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Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mdthode. 1 2 3 32X 1 2 3 4 5 6 1 / ,♦ v- r \ i f* ^ '""i r i I !■* y V /■ 3 > 1 ' VMtf«Ma^M i0m^m^^0^m *0m0^^m0 A / /^> / TRUE AND Som POLICY ov EQUAL mUHTS FOB ALL. -••-o- OPEN LETTERS TCy DALTON MCCARTHY, Esq., Q.C., MR, BY L. G. DESJARDINS, LATB MP. FOR L'ISLBT. ^ 1 ■ »■■ m QUEBEC: PBINTJ3D AT THB " MORNING CHRONICLE " OFFICE 1893. 0m^*i^'^^^'^*^^^^'^^i^tttt^aJ^K0m^i^t^^A^imm^mJmmm^^mmi^mmmmmmmmMS^m J '^JLii^'i.i-txm • %>ii'k>J<,..M.-^-' '. JL 4... <, J^\^ -I :s'T— ^-- ^^-r^'~"^>^ ^ \ /H 1.'' ■ ' <.■: ,1 •y t "- i.^Lii*^ 'Aiiiirnihif?lTlTiiAlii'->" ' " ifc'5'lSi •TRUE AND SOUND POLICY OF EQUAL RIGHTS FOR ALL. :'/. h t) \ i OIPBlSr HiETTEIiS TO DAITON McCAETHY, H, Q.O., M.P. BV L. O. DESJARrHNS, LATE si. P. FOR L'ISLET. "^""-^ii^ «♦- QUEBEC : PRINTED AT THE "MORNING CHRONICLK "' OFFICE. 1893. I'lltKAIKJfi <>. DKHt it't, rin. Full i.dSilfBffi3'»nr£!r'Jrr-^-;:».aii..as.- . " 1 "' MR. DESJARDINS'S LETTERS. (From the ^hiebcc Momitig Chronicle, May 20th, 1893.) Mr. L. G. Desjardins, who has been doing such noble work, of late, for his fellow-countrymen, brings to-day, his notable series of open letters to Mr. Dalton McCarthy to a close. Tliese letters, couch- ed in firm, but gentlemanly language, have attracted great attention throughout the country. The Mont- real Gazette and the Toronto Empire have done us the honor to republish this valuable correspon- dence. And from many a private source, we have received warm words of praise about the letters and the author. Indeed, we are but repeating the views of more than a score of attentive readers of the series, when we say that we have been asked to republish in pamphlet form, this notable and instructive contribution to the political and social history of the Dominion. We hope that Mr. Des- jardins will give his consent, and allow a brochure to be made of his exhaustive study of I'Vench- Canada in Canadian politics. Such a work, brief as it is, would prove a valuable addition to our literature. Thus far. three letters have appeared. The fourth and last of th(' set, we publish in our ci)l\unns, to- day. Like its i)redecess()rs it is charactcri/ed by breadth o( view and lofiiness of pur[)ose. Mr. Mc- Carthy was, in the old da> s, a devoted follower of Sir John Macdonald. \\v had .ui abidin,<^^ faith in the statesmanship of his old leader. He and Mr. Desjardins were fijrhtinj;, for years, on the same side of politics. Somethini:;; occurred to estran);,'e Mr. McCarthy. Hut Mr. Desjardins remained true to his early convictions, and refuseil to change his politics at the bidding of any one. He is naturally shocked at Mr. McCarthy's course, but, though he is severe on him, he has more pity and sorrow in his heart than malice. His open letters are pittas, asking the prodigal to return to the fold. Mr. Des- jardins does not need to be a prophet to foretell the result of Mr. McCarthy's crusade, Neither side will accept the erratic member for North Simcoe, able and brilliant as he undoubtedly is. His hos- tility to the French and the Roman Catholic Reli- gion will prevent Mr. Laurier from asking him to join his band. The Conservatives cannot afford to take him up, knowing as they do, that his racial and religious opinions are against him, as a public man. Then, when he has some sensible views to offer on the question of tariff reform, he is restrict- ed from doing anything practical, by his connection with Imperial FedtTation, which has ideas of its own on fiscal matters. Indeed. Mr. McCarthy has turned himself into a Jonah, and mores the pity, because he is a clever man, a clear-thinking man, and independiMit enough to do a world of good, if he only had a mind to. We ask our readers to read Mr. Desjardins' let- ter clear through. It is full of information. It is well expressed. It is patriotic in tone. It is sound in principle. It puts French-Canadianism on a proper footing before the community. Itdealswith th(^ sacrifices which l-rench Canada has made. It teaches a lesson which all true sons of Canada must learn and consider. SERIES Ol- LETTERS At)|tUKS>.|;D Tl> DALTON McCarthy, Esq., Q. C, M. P., etc., etc. {From the Oiirht-r Moniiiiif Cln'OHitic.) FIRST OPKN LETTER. Dear Sir, I hope that the cordiality of our friendly relations, during the two long and important sessions of the Dominion Parliament I had the honor of a seat in the House of Commons, and the pleasure of beina; your colleague, will, in your own opinion, sufficiently war- rant me to address you this open letter. I have care- fully read the report of your speech, on the occasion of the demonstration in your honor at Toronto a few days ago. Though prepared, by your recent course, to hear from you the expression of strange views, on questions of paramount interest to the welfare of our country, I must frankly admit my surprise at what appear to have been your earnest remarks that evening. How 8 you could, gifted as you are, experienced as you must be, propound such a polioy, based on such principles, on so erroneous a judgment of the past, on so mistaken a vie\Y of the present, and so dangorous a conception of the future roquir-'monts of our country, is, with due respect to the weight of your opinion, a wonder to me. How you have deliberately come to the conclusion of taking such a stand, and asking your countrymen to support such a political platform, is beyond my com- prehension. I am justified in the supposition that after what you have said about the French-Canadian element, you cannot possibly be astonished that I deeply resent so unfounded and so inimical an attack on all that, in common with the unanimity of my French compatriots, I hold dear and will always be, in duty bound, ready to defend. I trust yoii will kindly bear with me — for I do not intend to use any harsh language, whatever may be my feelings — in appealing to your own judgment, to your own reason, to your own sober second thought, from your views, as I have read them, to the consider- ations I propose to ofler in contradiction thereof. Sir, you began your vigorous onslaught against my French-Canadian countrymen by an astounding decla- ration, which would have greatly staggered me, if, for one single moment, I had been able to suppose that you had the shadow of a foundation to make it the ( 9 he way you did. In order to avoid any possible error on the point under review, please allow me to quote your own words. You are reporti'd as having said : — " It was all quiet and rialil so lonj^ as I fouaht the battles of my country as 1 did iaithlully until the year 1887 ; (am I to conelude that you have since discon- tinued to do .so) ))ut when, in accordance, gentlemen, with the wishes and desires oliny then leader, Sir John Macdonald, I announced in the County oT Haldimand that French-Canadian domination should no longer rule this country ; when I advocated and endorsed and supported, with all the humble ability which I had, the action of the Government in bri)iging to justice that arch-rebel Kiel ; when I announced that in my humble judgment the French-Canadian was a spoilt child, I was not willing to take back these words at the bidding of these French-Canadians, honestly believing them to be right." No words could be plainer. You positively declare that you were authorized by Sir John Macdonald to announce to the electors of the county of Haldimand, and, consequently, through them, to the whole elec- torate of Canada — " thiil Fienrh-Canad'nn domination should no longer rule this ronnfrtj.'" That he asked you to say so to the intelligent and loyal freemen of Haldi- mand, I readily believe, even if I had not the author- ity of your solemn assertion that he did so. I also quite agree that in so saying you were acting " in accordance with the wishes and desires of your then leader, Sir John Macdonald." 