains, and now hibors lo rtvivc in the bosom of others, Aoi/i'iil.v tu En;;iini und fime xabservluicif to Frnnce, are known lo have bcfu U» rharaclr.riillr. fftluret ! ! ! The facU are in the possession of every man ; which prove that the feelings of the ^leal body of the t>coplc, not their leadt-rs, prescrvwl m from a wur in wliicli a cuinplete luccct* vvou'.ti have 1 iv tiled chains on oursclvefc." L. S. Gazelle, October 13, laO'J. "It will be observed that iWn thny of words, and these negative fttatcments. afte; all, by the pre?ident, serve onlv to inalie the lublic believe, that he hid no reason to apprchmd a disavjival. i f»* is not li:vrdy ei)ou;;h to s.»y, tiiat uniki- the circumitanccs of thn ,caje, ike brillsh f^inL'ii:n:nt u ir. iound to abide hjf ErtkineUact; or that they conducted periidioiMly ia dijavowlng it. Yet this aspersion, one of the most injurious a.id provokiu i>t c.-.:i be thrown upon u imtion, has been uttered, and inc^ss^intly rcpeati • sevf jmI n.^onths, in eveiy democratic paper in the union." iJuuJ, Dcctalur i:u, iWiJ. ** Every one acknowledge?, that had oar exccLuvc cou/l.id'id the arrangement of April last with Mr. Erskinc, knnvins that he w.;i a iittltori^^d, the wtioK- 1 esponslbility for the consec^uonces, howfvtr joiiou"., vo.ld !iavo rested upon ihciDielves. It has been maintained by the editor c' t'.is Gazette, and is now demonstrated by the indubitable authorities, adduced hy Mr. D.inn, that to havt done so nithtut knoning that he nan avifioristd, ii-us c^ualiy unrvirrantable, and l^ the administration no grautul on n 190 THE OLWE BRANCH. On this last paragraph I shall miike but one ebservnlion, (o which I request attention. It is, that according to the United States Gazette, it was, in December, fi:7^"THE duty'" of England " to herself," to reject an arrangement which the same Gazette in April stated d/^ sJic had rcpcatedly^ in vain pressed on Mr. Jefferson ! ! ! To facilitate a comparison of the astonishing, the never- enough-to-be-lamented contradictions of opinions that were promulgated on this subject, for the purpose of |)oisoning the public mind, I place in opposite columns some of the srtatemeni3 that preceded, and those that followed the rejection of the £r- skine arrangement. The human mind cannot conceive any. thing more completely inconaistent. "As to the revocation of the orders in council, it is merely npcessary to ob- serve, that the terms which our govern- nient has now accepted might have been obtained at any time past; THEY WERE ALWAYS IN OUR POW- ER." Federal Republican, May 3. " Let Mr. Erskine's oviTture for an aocouimodation be viewed in whatever light it may suit democratic ingenuity to place it, and they will find tiiat tiie delusion so long kq^t up is effectually difsipated their diabolical schemea' completely frustrated. " Gi"cat Britain, in the true spirit qf amity, u willing fe) meet us V Idem. " To the honor of England, and the confusion of French spies and convict fugitives from the British dominions, her ministry seized the first favorable moment to make honorable reparation for the insult offered our flag, and to pegodate a commercial treaty." Idem, April 25. " The authority vested in Mr.Erskine to offer the terms to this government which have been acceded to, was merely provisional, and was not to be exercised «inle»8 the anticipated change in our political relations, on which they were predicated, should take place. Mr. ; Erskiue hag since received positive in- structions from his government to make the arrangement alieady concluded, — «, These new instructions, which raaaifest ^ the earnest desire of England to heal the differences between the twocwmtries, ^- are occasioned by a knowledge that the non-Intercourse law had actually passed, placing the belligerents on a fair footing > of in^artiality. > a spite of all the tQ- " What was but a few days ago a doubtf'il point, is now fettled by the publication of Mr. Erskine's instruc- tions. Sufficient information has been received to convince all candid persons, that the rancor with which the Englirli cabinet has been pursued, and the vio- lent abuse with which it has b.^n assail- ed, was undeserved. We do notentcrtain a doubt when all the circumstances shall have been disclosed, that it nili appear that secretary Smith actually saw Erskine''s instructions ; and that the arrangement was made merely as an eocperimenl. We feel confident that the thing will he put upon this footing. — (Tys If then the United States will re Ultimately injured by this act, they nill judge where the^blame We»." Fed. Rep, July 27, 1809. '• Our cabinet, certainly not a littl*^ interested in strengthening the cau.se of democracy, have prevailed upon Mr. Brskine to do an act which has extricated their party from the most embarrassing and difficult situation that it was possible for them to be placed in, which they (the cabinet) knew would irot He ratified : they at a single dash rid themselves of all the obnoxious measures which broH so much ridicule and disgrace upon their party, and have contrived for a time, to heap odium upon England. In the next place by seeming to improve the first opportunity of an arrangement witli England, tliey disproved to appearance the charge of animosity to England and partiality for France. '•• These were the important advanta- ges which Mr Secretary Smith flattered iiimself would be the fruit of bis cu&oins* rv THE OiaVK BKANCn. lJ>i to led OF the vain ver- Bvere the ieni3 BEr- any. ago a by the instruc- ts beet) )er8onE, EngU»!i the vjo- n assail- ntcrtain Qstanccfl t t( nili utlly saw that th.: y 05 an that tlic loting.— rvill f c ey n'M , 1809. [t a Uttl<^ cause of j)on Mr. fxtricatcd larrassins U posBiblc lich they . ratified : ^selves of lich bro]t tpontheiv jr a time, In the »rove the jent witli jjpearance [gland and . advanta- |h flattered icoooiOo' By efTcctlng an arranffcmrnt wliir'i hr know was uiuuithnrigeil on tlio part cl' Mr. Erikine, am! would necossarily be rejected by tlie BFitMlwc;ovpniment ; he. c.-;!culated tlintthe adniinistnitiou would he rendered greatly popular, and the rt^sentinent of the peoine proportionably augmented againt^t Enjland, whenever tlie disavowal should be received. — Whenever it shall be ntjade to appear that the nation has been deceived, the trick will recoil upon the Secretary and his party with tenfold effect. The American people cannot hear knavery and imposition. If they di«cover that a fraud' has been practised upon them at home, t!ie attempt to raise a clamor against other^ will he foumi but a poor protection to their pnpularjty." Idem. *' Thov'c who wt;e mo«it riolent at first i:) c?.la7nniatin?£nj:;li»n(i, are nor/ willing at least to suspend llieir decision, if not to admit thnt our onn cabinet ia some measure will participate in Mr, Erskine's llame." .F ' . prthe spirited and vigorous measures of New-England their determined public declarations that they would not submit to an unnecessary and destructive, irar, have induced the administration to listen to fj^lhe same terms which Great Britain has always been ready to offkr^ mndto which we have uniformly contend' ed «he was sincerely disposed^ Boston Gaa. April, 1809. IcotridfiU a folio volame with these frothy, elaborate aiHl anti- American defences of the British, and inculpations of the United States' government. But I feel satisfied that I have done enough ; and that there h none but the wilfully blind can deny, that no cause ever could boast of more ardent, more zeal- ous> or more iadustiioud advocates, than the cause of Great ,W^»Vv. ., "!".;;rc *^: ::',:. .'-ni. ■W'i.:^ ■-■,.■ iU2 THE OLIVE EKANCII. \ I) Britain has cxpprirnced in Boeton, New York, and Philadcl- jihia — and that (here never was an aduiinistration pursued uilh more remoisdcss virulence, and with lees semblance of jus lice than Mr. IMndisoirs has been. After the reader lias carefully perused these wretched al- temptB to palliate the folly and madness of the British ministry in tiie rejection of such an advantageous and honorable arrange- ment of the dilTerences between the two nations, and to transfer from that ministry the odium they so justly deserved, to the ad- ministration of the American governmeut, I beg he will atten- tively examine the foMouinc; view of the subject, taken from BelPs Weekly Messenger, of which tlic truth and candor are en- titled to the highest a))pi'obatioti : — " But the .point of fact if, tlrit the disavowal of Mr. Er/icine'e act, Is of a piece »vith the general conduct of Gngland towards America. V^'henever circumstaBces have ill any way admitted it, our tone towards America has always been in?ultinj;, and our conduct every tiling but friendly. Every new hope on the Continent ; every ptraw to tlje drowning cxuectations of Europe, has but aggravated this unworthy eentiment. — la our prosperity we liave bdllied America : and when tilings are not so well with us, we have vented our strife in injurious language and unworthy conduct towards her. Whilst there were any hopes in Spain, America could get nothing direct from u.^. Eut disappointment brought ns to our senses, and the negociiUion was renewed. The coailUou war on -the Continent has since broke out, and we begin to repent of our condescension. ** In this manner has the American negoclation been on and off, during some years.— Our demands rising with our hopes and prosperity, and our moderatiw co-existeot with our disappointment'"* **♦.; ii , , CHAPTER XXXL Impressment of American Seaitien. Plea of James Madison. (Xf Johnduincy Atlams. OfWnuColhett, Of Weekly Register, An idea is very prevalent that the impressment of our sea-> men by the British vessels of war is a grievance of little mo- ment, to which the malice entertained by our administration against England, has attached an importance of which it is ut- terly undeserving. Hundreds of thousands of our citizens have been duped into the belief that this item of grievance was crea- ted under Mr. Jefferson, or at least incalculably exaggerated by liim and his successor. Never was there a more egr^ious error. Never wag fraud qiore successful in propagating — never was * Thechief part of the extracts in this chapter are taken from "Things as they are,^* irrittea and published by Hezekiab Niles, editor of the Weekly Eefister. fatuit frbra Mr and V of sec and I ^laimi none < such G that E arrang « i>ressiTi The of the hostilK ma (ion tlie adn >'nder(l 'fil, ant ui the callous and frai to perisl "Till in any t on the c I Eubi Ide pleai nny thin i;pi*v e ihi brationg. i^rom the i Mon , "Were lean vesse of their allt is hovveve an Anieric speaking a to be such, firmed, lua Jiritain tvo faer own su THE OLIVfi BRANCH. 1Q3 fatuitous credulity more deceived in believing, a tale as foreiga (torn the truth as Erebus is from Heaven. Air. Madison has been ten thousand times cursed for his folly and wickedness in involving this country in war for tlw purpose of securing a few seamen, who are said to be vagabond English, and Iriih, and Scotchmen, the scum of the earth, from the rJaims of their lawful prince. It has been asserted that few or none of the natives of this country are impressed — that when such an accident takes places redress is easily had — and further, thai England is, and has at all times been ready to make any arrangement whereby our sailors may be guarded against im- pressment, provided she can be secured against the loss of hers. These assertions are utterly ful&e. From the commencement of the war of the French revolution, to the late declaration of hostilities, this has been a constant, unceasing sul^ect of recla- mation and complaint to the British government, as well under the administrations of General Washington and Mr. Adams, as under those of Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison. And disgrace- ful, and dishonorable, and infamous, would it have been to any uf the presidents, had they been deaf to the com{)laint6, and callous to the sufferings, of the American slaves, stolen by force and fraud from their families, and freedom, and favored country, to perish fighting the battles of their enslavers. " The practice has no parallel, either for atrocity or extent, in any thing of modern times, but the business of negro stealing on the coasts of unfortunate Africa."* I submit to theTeader the following eloquent and unanswera- )de pleas against this nefarious practice. They so far transcend any thing I could myself write on the sul)Ject, that 1 shall de- serve thanks for sparing my own, and substituting these lucu- brations. J Vo.vi the imtructions of James Madison, Esq. Secretary of State, to James Monroe, Esq. Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of London, •• Were it allowable that British subjects slioii Id be taken out of Amer- ican vessels on the high seas, it might at least be required that the proof of their allegiance should lie on the British side. This obvious and just rule is however reversed. And every seaman on board, though going from an American port, sailing under an American flag, and sometimes even speaking an idiom proving him not to be a British subject, is presumed to be such, unless proved to bean American citiBcn. It rady be safely af- firmed, that this is an outrage which has no precedent, and which Great Britain would be among the last nations in the world to suffer, if pfiercd to ber own subjects aud her own flag. m Ms' ' I ) 1D4 THE OLIVE BRANCH. .1 m in " Great Britain has the less to say on the subject, as it is in direct con- tradiclion lo the principhi on uhich she proceeds in oilier cases. Wliilst she claims and seizes on ihe high seas, her own subjects voluntarily serving in American vessels, «hc has constantly given, when she could give, as a reason for not discharging from her service American citizens, that they had voluntarily engaged in it. Nay more, uhilsl she impresses her oiva suhjecls/rom the American sen ice, although they may have been settled, and murritd, and naturalised in the United States^ she constantly refuses to re- lease from he r^s, j4merica:i seamen pressed into it whenever she can f^irefer a reason, that tliey are either settled or married within her dominions. Thua ivhm Ihe voluntary consent of ihe individual favors her pretensions, she pleads the validity of that consent. Whin the voluntary consent of the indi- cidual stands in the way of her pretensions, it goes for nothing. When mar- riage er residence can be pleaded in her favor, she avails herself of the plea. When marriage, residence, and naturalization are against her, no respect whatever is paid to either. She takes, by force, her own subjects vobmlarily serving in our vessels. She keeps by force American citizens involuntarily serving in her^s. JSlorejiagrant inconsistencies cannot he imaginedJ'^ Never since the world was formed was there a stronger, or more irresistible train of argument, or collection of facts, than in the iireceding paragraph. Never were flagrant injustice, outrage, and violence more completely proved, and eternally shut out from the possibility of defence. From a kller of J. Q. Adamt^ Esq. to H. G. Oils, Esq. " The impressed American citizens, however, upon duly authenticated proof are delivered up. Indeed! how unreasonable then were complaint! how effectual a remedy for the wrong! an Amerian vessel, bound to an European port, has two, three, or four native Americans, impressed by a British man of war, bound to the East or West Indies. When the A- merican captain arrives at his port of destination, he makes his protest, and sends it to the nearest American Minister or consul. When he re- turns home, he transmits the duplicate of his protest to the Secretary of State. In process of time, the names of the impressed men, and of the bhip into which they have been impressed, are received by the agent in London. He makes his demand that the men may be delivered up — the lords of the admiralty, after a considerable time for enquiry and advise- ment, return for answer, that the ship is on a foreign station, and thei- lordships can therefore take no further steps in the matter — or, that the ship has been taken, and that the men have been received in exchange for French prisoners — or, that they had no protections (the impressing officers often having taken them from the men) — or, that the men were probabbj British subjects; or, that they had entered, and taken the bounty; (to which the officers know how to reduce them) — or, that they have been married, or settled in England. In all these cases, without further cere- mony, their discharge is refused. Sometimes, their lordbhips, in a vein of humor, inform the agent that the man has been discharged as unsirvict' able. Sometimes, in a sterner tone, they say he '\fi an impostor. Or, per- haps, by way of consolation to his relatives and friends, they report the' fit had fallen in battle, (tgaiyirt nations in amity with his country, Scirf^- THE OLIVE BRANCH. VJj titncs they coolly return that there is no such man on board the skip : (tnd what has become of him, the agonies of a wiTe and children in hifl native land may he left to coujccturc. When all these and many other Mich apologies tor refusal fail, the native American seamen is discharged ; Mild when by the charitable aid of hisi government he has found his way home, he comes to be informed, that all is as it should bt — that the man' her o/hisftllow-sujfercrs is sfnall — that it was impossible lo distinguish him from an Englishman — and (hat he was delivered t«2>, en duly aiillienticalcd proof I" . V- T ,r-: Extract from Cobbell^s Register. ' " Our sliips of war, when they meet an American vessel at 5ca, board her, and take out of her by force, any seamen whom our ofHcers assert to be British subjects. There is no rule by tvhich they are bound — Thei/ ncl at discretion : and the consequence is, that great numbers ofnc' five Americans have been thus impressed, and great numbers of them are now in our vrtvy. The total number so held at any one time cannot, perhaps, be ascertained ; hut from a statement published in ^4merica it appears, that Mr. Lyman, the late consul here, stated the number, about two years ago, at FOURTEEN THOUSAND. That many of these men have di- ed on board of our ships — that many have been wounded — that many hare br.p.n killed in action — and that many have been worn out in the service, there ran be no doubt. Some obtain their release through the application of the American consul here : and of these the sutfcrings have in many instanc« (^s been very great. There have been instances where men have thus got free after having been flogged through the fleet for desertion. '■'■ But it has been asked whether we are not to take our sailors where we find them? To which America answers, yes; but take only your own; " /fl/ce," said Mr. Lyman, ^^ your whole pound of flesh? but take not a drop ofblood.^* She says that she wishes not to have in her ships any British sailors : and she is willing to give them up, whenever the fact of t'leir being British sailors can be proved. Let them, she says, be brought before any magistrate, or any public civil authority, in anyone of your own ports, at home or abroad ; and she is willing to abide by the decision. But let not men be seized in her ships upon the high seas (and sometimes at the mouths of her own rivers) where there is nobody to judge between the parties, and where the British officer going on board is a/ once ACCUSER, WITNESS, JUDGE, and CAPTOR !» From Niles^ Weekly Register, vol. 3, page 303. ' ' * " If t!ie most dignified officer in the naval service of our enemy were to plunder neutral vessels of a box of cod-fish or a bale of cotton, on suspicion that it was even tnemy^s property, it might cost him his whole fortune, with an ignominious dismissal. The law of nations allows him to send in the vessels for adjudication : and it becomes him to prove the fact he suspected. If he fail in this, he is often mulcted in heavy damages by the courts of law of his own country. But in ilie business of mar^•stealing, hehimself is judge and jury — he takes when and uiiere he pleases, and is irresponsible for his conduct. If complaint is made, he silences it by the broad plea, " that his majesty wanted men*^ — and, if the man stolen is restored to liberty after years of dangers and servitude, without one cent for his hazards and toils, there are knavet who produce his case in evidence of " British magnanimity P* ' n iOO TliE OLIVE BRANCir. After (lie rc.i(U;r hna carefully peruseil the pvecetiing argu- nirnl?, I request lie \\\\\ read aiui cumparc (lie sentimenta ot* .Ur. I'icknin;; on the r?iil>ject of impressment at two dilTerent period?, the first when he was secretary of State, and the sec- ond vibvn he was senator of the United States. " fCT' ^^^ J^rifi'h naval qfftcrrs often imprtm Swedes, Danes, and other for- p.igntrs, from the vessels of the United Slates. Thtjj have even sometimes im- /trased Frenchmen ! ! If there should .'je time to make out the copy of a pro- test lately received, it shall be enclosed, ilc3cribing rj^ the impress of a Dane and a Portuguese. This surely is an abuse easy to correct. ^JO^They cannot vretend an inability to distinguish these foreigners from their onn subjects. They ■tnay m'lh as muck reason rob American tnssels of the property or merchandize of Swedes, Danes, or Portuguese, as seize and detain in their service the subjects of those nations found on board American vessels. The president ia extremely 'anxious to have this business of impress placed on a reasonable footing."* " rj;;j=> It 18 perfectly well known that; riREAT Britain desires to obtain ONLY HER OWN SUBJECTS. f *' The evil we complain of rj^ arises from the impossibility of alnuys distin- guishing the pcr.sons qf trvo nations wlio a few years since were one people, who exhibit the same manners, speak the $ame language, and possess similar fea- tures. J " The British ships of war, agreeably to a right claimed and exercised for ages, — a fight claimed and exercised during the whole of the administrations of Washington, of Adams, and of Jefferson, continue to take q;^ some qfthe British seamen found on board our merchant vessels, and with them a small NnMBER of ouri, from thk impossibility of DISTINGUISHING EngLISHMKN FROM CIT- IZENS OF THE United States."!! I I cannot allow these extracts to pass T\'ithout beseeching, and imploring the reader to ponder well on their contents — to com- pare them together carefully. The history of the human race, from the earliest records of time, furnishes no stronger instance ef contradiction, or inconsistency. Mr. Pickering, when his station as Secretary of State rendered it a duty to defehd the lights of his country, clearly & explicitly asserts, that the British impressed Swedes, Danes, Portuguese, and even Frenchmen, IVom on board our vessels. Afterwanis, to ansi^er the purposes of party, he states that they impressed Americans merely through " the impossibility of distinguishing" them from their own sub° Jects ! What an awful perversion of facts ! *• Letter from Timothy Pickering, Esq. secretary of state, to Rufus King, Esq. minister at the court of London, dated Oct. 26, 1796. f Letter from Timothy Pickering, to the hoD. James Sullivan, governor cf Massachusetts, Feb. 16, 1808— page 9. t Ibid. fl Prom the same to the same— Feb. 13, 1808, page 13. THE OLIVE BRANCH. 107 CHAPTER XXXII. hnpressnunl tlurijig the adtninistration of General Ifashington.'-' Letter from T. Jefferson to T. Pinkney. From Mr, Jay to Lord Grenville. Frmn T. Pickering to Rufus King. Prom Rufus King to Lord Grenville. Extract of a letter from T.Jefferson, Esq. secretary of state, to Thomas Pinkney^ minister plenipotentiary of the United States at London. Department of State, June 11, 1792. " The peculiar custom in England of impressing seamen on every appparancfs vf war, will occasionally exposo our seamen to peculiar oppressiont and vexations. it will be expedient that yon take proper opportiinitieH, in the mean time, of tonferring with the minister on this subject, in order to form some arranfl;ement for the protection of our seamen on tliose occasions. We entirely reject tlie mode which was the subject of conversation between Mr. Morrris and him ; whicli was, (hat our seamen should always carry about them certificates of their citizensliip. This is a condition never yet submitted to by any nation ; one with which seamen would never have the precaution to comply — the casualties of their calling would expose them to the constant destruction or loss of this paper evidence ; and thus the British government mould be armed rvith legal authority to impress the whole (four seamen. The simplest rule will be, that the vessel being American, shall be ev- idence that the seamen on board of her are such. If they apprehend that our vessels might thus become asylums for the fugitives of their own nation from im- press gangs, the number of men to be protected by a vessel may be limited by her tonnage ; and one or two officers only be permitted to enter the vessel in order to examine the number ; but no prefsgang should be aUorved ever logo on board an Amer- ican vessel, till qfter it shall befound that there are more than the stipulated num- ber on hoard, nor till after the master i^hall have refused to deliver the supernu- meraries (to be named by himself) to the press officer who has come on ooard for that purpose ; and even then the American consul shall be called in. In order to urge a settlement of this poiut before a new occasion may arise, it may not be amiss to draw their attention to '^^ '^teculiar irritation excited on the last occasion^ and the difficulty of avoiding -jy making immediate reprisals on their sejimen here. Your will be so good as to ; /mmunicale to me what shall pass on thi? subject, and it may be made an article of convention to be entered into either there or here." i . From the same to the same. del. 12, 1792. *' I enclose you a copy of a letter from Messrs. Blow and Melhaddo, merchants, of Virginia, complaining of the taking away of their sailors, on the coast of Africa, by the commander of a British armed vessel. So many instances qf this kind have happennd. that it is quite necessary their government should explain them- selves on the subject, and be led to disarow and punish such conduct, I leave t© your discretion to endeavor to obtain this satisfaction by such friendly discussions as may be most likely to produce the desired effect, and secure to our commerce that protection against British violence, which it has never experienced from any other nation. No law forbids the seaman of any nation, to engage in time of peace, on board a foreign vessel : no law authorizes such seaman to break his contract, nor the armed vessels of his nation to iaterpose force for his rescue." ..^ ■ m 108 THE OLIVE BnANCK. From the same to the same. Nov. 6, 179S. " I enclose you now the ropy of a letter from Mr. Pintn;i, to take neainen from on board nn American vessel hound to the Hast lndie. The long but fruitless aVcmpts that have been made to protect American \Mirnnfrom British impresses, prove that the subject is in its nature difficult. *' The simplest rule would be, that the vessel being American, should be. fvidencc that the seamen are surh. But it will be an important point gained, if, Qn the high seas, our flag can protect those of n hatever nation who sail under it. And for this, humanity, as well as interest, powerfully plead. Merchant vessels r.arry no more hands than their sqfety renders necessary. To withdraw any of litem on the ocean, is to expose both lives and property to destruction. We have a right then to expect that the British government will make uo difficulty io acceding to this very interesting provision. And the same motives sliould operate with nearly equal force, to procure for us the like exception in all the British colonies, })Ut especially in the West indies. In the latter the consequence of an impress 'A nj» the detention qf the vessel. By the detention, the vetsel is ir\jured or destroyed hythe wwvM, and the remrmnt of the crem exposed to tftefatal diseases ^the climate. Hence a longer detention ensues. The voyaee becomes unproSt«ble to the jnerchant : and Q;^ humanity deplores the loss cfmany valuable lives. But there is another cogent reason for an exemption from impresses in the British colonies — that THE PRACTICE WILL BE, AS IT HAS ALWAYS BEEN, SUB- JECT TO MONSTROUS AFUSES. and the supreme power is so remote, that THE EVILS BECOME IRREMEDIABLE, BEFORE REDRESS CAN EVEN BE SOUGHT FOR *' Tq^gnard against abuses on the part of American citizens, every master of a vessel, on His arrival in any port of tne British colonies, may be required to report iia crew at the proper office. If, afterwards, any addition be made to them by British subjects, these may be taieo awajr. In the ports of Great Britain soil i. THE OLIVE BRANCH. i;^a lielai"', llie impress of Briliih fuhjrdx, found on boai d of our vrsfirW, nuint doubtless be admitted. But this nitould he cuntrult d by regulations to prevent iiuuitg and injuries, and to adniini«ter prompt relief jr^nA^rf Jmerian citi:t)ti [nhich nill aasurullii happen) ihall be niixtakfn/nr hntishitihjtcU. •* There are three ciisses of men, a-iuf ruing nJioin there urn be no d{ffituH\. 1. IValive American citizcna . rj-T^ 2. Amtrican citisens, jvhetever born, nh') mre such at Ute dejinitive treaty nfpuiu. Q^-'. Fortignen, othiw than Briluh su'ijedi,, miling in American vetseli, and nihuiit persons oiis^ht to be us sacrid, as it respects the Britisli, us thote »/ tuttite citizens. The 4th class consists of Hritisili born subjects, but who, or many of whuiu, may have become citizens subseat^ent tolliu treaty of peace, or who hereafter may be admitted to the riglits of citiistna K is thii class alone, about which any preteuce of t\f^\ii to impress can be made. With regard to these, it may be attempted to protect tiiein, as well in time of war as of peace, in the foil owinj^ casts : First, rj;ya»when thry shall iuive siived in American veMels, public or private, for tlie same term in wliicli forei^nci') rerving in British vesiteU woula acquire the rights of British subjects, which it understood to be three years : or secondly, if so much cannot be obtaiurd, when those persons, originally Britibh subjects, shall have resided f.ve years in the United States, and been formally admitted to the rights of citizL-uii, according to our laws. " It must often happen that sailors will lose their certificates : provision slioul J therefofe be made for the admission of other reasonable proof of their citisenxhi^, such as their own oaths, with those of the masters, mates, or other creditable witnesses. The rolls of the crews or shipping papers, may uUo bt* autheiilic.ited by the collectors of the customs : and then they ought to be admitted as uf K:<\wi.\- validity with the individual certificates." ^, . ' From the same to the same. Sept. 10, 170C. "I enclose a letter from Francis S. Taylor, deputy collector of Norfolk, re- specting four impressed seamen. It appears to be written with candor, and mer- its attention. If, as the captain of the Pre voy ante [Wemyss] says, the dignity of the British government will not permit an enquiry on board their ships for A- merican seamen, their doom is Jixedjor tkervar: and tfius THE RIGHTS OF AN INDEPENDENT NATION ARE TO BE SACRIFICED TO BRITISH DIGNITY. Justice requires that such enquiries and examination be made; be- cause otherwise the liberation of our seamen will be impossible. For the Britisft government^ then, to make prof tssions qf respect to the rights of our citisens, and wllingness to release them, and y^t deny the only means of ascertaining those right^t is an insulting tantalism. ^^ If the British government have any regard to our rights, any respect for our nation^ and place any value on our friendship, they nill even facilitate to us (he means of releasing our oppprtssd citiscTU. The subject of our impressed seameu makes a part of your instructions ; but the president now renews his desire that their relief may engage your special atteatioo.'* m owes— SUB- te, that CAN er of a report lem by lin aow CHAPTER XXXiri. Impressment during the Admimstratitm of Mr. Adams* Letter from Rujus King. From Silas Talbot. From Timothy Pick- cring. Instructions qf Judge Marshall toRufus King. I NOW proceed in chronological order to state i\ttyf^v>'3 <»£ otir government upou-^the remonstrances o£our public officem. t ^i ^','^-m 200 THE OLIVE BRANCH. Againtit — and (lie redress nffbrded or reruaed in — (he odious at- fair of impreetsment, during (lie adminiii(ra(ion of Mr. Adams. I begin wilii Rufus King, esq. whose name, Horn (he ground he now takes in politics, Is a tower of strength on (his subject. From Rufus King, Esq. to Timothy Pickering, secretary of stale. London, April 13, 1797. •' The subjt-ct [of imprfssment] in uU its details, htiB come under n\y obiervn- lion ; nnd it!* importance, I cnnfrRs, is much Kreater than I had suppOHed it. In- xtead (fufetv, mul thtxr in mnnii inslancea equi coral cases, I have, since Iht month if Jul}) lait, rruide application for tht discharge from British mentfnar, if 271 seamtn, who, stating them8elv»;s to f>e Aincricaiis, liave claimed my interference . ui this number 8(5 have by the admlraliy been ordered to bt* diiichurged : H7 more ii.tve been detained as British (subjects, or an American volunteers, or for want of proof that they are Americans : and to my applications for the discharge qfthe rtnkdning 143, 1 fwu rraivfd no anintr ; the ships on bonrd qf which Viese sea- men mere detained, having, in many i/utances, suiltd b^fure an examinalion was ~:uide, in consc'picnce of my appUcatiuns. " It is certain, that some of those who have applied to me, are not Amerlr. in Citizens, BUT THE EXCEPTIONS ARE IN MY OPINION FEW : and ti>e ♦•vldence, exclusive of certificates, has been such as in most cases to satisfy me ?h?.t THE APPLICANTS WEKE REAL AMERICANS, wlio l»ad been forced ifi'.othe Biitinh ;round taken on (his subject by (he adminis(ration ; and sets the seal of eternal contradiction on the assertion, so often re- peated, that the poor, miserable, enslaved, and by-his -country- abandoned sailor — the pride — the glory — the bulwark of that imgrateful country — is readily surrendered when impressed by mistake. Let no man ever dare again to make the assertion. It is not true. It never was true. Mr. King tells us a plain story. He applied for the emanci- pation of 271 American slaves, forced to fight for their enslav- ers. Not quite a third mere discharged — and more than one half' of the whole number were debarred of any chance of redress y by a plain and simple process ; the vessels, onboard of which they were, having " in many instances sailed before an examinatio)! was had in consequence of his application,''^ « From Silas Talbot, Esq. agent for the relief of impressed seamen, to Timoth\i Pickering, Esq. secretary testate. Kingi/on, Jw/y 4, 1797. »♦ Admiral Sir Hyde having gained information, that my application to tlir civil authority of this island, to obtain the release of such American citizens n* w«re found to be detained on hoard his m^esty^s ships of war, had been pttendod with some success, he immediately issued a general order to all captains and cohmiatiders of ibips and veasels of war, directing them Jiot t9 obey an^' nrit r ' THE Or.lVE BRANCH. 201 habeas t^rpuji,nor ivffer any men h Ihtir leavr. ship* in comrqutnct qfany mch nrit. .Mnc e the above inentioprd ord«T wh» isiiicd, writ* Imvc been obtained aRiiinsl Taptain Elphinstone, of the. I'ai lar rri((ate, to produce tbrec Americani, named in the writ, btfore tlie ciiif-l' jiiNtice ; and axaiuit Cimtain FobKt, of the Albicure, to produce four , and al»o, against Cai)lain Otway, otthe Ceres friziite, to produce iwtnty Americuns, In like manner btlore tiu* ciiief justice. All tnose writs were itTvtd, but none of tlieni wai obeyed. AttacSimenti against the said captaiiin iiave been orden d by the court ; and a writ of attaclinjent against Captain Otway was takf n out Tiftten days since. But the maralinl has not beeu able, as he taya, to serve it on Captain Otway : and from all that I can learn, there is not any prohnh.lity that he will «> any Ameriacn seamen, and of course not to retain against their will any already* impressed : but if they persist in obstructing every channel of irformation ok^ ff»f qfthwr dtigenship, sxich yrdtrs are, and nill continue, deceptive'^ S 2 »''nl K Flif -til; h \ m ni 202 THE OLIVE BRANCH. '11^ Exlraet of a letter from RvfusKing, minister plenipotentiary of the Unitcu Slates^ to the secretary of stale. London, March 15, 1799. " I fcentioned our dissatiBfaction with the contiouatioa of the practice of takiof oet of our shijpa, met on ihc main ocean, such of their crews as did not possess certificates or American citizenship ; denying, as I had often done, in former conferences, upon the same subject, any right on the part of Great Britain, upon which the practice could be founded } and suggesting that f|^ our ships of war, by permission of our government, might, with equal rigol, pursue the same practice towards their merchantmen. ''That not only seamen who spoke the English language, nnd who were cvi- ilently English or American eubjccts, but also ALL DANISH, SWEDISH, AND OTHER FOREIGN SEAMEN, WHO COULD NOT RECEIVE AMERICAN PROTECTIONS, WERE INDISCRIMINATELY TAKEN FROM THEIR VOLiJNTARY SERVICE IN OUR NEUTRAL EMPLOY, and forced into the war in the naval service of Great Britain. " That on this subject WE HAD AGAIN AND AGAIN OFFERED TO CONCUR IN A CONVENTION, WHICH WE THOUGHT PRACTICA- BLE TO BE FORMED, AND WHICH SHOULD SETTLE THESE QUESTIONS IN A MANNER THAT WOULD BE SAflSFACTORY FOR ENGLAND AND SAFE FOR US. , " That to decline such a convention, and to persist in a practice which we were Versuaded rould not be vindicated, especially to the extent it was carried, seemed >s« equitable and moderate than we had a right to expect. '* Lord Grenville stated no precise principle upon which he supposed thi« practice could be justified ; and the conversation upon this point, like many others upon the same subject, ended without a prospect of.4Batisfactios. The French and Spaniards, and every other nation, might pursue the same conduct as rightfully as Great Britain does. Witli respect to foreign seamen in our employ, this government has, if I recollect, yielded the point, though their onn "fflcers coTitinue the practice. We are assured all Americans shall be discharged on application for that purpose, and that orders to this e.Tect have been given lo heir naval commanders ; bnt this is far short qf satisfaction — indeed, TO A&- aUlESCE IN IT, IS TO GIVE UP THE RIGHT." I beg the reader will most carefully and attentively peruse the second nnd third paragraphs of the preceding document. The second confirms the statement made by Mr. Pickering, when he was secretary, that [CF DaneSt Swedes and othtr for- eigners were impressed out rf our vessels — and utterly contradicts and disproves his recent declaration — that [C?' the impressment of our seamen arose from the difficuUy of discrimineUing between an Englishman and an American. What a farcical procedure it would be, to seize by mistake upon Danes, and Swedes, and Portuguese, as Englishmen ! But the fact established by the third paragraph is si ill more important. It is, that this country T7* " had again and again offered to settle these questions in a manner that would be satisfac- tory for Em land and safe for the United States." And further, that "England had declined such a convention." And yet Mr. Pickering hag confidently fl^ited the contrary, in direct opposition to the fact, and to lits own knowledge and experi ence.— THE OLIVE BRANCH. 203 " Oijr Ruvernment well know, that Great Britain u pej/e<:% mllins to adopt any arrangement that can be devised that will secure to her service the seamen who are hf,r ovm subjects, and at the same time, exempt ours from tm/»reijf/icnt."* *' A') man who regards the truth will question the disposition qf the BHtish gov- rrnment to adopt any arrangement that will secure to Great Britain tlie service qf her onn subjects/*^ f These facts scorn the aid of a comment. The dullest and moat Boaetian reader must be struck with the astonishing con- tradiction and inconsistency they display. With Mr. Pickering I am almost wholly unacquainted. He is far advanced in years — and has held the highest and most confidential offices. He has been honored with the regard and esteem of the party to which he belongs, of whom he is consid- ered as one of the leaders. He has asserted of himself, " I may claim some share of attention and credit — that share which is due4o tlte man who dofie'; the world to point, in the whole course of a long and publir life, at one instance of deception — at a single departure from truth."| I call on him and his friends, to reconcile the above state- ments with the facts of the case. It will give me pleasure if he can, at the close of his long career, justify himself on this point to his own conscience, and to his country, before whose bar I (bus solemnly cite bini. One other observation, and I dismiss this letter. — Mr. King explicitly states, and with perfect justice, that to acquiesce in the surrender of our seamen being a satisfaction for the injury, is to admit the right of impressment, against which he most zeal- ously and patriotically contended. Extract from a report ofTtmoihy Pickeringy esq. seeretary of slate^ to Con- gresn. Dec. 9, 1799. ** Admiral Parker paid no attention to the agent's application on behalf of oar impret; '<>d seamen ; tne admiral having determined, and informed the agent of the determination, that no proofs would be regarded by him, unless specially presented by the American government through the British minister ; nor then but ia the single case of native Americans. Under tliis determination there will be detained, not only the subjects of his Britannic majesty, naturalized since the peace of 1783 ; but all who, bom elsewhere, wt>re then resident in, and had be- come citizen's of the United States ; also, all foreigners, as Germans, Swedes, Danes, Portuguese, and Italians, who voluntarily serve in thf vesseb of the United Slates. Anditisafact that SUCH FOREIGNERS HWE FREQUENT- LY BEEN IMPRESSED ; althouzb their languages and oth> r circumstances demonstrate that THEY WERE NOT BRITISH SUBJECTS.'' Here again we have Timothy Pickering, secretary of state, versus Timothy Pickering, senator of the United States. As secretary, he bears the strongest testimony on the subject of the latitudinarian principles on which impressment is conducted. * Letter of the hon. Timoihy Pickering, to his excellency James Sulliraa, governor of Massachusetts, page 13. f Idem, page 8. Idem, page:?. •';*!' 204 THE OLIVE BRANCH. *. The sulgect strikes me in a new point of light. An Ameri- can vessel is met at sea by a British frigate. — Tlie crew are brou};ht trembling before, that right reverend and worshipful magistrate, the boatswain's mate. All who cannot speak plain English are seized ; — as, being French, Germans, Danes, Ital- ians, or Hottentots, they cannot he natives ojtlie United States, and are not therefore entitled to protection from our flag. This scrutiny is soon over. Another then takes place. And of those who speak plain English, he seises as many as he supposes, or pretends to suppose, to be British subjects ! ! ! And yet we have men in high stations who defend this practice! Would to God that ei}ery man who is an advocate for impressment, were himself impressed and enslaved on board a British man of war, with a cat-o'-uine tails to his back, to punish his refractory spi- rit, in case he dared to complain ! Exiraci of a letter from John Marshall, Eaq. secretary of state, to Rnfus King, Esq. Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at London, dated Department of State, Sept. 20, 1800. " The impressment of our seamen is an injury (f very serious magnitude, which deeply njfuls the feelings and the honor of the nation. " Tliis valuable class of men is composed of natives and foreigners, who engage voluntarily in our service. ' *' No right has been asserted to impres.«i the natives of America. Yet they are impressed ; they are dragged on board of British ships of war, with evidence qf dti- stnship in their hands, and forced by violence there to serBe,unlil conclusive toft'mo- nials of their birth can be obtained. These must most (renerally be sought for on this side of the Atlantic, n^ In the mean time, ACKNOWLEDGED VIO- LENCE IS PRACTISED ON A CITIZEN OP THE UNITED STATES. BY COMPELLING HIM TO ENGAGE AND CONTINUE IN FOREIGN SERVICE Although the lords of the adaiiralty uniformly direct their discharge on the production of this testimony ; YET MANY MUST PERISH UNRE- LIEVED, AND ALL ARE DETAINED A CONSIDERABLE TIME, IN LAWLESS AND INJURIOUS CONFINEMENT. " It is the duty, ae well as the rights of a friendly nation, to require that meas- ures be taken by the British goV " The right to impress those who were British subjects has been asserted ; an* the right to impress those of eveiy other nation has not been disclaimed. '* Neither tlje one practice nor the other can be justified. *'WiMi the naturalization of foreigners, no other nation can interfere; further than the riglits of that other are affected. The rights of Britain are certainly not affected by the naturalization of other than British subjects Consequently those persons, who^ according to our laws, are citizens, must be so considered by Britain, ahd every other power not having a coaflictios claim to the person. THE OLIVE BRANCH. 20> "THE UMTED STATES, THEREFORE REQUIRE, POSITIVELY, TH\T THEIR SEAMEN WHO .ARE NOT BRITISH SUBJECTS, AVHETHER BORN IN AMERICA, OR ELSEWHERE, SHALL BE EXEMPT FROM IMPRESSMENT. "■ The case of British subjects, whether naturalized or not, is more quebtionable; g^biit the right even to impress them is denied. The practice of the British government itself, may certamly, in a controversy with that government, be relied on. The privileges it claims and exercises, may certainly be ceded to others , U^ To deny tliis would be to deny the equality of nations, and to make it ;* question of power and not of right. " If the practice of the British government may be quoted, that practice is to maintain and defend in their sea-service all those, of any nation, who ^ave voluntarily engaged in it, or who, according to their laws, bave become !3ritish subjects. " Alien seamen, not British subjects, engaged in our merchant service, ought *b be eqtially exempt with citizens from impressments : we have a right to engage tlicm, and have a right to, and interest in, their persons, to the extent of the service contracted to be performed, n^ Britain has no pretext of right to their persons or to th.?ir service. TO TE\R THEM, THEN, FROM OUR POSSESSION, 13 AT THE SAME TIxME AN INSULT AND AN IN- JURY. IT IS AN ACT OF VIOLENCE FOR WHICH THERE EXISTS NO PALLIATIVE. '* We know well that the difficulty of distinguishing between native Americans and British subjects, has been used with respect to natives, as an apology for the injuries complained of. It is not pretended that this apoloey can be extended to the case of foreigners ; and, with respect to natives, we doubt the existence of the difficulty alledged. We know well that among that class of people called seamen, we can readily distinguish between a dative American, and a person raised to manhood in Great Britain or Ireland ; and we do not perceive any reason whj^ the capacity of making this distiDction ithould nOt be possfttoed In the game degree by one nation as by the other. *' If therefore 60 regulattbh «an t)6 fomed ^hith shall effeefu«illy i^nte ^\l seamen on board American merchantmen, tr^ we have a right to ex^et froA the justice of the British government, from iu regard for the friendship of the United States, and its own honor, that it will manifest the sincerity of its wishes to redress this otfence, by punishing those wlio commit it. " We hope, however, that an agreement may be entered into, satisfafitbfy and beneficial to both parties. The article which appears to have been tr£msmitte4 by my predecessor, while it satisfies this country, will probably restore to th& naval Service of Great Britain a greater number of seamen than will be lost by it. Should we even be mistaken in this calculation, yet the difference canfiot be put in competition with the mischief which may result from the irritation justly excited by this practice, throughout the United States. The extent and justice of thg resentment it pt-oduces, taay be estimated in Britain by enquiring n^ what im|>re88ion8 would be made on them by similar conduct on the part ortnis gov- ernment. " rrja Should we impress fropi the merchant service of Britain not only Ameri- cans, nut foreigners, and even British subjects, how long would such a course of injury unredressed he permitted to pass unrevenged V How long would the government be content with uhsuccessfut remonstrance ? I believe, sir, that only the most prompt correction of, or compensation for, the abuse, would be admitted as satisfaction m such a case. *Mf the principles of this government forbid it to retaliate by impressments, there is yet anotner mode which might be resorted to We might authorise our ships of war, though not to impress, yet to recruit sailors on board British mer- chantmen. Such are the inducements to enter into our naval service, that wc believe even this practice would very seriously affect the navigation of Britain. — How, sir, would it he received by the British nation ? " Is it not more advisable to desist from and to take effectual measures to prevent an acknowledged wronc, than by perseverance io that wrong (j^ to excite agains'^ I »i'^ \^ 206 THE OLIVE BRANCH. themselves the well-fouDded resentment of America, and force our governtuent into measures wiilc!) may very posiiibly terminate io open rupture p** Extract of a letter from Rufus King, Esq. to the secretary of state^ dated London, February^, 1801. " The progress which had been made in our negociation with thia government, was such as must have brought it to a speedy conclusion, had not a change taken place in the department of foreign affairs ; that the result would in the main have been satisfactory, is more than I am authorised to say, although I flattered myself with the hope that it would be so. Lord Hawksbury assures me that he will give to the several subjects, which have been pretty fully discussed, an early and impartial consideration : and 1 am in hope that lordSt. Vincent will likewise be inclined to attend to our reiterated remonstrances against the impressment of our seamen, and the vexations of our trade." m CHAPTER XXXIV. «'%.«. Mr, lAstoiCs projd of a Convention respecting Deserters, Objected to hy Mr. Pickerinj^, Mr, Stoddard, Mr, IVolcott, and Mr, MHcnry, Rejected, In the year 1800, Mr. Liston, the British mioister, submHted to Mr. Adams, president of the United States, a projet of a treaty for the mutual delivery of deserters, of which I annex the sev- enth and ninth articles, being those which alone bear on this subject ; 4 7. " It is, however, understood, that this stipulation is not to extend to author- ise sither of the parties to demand the delivery of any sailors, flubjects,or citizens, belonging to the other party, who have been employed on board the vessels of either of the respective nations, and who have, in time of war or threatensd hostility, voluntarily entered into the service of their own sovereign or nation, or have been compelled to enter therein, according to the laws and practice prevailing in the two countries respectively. 9. ** It is, however, understood, that no stipulation in this additional article shall be construed to empower the civil or military officers of either of the contracting parties forcibly to enter into the ptiblic ships qfivar; or into the forts, garrisons or 'posts of the other party ; or to use violence to the persons of the land or sea officers of the respective nations, with a view to compel the delivery of siich persons as may have deserted from the naval or military service of eithei' party as aforesaid." This projet was submitted to the heads of departments, and to the Attorney General, for their opinions, which I subjoin. From Timothy Pickerir^, Esq. secretary of state, to President Adams, February^, 1800. " The secretary has the lionor to lay before the president Mr. Liston^s note of the 4th February, together with his projet of a treaty for the reciprocal delivery of deserters ; rry* which appears to the secretary utterly inadmissible, UNLESS IT WOULOTUT AN END TO IMPRESSMENTS— which Mr. Liston seemed to imagine — while the seventh paragra^^oi of his projet expressly recognizes the right of impreMiog BritiiM Mibjects, aoicoBsequeotlF Americaa> citizcaa as at preeeot. "Tlies* «xcepi ths C'mand th^ employed i nes, volun herein, , THE OLIVE BRANCH. 207 article- Uftbe ie forts, le land irery of either and nn. tms. I 5 note fciprocal aissiblff* ch Mr. presslf B. Stoddard, Esq. stcretary of the navy, to the President. February ^6, 1800. '«' The secretary of the navy ia clearly of opinion, that rj^ it is better to have on article, and meet all consequences, than not to enumei ute mcrclinnt vegsels on the lii^h seas, among th tilings not to he forcibly entered in search of deserters.'^ Oliver Wolcott, Esq. secretary cf the treasury, to the President. April n, 1800. "The projetof a treaty proposed hy the minister of liis Britannic majesty, for the reciprocal delivery of deserters tiom the land and naval service, rr7=»iloej» not snfficieutly provide against the impressment of American seamen j and is there- fare deemed inadmissible." As a substitute for Mr. Liston's first article, Mr. Pickering proposed the following : •' It is, however nndemtood that nothing in these stipulations shall be construed •"o empower the civil, military or naval officers of either of the contracting parties, forcibly to enter into the territoiy, forts:, posts, oh vessels of the other pahtt — or to use violence to the persons of the commanders or the officers of the forts, posts, or vessels of the other party, with a view to compel the delivery of buch persons as shall desert as aforesaid " This article was intended fully to secure, from impressment, even in our private as well as public vessels, not merely our own citizens, but also the subjects of Great Britain ; in a word, to put an end entirely to the practice of impressment on board our vessels. Mr. Wolcott, secretary of the treasury, proposed a substitute for the article objected to, still more clearly and explicitly an- nihilating the pretensions of England to impress seamen of any description on board our vessels. " It is, however understood, that nothing in the foregoing stipulations shall be construed to empower the civil or any other officers, of either party, forcibly to enter the forts, posts, or any other place within or under the jurisdiction of the ether party ; nor to empower the naval commanders or other officers of eitlier par- ty forcibly to sktir ant pubiic or private vessels of the other party, on the l«gh seas, with a view to compel the delivery of any person whatever : on the contrary, it is expressly declarea to be the understanding of the contracting par- lies, that the mutual restitutions of persons claimed as deserters, shall only be made by the free and voluntary consent of the military officers employed in the land service, or the commanders of the public or private ships or vessels of the two parties, or in pursuance of the decisions of the courts, judges or other compe- tent civil officers of the two nations, in all cases arising within their respective ju< risdictions." O WOLCOTT. James M'Henry, Secretary at War, to the President. *' The secretary thinks the projet of Mr Liston maybe substantially accepted, except th« 7th article, which seems to provide that tbe^ United States shall not demand th« delivery of any sailors, although their citizens, if they have beeu- employed in British vessels, and who have, in time of war or threatened hostili- ties, voluntarily entered into the British service, or have been compelled to enter therein, accordjug to the law aad practice prevailing ia Great Bntaia. Tbiiar- Wm ^'^n I I 208 THE OLIVE BRANCH. , tide IB very inaccurately expressed ; for it says, "employed or entered into ttjo service of tlicir own sovereign or nation, or have been conopelled to enter therein," Ire. If thifl article means, what it is appreliended it does, it is wholly inndinisii- ble. It establiiihes a principle reprobated by this country. The cniiiiter pro- jet of the secretary or state, in substance meets the secretary's approbation ; hut it is submitted, whether the adoption of part of the draft by the secretary of the treasury, will not improve it. All which is respectfully submitted, JAMES M'HENRY. War deparlmentj April 18, 1800. '* The attorney general having read and considered the letter of tlic secretaiy of state, and the projet of an article drawn by the secretary of th« treasury, on the subject of deserters, ^hichare proposed to be sent to the Britisii iniriistepiiere, expresses bia entire approbation of the sauie.^* jiprilSO, 1800. CHARLES LEE. CHAPTER XXXV. Horrors of Impressment^ as submitted to Congress by Timothy Pickering, Secretary of Stale* To afford a specimen of the treatment of some of the impress- ed American seamen, whose cases it has become fashionable to treat with indifference, I submit extracts from authentic docu- ments on the subject. It will incontrovertibly appear, that the horrors of this odious and execrable business of impressment have been quintupled by the odious and execrable manner in which it has been conducted. Extract from the deposition of Eliphaht Ladd, second mate on board the Thomas and Sarah, of Philadelphia, and a native of Exeter, New-Hamp- shire, annexed to a report to congress of Timothy Pickering, Esq. secre- tary of state. Kingston, June 19, 1799. ** Ellphalet Ladd maketh oath, that on Wednesday, the 12th inst. he caiue •n ibore with two seamen belonging to said ship, named John Ecles and Israel Ranitol, in order to land a boat load of staves : thai a press-gaij? c.itm'. up and laid hold of John Edes — that one of the press-gang named Moodv. WITH A BROAD SWORD CUT THIS DRPONE.NT ON THE FOREHEAD, AND MADE \ WOUND OP THREE INCHES! ! ! They then took depoaent, together with Edes and conducted them in dlfF.^reat boitx on board the Brunswick man of war ; that the boat on boird of which Edes was, made the ship some little time before the deponent was in -. and on the deponent's nearing the ship, be heard the cries of a man flogging ! ! ! and on goin^ up tlie side of the Brunswick, he perceived Edes, who was crying ; and addressing liim- self to the first lieutenant, a Mr. Harris, saying, here is a man who can attest t» what I hare told you. The lieutenant then laving hold of deponent by tlie arm, said, GO ALONG ON THE QUARTER DECK, YOU D4MNED RAS- CAL YOU!!! which deponent accordingly did; that all the impressed men were then eraoiioed, and* a^erwardi (Kc4ered l?]^ the Ueut^aat into the waist; THE OLIVE BRANCH. £09 t!iat when they got there, Edes pulled off his shirt, and SHOWED DRPO- NEIVTHIS BACK, WHICH WAS BRUISED FROM HIS SHOULDER? TO MIS HIPS !! ! He then informed he hadjuat been nhipped ivitk ropc''s ends .'.' as deponent was >;oing up the ship's sides, hy the boatswain nnd \\h mates, hy orders of the lieutenant ; that deponent remained on hoard tlic Brunswick all that day and the next night, during whichno surgical or mcjliriU assistance was ijfi'cn to the nmind he had received on his head, nor io the. hruiici nf the said Edes^ who, during the night called out sr.veral times from extreme pains, nnd the next minning nns barely able to move himself ; that between nine and ten o'clock the Ticxt morning, the whole of the impressed men were again ordered on the quartef deck, and stationed, except deponent and Edes ; that while tlie examination was going on. the captain of the 1 hoinas and Sarah was coming on hoard ; hut wnu prevented by the lieutenant. wl)o ordered the centinel to keep him oil' : that at about eleven o'clcck the captain of the Brtiinswick came ou board, and at three o'clock deponent was discharged, but Edes retained. ELIPHALET LADD." Sworn before William Savage, Justice of the peace, &c. Further extract from the preceding report of Timothy Pickeiing, Esq. secretary of state, to Cmgress. Richard Carter, of the Pomona, of Portsmouth, impresied at tlie same time with Ladd and Edes, among other item- of his deposition, swore — " he w is vio- lently forced info a boat, and STRUCK TWICE WITH A DRAWN CUT- LASS by one of the officers of the press gang; and two men with pistols placed over this deponent, who loaded their pistols in the presence of this deponent, and threatened to blow out his brains if he. attempted to move or speak : and then they carried this deponent, and John Edes, one of the seamen of the ship Thomas and Sarah, an American citizen, whom they had also seized, on board the said ship of war, the Brunswick ; and thii depenent saith, on getting on board the Brunr- wick, tills deponent and the said John Edes were ordered to go on the quarter deck, where Mr. Harris, the first lieutenant of the said ship abused this dep&« nent and said John Edes ; and gave ihem in charge to the master of said ship, wlilp he went to look for the boatswain's mate ; and soon after returned with the boatswain's mate, whom he ordered to take tliis deponent and the said John Edes. and to heat them ; in obedience to which orders, the said John Edes and this deponent were severely beaten., particularly this deponent, the said boatswain's mate doubled a rope of about three inches and a half thick, and BEATING THIS DEPONENT WITH GREAT VIOLENCE OVER THE HEAD, FACE, NECK SHOULDERS, BACK AND STOMACH, UNTIL HE HAD TIRED HIMSFjLF ! ! ! and then he gave the same rope to one of the mariners of the said ship Brunswick ; and he also severely beat this deponent in the same man" ner ! ! and this deponent saith. he received upwards of a hundred blows ! ! and was thereby grently bruised, and his face cut, and his stomach, as well internally as externally injured, so that this deponent brought up a quantity cf blood for sev- eral days. Sworn before me, WILLIAM SAVAGE. To .ivoid prolixity, I have omitted the residue of this depo- sition. The deponent was liberated by habeas corpus. Annexed to this deposition is that of the physician, who at- tended Richard Carter, who declared, that " From the situation in which he found the said Carter, he verily believed he ha) Hr en very severely beaten some days pn vious, his hiood being very much exliava^ated : and from the appearance of the bruises, it must have been d ne witli a thick rope." I knmv not in what terms to pour o'lt my al>horrence and in- fUgaatioa at the aboiniuable sceaes depicted in the preceding T H«J ^:^^. M'f-^^, I'ia THE OLIVE BRANCH. '♦lepositions ami narratives. Language fails in Ihe attempt.— Shame, disgrace, dishonor, and inlamy, will attend the counc' - and counsellors cf America, fur the Imse suhmisaion to such monslro»js cruelly. The outrage ought to have heen met at Ihe threshold. — Atonement to the sufltrers ought to have heeii made at the public expense, that is, as far as such horrihle inju- ries can he atoned for — and a demand for the re-payment of the money thus emplojed. If not ctjmpiied \\ith, full and cum- j)Iele ictalialiou ought to have talien place. CHAPTER XXXVL lmprc^::^mcnt during the adniinistralion of Mr. JeJj\rson. LtlUr from Kiifus Kini;. Jrramretncnt rith Lord St. Vincent rc- Icclidhif Mr. Kmir. Memorials from Salem, New-Yorky Phi- ladelphiay Ballimorc, and N cm-Haven. Mitnkr of Captain Pearce. Proceedings ef Federal Republicans of New-York. r; ; , From Jiv/us Kirg, Esq. to the secretary f/ state. JVen-York, July, ]^03. " Sir — As soon as llie war appeared to me unavoidable, 1 thought it advisable ■to renew the alleinpt to form an arrangement with tlie British fioverjiinpnt for the ^irotecfion of our seamen. With tliis view^ I had several coiiftrences, botli witii lord Hawk esbury and JVfr. Addington, wUo avowed a sincere disposition to do whatever might be in their power to prevent the dissatisfaction on this subject, that bad so frequently manifested itself during the late war; nith very cniutid prr/tstions, I. honevcr, found several objections, in discussing the project with the first lord of the -aduiirulty. Lord Hawkesbury having promised to sign any a- greement upon the subject that i should conclude with lord St. Vineent. J endear. ored to qualify and remove the objections he offered to our project : and f.nally, the da^^ before 1 left London, lord St. Vincent consented to the following' regulations — *' I. No seaman or seafaring person shall, upon the high seas, and ntlhont the jurisdiction of either party, be demanded or taken cut of any ship or vessel be- lon-i.i to the citizens or subjects of one of the parties, by the public or privah Qrrn f^ ships or men 'ftvcr, belonging to or in tJie service of the other psw'ty ; and .strict orders shall be given for the due observance of this engagement " 2. Each party will prohibit its citizens or subjects from clandestinely con- cealiug or carrying away from the territories or colonial possessions of the other, any seamen belonging to the other party. ' ♦' 3. These regulation* ahall be in force for five years, and no longer. *' On parting with his lordship. I engaged to draw up, in the form of a conven- tion, and send him these articles, in the course of the evening, who premised to forward them, with his approbation, to lord Hawkeshury. I accordingly prepar- ed and scftit the draft to his lordship, who sent me a letter in the course of the night, stating that on further reflection he was of opinion, that the narrow seas should be expressly egccepled, they having been, as his lordship remarked, inime- niorially considered to be within the dominion of Great Britain ; that witli thi^ correction he had sent tlie proposed convention to lord Hawkesbury, who, bis lordship presumed, would not sign it before he should have cooeultcd the judge of the high co^rt of admiralty, Syir William Scott. THE OLIVE BRANCH. 211 '* Ar I liiul diipposed, from tlip tenor of my cnnffrenccs wit'.i lord Si. Vincent. Iliat the doctrine of the mare. chnL%um would not he revived agaiu^t us on thU occasion, hut that Englam! would be content with the limited jiirifidiction or do- •.ninion over the neas, adjacent to her territories, which is rtsnitjiicd by the I iw of nations to other states, 1 was not a little di^tappointed on receiving this comuiuni- cition ; and after weighing well the nature of the prii)ci;)|e, nnd the disa(lvantago*» of its admission, / roncluded to abandon tf l ntgoliatim rather than trt ac'uiesce in Ike doctrine it proposed to estnbUsk. *' I regret, not to have been able to put tlil* husin"^? on a satisfactory fooling, knowing, at I do, its very great importance to both pirtics. But I (.'alter niysell that I have not misjudged the intereots of our cotiutr^-, i« refwili^g '" sfinrtinv n pritici pie that might be productive nf more edcnsive evils than those it n\Ts ouv aim to prevents* This is a most important document, and must never for an Instant be overlooked in forming a decision on tiie question oC impressment. Mr. King was united with, and a leader among tiiose men wiio were lately hunting down Mr. Madison, and preparing the way for anarchy and civil war : and the clilcf pre- tence was the stand Mr. Madison made against impressment. Nevertheless, we find that he took the same ground himself — and that it is indisputably true, that more than one half of the miseries of our poor, oppressed, and enslaved seamen are charge- able to his account. And whatever may be the maledictions* ivhich his friends are showering down upon Mr. Madison, a double portion of them has been oichly earned by Mr. King. — For it appears, that had he been so disposed, he might have rescued our sailors from the horrors of slavery, every where but on the narrow seas, which would have greatly abridged tiieir sufferings, as well as our complaints against Great Britain.