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I-M?r- *** "••i^^fl^"*'^^^ , '3.« sicoifD iri«(|TOir.$^l # tft i'» »W *-'- FipU8«Bl» Bt EJUW«#K, KJ^IK AMD CT.j WMfllftrANO i%ri- 3m«flMw» J^yfe'"'^ .1115* .J- «k. ^^ J 'h-M ■■?■* "^ ih^ 'r '=>*ft ;^y. ' ; r ♦ ***i.f . f^'- 's / i- ^'iv^i wna BUMS' o^-^||iM&* >''^VkSfr^i''B)fjiMo Jt^'^*'^'-^'---^-... » -"ll ^*^'; PBEPACE. ^ijn Ik a free covaAxj^ it is ^€j^i^#^^ ^n^ to examine^ mid to jii^ ib^^ai^s -dll^ vei?Biiient Wii^is every ^ |si](«^i^^o^ ef equal ^ta with anotheiilhe^fi^ t^^ c^Oie publki their perwoiil q^ialitiifis, and thek vf- &^^Dduci, 33% of course proper ]OJt|jeets^ m^ a»#pieraon. If ma^fetrntes ate loii«^ J^cient |n talents or ^integnty, tl»y are unfi| Iw 4h^ i^l^^n; and if their ^cial deportment BboA# piro?# i^Ur rlous lo the comrnonw^altfa^ the eiid af #eJHr elevar tion^ not answered, a«4 they should^ # #|irpe, bt disntlBied from their «fl||^oymej)thy>t||^|i(g^ over wboBflr ^ miworth^y r^e. J^^^g^^ Ijiiadidfttes fiir power, i^liBy^^S^j^^^^^ is free^ and any 0lie» who chooses to be ^ tti^ tmu* ble or expense, m^^yi^ his opinions, 98 ^1 af ^ly express thein in the clr^ of Jiis ^n|^ frfends. As this liberty is itnftmail, no il^iati t\^ U cofnplain of Jib ergoy naei^ ^ exeiiOw 1^ anolfteRt IW the mi^lf r^ indeed, in which a pepv son sees proper either t© speak or to wrib. he L amenable, accordmg to the l^ws of courte^ and of equity, to the proper tribunals in chrjli^pd life, Thr , *•*; 'h ^' '>' 1 ft • rtUBTJioK I •^^'Jl-^TLrSe PMtie. contend in the stnfe of WJ". i.. - iyf s« iM ^ificotirses i«>w laid bcfortr ^1 ^^itlii-^^tsi^ not. In the ie^s* "®5''' ' . ^^ ^^ ??SSJ^S«Swon ^-'^'^^ iM power, «"°'Y^rP^ta ft* ttie «.ke of serV* k J4Ut wiltW&f'tJft lana, that IfiaTe »*"" f^ ^^H ^^3 ao.lwdttld bat* though and hold flie sceptre, than » ao^ tftecisely a« I tiavedone- .■M,r-» addressed to christif.iB, *«*» Tftiiiip sermons were aaorew«=" •i.ijwiiiw -^•!!^lii to their tise. they are pnncipaJiy ™ectable numsters of relij^n ^^^.^^^^e^a. i^ the ineiBUresoigo«eTnnH5,i.i ».~;-^---- WP^P?iP* „ipnnjjtiijl|i.im. l^^^ijm *•- />4 SREFAOC a» tiriiel. Mi ?u««nrav<*|4, S^^ the P»«^!}* appeal to «tin«. These iJipJ^ioit ri^wed long be- !w« the pi^lk wUhoianPOIs|«<**caoi)j JBd it ^)^ pcaffid, feom tl)e activity ^f their vai|thor|^ ai^# silenced others, as if 4h«^ i^?^ tinG»iai|| finfi^m^ Jl^On t^ 8|^# 0f ik^ enm^}^l00^J^ Pm^ #8couragea; tt»eir per^fl«|j|^fg^^ pi^yers^ were a|fectea%i|pl^li:^^^^ ^hen (wur mv( «ity was w^4f^ ilfe^l^f*^ W^" 41^t^ jwasioiv so great w^\t% f9r^.,.Ql'j,P5ejudice, ft5l^ iPSny ««» 9i *«^Wi«ent piety d^U^d. whe- ther •*e|^;|:oirfd joiDT together in pvayeiv ff^ cwrag$ i^ jm^ ,^arrwrs, and success io pur arip^ampis^ ^ ord^rip procure a speed^jf, m l^ow^^hlf, umMJ^ mmmt peace, I beheld with al^rjw, the «3^t^n^fl tJi^^viJ of rparty spirit,,,! TieWfdit.^ a iu%[»^ ft-fltgi .tba.l4Qrd,;,aiid I, bei^me %rf^ cloudfi of V. hie. ipdignation mu^t ihickm ai^Mt^|,us-r-^^t i^ Jaan4 |»f the eijenoy^ and a ]^pg,c9P^ipuaip <^ c^aroily would beqon^ neces^dn diving Pro- ifidplice Jp effect fthe nnapiaiity, withow^ which, | am ^ui ^prehensive, we slwll not succeed iii pi^^- ting an end to the contest. I am persuaded, ih^t U requires no more than a display of unanimity in i^sisTiNo A^GGREssioN, to procure at, any tin^ an JiCMwrabJ^ peace. "^hiW the e^^y , exp^ctiS tp ^ Yid^JK^fhouldiie seek to con^akt^I. , . Tfbe principles which I have lai^ dow% and^- forced in these sermonf, are not, liowever, o* mere I,* .: '*' ,' VftSrACE. tempofaiy int«refit. Whether in peace, or at war, ihey nn of imporlance to a christian commumt^r. They are the pamtftneal 4>iiocl|U«B of social order and public equity. If the work contained a sin- 1^ sentimeiit i »:■ 1^ ;if' '■ iff. ro r^jB aEcoND sdetion. Tfill demand for this work; Jar exceeded tto calculaf ions di the Author, tfe Vfs of course 9oip- pelled, in order to supply g]|l|^H|M^, to puil^ another edition. The arr^ngeijient^hjch he |^d6 with the printers for the Wrsl edition i^ere^ also i^ some^degree inaccurate. He was under tlie necessii^ of withholding from the press, for want of room, some passages towaids the ciose of the work. These, although tbey do tiot materially affect the argtl- ment, are restored in this edition. The author