1 do not wonder at your words in their true and only reasonable sense, but at 10 the meaning you attach to them, at the construction you wanted your audience to put upon them. Well might Sir John Macdonald have asked you to affirm that Canada was not to be ruled by French- Canadian domination. Every French-Canadian, from the most influential to the humblest in the land, would have cheerfully asked you to say as much, and is grateful to the great departed leader for having given you this patriotic advice. Would to God that you were still so impressed with the inspiration of his powerful mind to follow the noble examples which, for many )'ears, were your guiding star. Sir, the French-Canadians have never intended, never aspired to rule Canada from the day which closed a long and bloody struggle, with equal honor for both parties in the fight. They have bowed to their new destiny, and loyally sworn their allegiance to their new Sovereign, with the hope that if, at last, they had been defeated, they could henceforth confidently rely upon the protection of the glorious flag of England, the justice which the Crown of the British Empire administers to all its subjects, the beneficent rule of free institutions, the faithful observance of treaty obliga- tions, the liberality, the friendship, the respect of their new countrymen. All they have aspired to, all they have claimed, all they have desired, was that they should be allowed to give daily evidences of their unswerving loyalty to their Sovereign and to their li country, in defending the authority of the Crown, in upholding its Majesty, in doing their best for its honor and glory by contributing their fair share of work, of earnest efforts, of patriotic exertions, for the prosperity and the national grandeur of this Canada of ours. I only regret that I was not given the opportunity of standing side by side with you, on the public plat- form, in the county of Haldimand, to tell the patriotic citizens of this fair constituency that Canada was not to be ruled by French-Canadian domination. And, added to your convincing argument, and to the eloquent periods of my golden-tongue friend Montague, ray humble but patriotic voice, would perhaps have carried some weight with the electors of Haldimand. 1 know that my humble services were not required, for Dr. Montague and yourself were more than equal to the emergency of the occasion. After a hard fought battle you have rallied the electorate of Haldimand to the sup- port of the policy of Sir John Macdonald. You have wonderfully well accomplished your mission, and Sir John Macdonald had then every good reason to trust you. But, Sir, if it is perfectly true that the French-Cana- dians do not aspire to rule Canada, they do not relish the prospect of being crushed, destroyed, annihilated, denationalized as you seem determined to try and do. You cannot be surprised if they do not take stock in such a venture. Past experiences should convince you Ihat the undertaking, in spite of all your exertions, ■will not prove politically a paying investment. I must take thf liberty ol'tflling you, in all frankness and sincerity, that where you have been very unfair to ^^ir John Maodonald, very unjust to his great memory and to his life-long devotedness and loyalty to a policy of fair play to all, of peace, of harmony between creeds and races, was in your attempt to create, in the mind of your audience, the impression that when he wished you to tell the eleetors of Haldimand that this country was no longer to be ruled by Fr« neh-Canadian domi- nation, he meant that my French-Canadian countrymen were hereafter to b,' deprived of their legitimate share of political influence in working out the destinies of Canada. 1 positively joint issue with you on that point. From the very bottom of my heart and soul 1 feel sure that Sir John Macdonald never told you any- thing of the kind, never uttered a word, never mooted a syllable, which could be so construed by his most violent opponent, much less by one of his most trusted personal and political friends. Asa solemn guarantee that I am right, I have his whole public career, the deeds of his whole life, his words in and out of Par- liament. You know as well as I do, — and you ought to know even much better, — how hard and how long he had to struggle in Ontario against the charge that he was the subservient tool of the French-Canadian domination. He always answered what was the truth, and nothing but the truth, that he w^as not the sup- 18 porter of the domination of any raco or creed, but the loyal public servant of all, the upholder of justice and fair play, the protector, as far as lay in his power, of the rights of minorities. For many years you defended him to the best of your ability, which amounted to a great deal, for, without indulging in any kind of flat- tery whatever, — from which I am specially precluded under present circumstances,—] am animated by a sufficient feeling of fairness to congratulate you upon the fact that you are an able man. By what pi- ^css of reasoning, by what phases of sentiment have you come to the conclusion that what you have so well and so eloquently said, during so many years, was all wrong, and that the leader whom you followed with devotion and supported with all your might, because you believe him to be a great statesman, ruling far above national and creed prejudices and passions, was only a political trickster, unworthy of your confidence. For, if he was the kind of man you now so unfairly represiMit him to have been, you will agree with me that he would not have deserved the confidence of any honest elector, much less of an influential public man as you w^ere. I have other very conclusive evidence that you have entirely misrepresented Sir John Macdonald. Fortunately for his fame, for historical truth, for the future good of Canada, you were not the leading actor on the stage, during the long and often r^enewed electoral content in the fair land of the county of Haldiraand, tfk I , i a ^lOk. jBwr'«i!Wf»- 14 Our mutual friend, the eloquent Montague, I remem ber well, aU'o happened to be around there. Like your self, he was the trusted supporter of your then leader If my memory serves me right, he was the standard bearer during those very glorious days. You were you claim, his right hand man. Well and good. Grant t'd you were. Our friend Montague is good-natured kind-hearted, unpretentious, loyal to the core, true as steel. I am sure he will not begrudge you your due share of merit and glory for the great archievements, in the county of Haldimand, of the party to which you then belonged with all the might of your soul and the earnestness of your heart. Nevertheless, he was the worthy standard-bearer of what you both believed to be a great national cause. He must have known what were the real views and sentiments of Sir John Mac- donald. You cannot possibly pretend that you were the only mortal w'hom Sir John would trust in a crisis like that to which you allude in your speech. How astonished, how amazed, he (Dr. Montague) must have been in reading the report of your remarks at the Toropto meeting in your honor, that when, in accord- ance vjith the vfishcs and desires of his then leader, he was eloquently and patriotically speaking words of peace, of harmony, of mutual fair play, of justice, of hostility to the ruling of Canada by the domination of any par- ticular race, he was all the while unconsciously play- ing the artful game of a cunning politician, and not follo\\ iug the loyal teachings of a true statesman and a sincere patriot. 16 But, Sir, our friend Moutague knows better. Happily, he is alive to aveng^e the memory of his beloved leader, and to uphold the truth, and magnificently ho performs that duty. On Saturday night, the 22nd of April, he was in Montreal, in the great and prosperous metro- polis of Canada, where creeds and nalionalities are so kindly leading their way to future development. He had the honor to address a very intelligent and influ- ential gathering, hundreds of leading men in all walks of life, assembled on that evening for the worthy pur- pose of honoring the memory of the great man you so long loved and folio w<}d. After your Toronto speech, it is no surprise to me that you were not there. But Dr. Montague was. As was properly expected from him, he took up the gauntlet which you had thrown at him and at the revered dead leader. The hall where he spoke still rings with the powerful echo of his patriotic words, with the indignant denunciation of the stand you have taken. Please read with me the follow- ing few lines of his eloquent address : — • " Referring to the generous reception given him in entering the room, and when arising to speak, he said he was not forgetful that in this they sought to express the feeling of friendship and good neighborship that existed in Quebec for their sister Province, a consti- tuency of which he had the honor to represent. He came from.the Niagara peninsula, which was first tilled by British loyalists in exile from the United States, and every foot of which was made sacred by the heroic deeds of Canada's and Britain's sons, and so he felt at txummmmmtjmm^^jt^mrA.if-m ,.k0».m* »- 16 home ill the historic Province of Quebec, whose people's blood was spilt in defence of the institutions we loved, and whose hearts betit time to Canada's best interests in the future and lent strength and proi^ress to her part. (Loud cheers.) Their hearty reception and good feelings to Ontario found a hearty response in hearts and homes there. True, they had disturbing spirits who attempted to stir up discord with the French, a few wandering minstrels, whose doleful tunes, how- ever, were simply the pipings of disappointed ambition, but among the great people of the Western Province there was no trace, either among orange or green, of bitterness or jealousy towards their French sister Pro- vince. There was nothing in the history of the past or the condition of the present to cause anything of the kind. True, Quebec spoke a different language, but he trusted that