—* And yet lately with a most wonderful and hideous degree of in- consistency, he was, as I have stated, persecuting and trying to' enish Mr. Madison for the attempt to protect our seamen, in whose favor he formerly displayed such a high degree of soli- citude ! t ^ To evince how universal has been the indignation of oUr mercantile citizens against the oppression of, and the cruelties perpetrated upon, our seamen, I annex impressive extracts from, documents on the subject. Extract from a Memoritd to Congress of the inhabitants qf Salem, Januarjf ' 20, 1806. *' Your memorialists are sorry, that other instances of hostile conduct have been manifested by Great Britain, less direct in their nature, but not less deroga- tory from our sovereignty than those enumerated. THE IMPRESSMRNl'' OF OUR SBA.M£N, notwithstanding dear proof s of citizenship, the vto1atio» of our jurisdiction by captures at the mouths of our harbors, and insulting trea t » «ient of our ehipa on tbe ocean, are subjects vorthy of the serious considerat ioni- c i i 212 THE OLIVE BRANCH. ofour nationul councilg ; and will, we have no doubt, receive an early, prompl, nnd decisive attention." Signed in belialf of tlie inhahitanta, by their authority, John Hathorne, Benjamin Crowninihield, junr. Jostpii Spragiie, Joseph White, juur. Jonathan Maton, Joneph Story. Extract from a Memorial qf a general meeting nf merchants qf New- York, Dec 26, WiOi. " But it is not on account of our pecuniary Ioskcis alone that we complain. — The constancy and valor qf the seamen qf the United States are justly themes ol' patriotic exaltation. From their connexion with us, ne consider their cause as o\ir cause ; their rights as our rights ; their interests as our interests. Our /eel- in/j5 are irulignant at the redtal qf their nrongs.** This beautiful and sublime piece of composition, ^hichdocB equal lienor to the head and heart of the writer, is signed by a committee of forty-nine persons, wliose names may be seen, page 80 of this work. Many of these gentlemen have betray- « d their honor. They have not redeemed the solemn pledge that accompanied this morceau. They have most indubitably done ail in their power to fasten the horrors of impressment, with adamantine chains, on those illustrious men, '■'■ whose cause — whose rights — whose interests — they considered as their own cause — their own rights — their own interests." For no man beyond the rank of an ideot, can doubt that every step ta- ken to cripple the goverment— which game they lately played on a large scale—was a step towards laying the nation, tied neck and heels, at the feet of England, to prescribe what terms she pleased, and of course to perpetuate the miseries of impress- ment. Extract/rom tfie Memorial nf the merchants of Philadelphia to Congress, Decem- ber, 1805. •♦ That our seamen sfiould be expmd to the MEANEST INSULTS, AND MOST WANTON CRUELTIES, and the fruits of our industiy and enter- prize, fall a prey to the profligate, cannot but excite both feeling aud indignation , and call loudly for the aid and protection of government." Some of the gentlemen who signed this petition, stand in precisely the same situation as some of the signers of New- York. The observations made on these — of course apply to those. Extract/rom the Memorial of the merchants qf Baltimore, dated January 21 » 1806. " Your memorialists will not trespass upon your time with a recital of the va- rious acts by which our coasts and even otir ports and harbors have been con- verted into scenes of violence and depredation — and our gallant countrymen op- pressed and persecuted.^* Extract/rom a Memorial to Congress qfthe merchants qfNeivhaven, agreed to Feb' ruary7, 1806. «* In regard to THE IMPRESSMENT OP AMERICAM SEAMEN, your memorialists /eel in common with their/eliow citizeris, a lively indignation ai th THE OLIVE UAANCU. I'U fibit^is tain WhitUy, of the Leander, \Yithin the Jurisdiction of the United States^ there Mere meetings held in various part^ of Ihe country, to express tlieir abhorrence of the outrage. On tiie 2Gth of April, 1800, at the Tontine Coffee House in New-Yerk, there was a numerous and very respecta- ble meeting of federalists^ who appointed Rufu.s Kinij^y Elienc- Ber Stevens, Oliver Wolcolt, William W. Woolsey, and Will- iam Henderson, to draw up and report a set of resolutions for the occasion. In their report, which was unanimously agreed to, was the following phillippic against the administration for permitting IMPRESBJMENT, among other grievances. " Resolved, That the eiifTi'iinj; foroi^^n armed ships to rtalion themselvps off our harbour, and there to stoji, search, and capture our vebsels— to IMPRESS, WOUND, AND MURDER OUR CmZENS, is a gross and criminal neg- lect of l!»e hijiliost duties of government ; and tliat an ndmini>tration which pa- tJiMJtly [jermits the same, i„ uui entitled to the coufiJmce 0/ a brave and fnc people.^* '* Resolved. Thattlie murder of John Pearce, o»:e of our fellow citizen'', hy a shot from a British ship of war, r.t the entrance of our harhtnir. and within half a mile of the siiore, while he Teas engaged in pearaah'.y navi;faUtig a coasting vea- fiel, laden with provisions for our market, was an act that excites our detestation and abhorrence ; and calls upjn our government jnr the ndvption of prompt and vigorous measures to prevent a repetition qf such nanton a7id iiihuman conduct^ and so flagrant a violation of our savcs-eignty.^^ Some of my readers may not know — but it is perfectly prop- er thiit all should know, that Captain Whitby was brought to trial in England, and lionourahly acquitted. For the murder of Pearcs, no atonement his been mude. It Etill crias sh iflle amJ disgrace ou his countrymen. Vl^ V , I' CHAPTER XXXVII. ^ Documcnis on Impressment continued, .j>,^ .;. - ^Deposition if Isaac Clark. " r, Isaac Clark, of Salem, in the county of Essex, and commonwealth of Mag- jachusetts, on solemn oath declare, -that I was born in the town of Randolph, in the county of Norfolk ; have sailedoutof Saleui aforesaid, about seven years ; that on the 14th of June, 1B09, f was impressed and forcibly taken from the ship Jane, of Norfolk, by the sailini; master (hiit Dame was Car^ of his majesty^s ship Porcupine. Robert Elliott, commander i had a protection from the custom- house 10 Salem, which I showed to captain Elliott : ke snore that I was an Eng- Kshman ; tore my proledion to pieces b^ore my eyes, and threw it overboard, and i hitiittion oni* wpi-k, I vns uroij(?lit on (lei'l,, nn«l askod hy rnut tin Klliott, if I would go to my duly. On my rpfu'inn, ''« ordered iiie to strip, tied mc vp a itroud timf, anil gave mf Ino doten more, und kept iri« on tlie hhih^ allowuiicn atiothpr week — llieu ordi-rrd me oil deck ii^ain, Hxkrd nic if I would go \o work I still per^inttd that i «vas an Ainrricnii ; and that lit had no rif ht lo lomnia-id my cei vices, and I would do no work on hoard hit* Hhip. He told lue he would piiiiii«li me niilil I wnn willing to work ; and gave me the third Imt doten Inihfs, ordered a rrrji hravx) rhtiin jmt round my nerk, {such as they had med to slinfi the Imer tjar4)Jiistaird lu it ring 6o//in M« /fecfc, and tiiat no person, r«cept the mastf-r at ariin, nlioiiIny thing to eat «r drink, but one hinruit and pint of water for '•'I hours, until I would fi^o to work. I was kept in this silaition for nint) wi.-ekK, ■vlien being exhausted by huufif.r and thirst, I wan ohligtHl to yitM. AUrv Iu-Imr «>n hoard tlw sliip more tir.in two y«»arR and a half, and hi-iiig rrmindfd in an t\r- Hon nilh a Frtmh/rigate^ I wa» fent to the boKpital. When piirtiallv n coveied, I was sent on board Uie Jnipregnable, flO gun ship. My nninds f^Amng none, I tms returned to the hospital, w hen the .\nicrican roiisiil rci-eived a ropy of my ^■rotertion from Salem, and procured my discharge on llie 2Jtth day of April last. There were seven impressed Aiuericaus on board the rorcupine, thiro of whom iiad entered." ISAAC CLARK. Esifx, Si. Dec. 23. 1812, ** Then Isaac Clark personally appeared, and made solemn oath that the ficls In the foregoing deelaratiun, by him ujade and pabstribed, wore true in all their .^a^ta— before JOHN PUNCHARD,^ Junicesof the Peace, M. TOWNSEND. i and of the (luorura. From. Com, Rnigers to the Seerehrtf of the Nary. U. S. Frigate President, Boston, Jan. 14, 1813. *' Sir — Herewith ypu will receive two muster books, of his Britannic majesty's veasels, Moselle antl Sappho, fosind on board the British packet Swallow. " .4s the British have altvaijs denied that they ^detained on hoard their shrps of '!var, American citisens, knowing them to be such, I stnd you the enclosed, as a •fiublic documetU qf their om^i, to prove hom ill such an assertion accords nith tkeir practice. " It will appear by these two muster books that so late a? August last, about ■an eighth part of the Moselle and Sappho's crews were Americans ; consequrutl y, if there is only a quarter part of thai proportion onboard their other vessel-, that they have an infinitely greater tiuiaber of Americans in their service than any American has yet had an idea of. •' Any further comment of mine on this subject, I cpnMder unnecessary j n? Die documents speak too plain for thcuiselves I have the honor to be, &c ^ The lion. Paul Hamilton, Secretary of the Navy." JNQ. RODGERS. Extract of a letter from Cominodare Porter to M. Gary, dated Washington, July 13,1315. ** After closing my letter of this morning, I received yours of yesterday ; and as the only means of procuring tlie information' required, have consulted Com- modore Rodgers, who informs me that there appeared on the muster books of the Moselle and Sapp'io, the names of from thirty five to forty men, who were re- ported to the admiralty office, as impressed American seamen. The places of their nativity are alsODOted. The complement of men for each of ihese vessels uras about 160. With resect, ^. DAVID PORTER, •-rr THK OLIVE BRANCH. 2\l> '• I. Bi t'liniii Vff I'lnnk HofTiiiui, of tli« town of Potj;"ikpopii,», do rfrlily, 1 i^l I .uii .t li(iil( ii.tiit ill llic Ciiilfti St.'tfN navy ; lliut I w.x a lii'utniunt oit boiird *li)' C'oiithtuuoii ill tin- actiot) siud rupture of tlir J. iv.i ; ntid \\n« !««-iil m Ito.uilthut vesiL'l J uii'J, ul'lci tin cfL'w were iciiioved, »fi liei on lire, and blew '^'' An'"'^tI.ccrt.woril.c ^^v^, TIIIKTr'll.N IMPRKSSED AMKKICAPf f-l'XlNIl-.' ^v«Te fttiiiid, tiirof ol wlioiii li.ul cut. ird llii? 13iiti«li hcrviro, itiid wtre kfl ; tiu' ulluT Icri ncrc libniiitt-d as \meric;\iib." B. V. HOFIWlAN. Puiii^iiUi i"t% April 1»5 ISJ3. »» Ric! ird Tliomj "H, being sworn, 5.iith lliat lie ix a nativp of New Pall:;;, cji- piii'ilf pDu :'ii.tM;p i.'i till! iio s.tilpd from ^^'iln:in!Itf;rl abnni ti.n 'JIUli of Arni!, Ii;i0, on budid tfi'- brijE Warrfii, Wm K» !ly c )>l,iiii. forCmk On the lidiiif - .v.uil 1' i-'''»ii"i 'II ^: pti-niljiT followin;:, ! v w i« iiiiprossod and liliOn o:i heard the I'l .no k, a Biill-li nIoo|) of w.:r, and i'Oiiip»>l'p'! to do liii< diitj ; tlu;t uiiilt; on (),, I I tint V('r.-fl, lie nude m.inv ijnr«'e>ied Anifticiin «nriim v ho wore on bviiid Iha iV.icock, winl alLlo the Ciiptairi ; c'ainifd lo bo coiisidcred iw Aineilcau pvitou- cn ot war ; and refuM'd to do duty any longer. " We w»TO ordired oH'tiie quarter drck, and llie captain cnUfd for llio lyAslpr at ariu«, and ordi-rrd uh to be put in iiou-j. W «• were thrn kept iti irons nbont iwonty-fovir bniiiF, when we w«"rf> taken out, hrouclit to the ji.inuway, 8TUIP- pj:i) or oua cloiiiks, tied \nd whippku. each one doz- en AND A UM.V lASHES, AND PUT TO DUTV ♦' lli! f'.irtluTsalth, tiiat he was krrl on board the Peacock, and did duty till thn action with tho Hornet. After tfie Hornet hoisted Aniericnn colours, h«' iHid tlie other jinnressed Americans again went to the eaptain of ti;r Peai-ock, ask« d to be sent below ; said it was an American ship ; and that tlity did not \vi>ih to tiilit aRjai'ist their couiitiy. The captain oranred u^ to our quarters; called ■iidshij)ni;ui SlonP to do his duty ; and if we did not dooi:r {'i;1y, TO KLOW OUR BRAINS OUT; " aye, aye !" was answered by bloiu , who fhrn held n 'pistol at m;i breast, and ordered us to our place.*. We then fonlinued at our pla- ces, .:n I were compelled to (l^hi till the Pcacocl: struck ; and we were liberated jftcr about two ycai-i and eight uioulha." h'lB RICHARD •. THOMPSON. luurk. rou^hkcepjie, April 17, 1813. Read over mdn'iined} JOSEPH HNRRIS, inpresmceqjr \ JOHN b. Fill AH. Extract from the log hook of an officer on board hit inajalyh <ij} Giur- rierCf in the action witk (he Constitution. " The Guerrlere was a fri)?ate of 1080 tone burden, taken from the French in JoO(3 ; and had 302 men and boye belonjiinjj to her. There were ttn American .lairdcnon 63ari, who Irad bnlonged to her for some years. — I'irt as the declara- tion of war a:;un8t Great Britain was not known when she sailed, there had been no opportunity of discharging them ; and captain Dacres considiiing it as unju»t lo compel a native of the United States to tight against his coontryuien, granted Ihciu permission to quit their quarters and ftO below." Captain Dacres, in his adilress to the court martial by which he WAS tried, atates this fact in the following terms : " What nmiderably iveakenci my q\uirters, was permitting the Americans It- lon.'jing to the s.Vp, to quit tkeir quarters on the enemy hoi»ting the colours of thai tijtion, whiih, though it deprived me of the mea, 1 thought it wasm/ duty." V. f4 hi 3li 216 THE OLIVK BRANCH. ^. »% >• Boslon, Ftb. G, iii'ij. " Died at Boslon, on the 3d instant, on board the fri^ale Tirsidf nt, Codfrcv II>«!r, seaman, aged 47. 'J he deceased wa» a native of Rlinde-lKlniid, and w.i one of theriunieroiis instance? of impressment, which havobetn the r.iii-e of coni- f laint ag-citist the English. He was taken on board an American merchant siilj-, and though he never volcuitarily entered their service, he was detained from Jiit, tountry and his (rieud^/ourtetn years, during whicli time he was prt-seiit at seven- teen engasjements, and gained the reputation ol a good seaman and a brave man. "He at length found means to escape ; and on his return to the United State?, )ie immediately shipped on board the PreHident, where he continued until i)ii, decease— his conduct receiving the marked approbation of his commandfr and the other officers of the frigate. He was interrid on Thuri'day last at Charlts- town— his funeral was ultendc-d by a lieutenant, eight midshipmen, ail the petty fffioers, and fifty seamen of the ship : and the ceremonies were peiformtd i)y the chaplain in a manner iiighly solfmu a;id impressive." From the Boston Patriot. "My brother, JohnCand. of^Voo.wich in tlie District of Maine, was prest on hoaruld flog me ; and ordered me in irons, and kept me in irons 24 hours, after which I was tnken to the gangway, and received one dozen rvith ike cat on my bare back. " The captain then atked me if ! would go to duty. I told him no : I would sooner die- first. He then put me in irons again for 24 hours, and once more brought me to the gangway, and received as before with the same quegtions, and answer as preceded ; and the same was repeated four days successively, and / re- aeivtdfour dozen on my naked bark. *' After the fourth day 1 was a prisoner at large. The 26th day of December was sept to prison without my clothes, tb^ being refuged me by tUe captai:^ THE OLIVE BRANCH. 217 U give it Iseul me len sent Kre one imaiued of war, ilober, 1 Jed to do I not do J irons 21 liviih ike, 1 would ice mort Jns, and iod J re- December captaii* 'after abusing me in the most insulting manner: and all I received for my servl tudo was fourteen pouudf. deavours to escape." WitnesSy Jeduthan Upton. During iuipressment, I have used my besteo- JOHN NICHOLS. From the Salem Jiegister, July, 1813. " Captain Upton has furnished us witl) a list of 123 American seamen, who ha«I been impressed on board British ships of war, and delivered up as prisoners of war, witli the places of their nativity, tlie ships they were discharged from, the time they have served, and the number of Americans left on board the different sliipt! at the time of their discliarge. These were on board one prison ship, the San A.ntonia. Besides these, there were on hoard the Chatham prison ship, .'^20 men nho have, been delivered up in similar circumstances. Many of these poor fellows had been detained more than 15 year^, and about 40 of the 123 on board the San Antouio belong to this state." To the Editors of the National Intelligencer. " In the month of February, 1797, I belonged to the ship Fidelity, captain Cliarles Weems, lying in the harbour of St. Pierre's. Martinique. About one o'clock Sunday morning, I was anaked by a noise on the deck, and on going up, found the ship in possession of a press gang. In a few minutes all hands were forced out, and ordered into their boat, and in a heavy shower of rain conv».'yed on board tlie Ceres frigate. We were ordered on the gun deck until day light, hy vfhidi time, about SO Americans nere collected. " Soon after sunrise, the ship's crew w«re ordered into the cabin to be over- hauled. Each was questioned as to his name, &c. when I was called on for my place of birth, and answered Nervcastle^ Delanare. The captain affected not to hear the last ; but said, " aycj Nencastle ; he*s a collier ; the very man. 1 war- rant him a sailor. Send him down to the doctor." Upon which a petty officer, ■whom I recognised as one of the press gang, made answer, " «V, / knofn this /el- low. He is a schoolmate of mine^ and his name is Kelly. He nas bvm in Bet- fast. Jndf Tom, you know well enough, so donH shamyankee anymore." 'I thought," says the captain, " he was a countryman of wy own ; [J;;y'but an Irish- man's all one — la,ke him away." " The next was a Prussian, who had shipped in Hamburgh, as a carpenter of the Fidelity in September, 1796. — He affected, when questioned, not to under- stand English, but answered in Dutch. Upon which the captain laughed, and said, '' This is no yanket. Send him down, and let Vie quarter-master put him in the mess with the other Dutchmen ; they nnUunderstand him, and the boatswain mil learn him to talk English," He was a^PJirdingly kept. " 1 was afterwards discharged by an order from Admiral Harvey, on the ap- plication of Mr. Craig, at that time American agent or vice-consul I further observed that rr-pfullone tiiird of the crew were impressed Americans " JOHN DAVIS, of Abel. Navy Yard, Oct. 12, 1813. ,1 Copy of a letter from Commodore Decatur to the secretary of the navy. U. S. ship United States, Neiv-Lendon, March 18, 1814. " Sir — I have the honor to forward to you enclosed, a despatch received by me from captain Capel, the commanding officer of the British squadron before this- port, written in reply to an application of mine, for the release of an American seaman, detrtined against his will on board the frigate Statira. " Hiram Thayer, born in the town of Greenwich, in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, was impressed into the naval service of Great Britain, in the month of August, 1803, and detained ever since. " About six years ago, when the Statira was put in commission, he was trans- ferred to her ; and has been constantly on board her to this day. " 1 am informed, and in fact it was stated by captain Stickpole to lieutenant Hamilton, who was charged with the flag, tliat the late general Lyman, our ecu- ^i 218 THE OLIVE BRANCH. Iiis sobriety, industry, and seamao- nnd is now serving in that capacity liim from the British government a- lie has also assured his father that wjI at London, in.ide »pp1Icat!oD to tlie lords commissioners for the discharge 6^ Thayer : but they were not satisfied with the evidence of his nativity. " Jo!)n Thayer, the father of Hiram, assures me tliat tlje certificate of the se- lectmen, the town clerk, and the minister of Greenwich, were forwarded some time ago to Mr. Mitchell, the resident agent for American prisoners of war at Halifax ; but does not know why he was not released then. *' The son has written to his fatlicr, and informed him that on repreienting his case to captain Stackpole, he told him [TT'" if they fell in with an Ameri^nn man of war, and he did not do his diity,1lE SHOULD BE TIED TO THE MAST, AND SHOT AT LIKE A DOG." •' On Monday the 1 4th inst. John Thayer requested me to allow him a flag, to poofF to the enemy, and ask for the release of his son. This I granted at once, and addressed a note to captain Capel, statin? that I felt persnnded that the tp- plication of tlie father, furnished as he was with conclusive evidence of the nativi- ty and identity of the son, would induce an immediate order for his discharge. '* The reply is enclosed. The eon descried his father at a distance in the boat, and told the lieutenant of the Statira that it was his fatlier ; and 1 under- stand the feeling!! mnnifested by the old man, on receiving the hand of his son, proved beyond all other evidence, the property he had in him There was not a doubt left on tlie mind of a single British officer, of Hiram Thayer's being au American citizen And yet he is detained, not as a prisoner of war, but COM- J'EIiLED, UNDER THE MOST CRUEL THREATS, TO SERVE THE ENEMIES OF HIS COUNTRY. " Thayer has so recommended himself by ship, as to be appointed a boatswain's mate, in the Statira : and he says there is due to bout two hundred and fifty pounds sterling. he has always refused to receive any bounty or advance, lest he might afford some pretext for denying him his discharge whenever a proper application should be made for it. 1 am, sir, with the highest consideration, your most obedient humble servant.'* STEPHEN DECATUR. Extract from captain CapeVs letter^ enclosed. Ori hoard his B. M. ship La ITogwc, off N. London^ March 14, 181t. *'Sir — I regret that it is not in my power to comply with your request in or- dering the son of Mr. John Thayer to be discharged from his maj.esty's ship Sta- tira. But I will forward your application to the commander in chief, by the earliest opportunity, and I have nq||bubt he will order his immediate discharge.'* I am,&c. ^ THOM\S CAPEL, Captain, &c. • Extract of a letter from Commodore Decatur to the Secretary of the Navy. New-London, May 17, 1814. " The enclosed, No. 2, is the copy of a note I addressed to captain Capel of bis B. M. ship La Hogue, on the subject of Barnard O'Brien, a native citizen of the United States. In the boat that bore the flag of truce to the La Hogue, the father of tlie man in question went. " Captain Capel would not permit him to see his son. He directed my officer to inform me that he would answer my despatch thtfnext day, since when I have not heard from him." Letter to Captain Cdpel. " Sir— At the solicitation of Mr. Barnard O'Brien, whose son is now on board his Britannic Majesty's ship La Hogue under your command, I have granted a flag of truce, conducted by lieutenant Hamilton, with per"!ii8Bion for Mr. O'Brieri to attend it. His object is to efTect the liberation of his son, a native citizen ol! the United States. He bears with him a copy of the record of the town of Gro- ton in the £tate of Connecticut, signed by the town clerk and select men, as als« Witi ofM New- 'M ican h LMth( vou ) Mr. C ct)nsid P. S iii.i wif'< -A.'" THE OLIVE BRANCH. 21u accrtificate from a number of respectable meu iu Groton, proving liis nativity. — Witli these documents 1 cannot doubt that ho will effect the purpose of his visit." (Signed) STEPHEN DECATI:R. (I gjr — Wetl enndersigntd take the liberty to solicit your a^jsi^tanoe in behalf of Mr. O'Brien, in obtaining his sou's release fruin the British ship L:\ Hogue olF New- London *' We are well acquainted with the young man, and know him to be an Amer ican born citizen, iiis letter to his father, d.it^-d on board the La Hogue, the 2Un of March, is sufiirient piooi of his being on board (which letter will be sliewu vou ) If you can give any a-si'tance in obtaining ids r»?iease, either by letting Mr. O'Brien go to the ship by a flag of truce, or in uny other way, it will be ft)nsidcred a particular favor conferred on, sir, your most ohedient servants.*' Gerard Galley, C«eQ. A. Suilenian, Nath Kimball, Ro. S Avery, Jos. Tuttle, Ernstus T. Smith. P. S The young man's name is Barnard O'Brien, son of Barnard O'Brien, and j)is wife EliaabelU O'Brien. He was born in the tcwn of Groton, January 2Utlj, i73J. Exiract from the records cf Iht town «f Groton. A true copy, certified per Amos A. Niles, Town Clerk. " I certify that Adjos A. Niles is town clerk for Groton, and that I believe th<^ ibove certificate to be a true and correct record of Barnard O'Brien's birth.— t Jo als'1 ccrt.rv that I have known the said Barnard O'Brien from his youth. Dated Groton, April 7, 1814. N0VE3 BARBER, Selectman/or Groton. il CHAPTER XXXVIII. Subject of Impressment concluded. I HAVE now, as nearly in chroaoIos;ical order as possible, brought this odious, this detestable subject, to the last act of the tlram(u Some of the actors who stood on high ground in the open- ing of the piece, sink far below par in this act. They stand in conspicuous stations, anreaeDtatives of the state of Massashuselts, that there was but one impressed A- THE OLIVE BRANCH. 22;^ appears by the muster-books of those vessels, at least thirty Jive impressed Americans.^ 4. That these plain facts stand on such ground as neither Timothy Pickering, Rufus King, Governor Strong, George Cabot, Harrison Gray Otis, Daniel Webster, or A. C. Hanson will dare to dispute. I hereby publicly challenge them to a denial. 5. That I have thus clearly and indisputably established, that on board of four vessels there were 10, and 1 3, and 35 A- merican slaves, being (E7* an average op fourteen to EACH. 0. That there are about 500 British vessels constantly in commission. 7. That an average of fourteen amounts to 7000 on board the British fleet. 8. That this statement corresponds pretty exactly with the records nf the secretary of state's office. And then, reader, decide what judgment must be passed on the committee when they gravely state that there were on board the British vessels of war only eleven natives of Massa- chusetts! ! ! It makes me sick to reflect on sucb obliquity of mind, and such monstrous perversion of fact. It is, however, true, that this committee, though the world is grossly deceived by the form of expression in the report, have a salvo to prevent establishing against them the charge of falsehood. They state that these are the results " as far as their enquiries ment.''^ But this saving clause escapes the mass of readers. They fasten on the strong allegation, that " the administration went to war for impressed seamen ; and that there were only eleven natives of Massachusetts impressed,'''^ — All the rest escapes notice. *' As far as their enquiries ivenV* is a very equivocal express- ion. They may have stopped at the threshold — or they may have gone half way — or they may have gone through the busi- ness completely. That their enquiries did not go v^ry far H however pretty certain. The words " American slaves.''^ will startle some delicate ears^. aicrieaa on board the Java, when he captured her. This statement he qualified in a subsequent communication, and, as far as I understand the latter, admits that ther<» were 2 more But i'' we wliolly omit the Java, in consequence of the stupend- ous contradiction between tlie certificate of lieutenant Van Hoffman and the dep- osition of Comnodore Biitihridge, it will not m.iterially affect the above calcula- tion._ There will remaiu about 15 impressed American seamen oa board tijree British men of war. * See Commodore Perter's letter, page 214, i 324 THE OLITE BRANCH*' This strong expression is nevertheless correct.* When ao Algerine corsair altaclts one of our vesBels^ and seizes it and the crew, (XT' the latter are justly regarded as slaves. [C^P Yet their case is far better than that of the Americans impressed hy British cruisers. The Algerine slaves work for task-masters. So do the British slaves. The Algerine slaves are tlogged if they refuse " to do tlieir duty." So are the British. The Al- gerine slaves have but poor fare. So have the British. Tl;us far they are on a parallel. But here the parallel ceases. The Algerine slave is never forced to jeopardise his life in battle — 017= he is never forced to point a gun that may slaughter his countrymen, H?-' But this the British slave must do, or "be TIED TO THE MAST AND SHOT AT LIKE A DOG 1 ! !"t Is he not then the most miserable of slaves ? When the preceding chapter was written, I had not seen the Report of the Committee of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts, to which I have referred. I own a set of the Kxnmincr, published by Barent Gardenier, of New-York, con- taining the Road to Ruin, ascribed to Jno. Lowell, which quotes this report, and from which alone I know of its contents, or even of its existence. — I subjoin Mr. Lowell's quotations — " J find from indisputable documents furnished by the Rev. Mr. Taggart, member of Congress from this state, that the whole number of American seamen said to be detained at the beginning of the war, on board British vessels, did not exceed three hundred. '^ I find by the investigation of a Committee of our own House of Representatives, that the number belonging to this state, so detained, did not exceed, as far as their enquiries metU, eleven men.^''^ On the 4th inst. [July 1815,] I received the Report itself from Boston : and I shouUI ill deserve the confidence that liiis been reposed in my work, did I not avail myself of the oppor- tunity thus aflbrded me to lay an abstract of some of its docu- ments, before the reader. -:■: Extract from the deposition of John Eldridgt, " I-reside in Yarmouth in the county of Barnstable. I have been the master of a vessel about seventeen years, within the last twenty-four years ; and have had on board nay vessels from seven to sixteen men ; on an average about eight ■ * The idea which is dilated on in this paragraph must have been suggested by a perusal of the Weekly Register, Vol. III. page 349. Of this I was not awaro ..when I wrote it I have recently made the discovery in the examination of that iflvalnnb'.o work. f See Commodore Decatur's letter, page 218. 1 Road to Ruin, Wq. 4, from the Boston Ceatinel.— See EAaminer, vol. I. p, 107. or St( th( An the wh( He u bclc day! iode thirt fifty! stame THE OUVE BRANCH. 22i' or uiiie. About the year 1R03, while I was laying at Trinidad, in the sloop Stork, one of my men, while on shore, iiad quitted hi;* boat, Hnd was taken up by the press gang. His name was William Boynton, and lie was, as he told me, ua American. The next day 1 was inforrand by the officer of the press-g-ang, tliat the man was taken, and immediately upon my application on bo-trd the ship where he was placed, he was returned to me with sorat' money lie had about him. He had left his protection on hoai 1 the vc; at tl\e time when he was taken. ♦' Id 1810, while i was at Martinique, a t v^rtuRUuse boy named Joseph Friay, belonging to my vessel, was impresited from the vessel ; he was detained two days, but upon my application he was discharged ; he had no protection, nor any todeature of apprenticeship ■ lie was servant to my mate. Extract from the deposition of William Parsona. '^ 1 reside in Boston, and ie no reaUeelion qf any qf my stamen being impressed/or the last twenty years^ except in one instance,^* Extract from the deposition of Caleb Loving. " I reside in Boftou. I have been engaged in commerce and navigation be- tween eighteen and nineteen years 1 have employed upon an average annually^ about forty seamen in foreign trade '* I recollect, at present, feu/ one imlance qf anytff my seamen being impressed by the British; in July, 180)>, two seamen, belonging tothe ship Hugh Johnson, while she was lying at Palermo, were taken from her by a British man of war: I do not know their names— one of these men was au GnglisbmaD, the other was an American." Extract from the deposition of Motes Townsend, esq. *' I Moses Townsend, •»! S ilem, in tlie county of Essex, esquire, do depose and say, that I have been rng-\%ed in commerce and navigation for about thirty years, and was master of a s'lip about twenty years. 1 liave usually had crew* of ten and twelve men, upon an average I nevar had any .men impressed Crom any of the vessels under my command, except once while I was at Bristol, in England. On that occasion, 1 liad three or four men impressed, belonging to the ship Lighthorse, under my comm-md ; tiuy were taken in the evening, and up- on my applicitlon, tiuough the \.m«iricai) consul, they were released the next day." Extract from the deposition of Joseph MucCge • ' *' I Joseph Mudge, of Lynn, in the county of Essex, mariner, do depose anfl' say, that I have ibilowed the occiipation of a mariner for about twenty years, and have been master of a vessel from the first of January I WO,- (eKcei>t about fQur months of the yeir 1812, wlrile I was mate of a vessel, in order to get b passage to the United St;ites from abroad.) " I have had seamen frequently taken from me by British cruisers ; but nev^- had any man tiiat I knew 'o be an American, taken from me, that was not releas- ed upon my application." Extractfrom the deposition of Andrew Harraden, " I Andr-ew Hairadcn of Salom in the county of Essf:'/. msriaer, ex, merchant, de- f ose and say — that 1 have, with my brother, been engaged in trade and naviga- tion for about eighteen years past. Before the embargo, we usually employed two vessels annually, the crews of which would be from twelve to fifteen men — we never had any men impressed from our vv.tjel8 previous to the embarijo, to my recollection." There are various other depositions annexed to the Report, the tenor and tendency whereof are generally of a similar cha- racter to the above. The contradiction anfl inconsistency between these docu- ments, and those I have produced in the preceding chapters, are so strong, so strikin ^ and so utterly unnccountaUe, as to make us stand aghast \vith astonishment. To reconcile them in any shape or mode is totally impossible. Were we to place full and implicit reliance upon the depositions just quoted, it would almost appear that impressment had been a matter of little or no consequence, and that it had been most extrava- fantly exaggerated, to delude and deceive the jtublic mind — (ut then what becomes of the strong and precise statements of Silas Talbot,* of Rufus King,t of Timothy Pickering,t «f Judge Marshal,!! of Commodore Rodg;ers,ir &c. witnesses who cannot possibly be suspected of anti-Anglican partialities, views or prejudices ? If the prevailing opinions of the great extent of impress- ment be unfounded, and if deception or delusion has been at- tempted, these gentlemen must have concurred in it, as well as their political antagonists; for their testimony is among tlie icnost conclusive tliat has been produced on the sulject. * See page 200. t See page 200. t See page 199. || See page 201. f^ge 214. f.(:l rrHE et. e wianch. The ftaleitient of Comn rthre R Igrers, re«p«ctitif lb* muster books of the Most'llf «wl SapfM , !»< i* moat r •ceui document on ttre Bubject, and *« beyonti trw wch of attip^ cion. To the reader I unbesftatHigly -submit ih »nt>jecl Let bim, whether federalist or democrat, honest l\ Hi«*> tb*» scales of truth and justice — Let bim impartially weigh the evidence on both sides, and let him decide according to the credil>ility of these warring and irreconeileable documents. In atldition to the information contained in the preceding pages, I have now before rae a most powerful document on tlie suLtJect of impresBmeut. It is *' A statement of «pp1kati6tte tfA^ to the British govr>mMrrit on t.^SD Mnkfl Of }mpreir,ed seamen, claimiog to be citicen* of tlio UnKed Statp?, from tlie Ilth of March, 1803, till the Hist of August, 1804 ; by Gfoise Erving, agent of lh« United States for tbie relief and f roteetioii of their Beamea/' 1 sul^oia en abstract : 306 Nnmber of applications, Of which are duplicates of former ODtife, Original applications, Refused to be dischargecl, having HO doCufiaerttB, Ordered to be dischai^ed, Said not to be on board th^ ship specified, Refused to be discharged, said to have taken the bbtinty, and entered, Refused to be dischai^ed, said to be Married in Eng- land, ISaid to have deserted, Baid to have been drowned, Or died, Bhii>s, on board of which stated not in comniission. Refused to be discharged, said to be British subjects. Refused to be discharged, said to be prisoners of war, Do not appear to have been impressed, On board ships stated to be on a foreign station, Shi[)s lost on board of which stated to be, 11232 388 437 105 120 It 13 2 '9 4d 2 6 22 9 Refused to be discharged^ documents being instfficienii viz^ 1. Protections from consuls and vice-consuls, 88 2. Notarial affidavits made in the United States, 15 3. Notarial aflidavits made in England, 27 4. Collector's protections, _ ,_ 41 2M THC OLIVE BRANCH. 5. Difcharges granted frum king's shipi, they being American citizeui, 4f t. or different deBcriptloni, and which were kept by the imprefs ufficers, 311 T. Applicutions yet uottBiweredy ;> 1o3 , . ,' ' * 1532 This abstract deserves to be read and examined over and over. Every line of it claims the deepest and most serious consideration. It appears that in less than eighteen months, twelve hundred and thirty-two persons were impressed out of American vessels, exclusive of the very great number, who, we may reasonably conclude, had no means of conveying their applications for redress to the proper organ. An entire vol- ume might be written as a commentary on this memorial of British outrage and ii\justice, and of American disgrace and dishonor. The first item is hideous: three hundred and eighty-three impressed Americans are doomed to remediless slavery, be- cause they were not branded with the mark U. S. or provided with a badge, a pass, a license, or certificate ! Suppose Com- modore Perry, or Commodore Macdonough, or Commodore Porter, had impressed three hundred and eighty-three men from on board of British vessels, under pretence of their being Americans — (and has the Almighty given any right to a British commodore or admiral beyond what he hns vested in an Amer- ican commodore or admiral ?) and suppose Mr. Merry, Mr. Lis- , ton, Francis James Jackson, Mr. Rose, or Mr. Foster, hnd de- manded them — and that our secretary of state bad peremptc' rily refused to surrender tliem, because they had not the regu- lar brand of G. R. or a proper certificate or jnoteciion, would Great Britain have submitted to the slow process of further de- manding and waiting for redress ? Indubitably not. One hundred and five were doomed to slavery, by a remo- val from the vessels in which they were impressed, to others. An eHsy and summary process, by which the doors of redress are eternally barred wMb adnmantine fastenings. / One hundred and t\ rnty of these sufferers ore Tvithlield be cause they had taken the bounty, or voluntarily entered! In forming an estimate of the justice of this plea, we must not lose sight of the sn'fseq'.ii^iM cruel tragedy acted by order of Com- modore Berkley, on Lm ird the Chesapeake, in order to seize men who had voluntarily entered on board that vessel. If thir THE OLIVE BRANCH. 22S» 4s not — ffive no ri^ht — take no wrona; — 1 c jnnot divine nljRt de- serves the title. 1 am (irt'd of tliis vile, this odious, this delestaide subject.— It excites to loathing and abhorrence. 1 must draw to a clotte. But there is one more point that I must touch u()on — and that •is, that of the whole number of twelve himdred and thirty two, there are only forty-nine aHserted to be British subjects ! The Atnerican, who, after these statenunts, can advocate the atro- cious practice of impressment, must be utterly lost to a sense of justice for his countrymen, or regard to the national rightH er national honor. CHAPTER XXXIX. .in apoloeyj'or an cs^resrious error committed by the writer ^ on tlif^ stwject of preparation for mar. The whole session one contin- ued series of preparations. Nineteen acts bearing strong notes of martial arrangetnenl. I DEEM it indispensably neceasary (o correct a m^st egre- gious error into which I was betrayed by the haute in which my first edition waa compiled and written. I therein enume- rated, among the errors of Mr. Madison's administration, the neglect to make due preparation for the war, " previoua to the commencement of hostilities." I deeply regret to have cas^ such a superficial glance at the subject; to have allowed myselif to be so grossly deceived; and to have contributed to lead my reader astray. There were ample preparations made, as may be seen by the following list of acts passed during the sesaioa of congress, towards the close of which war was declared. Previous to the declaration of war 1. An act for completing the existing military establishment, December 24, 18)1. 2. An act to raise an additional military force. This act provided lor raising ten regiments t»f infantry, two regiments of artillery, and one regiraent of light dragoons, to be enlisted for five years unless sooner discharged. Theinfanrry amount- ed to about 20,000 men — the artillery to 4000 — and the cavalry to 1000, Jan. 11,1812. 230 THE OLIVE BRANCH. *i 3 An act authorising the purchase of ordnance and ordnance stores, cani[) equipage, and other quarter-master^s stores and finiail arms. Jan. 14, 1812. 4. An act authorising the president of the United States to accept and authorise certain volunteer military corps, not to exceed 50,000 men. For this purpose there was an approjiria- tion of 1,000,000 dollars. Feb. 6, 1812. 5. An act appropriated 108,772 dollars for the expenses in- cident to six companies of mounted rangers. Feb. 20, 1812. tl. An act making appropriations for the support of the mili- tary establishment of the United States for 1812, viz. ^^'■':i■•A^, 'V -X ».(•.■ A". For the pay of the army Forage Subsistence Clothing Bounties and premiums Medical department Ordnance and ordnance stores ' Fortifications For the quarter-master^s department For purchase of horses Contingencies Indian department * ^ Militia of Louisianat &c. Passed Feb. 21, 1812. 7. An act making appropriations for the support Honal military forces For pay * Forage Subsistence Clothing Bounties and premiums Horses for dragoons Quarter- master's department, Medical department ^ ; '** Contingencies Passed Feb. 12, 1812. •^ 869,968 104,624 685,000 293,804 70,000 50,000 1,135,000 296,049 735,000 150,000 50,000 164,500 32,000 $4»635,945 of an addi- 1,406,857 154,435 1^,074,097 863,244 442,260 282,000 408,760 125,000 355,911 $5,112,564 8. An act making appropriations for the sapnort of the nav> of the United States, for 1^X2% THE OLIVE BRANCH. 231 Pay and subsistence Provisions Medicines Re|>Air3 of vessels Freight, store-rent, &c. . ,, Navy yards, &c. Ordnaiice und ordnance stores Saltpetre, sulphur, &c. Pay and subsistence of marine corps Clothing for do. - Military stores for do. iVJedicines, &c. Quarter-master's stores 1,123,341 559,757 40,000 3j5 000 115,000 60,000 280,000 180,000 154,346 49,281 1,777 : 3,501 ' 20,000 $2,902,002 Passed Feb. 24, 1812. 9. An act making further appropriation for the defence of our maritime frontier. This act a()propriated for the purpose, $500,000. Passed March 10, 1812. 10. An act for a loan of $11,000,000, for defraying the above expenses. Passed March 14, 1812. 11. An act concerning the naral estahiishment, for repairing the frigates Constellation, Chesapeake, and Adams. For this purpose there was appropriated $300,000. By this act ther« was an appropriation made of $200,000 annually, for three years, for the purchase of a stock of timber for ship-building. The first appropriation was for re-building the frigates Philadelphia, General Greene, New York and Bos- ton. Passed March 30, 1812. 12. An act in addition to the act to raise an additional mili- tary forc^. Passed April 8, 1812. 13. An act to authorise a detachment from the militia of the United States, to the amount of 100,000 men. This act con- tained a clause appropriating one million of dollars towards de- fraying the expenses to accrue under it. Passed April 10, 1812. 14. An act for the organization of a corps of artificers. Pass* ed April 23,1812. 15. An act for the better regulation of the ordnance. Pass- ed May 14, 1812. Subsequent to the declaration of war, 16. An act for the more perfect oriranization of the army of ♦he United States. Passe'd June 26, 1812. 332 THE OLIVE BRANCH. ii il \ 17. An act making a further appropriation for the defence ol the maritime frontier, and for the support of the army of the U. States. Passed July 5, 1812 18. An act making additional appropriations for the mili- tary establishment, and for the Indian department. Pasted July 6, 181:i. 19. An act making further provision for the army of the U. States. Passed J uly 0, 1 8 1 2. * It therefore appears, that nearly the whole session was spent in maUiug prei)arations for hostility — for oHeusive and defen- sive operations. 1 shall not easily forgive mys( If the very ex- traordinary error, of which 1 have acknowledged myself guilty on this su'uject. I sh ill regard it as a monition, as iong ns I live, against precipitate decision. And may 1 take the liberty of hinting to the reader, whoever he lie, that he may, [lerhajjs, derive a useful lesson from the fact? If, with the attention I have heen in the habit of paying to public atiairs — reading two or three newspapers every day — and perfectly convinced of the justice of the war — 1 have nevertheless fallen into such a pal- pable, such a monstrous error, on so plain a point — if 1 have brought so unjust an accusation against the congress nhich de- clared the war — how difficult must it be for persons remote from op[»ortunities of judging correctly, and liable to be misled by interested or factious men, to form accurate o])inions ? A further and most convincing proof of the magnitude of the «rror which I committed, is to be found in the circumstance, that on the 12th of July. 1812, only twenty-four days after the declaration of war, <'teneral Hull, at the head of 2,500 men, well appointed, had penetrated into Canada : and, had the same talent and bravery that displayed themselves at Yorklown, Chippewa, Bridgewater, the Saranac, New Orleans, and other places, presided over their movements, there is no doubt, that in the first campaign, the whole of Upper Canada, and perhaps Lower Canada too, with the exception of Quebec, might have been subdued. This army had 3750 muskets, 3t} pieces of cannon, 1080 rounds of fixed iimmnnition for the cannon, 200 tons of cannon ball, '50 tons of lead, 70,000 musket cartridges made U[), Ac. Ac. ^'c* Let it be borne in mind, that among the heinous charges en the subject of the war, agRinst the administratioh, the want ol due preparation hns been the most prriminent. We here sec how utterly fallacious and unfounded is the allegation. - , * See Weekly Register, vol. iii. p. 93. , THE OLIVE BRANCH. 233 BOt U. itU- luly ; U. •' •• f CHAPTER XL. Reproaches of the minority against the imbecility of the majority. Pernicious consequences of newspaper misrepresentations. Bri- tish deceived by tluir friends. While the serious preparations detailed in the ^receding chapter were going forward, the federal printers throughout the union were pretty generally and zealously employed in ridicu- ling the idea of war — persuading the public that all these mea- sures were illusory, and intended to intimidate the British min- istry — and that our government possessed neitiier the courage nor the means to venture on hostilily. I have already quoted the notorious declaration made by sev- eral members of congress, particularly Mr. Josiah Quincy, that ^^ the majority could not be kicked into war" This course of proceeding is not easily accounted for. It must have had some motive. And it requires an extraordinary degree of charity to ascribe it to a motive either laudable or patriotic. Suppose, for a moment, that our rulers did not really mean war — that they were actually destitute of the means of carrying it on— ^that they were " too cowardly to be kicked into li" — was it wise, was it prudent, was it honorable, was it poli- tic, to blazon our deficiencies to the world — to assure England that she might safely, and with impunity, continue the perpe- tration of her o;'.trage» on an unotfending neutral, because that neutral could not be kicked into war to resist these outrages ? — Surely not. In pursuance of the plan I have followed throughout this work, of establishing all points of importance by indisputable evi- dence, I subjoin a few of the paragraphs to which I refer. Tliey will satisfy even the most incredulous reader. " ' •" .. • - Smoke ! SmokeJ •* Ourcorrespondent gugs^sta, that in the event of certain measures alrearly taken hy the executive, failing, then to augment the force by new levies — or iiy' forming ten corps of 1200 men each, to be ^elected from the militia of a ceriain agi» of ihe several states who may vohinteer for such corps diirina the war. It is to us a ito^t astonishing and incom:eivah1e thing, that on reading the above, any man sliould be alarmed, and tliink our govarnment are about to take dedsivp. step.j. Will our adminislration never he understood !' Shall we forevrr he tjie diipos of a contpmptible farce, which has been exhibiting for years, to make peo- ple wonder and stare ? My life on it, our executive have no more idea of de^ ciatiitii w.ir than my gnmdinothpr '♦ Boslon Repertory, Jan 9, 1810. '' Our (government tvill not makr. nar on Gnat Britain ; but will keep up a "oastaat irritation on some preUnce or othfr, for the sake of maintaining their irj - w a^ THE OLIVE BRANCH. flurnce as a party. Tlie more tlie public suffer, tlie more irritable lliey will be ■ and government will trust to their addrefls to direct that irritiibiiity against Grfat-Britaiii '» Boston Repertory, April 17, lUlO. *' The i!0,OOO men bill passed congress — and in this ci(y [New-York] the sen- snllon proiluted by it was not half equal to that which was causid by the gover- nor's notice of banks. Mr. Gallatin rpcommencjed a wlii»key tax, &c. and ev- ery body laughed to think what a queer thing it was for a man, wiio iiad figured so much in tlie whiskey insurrection, to be the author of such a mevisure The New- York Gazette, however, still graced its columns, and we. too iOin?'imcH wilh " for Liverpool — for liondon," &c. &c. The committee of wny> and ni«'ans at last come out with their Pandora's box of taxey. Yd nfthodii (heams if iixir. — The mechanics, the banks, nay, *he insurance offices goon as usual. Las-t of all, 1 1,000,000 of dollars — Sliil no alieralion uf the public pxUse — no concern by friend or foe of administration. All is well ! In the name of wonder how or why is all ihip ! Exposed as the city of New-York is, why this securitj', tiiis upathy I' Art nil the proceedings of government a farce, and that so palpable a one as to be un- derstood by the most stupid ? Or what is the reason that not the slig!piTi<; pfrm''*ed to run into itrt'.tin capture .^ Either tlie i^overnmenl in mostfnUe and hypncriiical, or the pio- ■pie out qf their senses ?" New-York Eveniug Pest, Feb. I81'2. " When I see such a palpable failure iu all the meonp, iititural and necessary, for carrying on the war — when I see the exposure of youf sea board — when 1 see llie actual military force, instead of being incrtased in efficienr;. , in fact : eflucijig, neither promiita, nor asseverations^ nor oaths, shall make me bvlitve that y.u ivillgo to war at the endoj ninety days. Opposuit natura. Nature has decided a,>;ain'-t you. Instead of that feast of war, to which we vvere invited, at the beginning of v,he session^ we have served up to. us the old dish of restiictionii. There is no need of prophecy to teil tlic result. At theend of ninety days, you vjjl find tluit your preparation is not suffii-ieiit. The lujrrvrs nfnar mil be preached tip very assiduously during our recess. Familiarity with embargo will diminish it« dread. The restrictive s) .stem becomes identified with some personal, loc-.l, paltry inter- est. The navigating states are sacrificed : and the spirit and character of the country are prostrated in the, dost, by fear or by avarice." JVlr. Quiucey's speech on the embargo, April S, 1812. " The project of attacking Canada is now given up. Some other plan is to be devised." ;PluladelphiaGazette, Jan. 30, 1812. " They [the leaders in congress] have already gone far enough in war. They are conscious they cannot commence., prosecute, and terminate a war ; that the hands which begin, will never finish it. They shrink from it. They aireadij stagger under the nfeight. " They are frightentd as the aspect becomes a little serious, and wish to go home and think of it." Philadelphia Gaxette, Jan. 10, 18 1 2. " If you think a vote to raise 23,000 men, looks like war, q;^ quiet your ap- •jrrehensi'jns. You do not understand what is here called nianag"ment THERE WILL, AS I BELIEVE, BE NO WAR. The na. nihoop, the orders in coun- cil, the nori'importation, the presidential caucussing rvill vanish before sif re is no 'ind that xip very t- dread, y inler- of the 's speech lis to be They that the already go home your ap- THERE in coun- ummer." Jan. \'i} iththea- efencelesi an to dt- tir threatii lings of a fhil« our cessful ex- IP. ; thfJrvt r?Ei- THER MEN ARE TO BE HAD— NOR MONEY TO PVV THKM."— Airxandria GaEetle, as quoted in the Phjladclphia Gazette, May l-l, lb 12. This paragraph was piiblishetl only five weeks before Ihc tieclRration of war. It was, with liuuttreds of others of similai' character, calculated to keep up the delusion to the last, at home and abroad. During the period when those paragraphs were i)uhHshing in our Gazettes, I felt the most serious uneasiness on the sub- ject. 1 believed their effect would be; to produce war. 1 re- peatedly expressed my fears on the subject. I was convincetl that they would delude England into a I elief, that she might inugh our efforts loscorn — ^and that she would persevere in hey obnoxious course till we were finally " kicked into war''' A- mong other gentlemen to whom 1 communicated my apj)rehen- bions on this subject, were James Milnor, Adam Seyhert, and William Anderson, Esqrs. then rej)resentatives in congress from this state. It was in the gallery of the house of represent- atives, and, as far as I recollect, early in May, 1S12. The efforts to spread this delusion were not confmed to this side of the Atlantic. No. The same industry was employed in letters to correspondents in England and Irelaix', whicn made their appearance in the public papers in those kina.!ori«i:- Never was more ap[)lication employed on any subject — ami sever was application more unholy or pernicious* I submit an exttact from one of those letters, to the reader. It il a fair specimen of hundreds which really appear to have been dictated by \SJ^ the most serious apprehensions lest the Bri- tish shmildrelax^ and JjE&t WB MIGHT THUS ESCAPE WAR. From the Londonderry Journal, June, 16, 1812. Extract of a letter to a gentleman in this place, dttted ■ Philadelphia, May 3, 181!K " You will perceive by the copy of a bill which I enclose* that we Americani are " at oitr diX.v norkagam'*'* But n^ / advis% you not lo bt alarmed at tht 'nolence (if our proceedings. We shall continue to bluster. This is our charac- teristic. And ne would do more, if we could. But it is not in our power. We 'lave not a dollar in the treasury — no arrAy deserving the name of one — and are- ndually without a navy. Added to this, not a moiety of the loan of eleven milliono niil ever be procured.''^ I wish the reader, before he closes^ this chapter, tt) weigli* well its contents; Let him dive into the most profound re- cesses of the human heart. Let him try to discover the main ?"?ifA' 11)^111,. l^V. Messrs. l)ig«low, Brigham, Champion, Davinport, Jackson, Law, Same day. *' The qtirstlon was talcn on the fifllj resolutlop, id the words following : " Tliatall tlif! vessels not now in service belon!;ing to the navy, and worthy of rj'pnir,, beiiiiinf^cliafcly fitted up and put io conunission. *' And cirried as follows : " Yeas— Messrg. Alston, Anderson, Archer, Avery, Bsicon. Bn]:er, Bard, Bart- IrU, Bassett, Bigelow, Black ledge, BUrcker, Blount, Brerkenridgfl, Brlgham, Buru ell, Butler, Calhoun, Champion, Cheevps, Chiltenden, Vovhi-AV, Clopton, Cooke, Condit, Crawford, Divis, Dawson, Deslia, Diiismoor. E irle, Ely, Emoft, Findley. Filch, Franklin, Gholson, Gold^ Goldsborougk, Goodwyn, (irt ai. TTiun- dy, B. Hall. O. Hail, Harper, Hawes, Hyneimn, Jncksm, Johnson, K( ut, K\n, l''i«k, Fr;ti.klin, GiiolK>n. Ciulil. (Jre»'n, rivimtly, H Hall, () H.ill, llurp' r, I'.awcs. UyiUMii.in, Jnhn-'oii, K«'nt, King, Lsicork, I<»i, IjU- Janmry'Z^, 1812. *' Tlie engrossed bill concerning the naval establishment whs i« ad tlie tliird lime and passod. Tlie yeas and uays on its passage were -a* fo.lows ; '• Yeas — Messrs Alston Anderson, Bassett, BIarU(d.:(;, Brtcktnrulgs Pur- well, Butler, Calhoun, Chefeve, " Nays— Messrs. Bacon, Bibb, Bojyd. Brown, Corliran, Cra^^ford. Drs'ia, O. Hall, iiM//,y, Jolin^on, Lacock, Lyle. Macon, M'Kee, yWe^a///. Morgan, New, Nenbnld. Pip»r, Ro^.ne, Roberts, Rodman^ Sage, Seuver, Shaw, Sniilie, Stwn/crd^ Strong, Miic/ieW, Williams.— 30. Ftbruary 19, 1812, •' The engrossed bill for authorising a loan for eleven niiliions of dollar**, waa jtead the third time, and the question was put, '^ shall the bill pass its third read- ing." •' Yeas — Messrs. Alston, Anderson, Archer, Bacun, B.ird, Bassett, Bibb, Bleecker, Boyd, Brown, Burwell, Butler, Calhdun, Clieeves, Clay, Cochran, ('on- dit, Crawford. Davis, D jwson, Desha, Dinsmoor, Earl, Emott, Findley, Fisk, Franklin, Gholson, Gold, Goodwyn. Green, Grundy, B. Hall, O Hal!, Harper, Hb)-, Pickens, Piper, Pleasants, Pond, Poit^^r, Potter, Quincy, Reed, Richardson, Ringgold, Rhea, Roane, Roberts, Sage, Sammons, Seaver, Sevier, Sejbr-rt. Shaw, Smilie, G. Smith, J. Smith, Stow, Strong, Tracy, Troup, Turner, Van Curtlandt, Whitehill, Widjery, Winn, Wright —92. " Nays — Messrs Baker. Bigelow, Breckenridge, Btigfutm. Champion, Chitten- tlen, Davenport. Filch, Goldshorough, Gray, Jackson, Lirv, Louis Milnor, ATot*- ly. Pearson, Pitkin, Randolph, Ridgdy, Rodman, Shefley, SUmtrt, Sturges, taggnrd, Tallmadge, fVheaton, White, Wilson.— 2'J. I hope the reader has fully examined tliose dry lists, and has his mind prepared for the reflections I have to submit upon them. No man will deny that a public functionary who acts with gvosa and manifest inconsistency in his political career, espe- mm 210 THE OUVE miANCH. cially, ill malkTs ol'lhe lughcat po!?8il»lo iinportunce to bis coii- sUltJiMils, ibrfeiis liieit' coiitidi'iice. Of cuurae it is extreinelj' dan<;erous to subinil to his guidance. The war was eilher just or utjust. Every innii who believed it unjust, and who voted for a sericfc of measures leading to it, betrayed his trust. Every man who voted for the measures leading to war; who opposed it after it was declared; and \vh(r, as far as in his power, thwarted the measures adoptetl to carry it on, WcS guilty of a gross, manifest, and palfiable inconsistency — and in either< one or other course betrayed his trust. That these positions are correct, cannot be denied. I proceed to apply them — and shall single out an individuaU to make the case more striking. Josiab Quincy voted, as we have seen, ^TJ'for a set of meas* ures, all predicated upon an approaching war. He voted for the loan to raise the money necessary to give effect to those measures. Htf, andforty-eiglU other meinbers^ mho had generally voted with him for all these preparatory measures, voted against the war it- self. Andfiirther, they did not merely vote against the war, hut (C7^ thirty four (f them published a most inflammatory protest, ad- dressed to their constituents, to excite them to oppose it. This protest, and other violent measures, were, fatally, but too suc- cessful. I annex the names of the protestors. ' ■' Messrs. Brigham, Bigelow, M *Bride, Bteckenri^e, Baker, Bleeckcr, Champi fn, Ciiiltenden, Davenport, Emott, Ely, Fitch, uold, Goldaborough, Jackson, Key, Lewis. Law, Mosely, Milnor, Potter, Pearson, Pitkin, Quiucy, Reed, liidgely, Spilivaa, Stewart, Sturges, Tallmadge, Tag^art, White, U'ilaon, Whea- loa. I aver that the whole of the annals of legislation, from the first organization of deliberative bodies to this hour, [CT^ cannot produce a more sinister, dark, or mysterious polio/. These gentle- men, particularly lM[r.Quincy,who has been so conspicuous in his opposition to the war, are most solemnly cited before the bar of the public, and called upon to explain the motives of their con- duct to that country, which was brought to the jaws of perdi- tion l>y the opposition they excited against a war which they countenanced in almost every stage but the last. ,^ . ■ THE OLIVE BRANCH. 241 CHAPTER XLII. -*; Declaration of war. Fiokntly opposed. At length, on the 18lh of June, 1812, war \va8 declared against England, in due form, after a session of above seven months, and the most ardent debates. The final vote was car- ried in the senate by 19 to 13 — and in the house of representa- tives by 79 to 49 — affirmatives in both houses, 98 — negatives, 02 — that is, more than three to two, in both houses united. War then became the law of the land. It was the para- mount duly of all good citizens to submit to it. Even those who doubted its justice or expediency, and who had opposed its adoption, were bound to acquiesce; for the first principle of all republican government — and of all government founded on reason and justice, is, that the will of the majority, fairly and constitutionally expressed, is lo be the supreme law. To that Uie minority is sacredly bound to submit. Any other doctrine ie jacolimical, and disorganising, and seditious, and has a direct tendency to overthrow all government, and introduce anarchy and civil war. If it were lawful for the minority, in the unpar- alleled way they did, to oppose or paralise the government, and defeat its measures, on the pretext that they were unjust, such pretexts can never be wanting. And I aver that K?" it would be full as just, as righteous, as legal, and as constitutional, fof Mr, Holmes, at the head of the ininority in Massachusetts, to 6e- siege governor Strong in his house, and coerce him to retire from office, as it was for the Kings, the Wehslers, the Hansons, and tJu Gores, to besiege president Madison at Washington, While the federalists held the reins of government, they in« culcat^d these maxims with great energy and eflfect. The least opposiftHh to law excited their utmost indignation and abhor- rence. The vocabulary of vituperation was exliausted to brand it and its perpetrators with infamy. But to enforce rules that operate to our advantage, when we have power, and to submit to those rules, when they operate against us, are widely different things. And the federalists, as I have already remarked, abandoned, when in the minority^ the wise and salu- tary maxims of political economy which tiiey had so eloquently preached when they were the majority. And they were not suti3fied_v»LithA"'^w\i?i"tn"Hniaue1]^hia voU imteera, during the western insurrection, seissed a printer at 'k'm 242 THE OLIVE BRANCH. Reading by force and violenee in iiis house, and scourged hitn in the marlcet-plnce for a libel, not the twentieth part as viru- lent as those that are duily^ published at present with irapu* nity. War is undoubtedly a tremendous evil. It can never be suf- ficiently deplored. It ought to be avoided by all honorable means. But there are situations which present greater evils than war as an alternative. 1 believe this nation wus pre- cisely in that situation. We had borne almost every species of outrage, insult, nnd depredation. And the uniform voice of history proves that such base submission of nations to the atro- cities perpetrated upon us, inevitably produces a loss of nation-^ hI character, as well as of the resj)ect and esteem of other na- tions—and invites to further outrages and depredatioD, till the alternative finally becomes a loss of independence, or reBistaucQ with means and confidence impaired. The questions respecting the late war with Great Britain are, whether it was warranted by the conduct of that nation — and whether, after having been duly declared by the constituted au- thorities, it was not* the incumbent duty of the whole nation to have united in their support of it. The first of these question^ is of so much importance, that I shall devote to it the 44th chapter entires. I have already sufficiently discussed the sec- ond in the beginsing of the present chapter. From the hour of the declaration of war, a steady, sysleitiatK cal, and energetical opposition was regularly organised against it Tli« measure itself, and itd authors and abettors, were de- nounced with the utmost virulence and intenlperailce. The war was at first opposed almost altogether on the ground of in- expediency and the want of preparation. Afterwards its op- posers rose in their denunciations. They asserted that it was unholy — wicked — base — -perfidious — unjust — cruel — and cor- rupt. Every man that in any degree co-operated in it, or gave aid to carry it on — was loaded with execration. It has been re- cently pronounced in one of our daily papers to be " the most wicked and unjust war that ever ¥ras waged." The disregarij of t. iHh and of the moral sense of the reader, which such a de- claration betrays, is calculated to excite the utmost astonish- ment. Can this war tor an instaut be compared to the atrocious and perfidious war waged by Bonaparte against Spain — to the treacherous war of England against Denmark, begun by a most lawlf.'ss and unprecedented attack upon the shipping and capi- tal of an unoffending neutral ? I pass over thousands of other THE OLIVE BRANCH. «.l3 ematW gainst re c\c- The of in- ts op- it was Ml cor- r gave eeti re • e most n'cgarti a nst Spain ui 1803, when she interdicted us from the right of defjositat New- Orl(?an3. Fourthly, those who io 1805 — 6, urged the government to re- sist the aggressions of England, and to make the alternative — redress of wrongs or W AR. Fifthly, those who after the attack upon the Chesapeake in 1807, were clamorous for war, as the only mode in which smUs- faction could be had for such an outrageous insult. To enable the reader to make a fair comparison of the Beve« ral degrees of complaint at these several periods of time, 1 an- uex a synoptica' view of them. ^ 1793. 1797 Clamour forVar with En- vland. W*?>r witlj France ^ause Cause. DfPrr- dations Depre- dations oil com- on rom- merce. raerce. Ambassa- dors in- sulted Attempt to extort uiopey. 11303. Clamour for war ITH AMERICAN PnODUCTIONB, VND NAVIOATED BY AMERICAN ^KAMEN, LIABLK TO SEIZURE \ND CONDEMNATION, if bimud t> France, HfUand, or the north "f Italy. In other wards, the 'rede of the United State; mitk '0 000,000 of the people of Ev^ rope interdicted. topresssraent. •^•i" t •.c mi^ ■:-fi m £44 THE OLIVE BRANCH. I hope the reader will pay particular attention to this table. Let him for a moment, whether federalist or democrat, divest himself of all prejudice on this subject. Let him suppose himself called to decide upon events of a former age or a distant country. Let him compare the ditrerent griev- ances together, and I trust he must acknowledge that those of 1812 very far outweighed any or all of the others combined. Let us tirst consider the case of the suspension of the right of deposit at New-Orleans. On that occasion the federal party in congress and out of doors were loud in their clamor for war, OIT" without even allowing time for making an altempt to procure redress by negociation. Motions were made in congress for rais- ing 50,000 men to sail down the Mississippi in order to chastise the insolence of the Spaniards. The government was upbraided for its pusillanimity in not vindicating the national honor. — The cry then was — *-^ millions for difenccy not a cent for tri- bute.'' Extract of a ItUtr from the seat of goternment to a friend in Massa^ chustUs. " The MisBiBsippi river is the common liighway to the people of the western country, on which they must pass with their produce to market. [J^S" They will never svffrr thit hightmy to he obstructed or shut up. The free nrvvio'^tion of this river must be preserved to that portion of the J7nerican people, or the AMERiC AN EMPIRE MUST BE DISMEMBERED. If mt had a Wathington at the head of our government, I should expect firm, decisive measures would up'^n this occa- sion be pursued; that a military force sufficient to take New-Orleans, would im- mediately and without delay be assomhled at the Natches, in the Mississippi ter- ritory ; thatupon the refusal of the Spanish government, upon demand, to fulfil the treaty, that army, thus assembled, should immediately proceed down the riv- «r, and take po'^session of New-Orleans. Q;^ But I apprehend no svch vigorous measures will beadt^ted by our present extcut'.ve. From the reduHion of the ar- my last year, what regular troops have we remaining to be employed in that ser- vice?" — 5os ton Cenh'nei, January 17, 1803. ' ^ *' Notwithstanding the milk and nater mea5!ures the administration has thought f (roper to adopt respecting the '^ Occlusion" of the port of New Orleans — the anguage of the people on the occlusion is directly the reverse."