avails himself of this opportunity congratulating his readers upon the happy return of the desired peace. Long may we enj<^, with grati- tude to our God, its numerous blessings. Jts terms are liberal and just. No false principle is admitted: no right, on either side, is violated. The enemy, had he been inclined to peace, might have had the same terms, at any hour since the commencement of hostilities : and, if he had seen proper to prolong the contest for years, it is not probable he could have realized his first demands at Ghent. Had he speedily met our commissioners with a spirit of equity and conciliation, he might have spared us som^ blood and treasure : and he would have saved for ^1 ADVERTISEMENT. to«elf««.*ofboth.a,well.B.thatwWchktoh^^^^^^ ™,at importance-^ mUUarn renam. »«»"»»'■ &itotherw«e. The angel of the covenant who BOtwithstanding our iniquities. P^"***' '" T^",^ Z.r the destinies of our free and ^appy >«nd l^d decreed, that the enemy should send hu veleram. STthe Atlantic. «"»' t'!«\t"'rthe J'oT f for the purpose of transferring them to the brow ot XScanLoes. who fought and conquered .n vm- S^of the injured rights of the^^eountry^J^ theooncludingblowof the war we ^^f'&^ lee that our «rfu»ai rights Aall not agam be raahly fa^ad^d. Thebattle of Orleans cminot be forgoHen. wSfwe live to enjoy the benefits ^^^^ tton. and hold in honourable rec^ectmn the deeds rfie^ldier, let us be grateful t»m«. whog<»>e tuZeto Jrvarriors and mem % o-r «r«««e«b. Tfe as seemed to himself both wise and good. ^tkc Lard fvithfear, «»d rgmce mth trembbng. Be mdkHk tv»s to etasc unto the e^ if tht tarlK New-Tork, March I, lil5- pp mi^mwf . (■■/*.•• till* mscouRsss, »« «.* \^^ AmuM^ mid^mntif AmmpQ Umiit seir$ S/^fimJllKI^ U»»0i^^u Jloek ; ma^ ike l^fdmid anlii Mli ^ 1rii£ iRtfij«et, n^i^b I propose for diaeuMdon iDft series of discourses to be delivered on ibis fiout of the Lord's da^r, has always been considered as 1/- iiij| £sdrs, anticipate from a judicious audience the qu«i^ t|on once addreseed to our Saviour, although I am 2 w THE l^lOHT 0» iBiiCnSSlKO If. confident 1* will be proposed in quite a dlSeretit ipnii flora that which infWenced the Jewish iul^^ 3y rblatauihorUy doest thott these ikingsf and wh^ gave thee this avihfntyf* U- Piih "It is a wide space, christians, that^ separates the line of coiduct which would subject ♦, '6 public mi- nistry of the church to the opinions of men, from that, which treats with contiBm|)t the sentittients of t |ii-eS(|)ectable pan of the community^ Virtus est wf- iMih mimm4 Thbugh f #511 not be M^ftedb^ Ijk^pmir ojwaibi^^ frorir pfoseculiiig M^ ftufcjcd^ 1 *yt Itiiiy dtilfftjir^jrf^ith telid^^ ttUd eve« r^ct, th^ prey«4i^i ^f ><»h»abl6 men* ^^m^ fdre ao i ^efefce a dii^iWi^ii irhfch ttiay 1m $ cer^ tlifta i^iie be ierrtfed pdt«iwii, #Stll «i esiW bltitm of tiie authority un«ter wMch/ iil-^^s InsiMiflei i act. Far be it from me to asiert the right of ensta?ing #^iiMlr«f itty*h#am«^ifeto passiw cb««©ii*^ dsieeiddl^l <^iffl8 ,- lift^ 'i^jIJ^ * ^n audienc©, vrt«feh%tt|h^'l^ %e %«ao»#^d wHh chrfstlaw diBcerK- it!«fit, by ail effijrt at broW^beatii^ the mosihumbfo «f niyi^Udw-nben. 'Myupologf ia found in the wowfe il .^mos the prdphel. *;,,.?.( Some^spf^natioil is flecesssry to con^^reheod till t^eti fji my^teK. Tlie writer wasw nRtif?e «f Ta* ktid) a smaM ttt^rt ftdjiciefil? tfr the wiWerness of Jtt* Ml Here W|>assed hiia^arly yeats, in a^ndiig kii flocks, atid in gatbe^i]^ ki its season, ^ Dgyp^ * Mark si. 2«. t Ctoeio. <«vjiMiCi.4^rvAift|. ■W aa9%, leoQimanl^ called. i«^«^<>re/ntf^.Ji|j^h»g jMstpi^l 1^ Amos, pkkUff aiidrifiJ^Uig^nl^.^^^^ ilrtjiaiipf Mmi^ticity w^c^i Is iui^ciill^vr«s8ed/% )^ faaddious distuietions of raoiee j^li^d !»^iety, ^ did not belong to the legularly authorized instruc- tors 6I,^>« cburcb, nor was be edui:aJe^io their tbeo- logical schools, mither a proph^ ^or dpr€^h^'s^ sqn j huts» before be entered upon bis public work, he had more i than ?a» equivalent %* systematic study, find ordinary kiductios into titfiici^^ bf wa9 divi«ely caj^d and qualified by> liispiration, f^r an ^«iM"a<»'diflaff tnisffliiH)^ to the apo8t«tl9ii/ng t^be/i of IssCS^^U JIf f^p «ftikd 4o the prophetic o%e wb«n tl^ kingclpin ^ Ifae- l«n tribes was in its utmoist splendour and pQ)?