they were broad enough to sympathize with Quel)ec's people in their desire to hand down their beautiful language to their children. Their creeds were different, but every creed was sacred beneath the folds of the British flag. Their forefathers had, it was true, contested the right of Britain to rule in this country, but he could not forget at the same time that those same men had afterwards given up their lives in defence of British homes and institutions, and at a later period, when the United States invaded our shores at a time when Britain was engaged in the death struggle for freedom in Europe, those same men laid down their lives for their country in repelling the invasion as bravely as their compatriots in Ontario. Later on when Confederation was being established and the scheme w^as taking practical shape, our depart- ed chieftain found his greatest confederates among the people of this Province, in a HcGee and a Cartier. In Lr 17 the years that have passed since then Quebec may have made mistakes. As the result of demagogism, passion and prejudices had been aroused, but when the time ol' trial ('ume the people stood by our chieftain and gave streni»th to his arm, by which he was enabled to conduct the all'airs of our country on a scheme broad enougli to boar the Ijurdt-ii of whatever danger the future may have had in store." No wonder that those eloquent words were received with an outburst of applause. Let every well-wisher of the future happiness of Canada pray to God that they shall be n^-echoed throughout the length and breadth of this wide Dominion, that they shall be re- peated in every home of the land. May you ponder over them, and, once more returning to your own former sell", iinally make up your mind that you are now pursuing a most dangerous course. Sir, you can, if you like, exercise your privilege of changing your political course. You are alive, in good health, atle to defend yourself You can make your case. You can travel all over the Dominion, from Prince Edward Island to British Columbia, to appeal to the electorate. The people of Canada will pronounce judgment upoif you, as upon all the other political leaders. But, Sir, there is a sacred plot of land upon which you have not the right to trhread the steps of your unfair march to fame and political prominence. All the friends of the dead statesman, and even his opponents, will stand up to protect it. You know wWe is the sacred plot of land. YoU must remem W that, on the day when our beloved leader was laid to his eternal rest, bi'arin^ the brunt of the heat of the day, us we had so often done on tlie political field of battle, we marched tog-ether to the bnrying place. \Ve were both deeply moved. And when we took leave of his mortal remains, you were sure, as I was, that Canada had lost one of its noblest sons, its g-reatest statesman, a loyal and devoted servant. When I shook hands with you after the exchange of our feelings of regret and sorrow, it could not have entered into my mind that less than two years after, you would stand upon a public platform in the prosperous city of Toronto, which always so loyally supported him, addressing thousands still growing enthusiastic at the mere mention of his name, and telling them what you wanted them to believe of Sir John Macdonald's course, after the words I have quoted from your speech as reported. Sir, I see by the report of your speech, at Toronto, that you somewhat complained of the length of the open letter which my good friend, Mr. Mackintosh, has considered it his duty to address to you. I will take heed of the advice, and will not tresspass too much upon your valuable time. But you will, no doubt, pardon me if I call again your attention to some other observations of mine, in a fair spirit of criticism, of several points of your speech, on that celebrated occa- sion of your new departure. Be sure that I will only do ■■■ I 19 ^0 with th. ho,„.„fs„eceoa,>.,..„.,i.„e, from y„u. ,„M '"'■ '•^""* ■" " "«' ' ".y Fn...eh.(.a„..dia„ iH[ oou..t,v„.,.,. y . ,.„v,. ,o 1„„, i,.d„oe,l mo to b.-lieve that your mtolli.eace wa» forever op..,.,.<, o.Uv o a..d the r...,po„.„hility of a public man. that I am still 'o what I have to »yi„ favor of my kinsmen. Please believe me, with personal regard, Vonrs very sineereh- L. Q. Desjardins, Late M.P. for LTslet. Quebec, April 28, 1893. to SECOND OPEN LETTER. Deau Sir, I prosume that the tone of my first opou letter to you was courteovis enou«rh not to displiuiso you, nor hurt your Icclings, howovor much you may disapprove of my arguuu^nts and my sentiments. I can assure you thai I do not write i'or the mere purpose ol' annoying you, hut under the impulse of a deep sense of duty. The only favor 1 ask from you, which our former, and I hope I may yet add our present personal friendship and personal regard mak ; me crave for, is that you should have the kindness to read my humble but earnest remarks with the same spirit of fairness and patriotic aspiration with which I write them. You have taken the liberty of making a most unjustifiable attaek upon my French-Canadian countrymen. I have no doubt that you are chivalrous enough not to deny me the liberty, mu h IciS the undoubted right, to come to their rescue, to publicly espouse their cause, to plead their case with devotion, if not with ability, to meet your barges, which, with the strongest conviction the soul of an honest man can be possessed of, 1 sincerely believe to be unfounded and uncalled for. Another point I also wish to make very clear. I can ' ciuilly assure you that I do not write as a party man, nor with the inspiration of party feeling and ambition. 21 lean lan, lion. Though, as T oponly said in Ottawa, only a few days ago, 1 was always a strong party man, as long as I was in active political lil'e, I havo likewiso always been sulliciently ind«'pend«Mit to do my duty as a public man to the best oi" my ability, according to the dictates of my conscience, and to what I considered for the good of my country. But, happily, I am now out of active political life, if! was not, I would not write you through the press. I would not hesitate to meet you on the public platform to defend my French-Cana- dian countrymen against your attacks, if you would condest'end to discuss such an important publico (|ucs- tion with so humble an individual as myself. If 1 had still the honor of being a member of the Parliament of Canada, 1 would challenge you on the floor of the House of Commons to support your charges with rea- sonable evidence, and I would surely disprove them with undeniable facts, if not with the eloquence you could put forth, and that the subject under review would certainly deserve. But I am no longer a public man, and you must remember that only a few weeks ago, in the lobby of the House of Commons in Ottawa, you w^ere kind enough to tell me that you regretted my withdrawal from public life. I felt, and still feel, sure of the sin- cerity of your expression of sorrow, though I am fully aware how little the country is losing by my absence from Parliament. But, if I have not now the great honor of being one of the representatives of the people of Canada, I glory to have still, and for as long as I 22 shall live, the greater honor of being a loj^al British subject, though a F'rench-Canadian born, and one of that race you think and nay should disappear from the fi^ce of the earth without further delay, i'ou have solemnly pledged your word to the thousands who listened to you at the Toronto meeting, on the evening of the 12th ult., that henceforth you were to devote your ability, which is great, your energy, which is pro- portionate to your talents, to bring about, as soon as possible, the national demise of my French-Canadian countrymen. Sir, please allow me to repeat with the greatest pride that I am a loyal British subject. Though born a French-Canadian, let me tell you that I have been brought up by humble but honest and loyal parents. From my early youth, I have been taught by them, and by the members of the Roman Catholic clergy who educated me, to be always true, under all possible cir- cumstances, to my word and to my solemn oath. I claim the merit of having so far followed their teachings, and I am more than ever determined to do so until my last breath. In four different capacities, I have several times taken the oath of allegiance to Her Most Gracious Majesty Queen Victoria, the Sovereign of the British Empire, and, consequently, of this great Dominion. I hav^e sworn to be the faithful subject of my Sovereign as a citizen of Canada, as a member of Parliament, as a public ofhcer, and also as a volunteer officer, for I am proud to inform you that I have been a member of our militia ever since 18G4, first as a full private, subse- \ i 23 I m a quently as a non-commissioned and next as a commis- sioned officer, and that since 1884 I have the great honor to be the Lt -Colonel in command of one of the oldest and most efficient battalions of the