— jBoi/on Cintif net, Feb. 16, 1803. Extract of a letter from Washington. *• "We disapprove Q^ the timid and time-serving measures which our govern- ment has adopted reiaiiv* to the violation of our treaty with Spain : the states which border on the Ohio and Mississippi are most immediately interested in what the president calls the " occlusion" of the port of New Orleans. On the 1 !tb, Mr. Ross, of Pennsylvania, made a most able ^nd animated speech in the senate, in which he described in striking colors, the situation of the western coun- try, and Tj;j» urged the nrcessily nf taking effectual measures for their reli^, and in support uton ailjoui nt>d. It h underglood tliat a grand caucus was held that cveuing, and the majority dreading the effect such proceedings might have on the public mind, tlie next morning it was determined in senate, that the discussion should be pub- lic."— //oAton Ctntinel, March 2, 1801. " NothiBg is more contagious than example. The meek and hnlp spirit which influences the conduct of the executive tow.irds Spain, has infected even the arm- td force on the frontier; and the pioneers of their country, rrp» WHOSE gWORDS OUGHT TO LEAP FROM THEIR SCABBARDS 'Tb REsENT irS INJURIES, are now seen to catch at every appearance, however evanescent, to promote the reign of humilitif. Even general U'ilkiuson, who, one would sup- pose, would be tremblingly alive to his country's honor, and [jjpprcudo/ ati op- yxfrlvnity to stimulate it t) spirited measures— assumes the duicet note, and with iividity despatches an express to inform governor Claiborne, not that the Spanish government had restored the United States to their right by treaty : but truly '' tiiat the govenimeiit has given permissim for the deposit of all kind's of pro- visions in New-Orleans, on pftr/ing six per cent, duty ! ! /" And this information, says the able and indefatigable editor of tlie Eveninr^ Post,, is introduced by the words, THE PORT OF NE\V-ORLE\NS OPEN, in large capitals, by way of exultation at this joyous event." — Boston Ctntinel, April IJ, 1803. " The president of the United States, in his late letters to tlie executives of the individual slates, on the subject of the orgatiization of tiie militia — speaking of the Spanish conduct at New-Orleans, says — " Rights the most essential to our wel- fare have been violated, and an infraction of trenU/ c&mmitted nithout eolor or pre- text."* This being the acknowledged state of things. If-t the world judge, rr7= whether the nntional honor will be more justly vindicated, and violated rights redresied, ky the mawkish aj^eal which ha been made to Spanish faith and jus- tice, and French generosity and management, by the degrading solicitation for purchased justice, or the disgraceful proffer of a bribe — or whether [J^ these ends would not more readily be ehtnined by the execution of the manly anaipirited mea- sures recommended by the eloquence of Morris, and the patriotism and sound un- derstanding of Ross and other federaliits in consrew— posterity will judge, — Bos- ton CeiUincl, April 13, 1803 *' While we deplore the weakness and pusillanimity of our government, we Finctrely congratulate our western brethren on the favorable change in their situ- ation ; and ferv«ntly pray for its long continuance How far we may attribute this change rj^ to the spirited conduct of th? federal members of congress, can- not at present be fully ascertained. We have no hesitation, however, in bcliov. ing that it has at least persuaded, if not entirely originated these measures." — Centinel, April 27, 1803. *' Since the adoption of the federal consliilltlon, no subject has more forcibly af- fected the feelings of the citizen.^ of the United States, than the *' occlusion?' of the port of New-Orleans by the Spanish [or Frtnch] government. It is a sub- ject to which the attention of the reader cannot loo frequently be called. Tlie president of the United States has not hesitated officially to declare, that by this measure, *' rights the mo«t ei^gentlal to the welfare of the Americaii people, have • been violated, and an infraction of the treaty committed without color or pre- text j" the spirit of the people has been alive to the injury— and was ready to Make an; sacrifice to redress the wrong : — but because the federalists in congress felt the .^uU glow of this spirit ; and took the lead in proposing the necessary measares to giv« it efficacy ; rather than they should derive any honor from their cnccess, the administration having the power, substituted HTr* A. PUSILLANI- MOUS NEGOCIATION, and degrading entreaty, for that spirit of action which manly resentment for violated rights and broken faith so loudly and so justly call- ed for."— Boston Centinel. June 15, 1803. Louisiana purchased^ " The question will ever be, was the made of getting the territory the best, the cheiipest, the oiost honorable for our nation p Is the way of negociatlng Mtk in %'-U: m\^ mu 240 THE OLIVE BRANCH. Aatul, a? cheap or honorahle as tliat Mr, Ross recommended? We could have bad it /ornothing.'"—CeoUne\, July 2, 180'>. *' All that we wanted on the river Mississippi was a place of deposit : that our treaty with Simin givea. It was bagely ^vitlidrawii: our high-fpiritfd rnlcrs arr asked to assert our rights. O, no— 80,000 militia are to be field re :iiil tlnit he was in the mimmlif ; and further, tliat lie was opposed by all the New- Etiglarid dvjnocrats to a man ! I V'—Bjston Ctnlinel, January, 1806. *' Our seamen are impressed— they are captured — they are impris ned — they are treated with almost every kind of Indignity, while pursuing their lawful busi- ness in a regular manner. How long must this be borne !' Has our government ; et to learn, that no nation ever was or ever will be rerpected abrofid. but in pro- portion as it exacts rispect by punishing wanton iiisults upon its dignity, and wanton depredations upon Vie pioperty aj its citizens ; that its doing justice toother na- tions canuot secure it respect, unless it has both ability and disposition to enforce measures of justice from them and that constant firmness of national attitude antl conduct prevent insults, while pusillanimity invites them." — Niw-Hamp:hire Gch «€<<«, July 31, U05. TO WHOM IT SUITS. •' Ijook al the situation of our sea-coast, defenceless, a prey to plckaroons, pri- vateers, and armed vessels of all nations. Our ports blockaded, our coasters and Bhipping robbed, out forts insulted, our harbors converted into private depots, where the very vessels wliich rob and di<;;race us, are supplied with provisions, stores, and God knows what ; and where it is more than probable they have their agents, confederates, or co-partners. Sea the powers of Europe acting towardj America, as if it were meant to insult her; or rather, indeed, sporting with her lameness in the eyes of the looking-on world Disagreeing, fighting, and at en- mity with each other in every thing else, in this one thing they perfectly agree, in treating America with indignity, imuU, and deriding contempt. " Are you yet aware, sir, when it will end ? Are jou sure, that if neglected, it will not amount to a height too great to he reached without strainings that may produce fatal convulsions in the state ? For God's sake, for the honor of your country, for your own credit, rouse, let loose the spirit of the country, let loose its money-bags, and save its honor; the nution will one end all support you." — ticW' Hampsliire Gazette, Jan. 31,1805. THE OLIVE BRANCH. 24t In 1807, the cause of complaiut was still less substantial than in either of the other instances. Not to tire the reader with proofs of the public clamors for war at this period, I deem it abundantly sufficient to refer him to the twentieth chapter of this work, wherein he will find evi- dence to satisfy the most incredulous. 1 must be pardoned for declaring, that any man who was a partisan of war in the above cases, and reprobates the recent war as unjust and unnecessary, betrays a most awful degree of inconsistency. And yet it is an indisputable fact, that the most violent, the most clamorous, the most Jacobinical, and the most seditious, among the late " Friends of PeacCy^ were among the most strenuous advocates for, and " Friends of War^"* on the former occasions. The Boston Centinel, after the declaration of hostilities, regarded war as the most frightful of all possible evils. But this was not always its view of the subject. Within a fortnight after laying the embargo, that measure was pronounceil more formidable than war itself. *' The embargo, which the government has just laid, is of a new and alarrains nature, rj^^ War, great at the evil is, has less terror, and mil produre less mistrs than an tmbargo on such principles.^* — Boston Centinel, Jan. 2, I80&. 'ii-x; L^^l^ CHAPTER XLIV. Inquiry into ihs justice of the war. Awful accusations against the government. Presidents message. Report of comtmttee of congress. British depredations. Trade of the United States annihiUUed with 50,000,000 of the inhahitanis of Europe, Those who were unacquainted with the causes that led to the late war, might, from the publications that appeared against it, believe that the United States were wholly the aggressors — that England had been a^ame and submissive sufferer of depre- dation, outrage, and insult — and that our rulers had been wan- tonly led, by inordinate and accursed ambition, to engage in a ruinous and destructive war, iii order to enrich themselves — squander away the public treasure — and impoverish the nation. They were, it would appear, actuated by as unholy motives at ever impelled Attiia, Genghis Khan, or Bonaparte, to perpe- ^ate outrage and cruelty to the utmost eii^tent of their poweik X2 '^<^'t :^ ■^K' ^^.^^*^• \ 250 THE OLIVE BRANCH. These allegations were made in the strongest language in the public papers in London. The prince regent ap|)ealed to the world that Qreat Britain had not been the aggressor in the war. And the lords of the admiralty asserted that war was declared <« after all the grievances of this country had been removed". The federal paiters re-echoed and magnified the accusations of the British writers ; and succeeded so far as to inflame a large portion of the public with the most frantic exasperation against the rulers of their choice, whom the}' suspected of hav- ing abused their confidence. Governors of states in their addresses, as well as senates and houses of representatives in their replies, took the same ground — and assumed guilt, and profligacy, and corruption, as the pa> rents of the declaration of war. The house of representatives of Massachusetts, regardless of (he holy rule, "judge not, lest you be judged^'' in the most un- qualified manner, with an utter destitution of tlie least sem- blance of charity, asserts, that ' ^» ' " The real cause of the war must be traced to the first systematical abandon^ ineit of the policy of Washington and the friends and framers of the constitu- tion ; to implacable animosity against tliose luen, and their universal exclusion from all concern in ihe governnif ut of the country ; to the influence of worthies.^ foreigners over the press, and the deliberations of the government in all its bran- ches ; to a jealousy (]f the commercial states,* /ear of their powcr^ contempt ojr 'heir pursuits^ and ignorance qf their true character and importance ; to the cu- pidity of certain states for the wilderness reserved for the miserable aborigines; lo a violent pa8!»on for cou(^uest,'' &c. With equal candor, the senate of that state, not to be outdone by the other legislative branch, declares, that " jj^7%e nar was founded in falsehood, declared without necessity, and its rent object was extent qf territory by unjusi conqwsls^ and to aid the laie tyrant qf JSii- ^opein his vien of aggrandisement." In these awful accusations, there is no allowance for human imperfection — for error in judgment — for difference of opinion. They are preferred in the strongest form which our language admits, and involve the highest possible degree of turpitude. If these allegations be true, the president who recommended war, and the legislature of the United States which declared it, have betrayed their trust, and are base, abandoned, and wicked. If they be false, the legislature of Massachusetts arc base, aban- doned and wicked. There is no alternative. One or other de- scription of persons must sink in the estimation of cotempora- vies and posterity. * The absurdity and total want of foufldation of tbcee allegations I shall fuUf ^establish in a subsequent chapter. . THE OLIVE IJRANCH. 26\ Let us examioe the case. Let us investigate the trulb. If our rulers be tlius base — tlnis abaiuloued — thus nicked — tims corrupt — let them be devoted to the detestation they have so richly earned. But if the alleg;ations be false — if the war veie just — if the nation drank the chalice of outrage, insult, injury, and ilepredation, to the last dregs, before she had reeoujse to arms, let us, at every hazard, clina; to our rulers — to our form of government — to the national honor — to the national interest. The conduct of Great Britain to this country for a series of yeai-s, had been a constant succession of insult, aggression, and depredation. Our harbors had tieen insulted and outraged — our commerce had been most wantonly spoliated — our citi- zens had been enslaved, scourged, and slaughtered, lighting the battles of those who held them in cruel bondage. We had, in a word, experienced tMimberless and most wanton injuries and outrages of vari. • , kinds. But the prominent causes of the war, assigned by the presklent in that message uhich recommended, and by the committee in the report which contained, a declaration of war, were impressment and the or- 4ler3 in council. I shall proceed to the examination of both topics. But I previously quote the words of the message and of the re()ort. On the sul^ject of impressment, the president states, *' The practice is so far from affecting British subjects alone, that, x^ntlpr the pretext of searching for these, THOUSANDS OP AMERICAN CITIZENS, under the safeguard of public law. and tii'ir national flag, have been torn from their country, and from every thing dear to them ; liave been dragged ok "board ships of war of a foreign nation ; and exposed, under tlie severities of liieir dis- cipline, to be exiled to the most distant and deadly cllmehi; to riak their Jiyos in the battles of their oppressors, and to be the melancholy instruments of taking away those of their own brethren." And the committee, on tlie same topic, state, *' We will now proceed to other wrone? which have been more «everely felt. — Among these is THE IMPRESSMENT OF OUR SEAMEN, a practice which ha? been unceasingly maintained by Great Britain in the wars to which she has been a party since our revolution. Your committee cannot convey in adequutt terms the deep sense which they entertain qf the injustice and oppression qf this pro- ceeding. Under the pretext of impressing British seamen, our fellow -citizens arc seized in British ports, on the high seas, and in every ot!ier tjuarter to which the British power extends ; are taken or> board British men of war, and compelled to serve there as British subjects. In this mode our citizens are wantonly snatched from their country and their families ; deprived of their lilwrty ; doomed to an ignominious and slavifh bondage ; compelled to figbt the battles of of a foreign country--and often to peri h in them Our flag has given them no protectioja ; it has been unceasingly violated, and our vessels exposed to danger by the loss of the men taken from them. Your committee need not remark, that while the practicp U continued, IT IS IMPOSSIBLE FOR THE UNITED STATES TO CONSIDER THEMSELVES AN INDEPENDENT NATION. Every new case i a proof of their degradr^tion. Its continuance is the more unjustifiaMe be- cause tht Uniiti States have repeatedly proposed la tht British governmtni anarr W,<(.:1^ if 5 252 THE OLIVE BRANCH. fangement wMth )V'/uld secure lo it the control i>f its omn people. An exprnption of lli« ritizetu of tlie UuUed States from this degrading oppression, and thtir flag fi'oin violation, i^ all tUat they have sought." Ou the orders in council, the president observes, " Under pretended blockades, without the j>resence of an adequate force, ar >metimes without tliP practicability of applynigone, OUR COMMERCE ILN EEN PLUNDERED IN EVERY SEA. The great staples of our counti and Fometimes without the practicability ot applynigone, UUli COMMERCE it AS BEEN PLUNDERED IN EVERY 5EA. The great staples of our country havo been cut off from their legitimate markets ; and a detlructive blow aimed at our agricultural and mariliiue interests. In aggravation of tliese jpredatory iTipasures, they have been considered as in force from the date of their notifica- tion ; a retrospective effect being thus added, as has been done in other import- ant cases, to the unlawfulness of the course pursued And to render the outrage the more signal, these mock block:.ues have been reiterated and enforced in the face of official comni! Taiion!> from the Briti<re the reader, by all that is candid, to consider thi» single sentence. Let him read it once more carefully. It is a fair sfitvment of the relative situation of the two countries. — iO'^'Titi: com:hercc of the Vnilcd States with nearli/ one third of the jwpuliithm of Europe was subject to condemnation! Let him lay Ids hand on hi? heart, and answer the question, was not this ad€(;nte cause for war? Was not this a greater grievance tliin the sixfienny tax on tea, which led to the American rev- oliiiion ? Have not more than nine-tenths of all the wars that have ever existed, been declared for less causes ' We were forbidden by Great Brilaiu, [|^^ under penalty of confiscation, to carry 07i trade with WJ" above fifty millions of the inhahitanis of Europe. And yet we are gravely told, " the war was founded in falsehood 1 ! !" V/onderfi'I, wonderful delusion ! ! 0:7" At that period Enrrland hersdf carri d on with France and licr dependencies, under licenses, [Cr" the vcrj; trade which she ren- dered iUesral when carried on by the United States ! ! ! And seve- ral American vessels, bound for France^ and taken by British crui- sers, were actually, 3:7' without brenkinfn: bulk, taken into French pwts by Ote captors, or those who purchased from them ! ! ! % :t:. a Having prt^sented to the reader a short specimen -^f the de- luuiciations of the war, I lay before him some opinions of adl? rectly contrary tendtncy. 254 THE OLIVE BRANCH. The first authority is highly exalted nntf rc8perta>>le. It ie HO less than the et7ij)eror Airxandrr. This monarch, in tiiu very commendable otferof his mediation, declares, that " fli mij.'»ty tulips j>Ipnsijre in «lo!ric; juftice to the wisdom of the Uiiitrd StntoM ; and \$ convinced t.'ial Q^ it lias doue all timi it could, to avoid this lup- ture." , - The next anihority is Governor Plumer, of New^Hampsiiire, who in a short speech to the legislature of that state, Nov. 18, 1812, states that Great Britain •' His for a «!<>ries of years by her conduct evincfd a dfndl>' ho!»ti!i(y fo ciir national rights, to cur <;onim<'i(p, pHice iiiid prospprily. She lias wantotily inv firessed thousands of our iinolll-nJinj!; seamrn ; immured them vvitliiii the walls of ler floating castles ; rD» iioid them in servitude for an unlimited period, often for life ; and compelitxl tiif^m to flglit, not only with nations with whom we were at pea.'e, but to turn tiieir armsi ngainst tlieir own country Rhe has violated liie rignts and peace of our coasts ; wantonly ehed the blood of rur citizens in our harbour*! ; and in>tead of punishing hna rewarded her guilty oflicers. Under pretended blockade*, unaccompanied by the presence of an ademnte force, she nae unjustly deprived us of a market for the prwlucts of our industry and, by l>er orders in council has. to a great extent, swept our commerce from the ocean : thus assuming a rij(ht to regulate our foreign trade in war, and laying a fouiiila- tioii to prescribe law for vly \m- (vaVis of d, oUeii ve wore alrd tUe ig ill our jrce, f^H' ami, hy le orran ; a fiHiivla- r snbi*fl5 wili^ t''^t sccreilUed inent, '»" and dis- Upon nn vo pivra- >f thp fl'i'ii Iratfi's I* „3 d«'^»g^^; unbouiiJf" coTiditloii! ijauU to in- With th( \olenct, arii nd conv(n- Lnd courlctl kted aga'lf' I and fina''\i' L\,it of mo derived tluough the immemorial usages of nation?, as tliose senn-«d hy compact, liave been outraged without acknowlrdgnient— even witliout n-morKe Solemn stipu- lations by treaty and implied eng3i;emeiits, havp jjivcn }>liu:e to views oi an over- levelling, eelfisli, and depravfrd policy L^/e.^ lihrrly und property^ have bttn Ihc !:p:,rl ■/ tncnsurery uvjust, cruel, and nithuiit a paraUil. The flag of fre»'doin and o'" iiti; artial neutrality has been wantonly insulted. Tearx «!«' to wlioiii t!i»- s icrfd 1rii>t of iroticMiif; tin; ii;ilitn «»( the riti/< n arul lionoiir of Hit- i atioti, is cnofidod, to liikc pkhU iiii'n- cy of the cane may rei^uiri-, to jroti'tt tlif one, and vindicate tin* other : Ihtiiv fore *^ RfVili'd thai the ivur >i;i,^>d btj tfte IJniIrd St. tes agaivsl (hent Hn'lnin, ii juxt, nr(f<-fnii^ onit ii'ililir ; oii^ht tithe supportul bjt thi tijiitrd stnn;tli uiiil rr. sources «f the naftjn, until the grand o^'jict it ohtuimd/ur nhuh it rvm UiU'red,''* CHAPTER XLV. Consideration of the Orders in Council conlinifcd. Slrong and unequivocal reprolationofihem by James Lloyd and James Bayard, Esqrs. and Governor Griswold. Extract of a letter from Hatrison Gray Otisj Esq, I MIGHT have (ligmIs8C(l tins part of my subject with the last chapter. Hut as it is of vital importance — as Great Brit- ain and the V^nited States are at issue on it in the face of an anxious and enquiring world, whose judgment we await on the subject — I judge it advisable to enter into it more fully. The only defence ever attempted of these outrageous pro- ceedings is on Ihe principle of ^^retaliation.'"' Tiiis is com- pletely invalitlaled by Mr. Barinjr, page 126. It is ."ilso une- quivocally abandoned by the most |)rominent and influential leaders of the federal parly. James Lloyd, Esq. senator of the United States for the state of Massachusetts, a most decided federalist, a steady, undeviat ing, and zealous opposer of the administration and of all its measures, has pronounced sentence of condemnation, in the most unequivocal terms, upon the pretence of retaliation, in a speech delivered in senate on the 28th of February, 1812. " And how is it possible, that a third and neutral party can make itself « fair object of retaliation, for mtasurts which it did not counsel — uhich it did not approve— which miliiate strongly with its interests— which it is and ever has been anxiously desirous to remove— ^hich it has resisitd by every means in its power, that it thought expedient to use, and of these means the govern- menl of the neutral country ow^ht to be the sole judge — which it has endeav- oured to get rid of even at great sacrifices! — how is it possible that a neu- tral country, thus conducting, ran make itself a fair object of retaliation for measures which it did not originate— which it could not prevent, and canmt tontroiy— Thus, fir, to my view, the ORDERS IN COUNCIL ARE WHOLLY UNJUSTIFIABLE, LET THFM BE BOTIOMEI) EITHER ON THE PRINCIPLE OF RETALIATION, OR OF 6BLF-PRESERVATI0N.»» THE OLIVE BUANCH. 257 From Mr. liloycrs nuthorily on Ihis topic I presume lliere will lu no appeal. There cannot be. II is decision itt filial. — But I m not contined to Mr. Lloyd. Mr. Baynrd, a {rentle- m 111 (>r equal standing, a quondam senator of the United States from llio state of Delaware, one of our late commissioners at Giient, also a decided federalist, pronojmced the same sentence on them — in a speech — nich a course as shi^ll gati^fv fnrnVn nntions. th;^t wliilst we denire pence, we have THE MEANS AND THE SPIRIT TO REPEL AGGRESSIONS The interests of the United Staics undoubtedlv require a .secure and honor.i!)ie peace. But the only guarantee whicli ouirlit or can with safety be relied on fOr thi.s obioct, is a snfE- fiont organized force, and SPIRIT TO USE IT WITH EFFECT, whe,i no other booourablc ujeans of redress can be resorted to. The extejisive rencunen^ ■ !*. ill 25» THE OLIVE BRANCH. ;iidcd hy the jrpograuliieal situation of our country, have fi rnislKxl every oeccs- .•ary m»fans for defemlitifj our territory and our coirnnorce : and WK ARR FALSE TO OURSELVKS, WHEN EITHER [i. e. our territory or our ^oinoicrce,] IS INVADED WITH IMPUNlTV." No (liapassionate reader can deny thtt Governor Griswold in this speech makes very strong and unequivocal declaration of the niecesaity of vigorous, and decisive, that is to say, war- like measures. It is impossible otherwise to interpret the im* jn'essive style in which he invokes tlie " spirit to use the organ- hed force tvith effect" — and the declaration that *' we are false to oursdves when we allow our commerce or our territory to be inva- ded with imipunity.V On the 12th of May, 1812, only five weeks before the decla- ration of war, the Legislature of Connecticut met again. Gov- ernor Oris wold addressed them once more on the same sulijeot. He explicitly declared, that *• ^!^ tht last six months do not appear to have produced any change in the hostile aggressions of foreign natioyis on the commerce of the Untied ^JalesJ" And after referring to^ and justly reprobating the burning of pur vessels by the French, he emphatically adds, " (X?* SurJi, however, luis been the character of both, that NO CIRCUM- STANCE CAN JUSTIFY A PREFERENCE TO EITHER." I beg the reader will give these documents a due degree of consideration. It appears that Governor Griswold, on the lOlh of October, J811, unequivccally pronounced an opinion, that the aggressions of Great Britain and France were of such a na- ture as to warrant resistance hy war. He denounceii the pa- qific policy we had pursued as rendering us " contemptible in the eyes of foreign ncdions," who in consequence regarded " us as a pc change its system, and to convince foreign nations, that " we have the means andtJie spirit to resent foreign aggress- ions.** — And finally declares " we are false to ourselves wJien we suffer our commerce or our territory to be invaded with impunity ^ Seven months afterwards, he reviews these declarations, and ^.tates that " no circmnstance crndd justify a preference to either** France or England, both had so grossly outraged our rights.— And yet, reader, what must be your astonishment to be told, that this same Governor Griswold, immediately after war was declared, which his speech appears to have urged, arrayed him- self am'jiilg and was a leader of the ^^ friends rfpeace,** who de- nouAC^fll tMe war as wicked, and unji:st and unholy 1 ! ! THE OLiVE liKANCil. 25© I might have rested the cause on the unilptl testimony of AFr. Lloyd, Hud Mr. Bayard, and Governor Giiswohl. They are fully sufficient for my purpose. No candid or honest man cafi resist them. They all \\i{h concurring voice establish the strons;, the decisive fact, that there nas ample and adequate cause of war. But legardina; the subject as of immense and vi- tal importance, 1 am determined '*■ to make assurance doublif- surc.''^ I therefore solemnly cite before the pu!>lic another evi- dence, still more powerful, still more overwhelming-, to prove that the war was not fomided in laisehood — to prove that it wa« bolh.just and righteous. This evidence is the honorable Harrison Gray Olis, Esq. a 5;entleman of consideralde talents, great wealth, high ^tandini;, and most powerful infllucnce in Uie state of Massachusetts, \vho has acted a very conspicuous and important part in the extra- ordinary events of our era. He was formerly a senator of tht: United States — recently a member of the legislature of Massa- chusetts — one of the principal movers of the appointment of, and a delegate to, the Hartford Convention ; (which legislature' and convention denounced the waras ui^just, and wicked, and profligate) — and finally one of delegates to Washington, to ne- gotiate with the president on the part of the eastern states. 1 1 is hardly necessary to add — but I shall be pardoned, I trust, for adding, that there is not in the United States a more uniform, undeviating, and zealous opposer of the party in power — a more- decided anti-gallican'— or a citizen less disposed to censure^Eng- land or her measures unjustly, than Mr. Otis. This gentleman, on the 14th of January, 1812, addressed to — A. friend in London, a letter on the relations of the twonationti which displays no small share of public spirit, and breathes a most fervent desire for the repeal of the orders in council, in order to remove the indignation and abhorrence they excited in the United States. This letter was published in London; and, had not the coun- tellors of his Britannic majesty been most fatally and egregious ly misguided, would have produced an immediate and decisiv<6f effect, and saved the two couatries from the horrors of war^ fare. One of the democratic papers in Boston, I believe the Pat^ riot, republished the letter, with comments injurious to Mr. Otiaf^ of which [ have a very ira;)erfect recollection. They appear- ed to me ill-founded at the time. Major Russel, editor of thl^ Centinel, admitted the authenticity of the letter, which he re- pu'^lished ; girded on his arcnour ; -ind fully defended the wri fej; and his groUuctitMu Uc |)roveii to Hie sati^sDttGtioa of tht; 260 f THE GLIVE BRANCH. public, that no inference could fnirly be drawn from that com- munication, inculpating the moral or political character of Mr. OtijB, who, on the contrary, deserved applause for the part he took in this affair. The ideas of the editor of the Centinel were just and correct. These views are given from memory. But the strong impression the affair made on my mind at the fime, convinces me that they are essentially just. With these explanations I submit the letter to the reader, whom I beseech lo give it due attention. It will bear thrice reading. On the subject I am discussing, it is final and decis- ive. Never was there a more irresistible document. Extract of a Uller from Harrison Gray Of is, Esq. to afrimd in London, dated Boston, Jan. 14, IGVZ. " You will pprcejve by tlie papers thnt our p:overnment n-ofess the intm'ic'n to assume a very warlike attitude ; ai d tlial the rj^j?-' >fntiu ent of iiidisriatioii throujiliout the rountrv at tlie coiiiiiiu.ition of theoideis iu council, IS LOl D AiWD LNIVERSAL'FROM DO'l M PARTIES ! The motiv.s which indiico your f;overnincnt to continue them, are f>"^ fjuito iniioinprehetjsiblt to the BEST FIlIEjSnS of Great Bi'ilaiii in tiiis country; and the etfect will be to nrike ev- ery n";»n ODIOUS who diires to express a wish for >our succetss aud procperiiy ; :i sentiment still common to our best men, but which an adherence to this yyi:t(.ij will tiriLiair und destroy. " It 19 loo true, tliat the repeal of the BerJin and Milr.n d( crees has been le=3 formal than it sliouM have been ; and that our adnjinislration have become wil- ling dupes to the insidious policy of Napol«on. " But why should your governnaent mind that ? Why should they not eR4)iacc any pretence for restoring harmony between our two countriis, especially as it will of consequence be followed by hostility on the part of France i' Napoleon will renew bis outrages the moment we are fiieiids ; and the natural ties whicli cement Great Britaiu and Americn will be drawn closer. On the contiary, lue scrupulous adhereuce of your cabinet to an empty punctilio, will too probaij/ unite the whole country in opposition to your nation, and sever for generalioi.i, £erhaps for ever, interests which have the u;ost natural affinity, and MEN WHO UOHT TO FEEL AND LOVE LIKE BRETHREJS " Let us canvass this precious document attentively. It ig fraught with meaning, aud iicishes conviction. Every senlciice is of vital importance. Mr. Otis slates, th;\t " the scfditncnt tf indis^nation against the orders in council was loud and wnzVtnsfl' from both parties,^^ This declaration fron such a quarler ii^ •overwhelming — it is Irresistible. It proves the strong sense prevalent of the outrage and injustice of the orders in conn eil. The concurrence of both parties, who so rarely >t- gree in any point, demands particular attention. And surely Mr. Olis himself, or Mr. Pickering, or Mr. King, will not deiiv that it is fair to infer that he must have regarded the orders in council as unjust, and wicketl, and oppressive, and piratical and utterly imlefensible, when he candidly confesses, that a continuance of them would " produce the effect to render any THK W.TVE BP \NCH. 20* man otRons who dared to express a iviahfor the success and pros- pcritif of Great Britain. Mr. Otis deprecated a war with England ae one of the migh- tieet evile. He appears to have regarded these orders as not merely cause of war — but as likely to produce war, if contia* aed. What language shall I use, reader, to fix your attention tp this most solemn part of my sultject ? Mr. Otis is so thorough- ly impressed with a conviction of the injustice of the orders in council, that he explicitly states to his correspondent, that the " sentiment of indignation throughout the counliy^^^ at their con- tinunnce, "is loud and universal from both parties,^ and that ♦* the effect of their continuance will be to render odious every man who dares to express a wish for the success and prosperity n Ens' land'"' — and further, that "an adherence to an empty punctilio wilt sever the two nations perhaps for ever." Let it be observed that these declarations were m.ide January 14, 1812, only five raonlhs before the declaration of war — and further, that no al- teration or mitigation f f the rigor of those orders had takea pltce when war was declared. When these points are duly weii^hed, let the reader consider that this same Harrison Gray Otis was one of the prime movers of a seditious-, I might say a treasonable opposition to the war, on the ground of its having been *' profligate and unjust.^* II is im[>ossibYe for language tQ do justice to the astonishment tliese reflections are calculated to excite. Mr. Otis was a member of the senate of Massachu- seMs in February, 1*14, when h report of both houses' declai;ed. " that war, so fertile in calamities, "wcw wafted with the word possible views f and carried on in the worst possible manner^ form- insr an union of weakness and wickedness ^ wliich ^kp^s for a par" dlel the annals of the world! //" Here I close this part of the discussion. II were superflu- ous to add a line. The reader will have no dif^cuity to de- cide. A few more strong facts, and I shall liave done. On the 18th of December, 18<»8 a vote was taken in tb« house of representatives of the United States, on the following resolution: •' Resolved^ Tliat tlie United States c.innot, without a sacrififee of their rights, honor, and iiidependence, (submit to the late edicts of Great Britain and France. " And decided in tlie affiniulive as follows — yeas JIB — nays 'l ♦' Yeas — Messrs Alexander, W \lslon, L. Alston Riicon> Pi d, B^kcVy Bas- sett, Blackledce Blake, Blount. Bnyd Bon le Brown, Biuwt II. RiiMf r. r-.VhnuD^ Campbell Champvm Chittenden- Clay, Cioptou, Culpepper. Ch»1;;, Jjivrnpiniy Dmson, Deane, Do^'ia, tturell, Wllliot, Ely Findley, Fiiit, Fr in! lIi . (iirdncr, <&araet) CU19I8OO} Goodwyn, Gray, Green Harris, Ueister, livlm, Holland^ ¥ 2 262 THE OLIVE BRANCH. Holmes, Howard, Humphreys, Jsley, J. G. Jack«iori, R. S. Jack son, Jonkio^ Johnson, Junes, Kelly, Krnan, Key, Kirkpatrick, Lambert, Lewis, Lloyd, Ma- con, Maribt), Masters, M'Cie«ry, Milnor, D Montgomery, J. Montgomery, N, R. Moore, T.Moore, Jer. Moirow, Jno. Morrow, Mostly, Mumford, Nelson, Neniboldf Newton, Nicholas, Pitkin, Porter, Quiney, Randolph, Rea, Rliea, J . Richards, M. Richards, Russel, Say, Seaver, Shaw, Sloan, Smelt, Smilie, J. K. Smith, J. Smith, Southard, Stai{ford, Stednian, Storer, Sturget, Taggart, Tall- madge, Taylor, Thompson, Trigg, Trc up, Upham, Van Allen, Fan Corllandtt Van Horn, Van Rensselaer, Verplanck, Wharton^ Whitehill, Wilbour, Williams, A. Wilson, N. Wilson, Winn.— 118. " Nayi.>— Messrs. Gardenier, Hoge.— 2.** This is a vote of immenee importance in the decision of the question which I have been discussing. One humdred and eighteen members, out of one hundred and twenty, have recor- ds their deliberate opinion that " to submit to the edicts of G. Britain and France^* would be '' a sacrijice of the rights, honor^ and independence^^ of the United States. Our government had used every conceivf^ble peaceable means to induce Great Britain to revoke her orders in council, to which, according to those gentlemen, we could not submit, without "a sacrifice of our rights, honor, and independence." But every effort had been in vain. The orders in council re» mained unrevoked. Yet many of these gentlemen, thus solemnly pledged and committed, voted against the war, as unjust, and unholy, und wicked ; and spared no pains to excite a seditious, a treasona- ble oppposition to it, on the pretext of that injustice and wick- edness ! • Can the hiunan mind conceive a stronger and more indefenai- ble contradiction than this-? It is impossible. The war was in resistance of the orders in council, and ac* cording Vo these gentlemen was a war to prevent " a sacrifice oi' the rights, honor, and independence of the United States.*' — And if ever war can be just- and holy, it is surely then just and holy, vvhen it ia waged in defence of " the r^hts, honor, and iop dependence of a nation." I cannot allow myself to believe, that I shall have a single reader who will doubt or deny the correctness^ of this i ^ferenee. It is irresistible. These gentlemen are fairly committed in the face of their country, and of all Christendom. It may be said, and has been said ieii thousand times, that the same pledge was given on- the subject of the French decrees; and that war ought to have been declared against one nation as "Weil as the other. To this there are two replies, fine, that the French government did repeal its decrees, although in a ▼ery ungracious and uncourteous mamier. But ungracious,and Uncourteous, and indecorous as it was, they were repealed.-— THE OLIVE BRANCH. , 2^ Ma- hon, a, J. J.K. Tall- liams, •f the and •ecor- ofG, ionor, seable luucil, jbmit, ence." icil re» id and ly, and ivsona- wick- lefensi' Ind ac- (ifice oi Ites."- ist and mdior single •renee. in the lat the krees; It ion as ., that th in a is,and lied.— That this was the fact, I appeal to Mr, Otis. He has complete- ly settled this point for ever. On the 14th of .Tauuary, 1812, ns we liHve seen, in a confidential letter to a friend, he declar- ed, not that the decrees were unrepealed — but that ^''th£ repeal ivas less formal than it should have bcen.^^ The reader who does not tind that this is a decisive admission that they were actual- ly repealed, must be wilfully blind. The other reply embraces an important fact. When the question of war against Great Britain was under discussion in congress, Mr. M'Kee, of Kentucky, UJ^ moved for a declaration of war against France as well as her enemy. The motion, on a division of the house, was negatived by a very large majority. Ten members only* voted in the affirmative, of whom [p^ stV' en were ttemocrats — and U^^ but three federalists ! All the other federalists voted in the negative ! This for ever closes the clmi- or on the iiu'r»Ject of the propriety of declaring war against France. Here I make a solemn pause. The orders in council were, as we have seen, one of the most prominent grounds of war. — I have estiblished their existence and their flagitious injustice at the time of that declaration. Yet the senate of MaBsachu<- setts h;>s declared that " the war was founded in falsehood!! /" When 1 stated the enormous transit duty the British ministry attempted to collect for IJJ^ permission to trade with France^ \ mentioned, that to such an c^xtravagant length was their viola- tion of neutral rights and of our independent sovereignty car-* ried, that, wonderful to tell, they affected to consider the |)er- mission to trade on these terms, as a special favor! Lest the reader might doubt or disbelieve this astonishing, this mon- strous, this dishonorable, this unparalleled fact, 1 give him th«s int>st unequivocal authority — the celebrated Francis James Jpckson. This gentleman, in a letter ta the secretary of state, •latecl Oct. 11, 1809, expressly states — *' rrj* The option given to neutrals to trade with the enemies of Grent Prit- ain tluV>ugh British ports OF PAYMENT OF \ TRANSIT DUTY, was ori- finaliy dfvisad and intendedas a MITIGATION of what is certainly more cor^ rf(t, hut more rigid, in priHciple— THE TOTAL AND UNQUALIFIED IN- TERDICTION OF ALL TRADE WITff THE ENEMY ! ! »»^ There is one point of view in which the pretensions of Eng- land ought to be considered^ to show their palpable and shock- ing injustice, their utter disregard of the rights of this natioDi * Sf e this fact stated in the speech of Mi". Clav, speaker of the house of repre- sentatives of the United States, January 8, IBl'S. Weekly Rejister, vokime iii- 284 THE OLTVE BRANCH. and their total departure from the most solemn professions pre- viously made. By these professions England had pledged herself to repeal the orders in council as soon as the Berlin and Milan decrees Vfere repealed, so far as those decrees affected our intercourse ^ith England. We had no right to demand of France to go further than this in her repeal. It would iidve been the most arrogant presumption for our government to have prescribed to France any regulation of such parts of her trade as we were iiot interested in. Yet England did require a repeal of her de- crees as they affected her trade with other nations, as a sine qua nan to the repeal of (be orders as they affected the trade of the United States. This has been repeatedly denied, and with the utmost confi- dence. But demal is not disproof. And unfortunately for the friends of England, the fact has become m^itter of historical re- cord. It is to be found in a document of the most indisputa- ble authenticity. On the 10th of June, 1812, only eight days before the declaration of war, Mr. Foster, the British minister at Washington, wrote a letter to our government, in which this idea is distinctly and unequivocally avowed in the follow- ing words t *^ I have no hesUation, sir, in saying, that Great Britain, as the case has bither> to stood, never did, nor ever could engage, witlnut the grossest injustice to her- self and her allies, as well as to other neutral nations, to repeal her orders, as affecting America alone, leaving then) in force against other states, upon a condi- tion that France would except, singly and specially, America from the operation of her decrees." ' Whatever reprobation the system here avowed loudly calls f€*T on the ground of its flagrant injustice, we must approve the eandor of Mr. Foster, which clothes it in all its genuine and intrinsic deformity, and holds it up to the abhorrence of the fair and upright part of mankind of all nations. Engl md at this time stood pledged to this country by repeat- ed declarations, promulgated with the utmost solemnity, to (>ro- ceed pari passu with France. But notwithstanding solemn pledges so often reiterated^ she at last fairly comes out with her declaration, that the repeal of the decrees as affecting America was to profluce no effect on the orders in council as affecting this country. I'hat is, as plainly as can he, that unless ife could prevail on France to cease the operation of her de- crees upon British trade generally, we had no reason io hope for a relaxation nf the rio;or and injustice of her orders in coun- cil. Tiu» h a new expiaaatiuu of u pari passttf aad would of THE OLIVE BRANCH. 205 >Hseir, had it stood alooe, afTordcd full juetificBtion of tLc decla> ration of hostilities. No man who has the least regard to his character — who ie not deprived by faction and party violence of the moral sense — can, aftev a perusal of the preceding observations and facts, hesitate what sentence to pronounce on the accusation, that •' the war was founded in fahchood.^ ' >» CHAPTER XLVI. Inquiry into the justice of tlie war conthntcd. A clear, erplicU, and unanswerable defnce of it, on the ground vf imprcsstnent alone, independent of all fhe otiur grievances, bt/ the unexcep- tionable tebtimcny of the Hon. James Lloyd, esq. of Massackur aetts. Impressment. Of the enormity of this horrible grievance, which [CT' cries to heaven for vengeance, I have given such copious details, iu chapters 31 to 38, that I need not enter deeply into it here. That it was ample and adequate cause of war, no man can deny, who reads the letter from commodore Porter, page 214— and the extract from the log book of the Gaerriere, page 215 — whereby it is indisputably established that there were no less than the enormous number of forty-tive American impressed seamen on board three British vessels. 1 must once more beg leave to introiluceto the reader, James Lloyd, esquire. When I shelter myself under such authority as Messrs. Otis, Pickering, Lloyd, &c. I deem myself impreg- nable. Extract of a kiter from the Honorable James Lloyd to the Honorable Mr. Perkins, " If Great Britain did claim and exercise the rljlit to impress into her service lli(? real bona fide native citizens of the United Stales, an interminable war witii her, or with all the nations of the eart!) (if it could not be otherwise prevented) might be alike just, necessary and coraraend.ible. The ocean, for the use of the gr»^at family of minkind, should own no chartered privileges, in a time of nt-u- trality, while abstaining from injury to other!" it shonid he as free as air to all who nnyigate It. and the IMPRESSMENT OP A N VTIVE \MERIC \N CIT IZEN innocent of crime, and owing elsewhere no primary or paramount allegi- ance, iod prosecuting a lawful commerce in a vfstel of his own country, ir:, as it ri'spccts the individual, ami as it regards an infrinirf merit of riitlits, \S GROSS A VIOLATION \S IF HE WERE ARRESTED. TORN AND TRAN-POlir- ED INTO SL\ VERY FROM HIS PATERNAL ROOF OR DOMESTIC ALTAR.*'— Boston Ceotii:cl, M^rchG, 1813. 260 THE OLIVE MANCH. The minil glows with animation on reading these noWr, these dlgnifietl, these manly sentiments, worthy of the nrost il- lustrious heroes of the revolution ! What a wondefui contrast between tliem and the groveling report of the committee of the legislature of Massachusetts ! This single extract were suffi- cient to justify the war, had there been no other ground than impressment alone. From the commencement of the French revolutionary war, till the declaration of hostilities took place, our vessels wero arrested wherever met with by Britisli vessels of war — the crews overhauled — the British captains seized and enslaved whom they pleased — as they were, in the strong language of Oobbett— " ACCUSERS, WITNESSES, JUDGES, AND CAPTORS." England would have made war against all the nations of £u< rope in succession, had they dared to impress her seamen. — And what right had she to claim a religious veneration for her ilag, when she was in the daily practice of violating ours in the grossest manner ? I request the reader's attention to this subject. Mr. Lloyd unites " tJu claim''* and " the exercise,^"* The former is unim- portant in itself, and does not afTect the question. Suppose England to " claim a righf^ to our vessels — to our territory — to our persons — it is no cause of war. But the moment she at- tempts ** to exercise the right" to seize any of them, resistance becomes a duty. It thus a|)pedrs, that the expression " claim" is mere verbiage, I do by no means believe it was employed to delude the reader. But I aver that such is its effect. VU^ " The exercise'^ then " by Great Britain^ of tlie right to impress into her service the real bona fide native citisens of the U. States^ would^^" by the explicit and unexceptionable declaratioa of James Lloyd, ^^ justify an hUerminahU war with her,^* The question, reader, is thus reduced within a narrow com- pass. It only remains to be ascertained whether "she exer- cised" the execrable " right of impressment" of " real bona fide citizens" or not. If she di'''^1 turbuleocf It h»s lietn ilstlf iTsllesg and nneasy — aiul has prrnd rrsllcss- iw^s nud iiriuaHiiH'»8 in every directiun. It haB thwartid, hnr- r.issed, and emltarraBsed the general go\ cinincnt, incomiKiialdy nunc than all the rest of the union togctlier. \V liatcvcr dltticulty or «lis»lMss arosf iVoin tlie extraordinary circtirnsl'inceB of the times — and srreat ditHe-ully and (list re*? wvr*: iiirvilaltle — was agiiraNaled antl ni-.jjnif'ed t<» the iiigheet degree, for thi.^ pnr|»o8eof inflaming the iml»lic pnssions. The leiu'ejs in (he husiness were clamonms, \>lien ne were at [leace in JTJ^KO, and in IP.Oti, for war iijrainst Knjiiand, on acrojMit of lier ilepredations on llieir commerce, and in io07, on account of the attack on the Chesapeake. They w< le t([ually ehimor- oiis. as \te have sfen, in 1803, for war aj^.-'in^l Spain, for the ipNrruplion of i lie rijiht of deposit at Ntw-Oi'e.'ins, ? nd ;.aled !h« uar ag wicked, unjust, anossil>Ie ellorl to raise ol striic- tions and diPTiculties, in the persecution of the wrr; and [T, ^V^f rfjnrhatcd the adminutralion for their imhcciUly in carnjivg il on. They reduced the government to banUruptcy, as 1 inist 1 shall prove; i\ni\[Cr rfproarhcdif for its mccssiliis and crbar- ras.wtcnls. In a word, all their mo\emen!s have had and still have lut one oliject, to enfeeble and distrait the government. — Thisoliject has heen too succesi-fully attained. With a population of only 33,000 inhaWitants, andvilh n commerce quite insignificant, compared v\ith that of Nevv-Vork, rhih'.delphia, Baltimore, or Charleston, Boston has, by manage- ment and address," acquired a dejrre of influr nee 1 eyond all proportion greater than its due share — greater in fact than the a'.iove four cities com?*in«d — a degree of influence which hag Ih n exercised in srch a manner as to become dangerous to public and private prosperity and haj'piness,and to the peace and pc'imanence of the union. It brought us to the very verge of its dissolution, and nearly (o the awful consequence — a civi! \\ar. The movers of this mighty piece of machinery — this lever that puts into convulsive motion the whole <»f our political fab- ric, ar« few in number. But they are possessed of inordinate tveallh — cf considerable talents — great energy — and overgrown . Vifluence. They afford a signal proof hov much a fpw mea * Sec chnptf rs 43 and 44. TilK OlilVE IHlANCn. »p may eflccl by eiicrjjy unil concert, more e3|»ecially whtn Itiry are not very scru|mlous about tbc in '..onrcilfracy hu8 bten their grand object for a number oi' - .*>'8 Tboy have repeatedly advocatetl in the public prints . .jp.ration of the states, on ac- count uf a pretended discordance ct* vie\v<, aiul interests of the iliflerent sections. This project «f sepnration was formed shortly after the ndop- lionuf the federal consiitulion. Whether it was venture*! be- fore ttie public eiirlier than 17t)0, I linow not. But of its pro- mulgation in that year, there is the most indubitable evidence. A most elaborate set of papers was then published in the city of Hartford in Connecticut, the Joint production of an associ- ation of men of tlie tirst talents and inlluencc in the state. — They appeared in the Connecticut Couraut, pul)lishcd by Hud- son and Goodwin, two eminent printers, of, 1 believe, consider- able revolutionary standing. There were tlicn none of the lon^ catalogue of grievances, which, since that period, have been fabricated to justify the recent attempts to dissolve the union. General Washinu^ton was president ; Jolin Adams, au eastern citizen, vice-president. There was no French influ- ence — no Virginia dynasty — no embargo — no non-intercourse — no terrapin policy — no democratic madness — no var. — la fine, every feature in the affairs of the country was precisely according to their fondest wishes. These essays under the signature of Pelham, were republish- ed in Philadelphia, in a paper called the New World, edited by Mr. S. H. Smith. To sow discord, jealousy, and hostility between the diflferent sections of the union, was the first and grand step in their ca* reer, in order to accomplish the favorite object of a separation of the states. In fact, without this efficient instrument, all their eflbrti? vould have been utterly unavailing. It would have been im- ppssible, bad the honest yeomanry of tlie eastern states contin- ued to regard their southern fellow -citizens as friends and breth- ren, having one common interest in the promotion of thf gen- eral welfaie, to make them instruments in the hands of those who intend to employ them to operate the unholy work of tlts- troying the ooble, the august, the s{)leadid fabric of our union and unparalleled form of government. For eighteen years, therefore, the most unceasing endeavours have been used to poison the minds of the people of the east- ern states towards, and to alienate them from, their fellow-citi- zens of the southern. The people of the latter section have THE Ol.IV^E IJUANCII. 2il been ponrlraycd m demons liicii^i^ate, and di'stlfntc of nil tl»c godil ililie8 thiit di^ntly or adorn hiiniaii nitiiro — lh(t (j'lirc rateem nnd logjrd — that entillc lorc9|K'cl ;iiid vtner.ilinn. Notliiii^ can exctuul tlio virulence of llirse carlcatiir* ? ; some oi' which \Toidd havo suited tiie Cerocious inhaldtanlsof New-Zeal- and, rather tiuin a civilised or polished nation. To illustrate, and remove all doubt on tliis subject, 1 siibjoiu an extract from Pelhanrs essay, No. 1. *' Negroes arc, in all rr«pcct<«, oxcppt in regRrd to life nnd tleath, the culile of the ciliznuMof the southern states, fftluif wire ^oorl for food, ihe jirohabitity is, that even Ihe pou-tr of dt»tfoyin\^ Ouir lives would be cn- joifed by their owntrs, as fully as it i» over the lives of their cattle. It ran- no/ br, that their laws pmhibit the owners from killing their slaves, because those slaves are human beings, or btcaute it is a moral evil to destroy thtm. If that were the ca«e, how can they justify their being treated, in all other respects, like brulei 7 for it is in this point of view ulone, that nc- prnes in the (.outhern states are considered in fuel as different from cattle. Tli-iy are bought and sold — they are fed or kept hungry — tlu'y are cloth- ed or reduced to nakedness — they are beaten, turned out to the fury of the elements, and torn from their dearest connexions, tdth as liltlc r«> morse as if they tare beasts qf the field." Never was there a more infamous or unfounded caricature than this — never one more disgraceful to its author. It may not be amiss to state, that it greatly enhances the turpitude of the writer, that at the period when the above was written, there were many slaves in Connecticut, who were subject to all the disadvantages that attended the southern slaves. Its vile character is further greatly aggravated by the consid- eration that a large portion of these very negroes, and their ancestors, had been purchased and rent from their homes and families, by citizens of the eastern states, who were actually at that moment, and long afterwards, engaged in the Slave Trade. I add a few more extracts from Pelliam : — " We have reached a critical period in our political existence. The question must soon bs decided, whether we will continue a nation, at the expense nen of our union, or sink with the present mass of difficulty into confusion and slavery. " Many advantages were supposed to be secured, and many evils a- voided, by an union of the states. I lihall not deny that the supposition \va8 well founded. But at- that time those advantages and those evils weie magnified to a far greater size, than either would be if the ques- tion was at this moment to be settled. " The northern states can subsist as a nation, a republic, without any connexion with ihe southern. It cannot be contested, that if the southern elates were possessed of the same political ideas, an union would still be uiore desirable than a separation. But when it becomes a serious ques- tion, whether v;(j shall give up our government, or pai-t with the statee }iW''- i ;«e^w;. i.'j.4'': J 272 THE OLlVr. BRANCH. ^olltl^ of the Potomar, no man nortli of tliat river, whose heart is not thoroughly domocratlc, can heftitate whut decision to nia!03si'!le for a mm of inleirj^ence anrod'Jceil feu e\am;des. Thus some proi;ress was made. But it wms inconsiderable. While tlie veomtnrv <>f tiie c.stern state? weve enriched 'v a beneficial commerce with tbesoilhern, they did rud i-ei een wholly fruitless. And this wis sedulously undertaken. The press litenlly groaned ui'h cf- fori s to prove live points, wholly desti'-iie <.f fon:id*t!-»u. First, That the eastern slate:i were sj^k re.ameiitly ecmiui_r- eial. ris THE OLIVE BRAN'CIL 272 r^econrtly, That the states south of the Suoqiiehanna were svlioHy agricultural. Thirdly, That there i3 a natural and iaevituble hostility be- twetn commercial and agricultural states. Fourthly, That this hostility has uniformly pervaded the whole southern section vt' the union. And Fifthly, That all the measures of congress were dictated by this hostility ; and were actually intended to ruin the commer- cial, meaning the eastern states. • I do not assert that these miserable, the^e contempli!)!e, thesr deceptions positions were ever laid down in a rrcular form, as (hrses to argue upon. But 1 do aver, that they form a basis of (hree-fourtha of all the essays, paragraphs, squilis, and crackers, thnt have appeared in the Boston papers ajrainst the administra- lion for many years past. '• The Road to Ruin," ascribed to John Lowell, no*- liefore me, is remarkable for its virulence, its acrimony, its intemperance, and for the talents of the writer. He undoubtedly places his subject in the slronjy;est point of light possible for such a subject. But if you extract from his essays, Ihc assumjition of these positions, all the rest is a mere caput mortimm — all " sound and fury." On these topics the changes are rung in endless succession. The same ol)servation will ap- pi}', and with equal force, to hundreds and thousands of egsaye and paragraphs, written on the same topic. Never was the — s;utta nan ri, sed sccpe cadcndo — more com- pletely verified. These positions, however absurd, however extravagant, however ridiculous they appear in their naked form, have, by dint of incessant repetition, made cnch an im- pression upon the minds of a large portion of the people of the i-astern states, that they are as thoroughly convinced of tlieir truth, as of any problem in Euclid. - Boston having acted upon and inflamed Massachusetts, that state acted upon, ahd put in movement, the rest of the eastern states, more particularly Connecticut and Rhode Island. Now Him' shire and Vermont are but partially infected with the turbulent and Jacobinical spirit that predominates in Massachu- sells. " , It thus happens, that a people proverbially orderly, quiet, so- ber, and rational, were actually so highly excited as to be ripe for revolution, and ready to overturn the whole system of so- ciil order. A cons>iracy was formed, which, as I havestnter^. and as cannot be too often repeated, promised (air to produce a convulsion — a diisnhdion vf tint uhwn — and a civil war^ nnlesg tile seduced people of lliat section of the unioa could be recuv/^ 7. 2. 'M3 i4. ; 5^1, yjj.' ' fev. ■' 274 »n # THE OLIVE BRANCH. if rrinl from tlic Tilal delusion ih'^y lajored under, ami restored to their reason. 1 sliiill very brieily, and wiiliout inncli ailcnlion to order or resjulirity, consider these positions. They are not entitled it) a serious refutation, hut merely as tliey have been made the in- struments of producing so much mischief. Before I toucli upon the commercial points, I shall offer a few observations on the \\\^h and exalted i)retensions of the people of the eastern stales, lo superior morality and relJirion, over the rest of the union. There has not been, it is true, <)uite 80 much parade with these excliisive claims as on the su'ijti: of commerce. Perhaps the reason is, that there was nopolit- ic:d purpose to he answered by them. But that tlie peojile ol that section of the union are in general thorou2;h!y persuaded that they very farexct I the rest of the nation in ! olh reli;_Mon and morals, no man who has l»een conversant with tiu:m can deny. Tids folly of self rl;;hteousness, of exalting ourselves above others, is too general all over the world ; but no where more prevalent, or to greater extent, than in the eastern statt>. To pretend toip.stitute a comparison between the religion and morals of the i)eopIe of Boston and those of Philadelphia, New- York, or BaUiniore, would be regarded as equally extravag.itif nnd absurd, with a comparison of the gambols of a cow to liu spri:;htly and eleg\nt cnrvetings of an Arabian courser. The -Rev. Jedt'diah Morse has in some degree devoted his geograjiliy to, and dis:;r:ice,d it b}', the perpetuation of this vile prcjudec. Almost every page that respects his own seciion of tb.e urii<.ii is highly encomlaslic. He colours with the flattering tints uf a partial and en-unoure^l friend. But when once he passes li.e Susquehann lb, what a hideous reverse ! — Almost every tl.'-r.i is there frigldful caricature. Society is at a low and melaii- chofy ebb, and all the sombre tints are employed to ele\ ate, ' y the contrast, his favorite Elysium, the eastern states. He ('rs his pen in gall when he hi-s to pourtray the manners, or haHl =, or religion, of Virginia, or Maryland, 'hither of the Caroliii;!; er Georgia, or the vrtslein couiitry. I shonid en-.er far into the consisities between fellow-cili- zens of ditfeient portions of tlie s:\ine nation. The ch;vr»ct«T nf the eastertj sl.iles fur morality lias been various at various times. Not long eiuc**' it w.is :it a very low THE OLH E BH/VNCIf. 27ii eM) itnlctjl. I* i=? v.llh'n the rnrmorv of ili.tsf ov»r v '!()?o c'iiii'.s liO iMZor isas evor mov^rd ;i liarxest, that V;ti»!uc aikl gh .rivcr were roi^iirilcd Ji)4 nearly synoMimius. And inis was ii!)! anionii; (!ie low and illiberal, llse hn?e and vii!i;ar. 1 1 \ivf- vatlcd all raiiUs oi' society. In the mii'.dle ami soul hern .^i'atra tr.ulers wc'c naiveroally v( ry mucli on tlieir <:;u:inl against Van- ke«' irio!.;i when (h'aiing with tii(;se of Ihe eastern. 'i'hey now aricu'n'.fi to themsvlves (und, iW parly purposes, (heir el iiriis ar.' fometlmcs adinitlrd i-y llieir politieal IVIends) to he, as I have stated, a superior order to Ihrir fell.>w citizens. "^jMiey look down upon (hose (»f (he «;»nth\vard with as much Ci)nlemj>t, i\ijd with as much roniK'aliou too, ;ii-. did the rbar:- soo of ohi on lli:^ (U"3;)ii;ed Pul)!i(*.'!n. I'oth of those vie as are e-r(»ssly erroheous. 'i'hey never, as a people, merited t'le O; pro!;viwni nnored. There ^verc, it is (rne, rn.ujv worthUss miscreants among them, who, on their emi«:rati«n to t!)e otlier stales, were gfnilly of base tricks, wliich, by an illiher.ility disiiraceful to jnr species, but nevertheless very common, vtero char::e«l to the ic- coiuit of the fntiM! people of the f,.^tern states, and brought them under a most undeserved odiu.n. I feel a pride and pleasure in doing; justice to the yeomrinry ©f the eastern stat< s. 'i^hey will not suiVer in a comparison with the same class of men in any part ttf the world 'J'hey are n;)riy;h(, soher, orderly', and regular — shrewd, intelilirent-, and well-informed — and 1 l)elieve there is not a irreater «!ei!;roe of genuine native urbanity amon? the veomanrv of any coun- try imder the canopy of heaven. And it is lamentaide and un- aceountahle how tl y have allowed '5;' mselves lo lie so eJnen( cl.iim to the virtues which ] know (liey praspss. And I h:\ve no heiiia'ion in averring;, tli.U aUhouirh Do^Io-k er Hart fori!, or Newhavf n, may exhif it ralber morv npfuarancc t»f relisjion atid p.iety, (ban New-York, or PhiliM'iclphia, or Baltimore, yet the latter cities possess as iri ''di of the realfhf. It wf>uld astonish and friirhten many of the pious [)eoj)le i.j New-York or Philadelphia, to be informed — but they may nevertheles:^ ndy upon the ir?formation as indu- bitably tnte — that a lar^e po^. .»i. of the cleriry of the town of Bo?lon, are absolute rnilarian? .; vn»l scout the idea of the di- finiiy of .lesns CfriFt as couiole'* !y and r"splici(ly as ever Dr, Trii^stly diit Thh is a dijire-tsion. 1 did not intend to intro- clijce ib But since it is here, let it remaiu. And kt rae addb *.. 276 # THE OLIVi: BRANCH. that the present principal of Harvard Collegie \v«s known to Ii« an Unitarian when lie was elected. This t'icl csUijiiaUts the verj' great extent and prevalence cI' the doctrine. CHAPTER XLVIII. Affogancc of the claims of the eastern states on the suhjcct of commerce. StoUislical tables* Comparibon of' the exports of the several stales. The high and soundine; pretensions of the eastern stales on the subject of commerce have been almost universally admiiled No person has ever thought it worth while to examine into the actual state of the facts. It has heen presumed, that, in a mat- ter where falsehood and deception were so easily detected, such cr 'fident assertions would not he hazarded, unless they rested on a strong foundation. And in drawins: th%linf of demarca- tion between the eastern states and the rest or the union, in the minds of the mass of the community, all to the north and east of the line was rei:;arded as devoted exclusively to commerce j all to the south ami wv-st, chiefly to agriculture. It is hardly possible to c'.m tut treasury returns. Maittnchnsftts New York. Pennsylinnia. S. Carolinn. Maryland 1791 2,519,000 2,505,000 3,436,000 2.693,000 2,239,000 179<2 2,»8a,000 2,555,000 3,820,000 2,428,000 2,6-3,000 1793 S,755,(K)0 2,9.S2,(XX) 6,958,000 3,191,000 3,665,000 1794 5,292.000 5,442,000 6,643,000 3,867,000 5,636,000 1795 7,117,000 10,304,000 11,518,000 5,998,000 5,811,000 1796 9,949,000 12,203,000 17,513,000 7,620,000 9,201, 0(X) 1797 7,:,02,000 13,308,000 11,446,000 6,505,000 9,811.000 17915 8,639,(»00 14,300,000 8,915,000 6,994,000 12,746,000 1799 11,421,000 18,719,000 12,431,000 8,729,000 16,293,000 1800 11,326,0^)0 14,045,000 11,949,000 10,663,000 12,2i»4.<)«')0 IBOl 14,870,000 19,851,000 17,438,000 14,304,000 12,767,000 UO^Z 1:3,492,000 1 3,79-2 ,0 000 6 I - 000 81?' 000 1,4>/.W^0 ?U OoO 76...00O 1,1 4. .000 i,in,o'JO 1,446,000 l,b06.000 RhoiU IsLnvl. 470,000 G91<,000 610.000 954, 00 i.c:': 000 l,,"*,'.- 0(/0 9 7.-, ,00 'J 9 i ; 000 i,uj:» uoo i>:-- 000 i,ro': 000 2,i.s^:,ooo Viiginia. S,1.')I,000 ^,.'»r»':\0<»() f;:,9i.7,0(0 3.3:1,000 .S,4'0 000 :',-.6r 4," 0,. COO 6.11. 000 C,'..M>v 000 4,4. 000 .^C5.^l 00 3,97! OOu 4 ■' ; .000 439,000 5':i;.0 ij6:«.ooo e^.^ooo 9; 0,000 (Ui OUO 9li1 000 1,. 7.0, 000 1,174.000 1,75j.OOO i,i;.i4.ooo Humpshire . 14-\000 1151,(00 I9i;,ooa ir..« 000 £i'9.000 37! 000 £75 000 66 ; 000 36 -. i-oa 4Si 000 5:).^,ooo 565 (jOO $ li,3^l>,000 14.11.^0OO 5.^,1 5 0(yO 11,lo^J,000 3.»'/J9,000 f'trront 1791 1792 1793 17^4 1:5 1796 1797 1798 1799 1«00 li'Ol 20 000 57,1.00 57 000 31 0')/ $ 16.) UUO 3.r rohnn 5'i i.OOO 5-i 7 OtO S6 ooo 3^ : COO 4!' •.(.00 67 J ,000 5i( J 000 537,000 4« ^ 000 76 \000 ii7 i,000 5j« '000 I'ti 000 e:. o*'0 54,000 5- OCO i:i(.'.('00 5; .000 IJ.OOO 61, 00 J 9,Oi.O 5*000 25 OOo ?6 COO 6,764.000 l)tl n-nre. 119,000 IS.^, 000 f'.r('00 CO 000 15 000 £0' 000 9^.000 1BS,0(;0 S97,0' 41!. ,000 66 000 A.'.0 000 491,000 3,(X>9 ,000 N. Ti. Tn thv- |)rf'ce«iin ne.^r- ly ,(s tnucli as iMassacljustlls, Ne\\h .n)i)Sl!ire, aiul Vtrn»ont unilrd. P»larvl- -n,()00 1C5.