^r msi tinder the second Jeroboaiiv upwards of i^ iHindred and ^y^ years after its election* ujsider ^ i^ist king of the ss^e name. ^ "ik' ^W tbrose of ia^l bad j^eo reoioired tat stilt ^die^kif^ maintained a cel«al Betbel,(t cityj)ec:r deirkafg upon tbe kit^dam of Judabi no^ m wkkk the first Jeroboain bad establ^ied the worship of the golden calf for the purpose of , preventing the Israelites from returning to the altar at Jerusalem. TMimmy aiicceasful ipsmgent, a despisejc hiinj^lf of the wcrship of the tTue i^iQ^ was an observer of ^uon^ nalme andoChuzrtaiipMJwdicea, ai>d wettunderstojad Umi lo^ortance of > sopae ^fojrm ^ religmq, (jD^hetbii' l^e 4lr ffdset vi^li^Mn iiDinalfipAl^ a| au ec^pla^^ state policy and be made no serwoles to emolov M ■.**''. Ir^ 12 THE Riimiot tmmmjiG ^i roi«i»d by #H tlie tribes w tb^ jo^ie,ol4iie twdartifc aWe Tisioa cf 4bev ^tiier Jao(^, w^ contiimeil ai^ ^nci|ialf%b|jf derctson, and decomted tri^ a royal «otirti an t>pulent.hierardiy, and a iplendid ■t^' :' -^i : ». WbcB Amos the propel vkitodr ^4i«iiie direc. t^D, Ibia^ity, Ainaziah was at tbe^httd of 4be reM- #^ estaiblisbed by law, and injyreat fayow^w^ the €#url'And tbev Icing.i ResentiDg tbc^ ifeedom wkb i^^bkti ibe miiifeteriof tiie Iiord tpuckeduponlberal- £i^ of ^ate^^Amamb accused Amos of tmaso^l ^gMttst lewlmdi^ iiiid M^i«^ him out of the kiBf, d&m. The wfaid^ (caM ii^^ rcprosenied in lbi& cbapteK from the 8tb T)ei«ei rts>m f^ ,^ ^ AliMw hi^ denoimcdl #9tfa the i-eligion apd o|o- tetwaefi* of Israel^ and: ^predicted their dolvnCd^ ^ftrse a The^mmvariti tf Isradshamim laid rmsi^ (. t ^ Ji''»*< '■« i ■■■H-^i: The ^Wef'^Hest ««. ©orson.,««rb»ther«^a«,onrtob«^T: brethren m Christ. wh0 bans «i,A,m,titt^13^ .i.»ie. ID orter to partaie with us in the solemnities 14 THE SlW»#r,|pifpj[ssi«i d^ no (J« rtate of thing, {^„t fa, chrisUam, SIS' S^^^T ''"^'^'^ «•«* «Lh MfecUoa,, awlto jke p,^ »W«b they ow* fe^ttem, whA) they bmfe the J««er. bo b^ w^roa^fusa to^knoH.edg^ tb«n at reiriiliir m««^ be^f U^ «h„^h,pf G<«i*o,^Sto«^ «^iMOB «.«en«h« h.»P«worthHy hired Lm ^WW-a to •upp.frt.it; h„t iJ8P th»se who do S «• w^ft, HMttr exjrtjog pirconMancee, upon the to »rt. oqr r^sht ,f mti^dmmg it into the Mtoft tJiittc JirpAm, bristians n Jhould mat our Lord t together ho mureli cmt$, and withJllttW botb our M.a£ter. Jarweinr ^•oinjier ^dtbeiir}. ootpnlir '. .* «-. . 'if^ Hie object bf dtir ministrjr i^^^bere, mw^ smmnaiiiy eipressiBd than iii the i^imlrtjf dur i^ timi^, in graiiting, immediiitely before his ascemiioH mttt heaven, the apbstolicdifcdttimi^tt, Matth.^ m G0ye,merefbre, nnd tmck dli mHons, The Irt^d' m the onginafJ, wfiich w^ i-ender teiiteb,* stei^fi^ more than the difiUsion of Imowl^dge.^ It ^Siveys the Idea offonning discipfes;1and of course Indtfdes an that tnsirucHon in righteousness, which belongs 1*i cunsiians* JyU'i/'fL- It is iiJipossible without perversibn of kanguag^t^ exclude from such instruction etfery thte^ whia h^s srpdiiticalbeanng. -VHnisters . Authorized to go throughout the florid, and thus instruct ajl natitSu ■^ Mi«^7,»r«7£. «w>'Vf t". 16 THE mmmrmmmme plished until nations, a« such, shall have submiited^^te the rale of righteousness. Individuals, indeed, inay ^y be organited, and enlarged, and comforted ; aUd even bodies politk |l»y «»porie«».'90^ lage Mtii the christian religimi ; in ail these mBUm- titM^m^hanimf »f <»ier^Be!§»is pfttwotedidn mt^; ItMH «ie<)biefet ^ 4h» inWi^ ^^wdft'Wf^^^^ i*®*»Pw* of dtei!5tJ^«*^- if *^ tflon i^bf any use to* this world, or in the woiM to c^me, it fe usefbl for man, in every t^»tH)nr# if christian dir '^Lukim. 14. M PUBLIC AFFAIRS. 17 Vines have no right to apply the principles of re- vealed religion to the concerns of civil life ? 