Canadian force. Many times bound by my solemn oath, in those four different capacities, I will tell you plainly that I would be deeply insulted if any one was to cast the shadow of a doubt on the sincerity of my loyalty to Her Majesty, to British institutions, to my country, meaninq- not only Canada, but the whole Empire of which I am one of the humblest, but, as I claim the right, and as I am in duty bound to be, one of the truest sons. I strongly felt it important to preface my further criticism of your Toronto speech with those remarks, in order to assert still more my right as a freeman, as a citizen of Canada, and as a loyal British subject, to protect, to the best of my ability and energy, my French- Canadian countrymen against the undeserved and cruel blow you are aiming at them with the solemnly avow^ed purpose of denationalizing them, and denying them their sacred and vested rights as loyal subjects of their beloved Sovereign. Sir, I have another reason which, I feel sure, fully justifies me to address you as I do. I have been in active political life for over twenty years, either as a journalist or as a representative of the people of Canada. I sat for nearly ten years in the Quebec Legislative Assembly, and for two years in the House of Commons in Ottawa. I often spoke in the debates of these two 24 Houses and on the public platform. I claim the merit of having invariably, even under the most trying cir- cumstances, always followed the same course for equal justice to all, always spoken the same loyal language, whether my audience was a French one, an English, a Scotch, or an Irish one. That very fact, the truth of which could be proved by the official report of my words, and all my hearers on all ocasions — and several times I had the great honor to count you amongstthem — undoubtedly gives mc an additional right to criticize your Toronto speech in the courteous, but energetic, way I am doing. Referring to the famous question of the Jesuit Estate Act, you are reported to have said : " And I may tell you that, with regard to that Jesuit Estate Act, the Conservative party at lirst had by no means come to a certain definite conclusion. My voice was raised for the disallowance of an Act which was a disgrace to a British constitution, and though I was not able to prevail upon my then leader to adopt that course, it was not because fSir John Macdonald did not equally agree with me, but because he had been con- trolled for some time before and for some short time afterwards by the French-Canadian influence, which, if I live, gentlemen, it is my purpose shall find its end in the history of this country." Please allow me, Sir, to ask you if it is possibly true that you have uttered the above quoted sentence, and that before an intelligent audience of thousands of the free electors of Toronto ? I will frankly tell you that I can scarcely believe it, if you do not positively answer 25 true f; and )fthe that iswer me that, as a matter of fact, you have really done so. But I have just before me your A-ery carefully reported speech, and until I hear from you, I must take it for granted that you have pronounced the following words : " And though I was not able to prevail upon my then leader to adopt that course (the disallowance of the Jesuit Estate Act), it was not because Sir John Macdonald did not agree with me, but because he had been controlled for some time before and ior some short time afterwards bv the French-Canadian influence, which, if I live, gentlemen, it is my purpose shall find its end in the history of this country." So, you have positively taken your stand, and the first plank of your new political platform /V; to put an end to French-Canadian influence in the his/nri/ nf this country. My French-Canadian countrymen will ut least be grateful to you for one thing, the frankness of the avowal of your cruel design. A well-known enemy is less dangerous than a concealed one. Sir, it is almost incredible that you can have uttered such words. I will speak my mind openly, and tell you that such utterances are unworthy of a Christian, unworthy of a British subject, unvv'orthy of a statesman, unworthy of a man. I say they are unworthy of a Christian, and why ? Sir, you would only realize your purpose, by succeeding in bringing about the total extinction of the million and a half French-Canadians who live happy and hopeful in Canada, under the protection of England and its free institutions. This would be, I solemnly repeat, 26 unworthy of a Christian, and would prove that the world would be retracing its steps to the barbarous times of old. The French-Canadians exist, as all other nationalities do, by the will of the Almighty. If Providence had so wished, there would never have been any French- Canadians at all. But the Divine Will has decided otherwise, and I ask all the Christians of Canada, and even of the whole world, of whatever denominations they may be, if it is very Christian-like for a public man, who aspires to rule his country, to proclaim that his political platform will have for its primary object the national and natural death of a million and a half of his countrymen. For it amounts to nothing- less, if your utterances have any meaning. Sir, those words of yours, above quoted, are unworthy of a British subj(>ct. What is the greatest pride of a true Englishman ? Is it not that England is the classic land of Ireedom. Is it not that under Great Britain's institutions, every man, whether he be Scotch, Irish, German, Italian, French, or Indian born, is free and protected by the Majesty and the justice of the Crown, the moment he has taken the oath of allegiance, on condition that he be loyal, true, faithful, law-abiding. In the name of what barbarous Right, of what cruel principles, would you make an exception, against the French-Canadians, to such a glorious general rule all over the great and mighty British Empire. Your words are unworthy of a statesman, because any one deserving that name would have indignantly 27 ruel Ithe all ise Lly scorned at the mere proposal to utter them, and would have blushed to pronounce them before an audience ot* British subjects and freemen. The utterance I have quoted from your speech is moreover unworthy of a man, and why ? Because, without any knowledge whatever of Christian morals, without the obligation of being a good and loyal Britisih subject, without the intelligence of a statesman, human feeling alone should have stopped those words upon your lips, and even slaughtered them in your throat, if they had by surprise entered your mind. Sir, a man is a man, of whatever race he may be by the accident of birth, a fact for which surely he is not to be held responsible and tyrannized. So say Christian morals and teachings. \Yill you pretend to tell me that because they are French-Canadian born, my compatriots have no right to their fair share of the gifts of a generous Divine Providi^Mice, of the warmth and the light of the sun that daily shines over their heads, of the air they breathe, of the space in w^hich they move, of the varied resources of the earth and their golden fruits, of the enjoyments of the heart and of the intel- ligence, of the happiness derived from human freedom in all its various and glorious forms? They have, as human beings, the right to that fair share of the advan- tages of God's creation, and I know of no other man but you, in this brond Dominion, who would deny it to them. Do not complain that I exaggerate the meaning of your words. They are plain, and cannot passibly be 28 1 misv.. iistrued. The purpose you haA'epleclj^ed yourself to, is, if you live, to put an ond to French-Canadian influence in the history of this country. Let me tell you, in all sincerity, that if Providence blesses you with some more years of earthly life, you could employ them to a fur better object. But, of course, like any one else, you are free to exercise your moral liberty of choosing between right and wrong-. It is evident that you have finally, after several years of hesitation, made up your mind to side with injustice and wroni?. You have solemnly made known the objective point of your further exertions. "Would you kindly give me some information about the ways and means you intend employing to reach the end you have in view. It seems to me that you are undertaking a rather difficult task, with very little prospect of success. To put an end to all liiither French-Canadian influence in the history of this country, bear it well in mind, you must do nothing less than annihilate the million and a half of your French-Canadian countrymen. Having fully considered this, by no means pleasant, question, I can see but two practical ways of working out 3'our purpose. First, a general slaughter of the French-Canadians by force of arms ; second, if, per chance, you were kind enough to come to the sympathetic conclusion not to go to such an extreme, the passing of a law, by the Dominion Parliament, approved of by