(,00 101,02C.000 •102,704,000 i^-*?8 fiTB THE OLIVE BRANCH. Connecticut Hhodt isliujii 12,323,000 14,113,000 11. Maryland exported above 330 per cent, more than Ncn-- Hampshire^ Vermont, Conncdiciiti and Rhode Island. Mnrvland ^\Mvhnmj)shire Vermont Connecticut Hhode Island 3,820,000 165,000 12,328,000 1 1,113,000 101,20,000 30,435,000 Til. South Carolina exported nearly six times as much us Rhode Island; nearly seven times as much as Connecticut; above twenty times as much as Newliamj)shire; five hundred times as much as Vermont; and MO per cent, more than those four states. South Carolina 83,631,000 ]Se\\hamp8hire 3,820.000 Connecticut 12,328.000 Khfde Island 14,113,000 "Vermont 165,000 30,435,000 IV. Virginia exported 73 per cent, more than the four minor eastern states. Virginia ' 53.125,000 N. Hauipshire, Vermont, &c. See No. 2. 30,435,000 V. Virginia and South Carolina exported 8 per cent, morf ihan the five " ffreat commercial eastern statcs.^^ Virginia South Carolina Massachiisetls i\. Hami>snite, Vermont, Sic. 53,125,000 83,631,000 - 136,75C,00C 98,770,000 30,4J5,000 -120,205,000 VI. North Carolina expoited 70 [>er cent, more than iVew- Hampshire and Vermont. North Carolina 5,764,000 Newh rnpstJJie 8,820,000 Vermont 105,000 -^ 3^904,00* ■<■■ -■■■]■■• i; THE OLIVE BRANCH. * VTI. Georgia exported nearly as much as Connecticut: 210 n ni,000 1805 rj,7.'{»,C00 1806 14..')77,000 1307 13,92y,000 vm 8,tnB,000 lyoi) (;,ii!*,ooo IHiO 7,2:? 1.000 I!; 1 1 ^.192,000 \\]\'l 2,b',000 4,8)0,000 6,2 n, 000 3 8t>3 UOO 1,313000 327,000 81,324,000 78,032,000 65,118,060 Rhode Island. nil 000 81" 000 l.JOtiOOO 1,112 000 9 1.-). 000 102.000 620,000 45t;,000 62i 000 150 000 2,000 Virs^inia. r»t,ooo 39>,000 6 60,000 428 000 367,000 18.000 107,000 189,000 as.otw 17.000 S. Carolini. 917.000 2.300.000 3,108.000 2.9H>,000 3,783,000 2<5O.00O 385 000 40U.000 210,000 11.000 53,000 Mfiryland. 1,37 1, UOO 5,213.000 7,'t.')0 000 10.91t).000 10.2«2.000 1,95B,0»0 4,05<^,000 3,213.000 2.820 000 1,929.000 1,00 J, 000 14,420.000 60.214,000 501,000 C,953,000 2,35:),0CO Georgia. 23,000 71.000 43,000 34,000 3,000 11,100 190,000 N. Hampshire. 51,000 2*.2,000 213.000 383,00d 314,000 2.000 &5,000 , 8,000 53,000 9.000 y 1,. 336,000 230 rp TiiE OLIVE BRANCH. Vcrinonf. N. Carolina^ Ncw-Jcrsff/. Jl'lawarc. 15103 27,000 20,000 2 10,000 1«04 55,000 > 0,000 517,000 l8v):i 07,000 12,000 280,000 18)6 102,000 3,000 7.000 37^1.000 1807 5'),o)r) 4,000 5,000 151,000 18.)8 25,000 8,000 7(),0i)0 18)0 40,000 50,000 41,000 1810 20,000 2,000 37,(K)0 ^ 40,000 1811 538,000 4,000 • , - 1812 131,000 1810 1,000 1 1,075,000 01,000 107,000 1,713,000 Comparalive views of foreign nrl ides, erporled /rom 1803 ^o 1013. Pee piTcoding Table R. I. iMnrylanil exported al:ovc five times as much as (lie fmir minor eastern states. Maryland Conncoticut Rhode [sland New Hampshire Vermont 501,000 0,053,000 1,380,000 1,075,000 50,214,000 9,015,000 II. South Cnrolin'^ exported nearly twice as much as Cr»ih necticut and Rhode Island ; ahove ten times as m'lch as Now H.»m;)shire; and aljove forty per cent, more than the lour mi nor eastern states. South Carolina 14,420,000 Connecticut ' 501,000 Rhode Island 6,953,000 7,454.000 New Hampshire l,3B0,nu3 Four minor eastern stales, No. 1. D,9U),000 III. Maryland an I '^outh Carolina exported nearly eighty per cent, of the amount exported by Massachusetts. Maryland 50,214,000 South Carolina 1 •, 420,000 64.034,000 Massachusett« , 8l,314,00« THE OLIVE BRANCH. ^81 IV. Virginia exported above Iwenty per cent, more than Connecticut and New Hampshire. • Virginia ^ Connecticut New Hampshire 501,000 1,386,000 2,355,000 1,887,000 TABLE C. DOMESTIC PRODUCTIONS and MANUFACTURES exported from Iht United States from 1U03 to 1813, carefully extracted from the Ireasury returm. Massachvsetln. New-York. Penntylvania. S. Carolina. Maryland. 1803 1804 1805 1800 J 807 1G08 1809 1810 1811 1812 1813 $ 5,309,000 6,303,000 5,697,000 6,621,000 6,185,000 1 ,508,000 6,022,000 5,761,000 6,042,000 3,935,000 1,514,000 7,626,000 7,501,000 8,098,000 9.053,000 9,957,000 2,362,000 8,348,000 10,928,000 8,747,000 6,603,000 1,060,000 4,021,000 4,178.000 4,365,000 3,765,000 4,809,000 1,066,000 4,238,000 4,751,000 5,694,000 4,660,000 3,249,000 6,863,000 5,142,000 5,957,000 6,797,000 7,129,000 1,401,000 2,801,000 4,881,000 4,650,000 2,024,000 2,815,000 3,707,000 3,938,000 3,408,C0O 3,661,000 4,016,000 764,000 2,570,000 3,275,000 4,553,000 3,956,000 2,782,000 4,986,000 85,283,060 44,796,000 50,523,000 36,630,000 Connecticut. R. Island. Virginia. Georgia. N. Hampshire. 1803 $1,238,000 1804 1,486,000 1805 1,353,000 1806 1,522,000 1807 J, 51 9,000 1808 597,000 1809 655,000 1810 762,000 1811 994,000 1812 720,000 1313 968,000 664,000 917,000 1,065,000 949,000 741,000 139,000 658,000 874,000 944,000 604,000 234,000 5,949,000 5,394,000 4,945,000 4,626,000 4,393,000 508,000 2,786,000 4,632,000 4,798,000 2,983,000 1,819,000 2,345,000 2,003,000 2,351,000 82,000 3,710,000 24,000 1,082,000 2,234,000 2,557,000 1,066,000 1 ,094,000 443,000 453,000 389,000 411,000 365,000 12 2,000 201,000 225,000 315,000 194,000 29,000 11,614,000 7,789,0U0 42,833,000 18,548,000 .3,147,000 Aa 2C2 THE OLIVE BRANCH. Vermont. N. Carolina. iV. Jersey 1S03 $80,000 020,000 21,0t0 1804 135,000 919,000 24,000 1803 101,000 767,000 20,000 1806 91, -000 7B6,000 26,000 1807 148,000 740,000 36,300 1808 83,000 117,000 12,000 1809 125,000 322,000 260,000 1810 406,000 401,000 3V<2,<100 1811 32,000 793,000 1,000 J 81 2 7,000 489,000 4,000 1813 795,000 10,000 . Delaware. Orleani, 187,000 180,000 1,392,000 77,000 2,338,000 123,000 2,357,0?)0 77,000 3,1 ^ M. %^ /- i/. ^ I/. 1.0 I.I 1.25 t 1^ 12.0 2.2 1.4 1.6 Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 872-4503 % /g. 284 THE OLIVE BRANCH. Virginia South Carolina Pennsylvaoia 42,833,000 , 50,523,000 44,796,000 - XI. Virginia exported five hundred and fifty per cent, moi'e than Rhode Island ; three hundred and fifty per cent, more than Connecticut; and almost a thousand percent, more than New- Hampshire and Vermont. , ' • Virginia 42,833,000 ' Rhode Island ' • '• • ■" 7,789,000 Connecticut 11,614,000 Wev.hampshire .3,147,000 Vermont ? 1,217,000 .>...:,. ' 4,304,00 XII. \XT The dkirid of Colmnlia and Virginia exported inore than Massachtsetts ! Columljia . '• ^ . ^ . 13,144,000 v Virginia ■-,. •.. <■■ v^ 42,033,000 '.. /; • 55,977,000 Massachusetts , . .. 54,980,000 XIII. n:^ TJie dlaUi^ of Cvhimlia exported more than Cow r::ikiit and Fcrmont. x_ ' Columbia --.--'<.,",-/''.■■,;?' ir^,144;OO0 Connecticut 11,014,00^ • Vermont 1,271,000 12,831,000 XIV. [IT' South Carolina and Georgia exported more than Mas- sachusettSj Rhode Island, Ncmhajnpshire and VenrxiVt, ^ South Carolina Georgia Massachusetts Rhode Island Newhampshire Vermont 50,523,000 28,548,000 54,986,000 7,789,000 3,147,000 1,217,000 60,071,000 .^•* ,<.-'i'*^V.r-5i. -*• 67,139,000 XV. South Carolina exported abo^e 450 per cent, more than Connecticut; above six hundred per cant, more than Rliock Island; and above one hundred and fifty per cent, more than these two states. THE OLIVE BRANCH. 2d!i South Carolina C'»nntcticut Rhode Ishind 50,523,000 11,614,000 7,789,000 XVI. Maryland exported above fifty per cent, more than the four minor eastern Btntes. Maryland ' 36,630,000 Four minor eastern states (No. 1.) " 23,767,000 XVII. North Carolina and Georgia exported more than the fbur minor eastern states. North Carolina 7,055,000 - Georgia 18,584,000 25,693,006 Four minor eastern states (No. 1.) ' 23,767,000 XVIII. South Carolina, Columbia, and New-Orleans export- ed more thnn the five eastern states. South Carolina 50,523,000 ^ Columbia ^ » 13,144,000 New-Orleans ' 16,408,000 80,075,000 " Five eastern states (No. 2.) ' 78,752,000 XIX. The five southern states, the district of Columbia, and N^w Orleans, exported above two hundred and thirty percent, more than the five eastern states, and within ten per cent, as much as the middle and eastern states. Virginia, Maryland, and South Caro^ Una (No. 7.) North Carolina Georgia Columbia N«w Orleans Five eastern states (No. 2.}, New- York Pennsylvania 129,086,000 7,055,000 18,548,000 13,144,000 16,408,000 78,752,000 86,283,000 44,795,000 ■185,141,000 ■208,831,000 r am tired of this investigaton. I sicken for the honored the human species. What idea must the world form of the ar- ro!;ance of the jiret^nsions on the one side — and. on the other, of the folly and weakness of the rest of the union, to have isO' long suffered themi to pass without exposure and detection I - Aa 2 'f^^i m: 286 THE OLIVE BRANCH. The naked fact is, thnt the demagogues in the eastern states, not datislied with deriving all the beneQts frotn the southern section of the union, that they would from so many wealthy colonies — with making princely fortunes liy the carriage and exportation of its bulky and valuable proiluctions — and supply- ing it with their own manufactures, and the manufactures and productions of Europe and the East and West Indiei, to an enormous amount, and at an immense profit — have uniformly treated it with outrage, insult, and injury. And, regardless of their vital interests, the eastern states were lately courting their own destruction, by allowing a few restless, turbulent men to lead them blindfolded to a separation, which wais pregnant with their certain rtiin. Whenever that event takes place^ they sink to their native insignificance. If a separation were desirable to any part of the union, it would be to the middle and southern states, particularly the lat- ter, Tvho have been so long harassed with the complaints, the restlessness, the turbulence, and the ingratitude of the eastern states, that their patience has been taxed almost beyond en- durance. ^^Jeshurun waxed fat and kicked,''^ And he will be severely punished for bis kicking, in the event of a dissol^utioD of the union. It ought to be observed, that a very large portion of the ex- ports from the eastern states, consists in the productions of the southern states, first transported to Boston and other ports, coastwise. So that even the comparisons 1 have made, which are so mortal to the pretensions of the eastern states, place them on far better ground than they really deserve. For ex- ample — suppose among the exports of these states, two millions of dollars' worth of cotton, one million of dollars' worth of flour, one million of dollars' worth of naval stores, all drawn from the southern or middle states — they appear four millions of dollars slronoer oiT the face of the argument, than they are in fact and in truth. And there is no doubt that this ie the •^se to a vast extent* CHAPTER XLIX. Comparison of the exports^ foreign and domestic, of the diffcrfnl states^ from 1 791 to 1 813. Glance at tonnage. - *• To enable the rea'y- and io an rmly S9 of rrling t men ( with ink ii> ion, it tie lat- t«, the "astern od en- will be olution the CT- ! of the : ports, , which s, place For ex- millions orth of dmwD millions hey are 8 16 th€ (ho whole of our exports from the organization of the federal gDvernmcnt till the close of 1813. He will see, at a sinii;le glance, how very erroneous are the opinions that have hitherto prevailed on this suhject; and how high eren the forei2;n com- merce of the southern states soars over that of the boasted ^'comtncrcial states. ^^ General total of txports of foreign and domestic productions from the year 1791 till i)*iiUnctusirc. Mn$sachusefts. Netv-York. Pe>iint!>l>a'\ia. S. Crrolina. Maryland. A 98,770,000 129,941,000 124,744,000 83,631,000 10l,02G,000 78,052,000 65,118,000 14,41*0,000 50,2>4,000 8i,28S,000 44,796,000 50,5-^3,000 36,630,000 B 81,324,000 C 54,985,000 $235,079,000 Connecticut. A 12,328,000 B C 501,000 11,614,000 293,276,000 234,658,000 148,574,000 187,870,000 Rhode Island. Virginia. Georgia. N. Hampshire 14,113,000 53,125,000 12,162,000 3,829,000 6,953.000 2,355,000 190,000 1,386,000 7,789,000 42,833,000 18,548,000 3,147,000 24,443,000 28,855,000 98,313,000 30,900,000 8,962,000 Columbia, Vermont, N. Carolina, N, Jersey. Delanare. Orltans. A 165,000 6,764,000 491,000 3,009,000 ^ ^ B 1,075,000 61,000 187,000 1,713,000 C 4,217,000 7,055,000 815,000 1,097,000 16,408,000 13,144,000 2,457,000 13,880,000 1,313,000 5,819,000 16,408,000 13,144,000 EXPLANATION. The first line. A, is taken from the table A, page 276. It contain^ tht Krhole amoOnt of the exports of foreign and domestic articles, from 179(1 to 1802. The second line, B, is taken from the table B, page 279. It contains the whole of the foreign articles exported from 1802 to 1813. The third line, C, is taken from the table C, page 281. It contains all the domestic articles exported from 180t to 1813. i m^-:^. ? ^Je«nt ;een the I viewot Eastern Section. Mass. 235,075,000 N. Ham. 8,362,000 Vermont 2,457,000 II. Island 28,855,000 Con. 24,443,000 299,192,000 Middle Section. N.Jersey 1,313,000 Delaware 5,5' t» ,000 N. York 293,276,000 Penn. 234,65«,000 vrfK- 534,766,000 Souther Maryland Virginia N. Carolina S. Carolina Georgia Orleans Columbia ■■■■>■ n Section 187,870 000 98,313,000 1.3,880,000 148,574,000 30,000,000 16,408,000 13,144,000 509,089,000 238 Ml THE OLIVE BRANCH. I cannot allow these tables to pass Mrithout requestinf^ attpn^ tion Ut iliem in the most particular manner. As they ihrow an immense flood of light ou a subject most egregiously misiimtpr- stood, and on which the most ruinous errors have prevaiicd, it behoves the reader to test his opinions by them, and lay aside the prejudices and misconceptions, if any, which he may have formed on these topics. All the late confusion, the tendency to disorganise the cuuo^ try, to overturn the government, and to introduce civil \Nar, arose from the errors prevailing on the subject of- commerce, of which the eastern slates pretended to be, and were absurdly and riiliculously believed, the exclusive guardians and prouc- tors. It is now clearly and indisputably established, thi.t the commerce uf th« eastern is very far indeed inferior to that uf the southern states. It appears, beyond the possibility of doubt or denial, that the five eastern states, since the formation of the government, have exported of foreign and domestic articles, (tj* including an immense amount of southern productions^ only about 1 2li9,000,000 of which a vast proportion was of foreign productions. £ut that the southern stales have in the same period exported to fo- reign countries no less a sum than $609,000,000 ^ UJ^ principally/ of their own productions or manufactures^ excli^ sive of the prodigious amount of their cotton, tobacco, rice, na- val stores„&c. exported by the eastern states. The southern section of the union, which has been «o cru«lly, so wickedly, so unjustly vilified and calumniated for its hostility to com- merce, is therefore actually more interested in its preservation tlian the eastern states, in the proportion of five to three.-— There is no instance to be found, of so palpable, so gross, so unfound^re than three times as much ais Ehude Island) twelve times as mucji as l^ew THE OLIVE BRANCH. 261 i an (ler- il, it ksUle have JOUI> war, L-e, of uriUy roKC- t the hat of doubt ol the ticies, f, only . But I to fo- exclt> ice, na' uthern kedly, com- rvatioD ree. — rosB, so tion, 8« conse*^ llTat tlie Igree in- ^* will as lent, bas tin thr«6 aaNew 08,213,000 Hampshire; forty times as much as Vermont; and above fifty per cent, more than those four states. . /< . Virginia ' Connecticut Rhode Island Newhampshire Vermont 24,443,000 28,835,000 8,362,000 2,457,000 64,117,000 II. Maryland has exported nearly eight times as much as Connecticut; above six times as much as Rhode Island ; twen- ty-three times as much as Newhampshire ; and almost three times as much as the four minor eastern states. Maryland ' 137,870,000 Connecticut ' 24,443,000 Khode Island 28,855,000 '• Newhampshire 8,362,000 . ^ Vermont * • 2,457,000 64,117,000 III. North Carolina has exported almost thirty per cent, more than Newhampshire and Vermont. North CnrolTna ^ .^^ 13,880,000 Kewhamiiohii'o - - -^^ 8,302,000 Vermont "' ' ^"^ *'' "^ 2,457,000 / io,ei9,ddo i V. Georgia lias exported more than Connecticut or Rhode Island; and almost three times as much as Newhampshire and Vermont. * Georgia 30,400,000 Connecticut 24,443,t)00 Rhode Island '' 28,855,0t)0 NeWliampshifC 8,362,000 Vermont ^ 2,457,000 '■^<^- . — 10,891,000 V. South Carolina has exported above five times ?is much as Rhode Island; above six times as much as Connecticut; and one hundred and fifty per cent, more than the four minor eastern states. South Carolina • 148,574,000 Rhode Island ^. - . 24,855,000 Connecticut - 24,443,000 Four minor eastern states (See No. 1.) * 64,1 1 7,000 2P- THE OLIVE BRANCH. VI. New Orleans and the district of Columbia have exporf- ed more of domestic productions in eleven years, than either Connecticut or Rhode Island in twenty-three, of foreign and domestic. New Orl^iins Columbia Connecticut Rhode Island 16,408,000 18,144,000 29,552,000 24,443,000 28,855,000 VII. New Orleans has exported nearly twice as much in eleven years as Newbampshire in twenty-three. New Orleans , 16,403,000 Newbampshire 8,362,000 VIII. niT* Virginia, Maryland^ and Columbia, have exported tnore than the nhole five eastern states ! !!!!!!! Maryland 187,870,000 Virginia . _ 98,313,000 Columbia 13,144,000 ■ » 299,327,000 ! 1 1 Five eastern states ' j 299,192,000!!! IX. [HiP The southern sUHea hoot exported 75 per cent, more ffian the five eastern !! i Southern > 500,089,000!!! * Eastern - v .? ; ^ -^ ' fi99, 1 92,000! !? Since the preceding pages were written, I have examined an interesting work, entitled, ** A geographical and statistical view of Massachusetts proper, by Rodolphus Dickinson," published anno 1813. It greatly elucidates the subject I have been dis- cussing ; and places the unsoundne*s of the high commercial claims of Massachusetts in nearly as strong a point of light as any of the documents I have given. "The exports in 1809 from Boston and Char lestoD, of American product tions and mnnufactures, were 4,009,029 dollars, of which the value of rice, cot- ton, flour, tobacco, staves, and naval stores, TtJr bemg principally the product oj ike sovJhern states, nas 2,294,109 dollars. »♦ The writer adds, ^ >. t " This it is presumed, bears a rehtire prpportion in amouQt, to the ej^erts *f other yeajs," Page 78.. THE OLIVE BRANCH. 291 It thus appears, that although Boston has disturbed the tran- qiiiility of the United Strites by her imp tssioned complaints on the subject of commerce, and the injury it has sustained by the hostility of the southern states, she is indebted tu those states for rOiisiderably more than half of the American articles she ex|>oris. She moreover tinds an invaUiabie m trkei with them for the chief part of her immense foreign importations, and for her valuable mannfacturcfs. It really makes my heart ache with vex tion, to find that such mighty, such ruinous errors prevailed on those important topics — errors that generated the most bab ful pasisions, which were hourly increased by artificial excittmcnts, and threatened ns Mith the most awful consequences. The reader must not he 8urj)ri8ed if I often rcpe;»t this senti- ment. For " out of the abundance of the heart the mouth apeaketh ;" — and being convinced this was beyond all compar* ison the most awful danger that threatened us, it was not to be wondered at, that it engrossed so large a portion of my atten- tion. I shall conclude this topic with one observation, that as far as my knowledged extends, or as far as I am capable of judging, there has rarely occurred an instance of une nation so very highly indebted to another as the eastern states are to the south- ern, and yet making such a very miserable and ungrateful re- turn. 1 imagined that in the preceding chapters I had fully ex- hausted the comparison of the commercial importance of the several sections of the United States. I had at all events con- -vinced every man whose mind was open to conviction, that the arrogant claims on this subject, of the eastern states, were utterly unfounded, and that the ixtiddle and southern sections had as much more interest in the ,r lection of commerce than their eastern brethren, as the mercviant who loads a waggon with lO^GOO dollars worth of goods, has more interest in the intercourse between the seller and the consumer, than the owa- %T of the waggon. But I find i did not do full justice to the subject A new view of it has been presented to the public by the indefatiga- ble editor of the Weekly Register, which far transcends the views I took. But even Mr. Niles has not pursued the argu- ment to the full extent of M'hich it is susceptible. The ex'iorts of cotton from the port of Savannah alone, from the 20th of March till the 30th of June, 1815, a period of three months and tea days, were mm] *./5.v Ii02 THE OLIVE BRANCH. Sea Island, 21,000 bales, each 300 lbs. at 13:J centg, 2,100,000 U[)Iand, 35,582 bales, each 300 lbs. at twcntj^ cents, 3,331,000 5,434,000 Supposing all the other articles to amount to 1,006,000 6,500,000 ami also supposing the exports of the remaining eight months and tvte ity days to amount to half that sura, it is at the rate of nearly 10,000,000 dollars for the year. A review of the tahlcs in page 287, will show that the whole of the exports, of every kind, foreign and domestic, from the state of Massachusetts, for twenty three years, were only 235,- 000,000 dollars, which is an average of about 10,000,000 per annum, whereof considerably more than half was foreign. It therefore follows that the domestic exports of the single port of Savannah this year will etjual the average of the exports of every kind from the mighty, the powerful, the commercial state of Massachusetts, from the time of the organization of the gov- ernment till the close of the year 1813 !! ! Tonnage, The eastern states, which maintained such arrogant commer- cial claims, on the ground of their exports and imports, like- wise preferred high pretensions on their transcendant superior- ity of shipping. These towering claims are unfounded, al- though not in the same degree with the others. Let the reader decide. \ have before me, a statement of the tonnage of the United States for two years, from which I make a few extracts, in order to inter these pretensions in the same grave with the rest. '■« ^ Tonnage of 1809 1810 Boston, 133,257 149,121 New York, 243,5J3 268,548 Philadelphia, 121,443 125,258 Baltimore, 102,434 103,444 Portland, 33,007 32,599 Portsmouth, 27,719 28,820 Bath, 23,033 20,344 New bury port, 36,574 39,100 Salem, 43,537 .. 41,4C2 - Norfolk, 40,940 47,643 Charleston, 40^819 52,888 THE OLIVE imANCU. 2fW OOO 000 From llio uhove statement it appouid that in the yeir 1«10, the tonn 5c of Norfolk as well ub Charleston was considcrjibly superior to that of any port in the eastern or middle states, ex- cept Boston, Now York, and Philadelphia ; and that tlie Ion ivi'j^c of Baltimore was more than double that of any port in tlu' eastern st/itc, except Boston. The aiigregMie tonn »ge of Vermont, New- ^v Hampshire, Rhode Island, and Con- necticut, in 1811, was (tons) lor.,000 The city of Baltimore in the lame year 103,000 that is, within 5000 ton.^ of the whole amount of the tonnage of these four states, which have made snch a clamour on tl>e sub- ject of commerce. The tonnage of lh, were 101, and the en- tries, also [t^T" exclusive of coasters, were 203. Whereas the foreign entries into the port of Boston for five months, March, April, May, June, and July, 1815, were only 212 — and the for- ei.i;n clearances only 270. That i^, the foreia;n entries into Savannah, m three monthSy were 203, ami into Boston in five months, only 212 ! What a dev elopement of the relative com- merce of both ports ! how utterly beyond all expectation o^ .calculatioQ ! m CHAPTER L. Another source vf excitement among the citi!:ms of the eastern states. Duties on imports. Statistics. Southern states pay very near as much as the eastern. Wonderful delusion. Those men whose unceasing efforts were employed to ex- cite the passions of the yeomanry of the eastern states, and prepare them for insurrection and a dissolution of the union, raised a great clamour on the subject of the enormous amount of duties paid by those states, and the insignificance of th^ sums paid by the southern section of the nation. They thence inferred the injustice and the inequality d the union, and its oppressive operation upon the former section. ' f * See Weekly Regi;;ter,'vol. VIII page 370, from wluch I have extracted .thcgS facts, Bb ij-a»4^ 201 tv THE OLIVE DUANCn. Tl»ifc item of complanit is, if popsihie, more fdliacJous llinn file out; (liBciigsed in tliu preredina: clin|iltr8, The diflaUvau- 1 ige 13 tdi on the olhfr side of llie (|ue8tioii. Thr t'Hs;*;in atales import Uirt^tly tVom Kuropr, and from the l>st and Wts« Intlics, for tlio 8ii|»j»ly of tlif southern atatos. 'Die fornifr, ii is true, have to Itond or \)ny \\w duties in the first instance. — This appears wonderfully to their advantajre in tiie labh 8 of iiuties. Jiut it can hardly he nccetpary to inform the reraler, that the merchant wlio bonds the duties, U not tlie acturd \)uy- cr of them. Mr. Edward 'J'honison, (»f this city, lias import- ed, during this year, and of course will pay duties on, probuhlj' above 2,000,000 of dollars. 1 think it likely that his consump- tion is hardly 2,000. Who can be so ijjuorant as to pretend, that the |;overiinitnt is beholden to him for the amount of the duties ! 'J'hey arc (.aid by the farmers in Chester, and Unci;-, :in4l Lnncastt r, and Delaware, and Berks counties, d:c. &:e, — Tiic duties arc added by the merchant to the first cost, with a prolil on both — and the ultimate consumer is the real payer. The eastern sl;des thus levy taxes not merely on Marylauil, Vir;;inia, North and ^'outb Carolina, and Georgia, but even on Pennsylvania; for stranj^e as it may soem, it is nevertheless true, that notvvitiistanding the Immense wealth, the ardent e n- terprize, and the s::< it commercial advant;i2;e8of Phila(lelplii;% immoderate qnanlilies of East India and Chinese pjoods arc sent for sale here, from I'oston, Salem, and other f'asiern perl?. But even, imiependent of tlie importation of the eastern for tlie southern stales, the ar2;ument is nnf;iirly staled. If the fir- mor actually consumed all the Ibreiirn articles they import, tl.c duties they pay, comj)ared with those paid by the souti'.dr, states, will not warrant Ihcir hohlinj^ the hiji;h and arrogant, antl insulting tone they have always assumed. To enable the reader to form a correct opinion on the sr.b ject, I annex a set of tables of the Nd amount of the dulics paid hythe Afferent States from thcijm 1791 to 1812 inclusive, taken from the records of the trcasvr\j department^ and submitted to congress by Joseph Nourse, Esq. register of the treasure/, Vermont. N. Hampshire 1791 $53,000 1792 41,000 1793 44,000 1794 38,000 1795 44,000 1.000 Connecticut. i?. Jskwl 206,000 146,000 142,000 4(J,noo 154,000 .13n,i)wa 171.000 * SO.ttOO 1^5,000 2-14 00^ THE OLIVi: liUANClI. 206 1706 1707 1700 170') 1 ")no I sol 1802 I ro.J ISO-l 1 r,o.) liU)!) ISO 7 ir.oH 1»0() IfllO Mil lii]2 r>n,ooo 'J 7,000 7'J;00'.) on,ov)0 1 1 2,000 i;?n,oo) 110.000 122,000 lo;i,ooo 100,000 117,000 00,000 1(MH)0 30,000 Z)3,000 02,000 122,000 « 1,715,000 Massacfiuiftls. KOI $977,000 1792 678,000 I79:i im 003 \V.)t J, 004, 000 i:v> IJU.OUO ITfHJ 1,:H3 1,000 i;i!7 I,:<72 000 1T"3 1,108,000 1?:)!) i,t!o;,ooo 1800 i,;t7«.ooe I'iOl 'j,929jmi lilUJ i,i2:»,ooo vm 2,490,000 I80( 4,«^:{0,ooo moi »,;!0},ooo li'.Oti 3,5 J J 000 Ili07 3,176,000 I30{ 1,18 (,000 UWO i,;rn,ooo IIMO 2,77i,000 IHtl i,ait),ooo 1^02 2,719,000 1,000 1,000 2.(V)') 2,000 1,000 0,000 0.000 r»,ooo 110,000 Ml, 000 1 l.'»,0()0 127,000 £«0,000 100,000 32H,000 202,000 301,000 3 IH,000 3.") 1,000 325,000 3 1. 1,000 107,000 V20,000 157,000 210,000 829,000 117,000 5,153,000 137,000 271','-)00 10 1,000 200,000 303,000 2^.1,000 1 73,000 2C (5,000 421,000 310,000 301,000 123,000 270,000 35,000 .135,000 3115,000 452,000 5,120,000 N. York. 1,581,000 1,160 000 i,IOj,0UO l,8tiO,000 2,000,000 U.LW.OOO li.Oil*,000 1,74:1000 2,373.000 2,711,000 :<,8io,ooj 2,-190,000 3,^24,000 3,«72,000 4,83>,()00 4,87.'>,000 4,926,000 2,761,000 2,981,000 4,119,000 1,971*000 2,890,000 Pennsylvania. 1,491,000 1 0116,000 1,^0-1,000 l,47.<,000 2, '^7 1.000 2.012,000 1,7 13,000 l,0'i!9,000 I,2:>0,000 1,53,0000 2,123,000 1,410,000 1,655.0(0 2,()0!<,000 2,300,000 3,017,000 3,162,000 1,647,000 1,105.000 2,f)3i*,0"0 l,8-;0.00iJ 2,O5'O,O0O MaryUinil. Fir,:;lnia. 611,000 419 000 810,000 7!>5,000 523.000 7ti 1.000 J,M5,000 8UJ.000 J,ltil,000 623,000 1,001,000 634,000 936,000 1,538.000 1,130.000 1,N6,000 1,033,000 588,000 155.000 928.000 722,000 1,78'.'.,000 80,000 4 71,000 3li8.00O 389,00i) 39R.O0(» 508,000 (;0i5,000 629,000 896.000 611,000 716,000 689,000 71.1,000 002,000 805,000 (120.000 506,000 110,000 257,000 461,000 195,000 610,000 44,333,000 62,274,000 -11,32^,000 i;0,.31'>,00a 12,565,000 N. Carolina. 1701 $ 115,000 1702 76,000 S.Carolina. Georgia. 533,000 01,000 300,000 53,000 Columbia. Orleans l;r)6 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 1703 63,000 350,000 , 35,000 • ■ ; • 1 K04 78,000 051,000 87,000 <.a " 1 1 705 90,000 710,000 54,000 1700 r>8,000 50,000 31,000 1707 105,000 700,000 02,000 .1 708 1 20,000 230,000 :»t 1709 154,000 858,000 - (800 r?6,ooo 1,150,000 liJOl 1?5,000 1,002,000 f)f)3,000 04,000 1802 252,000 280,000 211,000 133.000 f j 1 803 150,000 040,000 1 82,000 143 000 1 1 804 186,000 718,000 180.000 128,000 270,000 1 1 805 1 05,000 8 ^3,000 05,000 110,000 342,000 i .! 806 202,000 871,000 1 83,000 137.000 301,000 1 iSO? KM;, 000 735 000 480,000 123,000 4c0,0C0 U 1 O/AO ■ 1 l>UO If) 000 225,000 35,000 20,000 7 7,oro 1 'COQ 05,000 377,000 0,000 00,000 134,o;o 1 1810 58,000 ' 507,000 13 4,000 50,000 244,OC0 1 ]nn 44,000 338,000 50,000 45,000 148,0CU 1 "'^ 47,000 433,000 200,000 80,000 137,000 1 i ',G:>',()00 12,005,000 2 ,007,000 1,132,000 2,202,000 XT' T" llifise lables, as in those of exports, there is no account takeo oi' any s^ums below 1000 dollaicp. This operating eiiually on both giiles, oa.'inot hllect tlie comparison, which h the object in view. From the fore. Columbia . 1,132,000 Orleans - 2,202,000 54,437.000 Mnssachusetts 44,338,000 New Hampshire ;, 1,715,000 Vermont ..,..'.,. 147,000 Connec'icut 5,453,000 Rhode Island 5,420.000 12,735.000 57,083,009 TlIK OLIV E imANCft. 297 If. Tile sinj;lc state of South Carolina paid very nearly as much duties as the four nanor eastern states. • Smith Carolina 12,675,000 Four minor eastern states, (see No. l.j 12,763,000 III. New-Orleans paid twenty per cent, more in nine years, than New Hampshire and Vermont in Iwenly-lwo. Orleans 2,202,000 New Hampshire ' 1,715,000 Vermont . 147,000 ^ *: >r^ 1,862,000 IV. Virginia paid nearly as mucli as the four minor eastern 'States. . ' ' Virginia ' , 12,665.000 Four minor eastern states (sec No. 1.) 12,735,000 V. New York and Pennsylvania paid nearly ninety per cent*, more than the five eastern slates. New York ^ Vennsylvania *** Five eastern states (see No. 1.) 62,274,000 41,325,000 -l 03,599,000 57,83,000 VI. South Carolina paid more than twice the amount of du- ties paid by either Connecticut or Rhode Island ; seven limes as much as Newhampshire; and ninety times as much as Vermont. South Carolina ^ 12,665,000' Connecticut , 5,463,000 Rhode Island ■ > ; ^ 5,420,000 Newhampshire \ 1,716,000 Veuiout ^ ^ 147,00fr Spiopsis of duties paid from 1791 fo 1812. Eastern Section. Middle Section. Southern Section: Mass. N. Hamp* Vermont Connect. R. Island 44838,000 1,715,000 147,000 5,463,000 5,4^0,000 57,083,060 N. Jersey 259,000 Delaware 1,223,000 New York 62,274,000 Penn. 41,325,000 Maryland 20,345,000 Virginia 12,565,000 N. Carolina 2,621,000 S.Carolina 12,665,000 Georgia 2,907,000 Columbia 1,132,000 Orleans 2,202,000 105,081,000 54,4d7«000 Bb2 298 THE OLIVE BRANCH. Those who consider the very expensive habils of tlie plan- ters of Virginia anil South Carolina, and the immense amount of foreign gomis received in those states from the eastern ones, as well as from New York, Pennsylvania, and Maryland, and how very large a proportion of the foreign merchandise import- ed by Massachusetts, is exported to the other states, will pro- bably be led to believe, that Virginia and South Carolina actu- ally consume each as much of dutiable articles, and of course in fact really pay as much duties as Massachusetts. I acknow- ledge this is but a rough calculation. But a dtie consideration of the great number of coasters, which in time of peace, are plying from the ports of the eastern and. middle to those of tho southern states, wdll afford a strong support to this opinion. A very large [)roportion of the cargoes of the coasters bound to the southern ports consists of imported goods; and the residue generally of articles of domestic manufacture. The return cargoes are all of raw materials for these manufactures, or arti- cles of the highest value for exportation to Euro(ie and else- where. It is not easy to conceive of a mor« advantageous commerce for the mother countries, as, in this case, the middle and eastern states may be justly styled. I repeat it, and hojje the solemn truth will be borne in constant remembrance, that the southern states are virtually colonies to those states whose demagogues have never ceased slandering and persecuting Ihem. I dismiss this part of my subject, I hope for ever. I trust that the most incorrigible effrontery will never dare again to haz- ard an assertion of the commercial superiority of the eastern states. '. "t \ r. CHAPTER LI. -. • ^kv:-f TaUacy of the opinion of any hostility in the southern against Ike eastern states. Commercial and agricultural states mutually dependent on, and beneficial to each other. Having completely settled the question on the subject of Ihe comparative pretensions of the different sections of (he Union to commercial pre-eminence, I proceed to consider the positions, which assert the necessary hostility of an agricultuF- al sectioQ of a country to a coaamercial one — the actual exi# TtiE OLIVE r.UANCir. 2GJ) ist that haz- astcrn Lject of of Ihe ler the IcultiiV' t»nce of that lioslilily in (he southern states — and i(3 bancfiil hi' lluence on the measurts of congress. Oil tliese fallacious positions liie changf 3 have Y.cv.n nmiX iti endless succession, not merely I'y a crowd tf an^>njnicus v ri- te rs, but even jjublic i.odies, whose stations entitle Ihoni to re- spect, have di9i)ic, I annex a few extracts. •' 77i."y have sern at fir it an ill concealed, but nl h'^i ^J' 'in open rind nnd'n s;uiscd jeidiwyof the ivcriUh arid pojier of the commerdiK I'lics, rptrrdins: in cun- iiniirl rjfjrts to efnbarrass and dcsiiuy Uiat Vjuimcrc:^ uMch is their life and svp- prrt.'^ This is the language of a report (o tho legi«ltiture of Mr.ssn- chusetts, made by a joint committee of both houses, Fel). 18, 1814, on which was grounded the most infitrnmatory appeals to the citizens of the United States. This report asserted the propriety and justice and necessity of forcible leslsidnce to tiio measures of the general government, adding, *' The question is not a question oi jwiccr or righi ;viih this kgi':'r.tur£i, mi oi lime or cxiKditncyP ., . • ,: ;» The committee proceed — " There exists in all parts of this cominonvvealth a fear, anJ in many a settled belief, that the course offoreig7i end domestic police; pnrswd by the government of the United tftates for several years past, has iis foun-' dation in a deliberate intention to impair^ if not to destroy, that free spirit and exercise of commerce^ which, aided by the habits, manners, andinstl- tntious of our ancestors, and the blessings of divine providence, have been the principal source of the freedom, wealth, and general prosperity of this recently happy and flourishing peojile. " These opinions are not confined to the maritime borders of ;he state, \vhose interests are more immediately atfected, and whose irihaliitant* have daily before their eyes perishing ships, deserted warehouses, and starving mechanics and laborers ; but are loudly responded frcru the in- terior, where the people generally sympathise ia the present distress of their brethren on the sea-coast, and v, iseiy foresee in their ruin, their oAvn approaching wretchedness." The committee continue^— '•The memorial ists see, in this deplorable descent from national great- ness, [tT^ a determination to Harass and annihilate that spirit of commerve vihich has ever been the handmaid of civil and reH5iou& liberty ; and to rV'* \ m ^k,'^ 300 THE OLIVE BRANCH. [jy bricik Ihc free spirit of this people by depriving them >f their civil tifi- ployments, and thus forcing the sons of commerce to populate anil «.'ik rich tlie wilderness, for the benefit of those whose avaiice has contribu- ted largely to the war now desolating the country." This is (he strain and style in which this miserable, this hacknied, this destructive prejudice has been a hundred thou- sand times reiieated, without even the shadow of foundation.— Although these extracts are abundantly suflieient for my pur- pose, yet I judge it not improper to make a short addition from the address of the Hartford convention. " Events may prove that the causes of our calamities are deep and permanent. They may be found to proceed, not merely from the lilintl- ne?s of prejudice, pride of opinion, violeucc of party spirit, or the con- fusion of the times ; but they may be traced to implacable combinations of individuals or states to monopolize power and office, AND TO TRAM- l»LE WITHOUT REMORSF TTPON THE RIGHTS AM) INTE^ RESTS OF THE COMMl^yRCI AL SECTION • OF THE UiNlON. " The administration, after a long perseverance in plans to baffle every effort of commercial enterprise^ had fatally succeeded in their attempts at at the epoch of the war." The convention enter into an enumeration of the cause? which have led to the public distress, and close the catalogue with " T-astly and principally, a visionary and superficial theory in regard to commerce, ITT^ ACCOMPAISlE3> BY A REAL HATRED, BUT A FEIGN KD REGARD TO ITS INTERESTS, and a ruinous perse- verance in efforts to render it an instrament of coercion and war." Never since faction first disturbed the peace of mankind, and made this earth a suitable abode for demons incarnate, did slie emi^loy a more hollow, fallacious, or unfounded pretext to justi- fy her lawless proceedino;8, than is here to be combatted. It is »ot mprely untrue. It is the reverse of truth, it has not even the shadow of |)lausibility. ' ' In all this wretched etfort to excite the hostility of fellow cit- izens against each other — to prepare the inhabitants of one sec- tion of the country to imbrue their hands in the blood of those of another — to renew in this holy, this blessed land, the horrors of thcFrench revolution — to enable American Marats,and Dantons, and Legendres, and Robespierres, to rule ua with a rod of iron — an all-important and overwhelming fact is kept wholly out of sight — a fact which destroys the whole of this miserable decla- mation as completely as ever the broad glare of the torch of truth dispelled the Cimoieriaa darkness of error ancl delusion' THE OLIVE BRANCH. jyoi lI en- Ir'i'ou- , tbis tliOU- ion. — eep and e blincl- the con- ations 0/ IBAM- I INTE- NION. iffU evtry tempts at This mighty fact escappd my alttntion in all (lie former edi- tions of this book. Jt is, that ali the measiiies which are as- «uuieil as full proof of hostility to comraerce, and charged to tlie de 'it of thfi southern states, have been supported by ihc pow- erful commercial states of Pennsylvania an\i!h very few and slight exceptions. And further, that a conside- r;ible part of thera have been supiioiled by lesiiectable porti ,ns of (he representatives in congre;:*, from Newliampsiiire, \ er- m »ni, Ilbode Island, and even Massa('husetl3 — for the tiuee fifet states were till lately ffeipiently re[)resenU«l abiiost \s holly iiV democrat?, who pretty generally advocited the measures lie! pin repioUated. And it is further to lie remarked, tliat tlie }:rr\'il ci tnmercial cities (»f ihe union b.ive bi(Mi verv genovallv represeuied by citi/,ens who have i;iveii ibeir full aid and sui)- p.m to tiie meiisiir« s in question. The mipaity for and against llifi adir.inistratioii, even in i^dassichusells, till lateiy rarely ex- C( c^ded J or l',Oi) ). The f;leetion I'uv f-;«jvtrMor in th.st state ia 1812, wr.s coat* iiUil with grerit ardor. The friends and the en- emies of the udjninistrcition m;ule the utmost exeriioiis to call forth their wh'ilu slreuiilh — and tlie volea were for Caleb Strong El bridge Gerry 52,690 51,326 and it is well known that IMr. Sullivan and Mr Gerry, the de- mocratic c?mdid tes, were elected four or five times within a Buace of ten years, which embraced neiriy the whole of \Uc rae.tsun s thus violently denounced. And I presumi' no rniu of eauilor vv.'ll i\i'\iy tiiat the struggle bet*v."en the different can- didates on these occasions was as fair and unerring a criterion of the voice of the state on the approval or reprobation of the measures «»f the gener:»l government, as if the votes had been tnkeu for president of the United States. Let us for a moment suppose, for the sake of argument, that the eastern states are, as they i»retend to he, exclusively comr merci il — and that the southern are exclusively agricultural. This is placing the case in the mostadvnnt igeous point of light its friends could desiiC. Could there be any stronger bond of affinity between two nations, or two sections of the same na- tion, than the mutual want which this supposed case impliee? The agricultural portion would have imi-erious necessity for the shi[is, the seamen, and the capital Of the commercial portion, for tlie purchase and lrans;)ort.dion of her superfluous produc- tions. And the navigation and capital of the commercial per- •m ^^ 302 THE OLIVE BRANCH. tion woulil fiiul all the {ulvantages they could require in tUt; transportation and sale of the productions of' the other. The agricultural portion, as 1 have already stnted, ^voul(^be merely }ji the situafion of colonies to the conunercial. AVhat has ul- ivjiys been the grand advantage of colonies to parent countries ? Mer«ly to increase their navigation — to aftbrd an asylum lor their superubunJant population — to furnisli raw materials for the employment of their artisans and manufacturers — and to purchase the productions of tiie labors of those artisans and manufacturers. " All these f;ivorable effects have been prodixed on the east- ei'n by their conncxioii and intercourse with the western and southern statps. It thertfore irresistibly follows, that the latter have literally been but colonies to the middle, and more particu- larly to the eastern states. The hardy and enterprising Yon- kees [kfuvido every bay, river, creek, and inlet of the southern 3'ate3 ; and fi»r their notions carry off the solid coin of the country to ret^lenish their cotfers. They every where under- sell and undermine the established southern storekeepers.— Morf over, the cotton, the rice, the flour, the tobacco, and the naval stores of liie southern states have enabled the shi[)-o\vn- era of the eastern slates to am^ss those overgrown nabob for- tunes, which render them too aspiring to submit to the equal form of government which we enjoy. They have literally lived upon the industry of the southern states. Without tlie latter, their section of the union would rank very low indeed in the scale of nations. This state of things, so eminently advantageous to the easN ern states, has never created faction, or complaint, or convul- sions, or threats of dissolving the union, in the southern.— They have cheerfully supported a government whose chief At- tent ion has been directed to the promotion of commerce — ami which nerer did and never would have experienced any vriy great dilficulty with foreign nations but from the cupidity ol the mercantile interest. It requires little eftbrt to prove, and little capacity to per- ceive, that there is a commercial rivalry between lioston iind Providence — between Philadelphia and New York — between Baltimore and Philadelphia. But that a serious, thinking peo- ple, like those of the eastern states, should have ever been duped to believe that there is any real cause of jealousy or hos- tlity between the commercial and agricultural sections of Ihe cojuitry, is a folly, of which it is hardly possible to tind a paral- lel in the history of the madness and ideocy of the hurjnn spe- ciea. mg qiiai rine, fraiis chan Por comi sble dejK Tl Tiir upon them a^rici there niPHs their iii rests ? ]{ is well known, that the representatives of the southern and western stales arc generally g:entlemen of the highest grad« of talents in congress. From causes which it is neither neces- sary nor pru|>er here to detail, the middle states luue rarely niide as respectable a fii;ure in that liody as could have been wialud. Tlie eastern have not been quite so unfortunate. It re((uires, ho\vev*r, but a moderate portion of candour to ac- knowledge, that although they are oc^asionally represented in cunoress by men of consideraljle talents, they are in the ag- gregate far beljw Virginia, South Carolina, and Kentucky. — And couhl this plain truth escape the Eiipescs, the Gileses, the Clays, and the Popes, that it wr.s impossible to injure commerce without intlicting an equal injury on agriculture ? The agricultural portion of this great nation could infinitely better disj)en3e with the commercial, than the latter with the former. Never, since commerce first began, did a nation, hav- ing bulky raw materials to sell, and having demands for large quantities of mercliandi?-e, find any difliculty in creating a ma- rine, or, iim'.dst naval competitors for her trade, in securing the transportation of her commodities, and the purchase of mer- chandize, on fair and advantageous t«rms. Hut the decay of Portugal, Venice, Genoa, the Hanse Towns, and other great commercial states, proves that a nation possessed of a consider- able marine, may, if it affront or offend the nations on which it depends, l.»e reduced to its native and intrinsic insignit^.cance. Theei'.slcrn states labor under ver}'^ great disadvantages. — The sterility of their soil will leave them eternally dependent upon tha southern states ; for their situation imperiously forces them to have recourse to manufactures and commerce. Their agriculture must always be comparatively insigni^cant. Thty therefore, I repeat, owe their greatness principally to the im- mensely valuable trade they carry on with those states, which their ungrateful writers and demagogues are constantly vilify- in?; ?nd abusing, ami which afford the principal pabulum for Uie ct .n»merce of the middle and eastern states. Those demaeogues are, as I have stated, unceasingly exciting animosities betwetn 301 THE OLIVE BRANCH. the two scctiona of the union, by pretending a rivalry of iui^ti>- esfs,\vhicli h wholly unfounded. There i8,let me repeat, real caijs^ of Jealouay between Rhode Island and Masi^actiusetts : but nonr between eiiberof them and Virgiuiii or ^outh Curoliuii. 'J'lic latter are, and will probably forever continue, great agricullural states. Their immense and growing productions will find the most valuable employment for the shipjUng and for the manu- i'acturcs of the eastern and middle states. Sbouid a separation lake place, which I hope and trust in the goodness of Heaven is far remote, the enstern states will rei)'. nt it first and last. They will have reason eternally to la- ment the unhallowed counsils of those restless demagoj^ues, who shall have jilmigcd them into the abyss of ruin. Thdr h:irdy sons, who now migrate to the south irard and west v\ aid by hundreds, will a'landon their native soil by thousands — and daily add streugth to the rival section of the nation, and equal- ly enfeeble the i)arent slates. The latter will dwindle into the insignificance from whicli tliry have been elevated by the trib- ute they have levied upon Virginia and her southern sisters. The horrors of an immediate CIVIL WAR, and of a con- stant BOIvDER WAR, svch as formerly existed between Ewif- land and Scotland, are the only considerations that render asip- aration from Massaclmsclls a measure to he at all deprecated.— Were we insured from these two evils, the separation would he an advantage to the rest of the nation; for she has harrassed (he national councils to a most intolerable and shameful de- gree. She has appeared determined, if she coidd not nde the counln} herself, to send it to destruction headlong. She has been for yeurs the source of most of the difficulties of the union. We should not have had war but for her.* And among the features of the present crisis, the most lamentable one is, that she cannot suf- fer the consequences of her folly, her arrogance, her restless ncss, her faction, her jacobinism, her anti-Washingtonism, willi- out inflicting an equal degree of misfortune on her innnccnl neighbours. Could siie sutfer alone, it were " a consummadcn most dcvoutlif to he rjishedy A strong navigation act, anddis- eriminatins duties, wo(dd soon bring her to her senses, and con- vince her of the immeasurable folly and madness she has been * This assertion has been cavilled at by a Boston writer but not refuted Ro: ton, by her jncobinical opposition to the peaceabie roeaiinrfs adopted tocb'aiii from England tint redress for wiilch slie herself had so loudly insisted on tlf in terfereuce of governiuent— and by her excitement of a similar opposition throiigli out the e.istf rn states gener.illy, dpfeatcd lho?e measures, and encouraged En»- ?and to proeecd in her wttrages — which finally led to war. THE OLIVE BRANCH. 305 i^uilty of. Tliey wouUl sink her to her proper level — llml lev- 4.1, which her migraterul soil — hti insigoit'icdnce in point of pop- ul.'Uion — and the narrow limits of her territory, prescribe — and which, 1 repeat, nothing but tiie advantages she has derived fr(>in her persecuted, insulted, outrage', and defamed sister statts, could have enabled her to pass. She would repent of her in- fatuation, and most anxiously seek to be resloretl to a conl< d- eracy, on the major part of which she had unceasinLlv levied heavy contrihutioiis, and to which she owed all (hat piosjterity, that wealth, and that alHuence, which had rendered her dizzy, inflated her w ith pride and arrogance, and brou^iit on her down ^all. CHAPTER LII. MuHCiij the sinavs of War. Associalicns to pracni the sticccas cf the Loans. Efforts to lanknfpt the CovcrnnLni, Money has long been f>roverMa!Iy styled the sinews of war. It is no misnomer. Soldiers cannot l>e raised — nor put in mo- tion — nor arrayed in the tield of l.attle, witliout money to clothe and to feed them. A government at war, and destitute of funds or credit, must succumb to its adversary — bend the neck tti the yoke— make humble submission — and receive the law from the ttmcpieror. To these truths history beare ample and uniform testimon3% Under this impression, shortly after the declaration of war, there was a combination formed to prevent the success of the Idans authorised by congress. I believe that nearly all those who-entered into this scheme resided in the eastern states, f>ar- tirularly 4n Boston, which was the grand focus of the conspi- racy. No measure, howevgr atrocious^ ever was destitute of a plau- sible plea to palliate or Justify its enormity. This high handed conspiracy to destroy the credit of the a;overnment of their country, which originated among the '* moral and religious peo- ple" of Boston, wa-s predicated upon two positions : First, that England was, and had always l:>€en, willinsr to make a treaty with us on fair and honourable terms ; and that, so great was her magnanimity, she would t-Aiv no »dvi«nt.'!j.M- of any em'jarrassmentsordillicuities that might arise from thetleS' truction of the public eredit. ,-.. - ... - Cc '- ' 300 THE OLIVE BUANCH. Brcondiy, that our administration ^vus so obstinately det^^r- inined to continue the >var, that it would make no ptuce wlai« it liad tlie means of carrying on hostilities. A corollary from these positions was, that if the txnsj ira- tors prevented the success of the loans, and deprived tl.< irov- ernment of the means of [»ro8tculing the war, vse sliouid ju consequence have peace. * These extravagant positions must excilc the amazemenuf any calm observer. " But as scon as he should U; acqu inted ">vith the nature and existence of prejudice, passion, ol stin;.- ^ry, vvilfulnesfl, \>ickednes3, and alove all, wilh the th.ir.jclf r "and influence of party sjiirif, the m^aUry would ^ uisi. at "once : for it would llien see that these, j«iu1 no( reason, de- " cide. Reason cusksfor fads and argumaits. Prrjudicc^ pas- " sion^andUic rcsl^ ad for iutthcs, sounds, jioise, and Jury. By " Ihose th(y arc impeUid — by these they decide.''' j; Our 8;overnment had given lour strong awd irr/f^islihle proofs of a disposition to conclude the war, which must carry convic- tion to every candid mind. First, ontlie 27th of June, 1812, it had ofTered the British government an armistice on the simj>le and reasonable condi- tions of suspending, during the negociation, the outrageous in- jury of impressment, and surrendering the American seamen previously impressed. QJ=' The suspension of impressment al that period could not have occasioned Great Britain any possible iUsadvoMa^e ; for, having nearly annihilated all the rival na- vies of Europe, her stock of sailors could not require to be re- punished t)y impressment from our vessels. And as she luiJ at tli times professed a willingness to surrender our seamen, there could have been no difficulty on the second point. She ought, therefore, to have met our amicable overtures with frank- ness. If she were fighting for her existence, as has been said a thousandtimes;lfit werejeopardized by our hostility; it was the quintessence of madness and folly, not to have withdm wn us from the nUmhe^^f her enemies when she could have effected that grand object on such easy terms, without impairing her credit or character. K,. r. 4* * This paragrapli was written in Srpfember last. The rf BUlt of the negocia- lions at Ghent fully estahlisbes the folly as well as the wickediies!! of these pro- ceedings. The public mind has been since very considerably undeceived ou turse Joints. I have heard gentlemen rejoice at the success of the illustrious htro, ackBon,at New Orleans, as leading to peace, who. one or two years since, were 80 miserably deluded ai> to believe that the road to a cessation of war lay through the defeat, disgrace, and disaster of the arms of theirnative country ! f The Examiner, by Barent Gardenier, vol. i. page 57. THE OLIVE BRANCH. "«1 J^tfcondly, it hml prom.itly accepted I he Uiissian muliation far the termidadon of hustilities. Thirdly, lo remove nil diificulty on the important subject of i;n;»rps8ment, an act was passed by congress, on the 3d oil M«rch, 1S13, m'iking such provisions, to commence from the nioseof the war, as to secure Great Britain against the sitluc- tion or emjdoyment of her seamen on hoard out vessels, piiblic or private.* Fo.irthly, and most particularly, in the appointment of three ministers to negoci.ite, Mr. Bayard, a decided federalist, was chosen — a gentleman of high standing with his own party — of coniiderd.)le talents — and strenouusly opi»osed to the adminis- tration. Unless his instructions had been fair and honorable, he would not certainly have accepted the appointment. In the appointment of ministers in England or elsewhere, I believe no similar instance has occurred of the choice of a person hostile to the administration who appointed liim. It was a very great effort to remove suspicion and jealousy from the public -mind. Nothing but the incurable folly and madness engendered by faction, could possibly resist the fair inference warranted by this appointment. But it was wholly unavailing;. F'tction is now, ever has been, and ever will be, deaf, and dumb, and blind, to reason and common sense. These four facts notwithstanding, the persuasion was gener* al among the " Peace Party^'' that the government w as averse from closing the war. The talents of the federalists iu the eastern states and elsewhere, were now put in requisition to impress this idea on the public mind. The most unceasing ef- forts were employed on the subject. The leaders of the party affected to be, and the others were, in flexible in the opinion : In consequence every possible exertion was made, particu- larly in Boston, to deter the citizens from subscribing to the loans, in order to disable the government from carrying on the war, and of course force it to make peace. Associations were entered into in the most solemn and public manner to this ef- fect. And those who could not be induced by mild means, were deterred by denunciations. A folio volume might be fill- ed with the lucubrations that appeared on this sul:)ject. The pulpit, as usual in Boston, came in aid of the press, to secure success. Those who subscribed, were in direct terms? declared participators in, and accessaries to, all the " murders^ CfiA • ^raong tfie memScrs who voted against this bill were Messrs Joslah Qurncey' v\(\ I>'in Hinrlo'ph. Their aotivcs must have tieen very extraordiaar^i Lc*.' iiOt hthom thcM* ao3 THE OLIVE BRANCH. as they wero Irrmrd, Ihnlmiglit tHke plnrc in tlin *' unhohi^un- tis^htiONs; n>ii'u,-t, ahn.ninabL., and accursed wtir.^''^ ro»'riaI»l(; us to judjf*^ of the \vick««lMes9 of these proccr!)nndod, nrul ihe Ir *n;ier3 expc-f^d to tho desolatin;; eliVets of the hatiliet "nd tofn:ihawk. The Rged matron — the eliasic and tendfT wife — the blootuinsj maiden — the decrepid <.cniiulsire — the man- ly fither — and the helplesft infant — all would have heen involv- ed in one wide, impartial, and undistinguishing destruction ! Fifthly, omr seaport towns would have been exposed to the mercy of Cockhurns and Gordons. They would have shared the fate of Alexandria, of Hampton, of Uavre-de-Grace, and of Frenchtown. And Sixthly, to close the awful cataloa;ue, our government would be laid at the mercy of Great Britain ; — and, deprived of the means of resistance, must have submitted to whatever ignominious terms she might choose to impose. These were the results Uiat must have taken |)Ince, had coni- [»lete success crowned the horrid project. Never was more un- holy purpose attempted. It is highly probable that many of the persons engaged in this conspiracy did not contemplate such extensive results. — They may have looked no farther forward than to the restora^ * Spc chapter LVI. f \fler the at>ove was written, thia cfToct was producpd to a certain extent by this conspiracy, t This consequence took place to a most alarmina; cleRree. II Strong traces of the pernirions effects of this conspiracy appear througlioi:^ Ibc 'inion. Souie of the conspirators fell unlamented victintii to their own macli- jmitions. THE OLIVE BRANCH. aa» tlon of pcfiro. Rut the leaders In the scheme were too kcm, too shrt'Wil, too profound, nnd too hostile to the ggveninunt of t.'ieir country, to allow ua to extentl to them the same do gree of charity. Their minds must have grasped all the (dii* pen lo :s and aaTuI consequences; und they had reconciled the.nselv? to the Midc-siiread devastation. The Biiccesn in the e.istern states was considerahle. Few m»?n h. ' f" the eounij^e to stem the tide of popular delusion when ift sets in very strong. There were some, however, who siilv scribed ooenly, in defiance of denunciations and thieats. Oth- ers, of legs firm texture, loaned (heir money hy stealth, and as clandestinely ns if it were tteasonahle. What, alas ! must he the awful state of society, when a free citizen is afraid of lend- ins; his money pUildicIy, to support the government that protects him — the mihlesl form of government ever vouchsafed by Heaven to mrtn — whose mildness enabled its enemies to jeop- ardize its very existence ! Who, that has a soul to feel — who, thit has a spark of patriotism or puldic spirit in his frame, but must be fired with a holy indii^nutioa at Buch u hideous, such a horrible state of the public mind ! •' Money is such a drug (the surest fign of the former prospfrity, and j»re.fMif insecurity of trarle) that fnen agiinr)fessinns und PROMISES— arp willing to lend it 5ecrination to prevent the success nf the loans, who had ^* promised" each other, or pledged themselves, not to subscribe : some of whom, nevertheless, tlid subscribe — but, to avoid the reproaches and persecution of their associates, did it " secretin/" This conclusion irresistibly follows. These ** promises not to lend their money ^''' must refer to the combina- tion I have stated. It can have no other meaninsf. And the fiir construction of their lendin? " secrectlif can be no other thnn that they were liable to dissrrace with, or persecution from, their p'irty, if they were knnivn to lend. Of the s;)ecies of denunciations held out to deter from sub- scrijitions, s'>m^ idea may be form ed from the following para- graphs, taken from various Boston papers. " Let no man voho wishf.s to eoniinuf the war hif arthe means, by vote or ten /'■fiij' money, d\iie to prostiiatr himsri.f \t the alt4K on th« F VST D\Y ; for ihcy nrc actuatfi/ as mwh j'nrlak'rf^ in the war, as the soU ihr who thr>inl- Ike h^yotiei ; and THE JUjJaMENX OF iiODWlLL AWAIT rriE>i.»' 7* iivFli ,:i} St;e Rrad to Ruin, ^o. 5. Cc2 310 THE OLIVE BRANCH. /^ Money lent by Federalists. ' *' Will federalintg subscribe to tl>e loan ? will they lend monpy to our iiationai nilers i' It Is iniposMiblp. First, bpcause of tbe principlr i and secondly, be- cause of principal and interest. If they lend money now, they m,\]:t^ tbcnjselvfs parties to the violations of the constitution, the cruoily oppressive measures in relation to commerce, and to all the crimes which have occuned in the field and in the cabinet. To what purpose have federalists exerted t'lemsclves to gtiow the wickedness of this war, to rouse the public sentiment against it, and to siiow the authorti of it not only to be unworthy of public confidence, but highly triin- inal. if now they contribute the sums of motiey without which, these rulers inu»t be compelled to stop ; must he compelled to return to the policy and measures under ivhich this country once was at pr^ace, and in singular prosiperity. '* By the maguanimous course pointed out by governor btrong, that is, by with- liolding all voluntary aid in prosecnting the war, and manfully exprt^ssing our o- pinion as to its injustice and ruinous tendency we have arre-ted its progress j and driven back its authors to abandon their nefarious schemes, and to look nnt- iously/or peace Wiiat tlien if we now lend them money i* They will ntt mzkc peace ; they will still hanker for Canada ; they will still assemble forces iind ahed blood on our western frontier. Mere pride, if nothing else, would make them doit. The motives which first brought on the war, will still continue it, if money can be had. Bat some tny — mill you let the country become bankrupt ! no, the country mill never become bankrupt. Bvs prav do not prevent the abu- sers OF THEIR TRUST BEco.MiNG BANKRUPT Do oot pr»>vont tliem fiom becom- ing odious to the public, and replaced by better men. Q^ Any federalist mho lends money to government, must go and shake hands ntth James Madison, and claim fellowsnip with Felix Grundy. fCT* I^'thim no more call himself a feder- alist and/riend to his country ! ! ! HL WILL BE CALLED BY OTHERS, INFXMOUS! !! ! !! * But, secondly, federalists will not lend money, becausft they nrill never ^efit (;gnin How, where and when, are the government to get money t )Jpr:y interest? Aik' Q;5=' mho can tell whether future riders may think the debt tontracted under sucu ■ . cum'tances, and by men mho lend money to help out measures which theii have loudly and cmatantly condemned, ought to be paid. On the whole, then. there are two very strong reasons why federalists will rot lend money — fir:lird, or the wHf laurels must wither In our old wa'-, when piivate men were public creditors, and became sonit'w'i'it impatient Oi" public delay, the administration wou'd promise t!)' mone new io.lar fo; two nuiiflred oid ones, and try their pa- tience again, ^j^ My bro!hei /(inner: f yideritio i of rai'l o is lint [ry» rate of discount. Applications will be received from any persons who wish to receive their interest in Boston by letters post paid, or hv written applications from individuals in Boston, [r7=» ^ND THE NAMES OF ALL SUBSCRI- BERS SH.\LL BE KNOVVri ONLY TO THE UNDERSIGNED accord- ing to the proposals of the secretary of the treasury (for more p.irticulars see liis advertisement ;) each applicant must name the higheit rate he will give : and if the loan is granted lower than his proposal, it will of coarse be for his benefit : but on ti>e other hand, if higher, he will lose the benefit of being a subscriber — The certificates, and all the business relating to it, will be delivered free of charge. / GILBERT & DEAN, Brokerat " Exchange Coffee House, Boston, April 12." From the' Boston Cas«ele, April U, 18N_ THE LOAN. '■■ Rub?erIptions will be received throuj;h the agency of tlie subscriber to the 2.'>lh inst. inclusive. " To avoid rj;^^ the inco7ivenii'nce of personal appearance to subscribe applica* tinns in writing will be received from any part of the state. E ich applicant will ninic the liighost rate he will give, and if the loan shall be grantrd lower i!>!i' rafors succeeded, to their infinite mortification. New me^'n* were brought into operation, which were temporarily crowrted with success. P IttUi »»; a It b]e slates I io/v th *RoJ . tiUr "therrt [he does |?"i fiot , hesd "/'•ejnl [>ftf,e r 1'^' pansil ff)resset pp does not specify wliicJi are the states. I have reconsidered the subject, and lain not disposed to admit his deferjce. The depravation of morais he describes, "*, lie says the remit of '' smugg'/tng'." And this is protected from mfamvby 1^' the jii«t odium against the war.'' Now it is well Icnown tliat there was no |>art of the United States where smngirlirjjj was carried on so ];irgely and so harefie- edly as in Boston — and none where so much pains were taken to excite t!ie [lub- IK- passions against the war, or with so much success It is therefore not in JVIih liowell's power to remove the fairness of the application. •v: 814 THE OLIVE BRANCH. where no regard was paid to the " restraints of conscience''^ — where " perjury" was a subject of " laughter" — where " legal restraints'^ were " set at defiance" — and wliere ^^ public morals'^ were sacrificed lo the acquisition of '* ill-gotten weaMh.''^ — What an awful consideration it is, that such a description of citizens should have had it in tiieir power materially to affect the desti- nies of eight millions of people and their posterity ! (or it is a mot', frightful truth, that all the violent, lawless, Jacobinical, and wicked measures, which were driving this country to perdition, had their origin in Boston, where *' perjury and smugjjiling," were the roads to fortune — and where " conscience afforded no restraint."* Mr. Lowell, after drawing this frightful picture, endeavour^ to make the administration answerable for the whole to *'a Just God," who " knows how to treuc ike causes of human events.^^ — This is most sorry and contemptible canting, and can deceive no man beyond the rank of an ideot. This hideous derange* ment of morals is solely the production of faction, which con* secrates every means, however wicked, to answer its vile pur* poses. *' Administration liireliogs may revile tlie northern states, and tlie nicrchanb g^jwTsMy, {9r n^ this mon^ous dipravaiion of imral$^ this execrable course fo atmuggling anajruud. But tli*>rci8 a just God, who knows how to trace tlie causes of human events : and [r^ he wUl assuredly visit upon theauth9rs qfthit war, all the iniquUies of whicfiu ha$ been the occasion. If the guVijf deserve out Momor ourpity^ the tempters and seducers deserve our eccecralton."t This is very just and true. The guilty deserve our scorn.