2. The scriptural history cannot be explained or applied without touching on political topics. The sacred writers treated of the public concerns of their own, and of preceding ages, and have set us the example. Deny us the right of expressing political sentiments, aad.of remarking upon national conduct and events, apd a gre»l .part of the sacred volume will necessarily remain unexplained^ ^be- fore our eyes, and comparatively useless. Every man, who believes in the providence of God, will admit that all true history is worthy of attention as a developement of the divine government over hu- man affairs ; as an exposition of the principles of hu- man action ; and as a record of facts and events use- ful for the direction of our conduct in every situa- tion of life : and shall we not be permitted to avail ourselves of such aid in the instruction of the seve- ral ranks of our hearers ? We are assured, by the in- spired writers, that national concerns are made sub- ordinate to the interests of true religion: and it is obvious to all, that there is an intimate connexion between political events, and the interests of the christian church. Where, then, is the propriety of scaling up our lips, that we may not speak of the di- vine providence, or point out the agency of our Saviour in overruling, for the good of Zion, the changes which take place among the nations of the earth? I' te THE mOHT OF DISCTSSINO 3. The prophecies of scripture can neTer be ex- plained without potitical discussion^ The prospective history conftaibed in the bible, as well as the narration of past e?^fiits, interwcayes the story of the rise and fall of empire, with that of the church of <5od; and the whole is employed for the purpose of instructuig the saints, and of supportii^ their hopes^nd benerolent exertions. The educa- tion of believers, olf which the , bible is unquestiow- ably the perfect standard, cannot correspond with their diversified condhions, temptations, and duties, if all their dvil relations be excluded from consi- deration, and their pastors utterly prohibited from expounding those portions of scripture which exhibit mankind ki their collectlv^e capacity and character, individual man is certainly a very interesting object ©f attention and study. The christian, from the first moments of his spiritual life ; throughout the whole progress of this his iiew and better nature to the per- fection of the man of God ; in the trying hour of his separation fi^m the world ; and in his future state of endless enjoyment; furnishes the public teachers and private members of the cburdh, witii abundant matter of useful discourse and reflection: but, the social concerns of the rational creature, as they occupy a great portion of our time; give ex- ercise to all our powers; and affect all our duties And eiyoyments; must not be forgotten in the ap- plication of the word of truth, to the moral part of the tenants of this world, who are preparing Wuicb we hupe to enter when PUBLIC AFFAIRS. 1» our pilgrimage is finished. No man can be permit- ted to explain the prophecies which are already ac- complished, unless he be allowed to apply the fact to the prediction : and for the saaie reason, ihom, which are now fulfiMing, or hereafter to be fulfilled, cannot be pointed out to tlie (k-iends of religion, un- less we have a right to bring into view in our public ministrations great political events and characters. Let the experiment be made upon the books written by Daniel and John, attd the trutli of my assertion will be universally confessed. H'*- 4. A more copious and conclusive argument in support of our right, to preach what may, iq a cer- tain sense, be denominated politics, is derived froni the precepts of inspiration which we are required to proclaim to the world. The priest's lips shaMkeep knowledge, and they should seek the law at his mouth, for he is the messenger of the Lord of hosts,* It will not, I hope, be denied, that christian minis- ters have a right to make the commandments of their God a subject of discussion. The law is holy, and ihe commandment holy, and just, and good.f There is, I admit, some danger of abusing this and every other right which we possess; and for such abuse we de- serve conection. In proportion, too, to the danger ^f misrepresenting the word of truth, should be our * Mai. ii. 7. t Rom. Til. 12. ■r-'v 20 THfi RIOHT OP DI8CUSAING caution in the selection and discussion of subject* before the public. Thia caution is peculiarly neces- sary for thoie ministers who venture upon political remarks. Our own partialities are apt to betray us into error. The acuteness of an independent people, alive to their political interests, is waiting to detect our aberrations. A feverish sensibility, inseparable from the deep intrigues of selfish policy, renders a few incapable