the Imperial Parliament, depriving the French-Canadians of all their religious, civil and political rights, making so many slaves of them all, men,, women, children, and organizing a 29 sufficient military force to keep them well bound to their tyrannical chains. You will never, were you to live two centuries more, fulfil your purpose, if you do not do one or the other of the above two things. Outside of those two resources of success, in your rather wild venture, you are doomed to a signal failure. You can only, as a final result, ruin yourself politically, after bringing untold misery upon your country. For, as long as there is left a French-Canadian free in the land, with the right to worship his God as he pleases, to work, to own property, to study, to develop his intel- lectual and moral faculties, to think, to writ \ to speak, to vote, to sit m Parliament, to shoulder his rifle for the defence of his Sovereign and his country, French- Canadian influence will not be at an end in this great Dominion. Suppose, for one moment, that you were to try the first practical way of putting an end to French- Canadian influence, how would you proceed ? You might take command of the army, and starting on your new errand, you might, alter having gently done away with the several thousands of French-Canadians in Ontario, march down to the Province of Quebec to commence your slaughtering process with the certainty, of course, that the million and a quarter of my French- Canadian countrymen, here, would be grateful to you for such an honor, and would benevolently lay down their heads on the block, as so many tender sheep. Please tell me how many recruits would cheerfully enlist, in Ontario, to follow you in that crusade. Don't you think that yon would run the risk of being left entirely alone to compose all your army, general and full privates, Lt.-Colonel O'Brien himself refusing to be false to his oath as a volunteer officer in the Domi- nion of Canada. Grant me that you had better give up all notions of the kind. Next, what about the only second practical way of solving the question to which final settlement you want to employ the rest of your worthy life. At the next session of the Dominion Parliament, will you propose such a law as the one I have mentioned, a moment ago, as the only other practical means of put- ting completely an end to Freni'h-Canadian intiuence in this country V If you would dare do so, how many members of the House of Commons and of the Senate would vote for your very liberal bill ? Are you sure you would get my friend, Li. -Colonel ()' Brien, to second your motion only to introduce the bill. And, if at the next general elections, you were to ask the freemen of Canada to express their opinion upon such a bill, how many would pronounce in favor of it ? Let me answer the question, and afiirm positively that from Prince Edward Island to British Columbia, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, not one sane man would. You had much better conclude with me that you are undertaking an altogether impossible task. Take my friendly advice, and give it up at once. You can employ your time and your undoubted talents in a much more prolitable, patriotic, and honorable way. You will pardon me for having indulged in a little jocular digression. The fact is that, considered from th^ point of view of the impossibility of it, execution, your plan of campaign would look vory ludicrous, if such earful consequences were not certainly to follow the least serious attempt to carry it out. riuase b(>lieve me, with personal regard, Yours very sincerely, Quebec, May 4, 1893. L. G. Desjardins, Late M.P. for LTslet. 8d THIRD OPEN LETTER. Dear ?>ir, You arc reportt'd to have said to the Toronto moet- ing that gTOi'ted you, the following sontenco : " But I am not going- to tolerato the perpetuation of the discords and the unhappy divisions which have been caused in the Province of Quebec by the unfor- tunate system which, according to my reading of his- tory, has been pursued by them ever since the Canadas were united in 1841." When I lirst read those words of yours, T paused to wonder how fa^* a man's mind can be swayed, out of all couimon sense and reason, by prejudice. Your reading of history is evidently a very blinded one. What can you possibly mean when you speak of the " discords and the unhappy divisions " that have existed in the Province of Quebec ever since 1841. I do not know of any such things. My humble way of reading history is the very reverse of yours. To form a sound opinion on the matter, I have not only, like yourself, the resources of historical information, but I have more- over the personal knowledge of what has taken place in this Province during the greater part of the half century you refer to. In contradiction of your assertion, I positively affirm that ever since the Union of the Canadas in 1841, no 8ft country on oarth has been blessed with more harmony, peace, good will and kindn«?ss of feeling than the Pro- vi:ioe of Quebec. When responsible ffoverninent was granted us by the mother country, tin* peopl*^ ol' Lower Canada, of I'onner days, settled down with loyalty and good hiith to the practise orsell-govenunent. ()1 course, there were diflerences of opinion. At times there was considerable political activity. J*ublic (piestioiis were discussed. The pt'o[)le met to consider matters of general interest. They spokt* freely ; they voted like- wise. \n doing all this, they were surely acting within their constitutional rights. Ihit, all the wliil«\ «|uiet, order, respect of law an saun' down hore. lUit, vvIumi I hav<» thonijhi. spokon, vvritttMi and voted, the way 1 < (msider hest lor my (jonnlry. I do not follow your very bad example, and threattni my neii^hhour with the loss of his legitimate political inllnence, because he thinks, speaks, writes and votes dilFerently. Sir, I am the more surprised at your wholesale denunciation of the political course of my French- Canadian countrymen sinct; the Union of the Canadas, in 1841, that you are surely one of the last men from ■whom it could possibly have been expected. I will take the li})erty to refresh your memory on several important points. Perhaps will you then be a more reliable reader of historical events. As you know, lor the last half century, evei since the granting of responsible government to Canada, the French-Canadians have been divided between the two great political parties. If I am not mistaken, and if I read history with some attention, it seems to me that the same political phenomenon has been seen every- where, in every country blessed with free institutions, in Ontario, in all the Provinces of the Dominion, in England, in all the self-governing British Colonies, in France, in the United States, in short all the w^orld over. I have myself sided, as you well know, with the Conservative party. As a rule that party has repre- 85 sont»>(l tho majority of tho FnMioh-Canaditiiis for tht^ last fifty yoars. On tho oth(»r hand, the I n»ral party has always ralli«>oinan, to think and say that he was right and you are wrong. I have no doubt that you will grant me that he had more experience than you had, that his political genius was as great as yours — be it said without disparagement of the amount a generous Providence has allotted to you —that his judg- ment of the wants of the future of the country, that his ability in the art of government were as lar reaching as yours were and are now. And after your two great minds, his and yours, have b^'cn pondering on the best course to follow, you now say that he should have become a fanatic He by far preferred to remain a real statesman to the last. Now that the people of Canada, who have greatly benehtted by the sagacious and patriotic course so magnanimously taken and so per- se veringly followed by Sir John Macdonald, can more properly appreciate how important it was for the future of our glorious Dominion that your present views were not acted upon, they can better judge by the con- sequences which would have followed the adoption of such a policy as you recommiMid, had it heen carried out by the responsil)le advisers of the Crown and by Parliament, compared to those they have witnessed with satisfaction and enjoyed with delight. How <'an you not foresee that your new course is fraught with the greatest dangers. What would be its inevitable result if it was to meet the approval of many ? Any one who has read something of the history of the world — and I suppose you have— can very easily see Canada would have to go through the ordeal of years of religious, national and political strife. Creed 40 would be raised against creed, race against race. For so many years, the prosperity and development of the country would be seriously checked, its energy ham- pered, its happiness destroyed, and very likely, at last, the great union of the Provinces would prove a failure. Thank Gotl, so far the profound sense of duty, the political sagacity, the