— The seducers merit execration. But who, let me ask were the seducers ? Those, indubitably, who for so many years had been employed, by every means, however base or vile, in ex- citing the people (o forcible opposition to the rulers of their choice — who had, in the public papers, openly invited those, who needed no such invitation, to violate laws fairly and con- stitutionally enacted, which they falsely denounced as oppress ive and " unconstitutional,'** These were ^^ the seducersJ** These . * \ wish here to avoid being misunderstood. This statement respecting Bo?lon Is to be received witli due qualifications. I have numerous and most estimable ar- qualntances in Boston— equal in point of honour and integrity to any citizens in tne United States. And such I consider the mass of the inhabitants. But in times of factions violence, tlie worst men always rise uppermost ; gain tiie ascen- dancy ; give the tone to public measures; and establish an arbitrary sway -^ And men who " laugh at perjury." and '' sneer at the restraints of conscience,]' are precisely those who in such iimes of frenzy bear sway over their fellow citi- aens, and bear down or force with them the dispassionate and well intentioiied.- At all f>vents, the picture of Boston is not mine. If it be incorrect, 1 am notsf/ ffwer^b e Let Mr. Lowell and liis friends eettla the account between them. f JRoad to Ruin, No. 6. . , THE OLIVE BRANCH. 31 »5 sgal ^hal izens liesli- , moEl ^ and lit'ion, ;li»g," led no le course /« t, trace the h9rt qfOiit deserve ow were the men on whotn heaven in its righteous decrees, would ««v?A.t' ..'. i-f hiiquilits" to v\iucii tlittir nmiiituni, Uieir turbu- lence, aii>l inrii iuctious spirit hud given occasion. M=ny .ulu:;>)e ItrJ.ig'ij prizes were seni into lioston, which ore it.y i»lde i t est iCh Oi'go')4isinlrouuced there y siau^ojiiij^, Ttit' middke an i qj .rn< la stales, '.vaich rt-tVHined Uotn iUm pes- tiltTous practice, derived nearly lUl their supplits ol loivign meicuandize from rhit town. This course of events hned the vaults of the banks in cioston with inconijiaiibly more sj.erjie than they ever held before — and r.dsi il ver> heavy balances a- gaifist tiie banks in New-Yurk. The Piiiiadelpina b. nks v\ere indebted to New York; tiiose in Bailiraore to Philadelphia; and soon, more to the southward. It ra'iy not be unarausing to the reader to explain this [)ro- cess a little more in detail. New Y^ork purchaseU goods large- ly in Boston, partly for bank notes and partly on credit, lor the latter portion promissory notes were given, which were transmitted from Boston to the New-York banks for collection. Very large purchases were likewise made in Boston by citizens of Philadelphia, Baltimore, Richmond, Petersburg, &c. Pay- ments were made in bank notes, 9f the middle and southern states, and in promissory notes. Both were sent on to New- York, the hrst for transmission to the banks whence they were issued — ^and the second for collection. This state of things suggested the stupendous iilea, at which the reader will stand aghast, of wielding the huancial advanta- ges then enjoyed by Boston, to produce the effect which the press and the pulpit had failed to ^ccomptish'-<-that is, to stop (lie wheels of gojemmeni hy draining the banks in the middle and southern states of their specie^ and thus producing an utter disa- bility to fin the loans!! ! This scheme was projected in the winter of 1813^ 14— and immediate arrangements were made to carry it into execution. It richly earned for the projectors the heavy curses of the widows and or[>hans and other persons on whom it entailed so ranch distress and ruin. Accordingly the New York, Philadelphia, and southern bank notes, held by the Boston banks, were transmitted with de- mands for their amount in specie — and drafts were likewise drawn on the New York banks for the balances on the face of the books to enormous amounts. I am crediidy informed that the sum thus drawn was eeves or eight millions^ of dollars ^1 * When I wrote this passage I greatly imderrated the amount thus withdrat^n from the middle nod floutliera states, which Estimated at only four iniliioas(tf dollars. Subsequent enquiries hare satisfied me that it was probably double tha^ 3'16 Tire OLIVE BhANCH. from the time of commenGing these operations tiJI the Sist of August, 1S14, a space of about eight months. To relieve themselves from this pressure, tlie New York iianks drew as largely as tiie state of the accounts wouM admit, on those in f hilaitel|>hia — the latter on those in Baltimore — ami those in the latter city on W shington, Alex :in!na, Jiiclimoncl, A'c. A fearful alarm spreHil throuah the community. 'J'he issue was looked for with terror. Waggons were loaded vilh s[,'tcit' at the doors of our hanks }dm;i8t every week. There have heen three at one time loadinen two banke in different ciii«s carry on a large intercourse with each other, bahinoes will arise in favor of one and against (he other, often to a very Icirge amount ; which bal.inces remain unclaimed sometimes lor months together, unUss the specie be actually WKnted. 1 he banks do not choose unnecessarily to incur the expense of trans* portation — and wait in expectation of the balance being redii- ced by the regular operations of trade. 1 think I am safe in ^snying that at least two millions of dollars are constantly ll)i;s circuiiistanced, betwetn New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, "W'ashington, ai;d Richmond. New York owes largely at times to Philadelphia — Philadelphia at other times to New York— and so of banks in other places. ^i,*.. *in'rt«t-A'.ii?^>V; »*\. i»!fAit>». »^ floO^ 1 British gcrernn^ent hil's 'or sale 'y 1 ditto * arn i/.(jii'^_nATn> 250 j. ditto .•;•/•!;■'*.■:/•'.* !>(!&; -iruhiLi •* 203 \ . CHARLES W. GREEN, Jv i',\ Ko. 44, India Wharf. :JX>t" Jjj-TTj^ u*t ^•»;§T^f jv 1,253 Let the TeAder after having; considered thfe above ostentatious mode of managinj the Interfcurse with the enemy,, rompare the spirit which dictated it with the spi- rit of thpt revolutionary war, as displayed in the following resolutions and ordi- nances taken from a number of a similar character. ' June 2, 1775. " Resolved, that no bill of exchange, draft, or order, of any of- ficer m the army or navy, their agents or contractors, be received or negociated, or any money be supplied to them by any person in Aiuerica." Journals q/* Cm- grfss, vol. i. p?ige 105. , March 27, 1781. " It is hereby ordained, that the citizens and inhabitant-: of these United States be. and they are strictly enjoined and required to al stais from all intercourse, correspondence, or dealiats whatsoever with -the subjects of the king of Great £ritaiti, while at open war with these United States, flj ^tS sfutU nnsTver tht same at their periL And the executives of the several states are hereby called upon to take the most vigilant and effectual measures for drtectit; ^cli intercourse, correspondence, or deaKngs, and bringing the authors thertfj, ff tfkBi&i. concerned therpin, <» condign punisment." Idem, vol. vii. page 60. •.i«- VHE OLIVE BRANCH. :n<> ; t:ikeu nrtanco )orioui), g made Eiee ac« mntransmiiled Jor sale to New York, rhUadelphia, and BaUi' 7norc, and disposed of to monkd men, on such advantageous tenns as induced tlum to make large purchases. Anil thus was absorb- ed u very large portion of the capital ol' these three cities. These bills were for\varde>i lhrouf''» trusty persons! in Koaton, and the proceeds being placed to tht credit, addeil immensely to the command the Uoston banks had acquired, by the extftn^, of the smuggling trade, over those in the middle and southern plates. Let us here make a solemn pause. Let us sfrip these facta of the thin veil thrown over them. Let us consider tliQm in all their nakedues?, in all their deformity.. My heart sickens at tiie investigation. I turn with disgust^ ^uth horror, with affright. Boston, the cradle of the revolu^ tion, which claims so high a degree of pre-eminence for her nio- r2lity and religion, atler having failed in her endeavoi-s to pre* vent the success of tfie loans, draws away the specie from-tlie middle and southern states, la bankrupt the government, regard- less of the universal ruin in which it would involve indiscrimi- nately, friends of war — friends of peace — federalists — demo- crats — young and old — men, women, and children ! And, to add a deeper dye to the transaction^ the specie ts transmitted to Ca- nada, and enables the enetmf to despatch his red allies to snrisn in blood ontke d^fimcless frontiers of their own ccunlry /* Tins ia- 't June 21. 1782i *' Whereas som^ of the inbabiiants of the Uoitad States, prompted either by a sordid attachment to gain, or by a. secret conspiracy with the enemies of' their conntry, are wickedly engaged in carrying on an illicit traf« iic with their enemies, whereby a market is provided /or British merchandiset. THE CIRCULATING SPECIE IS EXPORTED FROM THE UiNITED SrTATES, the payment of taxes rendered more difficult and burdensome to the people at large, and great discouragement occasioned to honest and lawful com- merce : **Re9olved, that it be and hereby is recommeDdefl to the legislatures of the sev- r.fal states, to adopt the most eflS^cacioun measui'es for suppressing all trajjic and illidl inter coune bbtweenthtir respective ciHsens and the enemy. " Resolved, tfiSt tlitf legislatures, or in their recess, the executives of the sev- eral states, be earnestly requested to impress, by every means iu their power, oa. llieir respective citizens at large, the baneful consequences apprehended by coo- cress from a CONTINUANCE OP THIS ILLICIT AND INFAMOUS TRAP FIC, arid the necessity of their co-operating with the public measures by such upited, patriotic and vigilant excrtious, as will detect and bring to legal punish rient thou nho shall in any manner have been concerned thertin. Idem, pag<^ 301. * Mr. I)0>Tell has attempted to deny the exlsteoee of this arrangement, Biil it stanx ! The cun9equ«nces of those vile opemtions are still severely fe!t. Mnnj estimable individuals have been absolutely ruined. Bank jmper became an object of brokerage, and was sold at various rates from three to ten per cent, discount. A general •tngnntion was produced. The loss fell most heavily on the poor, as IB usual in ail such eases. The rich were enabled to make most extravagant profits ; and many of them w ere liter- ally preying upon the middle and poorer classes of society.-*. The entire profits of business were swallowed up by the ex- travagant discounts paid on bank paper, a case hitherto mtr known in this pert of the country. And thus, in a season of distress am! difSculty, the embarrassments of the citizens were tWublcd or tvel)led. And what is the most daring and profligctf part of the business, the men who ' ;» • v/' ' ' ^ , ^ , '^ Have played these pranks before high hcavcn^^ were impudent enough to charge th/t whole of the distress to llie account of the administration ! is ? *j,|^»i>-, •'f>i.' > .; t '*-' " TIu offence is rank— -it smtUs to heaven*"^ '» '• To render the affair more shocking, inore gross, more hideous, those who perpetrated this wickedness, hypocritically refused to rejoice in the victories of their country — as "unbecoming a niorai and religious people ! ! !*' There is no country :n the world, but the United States, wherein such a «rime could be perpetrated with impunity. Even by our mildest of all mild constitutions, it is treason. '* Treason against the United States, shall consist only io le* ^^ vying war against them, or in adhering to tlieir enemies, GIV- 'ING THEM AID AND COMFORT." If supplying an enemy with specie to enable him to carry on the war against their native country, be not giving bim " aid ad comfort,^'' and that of the most substantial kind, 1 know not^viiat are " aid and comfort.*" Every man concerned in the business of furnishing these aids to the enemy, is ipso facto a traitor — his life lias beai for- feited. That he has not expiated his crime by paying the fo^ feit, he owes to the ill-requited lenity of an insulted govern- ment. Every person "who knew of the commission of the crime, and did not reveal it, was guilty of misprision of treason. Compare this offence with the rebellion in Massachusetts un- der S!u bung, d iwn, and rpiarter d. In the (brtncr case, iiia carcase \Nuuid be exi'oit^d >^. dev- n ed by obscene bisds of i)rey. In the latter, hit 1 .d woui in; elevated as un ornament on the tower of London, deter (*. ner traitors from the i)er()etration of similar crimes. Let ui once more, though the sight turn us aghast, exaaiiqe this hideous scene — which sinks the perpetrators and conoi- vers into the lowest ahyss of infamy. Men, in the '' moral and relirions'*^ town of Boston, are S7* obliged to lend their monty to Umr own government by stealth. But ill the face of day, within the knowledge of a whole com- mittiity, rtT* » >n > hi :>!> umi » hj ^i It is hardly possible to add a shade to the enormity of this cri'me. But one circumstance greatly enhauces its atrocity. — It was perpetrated while negociations for peace were pending; the success whereof it had so direct a tendency to defeat, by placing the British in a situation to rise in their demands; al<> though the guilty persons professed tO!" belong, to the "p?acc ^^^y* '■■' ..'..1 *Li3 m ^rittiKK* on *{ 'Maii T *, .iivr-i^Aj tii.i$ i$i^m\ "•'*"' Tvliftjiia to !s»»t*lir« til'.- ^k Ui V i Subject continued. Brief statement of facts* .i The immense magnitude of- the suliject of tl|e conspiracy, stated in the preceding chapters, induces me to dwell a little longeron it. And as I may have been led astray by the infat^ nation and delusion whiclr is felt by almost every man who forms an hypothesisj I shall therefore state anew the nake'd facts of the case, unaccompanied by my comments. Let the reader duly weij^h the evidence, and acquit or condemn the ac- cused town, as he may Judge projier. L Engagements were entered into in Boston by individ- uals, pledging themselves not to subscribe to the goverameBt- "^ , . n ,o -^^ 322 THE OLIVE BilANCH. II. When sorno of them nritrwanU did subacribe, Uicjr fuund it oeceEiBary to do it " secretin/,'' to uvoid (he odium and the per- Beculion excited against all who lent their money to the gov- ernment. « III. The utmost influence of that powerful instrument, the presB, and likewise of the pulpit, was employed to discourage and denounce subsoribers to the loans. They were proscribed OS ^* in/tttnouSt^ in^the public papers most extensively pat> ronised ; and declared, in those papers, and from the pulpit to be absolute *^ murderers," IV. During the winter, when the roads were in wretched o^ der, and when carriage was of course from 20 to 30 |>er cent, dearer than the common freight, iXy' the Boston banks wade iin. moderate f continued^ oppressioey unprecedented, and koslUe drafts for specie on the New York banks. J^ V. At this period the former banks had in 1)*eir vaults an unparalleled quantity of specie — on« hundred and fifty ptr cent, fnore than tlicir notes in circulation. VI. These drafts were continued through the spring tuad summer, and obliged the banks in the middle ami soutliem states so far to curtail their accommodations, as to bring ths commercial world to the terge of bankruptcy. Large and ru^ Inous bankruptcies did take place : twenty ancl upwards occur* red in New York in one day. ■ YII. These drafts were carried to such a great extenft, that ©n the 26th of August the banks in Baltimore — on the 2&(ij those in Philadelphia — and on the 3l8t those in New York, "Were reduced to the painful necessity of suspending the pay> nent of specie. VIII. Contemporaneously vritb these immoderate drafts, a Tcry large amount of bills drawn by the government of Lower Canada, were, through the medium of agents in Boston, distri- buted in New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore. IX. These bills prodigiously increased the balances against the southern bauks, and the power of drawing posEtCssed by those in Boston. X. The specie received for these bills from New York was fin^* warded to the agents of the government of Canada. XL When subscriptions for loans were opened, large quanti- ties of public Block were sent from Boston to the markets iu New York, and Philadelphia, and Baltimore, and sold at redu* «ed rates, to tempt the monied people to invest their money tiit^rein, and thus to impede tbo success. of the pemdiog loans. •* THK OLIVE RRANCH. 323 I Bubmii nil Hicse strons fact* to the reader. Let liim e:^am* itie thetn au\mi[ iu liU coiu* position — if ho have not renounced hII jjrctensions to (lie name of a WashingtoniSn — he will proiiouuce sentence of infaniy against this transaction, all its ai;<«nts, it» emi^i^nries, its accoino pUces, and Against all w\\o connived at it. If this be ^^fedcv' alisM of the Boston sltunp,^* { truiit the high-minded and honest federalist!^ of the middle and southern sluteti, will renounce the edious connexion, and disclaim all participation in such ntfuri- ous, such treaaonalile practices. Mr. Oakley, a member of the house of reprrsventatives of the United States, in a violent and declamatory speech, a1ied{rcd the strongest charges of gross miemanagement and inrapB «d decision. CHAPTER LV. Massackusetis compared with Tennessee. The blind leading the blituL Profits of trade fifty per cenl^ t Hoa4 to Huin, Never die: f;;ction rtiore comf)1etely degrade and sink a peo- ple, than she haa done in Massachusetts. That once high-mijQ« ded stale was attacked by the British with a small force. They were allowed, without an effort, to dismember it. They estab- I THE OLIVE BRANCH. lished a regular government in their conquests. As no effort ^vas made by tins state, ^liose population amounts to above 700,000 free people, to prevent the conquest, so none was made to cxpei the enemy. Enslaved by factioj^, she whined, and scolded, and murmured, and winced, and threatened, and cursed the administration for not defending her, although she had m«de every possible exertion to enfeeble the government, and ren- der it incapai^Ie of defence. iivf-Li To sum up the whole. Massachusetts iras energetic,' firing bold, daring, and decisive in a contest with the general govern-' ment. She would not abate an inch. She dared it to a con-' fiict. She seized it by the throat, determined to strangle it !— She was untameable as a lion, or a tiger, or a panther. But she was long-suffering, and mild, and patient, and harmless, and inoflfensiTe, and gentle, and meek, as a lamb, or a turtle-dove, when she came in contact with the enemy ! There is some mystery hangs about this affair, which time alone can develope. That the British should attack Massacha- setts, where they have so many friends, and spare Pennsylva- nia, where the great minority are hostile to them, is so contrary to all the rules of true policy, as to be almost inexplicable. I dare not trust myself to hazard a conjecture On the subject.— The tame acquiescence of such a powerful slat^, in so degrading a situation, must have some extraordinary motive. None CC' curs to my mind that I would choose to commit to paper. But mark the contrast I — what a contrsst ! Tennessee* with a large territot-y Of 43,000 aq^are mHes— a white {lopulation of only 217,7'27^-and a blaek ohe of 44,535, to guard against^ is as- sailed by the most powerful combination of Indians, and those of the bravest cbaraet«r that ever exiisted sihc« the first settle- ment of this country. Sh« neither winced— nor whined — nor cursed the government—nor shrunk from danger — nor threat- ened a separation. She arose in her strength. She girded on her armour. She called her sons from the counter and the plough — from the anvil and the toom — from the bench and the bar-— from the senate-house and the coimcil-chambcr-^nd with a very small degr«e of assistance from Georgia, she vanquished the hardy warriors, whom a false reliance on British aid had al- lured to their ruin. Every successive effort on the part of thfr deluded assailants was equally pregnant with destruction. Com- pletely vanquished, they bent their necks to the yoke. 'J'hey cursed that seduction which tempteu ihem from ease, andcom- fort, and happiness ; and on the forehead of theirnation impriot° ed the broad seal of perdition. f- .». t;- fi 'THB' olive BRANCH; 025 Since the above was written, Tenneasee has earned tenfold fame by tbe heroism and public spirit her hardy sons have displayed at New Orleans, where they acquired not merely for themselves — and their own state — ^but for the entire nation, a wreath of imperishable glory. In this grand achievement Ken^ tucky partook largely. Bolh these noble states poured forth their sons by thousands, some of them from a distance of near- ly eight hundred miles, to repel the invaders of their native country. With what effect they performed this patriotic ser- vice, history will convey to posterity, countless aees hence. — It will be a subject of laudable pride to belong to a nation, .whose lawyers, and doctors — whose farmers and shopkeepers — whose clerks and mechanics, hastily collected together, signal- ly defeated an army of veterans, as formidable as any equal number ever arrayed in arms. The genius of Columbia hides her face with shame, and sor- row, and anguish, when she regards the ancient state of Massa- chusetts, degenerated from, and a disgrace to, her hardy ances- tors. But she looks down with pride, and pleasure, and exuft- alion, on Ihe youthful, high-spirited, patriotic, and heroic Ten- nessee and Georgia. It is hardly possible \o find a stronger contrast — more dis- graceful on the one side— more honourable on the other. ir^iittu M. :; TIi^ I' l^ fid leading Ihs hlind» ^ , , ,, ... i-*-.^ J There is no man whose zeal in inflaming the public mind} has equalled that of the writer of the Road to Ruin. He has published as many different sets of papers to excite the abhor- rence and detestation of the eautern states against the adminis- tration, as would fill two or three lai^e volumes. He is, in pol- itics, as very an enrage as ever lived. So violent are his pas« sions on this topic, that they lead him eternally astray. H<^ t;ommits himself by the most extravagant positions, which noth- iui; but the epidemical nsadness of the times would have suffer- ed to escape the keenest ridicule. In " the Road to Ruin," he most pathetically deplores the destruction of commerce, and the introduction of manufactures, both of which he regards as ^qual subjects of lamentation. — And to make the stronger ap()eal to the passions of his readers — to enhance the misfortune of the loss of commerce — he very gravely states its profits at ^* fifty per cent !! T It is even so« reader. ^^ Fifty per cciit ! : T It is hard to conceive a his/her grade of extravagance and folly. The average profits of successful commerce are not twelve per cent. And if the whole of the commercial capital employed in this country, du- £!'■'• ^ i ■ - 1 :'4 UM. "■(('■ si 3^ THE OLIVE BUAN€1I. ring lh€ laftt twenty years, be taken into view, including th; t of the merchants who imve become bankrupts, it is probable that the profits do not exceed eight per cent. The failures a- mong that class are very numerous, and out of all proportion greater than amonp; any other. Of the merchants in New York and Philadelfihia who were in eminence ten years ago, 1 think 1 am warranted in saying, that nearly two-thirds Fmve been ut- terly ruined. It is well known tiiat the West India trade has been almost always a losing one. In fact, of the few fortunate merchants who escape ship-wreck, it may be fairly said, " Apparent rari nantes in gurgile vasto." This writer is either a deceiver — or ne has deceived himself. In either case he is *' a blind leader of the blind,'''' And it can never be suflicientiy deplored, Ihat a man in this situation should have had so very pernicious an influence on the desti- nies of eight millions of people and their posterity. He has chn- gen a most felicitous title — *' The Road to RMm"-*afid verily he has so long been leading his deluded followers on " the road to ruin^^'' that he has brought them to the very verge of the pre- cipice. Lest the reader should suppose I have done him it\justice, I Bubmit his own words. If 1 have tortured his meaning, on my head be all the censure I have so freely bestowed upon <*^ Wt fekt Aomintdtau^Uai fohkh pr^tduetd FIFTY PER CEN^T. and vjt invutiiinmanxifatturesy PRECARIOUS IN THEIR NA.TmiEv^lH9h i«»7 never produce twenty, aud which may prove our ruin.*'^ ; / This short paragraph is as fallacious as any equal number of linfis ever published. Every position it lays down is decep> tious. When the writer emphatically states, that manufactures are ^* precarious in their nature,^ he must mean, by way of con- tradistinction, that commerce is blest with absolute security.— Both are arrant errors. Commerce is proverbially insecure.— No degree of prudence affords full security in thatdepartmeni Manufactures, prudently managed, have as much certainty as a ny other human undertakings whatever. One word more. What dependence can be placed upon the assertions, the insinuations, the allegations, on subjects abstrusi:' •r difficult to decide upon, of a man who makes such an egre gious, such a momentous error in a case where detection Ireail 80 closely on his heels ? f /t"*^ ?»^»^ i . *Sec in the Examiner, vol i, page 141, the Road to Ruin, No. Vlif. f I here make u public apology for having erroneou^ily aacrihed thi^se seiliVio; and inflammatory puhUcations to the late amiable judge Lowell. Mydist"" from the place of their publication will, I trust, apologize, m weU jj a cm:' Ihc error. THE OLIVE BRANCH. a:^) CHAPTEB xyr. A* -rr-? Pulpit politics. Prostitution of the sacred functions. Massatr^ on hoard the Ocean. An antlwlogi/ of sedition. Success of the war. |n egie •' Politics and the pulpit nra tcrmo (Int Iiave little agrrement. ^*^ No sound ot!!!;ht to be heard in the church but the voice of healing charity.'''' [ .» iiat a divine i(!eft !] *' The cause ol' civil lihtvty and civil govpriiijifiit gains ns liUle as that of rcli<;ioii, by this conlusion of duties. Ihos* wijo quit their proper character lo as«im)e what does i)ot helonc to them, are for the grtaterpart, both igtinriintof the character they leave, and of the character they assume, wholly unaccjuainted with t!ie world, iu which they are so fond of niediing. and in«'\i>erienced jii all ite iitj'airs, on which they pronounce with .iilions and animosities ofvuinkind.'''' Burke. , Of all (he abominations that disgrace and dishonour this country in these portentous times, I know nothing more deserv- ing of reprobation than the prostitution of the pulpit for party or political purposes. No man of correct mind can seriously reflect upon it without shuddering with horror. ^"' ' ' A clergyman, whose functions pre'-eminently require him lo preach ^^ peace and good mill among men^''^ ascends tlie pulpit a- jnong a congregation assemhled'to unite in praising and adoring (heir Omnipotent Creator. He holds in his handsthe testament of Jesus Christy whidi breathes nothing but peace — he pronounces ^ and has for a text\ the words of Jesus Christ, or of his apostles, 6jf Hie most pacific tendency/ : and, as a suitable accompaniment, for an hour long he employs all his zeal, all his talents, all his in- ^ fluence, for the anti-chfistian, the inhuman purpose of enkind' ling among his hearers f/w most baleful, ihe mosifurious passions — of preparing them for insurrection and r evolution — for (dl the horrors of civil war i " The alternative then is, that if j^u do not wtah to become the slaves of those who own slaves, and who »re themselves the si ves of Frend» slaves, you'iHust • cither, in the lat-guage^of the day, CUT THE CONNEXION, or «o far alt« ; the national compact, as to insure yourselves a due share in the government/* This elegant and sublime morceau; which breathes so much of the spirit of St. Paul, "• let every soul he subject to the hightr powers," is taken from a sermon preached in Boston, by the Rev. Mr. Gardiner, July 23, 1812. The christian injunction of " cidting (lie connexion," that is, 05^ rebelling against their own government, >vonderfully accoixls with the declaration of the text, which, gentle reader, is— [pT* " I am for peace "-^ 32S THE OLIVE BRANCH. P«alm 1 20, V, 7, Never vraa there a more wonderful associa- tion — UJ-' " Cut the connexim'^ — and [tT' " I am for peace .'" From such apostles of peace, good Lord deliver us ! It is impossible much to aggravate the hideonsness of this lirocedure. But when the preacher commits himself bj false- hood, even undesignedly, as sometimes happens, it caps the odious climax. On the eve of a general election a few years since in Massachusetts, to answer the purposes of party, a fab* ulous story was circulated, that the French had massacred the crew of a vessel called the Ocean. It was one of the thousand falsehoods invented to answer momentary purposes cf the snme kind. A clergyman, whose name I spare, seized the story with avidity — wove it into his sermon — and invoked the ven- geance of heaven on the murderers. But mark the end of it. The holy zeal of the auditory had not time to c joI, when, to cover the preacher with confusion, a resurrection of the mur- dered crew took place. They returned home, safe and sound, from the stillettos and daggers of the blood-thirsty French— and held out a strong memento to the preacher against a repeti- tion of such an anti-christian procedure.- The practice of preaching political sermons is utterly im- proper, even when a congregation are all united — all of one sentiment, if such a case ever occurred. But when they are divided, as must necessarily almost always happen, what a view does it present ? That portion of the congregation dif- fering from the politics of the preacher, are reduced to the al- ternative of either absenting themselves fromf divine worship. or sitting patiently silent under the undeserved reproaches, and abuse, and maledictions of a man who fiies in the face of all liis duties, and to whom they cannot offer a reply. To enable the reader to form a correct estimate of the abom- ination which I have here denounced, and of the justice of the denunciation itself, I present him with an anthology, selected from the sermons lif three clergymen, the Rev. Messrs. Parish, Osgood, and Gardiner, to whom no small portion of the seeds ef insurrection, rebellion, and civil war, so plentifully sown in the eastern states, is justly chargeable. Never, since the first establishment of the clerical functions, were they more misera- bly employed — more contrary to the divine injunctions of the meek and mild Jesus, whose disciples these revert^nd gentlemen profess to be — whose doctrines they [)rofess to teach— and whose example they profess to follow, and to hoM out for imi- tation. THE OLIVE BRANCH. n^o 1 From Ou Rev. J. S. J. Gardiner y A. M. reelor of Trinity Churchy Boston, «' The British, after all, save for ud by their convoys, in finitely more pronorlr than they depiivt- iia of. WHERE THEY TAKE ONE SIJIP, TIIEV PROTECT TWENTY. Where tUey commit one outrage, they do many acU of kindness." Discourse delivered April 9, 1812, page 15. " England is willing to sacrifice every thing to conciliate us, except ,hei' honour andindependence." Idem, page 10. ^ »•? «vtM4.- " It is a war rj;^ unexampled in the history nfikenorld ; wantonly proclaim- fd on the most Jfividous and groundless prelenceSy against a nation fi'om whose Iriend^^^hip we iriglit derive the most si^^nal advantages, at»d from whose hostility- wc havp reason to dread the most tremendous losses.^* Discourse dcJiv ci«d July 23, 1312, pnge 3 " So far from th^re being British parti^^ans in this rouhtry, it is difficult to find an individual candid enough to do that nation coTMnou justice." Idem, page 10. ^ " r^js Every prnvocatinti has been offered to Great Britain on (nirpnrt, and our resentment has riien in prtportion as she has shewn a concilialins apirit.''^ Idem, •' What consequence is it to yon if they be repealed or not, if you are sold to Nnpnhon, as you hare reason to believe, by the staves who have abused your ctmji- denct! l''"' Idem, page H ;->*;• j'v.Jl'^ ^ " Let no considerations whatever, my brethren, det»r you at all time?, and in all places, from execrating the present war. It is a war unjust, foolish, and ni- i.ious. It it uniust, because GREAT BRITAIN HAS OFFERED US EVE RY CONCESiilON SHORT OF WHAT SHE CONCEIVES WOULD BE JIERRUIN." .Idem, page li. " As Mr. Madison has declared war, let Mr. Madison carry it on." Idem page 17. " THE UNION HAS BEEN LONG SINCE VIRTUALLY DISSOLV- ED : ANDIT IS FULL TIME THAT THIS PART OF THE DISUNITED STATES SHOULD TAKE CARE OF ITSELF." Idem, page 19. From the Rev. David Osgood, D. D. pastor of the Church dt Mcdford. " The Str<>iif t>r*'PO'se8sions of bo great a proportion of my felloir citizens in fiivor of a race (^demons, and against a nation ((f more religion, virtue^ gocd faith, generosity, and l)enejicence, than any that now is, nr ever hm been vpon the face vf the earth, wring my soul with anguish, and fill my heart with apprehen- Mun and 'terror of the judgments of heaven upon this sinful people." Discoursu ^livejrvd April 8, 1810, page 40. t " If Stt the comm \nd of weak or wicked ruler?, they undertake an ui^ust war, each man who volunteers his services in sucli a cause, or loans his money for it» support, or by his conversation, his writings, or any other mode of influence, en- cmrra^es its prosecution, that man is an accomplice in the wickedness, loads bis coun o{ hardened hearts, seared conititnrrs, reprobate minds, and desperate nickedneis, it^eeins utterly inconceivable that tliey should have made the declaration.'* idem,. page 13. ** One hope only remains, that this last stroke of perfidy may open the eyes of a besotted people ; that they niny awake, like a giant from his sluinbf rp, and WREAK THEIR VENGEANCE O.V THEIR BETRAYERS, by driving then) from their stations, and placing at the helm more skilful and faithful handg.^' Idem, page 17. " ff, at the present monieTit, no sjtinptnm% of civil nar appear, they certainly nill soon — unless the amrage qf the nar party should fail them ! ! .'" Idem page 1 4;* " A civil war becomes as sertuin as the events that happen according to the hmcn -4ans and estublishad course rfnulure ! ! /" Idem, page 15.* From the Rev. Elijah Parish, D. D. " The Israelites became wearv of yielding the fruit of their labour to pamper tlieir splendid tyrants. They left their political w«es. THEY SEFAR VTED. ^VHERE IS OUR MOSES ! ! ! Where is the rod of his miracles I ! ! Whtn is our Aaron ! ! ! Alas ! no voice from the burning bush has directed theiB here." Discourse delivered atByfield, April 7, 1814, page 18. " There is a point — there is an hour — beyond which you rdll not bear ! ! .'" Idem, page 12. " Such is the temper of American republicans, so called. J netvlangu^ge mwt be invented before tve attempt lo express the baseness qf their conduct, or describe tin rtltenne ss of their hearts, "f Idem, page 21, •' New England, if invaded, would be obliged to defend herself. Do you not tlien owe it to your children, and owe it to your. God, to make peace for your- Selves.*^ Idem, page 23. " You may as well expect the cataract cf Niagara to tusn its current to the head of Superior, as a nicked congress to make a pause in the work of dtstroying ■their country, while the people will furnish the means." Idem, page 8. "Alas! WE HAVE NO MOSES TO STRETCH HIS ROD OVER THE :iE A ! ! ! ijy* No Leb^aon, nor Carmel, nor Ziou invites us across the deep!" Idem, page 14. ** The republics of Rome, and Venice, and perhaps another, which alone ex- ists, have been .as oppressive as the deepotism of Turkey, of Persia, or Japan." .Id«m, pBse,3. ' * These sentences are already quoted in a former part ef this book:. They are aerertbeleis repeated hare, at peculiarly appropriate* f After the reader has perused this uncharitable effusion of prejudice and vir- ulence, let him compare it with the following declaration, made by this reverfod geDUeman,-iD a sermoa preached at Cambridge, April 8,1810: — "God it my .witness that 1 would not upon any consideration, willingly or UDDeceigtri)f ir4&uod the feeeliqgsofi or give offenoe tO) an individual ia this assembly.'* THE OLIVE BRANCH. or the law of Pharaoh, wiilch condemned lo death the first born of the Israelites, this reverend gentleman says — '• A Ihott' sand times as many sons of America have probably /Men victims lo this unsrodly wat\ as perished in Israel by the edict if Pharaoh, Still the war is only beginning. If ten thousand have fallen, ten thousand tiynes ten thousand may fall." Idem, page 7. Those who take the trouble of multiplying, will fmd that ten thousand times ten thousand make 100,000,000, who are to perish out of a population of 8,000,000 ! ! ! •• Should the English now he at liberty to send all their firmies and all their sljips to America, and in ontdayhurn every city from Maine to' Georgia, yourcon- descmding rultrs novld pUiy on thier harps, while ihey gazed at the trt7nendow cixnflngration.^^ Idem, page 8. *' Tyrants are the same on the banks of the Nile hzvI the Potbvviiiac— at Mtm- phis and at Washington— in a monarchy and a repulUc.''^ hieia, page 9. •♦ Jjike the worgliippers of Moloch, the supporters of a vile itdniliiistration gacrifice their children and families on the altar of democracy. I Jke the wid- ow's of Hindostan, tiiey consume themselves. Like the frantic voturics of Jug- gernaut, they throw themselves under the car of their political idol. They are crushed by its bloody wlicels." Idem, page II. "The full vials of despotism are -poured on your hfeads. And yet you inay challenge the plodding Israelite, the stupid African, the feeble Cljinese, the drow- sy Turk, or the frozen exile of Siberia, to equal you in tame submission to the powers thai 6e." Idem, page 12. " Here we must tran^h on the mandates o/ despotism ! ! ! or I;ere vfe m-ji-t re- main slaves for ever. '♦ Idem, j':;jo 13. " Vou may envy the privilege of Israel, and mourn that no land qf Canaan ftas hem promised to your ancestors. You cannot separate from that mass of corrup- tion, which would poison the atmosphere of paradise. You must in obstinate despair bow down your necks to the yoke, and with your African brethren drag the chains of Virginia despotism, unless you discover sonie other mode of escape.*^ Idem, page 15. " Has not New England as much to apprehend as the sons of Jacob had ? — But no child has been taken from the river to leud us through the sea,^* Ideii), page 20. » ** If judgments are coming on the nation— if the sea does not open thee a path, where, how, in what manner will you seek relief.^** Ibid. *- God will bilng good from every evil. The furnaces of Egypt lighted Israel to the land of Canaan.*^ Idem, 22. " Which sooty slave, in all the ancient dominion, has more obsequiously watch- ed the eye of his master, or flew to the indulgence of his desires more servilely, than the same masters have waited and watched, and obeyed the orders of the great Napoleon i"* Discourse delivered at Byfield, April 8, 1813, page 21. " Let every man who sanctions tiii^ war by his suffrage or influence, remem* ber that he is labouring to cover himself and his country with blood THE BLOOD OP THE SLAIN WILL CRY FROM THE GROUND AGAINST HIM " Idem, page 2 J. '' How will the supporters of rj^ this anti christion warfare endure their sen tencp — endure their own reflectiori* — tndure thefi*e that forever burns — the worm whichneverdies—thehosannasof heaven— WHILE THE SMOKE OB' THEIR TORMENT;? ASCENDi FOREVER AND EVER." Idem, page 24. i \ 1^'., r;/: \ V j I 832 ^JPHE OLIVE BRANCH. *• To raiesarmy after army to be sacrificed, when tlie Efiglisli do all wlilrli b possible, to Htrfleri tlie vigours of captivity, by kiiidnefta to the prisoneri »vliicl» they have taken by ihc,usandi and Uiouncnds, testoring ihim lo thtir fumilxts wiTi;ot)T A RA^oor, sutferiiig, nautical hero ! No. Internal discord, more fatal than tens of thousands of embattled ene- mies, has riveted the chains of impressment on countless uum» hers of future Hulls, Perries, Porters, Lawrences, and Macdo- noughs. But had the war been really unsuccessful, it would not bUi cliapleri, a few spe- ciinL'OS. Many of the pir/i^ripds on tliJA and other topicx di-:ulay a dcgrt-e of nwUce. and virulence, and ri^vtllrv, that can onlv he equalled hy the writci-iof tht Coui-ier and the Tim ••h**d to ('i»*ess'wsrd. \nd itraagi; to t-'ll, there vry»:\ inont 'ahour" ed ->t of essmf puSii^'iad in Boi'on u;ider the sign.itnre of Pacilcui d"'efi;ling thp \nc)n><'rou« cl.iim lo |{)').000,0')0 of acros of our territor/. as a Sintqiia mm oanditi'>:i of priw TaiTse '»f«:*v9 were repuh'i-he4 in luoat of the fe,?J,^' * To the diRgrare and dishonour of tlie hou!>e of representatives of the Uuited States, this vile effusioo of Billingsgate was allowed to pass without a call tooF- iler. f Mr. Blake it likely to be a conspicuous character. Neither Marat, Dantoa, nor Robesoierre bitgnn their career with more violence than he has already dis- played Nemoreptnte turpiisimus. He will improvr. as he goes on 1 stake my existence, that had % civil war taken ]|)lace (as would have been the case, had Mr. Blairc^s councils prevailed) and his party had uot been crushed in the conflict, as they probably would — if he had the ascendency, there would have been as summaiy process with the democrats of that quarter as there was with the royalists under the guillotine government qf Paris. Men are monsters all the world over, when unrestrained by larv and comtitution. I hope in the tender mer- ey of God, we shall not try the experiaient But if in th« vengeance of heaven, we are destined to do it, we shall add our example to th^t of France in proof of thid theory. Mr. Blake transcends his friend Mr. Otis, far. The latter gentle- Diao is surely violent enough— but be is obliged to curb and restrain the converted demoertt. PorUaps ihis is a nise de guerre — perhaps the outras;eous violence of Mr Blake is intended to form a contrast with the mildness of the projet of Mr. Otis, who is thereby to gain the popular title of a " modere." Old Lord Bur- leigh, or Machiavel himself, cou'd not arrani^e thr matlsr better. But. reader, 1 merely gutss at th«ee things. I am too far removed from the chesi board, t« jud^e of the state of the game. ^ 536 THE OLIVE BRANCU. mttuts of office, should pursue this plan. The depravity of hu- man nature sufficiently accounts for it. But that a large por- tion of the community who neither have nor hope for place of honour or profit, should lend themselves to such a scheme— should allow themselves to be made instruments to be wielJed for the purpose — that they should, bs the history of this young country hns often verified, shut their eyes to the vital interests of the nution, in order to promote the aggrandizement of a few men, is really astonishing. The following paragraph from the New York Evening Posf, is as candid a confession of a most sinister object as ever \v;ig made. While we were exposed to all the horrors of war — our cities and towns linhle to Copenhagenism^ — our wives and our daughters to violation — it was ingenuously avowed, that all these frightful evils w^e of no account compared with the a- elusion of Mr. Coleman's friends from office t! ! It is impossible to mistake the idea. It is capable of no other than this inter- pretatioM. However we reprobate its want of public spirit, its eandour commands applause. " What wouM be the value (»f a peace, if not attended with a change of thoHC rulerx who are drivini; the country headlong t» ruin i* A PFACE, t/ such be its effects, WOULD BE THB HEAVJEST OE CURhES.— TTrerc is no eve/nl that could happen — no possible condilion of things thai could be imagined, which oufrht not to be deplored, and avoided, as //ic HEAVIEST OF CALAiVTITIE*i if ils tendency is to perpituatf power intht projiigate fuinda that for sixicm ytara have governed this ««• happjf country/* TJie man who can read these declarations without shudder- ing with horrof; must have bis moral feelings destroyed) er at THE OLIVE BRANCH. 337 least blunted to an extreme degree. These senlin.cTits )iave aj»|»eiirctl in other papers hesihUs tlie New York Ev^uing Foot. This paragraph alVoriU a complete chie to all the convulsive «itru^ * j».. t ' The stin has not shone on more despicable conduct.] To leiuin to the PeiiDsylvanin line. The imehigcnce uas carrieil to 'he British camp, Jl there sprtad joy and gladness. Lord IIoi;ve hoped that a period li.id arrived lo the '■'■ rebellion ,^^ as it K'ouM have been termed. There was u j^lorious opj^oriu. nhy of crushing the hall-iormed erabrjo of die rtpubhc. He cojuited largel} on \\u iiidiajnation, and on the nsenimeni of the natives of '^ the enieraldisle." He knew the irascibility of ihcir tempers. He calculated on the diminution of the Elrtngth of *' //le rebels,''^ and the accession to the numbers ot the royal ar- my. Messengers were desp^^chcd lo ihe muUneers. They Ijnd carte blanche. They were lo allure the poor Hrb* rnians to k- turn, like prodigal children, from feeding on husks, to the plenti- ful fold of their royal master. Liueralily herself presided over his offers. Abundant gu|)plies of provi^^ions — comfortable cloili- ing to their hearts' desire — all arrears-tif pay — bounties — audjjar- f\ou for past offences, were olFered. There was, however, no he- iiitalion among these poor neglected warriors. The) refused to lenounce poverty, nakedness, su'JTering, and iagralitude 'JLe j^piendid temptations were heJd out in vain. There was u. ;. das, no Arnold there. They seized the tempters. They . i- pled on their shining ore. They senttheai to the ge.ierars icm. The miserable wretches paid their forfeit lives »or attempting lo seduce a bandol^agged, forlorn, and deserted, but illusirious lie- roes. We prate ^bout Roman, about Grecian patriotism. One half of it is false. Tn the other half, there is nothing that < .\cels this noble trait, which is worthy the pencil of a West or a Tiiini' bull. Let nie reverse the scene. Let me introduce some characters of a different atamp. Whe is that miscieant yonder — daik, de« signing, haggard — treachery on his countenance — a dagger io his hand ? Is it not Arnold ? It is. Was he an Irishman? No.— He was not of the deipised cast, the foreigners. He was an A- mericao. Neither Irish nor French blood flowed in his veins. Behold, there is another. Who is he, that, Judas likp, is poekeling the wages of corruption, f«r which he has sold bis country? Is he an Irishman ? No. He is a native Americao. His name is Silas Deane, But surely that numerous band of ruffians, and plunderers, and murderers, ^tho are marauding and robbing — who a' r sliool- tog down poor farmers, an^ their wires, and their children^ ar£ THE OLIVE BRANCH. ^41 it is impossible they can be natives. No native American would perpetrate such barbarities on hie uiiolTencling fellow-citizens. — It 18 an error. They are refugees and lories — all native born. [ am an Irishman. Willi the canaille in superfine cloths and silks, as well as with the canaille in rags and tatters, this is a subject of reproach. For every man, woman, or child, base enough to attach disgrace to any person on account of his country, I ke\ a most sovereign, and ineffable contempt. Let them more in what sphere they may, whether in coftee-houses, or ball-rooms, or palaces — in hovels, or garrets, or cellars — they are grovellinp;, sordid, and contemptible. To express the whole in two worda pity there were not words more forcible — they are MERE CANAILLE. I glory, I feel a pride in the name of an Irishman. There is not under ihe canopy of heaven, another nation, which, ground to the earth as Ireland has been, for six hundred years, under so vile a proconsular government — almost every viceroy a Vcrrcs — a government wliose fundamental mitxim is " divide and de- stroy" — whose existence depends on fomenting the hostility of the Protestant against the Presbyterian and Catholic, and that of the Catholic against the Protectant and Presbyterian — there is not, I say, another nation, which, under such circumstances, would have preserved the slightest ray of respectability of char- acter. A book now lies before me, which, in a few lines, with great naivete, developes the horrible system pursued of England in the government of Ireland, by exciting the jealousy of one part of the nation against the other. A schemer of the name of Wood, had sufficient court influence to procure a patent for sup- plying Ireland with copper coin in the year 1 724, by means whereof he would have amassed an immense fortune by fleecing the nation of its gold and silver in return for his base copper. — Bean Swift exposed the intended fraud with such zeal and abili- ty, that he aroused the public indignation at the attempt; and thus the projector was fairly defeated, and his patent revoked.— Primate BouUer, who was at that period prime miaiBter of Ire- laud, iu a tetter to the duk« of Newcastle, deplores the conse- quences of this fraudulent attempt, in uniting the partiei, who, till tbeo, had been embittered enemies. This grand dignitary of the church regarded a cessation of discord and hostility among the oppressed Irish as a most alarming eycut ! ! ! pregnant uith dag- ger to the authority of Eoglabd ! ! ! But, reader, X will let bim tf^eak for himself: F f ^^^0\ ^^< '; ■"#w-, »^ fl 342 THE OLIVE BRANCH. " The people of everjTellgion, country, and party here, arc alike set agaiurt Wood's half pence ; and, nrp Iheir agreemml in this has had A VERY LTV- HAFl'Y IISFLUEISCE^N THE AFFAIRS OF THE NATION \\ I by bringing onintimffdes btlneen Papists, and Jaeobites, and the nhigs, nho btjtrt hid no corrtspmdeiue ni(h lhcm.^\' ! ! Ste BouUti's Utters, vol. J, page 7. Dublin Ed.tioii, 1770. Notwithstanding all the grinding, the debasing circumstances that militate against Ireland and Irishmen, there is no country in Christendom, which has not witnessed the heroism, the gen- erosilj, the liberality of Irishmen— none, where, notwithstand- ing the atrocious calumnies propagated against thtni by thtir oppressors, they have not forced their way through the thorny and briary pathsof prejudice and jealousy, to honour, to esteem, to respect. It ha« been said, that they are in this country, turbulent, and refractory, and disorder!}', and factious. This charge is as base as those by whom it is advanced. There is more turbu- lence, more f«clion, more disaffection in Boston, whose pof.ula- tion is only 33,000, and wliich has as few foreigners as perhafg any town in the world, than there is in the two states of Penn- sylvania and New York, with a population of 1,700,000, and which contain probablj^ two- thirds of all the native Irishmco in this country. While native born citizens — some of whom pride themselves on Indian blood flowing in their veins — and others who boast of a holy descent from those " sainted pilgrim^ whom British persecution drove to the howling wilderntss, were of late sacrilegiously and wickedly attempting to destroy the glorious (would to Heaven I could saj the immortal) fabric of our almost divine form of government ; of the Irishmen in this country, high and low, ninety-nine of every hundred were .strenuously iabouring to ward off the stroke. ;I said there is no country that owes more to foreigwrs than the United States. I owe it to myself and to my reader, not to let ,a |>oint of such importance rest on mere assertiflti. Of the men who acquired distinction in the cabinet, or in the field, during the revolutionary war, a very large proportion were foreigners. In " the times that tried mens* souls," Uicir services were acceptable — i\\ey were gladly received, anil courteously treated. But now, like the squeezed orange, thiy are to be thrown aside, and troddcR under foot. The illustrious La Fayette, Gen. Lee, Gen. Gates, Gfn. Stewart, the inestimable Gen. Montgomery, Gen. Pulaski, Gen. Kosciusko, Baron Steuben, Baron De Kalb, Gen. M'Phetson, Cren. St. Clair, Gen. Hamilton, Robert Morris, the amiable Charles Thompson, Judge Wilson, Baron DeGlau! ec, TIiobi«8 Paine, Thomas Fitzsimons» William Findlcy, and hundreds d THE OLIVE BRANCH. G43 otherJ, eminent during the revolution, were foreigners. Many of them were not excelled for services, and merits, hy any na- tive Amfjrictu, wiietherthe ditigy !)Iooii ofa Pocaliontas crawl- ed through his veins, or whether he descended in a right line from any of " the Pilgrims" that waged war against the potervt Mass&soit. Since the preceding pages were written, I have met with a pamphlet of infinite merit, v\ritten by one of the authors of •' Salmagundi," from which 1 quote the following staterfient with pleasure — as affording an able vitulication of the Irish, and a fair sketch of the oppressions and wron^js they have en- ilured. In the name of the nation 1 thank the writer for thU genercus effusion, of winch tlie value is greatly enhanced, by the extreme rarity of such liberality towards Ireland or Irish- men on this side of the Atlantic. The work has, raoreovrr, the merit of being an excellent tkfence of this country agiiiir, the ahuse of British critics. 1 earnestly recommend it to the perusal of every American who feels for the honour of hie* eountry. , , u , *' The history of b-eland's unhappy conoexiou with England, 'exhibits, from irst to iast, a dstail of the mo>;t persevering, Ral'ing, grinding, insulting, and jystematic opprewion, to be found any wliere [jy except among tlie hdats of Spuria. There is not a national feeling tliat Im» not been insulted and trodden under foot ; a national right tiiat itas not been witlifield, until fear forced it from t!ie grasp of Eii;Tlan'J ; or a dear, or axcient prejudice, that ha«< not been violat- ed ill t:iat abus-yluiit tviili more alacrity, or in greater numbers tliari the Irish. HIGH IS HIE MEED 0[<^ HiAUE, RICH THE HEW \K[), >VHI(H IKliiHiVlEN HAVE MERITED FROM J HE GRATITUDE OF AMERICA. AS HEROES AND STAlESMEN, THEY HOWOIR THEIR ADOI'TED COUiNTRY." The above sublime and correct tribute of pruise, is extract- td from the Federal Republican, of July 22, 1812, and loiiiis paft of an unanimous address agretd to by \he federal mtmhtis of the Legislature of Maryland, published iu constqutnce of the Baltimore riots. 1 have been highly and very unexpectedly gratified to find another advocate and defender of the Irish nation, since \]\c. publication of my former edition. Mr. Coleman, the e party so enlightened, so intelligent, so respectable, and in .vate life so virtuous, yielding them*' selves up so blindly, so submissively, and with so complete an aliandonment* of the plainest dictates uf reason and common sense, into the hands of leaders so undeserving of their confi- dence. In and after the days of Washington, you stood on a- proud eminence — on high and comm.inding ground. You were the friends of order and gofnl government. You were trem- blingly alive to the honour of yodr country. You identified it with your own. But it is difficult to find a more lamentable change in the conduct of any body of men than has taken place with your leaders. The mind can hardly conceive a greater contrast than between a genuine Washingtonian federalist of 175^0, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6, and the Bostonian, who, covered with the pretended mantle of Washington federalism, destroys the credit of his own government — and collects- the metallic medi- um of the nation to foster the armifs preparing to attack and" lay it waste. Never were holy terms so [>rostitut«d. Wash- ington from Heaven loolws down with indignation at such a vile perversion of the authority ()f his name. Let me request your attention to a few facts — and td refleC' tions and queries, resulting from them— I. Your proceedings and your views are eulogiyiCd in Moo* treal. Quebec, Halifax, London, and Liverpool. The Courier, and the Times, and all the other governinf»nt paners, are loud and uniform in your praise. \}^ This is an awful fact^ and ought to make you pause in your career. II. 117* Your party ris^s as your country sinks. UJ^ It sinks a'i your cmnlry rises. This is another awful fact. It cannot fail to rend the heart of every public spirited man amon^ryou. For the love of the God of Peace —!>y the shTide of W^shing^ ton—by that country which contains all you hold dear, 1 ad* jure you to weigh well this sentence— o;?* vom sink as your Fr2 ,34d THE OLIVE BRANCH. dountry rises. Yes, it is induhitaUly so. It is a terrific ami np. palling truth. And (IT* you rise as thai despotulins;^ laccralcd^ perishitigy bdraycd country sinks. '* 1 would r<4tlier be a dog und bay the raouo," than aland in this odious predicament. III. Had there been two or three surrenders like Genera! Hull's — had Copenhagenism befallen New Yorlc, or PhiludeN phia, or Baltimore, or Charleston — or had our Constitutions, ftnd United States, and Presidents, and Constellations, lieen sunk or carried into Halif .x ; and our Porters, and Decaturs^ and Bainhridge and Perrys, and Hulls, been killed or taken prisoners, your leader* would have been crowned with com- plete success. They would have been wafted on a spring-tide to that |)ower which is "tke God of their idolatry." fD Eve- ry event that sheds lustre ofi the arms of America ts to them a do- feat. It removes to a distance the prize to which their eyes i\m\ 'efforts are directed. [17^ But every circumstance that entails dis- grace or distress on Hie country^ whether it be lanfcrtrplcyt difcat, treachery, or cmvardicc, is auspicious to their views. IV. UT' Never has the sun, in hiss^lorious course, helteld so es- iimabU, so respectable, so cnliglUentd a varty as you are, in tLe friifblful situation, in which the ambition of your leaders, and your own tame, thoughtless, inexplicable acrjuiescen-ce, have pluced you. V. By fulminationst from the pulpit — by dennnciAtions from the press — ItJ" by a profitse itse of British government bills^hy unusual, unnecessary, lK>8tile and oppressive drafts for specie cii the New York banks — and by various other unholy, treasona- ble, and wicked means, the leaders of your parly in Boston have reduced the government to temporary bankruptcy — have produced the same effect on our banks — ha\e depreciated tlie stocks and almost every species of ii^foperty from 10 to SO|i«T cent. VI. These treasonable operations have served the cause rf England more effertually, than Lord Wellington could have done with 50,000 of his bravest troops. They have produced incalculable, and to mnny remediless distress and ruin. VII. CI^^ After havinsc thus treascnably destroyed the credit oj Gie government^ one oj their strongest uccusalions against it^is^ bankruptcy,^ • It is impoasihte for IfiBgiwjfe to conn»v the contempt ftnS abhorrPiTce that aW dne to the canting, ivbining speeches dcliverrd In rongress on the hi-aiiuptcya the goternnient ^y men who were deoply guilty of protlucing it— whoRP Iretison- «1ileeffoi-t8 hatVe been crowirodure bankruptcy inculpate the bankrupt mth his forlorn and despe- rate circumstance!. IX. There is no other country in the world, where these firoceedings would not be punished severely — in many capitally. Their guilt is enormous, clear and indisputable. They strike at the safety, and even the existence, of society. X. By the sedition law,* en-icted by some of these very men, and their followers, heavy fines, and tedious imprisonment, were awarded a£;ainst offences incomparably inferior. XI. While you suUmit to leaders, whose career is so iniquit- ous, were you in private life as pure as archangels, you partake largely of the guilt of those whom you uphold; "whose power of destruction depends on your supi;)ort; and who would sink into insigniiicHnce, but for your countenance. XI \. If the pretext, or even the strong belief, on the part of the; minority, that a war, or any other measure is ur\just, can warrnnt such a Jacobinical, seditious, and treasonal>le opposition as the present war has experienced, no government can exist. The minority in all countries, uniformly denounce all the meas- nres they have opposed, as unjust, wicked, unholy, or unconsti- tutional — or all united. XI I I. The most unerring characteristic of a desperate faction, i» CCT' «» uniform opposition to all the measures proposed by its opponents^ rmether ^ood or b long its ravages. THE OLIVE BRANCH. 340 XXTV. Are you prepared — can you rcconrilc yourselvrs to incur all llie risk— to su Ver all tlie mlu thai a revolution will iii- fallibly produce, to enable Kul'us King, Timothy Pickniiig, Cliiistophcr Gore, Cyrus King, and Puikl Webster, to siezo tlie ro.iiw of sfovernineiU, and exde " to Elba'* — or exrculc with Cyrus King's crlebratf^d " hallT^''' your venerable first mijys- liate ? Suj)|)09e they succeeou to withdiaw your t-upport from those who arc Ifij^ued for their destruction, and \vl>0' make you i.isirunients to accomplish their un'-s >ly purpoMs. You ijre on the verge of a giipinjj voriftx, ready to sn-alhiw up} ourfielvesi and your devoted Country. To advance a bina;le step mny be inevitable perdition. To the riorht about. Ii is the path to tionor, to safety, to a;lory. Aid in exliic^tinaiy ;ur country iVo n daii4i;e.r. And then if y )U s-leci Clin), and dis-pissionaie, mu\ m.nhnMte cand'd.iiei* for public odice, tilt re can be do <1 mU)! of your success. J am Hrrnly p"r- £u template a dissolution of the union, it docR not by nny mteos l'nl< fow that \re are safe from Kuch an event, while the publir pis< sious are so constantly excited and k( pt in such a hiirh stnit cf fermentation. It is an easy process lo raise commotions and |);o- voke seditions. But to ^llay Ihcra is always ardu(>u!- — oIim! im- possible. Ten men may create an insurrection — w liich onr Inn- d red, of equal talents and influence may be utterly unabh loiiip- puss. The weapon of popular discontent, easily witl(l((l atilie outset, becomes, after it has arrived at maturity, too potent tot the feeble grasp of the agents by whom it has been call< d into a- ietence. It hurls them and those against whom it was first o ployed, into the same prolound abyss of n)isery and dtslruciioc, Whoever reqidres illustration of this theory, has only to v\n any page of the history of France from the era of the national convention till the commencement of the reign of Bonaparic- If he be not convinced by the perusal, " he would Qot be cc3> vixiced, though oue were tu rise from the dead." APPENDIX. The favorable reception this work has oxperi- enrccl, induces mo to make a few additions to it, wliicli 1 respectfully submit to my fellow-citi- zens. Tlioy embrace topics mostly untouched, or at least slightly handled in the original work. Some of them are of vital importance to the dearest in- terests of the nation. In this portion of the publication, as well as in what precedes it, I lave endeavored to divest my- self of any undue bias. I have pursued truth nndeviatingly, and regardless of consequences. How far J have succeeded the leader must judge. 1 request a candid and fair examination of the various subj«cts — and that my erroii), whatever they be, may be ascribed to any other causr=^ than an intention to mislead, of which I feel myself utterly incapable. M. C. March 31, 1815. / Orfh mi the order will ri istrati dresg, admit Iiad l)i ous rei No rei in viol but ou sitated early i'or hul the del rious pi Gre/ Upon merce.l perilyj justice.! son anf her gro| rious. Thel Great the enoj ^ our go] jpar LeaviBfl APPENDIX. 3i»(5 CHAPTER LX. Offlers in couiiciL Restrictive system. Impolici/ of tlie BritisTt ministry. Abstract from the examinations before the house of commons. Ruinous effects of the policy of Great Britain on the vital interests of that nation. That the violation of the rights of tho United States by the ortlers in council, required to ll)e resisted by our government, will not be denied, by the most strenuous opi'oser of the admin- istration. And that every peaceable means of obtt^ining re- dress, ought to be fully tried before a lecourse to war, will be admitted. Appeals to the honour and justice of the British government liad been repeatedly made. Our ministers had (iresented vari- ous remonstrances on the subject. They had been in vain.— No redress had been vouchsafed. Our injuries had increased in violence. Other means were necessary. Perhaps no nation but our own, whose policy is eminently pacific, would have he- sitated on the subject War, horrible, destructive war, would early been the resort. But with a most laudable regard for human happiness — with a view to prevent the carnage, the demoralization of war, our government bad recourse to va- rious paf^fic measures to enforce redress. Great Britain is a manufacturing and commercial nation.-^ Upon her manufactures depends in a great degree her com- merce. Both are indispensable, not merely towards her pros- perity, but her security, her very existence. We asked simple justice. It was believed, and on the strongest ground of rea- son and policy, that it could be rendered her interest to ceaae her gross violation? of our rights. The effort was most merito- rious. It is vTorthy of future imitation. The American market was far the best in the world for Great Britain. Our imports from that country bad risen to the enormous sum of above I 50,000,000 in a year.* It had *Byariport of Alexander Hamilton, esq. secretary of the treasnry, dated December 23, 1793, it appears that even at th^t very parly period, in the infancy of our government, we imported from the British domiaious during the preceding y*^ar ^ 15,285,428 Whereas our exports were only 9,363,4 16 Leaving ui favor of Great Britain a halance ««f $ :>,922,<01S S6.1 THE OLIVE liRANCfl. been steadily improving. The pimctualily of our imi)Oj(cti had excelleil that of any of the other customers of Knghuul. — A considerable part of tiie trade had for some time been trans acted for ready money. As a large portion of the continent of Europe had been as it 'were hermetically sealed to the British trade, it was rationally presumed, that if the alternative were held out to Great Brit- ain, either to cease her violation of our rights, or to forfeit our trade, she would certainly select Ihc furmcr. Fatuity of the l.'lindest character alone could have hesitated in the choice. 1 have strong doubts whether any a»iministration of any figr, ever dis])layed a higher degree of outrageous folly «nd injiny to the interests of its own couHtry. Every motive tk' j rudence anti policy dictated 'O Enuland, as an imperious and paramount du- ly, to treat the United States with kiudnrse, liberality and aU tention. Every fair means o^agl-.t to have been eraj'loyed to conciliate our citizens, and to induce them to bury the animos- ities of the revolution in utter oblivion. Such a liberal course of proceeding would have been productive of immense advac- tages to iief dearest intercBts. The trade of this country was the main buttress that propped up the tottering fabric of British paper credit, and furnisli- ed means to replenisli the veins of the body commercial iind financial, which had been so ruinously phlebotomized by tii« lancet of subsidies to foreign powers, and suffered so much by the starvation of the continental system. It requires biit a cursory examination of the whole tenor ol the conduct of England towards this country, to be satisfifd that it has been steadily and uniformly tfte reverse of v\hat a wise slatesraan would have a«doi)ted. The predatory and law- |i!8s orders in council, so clandestinely issued against Americuti commerce, ^^ preying upon ihc unprotected property of a friendlij power^''* — the wanton, oruel, barbarous, and unprecedented sei- zures of our citizens on the high seas — the countenanced, tlie flaii'nious forgery of our ships' papers, advertised in their Ga- zettes, and defended in parliament — the blockade of our porti, and capture of vessels bound in and oat — the shameful viola- Our exports-to the Fiench dominions fortlie same year were $ 4,Cfl8.735 And the imports only .....-• • 2,088,348 Leaving a balance in favor of the United States of 2,610,387 * Pee Boston memorial, signed by James Lloyd, jun. David Green, AriioW Welles, Dayd Sears, John CcflRu Jonrs, George Cabot, and Tl.onaiis H Perkinf, ibr and io bebaif of the whole body of the mercantile citizens ol that town. APPENDIX. 35j :ror of vbal a 1(1 law- lericaii lied sei- ;etl, the leir Ga- ir porli, il viola- [i,088;3l8 [2^10,387 town. iiowa of oiu' riiijlils of sovereignty wilhl:; liic Ihnils ilrcl.ired s> cred by il»e law of nitions — the miirtU'r of Peaate iii one of o!Ji' h.irwurg — and the total neglect of all our ai)|»lic:aiond for rfdiess o4' these grievances,* were as utterly impolitic aa lliey Mere unjust and flagitious. It is impossible to conceive cf a f"»urse of conduct more com;>l(;tely m.irked liy an ulter destitu- tion of reason, common sense, justice, regard to the law of na- tiotis, or a souuu and enlarged view of the true and vital intc- resls of the British nation. It rt quires no sagacity to foresee the sentence history will pron'junce on this miserable, this har- rassin^ system. Unqualified reprobation awaits it, aa well as its authors and abettois. it was calculated to sour and alienate the fnends of England, and to increase the hostility of Imr en - niies — ta treble the influence of th'j latter, and proportionaldy to diminish that of the foiaier. The conduct of France had been in many points so uttetly indefensible, so great a violation of our rights, and of the plain- est dictates of justice, that had Great Britain conducted la* wards us willi even a moderate share of decency or propriety, she might have re:uli!y arrayed this nation in hostility against her grand enemy seven years ago. The sole reason that pre- vented an earlier declaration of war against one ur the other of the belligerents was, that it would bave been madness to at- tiick the two, an(! each had so atrociously outraged and ii\}ured- us, that, in the strong, clear, and ji.3t language of Governor Griswold, " such bad been the character of both, that no cir- euiuitauce could jusLify a prffcrcnc: to eilker.''^ This import- ant and irresistible declaration was, as 1 have already stated, mitde to the legislature of Connecticut, on the J 2th of May, 1812. The annals of commerce do not, I believe, furnish an In- stance of one nation enjoying so lucrative a trade with another as England maintained with this country, as well for extent as tor immensity of advantage. We furnished her with the most valuable raw materials for her manufactures, and received in return for these materials the manufactured articles, wrought up often at 0, 20, 30, or 40 fold advance of value. U is hard- ly possible to conceive a more gainful commerce. A Sully, or a Colbert, or a Ximenes, or a Chatham, would hare cherished such a trade as ''the apple of his r?/c''— and shunned with hor- ror every thing iu the least calculated to iraimir or destroy it. - ^ - •* Redress of grievances was not on^ never afToidefl—bul in almost evrry In- ttancp, tlip ofTicers who perpetrated the greatest outrages, wtre dO^olut-Iy pr/)- aioted, as .if to reward thciii, and to eiiceurage ethers. 'l. ,3'- I'-*' ' 'r. ' ■ 356 THE OLIVE BRANCH. For every valuable purpose, we were literally colonics ol taifat Britain. Tliat iy to say, she derived Irom uh all the ad- vanlageg that nations have ever derived from colonies, without the exj»ense of fleets or armies for our protection. And so strong hits been and is the partiality of large proi)ortions of our eiiizens for English hai:)its, and English manners, and English fashions ; and such is the devotion of u lar ond tlieir reach, of doubtful worth, and discreditable pursuit, and n<^glcctinj5 objects of imineuse value, because, in addition to Ihftir owd nii- portiUice, they have one recommendation which would in^ike meaner things i!i' a- ced beyond the enemy's reach, which besiiles encircling ourselves in peace mid lionor, only benefits those wlio art^oiir natural frieiuh, over whom he has noron- irol," * * * " whic'i -upports at o:icc all thai rem-'ins of liberty I):\voii(i ( le £cas, and gives life and vigor toils main pillar within the realm, the miujuijc- iures and commerce of England "* " I have been drawn aside from th..^ coiirse of my statement respecting tlif im- portance of tie conniorce whic!) we are sacrificing to those mere wiiimsifS I caa call them nothing els*, respecting our abstract rights. That commerce is tiie %vhole American market, a branch 'if trade in comparison qf rvhich, iihilhcr fu regard its extent, its certainty, or ils progressive increase, every other s. ^ks I'jt.'s !>;- significance. It is a market which in ordinary times may take ofl' nbo it (hirhcii millions} worth qf our manufactures ; and in steadiness and regularity it is iiuii- vailed"! '' The returns indeed are as sure, and the bad debts as few, as they used to '>: even in the trade to Holland. These returns are also grown much more fpcrdy. Of this you have ample proof before you, from the witues^e^ wao h ive hi en o>.- amined, who have all said that the payment was now as quick as in any other line — and that the Americans often preferred makiog read>' money bargains lo;- fi!"C of the discount,"} ♦ Speech in parliament, June 16, 1812, Philadelphia edition, paiie 39. f Nearly sixty millions of dollars. \ Idem, page 3 1. \ Idem, page ?j AWENDIX. 35r I'b reitjrn to flje course parsiied here. The intcrcomse of France and England with this country svas (irohibitcil hy an act j)assed on the 1st of March, 1809, commonly called the non- intercourse JHW, for the vital clauses of which 1 refer the read. er lopas^e 108. A repeal, or modification of the Berlin and iVIilan decrees, and the oixlers in council, so as to cease violat- m^ the rij,^hfs cf the United States, was to authorise the presi- deiit to restore the intercourse. This mild and excellent mode of pvocurinp; redress, which entitles ifs authors to the most unqualified approbation of thtir fell.vvv citizens and of posterity— and to which history will do the justice denied by ungrateful colemporarirs, was treated with tidicnle and contempt in this country, ns futile, and imbe- r:i!e, and utterly inetreclual in. its ope ration upon England and Fiance. With a IdindnpES, and folly, ar.d rnrdness, of which there are* not many parallels, the British rjinistry persevered in their uh- i>ist system towards this country, notwitiistandin^ its destruct« he effects on the vital interests of their own. Their most val- u.ihle and important manufactures were paralized — their manu- facturers reduced to be;;s;ary and ruin — n regn!.ir trade cut off, arnounfiuj; to 50,000,000 of dollars annually— and the sources dried up, froai whence they priucipaliy derived the means of iiu'}sidizin^- foreign powers to tight their battles. In vain did the wisest acd best of the people of England en*er their most solemn protest against the orders in council— that miserable system, on which egregious folly and rampant injustice were stamped in the most legible characters. In vain did tile starving workmen — the impoverished manufacturers im- plore the administration for relief. They were deaf as the ad» der, whose ears are closed to the voice of the charmer, charm he never so wiselv. At length, in the spring of 1812, the public sufferings had so far increased — and the clamour for redress was so universal, that the British ministry were impetuously driven to submit to institute an inquiry in parliament into the operation and effects ')f the orders in council. This measure was adopted with an ill grace, and not until the most serious and alarming riots and insurrections had occurred in several parts of England. The examination was begun on the 29th of April, 1812, and continueil till the 13th of the following June. Witnesses were examined from most parts of England. The evidence uniform- ly and undeviatingly concurred to prove how transcendently important was the American trade to the manufacturers of Great Britaia— how awfully calamitous the cessation of that trade ba4 G€2 1] 358 THE OLIVE EKANCIT. lie«ii — and the miserable policy of an aillierence to the oiiltis in council. Jll this was apparent and undeniable from the virj jirst day of the excuninatioiL, could there huve been any prciicu-; doubt on the subject. The minutes of the examination, as published by order of parliament, form a ponderous folio volume of nearly 700 pc'ig< s, andexliibit a.frightful picture of the results of (he sinister ainJ absurd policy wiiich dictated the orders in council. To the United States this u a subject of immense inijicr- tancp. Our form of government — our dearest interests— tie habits, and inclinations, and manners of our jieople, lead wi {■.) pursue a pacific policy. And if there be an elfeclual instruim nf whereby, without war, we can extort justice from nations uhlcL violate our rights^ or offer us outrage, it alFords additional ami in valuable security for tlie permanence of the blessed state d peace. While we can make it preeminently the inlcresln those nations with which we havo intercour&e, to reciprccjiio kindness and justice, we may reasonably calculate upon ll.dt pursuing tluit desirable course. To evince, therefore, the efficacy of the so much-abused re- strictive system, I submit to the reader a few extracts from llie evidence given before the house of common?, of its etfecis od ihe dearest inlerests of Great Britain. April 30, i8l2. Mr. THOMAS POTTS, merchant, of Birmxrf^ham —From 20,000 to 2\m mtn in Birmingham, wI)o ^^^ have noiv only hay work. General date nfth ihn?, extremely depressf.d, and titt diJress univerml. Mnnvfaclurers have been kttping their men employed in creating stock nearly to Iks extent if their ca^itcl, end marj V" them are in ccnseqiienee in extreme diffinilties. If no favourable c!ia;ige taiii place, the manufacturers will be obliged within two months to dismiss two-tliiidf of their hands, and some of thorn the whole. Large quantitlts of Birm.r^huu goods have been laying in Liverpool, waiting for shipment from 12 to Ii» n,i,r;t!;! ■past, rj-'ys TAe Jmericm market, a steady andinrreanng one, and tlie ynymird:. nhich have been regularly improving, norv very good. Since the prohibi'ion in A' incrica. goods have been sent to Canada : but they have been sold thnefcrlfj! than their cost in the manufacturing towns. Has tried tie South Auieric:in niai' ket wit'i very indifferent success ; and has coocluc'ed never to make anotlie -shipment to that country, as he believea those siiipments have not yielded 25 pci cent Mamifactures in America have made an alnnning progress within t^fo years ; but thinks that if the ititercourse was speedily thrown open, tlipy would be effectually checked. Would ship his goods to America the nwment the ordnf •in council were re cinrfcd, having pesitive and sptcific instructions from his cor respondents to that effect. Knows liouses in Binningliam, which have goods rea dy to ship to America, that cost them 70,000/ 50,000/. 45,000Z. 25,000/. 20MI and workmen have emigrated from Biriringh^m to Amenca. Has no rfowit/^il ■tf the American trade mas opened^ the distress in Birmingham mould ;.';:tcnilj 4:ease. Mr. WILLIAM BLAKE WAY, Lamp Manufacturer, of fiim/«^Aa»i.-Goc