of hearing without misapprehension, and of speaking without misrepresentation. Some have swerved from a good conscience^ and have turned aside unto vain jangling ; desiring to he teachers of the law ; understanding neither what they say nor whereof they affirm. But we ki^om that the law is good if a tnan use it lawfully,* And it is impossible to make any use of some parts of the divine law, without enter- ing upon discussions that may be termed political. If I can show to you, my christian brethren, from this volume, by which alone you are bound to try my ministry among you, that the law of God gives directions about the several great concerns of civil polity, you will not again call in question my right, to declare, from this place, the duty required of us in relation to civil life. Bear with me, for a little, and I shall (^[uote for your inspection passages, which prescribe Hie mode of constituting civil rulers — The character of such as administer the governments- The duty of the constituted authorities — TTie conduct proper upon the part of 5M&/«cfo— passages which * 1 Tim. i. 5—8. " ^.»r. I PUBLIC APFAIItl. 21 >j Beprove them who confer power improperl^-^nd Threaten maf(tstrates who are unmindful of their high obligations. n All these are political doctrines, which the Gorer- nor of the universe commands us to teach to the nations of the earth. 1. The mode of constituting rulers, is by electing, to the several departments of state, suitable charac- ters from among the people over whom they are to exercise authority. Exod. xviii. 21. Thou shall pro- vide out of all the people able men, such as fear Gody men of truth, hating covetmsness, and place such otter them to be rulers. The chief concern of ?» nation in forming its arrangements, ought to be the wise and equitable distribution of power into proper hands. The divine rule for doing this, now quoted, has never been surpassed. It is adapted to every na- tion; and its excellence obvious to every man of understanding. The prerequisites, in a candidate for power, are plainly stated. They are four, capa- city, piety, integrity, and disinterestedness. They appear, too, in the order of their relative impor- tance. First, capacity— a6/e men. The ignorant, ' the feeble, the foolish, and the insane, are discarded, as obviously unfit to bear office among rational be- ings. Second, pieiy—such as fear God. The scep- tic, the vicious, and the profane, are rejected from authority over the accountable subjects of the di- vine moral government. Third, inteffritv— th^, nf 22 THE IliaHT or DISCVISING m inUh. The ambitious, the dissembler, and the hy^ pocrite, being unprincipled, are dangerous and un- worthy of trust. Fourth, disinterestedness — halhig covelousness. The selfish, and tlie mercenary man, would sacrifice the public good at the shrine of an individual servant. The general maxim of polity, from which all these directions flow, is, that no provisions of a constitution of government,, however wisely adopted, can pre- serve the liberties and promote fhe good of society, unless they be administered by suitable officers. Measures, Ihe object; and, for their sakes, proper men. In this view,. I consider as correct, the decla- ration of a great parliamentary orator, " How vain then, how idle, bow presumptuous is the opinion, that laws can do every thing ? and how weak and pernicious the maxim founded upon it, that mea- sures, not men, are to be attended to !"* 2. The character, to be supported by those who are in power in any commonwealth, is expressly pre- scribed, 2 Sam. xxiii. 3. The God of Israel said- He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God. If government be instituted for the good of the community, and not for the pleasure of an in- dividual, as tht! dnme law declares, and common sense admits, piov ?ioi? ought to be made for the # Fox's Hist. Phil. 1808, page 14. PtJBLIC AfFAIKS. 