sound judgment, the wisdom, thi^ prestige of a great statesman, the spirit of justice and [air play, the respect of constitutional rights, which aniinaled the Parliament of Canada, the intelligence and l)atriotism of our free people, have av'^erted the evils which your bad advice, if followed, would bring upon our dear <*ouniry. Happily true statesmanship has prevailed. After having enjoyed the proud satisfaction of the most solemn approval of his course by Parlia- ment and by the ]>eople of Canada, Sir John Macdonald had, moreover, bi^fore the close of his public career and his farewell to his countrymen, of all creeds and races, whom he had so loved and so patriotically served to his last l)reath, the delight of witnessing peace, har- mony, contentment and hopefulness all over the land where he has left so many monuments of the powers of his mind, of the devotion of his heart, of the earnest- ness of his whole soul for the good of his country. That French-Canadian influence, ever since 1841, has been duly considered, not only by Sir John Mac- donald, but also by almost the unanimity of the political leaders of Canada, was only fair and just. How you can reasonably object to it, I would not be able to understand, if you had not kindly condescended to tell 41 the people of the Dominion that hereafter your purpose will be to put an eud to all kind of French-Canadian influence in the history of this country. But, Sir, when you aiKrm that Sir John Macdonald was unduly controlled by the French-Canadian in- fluence, you are once more very unfair to our departed leader, and to my French compatriots. In the discussion and consideration of public questions, my French- Canadian countrymen had the right to their legitimate share of political influence. They have had it, and no more. It is very narrow-minded on your part to find fault with it. Moreover, your contention that Sir John Macdonald was unduly controlled by French-Canadian influence and, conf^oquently, coerced to take a course the very reverse of that which he really believed best for the good of the country of which he was the lead- ing statesman, is altogether without foundation and an outrage to the memory of the great patriot we so long admired, but whom you have evidently ceased to respect, since you pass such judgments upon the motives which guided him. I feel confident that the many thousand electors who will read this letter, irrespective of creed and racial consideration, will approve of the remarks I have just made. Let every well wisher of the great future of this wide Dominion rejoice ar the glorious fact that the good sense and the sound patriotism of our people, throughout the length and breadth of Canada, have so far triumphed over prejudice and misguided personal ambition, and have spared to our country the misery 42 its most devoted and ablest servant so strongly always prophesied would be the awful result of the course you now advise. After your remarks at Toronto, I would have been recreant to my duty, if I had not proved that your charges against Sir John Macdonald, that he was dominated bv undue French-Canadian influence, and against my compatriots, for having acted as you said they did, were without the slightest shadow of reason- able evidence, and only based upon the prejudices which evidently have swayed your mind for sometime past. Let me appeal once more to your calmer reason, on- lightened by the events of the last few years, to the natural and generous impulse of your heart. Let me ask you, for our country's sake, for its future happiness and grandeur, to reconsider the decision you have un- fortunately arrived at, to follow a more patriotic course, and to cheerfully join hands with all the friends and lovers of freedom, irrespective of creed or race, and of party interests, to work out the great destinies which will be the glorious lot of this Dominion, if w^e are all true to our common country, to ourselves, and to our duties as freemen, as loyal British subjects ! One or two other ppints of your Toronto speech, it is my bounded duty to criticize next week, and I will bring those open letters to a close. Please believe me, with personal regard, Yours very sincerely, L. G. Desjardins, Late M. P. for L'Islet. Quebec, May 10, 1893. "" ■'? . " jj FOURTH OPEN LETTER. Dear :^ir, I see by the report of your speech, that in a moment of enthusiasm, which is easily understood, you elo- quently pointed to the words : " Equal Rights for All," which occupied a prominent place in the decorations of the crowded hall where you addressed a very intel- ligent and patriotic audience, such as always meet in the prosperous city of Toronto to hear public questions discussed, and that you very properly exclaimed : " But, Sir, the issue to which I desire to draw your attention is that wiiich that motto brings to my mind." I am sure you carried the meeting by this clever appeal to the sense of justice of all those who were attentively listening to you. I have no doubt you were warmly applauded, as you would be anywhere in Canada, even in the remotest part of this Province of Quebec, of which you think so little. If you are sincere, and if " Equal Rights for AH" is really the great issue you wish the electorate of the Dominion to pronounce upon, you will receive the unanimous support of my French-Canadian country- men, on the only condition that they will enjoy the advantages to be derived from the sound principle you say should govern our country. But, Sir, do not wonder that before throwing their lot with you, they will ask :ii: 44 you to be kind enough to explain what you mean by the motto you pointed at. Do you not consider that, after your solemn pledge that, if you live, your purpose will he to put forever an end to French-Canadian influence in the history of this country, your sentence, above quoted, is rather strang'e reading ? What a splendid application of the principle you promised your audience to battle for, you are making" in striving, to the best of your admitted ability, to practically disfran- chise a million and a half of your countrymen, one- third of the loyal population of this Dominion. If you were to achieve such a success, in 3'our new crusade, would you be able to congratulate yourself upon the triumph of " Equal liights for All," as the result of your patriotic labors ? Sir, let me tell you that the French-Canadians are, have always been in th(» past, and will be in the future, amongst the staunchest supporters of a true and honest policy of " Equal Rights." They know that, as Chris- tians, as freemen, and as British subjects, it is their bounden and sacred duty to uphold such a policy, in obedience to moral law, as well as to the inspiration of their unswerving loyalty to their Sovereign and to their country. What they have sworn to do unio others, they have the right to claim should be done unto them. You are, so far, the only politician of an)'" standing in this wide Dominion, who has solemnly taken the re- sponsibility of denying them that undoubted right. They confidently hope, more for the country's good at large, than for their own sake, that you will be the 46 first and last, and that until j'ou reach the day which wilLclose your earthly career.'fyou will ho ^thc only man living, under the protection ol' British laws and freedom, for the very inglorious purpose of depriving a million and a half of the most loyal suhjects ol' our Gracious Queen ol'all their constitutional privileges. Please also allow me to quoti; I'rom your speech, the following sentence : '' Now, I have stated luslbre, and I repeat here to- night, thiit no one imagines a more insane project than to start a young country, a great country, as we hope, this yet will be, on the basis ol'continuing two sei)arate languages, and consequently two separate nationaHlies." Previous to that outburst of your indignation at the project you gently consider as an insane one, you are also reported to have said, referring to a debate in the House of Commons on the North-West policy of the Government : " I wound up my speech by saying it was a danger to Confederation, the attempt of the French-Canadian people to perpetuate their nationality and divide the people into two separate and distinct bodies." Sir, it seems to me you have been hitting rather high by these sentences, for if there is any insanity in the fact of the existence in Canada of two separate nation- alities under the same constitution and the same Sovereign power, Providence is alone responsible for it, and not. likely to beg your pardon for what you evidently consider a serious offenee. When the long struggle of England and France for supremacy in this ! t 46 North-Amorican CoiitiruMit closed by tho linal triumph of the former, when Wolfo and Montcalm both shed thoir blood for the honor of their respective country, you ought to know that there were some sixty thousand French-Canadians settled on the virgin soil of Caiuida. The giorious Hag of England