  • l tijjt nearly llie whole of \\\i Ciij)ital id iibsorbed by it. t'nftxs iht Amerkni Ttvirketis opmed, cnnnot kfpi) on his handi atall. Mm hithert') borne the suIRt- in^s of hii workmen himself, but will be compelled to '.lls(.liarj;e thorn, howcvtr rf luctarjt to do so. Fins sotiifht, but not founii rrluf in nny other Jiuirki t Rec- ollects the scarcity hi laOO and 1801 : but the distress was not utall et^ual to the; present, becau.'ie there wis plenty of worlc. Mr. JWIT.S RVL VND. of Blrminghim, mannfacturer of plated conch har- ne-is and isaddle furiiittire. — Principal part nf his manufar.Unre fxporlfd to tnt idled Slates. Previous to l(JO;{ t!je export was v* ry coniderableand increasing;, ihe re turns prompt, and pajineat sure. Workmen who formerly earned 30 to •IDs. per wetk. now D;pt about 203 and tlio^e who nsed to get'.iU'? now earn about II or 12". Shelves haded with stock, and the. griuttr part i]f his cnpit tl ahsorbct init. Two-thirds of tlie w^ork men employed in this business must be di?ch:uv,- ed, if no favorable change takes pl.ice. \jj=> Since thefallinf; off nf the Amcncn:i mirket, Ai? opened a house in Londn, b-ul hai found so mnny persons fiiddni; ii the same market that he has been able ti carrtjil (m niih ce.ry little succe-^s. Pre- djus to the orders in council, the trade was in .« veryjl'juriihing stite : t!iey wert /nil of orders, and thfir men South American market; and States, for the »ale of thid mauulaclure. full of work, knows no LV Ha-i recf'iv. d no relii'f from thn market k'lua] to tliat of llie United May i, 1312. of EivminRhTTi.— n 13 goods to t'.? market, whl;.;i he would injlaritly beiiis 30 advised by III? jKirtncr in Mr. JERE^f [AH RIDOUT, merchant, value of 20,000/. prepared for the Ameiiian jhip if the orders ill couocil were removed, America. The workmen very much distressed : " I have seen pe^ pie shed teurs ; 1 h-wo confined myself behind the door for fear of seeing those people, kbt ^icy shwuld importune me to give them orders ; they have tttld me they did not kn 'W what to do. One man said, " What can I do ? if I lo to the magi;!.;.te lie will tell ine to go for a ."oldier ; I am a married man, and God knows wli«t I inuj't mmed, as soon as the trade is oj)encd. Mad had frequent advices from his a<2;pnt resident in \inerica, that uinnufactiircs are very fast increasing tlifc, and has re;i!«on to know it from particular circumstances. One particular or.icle now ju j;rt^at demand is card wire, for the manufacture of cotton and wool cards, whicl; ij wanted for their macliinery. Has had the article of nails counlermurided no the ground tliat they cau be manufactured cheaper in America than they can be iniiioj'ted.^ Has hud muny painful opfortunities f the people in Birmingham ; ^j^ belitvcs it i» he extreme. Has a warehouse in IVolverhumpton : the loner oiatrs in quite a: Qreat distress fAcre; their goods may be lioufflit at any price; there au aii>iiy small manufacturers there, who are selling some of thrir si.ock at, he bclicvis. a lower rale than it cost them Attributes the diifresses ff the trade and mtinMf<'c- fures principnlly to the orders in council,\ believing them to Le the cause of the 711: n- intercourse with America. Has the most pair.ful forebodings that the r.imlinutnrt lif the reHr'clioni upon the American trade wilt gioe great encouragement to the in- crease of mnnufacturei in America. Mr. JOHN BAILEY, merchant, of ShefTeld —The manufacturers ofSbMTMd for th« supply of the market of the IJiiiled St tes, employ 6,000 puson?, btsiflesi others dependent on that trade, g;^ The ei^iiort to \merica is about one-tl ird of the whole manufactiirts of Sh. Ilii Id About one-tenth cf the u.-u;^.! spring flhipnjent was made in 1 8 II. and none since. Stock of goods has been incrcaMis; in Slicflield to a considerable extent ; but there are orders for shipments to AmtT' ica, immediukly ontherrFcindingcfthe orders in council. Infoiniation fr* di a large manulHctiirer, that rj^ he now pays one-sixth part qf the nagfs n hich he did when the Amrrican trade /ija open : and that one half of what he has muniilac- tured for the last fift«rn month*, is now dead slock. Another of the principal nrinnfacturers informed him, that As now employs only half iff his usual nxmhr •0 IjuihIs. and nian- facuvrd t .O'JO pi«'ce^ <»!" ^ood. for the Auteilcan uiai> et. r^-^ in tlic last year UM'l.' -iMW' [lure-' n:id iias di.»:iUKSfcd 2U0 hands Hif :^1ock 01 good-* worth up- Aiud" of ru »'00/ ho;!);: ni'.icli I reader t!».ai at any foM;>t r j-eriod. Q^ Tlu' re- niaiiilui;; Innd- ii r.e uo! iii»>!e t!i,in one-th rd work. Qjp in good i.iui> lii? nnii •^■ariicd Iriiin liJs. to JOs. a vf(k, .'lud now oiii> 1 ue third IVevfr kurnr t.h» [lOt r id so di.'tiL-' M« r<-^;;pff/.;f ss .J'!hrir dress. Thtjf are evidtiMy in a norf^e sHvatiun than 1 tvtr Ar.em ihtmb^furey If a favourable change dors not ttke placr, inu^t di^Uli^? i.i v. aoic of tiis hands, as the heavy stock of goods render it 01. t o!' lii- power to continue them Made a Binall shipiueut to houtb America, about twtl-i months n^^o. but has not yet received any returns; and will not ship f'.rtlu-r at present Made a shipment to Canada, value ;iO OOOi. about fourteen iiiniiih^! ago, !or which he has nol yet recijived one-sixth ; i,\u\ those j:o.ding to .inierii-n are in tiie same itatc. The owiT/ion calculution is, that Yorkshire liooda are exported to America, to the amount qf tiro millions annu- ally. Great foiTiplaints have been made of the home inarLet lor the last six moulhs. Q^ Has orders for goods to be shipped to America, eii the repeal of the orders m council. May 15, 1312. Mr. DAVID SHEARD, blanket and flushing manufacturer, of the parish of D wsbuiy. In good times employed about 800 hands -. 100 of them are now qmtt out fif employ, and the remainder have one-tiiird, or one-four' h work. — [ry» The average wages of men, women and children, in good times were 1 li. a w . ok, and are now 3s.i*d. The manufacturers Lave given over accutuulaling stock : they do not wi h to run into dtbl, and the money Hit y had is all made up into goods. ^Veekiy wages paid in the hamkt, in good times, ured to he 'ii'-Ul. Tiiinks the home trade as good as it was. 'J'rada bagou tp fall olF ie Jiow2»li. 302 THE OUVE BnANCH. ■'lit :l.J till' hti%]nnwz of I8H : and amoj^g ike lowrr orders (/ the pcoph Hurt h vrry jf i-, ,,; dislrtmimh'l. If rivounilfle ciicuiiut;ificei< do not lurii up, will ht- t.l)ln;i d to ttiin oir hair of t!ic 7(10 li.iiiih lip new ciiipl'»ys. Had a good trad« bt-I'Mt; the iiitercours*- wjtii Vmerica w.is gtoppfd. .Mr. rit \NCIS PRATT, inrr<:Ii:int and wnollen mnnnr.iclurer, of SiiddU- worti:. rii»' ti'iidp \\\w f.illeii off vtny con^idnubly lince 1810, owin;; to t!ir- w;int nt" Anioric i!i fr.ido. Hi' own gtofk of goods liir;:fr than it ever w.i.s b«»for«', be- ing nearly 30,000/. Thi (Jistiict cf Sadult^worlli contains a population ot iimily r^.OOO p«M>on>., nin:t of whom are engaged In llie v»oollen bu*inens, and tiny cio not now got liulf the work they used to have. His capital ab^orb^'d in t;o(ids, and if here \% not a market koon, must di«charjfe his inr-n in toto ; which i> ii,c ca^e wit!i niarnfnctnreri in general in that district. {Jjf* If <0 or 50 yeai> liu Ira* never kuovui l!ie digress etjuid to the present. Gicrt >-onic little oatmeal, and boiifu U in water ; that he iiaj to Wet it in water iiiste.ij of milk, or any other liquid, with his food. The juo- pie have been very peaceable in tiiis parish ; and is certain they will rema ii so, provided tliej' coiild i!;ef employment, or any thins "*""•" full emplo}niei)l : tiny have no di.spoiition at all to riot. Has inquired in «ome instancf"? wjietht r ine poor have received parlt-!; relief; but believes that in the principal part of lie UHn'.if;'.cturi»g di'»!ricti», tlie poor would nearly starve, probably not to death, preity clo.-iC to it. befoif- they went to the par'sh; for this reason— they Iia»e hoiw ai'cUFlonii'd to It. and it 1<« a kind of ili-iiirace or something of that kitu!, tl'vy will not k" to It if they cun ^et hulf work and half wagef' : they will l.ile eviry uie n- in tljeir -.tMver to keep ofl' (he parish O itineal h 3 I 2d to 4d ll:c poiiiid, oi double the usual price PotHtoeit are about the same proportion . Iipv- er kmw tliem any Wnwf, like so high as they are at Present l^ia.s no doubt tjint if (toofis could be sliippcd to America, there would be work. The poor are not ■well clothed. May 20, 1812. Mr JOHN IIOEPMAN, churchwarden of the parish of Fpital Fields*.-'! he looms employed in the manufacture of Spital Fields' about 17 000. to'JO.OCO; and about "-jOOOof them are in the pirish of Spital Fields, where at least one half of the nmtvtn nrt out nf tmploijnunt, und the loner orders in a must deilurnit'. sitle, Q^ More than one instance has occurrtd, where they had died litimily fir wani ."^oup distributed U about 3,000 to 4 000 quarts a day. ll.i^ dismi-v- ed a c(mere ; and he would take back the hands he had di^iiii>sc'J, 'which he believes i.x the case with others in the same line as himself, /u Octobi; last he purcha.«ed potatoe* for the workhouse at 31 lOs. per tcin ; within tlie last six weeks tliey have been celling in Spital F'e'ds' market, at ]2l Idl. and U/ -i Icn. Persons who hnve died for want, have applied for, and obtained relief ; 1' ;* they w(;re too ftr g:one before they made application; has uniforudy found that the industrious poor will never apply for le'ief till the very last extr^milj'. Be- licvei tiiat more thana tli'thof the .silk mainif-.ctured in Spital Fi( Ids went t'. America ; and more than one-third of his own manufacture, for peven years, wis for the American market. The want of an adequate supply of raw siik, ha? l-«een one great cause of the want of employ, and conseq,ucnt distress of tiic i»au- iufactuicia. APPENDIX. ;;u3 M.>> 25, ICI'J, Mr. FlI \K»rFARE rHIIiLIPS, merclnnt, of iVIinclusloi, was exiuiiiuitl by 4lic l»'» •• "■* '*l^*' "l"'" ^''*^ «"i«:r!t in council Is an expoil'r of lu.vniif.u'- tur.il A'> Thv stalt: <'iiO'in Uad»- wa^oprn, wonid not fear the compelition of Anirrican nianu- f icuiriTS in Iho market, as lie ooncoivfs lliey are only forced into tlnit nu'a>>iir»'. — SLV«rAl '^t'^'"^"'^"' •'''*'' '"■ li^N inido to South America have left considt ruble Cannot ntute the pro) o tion which the American market bears to the giua- j,,l iira.iuV.ctory ol Mancln >ler and its iieiciihorhood ; bnl from his K»ntral know- leJ 'f of its V i.t inlluonct uji" n the niatiufacture in general, is convii.ced that the (Xiiorts riijiiuaily auBonnt to an enormoua sum. Qjr» Has no doubt that if the \- nieiican marke.t was freely open, there would be full emi)Ioynu:nt for the labor- ing manufactnrcis of Manchester. When the trade with America frou» France and ttiis country were both open, did not experience the least competition in the cotton mannfactorie- on the part of France, and has not the least apprehension of f ny The present duty on raw cotton in France h* inff about 'St. a pound amoun'.B lo a prohibiti(.n ; and any country imposng such a duty cannot btriously ii.t i.d to cslJibUsli any great manuf icturc. fU 1 trust there is here siiperahuadant testimony of the trnnscrn- lant fully ami mndness, its well as of the Hagrant injiwlice of the system pursued l)y Ihe British ministry, which inflicted so nuich inistMV and v retchedness on that interesting and valua- ble rlass of suhjt'Cls, the mantifactureis. The testimony is equally strong aj;ainst the most lamentable folly of our own ci- tizens, who, by rentlering nugatory the restrictive system, so fa- tally involved in Ihe horrors gf a wasting war, two great nn- tions whom ten thousand motives, arising from mutual interests — common descent — congenial manners — and sameness of lan- 'i;uage— ought to have impelled to cultivate the strictest ties of friendship. During the progress of these examinations, on the 21 st of May, the official repeal of the French decrees was communi- cated by Mr. Russel, the American minister, to the court of St. James. But notwilhstandine the solencin pledge of the British minislry to proceed />ari jwasMe wilh the French government, in the business of repeal, there was no step taken respecting the orders in council, till the 23d of June, that is, for nearly five weeks. Nothing was done till after the whole examination \?a6 completed, and until, six days after, an address had been moved in the house of commons, for the repeal, by Mr. Broug- Latn, oa the iitb of June » grounded on the result of tlie exa^ 3G4 fv nii: OLIVE UUANOH. minalions, which wns vvlllulrawn by the mover on a phdge [,y the miuiBtera Ihrtt I he orilera would be repcalcif. Ab ix |KtHiatM)ri lor ilelay, U i - Uvfn utated by the fiirnd^i ol En^laiul thil Ihe aHuaseiiiat' - of M\\ iVrcival, (he Urilish preiiiier, on tlie I hh of IVIm iRi.'ucted the aUeiitiori of ilic minialry, ami prcventeil the rtdomplKMi of the pledge. Hut IhiB palliation will not bear a moment's reflection. The pnrlia mentary examination wns predicated on the injury the IJrlti^h trade siilTeied— and had not the sHi^hlest regard to any oHkc ciMisideraiion. And na 1 have stated, the revocation of Hie orilera in council was not attempletl till that examinntlon \\,.r, fiir-shtd. Nearly (ive weeks [tliirty-three days] had elapMi! fv'»m the notitic.ition of the French rejieal, and R>rty-three d.ivs fi-)tn the death of Mr. Percival. And no man can preltriri th't one or two weeks would not have been abundantly buiji. ci«>nt. To prove the charc;e I have adduced against the nrilisii mi- nistry of cross impolicy, as well as injustice, in their treatmenl of this countr3^ which led to the wasting war so injurious to both nations, 1 submit to the reader part of a speech delivtix! in the British house of commons by Mr. \Vhitbr«atwefB the two c(i,ntriei To thin no aniwer was ro- tunied Ull March 2. Again, on the 30th ot April, Mr I'inkney uddroaned a [ptt»ttk wai« ailctl);* ed to be openly and notoriously r»rried ov. : and it wan not po,«ftible to conct-tve one Biore infamou* to the nation wliere practiicd, or injurious to the country n- 2.iin<>uhjcct of the Berlin and Milan decreeB, and requestin;; iii vuiswer i but no annwer was returnnd. On the 7th of July he wrote ag^in it l.i- tive to the uppointniont of a miniver in the room of Mr. J irknon, (his fir-'t buIk ject on the 2d January) and even at this distance of time rexeived no official an- incr. but merely a verbal asisur^ncc or private note, that a n)inister would imiue- diately be sent out. On the Hlh of 4ugu.-t, Mr. PInkney once more wrote, refer- ring to his lettei'iof the 23d June and .'iOth April ; but could obtain no answer. " On the 2l8t August, he again by letter pre!,8 gainst her own exposition of the law of nations, ami against the decisions of her courts of admiralty ; whereby the seas ^ere (dratically swept of the American vessels and com- merce. 3. The paper\ lockwde by Charles J. Fox's administrs'ticDi | of the coast from the Elbe to iirest, an extent of 800 miles. 4. The orders in council. Of these ia due course. APPENWX. 86T I. Lard Castlereagh himself, or the marquis of WtUesley, woulil not dare to assert that the depredations in 1 793 could be charged to jeopardy of her existence. They were Avanton, un- provoked, lawless, and predatory to the last degree. General Washington presided over the destinies of this country. He had resolved on and observed a fair and impariial neutrality.-* The manner, and time, and circumstances, were as monstrous as the measure itself. II. On the subject of the second, I shall merely refer the reader to the mercantile memorials of 1803-6,* written and signed by men who have since as ably defended and Jiistified the conduct of England, as at that period they unqualiliedly reprobated and denounced it. This change in their opinions and conduct does not change the nature of the facts. The proceedings of the British ministry at that period, must be con- demned by every honourable Englishm tn. They were unwor- thy of, and disgraceful to, a mighty and respectable nation. III. Charles James Fox's blockade was a gross violation of the laws of nations. — It was in direct hostility with previous declarations made by that statesman himself — as well as with the honorable and indeed the only legal definition of a block- ade, given to our government by Mr. Merry, the British minis- ter here, la these words : .r - *' Admiralty Office, January 5, 1801. ♦'Sir, ' >'* "Having coromunicati*'.! to tlie lords of the admiralty, lord Hawkesbury'e I«>tter3 of tlio 2'id inst. fncloaing the copy of a dispatch which his lordship had recei\'ed from Mr. Tliorntoii, hii maje.sly's charge d'affairs in America, on the subject of the bloclcside of tiie ishnds of Mnrtiniqiie and Gnadaloupe, togolhev with the report of the advocate gfneral thereupon. I have their lordships* com- mands to acquaint you, for his lordi^liip's inform;ition, that they have sent orders to commodore Hood, not to coBsidKr any blockade as existing, cnlhss in res • PKcr TO rARTicuLAR PORTS WHICH MAY BE ACTUALLY INVESTED; nod then not to capture vessels bound to such ports, unleuthey shall previously have been Warned not to enter them ; and that they have also sent the neccss'iry directions on the subject to the judges of the vice-admiralty courts in the West Indies and America. I am, &c. "^ EVAN NEPEAIf. George Hammond, Esq " Her? h the only fair, and honest, and honourable ex plana - lion of the law of nations on this 8ul)ject, laid down by England herself. This letter stands on eternal record — and seals thf irrevocable condemnation of that vile predatory system, where- by, a. ording to George Cabot, James Lloyd, and otiierDostoii memjrialisls, she was during the course of the French war* Sty * / * Sec chapters xiv, xv, svi, ?nd xvir- 663 THE OLIVE BRANCH. ^ "PREYING UPON THE UNPROTECTED PROPERi TY OF A FRIENDLY POWER."! If Lord Castlereai^h, the murquis of Wellesley, lonl Cathcart, George Canning, Mr. Rose, or Mr. Wnr-in Disguise, should find this accusation somp.' V hnt indigestible, let them hurl the gauntlet at Mr. Lloyd aud h'lfi friends. IV. The orders in council close the catalogue. They av ill form an eternal blot on ihe escutcheon of the administration by which they were enacted, and so long supported. For Ihfir iunioWcy 1 reft r the reader to chnpier LV. It was at least e- qual to their flagrant injustice. From the Jstof March, 1809, they lost whatever [»lea or {)a^ liatiou might have previously existed for them. The non in- tercourse act, passed on that day, #naMed Great Britain, at any hour she pleased, to open cur ports to her trade and navigation — to shut thein against (he vesseU and trade of France — and in cflect to have ultimately produced wai between that nutitn am! the United States. > 'J'he refusal of this offer was a clear, convincing, and un.ri- swerable proof, that her sole ol jtct was monopoly ; arid tlmf, in the language of Mr. Bayard, retaliation was merely " a pre- tence." Her depredations weie continued ^.vithout interniiv bion. I ask any honest Englishman — any candid federalist, now that the reign of delusion has terminated, were these dep* redations, to pass over their immorality and injustice, sucb measures, as, on mere principles of policy, " a nation strug- gling for her cxistcnce^^ ought to have adopted ? Was it just, or proper, or prudent, for " a nation struggling for her exidcnce,^' to violate the rights, and to plunder the property of an anof fending neutral; and risk a war with that neutral ? Surely not. In a word, I ask Timothy Pickering, Rufus King, George Cabot, or governor Strong, whether the conduct ot Great Prit- ain on the ocean were not as unjust, as arbitrary, and as law lesi^ as that of Bonaparte on terra firma ? Whether the clandestine orders of 1793, and those of 1805, were not as perfidious, as faithless, and as utterly indefensible, as any act of the French emperor ? And finally, to sum up the whole, whether there fj in the history of mankind any act much more atrf)cious than the attack u^'on Co|>enhagen, the capital of an innocent and res- pectable neutral, for the purpose of seizing her fleet ? Wheth- er this act and the perfidious conduct of Bonaparte tovNauls f- + Let it he oh«rrved that the predntory system of I SOS, denoiincod hy lie Bo? ton mi moria lists, as " preyinjf npon the unprotectf d properly ol' a frirr,cl'> pow er,*' was incomporahlv less uri,ju«t and more defensible tlip.n tl;? Eubsequi nl ec^' rages perpetrated on Amarican commerce. I I \ an resi APPENDIX. 3^ Spairr are not exactly of (he same chancier ? 1 annex Mr. Rvst'Of's accouut of the horriole Copenhagea affair : — *' Amidst all the convulsions \rhich Europe Lad experienced in conse« querice of the revolution in France, the kiogdoni of Denmark had, by tLe \vis8 and temperate policy of her ruler, been in a great measure pre- served from the fatal co!ise.:iuence9 of those commotions which had over- turned governments of much greater political importance. This had been accomplished, not by humiliating herself to any of the belligerent powers ; not by espousing the cause of such of them as appeared for the moment to be successfiil ; but by maintaining a firm, dignified, anci uiideviating independence, ueithei influenced by intrigues nor intimidat- • ed by tlireats. Her naval and military estoblishments^thoiigh not great, were respectable ; and, combined with the natural advantages of her situation, might justify her in the hopes of defending herself with suc- cess against :4ny eiietny that '•liould altempt to infijnge upon her r.r»u- trality. In order to defend this neutrality, the Danish government hadi for a cjnsiderable time past, concentrated it« army on its continental froBtiers ; and it has been stated, that this measure was adopted at the itiisttinceof Great Britain, a« bpinj;: favourable to the protection (^f he? com uerce. In this situation the Hritisb il«;et, with a large military £i>tc£', arrived on the coast of Zealand, whore the Danish governnient sa V no reason to recognizf* them in any other (character than that of f;'i;,iil« and protectors. Tlu^y were there jjiuod by the German lejiion from the isle of Hugun ; and Mr. Jack.«»)', the British resident at (.'o" p'Mim^fn, accordini^ to ini^tructions received from Ins court, DEMAIV'. DKO FliOM THfc DANISH GOVRUNMKNT THE SURRPJN- DKa '>F Hi NAVY TO HIS BlillANNIC MAJESTY, to be rtv.tined by hitn until the restoration of a general peace. This proposi- ti « i W'ls indignantly rejected ; in consequence of which the troops were landed ; and a proclamation wag published by lord Cathcnrt, the com mHiiler in chief, stating the motives aud objects of f^nch a proceeding, and threatening, that in case of resistance. THE CITY OF COPEN- H vGEN SHOlJi-D BR DKSOLATED BY EVERY POSSIBLE MEANS OF D£:.V'AS'ri,r[ON. Unprei;-.;. 1 as the city then was, the cro'vn prince gave oril'c-^ that it should bedefeikik;d to the last ex- tremity. Of the D.>n'sh osvy, \r,t a shij> was rigged, and the crews W'e re absent. On 'ne settT.! Iny 'if .:«eptcniber tlie Brit;«h '•.• t;-s C(nn< menced the attack, on 'I jee sides it the city, which e«»ntinned lor sev- eiil days with )nt in'u iii ,..ion ; n^riug which 6,')00 shells were thrown iut) the town, «7t/ca ;. -»* soon on jm in npicard's of thirty ptacen. The • timber yards were consul i-^ii ; th:, powd.' magazine blew up ; the stee- pl. .f tho cathedra! chnctli was in a blaze and fell araid>-t the continu-' a. ! >a's of the British troojs. From the mode of attack which had b^ii a.!opted,/tes/»7/teV; tvere not cnujined to the Danish soldiery and lh& armed -rghen tngaf^ed r. the defence of the rily ;■ (nd ?:XTE\r)ED TO T i^^ P HABllAN i\s OF BOTH sEXE — IHE A(iED, THE Y )aNG, THE INFIHVf, THE 'fCK, AND THE HEIPLRSS, /'(• (r'nvc ;afetj/no opporluxity wan Ji'itd of providing, and great nnm- brvs of "/um periiihc'l hy the hursting of the nhetfs, (he fire of the artHhry^* an th: '.nnu/ucra'y/e accultnis consi-ciunt <»» so dreadful and nnixprctrd itr% ai.7> V U «!3 >aapppave(l iluU the city ,vas unable to nmke an etfecti'al Teeisioiioci tue British fyrci a having approached wilii thuir trendis£«io » U h2 f ^^::^ 370 THE OLIVE BRANCH. near, as to bo enabled to set it on fire whenever they pleased. To pi^e- vent this conxiiminaUon of nii5ery, tho Dunihh couiinantler DHsented to terms of capitulation, by which he at^rectl to tunender up the fleet, upon condition that the British army should evacuale the island of ZealanO within six weeks, and that public and private property sfacnld in the mean time be respected.* Of this abominable and perfidious affair, \tortliy of Alnri<; Attila, or Genghis Khan, it is imposBtbie to read wiihoui :;hiid- dering ^vitb horror. Every Englishman, who possesses a hii;;h sense of national honour, mu^ dejilore the stain they havtt im- pressed on the escutcheon of his native land — and must joia in the execration to which the upright part of mankind h ae consigned the ministers who planned and ordered the iver{»e- tration of such a ^cene of barbarous and merciless outrage. Away then for ever with the miserable cant of *' a stntjeak for her existence" as not merely a palliative, but a jijstiiication of "PREYING UPON THE UNPROTECTED PROP- ERTY OF A FRIENDLY POWER.'t This high and dar '>ing accuttition against Great Britain, of ^^ preying upon the unprotected property of a friendly power''^ was advaiifed by Georae Cat)ot, James Lloyd, Thomas Perkins, Arnold Welles, hnd the other Boston merchants who signed the memorial to congrryg in 1805 ; but wh€» have fruu that period to the present been in- eonsislenlly the advocutts of the British, and the accusers of their own novernraent. Every nation at war may he said " to strv^srlc for Iter rxist- tnec." But she is not thtrffore to " struggle her unufTtnding neighbonrs out of their ships, th 'r seamen, their property, oT the dearest rsjihts of their sovertiiinty, to help to preserve her- Stif in "« *//•?' vi'-Zf," created by lawless aml»ition. A few short months have elaj)sed since the United States, contending single-handed against the most formidable naval power that ever existed misht be emphatically and correct!) aaid to be *•'■ struggling for their erisicncc,'"' which was really and truly jeojtardized. What consummate folly and madness, a& well as injustice, would it have heen, to have commenced ('»p- ledations on the commerce of Russia, France, Spain or Hol- land, ami to add one or more of those n;.tion9 to the list of our enemies ? At such a critical time, it becomes nations to " car-. ♦ Boscoe's view of the causes, object?, and consequences, of the mf!* «nt war— and on the expediency or the ilauger of a j)eace with t'jance, iPhilHdelphia F.ditlon page 42. t See Boston metuorial, |)age 102. . ' ' 1» APPENDIX. 371 fy tiieir faculties so meek," as to srive no reasonable cause of o!f*-nce. If, therefore, the idea be coned, tbul Great Brilaiii WiS really struggling for ber existence, so far from juslifyiug or ;i»iiiatiniz her conduct towards the United States, it only ■BMPfc fully vr>*rs iie dire insanity of those miserable and fatu- itoM couB«^ue hy ivhicb her afifairs were directed. , 1 •«< CHAPTER LXII. * * » n? lovi damour raised hi/ the eastern states an Ote suhj^ct of rspresentatifi^ whoUy unfotmded. The rfsuU of factious dclii' simi. Statistics. Examination of tke rcpresentaiion in the Senate.*^ "' ' * •«'."»** ;•..*! S Ta reconcile the people of the eastern s^Mes to the parri- cidal project of a dissolution «f the union, there has been a great outcry raised on the subject of its inequalities and disad- vantages, and its oppressive operation on that portion of tlie uiition, particularly in regard to the representation in the low- er house of congress. The most extravagant errors are afloat oil this topic. It is irenerallj' believed, that the southern states have an enormous and undue influence in that body, in conse- quence of taking the slaves into account in fixing ihe number «r Its members. 1 wave for a few minutes, ihe consideration how far this in- efj'j ility and injustice exist. For the sake of argument 1 will a«iinit them for the present. And I respectfully ask the reader whether it be possible to form a partnership or connexion of a;»y kin«l, without inequality ? Take any s.^ecies you choose. Es.:imine tiif talents, the address, the capital, the means of pro- moting the joint mtt^rests of the eonrem ; you will find that there is in. som**- -perLaps in all thesn respects — a considerable inequality — that ose party has an advartage in respect to un- derstanding, or influence, and another in point to capital or iliill — or in s >me other of the vanousways in which men differ IVom their fellow mortals. Go to the married state. Examine there miniitel}'. You will find the case the same. And I aver that it is almost absolutely impossible to form any connexion whitevcr with a perfect equality. Tliis being obvious'v and strikingly the esse in those simple dissociations which I have considered, how could it be supposed * This, am! the two succcetlirii* chapters, are extrscted from a inm- plilct, published Nov. 28, 18! I. by the aiith'^r of ilip >live BrHn-li, and ftititled '« A Caha Address to the People of the iittutern States." 372 THE OLIVE BRANCH. that 80 delicate and so complicated an association as that cf thirteen independent sovereigntit:s, more or leas various in their habits, in (heir productions, in (heir ciimites, in (heir popula* tion, in their pursuils, could have been funried without a spirit •r compromise — without a mutual balancing of advantages tiij disadvantages ? To expect it would be the quintessence of folly. But the reader will doubtless-be astonished when he finiii ^hat is the real state of the case. H« will be convinced that the alledged grievances which have been made the instrumenia of exciting the angry passions, and preparing our eastern breth- ren for rebellion, have no existence. Let the two legislative bodies be combined together, and it will be obvious that the eastern states have had and still have inther more than the share of influence to which their white population entitles them. I have taken some pains to make the calculations re- quisite to lay the real state of the case before tlie public : and I submit the result in both branches of the legislature. . -ill>- Examination of the representation of the eastern states in the .m' ate of Old United States, on the ground of white populalton onli). Population of the U. States, Anno 1790 3,rr (<.;j 8 Deduct shaves 6y.,C^7 White population 3,.31, 9 Total population of the eastern stated 1,009.j 2 Deduct slaves 3:6 White population 1 ,00^,036 « Total number of senators 28. As 3,231,629 : 28 : : 1,005,036 ; 8,077. Thus, their exact proportion, had (he slaves been rejiMited, wa^ 8,t)7.7 ; wh«rea& they had ten senators. Fbpiilation of the U, States, Anuo 1800 Deduct slaves , , . White populatiosi 5,303.068 890,B^'J 4,40(3,8 IT • ,,t.: THE OLIVE BRAI^CH. Population of the eastern states Deduct slaves 373 1,233,011 1,330 White population _ l,23l,b72 Total number of senators 34. . As 4,406,817 : 34 : : 1,^31,672 : 9,502. Here again, they had more than their proportion, which wm 0,302 ; whereas they had ten. Population of the U. States, Anna 1 810 7,239,903 Deduct slaves ' l,191,3t)^ White population 6,048,53© White population of the eastern states • ],471,97S Total number of senators 36. As 6,048,539 : 36 : : 1,471,973 ; 8,760. On tliis third census, their proper proportion is 8,760 ; where- as they have, as beforci ten. Thus it is evident that the eastern states hare had in the mate more than their due proportion of influence from the conv> mencement of the government — and that in the present senate they have actually 14 per cent, more than they are entitled to, Uy takinsr into consideration merely the white po/mlation of the no- Hony notwithstanding the introduction of nefv states. Who can forget the daring threat held out by Mr. Quincy, of resistence to the introduction of new states, '"^amicably if they could, violeiUly if they must ?"* " Mr. Quincy repeatpd nnd jti titipd ^ remark h<" had made— which, to save aM ini«aj)prehension, he couiinitted to writing in the following words : — " If this bill p.isscs it id my deliberate opinion, that it is virtually A DISSOLUTION OP THE UNION ; that it wlil free the / the white jiopulalion nione, the eistern slates would be en(i(l<" tQ but 44 representatives. Thereforej the iiyury they suffer I'J APPENDIX. 376 the admisaion of the s1ave8,i8 only a reduction of three raemliers, in i Miiiy of )ii2 — wiitjreuB llicy have one and u quarter nture than tney aie enlilied to in (he senate, a body of 3ti meml.ers. Tndt ia to say, itud -e^ it be oorne in remeinijrante, in one branch lhe> ar^ «iot l^o |»er cent, ueii w iiieir pro|)oi-(ion — and ill the other brunch, ^vuich is iiy fur the more inOuentiul and powerful lU^y ii 392,518 Divide by 85,000)582,104(16 Remainder Add three-fifths of 392,518 slaves 22,104 235,504 . -V . Divide by 35,000)257,608(7 Fraction rejected 12,608 Twenty-three representatives — 16 for whites — 7 for slaves. Kentucky — Total population Deditfit for slaves 406,511 80,561 Divide by 35,000)325,950(6 ■ V (:■'• i r^, \ ' kit-.? » W< m 4 ' < ,i f * i ■ • Wt- << M ;., ^r'- w^ 370 THE OLIVE BRANCH. Remainder AUa tbreefirths of 80,561 bU.\en Divide by '^j, 000)59, '21, t{\ Fraction rejected 24,180 Teu repreBenlalivtB — nine for whites — one fur slaves. North Carolina. — Total population Deduct slaves 655,500 108,824 Divide by 35,0OO)380,67(j(n l^cmainder And thiet'-fifths of 168,8^4 slaves 1,670 101,292 .."» f>' Divide by 35,000) 02,no»(v Fraction rejected 32,908 Thirteen representatives — 11 for whites — 2 for slaves. South Carolina. — Total population Deduct slaves 415,115 196,805 I- Divide by 35,000)218,750(6 Remainder Add Uiree-fifths of 106,365 slaves 8,760 117,837 Y Divide by 35,000)126,587(3 Fractbn rsjected 21,587 Nine representatives— C for whites — 3 for slaves. ixeorgia. — Total population Deduct slaves "252,433 105 218 Dii'ideby 35,000)147,215(4 Remainder Add^h.eefifthsof 105,218 slaves 7,215 €3,129 Divide by 35,000)70,344(2 Fraction rejected SSx repreaeatativei— 4 for white*— 2 for slaves. 344 APPENDIX. 37T Tcnncafiec, — Total population jJeduct slaves 2«1,727 44,635 Divide by 35,000)217,192(6 Remainder Add tlireefifths of 44,535 slaves 7,102 26,721 rraclion rejected * 33,013 No representative of the slaves. A fcrv facts on the suhjcct of the slave representation in Uu lower house. New York, hy first and last census, has bad for ten yearS; and will have fui icn more, one slave reprsentative. TotHl { ovulation of New York, Anno 1 790 340,120 Deduct slaves 21,324 Divide by the ratio of 33,000)318,796(9 Remainder Add three-fifths of 21,324 slaves »' ;■ 21,796 12,792 Fraction rejected Divide by 33,000)34,588(1 1,588 K. Total population of New York, Anno 1810 Deduct slaves 959,069 15,071 Divide by 35,000)944,140(26 Remainder Add three-fifths of 1 5,01 7 slaves 34,140 9,009 Fraction r^ected Divide by 35,000)43,149(1 3,149 11 IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) /#/ /y 1^ .^^ /^^£p. // '>^"V^^ A ^<5 1.0 I.I 11.25 ■so "^ :!: 1^ 12.0 m m iiyii 1.4 1.6 Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14S80 (716) 872-4503 4fj * %• ^. ^ 878 THE GLIVE BRAXCH. Delaware has a slave representative. Total population of Delaware in 1810 Deduct slaves . . 4,177 Remainder Add three-fidhs of 4,177 slaves Divide by 35,000)t38,497( ] 33,497 2,503 Fraction rejected Divide by 33,000)36,002(1 1,002 Massachusetts, to her great honor, has no slaves. But it is ?. curious fact, that she has a representative of her black [ioijuIh- lion. Her Whites are --v^ -- 693,039 Blacks >. , 7,706 700,743 This divided by 33,000, just allows her 20 members. Df- duct the blacks, and she would h&ve but 19. Representatives of slavei. 1790 1800 1810 Kew Tork I } Delaware 1 Maryland a : i' ' 2 Virginia $ #- H Korth Carolina 2 :$ ■ % South Carolina 2 i 2 Georgia 1 1 2 Tenneirsce 1 -'■• % Ken lucky 1 1 H U 19 The following views display the very extraordinary itipquali- tl«8 that exist in the representation hi the senate. Tl<*| tullj ei^tablish the necessity of mutual forbearance, and tho h' d"' 1^ ffpiritof compromise that prevailed in the federal convrniicii if APPENDIX. a7« -•■•"•>, ''"■', VIEW I. J ,,-.. ., Free persons. 700,7 15 1' 11,460 2l7,8flj i.til,L.:)2 7ti,«i:.l Fcnators. Free pprsons. ]V*>wYork !);i,03: ^>lHt^ylvauia 809,'^9li \'irgiii;a 51>J,I0I Nortli Carolina a lt5,b7G Kt-ntuchy Li-j,{l.^i) Scnaton* 1,47I,Aj5 10 Vi':r'-' :io;«,Oi8 la .".la^'ftcIiusotiB >■, wlraiiip-^iuii; V'ermniit ('i.)niK'ciii:iit JllK'de l:Jaii(l Thus it appears that tlm e isteni slates with only l,471,i55 h-ee |Ki'suns, havr as much influence in the senate PS the above live midille states with , 3,03(5,058 } VIEW II. Free persons, dinatora. N'-wliampshhe VI I 400 V.rmoiit 217 895 l'o:.ntTiicut ii»itl,r.32 ll;iude Islaua TU,323 ,810 8 Fre^ persons, SenalOW. New York 944,03J . lViin!>3lvania 809 1:06 Virginia i82,IOt - North Carolina 38tj.(]70 2.722. JOd 8 Four of the eastern states, with 775,810 free persons, have as muc'i intluence as four middle and southern states with 2,712 108 — and four times as much as Penasyivauia with 709,296. Fiee ."^IiSHachiisotts Nf'wliampshire V.'} J <>')io 2.J0,7HO 7U,823 Kentucky 325.9iO 'lVnnfcs?ee 217.192 South Caroliua 218,7)0 10 Georgia 147.215 I,47I,.')55 2,377,691 *~^ Senator'. 16 : The result of this comparison was utterly unexpected. It has surprised me exct^ediugly, and will no doubt surprise the reader. It is a fair and overvvhelmhig; view of the compara tive intluence in the sennte, of the murmuring, discontented^ •r!y as mneh as fourteen in New York. One in Rhode Island iias more tuan seven in Vii- i^iniu. VIEW V. Freo pfrs^n?. ^^•w H.impshiic 2 1 4,4a) roiini'oticut i:gg,h;<2 UUodc island 7fi,«;2:j 5:>l.V.2l Svntilors. 6 Virginia Free I'Crsor.s. Seualori. ia;;,l04 .^n*J,'.04 Three ettslern states, witli 557,024 free persons, have six ic- naiorB, and Virginia, with 582,104 hus but uvo. - .► If the wisest and best of the citizens of the Ignited Slate; assembled in convention, with General Washington and Doc- tor Franklin at their head, found it nrcessarv for the peace, and happiness, and respectabilitv of the country, to ratify the oon- stitution, Avith such prodig;ious inequalities j»s are stril«d at»ovc. it is not difficult to form an opinion on the folly and wiekcdnf!^^ of the loud complaints of injustice and inequality, on [.oin!s I'l the last decree insignificant, whereby the si)irit of sedition lia: been excited in the eastern states. The war question, it has been said, was carried by the slau representatives. This is an egregious error. The majority in the lower house was 30. And the whole number of slave representatives is only 19. So that had they been whollj' in- jected, the vole would have been carried. 1 pass over the APPENDIX. 381 slave reprejentalives from New York and Delaware, hotb of ^vliom voted si2;a'ms( (he war. I likewise wave Ihe eonsidera- tion of the facl, that eleven members from the southern states also voted against the measure. A fair view of all the preceding tahles and facta, will satisfy any man not wholly destitute of trulh and candor, that the iute- rcBts of the eastern states have heen carefully guarded in l|<»th branches of the legislature of the union. Their complaintB are to the last degree groundless and f-ictious. It will further prove, that Peu'isylvania has a stronger ground of complaint by far in the senatorial hraneh than the eastrrn states in the other. With a population of 800,2Uf)free persons, she has but two senators; whereas Newhampshire, A'ermont, Rhode Island And Coaneclictit, with 773.810, have eight. The difference h f normous and immense. Hlatimcnt of the mtmber of members in the house of representa- tives, aft€9 the different ccnsi. i'y* ^'-^ Newhampshirc Vemont Massachusetts Connecticut Rhode Island New York New Jersey Pennsylvania Delaware Maryland Virginia North Carolina South Carolina Georgia Kentucky Tennessee Ohio LouUiana First. 4 o 14 7 2 10. 5 13 1 8 19 10 6 2 a Second. 5 4 17 7 2" 17 6 18 1 9 22 12 9 4 6 3 iff" U M V'' I 103 t 2 141 r,82 THE OLIVE RRANCH. CHAPTER LXIV. (tifjuirt/ iido the charge against ilie southern states of tlestreyiiij, commerce to promote viamifaclurcs. Vlicrh) iiujcundtd. The eastern states deeply interacted in vinnnjactures. TJie smdhcri the reverse. There is one point, of considerable importance, on wh'uh our eastern fellow citizens have beenegregioiisly deceived, and on which it is desirable they should form correct opinions That the administration, and all the southern niemLcrs oi congress, are actuated by an inveterate hostility to commtict ; and that their measures have been dictated l)y a desire to de- stroy it, for the purpose of injuring the commercial states ; hiiv.tl(; I'-utiilirs. J. TiK'sv slates have no rrPENDlX. 3»j tue mfa&ure moal really formidable auil efficient apjnin^t her veltr- uii armies, that had been deviseJ. But surf ly lliib owj^ht to have been no reason why American legislators should o|»|>os'» it — oi why the factious and tunniltuousincetincis, held loiTvailed in '70, thi» inlorioiia country would never Imve emerged fiom its colonial and de- pendent stale. From the extreme abhorrence of warB,*and br.ttl«?s, and blood- shed, and wour.'it, and scars, nniniftslcil by some of the mem- b« rs of consrress — from IWt>ir wailinc;^, and lamentations, and £tronere not at uur a illi fjtjnh i; ur( t:umi)tion, that there was no p(»wer g;i\t n, or ijiteti'led lone ci)nv«'yed to the general {government, lo com- m'lnd or coerce the military service of any individual citizen. It would appear, that the cil"/* ns ef the Ignited States had oh- taiu'Ml lsl uni- versally pre(lominateul3- lie defence. ' • I therefore undertake to prove these seven proposi lions : 1. That there is no principle more clearly recognized and established in the constitutions and laws of the several states, than THE RIGHT OF BOCIGTY TO REQUIRE AND COERCE, AS 11 Wflj * In several parts of the union, fartiouR and grditiom meetings were in-ld to dendunce tiiis ^ iitrt, who->t'9ijlj juovults ih:il " Every nif^inbrr of tli«' coinmiinlty h.is a rl^lif to he prntjrtrd Hy it, in tlin pn- joyineiit. nl '"» I'l*". l'^'"'')! trul jiKij.nty ; In- inlhrnfnrc t)».imiitr)*iiilfi ills <,;i;ir« '.o t irixpf iisi* ol mioii jnouctioii j .iiid TO \'lbiliD Mi?) I'KHbUM aL ^LUVICE SVIIK.N iNbUKSb \KV, OH an y.yi ivai.f.nt." It gives Ihegovrrnor for the- tlinr hriiif, com\>\vtc and plena- ry power, '" btj Uhnsdjor iwy cUi^ J' commander or ojjiccn,,'^ " 'J'o li.i'ii. inslrui't, fvoiclsr, nnd jjovcrn tlie militia imJ navy; and for the special «1''U iic»" iinil MiiVly «)t' tiie st.itr, to ii^st nil)lc in ninrtinl array, and put in unrlikr /'O ^jvt On inh'ihildnt^ thnff; and t'» 1» ud iinl condiirl tlu'in j and witli liicm » iitouuU'i', n|jnls*, r^pi'l, n.'Nlon or prr- fonj a;; fliall at any niliiif liiu-! KtUinpt tlie drHtrui'lion, invuMon, detrimeitt, or annoy aua; of the Btat»;." It further invests the governor with the miglity, tl»c tremendous jiower, ♦• To nsc nnd exorcise ovi-r \]\^ armv and navv, and over the militia in actual .erncf, THE i.\VS MMMiAL li\ I IMK Ol-' WAR, INVASION, a.\D AIjSO in Kl'-BKlililON, declared by Ihc ligi-lalure to exist, as occabion siiall necessarily rtij[uire." ^ t' " Nothin2;can be more clear and explicit than these provisions. They level in the diiBt the volumes of rant and or tl.i.t protrdum, anUYlEIJ) 1113 PKRSON.VL hER VK'K, when iifcfMSiiry, u.' .>ii i' *»»*iVor ran any man nh,t i ronu^ 'fhuintri^ nnm, lie justltf cvntjitlUd thiieto, iK Hf.; Wll.li PAY ItiLCH EUtlVALEM." The olil conatilution of PtMins^lvania is in unison viMi thosp already quoteil — viz. *' Every mrmfMT of soci«ly liilli a rii;lit to be protected in the ♦njoymrnl ci lif<", liberty, and property ; Hnd Ihti.fou- is hvitnd to rontributt fiis pri>jf}rriial! order a (letJietuncnt from ttio luiiitin aforeyaid, mid luiy ixthoii wlin iili dl hodrtariicd in ob'-ilttrui u( (uc.i ordcrH heiii;r doiy uotirit-d liiertof. nrid oiderrd to ui.iicli to trit pUic»- of reiidi'tvouA ftTT" rliall iif'Kltcl or refiHe to obf*y itucli order, ui yliall noi, wttliia tweni>-rour • a.s :ififr lie >i)all ti.ivf betn itoti It'd a» afon-iiiid \niy a tiiic ol Ii'q pouitth tu lue captain or coiniiiaiidiiiE officer of Un- otinpany lu wliicn lie ili.iJ 'M'lonjj or prociin' mi ahli'-bodird man in iil-* ctrad ^i ''II l'KK>i')^ flJEHi:D vS V ^OLOIKR IN Sl'CH iJH I il M.^l4 .ST, ANt) kH DLlAlil' Wmi ACCORDliNGLY . aiidiii .11 nMr.v»l)fcn- .1. id (inf ^li.iit h4.> uHid, tlif sail)'' sliail bp <«uplii:d to biriiii! men lor any Kerviit* Miucb iliali be itqinn^d of till- couipaiiy uudir tttc command of the captain or olticer who tutli receive the faine."* Sliouid dny commisBioned officer of the militia refuse* to ma!v 'H (leiachinent fiun the corpg under his command, fur the puivosc of repelling invasion; suppressing iusurreciion, &c, then ** In addition to the punishincnt which may bo inflicted by virtue of any act for regnlatinn the miiitia. ii" i-onvicted thereof befor«* Ihf jusicen of ir»f^ »ui>r((ne ju- dicial court, he shall be subject to be fined ?n a sum iwt exctcding .'tO pound.:, and to hf adjudiie.d incapahlt qf auit^nning any offirf in Ihis cvmnwnneaUh, /or a term not exceeding len years ; to either or botii oi the na id penalties according to ttie •i;g,ravation ol the offence and cir umslauces of the offender, ai to the juiticet of the (laid court sh ill seem ine*>t *' Vnd be it further enacted, Tnat if any person, whether non-commissioned •fficer or private, .ind brlonf^ing lither to the train band or alarm list, who Miall be detnehed or ordered to inarch for the support of the civil autiiority, or . up* f rrs-tioo of any insurrection, exiiting or apprtktnded, as t/vntuid^ shall refuse or De;>;t-;et to march, armed and equipj>od in tiie manner and at the time whicii the officer by whom lie shall be detached shall direct, or shall desert qr leave th« service before he shall be regularly disc Iriiged, if convicted thereof before the justices of the supreme judicial court, [r^ he shall be subject to be fined at the di! duty required of him by this act, or any perswn or percoii". detached or ordered to marcli fbr the purpase albrfNiUl. from marchin? to ttie place of rendezvous, or from conlia- uiiij; in the service until recularlv dich irsjed, each person so ofTendini;. heinj^ con» victed thereof, a^ af»resnid, shall p"v a fine to the use of tlie coiunionwealth* «/»/ fxtceding F! FTV COUNDS, aid shall recognice for his good behaviour far a term n'A exceeding three years. "f I hone the reider will compare these sections vfith the most risropous of those contained in Mr. IVIoiiroe's or Mr. Giles's plni3 C in lour will com))el him to ackuowletlije, that the latter are i icain,)araL)ly less burdensome and oppressive (ban the former. ^ , * Permanent laws of MaisacbuettS|;r«l. I. yftge 314. 4 Idem, page 'SiO. Kit 900 THE OLIVE BRANCH. The statute of Connecticut res|jecting the militin, adopts tke regulation of the act of congress, whereby every free aule-hodiiMl man, between the ages of 18 and 4;j, is declared sulject to mill, tia duty. It further exempts quakers from that duty, on the payment of three doll, rs and thirty cents per annum. It then invests the captain-general with power, in certain specified cases, to order out even the n^holeofthc militia or militart^ jvrce of the state. I sulmit the very strong and expressive clause to the reader: ;. ' •' The captain general, or, in liis absence, the next commanding officer of «!ta(e 18 hertby authorized and empowered, at he mat judge ne order out the Vt HOLE or any ptrt t^'the mitttury force oj (his state • to absrmbje and put tlie eaUJe in warlikt- ordtr ; and the same to Uodf nder, atut cm- ploy/or the as.siiliince or rtticving any of the inht.bitanta '/ this state, atlachidhv tin enemy or in danger there' f j and genfialiy to isfue andjublish, b}- j.roi;,r stafT or ord« rly officer, iuch oidtn as he ihuU judge cxptdieuly to carry into » xc, cutioD the intent and defeigu of tliiti act *'* The militia law of New -York is equally clear and explj. •' The commander in chief of this state may, in case of invasionoi other rrrtr- gency, nhen he shall judge it nectasary, order out Ol THE MiLlliA OF THIS STATE TU .N??. A^\ IJ^OPOKHOiV KCH lO AIM I KT THEREOF, and continue as /"R^ as he may think necessary; and likenise m y in consequence qf an application of the executive of any of the United Stn'f^ oji tm iniasionor insurreclion, or un apprehension of an invuiinn of such liute T\-f=> \T HIS DISCRETION, order ANV INL'MbER OF 1 HE MILITJ A, lir'—nH- inff one third pait thereof TO SUCH STATE, provided tl.at they be not compi > led to continue on duty out of this state more than forty days ai any (w tinip; that while in actual service, in con-equence of being so railed out. they shall re- ceive the same pay and rations, and rj^ be subject to the same rules and rtgula- tious as the troops of the United Stales of America."f New Jersey has not been de6cient in making similar provi- sion for the public safety. Her militia law declares, *' That the commander in chief of this state, for the time beinf, may, in mt el3 them to the service. * Statute laws of Connecticut, page 310. f Laws of the state of New- York, vol. I. page 512 I PattersoD^s laws of New-Jereef , page 441. < » vr- APPENDIX. 391 ** Any person refusing or no;;lectiii3; to perform Itis lour of duty, or to procure mBuHslituiL', VI, ill pjy ujinm)/ tucnly djUun for every ^ixth iif^lect or relusal * '• li'arjy lUililu m.ui ^aaW desert while lie is on a tour of duty, he sliall be tioed in liny sum nut txcetding twenfy djllars for every such 'jir<'nce ; or miy be i;n- pritaned far on.i/ timt uot exceediiii; two jujulhs, at tlie didcretioa of a court u]irtul ; and if a Qun-comniiii:ii(jued otlicer, Uu shall ulso be degruded and placed ii) thoiank3."f . . . -. » 1 next [>roceed to stale the law in Pennsylvania. — T!ie same gojil sea:ie that presided over the decision on this subject in the other stales, is discernible here : "Whenever it miy b? nccessiry to call into actual service any part of the xniiitia, incase of rebellion, or of actual or threatened invasion, ofthisorauy of llie neighbouring stal>"s. thon [i;y*o desert, he shall be dciiraded and placed in the ranks ; shall p,iy a line of thirty-six dollars ; and be obliged to serve another tour as a private "V *' Till- lui'itia of this state, while in the actual service thi-reof, or of tUe United Stales, rj5=>,/iuif be subject to the same rules and regulations as the federal The little state of Delaware recognizes the same principles — the sime rights — the same duties — of which 1 have shewn the recognition in so many other states. " The goverifbr shall have fall power anil authority, in emeofan irti, vasion, rebellion, or insurreclion teithin this slate, 'XT'or any of the neigh' bouring slates, to call into service [J^ suck pari of the mililia by classes, or to him shaH seem necessary ; and in case of the absence of the governor ef this state, on any insurrection, rebellion, or invasion, I'/ie commanding officer of each brigade is hereby authorized and directed to issue his ordert to Call c 't such part of the militia as he may judge immediately necessary. ''*tt The provisions of the militia law of Mary land are equally strong and unequivocal. ^ " In all ca.se8 where a militia man may be drafted to perform a tour of duty under the laws of this state. Qy Ac shall be considered as a soldier, and (Cpii- «ble to all the duties as such, unless he skull furnish a substitute : and the iieute- uaut-colonel of the regiment, or commanding officer of the extra battalion, as th« case may be, to which h^.' inny belong, shall be the sole judges of the qualification «f said subititute; and |jy» may receive or reject him at tiwir dt$crdion.*'tt * Idem page 112. f Idem, page 113- n Piirdon's Abridgment of the laws of Pennsylvania, p 381. f Idun p .iU. ** Idem. p. 336. tt Laws of Delaware, (Wilmington. I79.i,) p 21 i. \i .Kelty'.i Laws of .Vlar/lani, vol. II. I79>i, chap, c 802 THE OLIVE BRANCH. *^lfa iuidtn intasion thall be made into any tounty in this state, «r in east af an inmrreclion in any cnunly, the commanding offi-ctr in tuch county is hntbyj AU I HORtSBD AND UEmJ) KED to order ou< THE WHOIiE, or mchfurt t^f hth militia as he may think necessary, and in such manner as he may tfdnk beit, for n'pf lling nicli invasion, or tuppressing such inguncction ; and etuJl r-all oq the conjuiandiiig officeiti of rcfiiait'Dli in the adjacent countief, fcr <^ucii aid us he Knxy tiiiuk iiecessary ; who shall /orthnilh in like manner /urniih the savie.''^\ By the militia law of the ptate of Georgia, every mnle citi- 2en, who has resiiled within the stale for ten dayt<^ If ti \he proper a»;e, is subject to perform military ciuty.§ This carries the right of society to coerce the citizeu to military dut^ in public defence, to the utmost extent. The duty of the governor, in (he case of insurrection or in- vasion, is as explicitly and unequivocally stated in the mililia law of Georgia, as in the laus already quoted: — ** His excellency the governor is hereby empowered to assemble nnd embofly \Xj^ *weA pari vj'the mililia of the stale as he muv/rom time to lime thiiik necessary, lo re/zcl any inrasivn, insurrechoii, or rebellion , wliicL may happen within the same, and to order such olFicers to command the said militia as he may see (it."Y . Kentucky hns been equally mindful of the great duty of making adequate provision for the public safety, v.ith her sister states : " Every able-boditd male eittstn^ cfihis or any of the United Slalei, resid- ing in this slate, uho is of the age of eighteen and under for ly-five, ktiall be enrolled by the commanding officer of the company within whose bounds he i!)ay reside."** '■'■ The gocemor shall have pover to tall forth vach farts of Ihe militia (u be may judge necessary, in time of war, invasion, or insurrection, or when the danger may be such that the public safety shall require it. *' The militia when in the service of this state, shall be governed by the ar- ticles of war^ which shall be in force in the continental army."* By the law of Rhode Island, like the others I have quoted, the militia, when in actual service, are regarded as soldiers, and •ubject to martial law — " "Whenever the military force of this state, or any part tliereof, fhall be called into actual service, [|:;y= it shall be subject to the articles of war, prescribed by congress for the government .of the troops of the Uoite(t States."! ^ Ibid { Digest of Laws of Georgia page 460. .^ IT Idem, pajre 465. • * Toulmin's Laws of Kentucky, p. 78. • Idem, p 80. . _ f Public Laws of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Ftov dence, 1798. Page 440. J^PPENDrX. aos Theje are, asr I have alre?i(ly observed, all the states whose statute laws 1 have !)e«n able to procore. Tliey are, I presume) adequate to (he pufjiose. It is not to be doubtetl, that similar provisions es^ist in all the others. CHAPTER LXVII. Power of Congress to call eut tlu Militia, The usual mode oy^ I drafting oppressive, unequal, and unjust, M T peeond position is, *' that the power cf congress to call forth, and order the employment of, the militia, is as clearly es* tahlished as any olher power vested in that body." The general defence of the nation is confided to congress. — This is their incumbent duty. The means and power to per- form this duty are vested in them by the constitution. They are tiuthurised and emjjowered* »»' ■Vv , *' To raise and •'Upport arraie" The exercise of this power has notbeenj nor can it b«, called in question. They are further authorised and empowei^ed — ♦' To proriihfor calling forth the mililia to execute the laws of the union ; $uppre$t imurreetiona ; and repel invasion: J* , I beg the reader will carefully examine this clause over and over. It requires Ihe mr)3t serious and sober reflection. Here is a clear, explicit and most unequivocal power given to the general {jovernmfnt by the conslitutionof the United States, to c.iil forth the militia in three s.»eci(ied c^ses. One is " to re- pel invasion.''^ The country was ^^ invaded,''* during the last war. And yet every att*'mpt (o etrry this po,ver into opera- tion, in the mode most (liieif'nt \nd least 'lurdensome, was op- posed and defeated by men of iiigh standing, £;reat tHlenls, and professing a sacred regard to the honour and interests of their country ! ! ! And the whob^ of tbeo;>po8ition rested on the ab- surd, the untenable ground of tbo merisiire being *•'■ itnconstilU'- ft'ona/." And this wretched oretext was blindly admitted and defended by a large portion of our citizens ! It will be difficult for posterity to give credence to the existeure of such mtsera- ble folly on the pnrt of their anceslois, ^^ho had nearly put ow record the modest dfcl tration, th;^t lliey were the most ealigbt-* ouednatioa on the surface of the globe. Kk 2: 304 THE OLIVE BRANCH. As a specimen of the declamation used on this subject, T an- nex a sliort extract from a speech delivered by Cyrufe King, mem'ier of the house of representatives of the United States, from the state of Massachusetts. ^ ^ ^ ^ , - " If what I have urgrd, will not induce j*©!! to arrest the prOTress of this hill, I appeal to you, I bp«eech you, as friends to hiiiuaoity, to spare the tears wliicli the passrige of this bill will cause to flow ! ! appeal to you a» fathers, hy ovpiy endrariog tie which binds you to your children, not to deprive the aged parent of the child of his youtii ! the support and solace of his declining years ! lest yoii bring his grey hairs witli sorrow to the grave \ I entreat yjutcmake the cuse your men ! suppose a darVng child ! an only son snntchedfrom yrm by the scourge ^ tvar ! in the Inngvage of grief and of nature, ynu n'ould exclaim, : " mould tt God I had died for thee, O Jbsalom^ my son ! my son /'* This was the miserable rant by which our fathers and our mothers — our wives and our children — our towns and our cities were deprived of protection, and, but for the peace, would have been delivered defenceless to the enemy ! Mr. Miller, of New-York, was equally eloquent in his denun- ciation of this system. I lay before the reader a specimen of the cogent and convincing arguments he used : — " J object. 