23 ipeedy renaoval of a public scirant wlio is unvTor^ thy of the trust reposed in bim. The Jaw must pf course be applied to his charactc r during the whol© period of his contiimante in oflice. If he cannot bearihe test, a jnore wortliy pensonage ought to be selected in order to occupy in his room. In vain would the divine law appoint a criterion, unless it were proper to dispossess the occupant who could not erJur. its application. The constitution of go- vr« «ment, which requires base men, or those other- wise disqualified for the duties of a high station, to continue in power for life, is on that very accouot inconsistent with the bible. The criterion spcci^^d in the passage before you, is both obvious and of easy application. It is twofold— ^/Wnew to men, and reverence for their Creator, He that ruleth over men- moral agents united by social ties, during the time he continues in power, must, of necessity, eJ^bibit these qualifications. If he be unjust to men, these men ought, for their own sakes, to dispossess him : and if he have no respect for the Creator, men, ac- countable to him who is worthy of esteem and fear, ought, in testimony of their allegiance lo the almigh- ty Governor of nations, to remove from influence and b ,>rour the despiser of his name and law. 3.'It is required of the constituted authorities of a nation, that they officially recognize the christian religion, and cherish the interests of the church of Jesus Christ* Psalm ii. 10, 12. Be wise, now, there- fore, O ye kings; he instructed, ye judges of the 24 THE JWG|iT!! OF DIS0USSIN<> earth. Serve the Lqrd rvHh fear— Kiss the Son kit he he angry. As it is the will of God, declared in the constitu- tion of human nati^re, and in the circumstances of human life, as well as iu the scriptures, that men should associate uttder suitable regulations, he pre- scribes for those, who frame and execute laws in a commonwealth so formed, their duty in relation to himself their sovereign Lord, almighty Protector,^ and omniscient Judge. It is their wisdom to comply-^to hear, understand, and obey his divine injunctions, l-evealed in the christian religion. I \ 4. The course of conduct, becoming the subjects of such equitable and righteous rulers, is also pointed out, and the reason upon which it is founded, is con- nected with the precept. Rom. xiii. 1, 5j 6. Lei every soul be subject unto the higher powers j for there is no power but of God: the powers that be are or- dained of God. Wherefore ye'musl needs be subjeel, not mlyfor wraths but for cotmience sake. For this cause, pay ye tribute also: for they are God's minis- ters attending continually on this very thing. The duty specified is conscientious submission : that submission to be expressed by obedience to the law, and the punctual payment of such sums, as are required for the maintenance of public credit, and the support ot the government. The reasons annex- ed are sufficiently forcible. The rulers of the na- PUBLIC AFFAXttS. 25 * tibn; are its public servants, and of course to be ^up- ported by those who appoint them : being appointed, they are the servants of God for the maintenance of moral order; and reverence for him will produiie respect for Umm^ Thfey are ordained of God. They are God»s ministers, attending continually on this very thing." The conti-oversy, about the divim right of both the MITRE and the crown, is passin^x rapidly into ob- livion. Tlie theory of civil polity, is from the scrip, lures, very easily understood. The formation of constitutions, and the election of office^-s, are the work of the community; and thus, government is the ^rdiname of man. Jehovah, the God of order and equity, approves of the civil association formed upon moral principles, and sanctions with his own high authority the proper exercise of legitimate power. Thus, government is the ordinanee of God. 1 Pet. ii. 13—15. 8id)mit yourselves to tvery ordinance of man whether it be to the king or unto governors, for so is the will of God. Ron., xiii. 2. Whosoever, therefore, reststeth the power, resislcth the ordinance of God. 5. The Sovereign of the universe threatens with his divine displeasure, those who contrive and main- tain governments, otherwise than upon true moral principles. Hos. viii. 3, 4, 13. Israel hath east off the thing that is good: the enemy shall pursue him.. They have set up kings, hut not by me ; they have made -^ ' ' "'"" ^ '^•'^^•'*' »* «y«' ^"^ow ma he remember tticir tmquities, and visit their sins. 26 TH« HIOHT OF DtgCUSSING In this chapter, the sin of creating and maintaining an immoi-al system of civil p-lity is connected with that of an abuse