was hoisted al (Quebec. It h;is ever since protected them and the succeeding generations of their kin. Their natural right to live, to till the soil, to be free and happy, was recognized and respected by their new Rulers. They were human. They loved. They married. Their homes, where every day they ])rayed to God in l^rench lor the' safety, the honor, the glory of their new Sov- ereign, were blessed with many children whom they brouiiht up as so many loyal sons of the British P]mpire. They rapidly increased in number. Such was the start of this young, of this great country, on the basis of two separate languages, and consequently tw^o separate nationalities. How would you have prevented it, if you had then lived, with the over generous and liberal notion of the policy of Equal Rights you are now recommending, I would like very much to know, and it is for you to say. Would you have at once torn to pieces the solemn treaty of peace between England and France ? Would you have buried, alive or dead, the sixty thousand F'rench-Canadians who saw with grief the flag of their ancient Mother Country going back over the ocean never to return, but who manly and honestly pledged themselves to be loyal to that of Great Britain ? Would you have trampled under loot 'V ll! 47 « all their roligious, civil iuul political rights? Would you have taken over their property, destroyed their sweet homi,.», chased away the men from the tender embrace of their wives and children, desolated the huid ol" their birth, and written in the history of Great Britain the dark paijes of the destruction ol' a gallant race, vantjuished, but always worthy of I lie respe«-t of the victors, of the admiration of the civilized world? If I may judge by your pn^sent views and feelings, such would have been your \ urpose, for no other course would have been opened to you to previuit the per- petuation of two separate languages and two separate nationalities in Canada. Happily, then and ever since, there were in the Par- liament of free England statesmen more liberal, whoso mind was capable of a more logical conception of equal riffhts than vours. Thev gradually increased the consti- tutional privileges of the French-Canadians, so much so that, in 1841, my compatriots were granted com- plete self-government as enjoyed by British subjects. Canadian statesmen have since followed the noble example given them by the leaders of the Imperial Parliament. So it is that duality of language and nationality has been perpetuated in this young country, which, please believe me, is only the greater and the more glorious by the fact that under the jrgis of its free institutions, men of diflferent races and creeds can live happy and prosperous, rivaling only in their patriotic exertions for its oreatness, and in their loyalty 48 to the authority of tho Crown thoy havo all Kwoni to (lelciul. But, Sir, will you ploaso kindly I'ollow mo in a short jt'trospect ol th« history ol tlio British Euipiro, and ])(Mhaps will you com*', iiko.niyscir, to tho conclusion tliat, alter all, tlit^ atlcniiit to pcrpi'tuatc duality of language and nationali'y in this younu: country is not so insane a project as you believe. Without claiming the merit of hein*^ as sound and clever a reader of historical events as you are, 1 suppose I can, now and then, take the liberty of givini^ some of my leisure hours to the study of the onward march of the civiliz 'd world, and part cularly of that larji'e part of mankind living under tie Sovereign Power of England in the live great divisions of the universe. My humble way of reading histoiy, from a somewhat philosophical point of view, has tau :^ht me that England, after more than a century of wonderful efforts, has succeeded in build- ing up the greatest empire ever seen, precisely by the broad policy of giving full scope, not only to duality, but even to diversity of nationality and language, in its newly acquired Dominions. If I remember well, once the United Kingdom of Great Britain was divided into three Sovereign States, England, Scotland and Ireland. If I am not mistaken — and if I am vou can call to your assistance your superior historical knowledge to correct me — the fun- damental basis of the marvellous Imperial structure, which is the wonder of the world, was the union of 40 those thn?e iiuloptMidout States. All tho j^rcut British fitatesmon havo n<^r»HMl, and still aj^jree, in the sound opinion that without the unity of the three ancient kingdoms, the unity of the Empire could not last. IJut when Eniyland and Scotland were hound toi^ether, was it considered an insane pr(»ject to allow the perpetua- tion of the glorious Scotch nationality ? After so many years of that happy and prosperous union, is it not yet being perpetuated ? Are the Scotchmen not as proud as ever of their luitional traditions? If you have any doubt about it, you had better make it your duty to ask the thousands of them y< ii will meet in Ontario, during the campaign you have unde: aken, what are their feelings on that point. So with Ireland. Would not the Ulstermen them- selves join with their countrymen of another creed to protest against any attempt to annihilate Irish nation- ality, Irish traditions, to put a final end to the perpetua- tion of the Irish name in the history of the Empire and of the world ? r "When the authority of the Sovereign of England was extended to the great Indian Empire, was it con- sidered an insane policy to respect the national feelings c£ the numerous millions of that v^'^onderful country ? Have the British statesmen ever consid'^red as a piece of insanity to allow the free use of the many dialects spoken all over the almost boundless Empire they are called upon to govern ? Have they ever looked at the liberty to speak those languages, to che:j.ja and revere 4 50 ^ ' I I i national traditions as a danger and a permanent menace to the maintenance of Britisli Sovereignty over the broad Dominions npon which the sun never sets, but always smiles on prosperous national groups, enjoying the varied advantages of human freedom to tln^ largest extent yet seen since the creation of our planet? Have they not rather believed, with very good reason, that the secret of the grandeur of the British Empire was to be sought and found in that very policy, based upon the immutable principles of eternal justice, which you think very foolish, but which the experience of more than a century have proved to be the most gloriously successful ever adopted ? Since diversity of language and nationality is the rule under the British Crown and the enlightened British policy, will you please tell me why an exception should be made against my French-Canadian country- men? Why should you be less liberal towards them than you are for the remnants of the Indian tribes of old, whom the Canadian Parliament has enfranchised and called to the dignity of freemen and of British citizenship ? Since you consider it a public duty to allow the Indians of the North-West to perpetuate themselves ; since you vote large sums of money every year to protect them, to educate them, to civilize them, if pos- sible, all that in acknowledgment of their natural right to live and die in the land where they have seen the light of day, in the name of what morals, of what .4SS.. TtMW i U'. W 51 priuciplos can you deny the same undoubted privilegeK to the Freuch-Cauadiaus V A barbarian from the darkest corner oi' AlVica is protocted and at liberty the A'ery moment he has his loot on the free soil of the British Empire, if he swears allegiance to the Crown, if he obeys the laws of the laud, if he qualihes himself to fuliil the responsible duties of a citizen. Why should not a French-Canadian be so respected and kindly welcomed anywhere under the sun ? Now, let us go for a moment beyond the limits of the British Empire, and what do we find '^ Not only duality, but diversity of languajjes and nationalities exist iu nearly all the most powerful countries in the world. Look at the great German Empire, and its numerous groups, at the Austrian Empire, with its two g-reat national divisions, at Sweden and Norway, united under the same king, but each of these two countries having its own Grov-^rnment, its own consti- tution, its own code of laws. lieturn to our own con- tinent, and throw a glance over the boundary line. Do you not hear divers languages freely spoken over the broad extent of the American Republic. Do you not see numerous national groups, many of them yearly increasing in large proportions, the Yankee, the English, the Scotch, the Irish, the Italians, the Aus- trians, the Russians, the French, the Sw^edes, the Norwegians, the Danes, the Germans ; the latter alone actually numbtn-ing perhaps more than fifteen millions, a whole people by themselves, speaking their own hiother tongue, having- daily their own national papers edited in German and circulated by millions. If the different national groups, for such they really are, of the once separated