8iV, to the whole system offeree and coercion ; and contend that under this constitution you have no right to raise armies ccrcept by voluntary tnlislmenl ; andfurUur^ that ifyouhad the rights it would not be discreet t» exercise itJ'* / /v '. *' The plan which gentlemrn wish adopfed is cont^cription ! Th«>' call it classi- Jieation rnd pennlly — clasifirution and draft — «ii-, there is-poiscn in Vu dish : car- nisii i» <- Jfica'Jou ? " Disguise thyself as thou wilt, slavery, still thou urt a hitter dr. ft.'' The tinx'9 demand that things should he called by tlieir riglit names [Jy^ 11. is is conscription, and with features, more hideous, than are to be found in ine expli>- ded system of our unfortunate cousin of Elba. •• By this system the people of these Unit<' ral spirit of all oar institutions, which universally define duties and limit {lowers with great precisitm. It will not, it canuot be denied, that it is lia!)leto considerable abuse. But I shall not consider the danger of its abuse. The discus- sion of this objection, great and powerful as it is, does not cotne Kvithin my present plan. 1 shall suppose the power exercised irith sound judgment and strict impartiality, so far fts thf latter requisite incompatible with the present system. It is still Ha* ble to thamost serious and solid objections. It is radically and iflcurably defective. Its operation is unjust, unequal, and op- pressive. Let us examine how it is carried into operation. Supiiosing there are ten counties in a state, each containing 10,000 militia — and that the presence of an invading foe indu- ces the president to make a call upon the governor for a draft of 5,000 men. It is obvious, that the most equitable and impar- tial mtnle of drafting them, according to the present miserable system, will he, to make a requisition of 500 out of each coun- ty. But the call is generally made on two or three neighbour- hoods, as near to the place of danger as possible, while the re- mainder of the state is wholly exempt. The extreme oppres- sion and injustice of this mode is too palpable to require enlorce- ment. And it is impossible to remove the radltal injustire of this plan ; for in w hatever way they are drawn, the burdec, the risk of health and life, the sacrifice of business, the expenses of a camp, and all the other disadvantages of military duty, \\hk\i oujrbt to be bn-ne or paid for equally l)y 100,000 persons, falls exclusively on S,000. It is irniossible for the human mind lo eonceive of Hfiy system more unequal, more unjust, more ab- surf5, or more contemptij'le. Five thousand citizens I rar all the i'urden of milita»y service, for the protei tion of 95,000, who neither run risk, incur expenses, nor suffer any inconveU' iencp t ' It is an arduous task to impress the r ublic mind with a cor- rect sense of th** folly or a-sunVityof laws or cnsloms. which have "jfrow.n 'in'hth'- srrorvth^' .»f s 'ciety. Th»9 rendfe-rs it diffi- cult, in all countries, lo gain a fair or natient hearing for arffU' menls -against the est iblished order of things, hone vcr contrary to reason, common sense, or common ji.'stlce. Bui let us in or- der to display the injustice of this wretched principle, extend it ^ APPENDIX. 3»7 to the aifdir of taxation. This will render it more pal>i»able and striking. Suppose a law were passed to ol»liu;e 5,000 men to pay all the taxes of 05,000 others, who were thems^'lves to be totally exempt from taxation! What an uproar would it notes cite ! The clamour wonlil be loud and s;eneral with the parties that suffered the injustice, who would by force resist the opera- tion of it. Yet the injustice of such a law is far inferior to that of the existins; militia system to which wc submit without mur- Diur, but were of late senselessly ready to rise in insurrection, to prevent any melioration of such vile oppression ! I say infe- rior ; bccailse the burden of military service is far more op- pressive than the burden of taxation. If this do not {irove the propriety, truth, and Justice of our claim to the the titles of '' the most enlightened nation in the worhl," 1 am afraid it will never be established. * 'u *% 7 CHAPTER LXVIII. hiefficiency of militia freneralli/» Exiravas^anily expensive.'^ Oencral IVashingtorCs tesiimotty on the subject full and com* plete, . My fourth position is, that ** the force thus drafted is gen- erally inefficient, and ruinously expensive.'* At present, the militia are collected tojcether in a disorderly and irregular manner. The materials arc as discordant and in- coherent as the mind can conceive. They are unaccustomed to discipline — they have very loose ideas on the subject of sub- ordination. They have little experience — less military skill — little confidence in themselves — little in their officers — and their officers are not so void of justice as to lavish any large portion of contidence on them.* Suppose them, thus assembled, thus officered, thus qualified ■—to encounter a disaJpiined foe of half their numbers, Qiy^ us * " To place any dependence on militia, is assuredly resting upon a l^roken staff —men just dragged from the tender ?cenP8of doniosiic life— unicru'*! 'lued to the din of arnis—totally unacquainted with every iiiud of military s>?s in imny, impatience in all, and suck an unconquerable desire'!/ returning to their rexppctive h'tmes, that it not only itroduce^% sham^ul and scandalous dtser- Hon", ammg thetm, Ives, but in/uses the like spirit into others.'* General WMJiing-. t«n'» letters, London edition, vol. I. page 270. 9»g THE OLIVE BRANCH. the open field. And we must take the open field mio oorcaldj- lalion. Liimentahle would be the issue. On the one ide wouhl be a band of hardened desiieradoes, inured to slauphUr— reposinjj full reliance in their oHicers — and inarcbin«; forward nvith (hat confidence in themselves, which is the harbinger ?iri(l presage of victory. On the other, men utterly undisciplir.Hl — distrustini; er>ch other, and distrusting; themselves — trnd ijii- der otBcers chosen, in most cases, not for their military taknlg and endowments, but for companionable qualities, which, how. ever agreeable in the social circle, tire of no avail in the tint- ed field. The mind sickens at the contemplation of the result. No- thing short of a miracle, can render it prosperous to the mili- tia. The chances are immensely against them. They may be said literally to be led to slaughter — the result being gener* ally a most frightful carnage. There is a further consideration, vshich greatly enhanres tic horror of this contemplation. The materials of the two lies- tile bodies arc as different as can be conceived. On one side are to be seen, in the ranks, some of the most invaluable of our citizens, men -with large families, whose whole future happiiitss depends on their preservation — future Washingtons, or Friiiik- lins, or Livingstons, or Dickinsons. On the other, a congeiies of the refuse of society in all |)arts of Europe. What a con- trast ! It is in fact a game of hazard, at which guineas are staked against cents — and at which it is impossible ever to e- 4|ualize the stakes. That some of the best men in the world are destitute of per- sonal courage — and that some of the worst are abundantly sup* plied with it, is well known to every nuin who has even liut superficially reflected on human nature. Courage is a consti- tutional quality, which, when not imparted by nature, can hard- ly ever hte acquired. And it therefore follows, that in these compulsory embodyings of militia, there will be often fount) men who, however useful they may he in civil life, are wholly unsuitable for the camp. Inability to \t»y for a substitute, or a false shame, may lead many of these men to obey the summons to the field. But when the clangour of arms sounds, nature. whose voice has been disregarded, asserts her sway. Ten raeu of this description may, by spreading a panic, cause the defeat of an entire army. In political economy, as in all other sciences, it may be laid down as an incontrovertible maxim, that whenever there is a strong and striking opposition between fact and theory, the lat APPENDIX. 369 {tr ia a fallacious guide, which ciORot fail (o lend its votaries asii ). Tlieoilt8»ijj»|H>r'cd hj iacts, rarely inisieud. 'I'tie Aiiui'ican revolution ia fraught w Jli f tls on the sub- ject iii ihe militia, wnich hold out (lie most unerring admuni- tious. the letters of Gerer.il Washin^lon to c«)nirres3 are replete Tvith compliiints of ilu: riinous rtsuit^, and of 'l.e inejiieieney, of the militi-i sysif^nol" the tnile m:'.n, Ihei-efore, ever had a fairer opportunity of judiJ^in^ on this topic — and there is no man on ^vhosc judi;ment more reliance cudd he idaced. As this is a subject <»f vital im<>ortance to this nation — as our . happiness, and tint of our posterity, as well i\8 the safety and indepeiidence of the countty, may, and (irohahly will depend upon a correct system of di fence, I have Judu;fd it proper to produce the most ample display of the generaPa experience on tlie subject. An examination of the dates will shew that the evils com- minced with the very dawn of the revolution. For the first complaint of the s;eneral is contained in a letter, dated July 10, 1773, not two months after the battle of Le&inj^ton. Julif lO/A, 1775. i •' All the gpnfral oflicprs agre*!, ttiat no deptndence can he. put on the mditia, for a continuanct in camp, or regularity and discipline during the short time thty July\4tk, 1775, " From some authfntic and later advices of the state of tli» ii,iiiiHtfri;il troops, ar.d the grvit inconvenience of calling uix tfie militia in the midst nf hariat, I liave keen induced for the present to waive it.^'f ^ February 9/A, 1776. " T'ouph I am sensible that we nerer have, sincp that period, been able to act upon tlie offcndiv*. and at times not in a condirion to defend, yet the costrf marrking hnrne one set qf men— bringing in another— the havoc and naste occasion- " f.d by thejirst—tht repnirt necessary for the second— with a tkousvnd incidental ' tkarges and inconveniences which hare arisen, and which it is ucarcelj posbible * OflBdal Letter? to th« honourable the American CongrrsF, written du. inc: the ST hotwptn the United Statf-g and Great Britain^ by liis excellency General wa Washinjjton. Londoo, 179*: vol. I. p t I4eui, page 9. 7. 40« THE OLIVE BRANCH. rtllior to recollect or ()pDcrib<>— nmnunt to near a much an the kit ping tip » ^^, pcctable body qf troops tht nholr time, readif /or any emergevey. nuld fiave ditnt To britig men wfll arcju uolnl witli tiie (luti»«. of a yoUlicr. nquin s (iinf. '/() lirii u. tlifin urder projier difcipline sind iiih«>rdini)ti()n, not only rrqiiin )i tiirir hot iH n work of grout difficulty ; and in tlim 'iiiii>, wliort tliere in m iiitlf cit- timtioa bctwetni tbf rflicvrs and soldiers, requires nil uiiuiininun dcgui- ot atteo- tioii.'"" " Aenin, men of a day'8 ptardinp will not look forward • and frnni expiiienre we find, that, ni the time approaches Jhr thdr dichnrfj;r. thti^ gruw ccrtU s vj /■,(,> arms, ammuwtiim^ camp utevsyln S\c, Nay. . v«ti tl:t' Itarr nks tlirinn ivoh Imvc felt iiiiconimoii mark*- ot' u;iiiliiii di'iifdation, aihl l-.i; lis Uit'i.'i H*'f',i tiotihli .uij nd wliitli ij«'W rt'criiit^ innst \\,i\e to u (anip, anj tlie losh fonTqneitt theuiipiui. Hul tliiK i.- not .il'- J^jp men, (ligiigu; ;j,rj thcrt limited time only, have the ofTcfi's 'fH) niucl. i:. i i < n jowf. ; lor o oli|„io adcfitee of j'Opnlarity, in order Ut indurp a ft'io d t iiii«tn.rut. a l>ind of 'iiinjj. jaiif) taken plice. which f^rirms on :* rehiV'' «)>i of discipline, unlifenMdfurloucln and other indulgences, iin-onip nolewith ordernnil nuod gov( !un f nf "f " Thrro are yet but lew tonip'.nn 8 of the mililivi tome in (J^ 1 his d^lat \rill. i i^m much afraid, frustrate the intenlion ot t'leir b< inj; ca-ini upon, as iIk leaFon i^. slipping fa«t away when they may be of ►eivice."J Jpril 4 /A, 1776, " I l>eartl]y wish the money had arrived sooner, tliat the n.ililia n;i^;l t Imw been paid as foon a> their time of sirvici »'vpired. The divappoin'nient lia? giv- en tht-in great unea&iiie s, and they are gone home mxich dissalx*firdV\\ •' I would also mention to con^;re^N. Ihiif tlie mi itia rrglni* nts which werp la«t railed upon, in mnkirgup tiieir abstracts, charged i ;iy— li.e rfticerf, from ihf time they received orders to raise eompaiiies—- and tie j)rlvateh, fromil. iloit they respectively enjrafted to coni« or were tailed upon, though tl;i} did lot Biurch for a con?iderahir time after- "lonie not wii' in three, foui, t(» twenty diji, durino: all which they remained at ) onie about their < v.p private afliiiri-, witlout doing Hny tiling else than '' preparing for tlie march,*' as they eay, by waytf ^lea."T Jvly 17/A, 1776. " The Connecticut light horse, mentioned in iny letter of th( 11 th. notnitb- standing their then promi.-e to continue here for the defence of tliis plaw. ^rt cow discliarged, and are ahout to letuin home — having peremptorily r'Jvuloli kind nf fatigue duty or even to mount gwird. claiming ea.f:mption «5 /< r/ifn.- Thongh their assistance is mii«h needed, and might be of essential servir. it r,:ie of an attack, yet I judged it advisable, on Iheir rtpplication and claim oi rxn' in- dulgence, to di«rbarge them ; as granting them would set an exvin^pie fc'otlnfj, and might produce many ill consequences. The number of men inchidtd in liij last return, by this is lessened about five hundred."** ytugust nth, 1776. •• They [tli" British] mean to procrastinate their operations for sonn' umt, tnisiing thr/ [J^7=» the militia which hnve come to on'- succour will soon bfiow tired and retui u home, as is but too usual with theui,*' Aug^ist, IflM, 1776. "Governor Trumbull, in a letter of the I.ltb. advises me that Ward's re^inipnt. I in the service of the sta'es was on the march to this army, rnd that he iiiiii liii CXMincil of safety had in the whole ordered Jourteen milftia regiments to rrin/ra Ut. Three of them have arrived, and amount to about a thousand and twefitf * Idem, page 87. « M«B|,rage U«. f Idem, page 88. T Idem, page I'iH \ Idem, page fll. ** Idem, |>9ge 198^ APPENDIX. 401 |.iii«i of *;iiiii|' men. Whf a th« whole come in, we shall be on a much more renpeciablc footing that! we li;i»P been ; but I ri e.itly tear, if the ciieiny defer their attempt for any eotutiderable time, they mill be txtrtmtljf impahmt to return hamt ; and]/" they fviald- ive thall be redwed to distrett aguin.*'* Stptemher 2d, ine. ** The mi liti.i, instead of callini; forth their utmost efforts ton brave and manlf fipponition in ordt'r to repair our losses, are dismayed, intractable and impatient to return Great numbers of them have gone oti— in some instances, almost by wliole regimiiiti), by half ones, and by companies at n time. This circumstance of itself, independent of others, when fronted hy a well appointed enemy, iinpe- rior in number to our wiiole collected force, would be tuflkiently disagreeable — b(it, when their example has infected another part of the army— when their want of discipline, and refusal of almoi^t every kind of restraint and government, have producid a like conduct, but too cunimon to the whole, and an entire dixrej^nrd of tint order and subordination necessary to the well doing of an army, and wliic!i had bonn inculcated before, as well as the natnrf of our military establish* ments would admit of— our condition is »till more alarming ; and witti the deepest concern I am obliged to confess my want of contidunce in the generality of the troops. " \1I these circumstances fully confirm the opinion I ever entertained and which I more than once in my letters took the liberty of uicntioninK to conf^n-is, thai rf) depcnJewe. could be put on militia, or otlirr troop* than those enlc-lcd ami emlKul it'll for .1 lon;;er period than our regulations heretofore have prescribed. 1 am persuaded, nnd as fully confirmed as i am of any one fact that has happined, that our liberties must of necessity be greatly hazarded, if not entirely lost, if tt eir defence is left to any but a permanent standing army — I mean one to exict dui ing the war. Nor wr.iild tlie expense inc«dent to tiie support of Ruch a body of troops as would be compet nt to almoft every exigt-ncy, far excised that which is daily incurred by calling in succour, and new eniistmenU>, which, when effected, are not attendensequence8 Meu who have been free, and subject to no control, cannot be rednced to order in an instant \ and the privi- leges and exemptions they claim and will have, influence the conduct of oti ers ; and Mie aid ;lcrived from them is nearly counter balanced by the disorder, irregu- larity, and confusion, they occasion "f September 4th, 1776. "The militia, under various pretence!*, of sirkness. &c, are daily diminishing f and in a little time. I am persuaded, their number nill be very InomiiderabU ^^\ September Hth, 1776. " The militia from Connecticut is reduced from 6000 to 2000, and in a feir days will he merely nominal. Th« arrival of some Maryland troops, ^c from the flying camp, has in a great degree supplied the lo«s of men , but he ammuni- tion they have carried away will be a loss sensibly felt. The impulse for going home was ho irresistible, it answered no purpose to oppose it '1 hough I would not disc'iarge, 1 have been obliged in acquience ; and it affords one more melan- cboly proof, how delusive such dependencies are."} September 20th, 1776. " It i« a melancholy aud painful consideratioD to those who arc concerned in the work, and have the command, to be forming armies constantly, and to he left by tr.Tops just when they begin (o deserve the name, or perhaps at a moment when ao important blow la expocted.^^Q Septimher2Hh. 1776. ** The thirteen militia regiments from Connecticut being r duced to a little more than 700 men, rank and file, fit for duty, I have thought proper to dit^ch&rgf the wtio'e, to save the stales the immense charge that would arise for offlcers' pay.— There are many militia too, that have jost coma in, and on their way from that «tat(», oane of whom are provided with a tent, or a single camp QteDsil. Ihii This distresses me beyond measure. •♦IT •M-ij, pnge2;J3. { Idem, page 2b»t + Idem, pa^2lt. II Idem, page 265. LI - % Mem, " •?e!^<6. f Mem, page 2W, 4uJ THE OLIVE iJUAXCH. SrptembtT 24IA, 1778. ** Axain: nt*n accasfomcd to unbounded T ecdom iiud no coutrul, raniHit bnmk ^.h iudii>^« iitaNy nrci«»ui> w tiiv g;uotl oixii t iiiul guvt-ri u.t ni .if uii army J witiiuut wlmit hcenUoUhiim ai.d t-vcry kind oi difr m and the rauie wo luif engaged in, ihf litti)' dioiiplin*- 1 liavc been laboi i\ iiavuiKiucli a tuixtute ul' troojpit aa have ht'cu called together within tlirae few uiontht/*-* ** Helaxt'd and unfit as our ruie» and rrxulationa of war are for the government •f an aroiy, tin- militia (tho»<' properly iati^^}lction , iiixi tiiife by Uegltt^ liptn into tautiiiy, ketpiiig the wiioie army in a c iil'used nnd diBordered htule— Mndenii" the tune 01 ilios-e who w i h to see ri;!iilHiity and nood order pi e\ ail. more ui^- happy than «0 dh c< ii deM'iibc Be^drs thi«, hxnu repeated changeH take pUue Th.it all urrangement ib st t Ml noii'ziit, and the cunbt.int fluituation uf things dc- nngeti every plan as fa>t .ib adopted 'rhe»e, tiii, congrehii uiay bi afuntu ;,re hut a hmall part ol' the incunvenii-nce!! which might be eiiunitrated, and altt,l;i]tic| to militia , but tlnre is one that merits pnrtiruiar attention, anu thai 'm oxjen^e. C«KTA:N I AM, THAT IT WOLI.D BE CllKAFKR TO KEKJ' FIFTY OR \ lll'NDHFD TllOf- 8AM) IN CONSTANT I'AY, THAN TO DKIK.ND DON HALF THE Nl/MUEH, AND MfflY THE OTHER HALV OCCASIONALLY RV MILITIA. The time tlic latter are in pay ht iore and after the^ are in camp asi^euihling and marching— the waste of amoiunitii n, thk coniumption of iiloreb, which, in spite of every resolution or requifit.on of ent brine, added to other iiiiidei.tai tx- penseei conseqiient upou their coiMrig and conduct in cnmp — furpa.>-\ at all to be dri>uded : but the consequence of wantiiig one, according to oty .iiiikj, formed froMthe preseiit view of things, is certain and iuevi.able ruin, n^ for if 1 wav called upon to declare opoo oath, whether the militia have Lici. niO;t serviceable or hurtful, upon tl'.o whole, i tliould suUcnbe to the latter. 1 do uot mean by this, however, toarroign the conduct of congress : in to doing. I tl.(ul(i equally condemn my own meafures, if I did not my jud<:uitnt: but expeiiuce, ivliicb IS the best criterion to vrork by, ^o iuliy, clearly, aud decisively reprpbatej the practice of tiusting to militia, that WO MAN VV HO KEiiARD.^ OKi^KR, RKCiULARlTY, AND FX'ONOMY, ORH.^S ANY REGARD I OR HIS HONOR, CHARACIER. OR PEACE OF MIND, WILL RISK THEM IJFON THIS ISSUE. An army formed by good ofTice rs moves like clocV-work ; hxit there is do fitustion on earth less enviable, nor more distressing, than that o^ a person who is at the head of troops who are regardless of order and disi ipline, and who are unprovided with almost every necessary. In a word, the din!i'iiiii»'i which have for ever surrounded m« since I have been in the service, aLd kcptinj mind constantly upoD the streteli — the wounds which my feelings (as aii ofiicer) ]bave received, by a thousand things which have happened contiary to my (xpkct- atiwjs and wishes, added to a conrciousness of inability to govern ar> Hrniy cum* posed ot such discordant parts, and under such a va; iety of iiitricate and per- plexiog circumstances induce not only a belief, but a thorough roiiviction in my mind, that it will be impossible (unless there is a thorough ch^mgr in our military tj'Btem) for me to conduct matters in such a manner as to givo satisfaction to the public, which is all the recompense I aim at, or ever wished for.**^ ■ • > ^•{d^ face 271. t Idem, fen 2T2. t Idem* pa^e 273. ■■i ■ .. APPENDIX. 403- SrpUmbtr 30, 1770. ' t* By n letter reccIvt^J froin tin* coiiuuittei* of Ml\-ty in tlie tt.tlt; of Ncwiump- fhi'V i '"'J -i liioaiiiul ui' i.i.-ir rni iti i wcru uIkuM to itiarcii l.u- UUU ul im<.>, to rei.iio.cc t.'u* army, lO con»equf uce of tiit- icqui^aioii ol coiikhh. I'revioui to tli< ir m ti*'')| K''i>(-'r>il ^VjiJ wriu'^ me, nu wait o'liigcd to I'linutti tlteui wiiii five humlrcd ^on.idH of powder, ntid .t (iiuu'<»i)d (joutidi ul' uiU'kul hdll ; M!id i have little rR4«oii tu«')ii>e('t tliat ihvy urt; tu-ttu' provid»-d witli oilier arlicU'M tluo tlit.>y were Wttu auiinutnliu >- (n titis c:ur, tliey will oiilv add to our pr«;«eiit dintrfw, wli>' I iH ire I <• t'lr tuu Ki it. and l)L>coinc diij^uited witii tlie ivrvic**, THOL'tiil THC I IMK UIKV WliK/i KN(iA witli mililiii (if to be had) \>'l Til WH )Vl NO VI \iN, A 110 H \M \NY llK(iARU FOR llIS RBPl TATION, C\N UNUBtirvKE TO BE AiN.S^VERABLE FORCOiNaEUL'ENCEd.'t Ocliibtr'il, 1770. " Our army ia decreasing fast. .Several gentlpmen wlio liave come to camji within a f .>w clays have ob«erved large uuuibers of militia returning home ou llir diircrcnt roadj.*') Nijvtmbtr9, 1776. *' I have little or noreaion to eitppct that the militia now hiM-c will remtin/^ day longer than the time they ilnt engaged for. I have recommended their stay, and requeued it in general orders. Gt-n. Lincoln and tlie Mas^aclhi^etts com- Tni.oriiouerd are u^ing their interest with tho^ie from that state liut as fur as 1 can judge, we cannot r'-ly upon their staying 1 have no assurances that more than a ver^ few of the troops composing tht tying camp will remain after tiie time of their engagement is out— so far from it, I am told tliat some of general £wiug*t brigade who stand engaged to the first of January are now i^oiag away.*'( Dtcember 1, 1770. '* The enemy are fast approaching — some of them are now in sight. All tho men of the Jersey flying camp under general Heard being applied to have refund. to continue longer in service. '*|| Trenton, Dee. 3, 1778; •' I look out*^arnestly for the reinrorcements from Philadelphia 1 am in hopes that if we can draw a good head of men together it will give spirits to the militia of this state, who Inve as yet afforded me little or no assistance— nor can 1 find they are likely to do much. "IT Trenton, December 5th, 1770. *' Sorry I am to observe, however, that the frequent calls upon the militia of this state, the want of exertion in the principal gentlemen of the country, or a fa- tal dupineness and insensibility of danger till it is too late to prevent au evil that was not only foreseen, but foretold, have been the causes of our late difgraces. '^ It the lui itiaofthis tttate had stepped forth in season, (and timely notice they had) we might have prevented the enemy *s crossing the Hackinsac, although with- out somir previous notice of the time and place, it was impossible to have done this at tne North river. *' At Hackinsac our force was insafficient, because a part was Elizabethtown, Am- boy, and Brunswick, guarding a coast which I thought most exposed to danger ; and at Brunswick, because 1 was disappointed in my expectations of militia, and bjcause on the day of the enemy's approach (and probably the occasion of it) the tlm,^ of the Jersey and Maryland brigades' service (xpired; NEITHER Of WHICH WOULD CO.NSENT TO STAY AN HOUR LONGER. * Idem, page 279. f Idem, ^ag^ 3:24. t Idem, page 2B2. lildem^pagca^tt. t Idem; page 301. H Idem, page iSQi 404 THE OLIVE BRANCH. ^ ** Tbeee, among ten thousand other instances, might be adduced to shew the diRadTantages or siiort enlistments, and the little dependence upon militia in timet of real danger. " M) first wish is that Congress may be convinced of tlie impropriety of rely- inj; upon the militia, and of the nerefsity of raisi.ng a larger ataudrng army than tiiat thf y have voted. The iinving in the irticies of stores, provisions, and in a thousand other things, by having nothing to do with militia, unless in caseh of ex- traordinary exigcnry, and such as could rot be expected in the common course of events, would amply support a 1ar<;e nrmy, which, well ofEcered, would be daily improving, instead of CONTLNL'ING A DESTRUCTIVE, EXPENfrlVR and DISORDERLY MOB. I nm clear in opinion, that if 40.000 men had been lept in constant pay since the hrst commencemenl of hoRtilities. and the niiiitia Iiad been excused doing'*' jty during ttrat period, the coniinent would have saved money. When I reflect on the losses we liave sustained for want of good ticopj, the certainty of this is placed beyond a doubt in my mind In such case, the mi^ Jitia, who have been harrassed and tired by repeated calls upon them (and farm- ing and manufactures in a manner suspended) would upon any pressing emergrncj liave run with alacrity to arms ; whereas th«! cry now is, ♦' they may as well be ruined in one v»y as another," and with difficulty they aie obtained I mention these things, to shew, that, in my opinion, if any dependence is placed upon niilj. tia another year, congress will be deceived. When danger is a little removed from them, they will not turn out at all. When it comes home to them, the well afftcted, instead of flying to arms to defend themselves, are busily employed in removliig their families and eflects — whilst the disaffected are concertnig nicis- ures to make their submission, and fproad terror and dismay all around, to induce .others to follow the example. — Daily experience and abundant proofs warrant this infonuation."* December 16ff in parties every day as their whim and ^price suggest — which has always been >he case when the time is not stated. I would also observe, that if it is possible, they~sbouId be engaged to march out of their states, if ordered. If their service is located, they will move with great jeluctance, if tliey move at all."** June 2d, 1777. *' The shameful deficiency in all our armies affords but too just grounds for disagreeable apprehensions: if the quotas assigned the different -states are not immediately filled, we shall have every thing to foar. We shall never be nblt to reiist their/orce \fthe militia are to be relied on : nor do I know whether their aid,/ee&/e nnd in^cient as it is, vf much 1o be expededy^ f SepUmberlth, 1777. *' In respect to the militia requested, [of Jersey] his excellency is doubtfull whether they can be obtained : for Governor Liviugston, by a late letter, infurms, that he had no expectation that more than three hundred of the thousand called for to garrison the post^ of t!ie Highlands, would march, notwithstanding he had issued orders for that purpose ; ai^ that three weeks would probably elapse be* ftre that number went."! \. October tth, 1777. •• Since the action, n;y» general Forman'^s brigade ^Jersey militia has quilted US. The men began tooe uneasy at their situation, and desirous to return boate : * Idem, pa|;e 42. { Idem, page 47. •• Htm, page 75. f Idem, page 44. II Mem, page 48. ft Idem, page W, i Idem, page 46. f I.K ra, page 61. X\ Uem, page 1^ APPENDIX. 401fr anJ as, hy some intelligence from general Dickinson, there was reason to iinai;ine there might be a call Tor their service! in the Jeneys, it was thought exppdieut to gratify their deiire. "IT , ^ ^ October 13 ticable, for them to do It. It it to he wished that such as can be drawn out may be er^aged to serve THREE MOS THS, ar TWO \T LE\.ST, (if it can be ef- fected) after their arrival in camp ; and that a mode could be adopted to supply their places with others at the expiration of their term, should the exigency oi our* siTjir^ require it. A time for their continuance should be fixfd, or Uiey rvill al' wri/i be uneasy and pushing off: and the longer circumstances will admit it to be, th« better : for, t^fter the period occurs, for which. Vuy come, t( nill bt> impossible^ to detain tiiem a moment "HT A perusal of the preceeding extracts can hardly fail to shake the faith of the most strenuous advocates for reliance on militia- for ^eaeral defence. i*^ever was any point more ably or con" vincin^ly enforced. The immense importance of the subject — the mighty errors that prevail on it — ^and the ruinous conse- quences these errors may entail on us — will, I trust, fully justi-^ fy me for such long detviiis. The following positions are clearly and irresistibly estab- lished : 1. That the expense of militia is exorbitantly great. 2. That they cannot be reduced to that strictness of disci- pline which is indispensably necessary in all armies. 0. That the period of service is so short, that it expires be* fore they can acquire military skill. 4. That whatever be the emergency, iivhen the period of ser- vice has expired, tlie militia cannot be retained in service, without solicitation utterly destructive of subordination. I am w ell aware, that there are illustrious exceptions to these ebservatious. The militia have, in many instances, made a. grand and glorious display of all the military virtues, in as high a *legree as the bravest veterans. They have defeated equal aad superior num^jers of troops of the latterdescriptiua: wilnesft V Idem, pajie 180. ">* Idem, page 180. itl|l$m, page IMU it Iden, page 260. Vf ld«o), page 201. ;*•£ 408 THE OLIVE BRANCH. PlatUsburg, Kew-Orleaos, &c. But these cases do not form the rule. They are exceptions. And were any |)er8on to produce me instances to invalidate my positions, 1 could out-numl)ei them very considerably. But t studiously draw a veil over the subject. To any roan of reason and common sense, who reflects on the mode of selection, or who inspects a body o.^ drafted militia, it must be obvious, that the mode is radically and incurably wrong. -.-•?# CHAPTER LXIX. Conscription or Classification of Militia^ to fill up the Anny, (he- most impartial plan. A measure of the American revolution. Borrowed by Bonaparte. General Knox's system, I NOW undertake to establish my fifth position, " that (he system of classification is the most impartial, the most efficacious, and the least oppressive mode of calling the militia into service, of any of the plans that have ever been devised." This mode of calling the militia into service, applies to, and bears equally upon, the whole body of militia throughout the nation, without exception. This is characteristic of impartial* ity and justice, peculiar to this system ; and had it no other advantage, would entitle it to a decided preference over every other. That it is most efficacious is equally clear. The service is entirely voluntary. No man need serve who does not find him. self qualified, and who has any aversion whatever to the service. It is needless to prove, as it must be self-evident to the must superficial observer, that there is an incalculable difference in point of efficiency (between any number of men who are drafted by lot, and forced to serve, whether they choose or not, and the same number who enter the service of their own free will. That this system is the least oppressive, is equally indisputa* ble. According to the prevailing militiia systems^ every man drafted must either serve, or send a substitute at his own indi- Tidual expense. In all the states, heavy, and, to the poor, ruin^ ous fines, are imposed on delinquents. Thirty three dollars, vrhich is the fine in Massachusetts, is an enormous sum to a poor person, which forces him into the service, however reluc* ilint or unfit for duty. Whereas, according to the classifleation plan, all the persons liable to military service throughout the •tftte, or Btates, as the case may be, contribute tbeir respective % APPENDIX. 400 (^uotai towards paying lliose who may offer their services, or viho may be enlisted, if enlidtment be necessary, which il rare- ly will be. My sixth proposition is, ^* (hat the classification system pre- vailed during the revolution.*' All that is necessary to prove this, is to refor the reader to the fo1lowin&; extracts from the laws of Pensylvania, which were similar in substance to those enacted in the other states. <* And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the cominiMion* ersoftiie city and several counties of this state respectively, or any two of them fhall direct the assessors of the sevr-ral township:!. ward><, and dii^tricts, in th« laid city and counties rpgpectively, to meeto;j or before the first d^y of February next, at tlie usual place of holding courts in the said city and counties respective- ly, or at su.:h other place or places where the said comaiissiooers shall thiak nio^t convenient, aud shall then and there, in conjunction with the said asseisors, proceed to class the taxable persons and property within the said city and couD- ties respectively, in such manner tiiat the said property, together with a propor* tionable sum on all taxable single freemen, shall dc divided into as many equal parts as the quota of men, which tl)e said city and countie-- renprclively are by this act required to enlist, shall consist of, payiDji; due regard to ttie ease and coa- vruience of the iuhabilants. by including those who re/tdc near each other within the same class ; and shall transmit to the several classes, by person* by them to be appointed for that service, an order in writing, under the hands of the t'did ommissioner*, or any two of them, with a rluplicate anncxod, containing the names of each and every person composing the s-tme reauiring each of the said clat- ter TO ENLIST DURING THE W \R AND OELIVER TO THE PROPER OFFICER ONE ABLE BODIED RECRUIT WITHIN FIFTEEN DAYS THEREAFTER ♦'• *^ And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the commissionen of the city and several counties of this state, respectively or any two of tlum, shall forthwith transmit to the several classes, classed by virtue of an act of the assembly of this state, eir levying and callcirtMi!!; other public taxes, on tlie class or classes so neglecting or refusing, the lum agreed to be paid by tlie said commissioners, township, ward, or district as- i»i * Laws of Peaasylvama, 1780, chap. cxci. page 428. *f^-« Mt .(ili".?^^ I .i r I I' ^1 It |i ■'I I 410 THE OLIVE BRANCH. MtnoT», or any of them, to the laid recruit, aod the reasonable expeniei accrulog thai rupoD, in proper proportious, accoi'diog to the last public tax levied tiierciu • wliicli they are hereby eitjoined and directed to do withiu ttrodays after tucu re^ cruit sli.ill be enlisted. ** Be it fuitlier enacted by tiie authority aforesaid, That the commissionci s of the several counties, respectively, sliall provide und keep a book, iulo which they ehall enter in numerical order the several delinquent classes, as they shall be re- tumrd to them, and shall enlist recruits for the said delinquent clanes, according to tlieir respective numbers, and in like manaer levy and collect the sums impos- ed on tnem respectively by this act.^'f By these laws, each class was obliged to furnish an able bod- ied recruit — either une uf their own number, or a person to be enlisted by thcnif and at their joint expense — which is precise* ly I he idea of the secretary of state and Mr. Giles. This is, 1 presume, conclusive. This relieves the system of classitiCHtion from the odium attached to it as a discovery of the prolitic brain of Bonaparte. His inventive powers have had more credit in this respect than they deserve. He has ta* ken the plan at second hand from the sages and heroes of the revolution. My seventh point is, " that the classifieation or conscriptioii system, most elaborately matured by General Knox, and stamp- ed with the seal of General Washington's approbation, wai more strict in its provisions than any of the recent plans.** General Knox addressed his system to President Washing- ton. It bears date, Jannary 18, 1 790 — and the letter which prefaces it, has the following introduction : *^ Hiving submitted to your consideration, a plan for the arrangement of the nilitii of the United States, which 1 had presented to the late congress of the United states, and you having ap^iroved the general principles thereof, with cer- tain exceptions, 1 now respectfully lay the same before you, modifiid auording to the alterntions you mere pleased to si^gest " From this plan, approved, as we see, and submitted to con* gress by General Washington, 1 submit an extract, amply ade* quule to prove, that it bore the essential features^ which belong to the system of defence which has been hunted down by the folly ami madness of party. In fact, it was much more strict and severe in its details, than either of those digested by the secretary at war or Mr. Giles — that enacted in New-York— or the one rejected by the sapient legislature of Pennsylvania.— None of the recent plans contemplated service beyond 45 years —whereas, General Knox carried biz views to a third class, to be composed of citizens between 40 and 60 years. His plan likewise contemplated compulsory service of the mariuerst who, as we shall see, were to be sui^ect to consciiptioB. " il(J-m,page*01. il ^ APPENDIX. 411 Sztradfrom General Knox's plan/or the general arrangement of tn*i Mtluiu oj the d nitt a states f uttOmided to Lvngnss by Gintrdi *V asuinj^lony January 17W0, and jmoUaiud uy order (tfttie tiou6€ oJ H^ressnt atwen oJ tue Untied Stales, " An tfn«;r^ctic national mintia is to be repiided ai the capital lecurity ofa free repu >uc, ami not j standing ai-my, l'oi-uuu{{ it rfiitinct ciand >u tlie coiumu- nii> * The period of life in wtiicli military aervici* tliall be required of the ciuzeos of the United State», to coinmeuce at 18, and terminate at lue a^t- <>t tO y< uri. ' lite mc.i compre'icndcd hy ttiib d* -criptioo, exc^u-nive of »ucti exceptionti as tlie .egiil uures ol iHe respective states may tiiiak proper to make, and all actual ■tnariuir-, siiAl; be enrolled lor diH'erent degrees ot military duty, and divided iiitoilibtinctclHs.-es. '■ lUe ih das'* shall comprehend the youth of 18, 19, and 2(( years of age, to be (It'iioinmatrd tli«> advanced corps. ■ 'lue M ci iss shall iucliide the men from 21 to 45 yean of age, to be denomi- nated t je uraiii 'lorp.H. " I'iie Jd daiiii ohall comprehend inciuiiively the men from ry thing that snould be dear to freemen. The consequences are natu- ral ourli men either desert in time of danger, or are ever ready on the sligiittst disgust to turn their arms against their country. By the establishment of the kz. tiooH, an tmiple and pr;rnianent source is opened, when the state in every exicmry may be supplied witn men whose all dcpeuds on the prosperity of their country,'* I request the reader will duly weigh these extracts, and will examine the admirable plan, at large, which ought to imniorial* ize the nieoii)ry of den^ral Knox. 1 hope and trust the day is not far distant, when the adoption of such a system will filace a rampart around our firesides and our families, which might bid defiance to all the hosts of Europe combined, were they to at* tempt our suljugation. This would far exceed the famous Chi' nese wall built to guard against the incursions of i he Tart»n— or thePictish wall of the Roman general Agricola. I cannot pass over one incident connected with this affair, nrhich shews in a striking point of light, the delusion which the spirit of faction excites. After the noble, efficient systems of the secretary at war and Mr. Giles fell sacrifices to the convul' sive struggles in congress for power — nnd fsfter, of coufse, Iht; country was thus left in a manner dt fenceless and exposed to the inroads of a |)Owerful enemy, the house of delegates nf Ihe state of Maryland published an address to Ruftis King, Esq. lav- ishing compliments on him for his services in tlefeating Ibt'se plans of defence, subjecting their houses, their wives, their cl.iN dren, their parents, and themselves, to the mercy of Cockburns «Dd Gordons * ! t »' Resolved, That the thanks of this house, in behalf of the freemen of Mary- land, be, and they are heret^ presented to the houorible Rufuc Kinp, of the fn'a(« of Ihe Tnilcd States, for the seasonable and successful interj osition of 'is ex].eri' enced wisdom vnd ' if^va'ed Influence of chnracter. in avert-' g 'I'erredl'.'tt r! '•y^n- tioi> of a nieafiurp, hostile to the inmiunitief ofcoiistiiulinnHl iVf^doni. offaited republic. "Ai ly off.-! of I t;(l auii abi gre<8, if cstdbiid fbrent in ^vhich 1 have BiyWAiiicrinjitianftcriarN. The ii\jiislice lies in so arranging the counties, in the Tutnia- tinn of districts, «s to produce the ellect stated in the stcoiid paragraph. To accomplish this sinister purpose, counties are frequt iiily united to form a senatorial district, which have no teriiiciial connexion, being separated from each othtr by an inters tinng county, someiimcs by two or tliree. Of this lieinous polihcal sin, l)oth federaiifits and democrats, as 1 have Sdiil, have Uen guilty. The state of Massachiisetls was depicted, two or thrre yv.in since, as a sort of monstrous figure, with the couiuies i( tih.irg the senatorial districts, displaytd on this unprincipU'd | hm.-- It was called a Gerrymander^^ in allusion to tlie n. me cf ilie late vice-president of the L nited L-ifuUs, ilien governor of that state. Hence, 1 derive the term ihrrymundirhm. To thuue who gave the title of GcrrymaiuLr^ it might not unaptly be siud «*-"wa> of g'lasSt throw no ^Ivnes.'^ To enable the readei to form a correct idea of the extrtmc find flagrant injustice that may be perpetrated in this nude, Tvithout any apparent vinlation of l.nw or constitutitn, 1 viJI explain ho'w the minority' may lie cnalled to rule ihe n.njoritj, so far as respects ii.e tenatorial branch of the legislature. 1 suppose a case. Six counties, each containine 1,C00 vrtfrs. are to Ue-Xorjnejd into three senatorial distii«is. etich to (hctfdir senators. 'J^hese districts may te so contrived, that the piity predominant in the legislature at the tin e of arranging \Un, whether federal or democratic with 2,320 \otfrs, fchall luve eight scn^r s ; and tlie other, Tsith 3. 680, shall ha\e « nly (our, and, never'heless, every elector of the Tvbole 6,000 shall exer- cise the right ot suffiage. You may tvej lie amazed, r^n<1er. But ii iu so. Such is the political juggle and hocus {^ocus, tZiat our public men ol loth f • The fp dora< isti. nvlio have always been very adroit in political cliristeninji?, .endeavoured, by the use of this nwiie, to cast tiie ocJium excliisivfly on tl «ir aji taponif"t«, ae if they themselves w ere immaculate on this subject. Tbeidfais unsound. 1 It Pcnton fe11(» are said to hi full of notions. They 1 ave been frr ttj roj liortal i II tin i-ubjcct of tl.e Fnplis-b language, wliich thfy have ajnplifitd, I wi" not veottire to nj iiopicved, with many eucb queer Morda. Jacks Perry^ xtrtme 1 vi!l fijonty. f. I vrlers. U ct f( iir lit nil II lave ly lour, 11 exer- ih is \\^ cl to\h Irislcninpt i tl « ir ail; [he id* a iJ Lntj ro; IS^^^tX* 41^ parties too frequently play to aci^tn ^. or to p« jietuaU' an unduf aliiire of power. 1 now state the nuinlier uf voters of each of the si to which 1 give the foltowiu^ iiaineti : Counties, Jackson Kiie Chin];»lain ]\I icdonough Perry Porter . Federalints, Diinotidts, I < • 120 8.S0 280 340 720 660 1 "1" ' '• «< < . * »|1 680 ' ' 150 •'•" 750 I 320 850 250 I * 23ltO 3580 I might have styled the parlies big-endians and little-endianj. The nAtne is of no importance. Now for a display of political legerdemain — in order to ena- ble the minority to rule the majority ; District No, X'^Jortmd of Erie and Porter counties, f* -f Federal. Demonratie. Erie 280 72(> Porter «... . .. , 750 250 .'ft V ■«• ■♦ 1030 070 Distriet No, Z—fcrtnedof Champlmn and Macdonougk, Champlain Macdonough Federal. 340 6ii0 Democratic. 660 320 1020 980 Distriet No. Z—formed of Jackson and Perry. Jackson Perry Federal. 120 150 270 Democratic* 880 850 1730 'I* 411 THE OLIVE BRANCH. Tbui, ai I have stated, a minority of S,320 inhabitant! have twice as many senators jis the mnjorily of 3, 080 — their canili* duiis havuii; been Biuces&rul in iho two first tlistiicts In the first dikitrict the demucr.itic minority is 970 — in tlie second 080, whii'h are wholly lost. And the majority in me third distnctis 1730, whereHS 1010 would have equally secured the election. — It therefore lullowg, that hy this arranuement, there are 070, 980, and ti20 democratic voles at eoiutely thrown away. This is an extreme case. li\ju»lice, carried to such flagrant extent, does not often occur. 'I'he instances, however, of tiiis kind, but of an inferior decree, are hy no means unfre(iuent. It thence happens that a senate is sometinMs democratic, while the house of representatives in the same state is decidedly fede- ral ; and vice versa. This political arithmetic, like every other science, hiis its arcana. The grand and unerring rule is to make your oun mi- norities and majorities as small, and ^hose of your adversaries as large, as possible. In other words, to throu away as few votes on your own side, as many on the other, as in } our power. This fraudulent practice admits but of one efiectu»l remedy. Senatorial districts ought to be formed of counties end parts of counties quite contiguous to each other, eo that all those who vote for each ^^nator shall he residents of the same ueigbboirhood. • . .- • >tvr'> •» i i-* %H . J inei tora W N V t'lj*- ."'i There is another political fraud, of wkich both parties have been occasionally guilty, and which deserve* the severest re- |)rohatipn. It has respect to the choice of members of the nouse of representatives of the United States, and electors or the president and vice-president. For these very important operations, there is net, although reason and justice loudly call for it, a iixed and perma- nent rule. The legislatures of the individual states have the power of deciiling upon the mode, and as it resj^cts the repre- sentatives, upon the time of the election. Hence, flagrant in- justice is frequently perpetrated. These elections are sometimes hy districts, in the same inaD- ner as the state senators are elected ! at others, by a general ticket. The last mode is extremely unfair and incorrect. It «« prives the minority altogether of any share in the represenla tiOB. APPENDIX. 417 A short statement will fully evince the extreme ir^jusliceand inequality of a {general ticket formemlient of cuugiess, or«lee- tors of president. Mass ichusetts is entitled to members •( the house of Tt 're.4entativcs of' the United States, 20 New Yurk 27 Pennsylvania -. » ,, ► 23 Virginia *w 23 Total— 03 Suppose either of the parties, federal or democratic, to have a very small majority in tach of these states, say 2,000 votes; supi)ose also the whole number of votes in the four states to be 800,000. The result will he» that if the elections be by gene- ral tickets, 154,000 vo'crg will secure the entire represeutH^ion, which is more than hail* the whole number of membeis of con- gress — and that the remaining; 146,000 have no representative, this idea might be puraued to a great extent. But 1 Ica^e it to the \ii?n or [>encil of the reader. Instances have tVequently occurred in the diOer^nt states, of the mode of election bein- changed ou the spur of the oct a- liitn, lo suit the m<>ra<'ntftry purposes of party or faction. The most recent case that has occurred, was in the state of New- Jersey in 1812. Fram the ory^anizilio.'i of the general govern^ mH'it till the year 1800, the members of the house of represen- tatives of the 'United Stiites had been elected in that state by disiricts. In IHOO, the federalists had a majority in the legisla- ture, and calculated on a majority of votes in the whole state.-—- In order, theref >re, to engross the whole representation to them- selves, on the eve of the election, they repealed the district^ law, and passed an act for electing the representatives by a ge- Her.il ticket. Contrary to their calculations, the democratic ticket prevailed then and in every subsequent election, till the" year 1812. In the latter year, the federalists having a tempo- Taiy ascendency ia the state legislature, one of their first acts WHS to leijenl the s;eneral election law, which they had theni- se'ws enacted, and to restore the election by districts, wbich^ they hati formerly repealetl. And by Gerrvmandering the state to suit their v) jws, they stained four out of the six representa- tives ; whereas by a general ticket they would not have obtaiii^' ed one. Another reprehensible procedure, emanalins from fhe samtf* laxity of principle, respects elect iims by our legislative bodies.^ Mm2 418 THE OLIVE BRANCH. When the politics of the two branches of a legislature are dif- ferent, there is frequently h struggle about the mode of election — whether hy a Joint or a concurrent vote. The senate, being the less numerous body, are, in the case of a joint vote, meTi;e(i and !ost in the ^;reater number of the house of representvtives. They are, therefore, strenuous supporters of a concurrent vote, in which their influence is equal to that of the co ordinate branch. The other house, nontiding in its numbers, is equally zealous for a Joint vote, wherein it will liave the ascen- dency. The slate of Pennsylvania was, many years since, for a considerable time unrepresented in the senate of the Uni- ted States, in consequence of a struggle of this kind— neither party being disjtoscd to concede to the other. It is a grand desideratum to have all these points clearly and exjdicitly delinetl by the constitutions. There should be as lit- tle temptation to fraud, and as little safety in the perpetration of it, as possible. ,,,,, , ^.y „,j,, ,, ,^ ^y,^^ ^,_,,,^,., * CHAPTER LXXI. Slate of represejitation in Massachusetts. Wrdched system oj' representation in Maryland and Virginia, Rotten boroughs. It may not he imj»roper here to introduce an analogous sub- ject lesnecting the representation in the state of Massachusetts. The men who framed the constitution of that stale were jiroba- bly as highly enlii^htened and respectable as any equal numlior ef men ever convened for such a fiurpose. But they neverthe- less committed some very egregious errors which are reallv as- tonishing. Thd most conspicuous was nei>lectii>g preeise'y to fix the number of representatives in the more numerous branch of ll:e legislature. The consequence is, that its numbers have fluctuated in the most extraordinary and incredible de-rree. There have been, I believe, as many as 700 — at other timi^s, not half the number. And the town of Boston has had a pm;ill army of representatives, no less than forty-four — beinir a greater number than the whole senate and house of representatives of the state of Delaware — than the entire senate of South C;ifoli- na, or Pennsylvania — and than the assembly of New Jersey. This defect in their representative system arises from « Haw in the constitution, resnectinis: the cb ice of members of the house of Tepresentatives — instead of the imperative, they shall fkct, the phrase is, they may elect* M APPENDIX. 41» " Every corporate town coatnitilnj^ oiip humlrctl and fifty rattohle polln, may elect one rf pn'.->('nt'tivt' .— tv( ry corporatt- town, containii^j tliire liuiidrid anrf gevcnty-Civc nitoahle polls m '^ fl.'ct two rcprcscntativ*., — evrtv corporate town, containing six liundiod riU»Ml>lf» polls, ninv ricct tlirre repn-si'til.itivfs ;— and proceeding in that muiiH-r, niakiug two liundrfd and Iwcnly tivc rateable polls tlie mean increasing nuuibfrfor every additional repn-kent.itivi.." Every town has heretofore paid (an«l 1 believe still pays) it3 own representatives : and from a sordid, miseralile, huck- stering, and contemptible spirit of economy, some of them send no representatives — others, recjardless of expense, send full as many as they are entitled to — and some, it is presumable, when party spirit runs his;h, send more than Iheir quota. On reflection, I cannot conceive how Boston can be entitled to 44 representatives. The city of Philadelphia, with a popu- lation of 57,000 inhabitants, has never polled more than 0,000 votes. The right of sutfrage here is as latitudinarian as any where; much more than in Massachusetts, where a citizen must be worth 60/. to qualify him to vote. According to the Massachusetts principle, we should be entitled only to al»out 27 representatives. Boston has but 33,U00 inhabitants, and yet has had forty-four, irr ^ >• ^> ,.t -©♦o- Ui «V»<.'' Representation, which is the key-stone of free government, is arranijed very incorrectly in several other sUUes. The Grni/inander principle, is, alas ! too prevalent. The lust of power induces parties to hold tenaciously whatever political advantages they possess, however ur\just their operation. This subject would almost require a volume. But 1 am a» fraid the reader is tired of my scribbling — and, to be candid 1 am tired myself. 1 pant for a close. 1 shall barely glance at a few enormr»us traits of injustice. Each of the counties of Maryland has four representatives ia the house of delegates. There is, nevertheless., a most enorm- ous (liflference in the population. Inhahitants. Frederick county Anne Arundel Baltimore Hartford Baltimore city Rcprcscntatms, 34,477 4 26,668 4* 29,255 4 21,258 4 46,555 2 1' 158,213 W 4?0 THE OLIVE BRANCH. Thus four counties, and the city of Baltimore, have only U representatives. . Inhahilants, Representatives. Counties, Allegany Calvert Cavulin« Kent IBt. Mary V ft 6 009 8,005 9,453 11,430 12,794 48,011 ■«>• 4 4 4 4 4 These five counties have tw«nty representatives. Thufr 46,011 persons, in one part of tlie state, have 10 per cent, more influence than 158,213 in another. If this be not Gernftrnttider- wm, pray what is ? " Kent county, in Delaware, has but 20,495 inhabitants — Sug- flex 27,750. But each elects an equal number of representative} and senators. The same wretched and unjust system prevails in Virginia. Each county has two representatives. And there is a more enormous disproportion in the population, and more flagrant in- justice, than in Maryland. I annex a view of the population of sixteen counties, which have thirty-two representatives in the house of delegates.-— Eight of them, it will he seen, have 103,000 iuhabitantg, and the other eight only 27,000. Thus 9ix men in the tirst list have no more influence in the making ofiaws^ than one in the second! Counties. Caroline Buckingham Albemarle Fauquier Frederic Halifax Loudon Mecklenberg InhabitanlSi Representatives 17,544 / 2 20,059 2 18,268 2 22,689 t- 2 22,574 hr.. 2 22,131 2 ' 21,338 2 18,453 2 163,056 le APPENDIX, 421 Counties* Wa^wi k Flouvauaa Midilesex * Patrick ^ Masou * Tazewell * Brooke * Giles Inhabitants, 1,835 4,775 4,414 4,695 1,991 3^007 2,717 3,745 ■'k , 27,179 RtfresentiUmi, 2 . % > t i i • Id Same subject once more, in a s^ll more striking pi^Q^ oC view. . M= * , • . ^ "» - " '^■•'» . 3 . Counties, Fauquier Frederic Counties, Warwick Mafiooi Inhabitants, Representatives. 22,689 2 22,574 45,263 ^ J 2 4 •^•« '^ Inhabitants, 1,835 1991 Representatives 2 a,82d Thus, eleveq iAhabitantt* of the former counties have not as much weight as one in the latter ! Let no VlFginian, after this statement, dare to censure the rot- ten boroughs of England. This state of representation is in th« true spirit of that borough system. When we take fully into consideration the youth of this country — the era at which the American constitutions wer« formed — the general diffusion of political knowledge — the illu- miaation of, and advantages possessed by, the conveniens that framed these constitutions; and when we likewise reflect on the borough system in England, and the natural tendency of all political institutions towards corruption, unless frequent re- currence is had to first principles-—! am really inclined to think, that palliations may more readily be found for the borough system in England, wretched and corrupt as it is, than for the county representation in Virginia and Maryland. y '■%. * New Counties. 4^2 THE OLIVE BRANCH. The knavish tricks, which I have glanced at in thts chapter, cannol be too highly despised, whether perpetrated Uy federalists or democrats. It is to be regretted, that there is no court of justice, to punish sjch political frauds, how henious soever they may be. A man shall be sentenced for years to saw marble, for a depredation on the property of his neighbor, to the amount of a few dollars. But a large portion of a state may be virtually disfranchised by its representatives, without a possibility ot re- dress, and the culprits wholly escape punishment. k'l' »;'_« »' To the calm and dispassionate consideration of the publio these views are respectfully submitted. That enorn ous evils exist, and loudly call for a remedy, cannot be doubted or denied. That those whose political influenc« rests on the basis of these evils, tvili submit to have them redressed, I fondly hope and pray — but, reasoning from the general course of human affairs, I am not very sanguine on the subject. For in the whole history of mankind, from the earliest records to the present time, there are hardly any instances to be found, of that glorious spirit of Justice and self-denial, that induces nations or public bodies voluntarily to renounce any impoi'tant advantages they may possess, however unjustly they may have been acquired — or however oppressive or iniquitous their operation. And he must be a fool or a madman, who, after reflecting on the pages of the " abstract and brief chronicle" of our times, is very san- guine in the expectation that we shall prove ourselves much wiser or better than our ancestors — or that we shall avail our- selves much more of the light of history, to guide our pttths, than the nations that have preceded us. Every stage of our progress, fraught with folly and error, forbids the flattering anti- cipation. ^ . .* CHAPTER LXXII. 4 voonderfvl cenirast. " Jjet every soul be subject to the higher pomcrsy — Rrv. Dr. Morse — Rev, Dr. Parish — Rev, Dr. Osgood- Invocation to war. Governor Gilman. Op the seditious and treasonable opposition to the govcni- ment, which lafelv I'revailod h\ iho eastern states, I have given copious specimens in chapters 52 and 56. APPENDllX. 423 II is difficult to decide which is greater, the disgrace of the govetnineitl in \is (lusilianimuus and t'eebte 8uumii>siuu lu such lawless outrages, or thai uf the parties who pevpc (ruled liiem. Never before dtd such (reason ible conduct experience the sumti . impunity. And never agaiu, 1 hope, will the same experiuu nt be made of the imbecility of the government of the Lniied States, he it in whose hands it may, whether democratic or fed- eral. Tbe result, it is true, has not been unfavourable. I'he tornado has 8peii( its fury vvithuut destroying the majtstic edi- fice of our government, which it threatened with perdilion — aud without provoking civil w.>r. Bat tbe t^uilt of ihose wiio raised the storm, and the guilt of those who shamtiuily l)e^J^ct- cd the uecess.iry measures to waid olf its terrific consequences, is precisely tbes^me as fit had produced (hose awful resulis, from which (he tinger of heaven alone saved ibis favored njition. It may not be amiss to contrast vvilh (hose horrible violations of law and proprie(y, the mtixims and conduct ol the federal leaders and their advocates >\hen tliey held the reins of go\ em- inent. It will afford an interesting «\ample of (he facility with which our views of oljects and our sentiments can be moulded to suit the purposes of (he moment. And, to commence, 1 i»eg the reader will carefully peruse the sedition law, passed Anno 1798, of which he will hud tlie ]^rincipal features in chapter 2. By this law,>«^' i •^••♦jV' HjKfl r " Ifany pprjons should combine or coDs{>irf togettier, to oppose any mtaiure ojr mec^ures nfUie govemmpnt if the United States wbicli s!ioui rto been suttrred to carry on their int?igui'«, ai.d to promote theciu^eof thi'i' mi.'-tfr by every ntienns whiclt they choae to adopt. WE MUST NOW CORRECT THE PROCEDLRE." the One other newspaper specimen, of an earlfer period, fiom Baltimore Federal Gazette, July 5, 17>^-- ^. . .,. . " I believe, that seme of the old French harm still remains amongst us, and • that some vile and degenerate wretchij;. wlicm I cail Funch partizans. or American jaeolins, will not join any military association, ot pchiolie loiiD hut di?*'ounige iliem as far a« th<*y dare. Th< ■^e inf n sliould be car* fully watchkd; and if they should artfully attcnipf to form pny military corps (and ♦.ley wjil he known by the diameter of their officer* and privates) notice should be given to our federal and state governments, to prevtnt commisaions xsiuing from nani <{f in/ormation " This is, I presume, enough of this description. I now proceed to detail the sentiments of three clercyinfn, who have rendered themselves consi ieuotis l«y their rHncorotis hostility to the administrp.ti"n8 of IVlr. Jeflerson and Mr. Madi- son— the Bev. Jedidiah Morse, the Rev. David Osgoi-tJ, and the Rev. Elijah Parish. 1 have no recent sermon of Dr. Morsels : But of the nnti-christian spirit that predominates in the late sermons of the two latter gentlemen, I have given abundant proofs and specimens in the 56th chapter of (his work. Let us examine what were their sentiments when the administration was in the hands of their own party. Never y>aA there a stronger contrast. And first, of Dr Pdrish. This reverend gentleman deliver- ed an address, on the 4th of July, 1 79P, which breathes in eveiy pppe the most devoid sul mispion to rulers, the m»F> decit^ed support of their me: pu res, nnd the most virulent fulminati< ns against the t »»r i sns of the p^overnment- Its sj-irt may be readily conceived from the folIowiDg short specimen i-^ APPENDIX. 425 •' It is n 4im^ of day that requires cautious jealousy. Not joMou.ay of your impstrites, Q^ for you have given thein your coulidencf , but of tliose vrlio glander tiiiMr »jiuiiii8trAtiou. To be jealous of your thIcts would bo, asifu person were to cuooee a bride from all the beautit-x of tho eoild, ;nid iImmi hi- staiitly witiiout cause be jealous of her alone. Q^ Vour i'itblic ciiaractkhs AKE YOLR OWN ciioicH. Watch tho^B Ungrateful roih, who luunn'ir about taxa- tion and oppression, the burdens of ^overnrai^nt and religion, rr^ ['hoy davi; i'ellowihip witli our enemies— tlicy are traitors to Ood and c,ii istianity. Be jealous of tiio.-«c who declaim ai^aiost alien and sedition laws ; they probably have a hankermj;for lyin? and rebellion themselves. In a word, lot honest luen, let the friends of God and humanity, spurn from their embrace every nrui wlin tritles with bin fithei's reiigion, the hope and salvation of the world, rrj=» viio ?linns wpak minds with ttie designs of government; who discoina^es lu.- most foM...dable means of defence. It was the sword which gave con i.r to ileolare independence. Such is the present state of human nature, Uiat n^ uot iir,» but tli-^ sword can defend our independence. Never, never while iii • is a r.iiiison ilroo in your hearts will you sutfer an armed ibc to l>rpatlie your 'la'ivp air — ri.'flSED liE \m rH\T KKRI'E ni back his .S^VOliO FROVI HLOOD ; LRT HM THAT H\TH NOME, SELI, HIS COAT ANU BUY ONE. Tilt: CONTEST n DESlll.VBLE." . '♦ Uow ghall we account for tilis ravenous thirst for blood — this iiivocitioa of the sword — this elaborate Uefeace of the consti- tuted authorities — how reconcile it with the ;iacific spirit, the denunciations of war, and the malignant abuse of the adminis- tration which are to be found in chapter 50 ? There is only- one conceivable reason — and that is, when blood was called for, it was Freach blood — French blood — French blood that was to flow. Next I exhibit the Rev. Dr. Osgood. A convention of con- grea;ational ministers agreed to an address to President Adams, in Vlay, 1798, which was signed by that gentleman among others. I annex a short extract :— '• We remember Christ's ccknmand to forgive and love our most injurious ene- mies. But neither the law of Christianity nor of rea.son requires us ^j^ to pros- trate our national independence, freedom, property and honour a;, t •• fpct of Sroul, insatiable oppressors. Such a prostration would be treason against that eiii;? wh ) ?ave us our inestimable privileges, civil and religious, an a sacred de- posit, to be defendedjand transmitted to posterity It would be criminal unfaith- fulness and treichery to our country, our children, and the whole human race. " File intimate eonnexii>n between our civil and christian blessings is alonft «ulli«ient to justify the rC/O Jecidid part which the clergy of America have uni- formly taken •'/=* in supportiug the constituted autiiorities and political interest! of their country." Next follows the Rev. Jedidiah Morse, wtoc eloquenoe and BO'iid reasoning " in oldan timey^ cannot fail to excite the ap- pro')ition of the reader. The following extracts arc from a sermon delivered by this reverend geutletnan, May 9, 1798. N n ^1 42C rr THE OLIVE BRANCH. •* Our ne-n^papors tpcni with shiiid«T and peF«rial invrclivc and ahu«e, Ctir ruler!', p.rowu};i«y, nmi'y of tlii-m, in tl-e iiervi"e ol Ituir counliy ; who, inHn, vaiious dijinillifJ and rcsponsibie olII«e« tlify liave lilltd, liavr discliarg»d tut jr dij!i«s willi great ubiiity and incoiriipiible iiitfpiity, aif yet sti^iiMlizid cor.t'i.u. ally, as unliitndly to th«' rijrliV" arid liheilicH cf t!ie proplc, aid O ilii tun; hiu-r r«t« of tlieir country. Our gov»rnni(.nt itHilf, the most p!♦', of anj .in caitli, is }tt steadily oppo.fd in all iln important me'.isuits, and rr^ulur ai d coiitMiual »(rortK art! made to *' >top its wljeels." '• Asi citizens w» ouk^lil with (>ne heart to cicavo to, and support, our own pov- erDment It is ii jiovernnifnt of our own :oiii ng fiiio ncn ii i>ieirt hy n(,.(,f OU' own cloicr ; and thcreroif claims our ronlidcncc and support. W e ouyl.l o repel, with indipnatioii every ^u2;g«•stion and slanderous insinuation, calcula- ted to weaken a just confidence in the recti'.ude of the int» htion'i •f onrconstiiut ed iiutliorilies. All fucIi in}' OIR (iOVERNM TIST. W liii,., on tlie one hand, we would avoid pisHivt- o'li thenre and non-re: i--tiinc. let i:>- ti(,t vibrate into iUc other extreme, and bdievei; ;i duty to he jealous iiiitl ru^iir.tm Oi'evciy thin}? which is done by our rulers W'v. thouclit tliem hor.t st men. ai.d fricjids to tiieir country, when we elected 1 hem into oHlce ; and wli.it h;:ve t!:*)' since (ioiie to forfeit our p^ood opiifton ;' Jet their inen.Mire.'j bf e\ .jiiintd wi-h candour, and we shall assuredly ;,ay, th; j itvsr.rve nell «/ Iftdr countrv. In tiiis moment of our political da>i<;,or, let us b.