of religion. It wa? the crinie of Is- rael, as well as of other nations, both ancient and modern, to couple t<^ther an abuse of religion and government into ©ne complex system of impiety and misrule. Tl# has always . een effected by the evil management of designing men, who availed them- selves of the ^iiorance, the apathy, and the vices of the people at large, in order to promote their own schemes of ambitioB. But these are not alone in the blame. The hard in his word declares the whole community guilty, and threatens them with deserved punishment. His providence is a continual com- mentary upon the declaration, and a constant execu- tion of the threatening. The body of a nation suf- fers under bad government. The fact cannot be dis- puted. The justness of this measure is easily shown. The population of a country bave the power. They can, if they will, pull down, build up, alter, and amend the system of social order. When they sub- mit to thrones of iniquity which frame mischief hy law, their condition is not merely a state of suffering which we may pity, but also a fault which we are to blame. If through neglect or discord, they do not co-operate in reform, suffer they justly must. Shall not the Judge of all the earth do right ? 6. Civil rulers who neglect their duty, and abuse their power, are also threatened with divine judg- iilCUlS. T»^^i.^ v^lxT on O'i ShnJI fJip. throne ofini- quity have fellowship with thee, which frameth mischief ...,/:.■, j-,„ Ji. PUBLIC AFFiklli*. 27 by alamrmishdllbring npon t^em ikeir mn inifui- ty, andshaltmt them off in their onm wickedness/ yea, the Lord our God shall cid them off. Iniquity is displeftsing to % Lord, because it is cofltrary to his nature. The splendourof human great- ness, and the pomp of human power/although they dazzle our eyes and impose upon our credulity, will not prevent him from judging righteously ; and the greatness of the mischief, consequent upon the ti-ans- gressions of men in power, iastead of screening them from detection, will increase their condemna- tion. Elevated as the higher ranks of life, are above the censures of the community, and unrestrained as is their consequent indulgence in crime, they can- not escape with impunity from him who refuses fel- lowship with them in their illegitimate authority. "Hath he said, and shall he not do it? or hath he spoken, and shall he not make it good ?"* In these judgments, which are inflicted upon those who neglect to rule according to the principles of the moral law, however heavy they fall, christians, so far as they aro influenced by scriptural advice and example, will readily acquiesce. O Lord, thou hast ordained them for judgment ; and, O mighty God, thou hast established them for correction. Thou art of purer eyes than to behold evil, and canst not look ftn iniquity,^ Ik XT • ••• . - fHab. i. 12; 13. 2« THE Ria«T OF DISCDSSIiy& Froni this collation, of passages selected from the standard of our faith and practice, and embracing the whole theory of civil polity, you will readily per- ceive the force of my argument in support of the r^fwhichl nowcliim. If the divme law be the rule of our christian ministry, and the scriptures be the bond of connexion between pastor and people,, then have I shown the authority, under which I act in introducing this discussion, to be perfectly com- petent. I claim the privilege of explaining the law of ray God. 1 claim it, too, not merety as a privilege, which I am at liberty to use! It fe not even optional to the ministers of religion whether to use it or not : they are bound by their public instructions, as ambassa- dors for Christ, to raise a voice which shall reach ta both the cottage and the throne, and teach their se- veral occupants their respective duties. " Go" said our arisen Lord to his ministers, when handing ta them their commission, " disciple aU nations, teaching them to observe all things whatsoever I hone command- ere8«ing their own opinions." / Christians are, alas, divided : and the pride of c^- Ppn in their distracted state, does much mischief. It ^the policy of the mere men of this world to keep ^hem divided ; and the god of this world triumphs^ in their want of unanimity and cordiality. If chris- tians did uniformly co-operate, Satan^s servants