States of Prussia, Bavaria, kSaxony, Wurttemberg, Baden, Hesse, etc., could, without being charged with attempting an insane project, unite togetherunder their constitution of 1871, to organize one of the great ruling Powers of our times ; if Swedes and Norwegians can, without being consi- dered desperately insane, perpetuate their nationalities under the same Royal authority ; if Austrians and Hungarians can, without for so doing, run the danger of being all confined in insane asylums, live happy and contented under the rule of the same Emperor, enjoying their respective constitutional privileges, — the first charter of Hungary, called by the historic name of " Bulla Aurea," granted by King Andrew^ II., dating as far back as 1222 — if nearly all the European nation- alities can be re])resented by their descendants under the Hag of the United States ; can you possibly give me the shadow of a sensible reason why the same glorious political phenomenon could not be perpetuated in Canada ? Do you know of a small Island called Jersey, a very loyal country not far off from England, governed by Our Most Grracious Queen, w^here the French language is yet the national tongue of the population ? Sir, are we to understand that you undertake the gieac worK to realize unity of race, of language and of creed In the British Empire ? Let me tell you that you are begiriniug many centuries too late, and that you cannot possibly live long enough to even see the very distant dawn of the success of your political scheme. You had better believe me. it is altogether a chimerical idea, a preposterous plan. If you were called upon to occupy the honorable position of Prime Minister of Canada, would you adopt the emigration policy that no man from Europe, or elsewhere, would be allowed to become a loyal British subject, and a true Canadian at heart, if he would not bind himself to give up his native tongue, his religious creed, and to alter, I cannot understand by what mira- culous means, the blood Ihiu runs in his veins ? Sir, you have added insult to cruelty in speaking at Toronto of my French compatriots. It was unworthy of your intelligence and unworthy of your standing as a public man, to scornfully sneer at them about what you called with derision the " prosperous ways of the Pro .ince of Quebec, its advancing intelligence, all those things which add such brightness and glory to the Canadian scene." What have they done to deserve such treatment at your hands ? If your heart and mind were not now closed to all fairness by prejudice, you would admit that the fact that the sixty thousand French-Canadians living a few years more than a century ago, have increased to a million and a half in Canada alone ; that their children of successive generations have settled the many millions of acres of 54 i! land of which they are the owners, have engaged by thousands, and with success, in prol'essional, commer- cial and industrial pursuits, that they have produced political leaders of talent, ol great intelligenije, ol" mast- erly elocjU(Mice, that they have always been loyal and law-abiding, is greatly to the credit of my compatriots. You would concur in the opinion of all right-thinking and high-minded men, that, for what they have accom- plished, in spite of all the difficulties they had to contend with, they are entitled to the consideration and the friendly esteem of all their countrymen, of whatever race and creed they may be. I will speak my mind openly to the last word of these letters, as I have done all my life in discussing public matters. Sir, do not conclude, irom all I have said in my criticism of your speech, that I have the least apprehension for the future of my French-Cana- dian countrymen, in consequence of your new depar- ture. I am sure that if I had, 1 would be most unfair to my intelligent and patriotic countrymen of the groat Province of Ontario. I know them well enough to be convinced, to the very bottom of my heart, that they will not be carried away by your appeals to pre- judices and fanaticism. They will calmly listen to your arguments, they will weigh them in the balance of justice and of lair play, and from Sarnia to the eastern limit of the fair land of Ontario, blessed with so many gifts of Him who is the Creator of all nationalities and languages on earth, you will find very few to join with you for the purpose of depriving my French il 5ft compatriots of all their constitutiomil rights. If you persist in that very bad course, you will soou bt» lelt alone and given plenty of time to repent having ruined the bright political prospects which once were yours. I feel confident that my French-Canadian compatriots will not vainly appeal to the fairness and the kind feeling's of the electors of Ontario, and of ail the other Provinces of the Dominion. From British Columbia to Prince Edward Island, a powerful wave of popular opinion will easily check the under currents of creed and racial prejudices, vainly stirred up by disa[)pointed ambition, unworthy motives, and dangerous ospirations. Our dear country will be spared the years of religious and national strife it is your purpose to create and foment. In thus addressing you in a fair and courteous criti- cism of your speech in Toronto, it was my duty to avonffc the g-reat statesman Canada lost two years au'o. I must positively affirm that in so doing I was animated not by a particle of partisan feelinn', but by a profound sense of justice to his memory. Sir John Macdonald's fame as a powerful, high-miiuled leader of men, w^on- derfully skilled in the art of government, as a true and sincere patriot, is a national property, a national honor and glory, which opponents and partisans alike, will defend and protect again^;t the aspei'sions of unjust reproaches and of erroneous judgments, wilfully <>r not, passed on the motives and tlie priiicii^les which in- spired him through his very loni:', bat s!i!l far too sh(n't, political career. Like any of us, he had his faults, for 56 i ; I ; I I he was human. But, in his active frame, the heart was good, ever generous, naturally kind, the mind was hirge, the intelligence reached that high degree which is called genius, the soul was all devotedness and patriotism. His most cherished dream was the pros- perity and the grandeur ol" his dear Canada. To that object, to that end, he has given his whole life. For nearly half a century he has battled for justice and fair play to all, for a true and genuine policy of Equal Rights. A British subject he was born, a British sub- ject he died, as he had, a few weeks previous, publicly expressed the hope he would, when he was on the very threshold of eternity. Let him rest in peace and, though gone for ever, enjoy the gratitude of his countrymen, to whom he has given the whole resources of his supe- rior talents. If you are losing faith in the future of your country, go to his grave and, in the midst of the solemn tranquility which mak(vs the surroundings so serene and so impressive, meditate upon the important duties and the great responsibility of a public man, listen to his patriotic inspirations, learn to follow his noble examples. You \\i\\ return from this pious pil- grimage heartened, a better man, a more generous poli- tical leader, a truer friend of a sound policy of " Equal Rights." Only a very few days after the publication of this, my last open letter to you, and all the loyal British sub- jects will unite to celebrate the anniversary which causes so many rejoicings all over the Queen's Domi- nions. I will be allowed to conclude by repeating ■AOw^., / what, at a critical period in our history, I said from my seat in the Leg-islative A.ssoiiibly ol' this IVoviuce. When next wc^ek, on tiio nlorious t\v»'uly-l'ourth ol" May, from all parts of hor vast Empiro, the sound of a mai^ni- licent concert of expressions of loyalty will reacli the foot of the throne, let us send lo llcr Majesty the cheer- ing- news that peace, harmony and happim^ss are si ill reig-ning supreme in Canada. Let us unite in the invo- cation, that long may she live : long may she be happy and glorious ; long mav she eniov the tender affection of her no))l(^ children and the felicity of her royal home ; long may she occupy the magnilicent throne which, lor more than half a century, she has adorned with all the virtues of a great Queen, an aflectionate motli(>r, and a most distinguished woman ; long may she wit- ness the prosperity of her mighty Empire ; long may she rejoice at the new triumphs of Coxstituttoxal Ltbeuty in her broad Dominions ; long may she have the respect, the esteem, the veneration of her devoted, loyal and ever grate I ul subjects ! And, in the name of them all, I can say that of the hundreds of millions of British subjects, none will join more heartily than the French-Canadians in that sin- cere invocation. Please believe me always w^ith personal rerj-ard, Yours very sincerely, L. (t. Des.tardins, Late M. P. for L'Islet. Quebec, May 17, 1808.