* impressed wit!) this liiith— that— ♦' I'nitecl we stand — dividi d we fall." '1 he increasing onion aiuonj!: usi and liip revival and expression of kin; true American spirit, are tokens for g,ood, and ungur Tvell in refrnrd to our political interestf. ♦' To the unfriendly dispositifm and rindud of a foreign power, we may ntciiiic the Mhappy divirinns that have existtd amooj; us, wliicli have so jrreatly di«'nrh ed onr j face, and threatened Ih.e ovcitiirow of our government. 'I '..tii ii;;i\;ui, to which they have strictly and steadily -idhered, has been, " Divide and gi verr. " Their too great influence aniono us has been exerted vigorouMy, and in confo.-n. ty to a deep laid plan, in cheri.-liin;; party spirit, in vili^Ing thj- n:en we have , h} ( u.- free suflVapes, elected lo ;tduiiiiister oi.r roPFiitution ; and hare tlni endeavr'td to de trov the co:i(iden«'e of the people in tlie constituted authorities, and divide tbemfrom the government A comparison of Ibfse cloctrinos Mith the tlocfrines and practice of the Kev. Messrs. Oscood au<] Parish in 1812, 181 {, and 1814, as exhibited ch»[>. 56, niusi; excite the most painful sensntioBS in the mind of every m.n who freels for the honor of his speci«s. It is imj>ossil;le for ihe hum-.-n mind to cone eire of a m re striking contrjist — a more deiJon.hh^ instance of in- fatuation and delusion — era more avful iiiemorial of, and me- mento aa;ain8t, human weakness. From the |)ul])it, I descend to the civil w&W — and siil mil the opinion of Governor Gilman in 17M8, in an address to the kgis- lature, and the echo from hot' houses. $ From Governor GUman'^s Speech to the L^iilaiurr of Ntrv Hampshire. *' Perfection in human aQi,irs is not to be expected to satisfy every citizen is next to impossible; but if our system of national goveniment is penerally good ; if it is free ; if we have the choice as frequently as we v Ish, of persons to tulmii- iiter it ; if one of th" fundamental and irreversible put •ijles in }. rej^ubli.- r. ?ov- cnuneot, is, tbat Q^ a ma,iority gfaall t!;oyern, is il not proper to give {);f * APPENDIX. -127 iv;ci€ and 8H, [uful lonor eire in- me- il tVe Itgis- ■e. izen is good i I. ?ov- Crm fupport to the laws and at!minl^tratit)n of ju ;!i a goverr.mrnt, nv<\ f »:■ evrrr t,> ...ui u.i,v .Oion.ii'.- inv Ur ClA.M Jil \.N' i) iii'lV'.-^l 11. ).N i ilr,l\K K) H4.T j.» vi . MJ Oii i^Ruci.ur:!), on .may lwiie u.; i^KocLUi:, i.\- JLKiKS i'KoM v.W l'OKi:iiu\ WAl'lON i" Extiact/nm tiit am icr if fit Senate to the nbivc. •' Conv'iiiccd tlwt our national gitvtTiiiiinit iii fjiin. d un t!ii> siir«>t li.i is of 1 h . rrly ; It ,i uc ^Tr' n:\jjriiy ou^d It rule ; that we ii.ivc an oj'purtiiiiity, ,\i ot'lru as we can wi > . on lUgc and cloct our niitrs, we vit-w it as lue p.iUailiuai otour ri^litx, anJ tiitnit'd looui linnest "^upp .dl. '• Vlt lOii^li j alousy is a live.y tr.it in apolitical cIuiMctt-r, yet when very frup-ii'M-i-y fX-niisv-d lo\v.irds the iJiidnislral'iis of goMTnuii-nl, [v-^itimy lend lo lt;.•'^('n l!ie Cijnlid. nci' oi a p.-ople in tiitir ru;»'."s —and ]^ «'» \ ,^\r witli re^iPl a. id "i(lij,n itiou uu" laclioii tatt ci inioiirit fur tii.; dj liiii lOii of our ^)^aco .KiJ i;ov. 1 ,iin.iit, and conceive it." only sourci? lo be the dregs cf successive forei;ja iWdicny, o^)eiaiiu^ oa the weak and vicious." ■ *'- Kxlraclfrom (he atisiver (]f the fliu.e. •' \s t!ie coii«titi!tioii of tfie povt'rnment Mas framed by tlie wisest and lii\,t laen, wa.* adopted uiter n candid di.ion, and up tn in iture dcli')iTali(in, wilii- ou Vi J, ici' or iu;nu!t, it Ixduugs to u^ lo repoac jjrvip^r coaiidi'iw.e ii tin; Oi'H.t'rs of ou (vvn c ni'a'c, and w illin^ily atlbrd eiJei- ive aid lo that ^^ovtMiiiniiil whivli w<' It.iV'- iii^i^it'ited .or 'Av coiuuioii good. Tiie beneiicial plfecl^ of liie coiisLiiu- tion of i'iie United hlatcs have heeii generally felt, and acknowledjied lo h^' far greater lirm was at fnsl expected v spirit of inquiry into t;ie principles of a gov i.nnr.i'. 'Hid tlie mode of is adinnnttralion jierlains lo a free pej;o;i|p ; Rut nj' 'fn th it .'>pii-U htco.ncs inti iupir,ile, audits .esign-i are [T/-' 1\> I'Ri/- M <:!:: i;;'l^JJirU>;\, O UlViOlu \\1) VVCVKE.V rili': GUVo.iN- MKNi H M\Y E.MBOLDKN iORKIGN FJWERS TO I.W \UK ('L il RlGHIS and tmba.raas the meoMtrei nrxts iry in nbtain ledrtss. VVhfTe.i-r ttica a rf»»tiesj, unea'-y temper appears, we svill lend our tlriuest aid lo discour 1^;,'; t.nd c )rrecl it." 1 might extend the subject very fir. Rut I trust I h:ive ^^7)utl out my casCy"* ct)rni»letely, nd that it would be extreme supererogation lo enter into any further detail.* • .• i^A • J ir^ CHAPTER LXXIIL View of the prosperiti^ofthc United Slates, durin'r the various adinimstrations. Might i^ errors prevalent en this topic. A VERY large portion of our citizens have imbil)ed a deep and looted imf»res3ion, that from the period wlien the athninistra- lion of tiie general government was withdrawn from the hands of the federalists, and placed in those of their political oppo- nents, the prosperity of the nation began rapidly to decay. ♦Some of the extracts in this chapter and i:i the SfAh, arf taken from an exccl- l*Mit little pamphlet, published in I^ew-Hainpihire, and entitled, " An address to thp clergy of iN'evv- England, on their opposilioa lo the lulcit cf the United State?. Bi' a.Layuj»ux. mi •1 42d THE OLIVE BRANCH. 'J'liey believe Umt during tlie iiithidcncy cl Cmcrnl Wr.sliiH"-. ton and (J iV;r» Adams, |itirticularly tiie iornicr, oui |)Liitical i*.nd con^mnTihl eim !.<>(! atict'iided to its meiidiiin ftcii;!.! ; that c'Vtn previous to tlie i mbhr^it; and rcstricliM- b\bUni ^'ineialjv it luKi, undiT tilt iidminifelrution ol JMr. Jc-t!ti&(*n, dtsctndtd tu- Viirds (he- luuizon ; lliat those mrasurcB sunk i( lar I tlow, vie nee it is never to rifc^e, till tlieitoweisoi'lhe gcniral t^oNtin- mtnt, lep^irltttixe and oicculive, are restored (o \\\v '■'■ fitniimc SC71S of V, (labinulcn'*' — nuilurctl in Ids bosom — Icrnied in l.is soIjooI — imLiutil v ilh liis maxima — <^nd dettiinintd to tread iu his I'ootifteps, i\m\ to [o\\u\\ \\\i> ilmstrious ( >ani|ik'. 'J'lie imivtrFal prevalence ol these Oj inloiis among the fcder :ili.-ls (jf tliis e(rn(tv, vill liardly l-e eonlioverltd. 1 doubl ubellur lliero is a man am<»ng llurn, from the hijihest gr.'ult rf inU-lhtt dov n to the opp( !?ite exlieme, \vli«j dots \uA regan it as iu.ptrtinrnceai;d prtfcuiTf|)tion to call Ihtm in «|i estion. Ami the j;icv;!t'n('( v\ the imprtssion is not wondeifi.!. 'J'he af^HT- tions have lt«n po often repeated, \\;th so nuu li coi.fidencp, and in so many Ehapcs and forms, that it wrs noi in human iia- tijre for the federalists to \\ilhho!d assent. II is a veil known p'oper'y ofmai.Kind to hud an easy astcnt to thise opinicne that llalU'i' (Mir vanity, oirer incense to our pride, tend to pio- inote our interests, or to gratify our ambiticn. The prevalence of these opinions has produced most delete* rious consequences. It has emhittered fellow citizens agaiust each other \y\{h the most virulent animosity. The federalisis, persuaded that their antagonists have impaired the honor, and liappiness, and prosperity of our common country, have r tnri'iij*; ',-t' JaJ. :t L 43y THE OLIVE BRANCH. Sect. I. Domestic iwlustry and improvctmnts. The ftrst item, which ii the most important, and emhraoiu;; by far the (greatest sum uf hiimnii hapiiineiiB, dues not uironl those marked and decisive documents or data, Ih it the cuatum houses and other |iublic otTices I'urnish for the remainini; five. The progress of national industry slieds its beneficent inlluence around without glare or ostentation. Hamlets become villages — villages become towns — towns l)«come cities — cities double their population and almost unobserved. There are few or no documents to establish the facts. They are yet on due investi' gation tangible and strikingly visible. Nevertheless, from the extreme scarcity of data or documents, 1 was almost wholly discouraged from entering on the sul^ect, and disposed to appeal to the reader^s personal ol)servations for Hit rapid advances of domestic industry, and the general improvement of the country. But ! have judged it better to avail myself of the few I have, which are gleaned from Blodget^s Economica, than pass the subject over in silence. They are principally estimates, and cannot therefore be supposed to be entirely correct. But they are sufficient to answer the purposes of comparison, which is all the object 1 have in view. 1. In tillage— -. ^ 1797 Acres— 9,600,000 1801 10,500,000 - ' 1805 11,400,000 S. Meadows ic fallow grounds— 1797 Acres— 9,500,000 "' ' 1801 9,900,000 1803 10,350,000 3. Total improved lands— 1797 Acres- -35,600,000 UOi 37,4^)0,000 y >,, =0 1805 89,400,000 1807 39,990,0.0 4. Value of cultivated i lands per acrc~> 1801 S5,60 V T ^ 1805 '0 6,25 5. Horses— 1797 990,000 1801 1,070,000 1805 1,200,000 1807 • 1,300,000 6. Horneu Cattle— 1797 2,220,000 1801 2,500,000 1805 2,950,000 1807 3,200,000 T. Banknotes iacireulatioD* -1797 10,000,000 1801 11,000,000 1804 14,000,000 • 1807 18,000,000 8. MclMllic uieilium— V"('!'intiiiii of roiy\ atid 10. Toll biulgek— fi .-. ;■ 11. Turnpikes and Cuaals— H. Iiiiurance Companies— 13. Banks— 14. Cash in (he Treasury — APPENDIX. 432 #- 1797 laoi 1804 ltU)6 l'J07 16, 000 .MM) l7,(HK>,«MtO n,.')(h),OiK> l»,:ioo,uoo 20,;»uo,,00« 1801 li}04 ■ 1807 2,4J0..'J0\),(X)0 2,.'»uJ,01)0,000 2,518,00. ,000 1797 1801 1804 1807 No. 15 23 30 48 Capil;M),000 10,Uv)0,0()0 17,000,000 1797 1801 18)5 18)7 25 31 39 86 19,200,000 2'.', 400,000 39,jJ0,000 :>o,(M)o,oo« 1797 1801 1803 1806 1807 888,098 . ,, 3,^9 J, .^J91 - 4,i;i4,8'21 4,:..%,105 , . 9,048,842 1797 1801 1803 1806 ^ ''' 10.4(i:;,()91 15,'.'.S7,527 12.317, U9 19,5:.3,o90 15. Custom-bouse bonds — Of the above items, the first nine arc, as I have slated, merely estimates. From the nature of the case, they could not be oth- erwise. But they afford tolerable data for calculations and com* parisons of tlie advanccmcut of the prosperity of the country. Tlie other item?, the loll bridges, turnpikes and canals, insuvMtice companies, banks, cash in the treasury, and custom-house h. ods, were derived from actual documents, procured by the un\vea> lied exertions of the author of the Economica. Section II. Population. The statements I shall give on this point are extracted fron the census of 1800, the last year of the adaiiaistration of the fed- 432 THE OLIVE BRANCH. end parly, and llial of 1810, when their successors had lield the reins of governniftii( for l-en jears, during which the perriiciuus cftecls, so generally ascribed to iheir system, must have had am- ple time to dcvclope themselves. Population of Maine Vermont ^*j. Newliampshire Muiisacliusetti Connecticut New York New Jersey PeNn!«ylvania Virginia North Carolina South Caroiifia Geoi'iiia Kentucky Tennessee Ohio City of New York City of Pbitaclelphia and lihertifs City of Baltimore Town of Boston and r of Suffolk county Newport Providence Nantucket Portsmouth, N.H. Newhaven, Pittsburg i»;':'. -f I , '^*'\. > est ' ' V 1800. 151,T19 154,465 183,b58 422,845 251,002 586,050 211,149 602.535 886,149 478,105 845,591 162,686 220,959 105,602 45,565 60,529 67,811 26,614 28,015 6,739 7,614 5,617 5,S39 4,049 ; 1,565 1810. 228,705 217,895 214,460 472,040 264,942 959,049 945,562 810,091 974,62* 555,500 415,115 25"2,4S3 40(^,511 261,7^27 230,760 96,373 88,987 35,583 34,381 7,907 10,071 6.807 6,9.'J4 6,967 4,768 Here are most incontrovertible proofs of the advanecmcnt of the United States in (he road to happiness and prosperity. Evc- xy part of the urnjoo whi«h did not labor under disaJvanlagcs from its crowded population, or its sterility, or the migration of its citizens, has made rapid sttidcs in this glorious course. — What a (stupendous increase in the stales of JSew-York, Penn- sylvania, Georgia, Kentucky, Tennessee and Ohio! With what ineffable delight must every friend of his species contem- plate these glorious scenes of expanding population, civilization, and happiness ! Agriculture, ai ts, matiulactures, commeree, and science, spreading their holy empire where a few years past (he irild eavage prowled iu quest of |>rey ! . Presidt APPENDIX. 433 Section III. Foreign commerce, I proceed to the ihird criteiiaii of iialional prosperity. And here ilie d jcuments are lull, complete and irrcsiHtiblc. They de- serve, and L hope will receive, the most particular attention. The led(;ral government was oigasiiztd and went into opera- tion in 1789. No tables of exports were however published for that or the succeeding ) ear. They be^au in 1791. lam tlierefoie limiicd to six years of General Washington's admiuis- traiioo. Let it be observed, that from 1791 till 1802 inclusively, thftrc was no discriininalion in liie oflicial tables of expons of Anicri- can productions and mauufaciuies, Irom diose foreign articles which tvere re-exported fioni Uiis conntiy. This renders the cum|>ariboa less complete than it would otherwise have been. Exports from the United States, domestic and foreign. PreBldeat Wughington President Adams President Jefferson President Madison 1791 19,012,000 1792 20,T5J,000 S9,7G5,00O 1793 26,1')9,',>00 1794 33,026,000 1795 47,989,000 1796 67,064,000 -^ 174,188,000 1797 56,850,000 1798 61,527,000 1799 78,665 000 1800 70,971,000 268,013,000 1801 94,115 000 1802 72,433.000 1803 55.ii0O.O0O 1804 77.699,000 300,097,000 1805 95,566,000 180i> 101.556,000 180T 108.343.000 1808 22.430,000 S"*! 875 000 1809 52,203.000 1810 66,757.000 1811 61,376,000 1812 38,527,000 1813 27,855,000 246,718,000 434 THE OLIVE BRANCH. Exportation of American productions and manvfacturte. President Jeffer?oa. President Madison. 1803 18U4 lb05 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810 1811 1812 1813 42,205,000 41,467,000 42,387,000 41,253,000 48,699,000 9,433,000 31,405,000 42,366,000 45,294,000 32,658,000 25,008.000 225,444,000 176,731,000 Annual average of American exports^ foreign and domestic. 1. Dining the presidency of General Waeliington 35,500,000 £. Uuiir.-j; that of Mr. Adams 67,000, aK) 3 i'or tlie whole of General Washington's and Mr. ) ^4 omn.vA dams' presiueticy 5 ' 4. During Mr. *firprM)ii'« first period ...,?, *75i^OO,( 00 5. Duriiiir hi-; m <; ui, including a year of embargo 81,900,()00 6. » Jr. Mad»son*8 first five years, including a year and a half of wur 49,000/)0D 9. For Mr. Jefferson's and Mr. Madison's, inciusire 67,200,000 Average of domestic exports. i. During six yenrs of Mr. .Tefferson's presidency, 1803 (ill t;''j;*i, inclusive 2, Ouririt; live years of M.". Mndison's ; 3. For eleven years from l{iOS to 1813, inclusive 37,500,000 35,300,000 36,500,000 To (hn candid leader, desirous to foim correct estimates of the affairs of his country, .>i)d »o divtst Ins mind of pernicious er- rors, I >enture earnestly to rccwmmtiid :i careiul cousicleiailoii or(he'>< t:ibl'i<. He will thereby be convinced that till I'la^ice and England coniracnced their disaTaceful and unpaialleled course of rapine and devasl;»tiun " preyii/ji on the unprotedtd conuiK icc of a friendly power," the United Stales m.'tde as rapid proirress in tlie career of prosperity •'^'•d h^ppirirs?, from the year 1801 lill 1807, fo far as rt specls foreigu commerce) as «d}' uaiioo in ikc frorld has ever doue. if )• APPENDIX. 43^ Seciloa IV. Reventte. The foiivth criterion whereby to test the piog;re8s of the pros- perity ot Uie Uniteci Stales, is the ^^itiicHion of Us revenues. J)e- cay ami «leerepi iide are incomputibie with their increase or ad- vaiictment. 1 shall theiefoie state the netl amount of the im> post of the United States from 1791 to 1812, inclusive, taken irom the official documents submitted to Congret President Jefferson. President Jefferson. President Madison. 1791 6,534,263 1792 4,614,904 ll,149,tC7 1793 6,073,512 1794 6,6iJS,313 1795 7,959,409 1796 7,368,120 28,084,554 1797 8,258,511 1798 6,19-:,.147 -, ^ 1799 9,0.S5..S18 1800 9,351 ,^U6 eil would fully sufiice to ^eUle ttiis question. 1 subjoin ihe rrsult : Avcrnuf duties on impoHs, 1. General Washingtrn's presidency, sin years, 6,500,006 2. Mr.Adains's fouryeai!-, 8,50O,m;* B. rienerai \Va«hinKt'..i's nnd M--. AfUinsN. trn yeari, 7,200,( •)(> ♦• iVir. JeiieiNon's fir$t ^-rrioil of ser^i'**-, fcur years, 12,000 .(•<)• ^* do. second period, foui years, 13,65O,O0t 43f THE OLIVE BRANCH. •. Mr. Madison's fim period, 7. Mr. Jefferpon's and Mr. Madison's twelve years, 10,21 •,HOU 11,956,000 It were needless to add comments. The most eupeificial render Ciinnov misiake— the most prejudiced dare not reject the strong and irresistible evideuce here laid before the public. Section V. Navigation. The increase or decrease of the tonnas;e of a commercial na- tion is an important crilei ion of the retrogradation or the advai ce- ment of its prosperity. Let us calmly enquire into the indications deduciblc from this i^ource. I lay before the reader a table of the tonnage of the Uoiled States from 1703 till 1812 inclusive. Piesident Wasiiington. President Adams. 1793 1794 1795 1796 Tons. 491,789 628,415 747,961 831,097 President Jefferson. President J«Sers«R. President Madison. 1797 1798 1799 1800 1801 1802 1803 1804 876,910 888,526 946,407 973,489 1805 1806 1807 1808 1,032,216 892,102 949,171 1,042,402 1,140,566 1,208,733 1,268,545 1,242,443 1809 1810 1811 1812 1,350,178 1,442,781 1,414,770 1,2.S2,502 Average tonnage of last four years of General 'Washington's presidency, of Mr. Adamii's of General WashingtonN and Mr. Adams'd of Mr. Jefferson'o eight years, of Mr. Madison's first period, of Mr. Jeflfcrson'fl and Mr. MadiMn'fl, 2,700,062 3,685,152 3,915,891 4,860,087 5,440,251 67.1 .0(^ 921 <''H) 7Pr HI 1,09- .'0 l,5.'i.'» ' »« 1,£57,00« APPENDIX. 487 I trust that these statements canool fail to prove tiic utmost want of fouadaliuu of the idea that the prospei ii> ot the United Stales 80 far as respects navigation, has decayed since the change of rulers. Notwiiiisiandiag the unprecedented deprediiiion» per- petrated on us by both belligerents, ihe tonnage of the nation in- creased with a steady pace. The increase during the first period of Mr. Madison's administration, is really astouisliing. Section VI. National Debts, The,nf>xt criterion of the decay or prosperity of a nation, is its debts. It is seir-evideut that a nation or an individual, Aviiuse debts are rapidly discharging, cannot be in a stale ol de- cay or depreciation. In order, therefore, to enable the reader to decide the question at issue by this criterion, I subjoin a statement of the national deb of ihe United States, on the first day ol every year from 170) till 1813. President Washington. President Adams. Prejident Jefferson. 1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 75,46.3,476 77,227,924 80, <52,«34 78,427,404 80,747,587 83,762 172 1797 179« 1799 1800 82.064J79 79,'228,.}29 78,4U8,n09 82,976,204 1801 180-2 1803 1804 83,O«.05O 80,712,6.32 77,054.685 86,427,120 1605 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810 1811 1812 82,312.150 75,723,270 69,218,398 65,196,317 67,023.192 53,172,302 47,913.756 45,1-20.150 President Madlsoo. This affords a most exhilirating view of the situation of the United States, and proves the utter fallacy of the prevailing opinions on this topic. In twelve years of democratic admin- Oo 4'^ THE OLIVE BRANCH. letntion, from 1801 to 1812> inclusive, the ilebt v\-as reduced from 83 J 8, too to 46,110,150 Botwitiistanding the purchase of Loui- siHim for 1 5,000,000 vvliich ig an actual reduction of " ^2,917,000 And to increase our surprise and our rapturous jo^ at such a glorious view o( the iinnu^ise resources of our h:essed coun- try, one of the early measures of Mr. Jefifcrson's iulminislra- tion was tlie lepial of a catalogue of buruensooie taxes. Among the wonderful and inexplicabJe com| la nts and li- liels against the democratic administration was the repeal of tliese taxes t It is ihe fust time, in the history rf the worltl, that the repeal of grinding, harassing, and degrading taxes wai considered as mailer of accusation, or as an uopopular meas- ure. The taxes repealed, were — 1. £»:ise on stills and domeFtlc distilled spirits. 2. On refined sugar. 3. On lictnces to re- tailers. 4. Duties on pleasurable carriages, d. &tanr)| s. In some of the late very elaborate publications of Mr. Pick- ering, in which be ♦ni|)loyed his utmost talents and influence to dissuade liis fello*v citizens fiom subscribinK to the govern- ment loan!^, 8 principal argument wa<« deduced from the vicked- ' mss of the re,'.eal of these taxes. And the Hartford conven- tion, after drawing the most alarming picture of the hideous state of public afiairs, in eufimetating the means thereby if pnbiic prOFpnily has undergone a niifcrable and afiiicting prcvaUin'c ol a «culc ai.d prutiigule policy," Expressly state as the fourth cause^ — " -> lie abolition of exist ng taxes, requisite to prrparr the cma'ry fcr ihott rh^ufres to which uatioQS are al^af's t-x].«8edj witti r. view to tiii- ac;rco lanj;uislied. Iiid liiry liail litUe or no cnLonr- ai:;eint nt. Tja^ler law* and oLiier meajiurt?, imjioli'ic a:itl u.i- jiisi, li I'l baui.^liod confidcice liiiweeii man and man. An ua- favora'iie halanco of iradc h;ul cxliaiistfd tin? co'iiitry i,( il; in! t.illic niudiuin. Tiic slates wfire lio.^tiic lo and Jf^a'.ois of iwvJi other, in a worl, aifiira, f-n* wi.it of a general vMnlro!- \\n% governm.rit, hud ijo, ■ -.. frotn I)ad lo worse, till good aicii !)e^i!i to doul)t whether in its cons.ipieuct'S the levolj'i^.A would deserve to 'ae ^^tyled a biessi.i^. But the c,5ta!)lis!iinent of our m ot no'ile and most c\cellei^i. for n of g.iCcminent, worked a ra;Mtl and incrediMu clianiie. — (Joatideiice was coin,»leteiy restore*!. Arls, Hade and con>- merce revived. Slate jealousy was didar;ned of all ib poweiti to retard or destroy puolic pros|»erity. In a word, the happi- ness and proaperi'y of the nation were fixed on foundations ai dur lOle, I ho,ie, as the rock oi' Gibraltar. But it is equally and uiulcniably true, that the country \v is inr.oinfiarably more pro»|xro;j3 for seven entire years of Mr. Jeft^rsjn's adiniaistratio.i, liiui during; the adminiitratioa of his t^redecessors. This is a trudi, a slron*; truth, deny it whu miy, which, if I couried po))ulariio; the teiiefactois uf the human race. And to those vho read (Ic sUiemi'nis oi the \frelch(d nialerials \Nith which he had to luim hi» itrin.es, as may be seen chapter 68, his merits will he vastly enhanced. Tiie misciaitle system pursued by the early con- gitsses, of trusting t'''*? f:^.te of llie country to short enlistments and u> tniliiia, trebled his (iifficulties, and trebled his merits in stru;x::;lin.^ a;;.iiiist and overcoming them. >ksi;l«-B G<;ner.il Washington's services during thn war, ho '.vas unaiiMUiy useful to his country afterwards. 1 feel pei- fjuadetl thrit lait for ihe iniluence cf his n^-ine, tlir federal con- veiuloM would never have ai.refdo:i a consiitulion. Of this, it Is true, 1 h:i\e no proo; — nor is it fully hueceptit»le of proof, ii tiiHdi e ern.illy rest as mere opinion. Ilut any man who attt n- tivfl) n'\i\a Lulhtr AJartin's stateoient of the pulecedings ( t' the co;»»'< nlit.n, (Ihe only published record) and who iluiy am- aider* tJ.f? ditUcully tliey experienced to ag;ree upon a form of :e it on no man. 1 lurilier bfTuve, ijuit 'ven after the constitution was promulgated, the infiiu-nce of his name and support Wos absolutely necessary to ensure it suc- cess. It was in great jeopardy. The minorities in several of the state conventions werp numerous, active, and influential. — There was. therefore, considerarde difliculty in settinj; IJ e ma- chinery of the p:overnment in motion. It was a truly arduous task. Hut when once the vessel was fairly launched, the du- ties of the pilot were quite easy. With this immense and solid stock of indisputable claim on the gratitude of his country, and on the esieem and aduiiration of the great and good of our era and of all future ages, he needs not any addition to his fame, of which the title is not as cl(.ti as the noon day sun. And to ascribe to him, or his couneils, exclusively, the flood of prosperity that succeedeel the estab- lishment of a solid form of government, would be a radical er- ror against the truth wf history. As well might we ascrii'e (be fertility of the soil, when l)oth seasons ami climate are favoia- ble, to the vigilance of the steward who supeiintended il-e plantation, as ascribe the beneficent effects of unshackled and * Tlie deliverer of Holhod from Philip ![. APPENDIX. 411 pTolcctetl iniltiif;y, lo prpg'ulfnts, 2;<>veriii>ri, or k*.ii^3. AH lint mHiikitiil re<|uiri', in order to be imIiHlrioud ami !ia|)|)3", is (o have their |)ro;)erty secure. And lliii is the natural etlVct ol" wise laws. If the nations of Eiir.>;)e, o;»(!re?i8r^'l !'y wn-jtrf.il au;! iles(rf«}- in'X governments — rit war lorly or lifty yviwi out of evL'vy e-e..- tiiry — curbed and eoMjjtraiut d and co-jlrolled in lh»'ir industry by nioni)|)olie8, an I restrictions, nnd a;rindin«; t:»xes — if, I i^:\y, under all these and num)erlP38 other disal vantages, {hv. EiUv.- pean nations matic advances in pr.»ijUMily, f^s is unikni.xbly the case, would it not he inexpressibly womlerrul, if we ditf not ruri rapidly in the same cj^reer — if we did not ojtstri*) them ka f.ir IS thehde, hearty, vigorous, full-blooded ncer otitstrips t'n; stnge h')rse, worn out by hard service an I mi'rciU;:^^ ujMJje } A shij» 13, in the technichid sense, well jortnd in every res- pect. She has a noble crew, "ihe is in the oi)en sea. Th'j winds are perfectly favorable. She runs rapidly before them. She makes nine, ten, or elev-^n knots an hour. She renclK«s herdes'ined port in perfect safety. Would it n'>t l»e ij^mri^nce or folly to ascribe to the skill of the captain the rapidity of btr movements or the success of lier voya!:^e ? it is only when the sky is overcast with clouds and darkness — when th^ furi- ous hurricane howls around the ship — when the waves, o;>en!n;' wide their dr»vourinu; Jaws, seem ready to swallow her ui*, thai; ihere is a demand for the energy, the talents, and the fortitude of the mister of the vessel. With due respect to [jresidents, and govern >rs, ;inil kin-^^, this is a pretty analogous case to theirs. In times of tr m jiiil- lity there is little room for a display of the talents of an exec- utive migistrate. In a well-ordered state, the laws may !)c s lid to execute themselves. The long train of Judges, jurors, attor- ney-generals, marshals, constables, &c. aie eternally on tho aleri to prevent infraction. It may and will seem a paradox CI shall be charoje 1 wilii dealing in paradoxes) to assert, as I do, that at least as m'lcii talents are actually necessary for a legislator as, in almost ev- ery case, for a governor, and, in ordinary cases, for a presi- dent. In a free representative government like ours, the jirand, eoutrolling, and supereminent power is in the legislature. — They ordain, direct, command. Their will, fairly expressed, enforces obedience equally from the governor or pre8i it had no mode of displaying that hostility but by the enaction of anti-commercial laws, or the re- peal of pre existing laws favorable to commerce. This is self- evident. Except in this shape it was as perfectly powerless over commerce as a council of Indians held in a wigwam. And if there were any anti-commercial laws enacted, they must be Btill extant. The statute books are every where to be found. Ap'1 I DOW in the face of the United States and of Christendom, cbAiTenge any opposer of the administration to produce a single law enacted during the administration of Mr. Jefferson, which ^s*" can by any man of character be ascribed to hostility to com- merce. There is not one. Nor was any law favorable to commerce repealed. Let the statute books be carefully ex- amined, and the laws brought to the severest scrutiny. It would be most extravagant folly to ascribe the law of 180 6, prohibiting the importation of (crtain articles of British mrnu- facture, to the hostility of thr £:0vernn'ent to commeice. This law was euacted io consequence of the clamors and remon- ■«* APPENDIX. 44d atrance^ of the commercial men thiMnselvos, in oril» r lo intlmc Kn'i;l:wnl to cciise her unjust and iiyurioua ilfi)rt'tlatioii3 u;tuo tlitiir commerct'. We ni»w draw towards a close. We have seen, I repeat, that tlie po|>ulation, theexporU, Ihe tonnai^e, the (tuiipstic indus^ir} , unil the revenue of the nation, made rupitl pros^rt'ss for seven years of Mr. Jett'ersou'a administration, and that (hninu; the same period its debts had most rapidly decreased — and it ap- j)ear3that no law hostile to commerce was enacted — no law la- vorahle to commerce repealed — tndthat our prosperity contin- ued till it was cut up by the roots by foreign powers — and how, then, can a candid iedeialist so far lose sitcht of jus'ice, or pro- priety, or the holy rule, " do as you would he done by," as to charge to the past or present administration the consequence^i of measures over which they had no controul ? The fcderu'ls^s would complain most greivously were they made responsihle for ilr. Jefferson's or Mr. Madison's measures. And where Is their justice in making Mr. Jefferson or Mr. Madison responsi- ble for the measures of Mr. Percival or Napoleon lionaparte ! If I have succeeded to the extent of my wishes, and indeed of my expectations, to establish the positions I have laid down in this chapter, I cannot fail to have rendered a |z;i-eat and last- ing service to my fellow-citizens of both descriptions, federal- ists and democrats. The former I shall have convinced of the unsoundness of their towering pretensions to an exclusive promotion of the prosperity of this nation, as well as of the extrcne injustice of the strong and damning accusations they have preferred against, and the deadly hostility they have borne towards, their fellow-citizens, who are wholly guiltless of the crimes laid to their ttharge. These are important truths, deserving of their most serious consideration. To ))ursue a course of error, merely because it has been unfortunately commenced through inadvertence, is worse than folly. To retract error is magnan- imous. These considerations ought to induce them to lower their tone, and to regard their brethren with more kindness and charity than they have heretofore extended to them. Tliere is one point which cannot he too much or too fre- quently enforced. The federalists have been divested of the powers of the general government for thirteen years and up- wards. That entire period they have spent in an unceasing struggle to regain the power they had lost. They have spared neither pains nor expense. They possess large numbers of men of powerful talents, which are in constant requisition for the purpose. They have greatly the superiority of newspa- pers in perhaps all the seaport towns, owing to mercantile in- I 411 THE OLIVE BRANCH. fl»i'"icp. * Tlii'y li.ive stpii^'^le.I in ponce — thoy have atriielr.l in war. Tluy hiive slriii'ii^lrj whtMi the nation hardly felt (a\- afiun — Ihey have strui^irleil uhen it vvjis under the pregbun- of laxts 1)1" l!ie mi):unfry was hrou;i;ht to Ihe jaws of perdition. In this strucj'ile their heloved were placed in the morlifyinji; ()ic- diciiment that their views were likely to pro9|)cp hy the (Icltat and diszp.ice — and to he utterly dis.ippointcd hy the suertsj of their country. And in this strugsjie, some of their leatlers committed ads in aidinjGT and abetting the enemy, which, un- der any other government, or in any olhcr nation, would have forfeited their live?. After all these struggles and ctTorts, they ore as far as ever from tlie attainment of the prize which they have for thirteen years been devouring with their longing eyes. And what has been the result of these efforts ? To engender and disseminate a 8[»irit of faction, the iHrest scourge that ever cursed a country — to divide man from man — to demoralize the nation — to prepare us of late for civil war and all its horrors — to deprive themselves of all the influence their numbers, their talents, and their virtues, would have ensured them— and to place them in the frightful situation of opposing almost all the measures of the administration, however wise nr salutary — how- ever well calculaj/d to promote the happiness and glory of their tountry. It is time to pause — to cast a retrospective eye on the past — to look forward for the result. A very little reflection will suf- fice to convince them, that if they regard their honour as a par- ty — their character in history — their duty as citizens — and the ivelfare of their country — a change, a radical change is necessa- ry. No man of common sense, who pays attention to the ex- isting circumstances of the United States, can persuade himself that they have any chance of regaining power unless by a con- vulsion, of which they would be the earliest and greatest sutTer- era, and which they would have every reason to curse most bit- terly. And surely with the wounds of bleeding, gasping France before their eyes — with her groans in their ears — tliey would not he so mad, so blind, so lost to reason, to common sense, to religion, to public spirit, (o all re- gard for themselves and their countjy, as to pursue power • In Philadelphia, there are aix federal aod two democratic papen. The pro- portioa is about the same in other dtiea APPENDIX. 4iJ throiiG;h such a desperate road as a ronvulsion. If tliry have fa. mI iti :;.iia i^iountl in the crr.it Stales ol" Now-Vurk, Pfiin- syivania, Vir<;iuiii, and North Curuliua, when war, si.i^nationQt buHitii'iiii, and deitrcriation ut'|(t'0|terty ofevery kind, united their el1<>tt» to render tlu-ir adversaries un|u>|iular, is it not '' hoping nt;(irt^t hupe/^ loCalcuLtteon |»roI»'iiesij, islill more leehle, and thus endan;:er it?» destrucuonjiy a hlind and indiscriminate opposition, I mi'ni"\ I '»t them chari- tah'y reau.l I'loir political ailversaries as ' ♦endinj; to promote the ;>ullic ^ood, even whtii they lieliev» tliem in error. Let the'u niikit allo.vancp for hum:' ' Ini H-rfection from which they iu\i no m )re e\ein(d Uja i li ♦ ir antngoiusls. \\y this course tiiey will .nike m »re proi^jcss in one year than thi y have io thirteen by intemperate violence. This has rccoiie*^ and will continue to recoil on thems^elvcs. If I h?ive \n this chaiter, done a kindn^'ss to the federalists, f have 'xrformed an ef|U'd service I) the democrats, l»y clearing ut» s^tisf ictorily varioutt points of ciuisideraljle importance to their c.inrictcf, I hotte I have fully disproved the heinouc chirjces aortunity, which would be eagerly embraced by the slaves, to rise upon iheir masters anal- pable. On the Itfth of Janu:>d of pkiiipoteriti>trii>f) from !• ranri-. Ili»' I oiled 8tatr8. Dr-rimark, and tiie other ailifd {>riae»']i on ttie one hand, and the pleoipoteatiarics of Englaod, Prm^iA, and their ailieji on the otiier." From this proposal the worthy governor implieil " a connex- ion with Frnnce in the war"--iii tither w«nta the hideout hy- dra of " French influence." » 4U THE OLIVE BRANCH. While he thus sagaciously discovered French influence, or French connexiuns, in a circumstance so utterly ijium|)urlHnt is it not astonishing that he wholly overlooked the extent oi' Britiah injiucnce in lioston, the town wherein he wrote this ad- dress — («nd that he was as siieii't as the grave ahout the enor- mous supplies of specie at that very time furnished to the B.j. tish nation, then at war with his native country — and about thr; open, undisguised intercourse carried on with the enemy, anri the public sales of bis government bills ? Forgery of ships' papers. In the enumeration of the grievances whereby the United States were driven to war with EnglamI, little has been h-JiiX €n the subject of the forgery of our n.:val papers, whereby our flag was discredited, the British commerce protected and ex- tended at our expense, and our vessels exjiosed to vhe indigna- tion of the other belligerents, who must in numl)erlrBs instMites have found it impossille to discriminate between \e8sels fiihd out in England with simulated documents, and vessels fitted out bona tide in the United States. It is im| ossible to find an up- right man in the world who will not loudly and unhesitatingly condemn and execrate such an odious, such a detestable prac- tice. Of the existence of this practice no man doubts. But of the extent to which it was carried, 1 believe very few jire aware. I submit a few documents which will throw light on the subject— and leave it then to the reader's reflections. Mr. Brougham, member of Parliament for Liverpool, in a speech on the subject of the orders in council, read the follow- ing circular from a house in Liverpool, established to carry on the manufacture of simulated papers. " Livtrp9ol, ' " Gpntlemcn — We talcethe libfrty htrcwith to infornn sou tlmt wr \.:\vv fr -^Wished oiirjelvej. in Ihit town FOR THE FUBI'OSE Ol MAKING ?IMr LATED PAPERS, which we are enabled to do in a way which will give an'(.I< satiffactioD t« oar emp'ovtri. a*t only being in pe^iiession of tiie orig;ina) (iocu- nieiits of the ships' papers, and olf uraiices to varicu* ports, a list of whicli wf annex; hut our Mr Ci B having worked with hiv brolbrr. iV'r. J—— B— — , ID the same line, tor the last two years, and understanding al! tL? nercssary languages ' Of any chanf^f s that may occur in the different places on the coittinrnt. tt are careful to have the tarliest inforn»at!on. not only from our own connrxinti*, but rrom Mr. J B-^ — . who has prcflVied his assii^tance in every waj iin< who ha» for some time past made f^iniuli t» ti j^apers for Mt >•^rs. B and 1' — -• ef this town, to whom wt beg leave to rder you for further intomation. '• We remaiD, &e.»» Th pa JUT (lie in aoee ii 4< 'f, ulafeJ «xj)-n'i line, 13 " Tl FOUR :5E \U paper, his offic /lip cou drjiwrrs excellen ftraphi. ?^', the n ■ , .'oa! •'a, M, r ?prin<^ vf, six m'»ro. tliP brok( joiicitors bury '♦ Extract . •' The) is Use fr«[ thnt a n 'nie kiio itself 01 too, und «ii< for t. ADMiri ENT C, LXTEDJ be furiiis which he w Britis, " War i p.in.fj til .i^'ftioiis f-Vlr. B, 'hi- jroii t'thinfr^ '■Wnp it be w:><) ci be -nppoj AfPENBIX. 448 . or unt, t of ad- nor- B.i- tthf; , unri nitcil lul tx- tligua- thiues s fill* a ttd out on nil- atin^ly ; |>rac- But oi ew !»re ight on Til en followt a list of about twenty nlacen, from and to wbicli th(>y can forge papers, havinjj all the clearances r«ady oy tUein, for the (lilFerent public agenti, tlic iiioiuettt they reeeive intelli<;ence that any merchant may need their assist- aaeu in this scheme ol fabrication.* From the L ,ndon Mtming Chronide, June 12^ \912. " Tu SE \Li FOR FOREIGN COUNTRIES, various colored inks, foreign writing paper, &c of Mr Peter Vander, A A. nierch int. a biinknipt, (rcinoved from his offices. No. 9, Water lane. Tower-street) comprising 7 mahog-uiy I flap and £ Jl ip counting-house desks, book case, two capital library and writing tables, with riniwors, stamping and sealing; pres.-'C«, a patent instaiitanrous light machine, :ia oxrellent mahogany poilable writing df'sk with secret drawers, two paK'nt poly- f^raphs, several c.inghall-street, and of Mr. Sampson, 1(3, Size lane, Buckleri- bury '* Extract from the speech r^f Mr. Spooner, at a meeting in Birmingham, March 31, 1812. •' The evil that presses stronger upon my mind, as respects the license !»ystcin, is the great degradation it produces in the national character. It is lamentable, that a nation, hitherto standing iiigh in moral estimation, anxious to promote true knowledge, zealous to spread the principles of pure religion, should thus lay itself oiien to the imputation of forcing a trade by fraud and perjury, and that too, under the sanction of government It must seriou.'>f- iing all lli* * Tn noticing this matter in the house of commons, Mr. Stephens, author of ** War in disjjiiise," said, " he would ask gentlemen sincerely, were they pre- p.irt'i] to abandon all trade to the continent «f Europe, on account of those ob- .i'^rtioni in potnf of mnrnlity which had been slated by the honorable mover? (Mr. Brougham ] He felt himself perfectly ready to meet any gentleman upoo thi- crouud, and he really hfi.ieved lie would find few who had n^eakness enough <» ihinh^ -.7 hyprcrisij rnnvgh to (insert, that the nhnlt trade of Europe ought to b'i Bbund'mfdim nccount of the immorality nf vn\vv> n^rffsarily practised in thernt' vying it on A? to the furging papers and French consult' certificates of origio* he wi'e;,t:oa jLiir > -e. It is this, or gile it. o.vri"rs. Lei u ifriUi th( APPENDIX. 454 their coiintrj'. There «re, a! 'S ! thousands of estim .hit* men sc.iiit'reJ Ih.ui^h me cJfiileil States, whoje taleiiis iIhiI forluiies woalil have qnjilnietl tiiein fji" useful mem jcrs of sjcieiy as f^rm :rs, urti*l3, or mecli.iiiics — ijiit who are actually lliru\tii aw.iy to Ihefinelvfs ami the pujlic hy being ilevokd lo iho inei'.*,i:Uil3, or leajaj, or me licil profession. Tti-" m jrcantile profesilon Ul-ui^ e\tr.i\ a» nlly ciowdod, \hn ro,n;>?litii)M in our mirUefs fur the |»roJucliuns of tiie couiitr}'^ for exportation, eaiaiices Ihe [)rice here. An»l the ijreal com- petition of sellers in Ih^* f'jrei^n mirUets sinks the price there. 'INierefjre the operilion of this pernicious prejudice, vvherehy one class of «jur citizens is oversl »cl\ed, is t\\of)lil — its injuri- ous elfects are felt at home and 'inoad. i'o this source, in a j^re it m;'asure, m ly !>e as«'ril)ed the ext!avaii;int proporiion of hankruptcies that have taken place auDU^ the merchants in this country, for m my yeirs. The s^rett ninber of se.i ports in the United States, wherein f()rei::n commerce U carr.ed on, creates such a com »etiliney lenders, ^c. A:c. Let us examine each of these class( s separately. I begin witii the merchant. When he im^iort^ a carjjo of any kind. 452 'iHE OLIVE BRANCH. whatever, does he regulate the price by the cost i — tloes ht- disjiiay the disJnteredaess and self-denial which he so eloquent- ly {ireaches up to the manufacturer/ Suppose he brings into the market an article whose cost is one dollar, but which, from its scarcity and demand, will sell for fifty. Does he hesitatt' to require and insist on fifty ? Not an instant. And be would bave no scruple to demand one hundred, or one thousand, if the market would warrant it. Lit the merchant, then, never rail against the extortion of the manufacturer. Let him im- pose an eternal silence on his tongue, upon this topic, so preg- nant wiih materials for his own condemnation. Next in order comes the ao;ricul(uralist. And as a largr portion of the members of our legislative bodies is composed ol gentlemen of this class, the appeal has been strongly and to(» successfully mide to their passions and pvojudicts. And the v freely re-echo the cry begun by the merchants against the pre- datory spirit of the manufacturers. They forget the strong pa- ralile of the mote and the beam. Suppose a farmer to hrin^ jOOO barrels of flour to a city in a state of f imine. Where arc thi^n his Imwelb of compassion ? Where his tenderness for his suffering feliow msn ? Where his abhorrence of extortion and depredation? Will he sell his flour for the cualomary price . No. No. No. lie takes the guage and measure of the gene- ral distress. And in proportion to the degree of misery, and suffering, and starvation that prevails, he tixes his price. The owner of houses and lands comes next in turn. And he is in the same predicament with the mercliant and agriculturist. He uniformly regulates the rent of his houses and lands by the demand, not by the cost. 1 have paid for iho ii?e of a hoi;sc for three months during the prevalence ol the yello.v fevtr, 1 1 least as much rent as would have been re(juirod for a year. ;\ very small, narrow house in Market-slreel, Pliilndelphia, wlildi eould not have cost two thousand dollars, rents for one Ihcii- &and dollars per annum. On the subject of the generosity of the money lender, it u needless to descant. His tenderness, and mercy, and l,ene\o- lence, have so long been the sul>jec< of celebration and part- gyric by moral and dramatic \\riters, and by sermonists, tl.;!t they canuot have escaped the olservation of the most supeifi- cial. If therefore the manufacturers did really increase their profit? with the increase of demand, it would not be a just sul ject • t complaint, with any of the other classes of society, whoexiel ly pursue this plan themselves. But it does not follow, (haU rise in the price of a manufactured article produces an inert n?^ APPENDIX. 4!^^} •*j*' the prolit'j of manufacturer. By no niear.?. Three ilcma- ret;ii!;iio iho |irici' oi' luaniifu'turt'sj — tlu; cosl of the maleri^il — thr jirice of l.i our — an— anJ thd the manufacturtT has a protU of th*? othor t.vo. If the demniil te hy any ni«».in3 ;;reiitly increased, the prioe of tlie wool luy rise h.df a d )Ilar — and of the lalioTu- as iniich more. Tiius llie article may be sold at seven dollars — an I the m:tnufaciurer not make more |)ev yard— and less pep ceat. than when iie sohi at six dollars. This is a random case — I)ut sutficient to elucidate the point. Agiinat extortion^ on the part ©f manuf.icturers, the piihllo ha 'c two njood safe<;i!ards. One i?, tho competition among the.naelves, which is at rdl times suificient to prevent imposilior\ to iiny very mttlerial extent. The other is, the danjjer of en- ;'rea(h<-, r;itht>r (liiin sul/mit (u an iiuiuruiq: tiuiny. Anil) think it wascrtililalMe to the niiiion, tijat c.onv;nss rilirtl so fjir on its patriotism as to risk their popiihtrity on a sysiem so ob- noxious, which nothing hut dire neccasity coiiUl justify. liut when |>cacc was restored — when tiie merest sciolist in political economy in'ist have been pfcrleclly satisf-ed, llal II. Impost wonUI he amply adequate to meet all possible demands of government — it v\as a most unpardonable sin of the demo- cratic majority not to repeal this most odious of all the odious forms of taxation. To contiiuie the domiciliary visists of ex- cisemen — and all the revolting detail c>f this system, when I hero ivas so obviBOUsly no necessity for it, and when it could he done away without any possible disadvantaije, was a gross de- relictioN of duty on the part of the thirteenth congress — a dis- regard of the feelings and just claims of a largr |?oition of tlieir fellow-citizens, that cannot fail to ensure them the most uuqual- ifie'\ censure of their constituents. And there is no dojibt thai Ihey had political sins enough to answer for, without this addi- tion to the catalogue. IX. French Decrees — Ens;Hsh Orders in Council. 1 have already several times incidentally louchtd on these measures in tiie course of this work. l>ut 1 cannot n sisl the temptation once more to raise my feeble voice against thim in « few concluding observations. The history of the whole world maj' he ransacked in vain to find any parallel to these barefaced violations of the law ol na- tions. They alone would be sufficient to stamp the era through which we have passed with disgrace and disht nor. Two great nations — or rather the governments of two great ii?\tions — strain every nerve for mutual destruction. For the «tl inment of this object, there is a most wanton ami prodigal sacritice made of human life and human happiness. Yet in the miiiftt of this frightful devastation, they most perfecly accord on one point, which is, to depredate on the property of unoflind- ing and mijirotected neutrals — or, in terms of the Boston n.er- •chants — " TO prey"" — yes, it is ^' lo prcij vpon the ur.proUekd property of a friendly power."** This, as I have alieadj*^ staled five or six times, is the Inn- gnage of the merchants of Boston, signed by their commiltee, James Lloyd, George Cabot, David Green, Arnold Welles, John Coffin Jones, and T. H. Perkins. If it be offensive, let Ikese gentlemen answer for the offence. ATPEXDLK. 4Ttj ^Vhat is the niranin'^ of ^^ loi>rcy /"' Or. Ji.linson, vho is iu- «lis!>nt: l»U? Ir\i(;(»p.iii|>liical aulliorliy — Ulls ii <> voilil — that — *' to |»rey," is ncilht r more nor U s;*, lh:iii '• to ihnni r — to nb."' Thus itaj»,>p.ns th'it the wiiolf '>oi\y ormncli.ui'n ot the town of IJoi'on, in I'.iOO, ('uMicIy iict-usril Uu- l/iii»sh i.'ovt:nm('n! of '■'■'/jlini'frin'X and rohfnnly t)f thirty millions of dollars. In a word,it appears that both parties repirded us as nna'de to protect ourselves, and therclorc that our commerce was lawful "/?rn/," to avail myself once more of the phraseology of Mr. Lloyd and his friends. It mi^ht be thouj^ht impossible to add a shacfc to this odious system. But this is an error. The last stroke of t!ie pencil is ^vanted. While e;xh of those nations "'■ preyed''' upon the law- fid commerce of the United States with her enemy, they carried ou, in the midst of a raojin.; and devouring war, a Iradic with each other, erected on the basis of fraud and perjury, a consid- erable portion of the materials of which traffic ajo=e from the American propert}' "y^rn/rrf" upon by their cruisers ! ! ! I ! Tiie New'York merchants prefer an accusation against the orders in council, full as stronj? in substiince — but net qijite so j)lain in style as their Boston brethren. They slate th<»t " hav- iny tliis system, ghnuld be found to justify, or even palliate if, is amazing beyond expression. But tha! American merchautP, whose vital interests and whose country's dearest rights i cut up root and bratich, should have taken this ground, as we know they have done, will to our posterity appear as fabulous and as ronaaatic as the celebrated story of Don Belliaais of Greece — the I 4:;0 THE OLIVE BRANCH. rnnowned liistoiy of Puifimus, PsMismanoH, and Paiiamrnidrs- . or Mir ilehcialdc talfs of Al i«ldii»'3 woudtiful lump, and tiiiiMad the Sailor. li will hf Hskriinll le treated by bdliiicients nitli the respect to which they are entitk d. Thig is a glorious thenu' for enlighted mtn on both sides of the Atlantic — uoilhy of a Milton, a Ciolius, a PuCendorff, of a Henry, a Dickiiwou, or a Fianklin. THE END Armi - I Ml. Biiiiii B-i!ii Br II'. Bl .'«-»> B i ,(| B! fkL c\ B Mot B .•/!<.♦ B :(is| B.itisi, Bcai,«|) INDEX, No. 1. [Vltose ar licks not found in thit Inr'cx, may be aougiit for in A'o. JI.] AdaiiiH* Defence of the American Conslitutions, tribute to Ailministrnli'm of Mr. .lofl'ei>oii, weakne^sof Vii'xaiitlLM', ciiiperur, his opinion of the justice of the war Alien anil oe'iition laws, opposition to Ainiricpu revolution, harliaritieji perpetrated in < A'liencan merchants, true policy of A>neiicaii8 vindicating the outrages of Great Britain Aiuerican impressed sailors !«courged for trying tu procure redrew American slaveja on board Hritioh men of war Appoinltneut of iMr. (iailatin as minister impolitic Arraiiitice proposed by admiral Warren D4 — rejected by Mr. Ma- di.Hiiti 't5 — intpojicy of the rrjection Armistice ftroposed by Mr. Mad;Son 56 — rejected by lord Ca6- tlerpaji;h Arnold Benedict, treason of .Vcsijcititioijs to |»rcvent tiie Micceps of the loaim AttiU'k on the ( he-iaiteoke stuteinent of the lJ$i — remarks on \h.\\K of thrt United *tates, non-renewal I'f llu; charter of the Kankriiptci'^s nuincrou.s in the middle and southern states Hurinu; "ir I'rancis purcha«ed -i'O shares in the Hunk L'. S. F?i', ai'd liitnes A. his opinion of the orders in council Riiiu;j;'s inquiry into the '•Herts of tiie orders in o iincil B»'iiin decree not enforced Hi'iivinsl American vebsels fur H months B< ll'« Weekly Messeai^t-r, delence of America by Bt >ke Francis, remarks on B'i id leading the blind Bl ckade of the ct)ast from the F.lhc to Brest B.Ji in has 44 members in the house of representatives of Massa- chusetts B».(on, turbulence of B >v\>'\ (captain) blockade of the British dominions B "tish depredations bronj;ht on the tapis in the senate of the U. ?. B.iti>-h prizes sent into B(»st*)n Biitish de .redations. calculations of the amount of British depredations, gov. PInraor's opinions on 49 315, 31 10 'IH 48 36 100 i&S 207 *>2S 58 55 56 .'^40 .S05 ;::« 5« 54 129 121 192 :i.S5 ^u 120 419 2G3 121 109 315 552 654 458 INDEX, No. 1. Britisli povernmpnl Mils openly udvfrtisfd for sale In Hoistoii Sit liriiiNb «le|«r« dHtiiiis, iiiercuntilc luctliiig'ij agwi. A Hi, (jd — rum- oils C'rdlMMjUfllCC.I of iJ8 Briti.'>h |nivtttct*r}', liorritdc pictmc of tho lup /, '^ «.' 1-9 IJi'iti^lj syvicin tfuvards U. States', impoliry of ^^^4 U^ili^ll iiiiijij.ters, iiidcffUHible coiuluct nf iJul l?>i(tu!|i;liaiii IltMiiy, pxtract from ^|•^•^'th of ■ ^56 C lit sujitMivL', luurdt'ious attack oil the HI — Sadij;nntion cxcitrd by tlif li-.', 114, 116 Clumi^e ill the prospect? of tlic country C'hu.cli if. in d tii;:'!-. iuai:ical cfieot.s of tlip d»'fP|itious cry Civil war, tlaii^firof ^il— i'iidi'avor>> to prodime Cias^!^u;^li(»ll h\«-ir)3 — extent of Couibiiidtioii to paruli>e the governiuent iU6 — ruinous consecjueiJ- ces of SOH — particulars of Cotniiii'icc o}" dilf'Tnit parts of the IT. States C'omliuiation tica^onable tobariKrupt the government t'oiillagiatioii al NVa-hiii;^ton, ett'oclsi of CoijirrphH, iaiiif ntahle liiilxfiliiy id' C'onjinlai- certificates (>( origin, a cause of capture Constitutions of vari«»us states, ^xtiaets from Congress empowered to call oi>t (he militia in case of invafiion Coj>etilia^pn, i1a^iliolls de^tiiictiun of Credulity, wonderful, of faction Critical situation of the l^ "-tates * DaciTs captain, address of to the court martial > ; „ Dai-dii)\s (Awiy) lutrsc, procerdinjis resfircting Danes, I'ortui^utse a id fwedcs impressed on board Amciican ves- ^f•ls . ,, , I>avil!i'*i history of Frencli civil wars, reference to l>eanp ilas, treason of Debts (d' lh»' United ^talfs, ditninulion of tiie Drrbi ration of war H;;Min?>t I'rance, motion for rejected l)tiii..«:rais thrnatrned w ith veiri^iaiic us fiicnds of Bonaparte Deuii'crats rail at the ap|uiiiitmrut of judi^e Jay to negociate with iMigiaiu! Diirrt ti'.xes. repealed under M r. JeflFerson's administration Disdf' clioa towards the governnii. nt, instances of Disc'oil, attempts to produce, between the eastern and Joulhern s- tales Domestic improvements and industry, progress of Duties on exports paid by the dilferent states Duty of the U. States to oppose IJritish pretensions Eastern stales, pret nsions of, to superiority over soutbern F.astern states, cliaracter of at various periods F.rfstern states, greatly dependent Uj on tlie y( uthern K.iVtern i'tates, deejly interested in manufactures lilaloD, general, shumefully treated at 177 .3 ii)ri u 31 "> SOI 63 63,64 131 S87 S03 SG9 136 21> 215 65 ai S40 4.^57 26^5 4'^i 53 438 S'J 430 294, 295, £96 86 274 275 298 S82 41 INDEX, Xo. I. 4:id Ititjht pi»r coat. Innn, oppn^lti•)n to , . Kiiih.ii^^o. n.idiily »'(if.>ii:r«ll)y Mr.JrffiThOii Kiiil);fi':^i), factious clamor u^iiiii<>t ]!.iiioiirgo, II vviku, (>rii(lciil aiui liecc>^^ary meu.' |iu>>c'(i duniii^ the prcci-ding axatii|i|«; uf Kii.^laiid strn^i^liii..; f"»' lior existence, a nipre delusion Kui^lisli ouliai^P" details (,f .F'l.land more alijy »!» iVud*'*! in Aiuerica than in I.onduu, F. Inland, elal'orati' dil'tMici's of Eii;^!arid cai-rii'd on with l* ruiice the trado iiiteidii-led to iha I iiitcd -tales F.irorj; of tlio dnuocratic (larty Kr-kiiu' airaiimMiieiit, lilit r:il and ma};ti.Ttiimoiip, £i'<>kiii(! urriin^emonl, loudly and iiiii\ •' >;tlly a}>i>!iiiidsd TCi'vUiiie arraii^i'iueiit, nt*\\>i).4ici* oxiracih rchpeclini; Ki>Uine anan^eiiii'itt, analy^i»• of Erckiiie ftrran^emcnt, Ciiii>r of its rejection Kr^kine, Mr. Cleorjj;e C auiiinu;N ini'trni lion to Exporn of th« United 'tutef., Mateuieiit of the Exporls of the United .-tHte?, increase of Export" of the United "tatOH, foreij;!! and domestic, '27C — forsi^iti, '-Ti* — »k:;tnt\stic, iUl — \urions coinparihons of the " 217, Faction, consequences of ' • Faction deleterious eiTrcts of, rf«pecliiig impresHnciit" Fetlera! convention pi- .cecdin^s in . Federal party. divisi.>n amoiit; Frderal cjiiititntion, forined with irreot difTictilly Federal party, thi'ir iinavaili (i;^ strugj^le* I r power Fetl.jral coiiMitiiiion, Uappy con80(iuence» of F(*lcrali?t!<, orrois of Federi>li-t«, address of the author to F.'iler .li ts pur.>>ued the [olicy th»-y reprobated In the demorrats F'- I»ra'i"«t« i'l lT9J-i and >, friends of ord»r and j^ood governuicnt, F rpf t^tiR's, illilci'alitv )f rejudices Muanist F . •irn»>r»i, li-Jt of, vv!i.) 'irijiorted itic cau>c »)f Amcrioa Foreia;n eoinineice, pros»i'csiS of Foil NVa-hingtou, cajiliireot Fix'- <■ liarles Tainr*) hir.rki.dr fr'jm the Eliie to Urcst Frlic« t'» Fi'Mjc ', urhanity of — hide njs rhaiiJ5P '" '^ manners Fre ich ialluHiice, utter watU of foniidrtiion of Gardiner. Kev. .1. r-. J. extr-ict.- fi^etii hij^ political '^ermons General 'jovirnment, wondBifiil pu»l!lantiiiity of the Genera! tickets, extremely paliai ai-d niijuat Gerryniaudertsiu, defiaitioa anil injubtice of \6 H in no iw n:\ 171 .'3.17 ma 170 179, ICO, 1!!1 1«.3 li^J nr, 8u 7.? 79 «0 78 5U :)U 75 1C(I 106 36 110,177 329 iZS Alt 413,114,415 4C0 INDEX, No. I. ■> if 122, Generosity of nations, a nonentity • • < - Gilnian, governor, extract from bis speecU Goltenburgh, uegociatiou at, impolitic ^' Gordon, lord George, riots excited by * Great Britain egregiously deceived by her friends Griswold, governor, bis opinion of the conduct of France and England Guerriere, particulars of the capture of the f ■■ > ■ Hartford convention, pronounces a strong censure on the i-e|)eal of the direct taxes Henry, John, ^tatiinent of the mission of HilMiouse, Mr. invites to iiihunection • Horizon, atrocious ca?e of the Imlipcility of the government, reproaches of the ' ' Impressment on boarti the Baltimore, a naiional voscelof U. S. Imprecsment of American reamen, reflcctioiit on, 19'i — by H. Niles Impressment of American seamen, Mr. Madison's objections to, 193— J. Q. Adams'8, 194— Horrors of Impr'^ssment of American Heam<^n, during the administration of Gen. Washmgton, 197 — during that of Mr. Adamg, 199 — iliiring that of Mr. Jefferson Impressment of American seamen, contradictory opinions of Mr. Pickering respecting the 198,203 Impressment of American senmen, various views of 2*26, i-2T, 265 266,267 Insurrection and civil war, easily excited, difficult to suppress Invocation to war. by Dr. Parish Ireland and Irishmen, elegant defences of Iri}>hmen and Frenchmen, objects of jealousy Irishmen in Pk'nnsylvania line, suffcrinirs and hardships ol > Irishmen, zealous in their support of the government lEarimportalion law, tenor of Non*intercouse law, view of the Northern grievances, extract from O^Brien Bernard, impressed seaman, certificate respecting Opposifion to the government, ruinous conseqnences of the Orders in council, denunciation of by James Lloyd 256 — by James A. Bayard 257--by H. O. Otis Orders in council 1793, ruinouo consequences of Orders in council Nov. 11. 1807. 122— .Nov. 2J, 1807, 125— de- fended by Americans Orders in council required to be resisted Orders in council, inquiry into the effects of the, 347— testimony against Osgood, Rev. Dr. David, his exhortation to support government Osgood, Rev. Dr. David, extracts from the political koiinons of, Outrages, succession of, perpetrated on this country by the British Pacific nseasures defeated by mercantile opposition Parish, Rev. Dr. Elijah, his exhortations to support government Parish, Rev. Elijah extracts from his political sermons Parliamentary proceeding: in England Party and faction, the bane of republics ^rty writers, deccptioui> conduct of % 4Gi INDEX, No. I. Party and faction, history of, a desiileraium ■*■' ^ Party men, thoroiigh-going, rarely lk>rvest poritkiatiS 10 Partirfi change nainei and principles l!*ii Patriotic proceeding!), statement ol* 149 Paace p?irty, ruinous effects of tfctrr «xerti»>ns 335 Peace party, composed of vrariitke materials S4i3 Pelham'seiMtys, extract§ from S71 Peansylvania line, t^ufftrings an4 heroiim of ^989 Perceval, Spencer, asgassination of 564 Perry, con?equencps of his victory 41 Philadelphia, citizens of, as religious as tbofiO of Boston 275 Philadelphia, ingratitude of 539 Pickeiiiiii, Mr. 1 imothy, vote of, agBinstBi'Uisb depredations 1C9 — against impressmenC 110 Pickering, T. oltjects to iMr. Liston'flfxoject of a coDvention rc- ^;pr'«'ting deserters Pirkerini;, T. wniuleiful contrast of the oj^inions of iPinckney Wm. character of Popular delusion, influence of Popular delusion, extraordinary in^tanceof Population of the U. Mates, progrcM of t\,c Power of congress over tiie niilitiu, in Monroe and Pinkney's treaty • ' Iload to Kuia, drliMion and misrepresentation of Rule of IT-'j^, utterly abandoned by the Drilish govcruaicnt, 84, a raere pretext to cover predatory seizures Iftussion mediation, niisre(ircsentation respecting Sepatoriftl representation, iniquitous arrajigement of Separatii.n cf the states, pr-ject of a, in 179G Biniriiti.iQ of the slates steadily advocated in Boston ^ iltpariition ©f th»' stiUt^. various efforts to ellcct a .j»tnugg'in(^ carried to great excr ss iu Button ^ber character of -he Americans no security aa^aUist civil war 2(>6 1.'33, 190, 206 564 SO m\ 4.S1 s^a M> 5:29 8 88 ia4 241 427 427, 44i 509 330 573 101 S9 52 5T 40 105 455 48 S2G 9!> €3 415 7 M 268 56 INDEX, No. r. 4%\i WO "(3 01 SI 5T 40 05 SoutLern statea, unfavourable anticipations respecting, belied by c- vents Southern statei view of the p^tyment of Transit duties imposed by Great Britain on American trade Unltetl States, glorious prospects of, 3*2 — remarks upon United States, not sufficiently grateful or munificent towards great merit United States, view of the prosperity of United Stales, m» paralleled happines*- of the Virginia representation, unei{nal, unjUSt, and oppressive War, constant cause of vvitli England War violently opposed by the minority War, inquiry into the justice of War priK'eedings in congress, details of the War with England inevitable but by a sacrifice of national char acter War, repeated clamour for Washington, general, his great merit* and service Washington, cupture of, remarks on, 69 — causes of Wealthy men lending their aid to overturn the government Wellington, lord, immensely rewarded Whitby, captain, honourably acquitted for the murder oi Capt. Pearce Wolcott, O. objects to Mr. Liston's project respecting deserters Yes? and aays on various questions regarding war TO.T 1, 72,73,74 1^1 Xl'ttt t'T- rcH'* iSw^trrii "A** •H*l •; tA ,**•* •>v>> DOCUMENTAL INDEX. NO. II. i^dmiralty, adAretn to the British navy Alien law. extract from Alexander, emperor declaration of the Baltimore Mercantile Memorial, extracts from Boston Mercan'ile Memorial, extracts from British importations, \nw limiting Baron, commodore, letter from British proclamation, •rderint; the impressment of Britich subjer.la on board American vessels Berlin Decree, November «1 , 1 8<>6 Bayard, Jarae?', Esq. extract from a speech tf Boston banks, abstract of the state of the British government bill-!, advertisement of the sole of Bloi'Iade, British deiinilion of Catlei Dr. Ueporl of Committee of Congress, report of Colonial trade, report of Ning's advocate upon Che^apeake, proceedings respecting the attack upon tUe 114, 11 Craig, Sir James, his instructions to .Tohn Henry Credentials from Sir James Craig to John Henry Commercial intevcou'se with Great Britain and France, act to interdict Copenhagen, destrurtioc o*", Hfr. Roseoe's account of the Conscription o*" MilftJtt, Pcn.iKylvania law respecting • Canning, Mr. George instruction of to Mr. Erskin^ Certificate of Lieutenant B. Van HoflTman Duties paid by tlis dillerent states, from 1791 to ISfS Bouieotic impi ovemenls, tablt<* of Deposition of Isaac Claik Deposition of liichatd Thoiiipsoit Dacres, captain, «;xtract from the defence of Documents on the subject of impressment, auncxed to the report of the committee of the legislature of Massachusetts, 224 De- position of J. Eldridge, ibid.; of William Parsons, 225, of Caleb Loring, ibid.; uf Moses Townsend, ibid,; of Joseph Mudge, ibid. ; of Andrew Maraden, ibid, of Josiah Orne, 224, of Nathaniel Hooper, ibid. ; of B. T. Reed, ibid. Extract of a leUer from Philadelphia, published ia the London- derry Journal (:0 45 254 93 85 110 118 119 120 25T 316 .SI 8 367 73 1 5,11ft 159 154 168 369 409 1U5 215 294 430 'il.S eir. ibid> «3o m DOCUMENTAL INDEX. •P^A Bxtract from the procecdingi of the legislature of MaFiachusettD 250 Extract from the report of the committee recommending a deola- ration of war ^i Exports of the United States, foreign and domcetic, table of the 276, 287, 4.S3 ; foreign, 279 ; domestic, 281, k33 Embargo, Philadelphia resolutions against HI Enforcing \aw, extracts fretn 1 43 Erskine, Hon. David M. letters of to the secretary of state 1T3, 174 £12 ibiil, ibid. 264 2:i7 426 ISO ft 151 loa 348 199 Extract from the memorial of the mei chants of Salcm Extract from New York memorial Extract from the memorial uf the merchants of Baltimore Extract from the memorial of the merchants of Newbaven Foster, Augustus, Esq. extract of a letter from Governor Griswold, extract from an address of Oilman, Governor, extract from • speech of Guerriere, extracts from the logbook of the Governor of Massachusetts, his praise of M«. Madison Hamilton, Alexander, letter from, to col. Pickering Hillhouse, Mr. extract from his specU Henry, John, letters from 154, 155, 156, fcc Horizon, letter respecting the capture of the 12? Impressment, resolution of the scuale of the I'nit^d Siates, a^nst Ireh.nd and Irishmen, strong federal tribute to Aistructions of'AHr. Madison to Mr. Monroe iBftructions from Tirujthy Pickerittg, Esq. aecretAry of Itate, to Rufus King, Es'i. 198,199 Jackson, Francis James, Esq. extract of a letter from 269 Knox, General, his plan for classifying the militia 41 1 King, Rufus, Esq. vote of thanks to him respecting the claMifioa- tion law Letter from Secretary of state to admiral Warren Idoyd, Jaiaes Esq. extract from a speech of Letter from Mr. Russel, to lord Castlereagb Loans, advertisements of Boston brokers, respecting Lec;islature of Ohio, their decNration respecting the war I ioyd, James, Esq. extract of a letter from Liverpool, Lord, letter of respecting Joho Henry Tuadd, Eliphalet, deposition cf Letter of John Q,uincy Adai>is, Esq. to Harrt*iB G. Otif, Esq. Letter from Thomas Jefferson, secretary (if state, to Thomas Pinkney '2%0 Letter fr^u Ei fu? King, E.-sq. to Timothy Pickermg, secretary of statfi 200,200 Latter fr^n. Silas Talbot, vn Timothy Pickering, Esq. secretary of fitatb Letter from Tluiotby Pickering, Esq. seeretavv ot state, to Silas Taiuot Letter from John Marshall, Es^. gecrelary of state, to Kufds Kiag, Esq. Letter from Timothy Pickering, Esq. secretary of .-slate, to presi- dent Adams Letter fpooj Benjamin Stoddr.rd, Eiq. secretary of the navy, to do. Jj^ttcr from Oliver VVolcot, Ksij. to do. Letter from James M'Henry Esq. secretary at war, to do. 256 Mi 265 166 408 m 20* ^00 201 204 206 207 ibid. ibid. '•■-''■,■" ■■ DOCUiMENTAL IUVDEX- 407 (e's of war 112 Quincy. Tosiuh, Esq., extract iVora a speech of, on a dissolution of the union 573 Hepeal of ordeis in council, extract from the 57 Kesolulion of the senate U states against ihe rule of ITjG iOf Richard Carter, depDsition of 209 Kc«ulmions of the Federal Kepiiblicans of New-York -12 Kaiulolplj, John, resolutions of, inlavourof Mr. Madison 130 He>olutiou of the town of tilouce!*ter respecting thp embargo 1 1!>. of Bath, ibid. ; of the town of Boston, ibid.; of the town of Topa- BbM, too ; of the town of .Auau-ta l.**© R>iii>d, H. \V.. his ledeM to John M.n.y i:..:, 163, 166 it*port of Timothy Pi. kciuis, E»<4. wcrttary of rtaU, to coujirtii, 1-08 437 821 S6(l 218 261 358 91 329, S50, 331 254 if n 's-'ilHk 4b6 DOCUMENTAL INDEX. Revenues of tlie Uoited States, tables of tbe 4S5 Kesolutions of the revolvtioaary tongress, respecting interconrse with the enemy ^ 318 Saleni Mercantile Memorial, extracts from ,99 Stanobury, general, report of * • 73 Sedition law, extract from 4fi Speech of Henry Brougham, Hsq., extract from a 356 Senate of New-Hampshire, extract from a reply of 427 Senate uf Massachufietts, their declaration respecting the war S54 Senate of Maryland, their declaration respecting tbe war ^'iS Secretary of staters letters to Hon. D. M. Erskine 174 Senate and huuse of representatives of Maitsachusetts, their praise of Mr. Madi.«on 181 Statement of applications on the subject of impressment, to tbe Bri- ti)'h government Transit duties, tariff of, payable by American vessels Tonnage of tbe United States, from 1791 till 1812 Tonnag* of the United States for 1809 and 1810, table of Van >ieAfi, gen. report of, to a committee of Congress Winder, gen. report of ll'aHhington, capture of, documents respecting War proceedings in congress— yeas and nays 227, 267 126 436 292 72 75 75, 73, U < p