and kingdom could not prosper. But the professors of religion are divided^ not about politics only ; every doctrine of Christianity, every article of ecclesiastical infer, has been a subject of dispute and contention. Are ttot the ambassadors of Christ at liberty to preach disputed doctrines* and enforce any particu- Ur discipline or rule, even although some professed christians should withhold their assent? Certain pub- lic teachers may, indeed, esteem it convenient to act upon this maxim, and never support any one system of doctrine or of order. These are not the exam- ples of our ministry. Evangelical truths, I know, ate more hnportant, infinitely more important, than, the comiiHOB causes of party contention in politics ^ therefore they require the more attention. When occasion requh es, however, the mere fact, that men are of different politics, ought not to prevent the application of the word <»f God to their disputes* Political morality is ess^tial t© Christianity. c Am I told, that this will do no good : that it will «nly give btlence : that it will alienate the affectionf rtmuc AFFAiia* .*;i- cl one set of pcditicians from ihe pastor : UuH it wUI mar his usefulness; and create persotml enemiet to himself? Who makes these assertiow? M«n who are mild and free from political bias? or men wb» are full of violence and determined to execute the threateoiog? I„ the discharge of my duty, I will fearlessly iiin this risk. I wUl try whether, in tlllt liberal age, the candid investigation of the subject before me, without ungenerous allusion or invective will create me personal enemies. I will make the' experiment, whether it be possible for any minister of religion to prefer the cause of his country to that of Its powerful foe, without provoking the resentmeM of party spirit. If 1 suffer, I am prepared for ft- but 1 do not expect any such treatment. Men of different religious sentiments hear without passion the same sei-mon. Are they, then, more concerned about political than religious truth, and dispos- ed to resent a difference of opinion on that subject, more than on subjects relative to their eternal inter- ests ? 1 cannot, as yet, admit this to be the case. I ^nfidently indulge the hope, that there is more li- berahty, among those who attend upon gospel ordinances, than to deny to us the right, which they exercise themselves, of forming each his own sentt ments, on political morality, and of modestly express- ing them to the world. ^ f » We do not presume to prescribe for you. We do not dictate to you in the choice of public officers. We allow you to .ludge for vour^^U.. w^ .^,.. require of you a similar permission for J- 7^ ^\, 3tl THE RIGHT OF DISCUBSINO upon this subject, whUe we cautiously avoid the^^ use of intemperate language, we have only to ask, that you do justice to our arguments, and to the mo- tives with which they are offered. 5. Obfeciim, «* Political remarks are unfavour* able to devotion; and therefore unsuitable to the pulpit." In endeavouring to obviate this objection, I feel as if I had to encounter the most difficult task which my subject imposes upon me. The devotional feel- ings of many professed christians are so feeble, and have so little foundation in moral principle, that they are readily deranged or removed. Others, who have learned only the rudiments of religion, seldom consider it in any other light than as matter of men- tal comfort to an individual, without having any relation to their improvement and usefulness as members of society. As they would give their at- tention to the things of time, uninfluenced by chris- tian principles, they may wish to fix in the sanctua- ry their attention upon the concerns of eternity, without any reference to a general reformation of either church or state. It is ever to be expected, that those, who are unwilling to consider religiously their political concerns, will be as unwilling to 6«- have religiously in their political transactions. This is the way to produce a separation between the two subjecis. And yet the sepai-ation cannot be complete, unless all christians 'voq secluded from PPBLie AFfArlSf. 3$^ tTcry concern in national politics; and the entii« management devolved upon those, who will not be tempted to think of the bible as the rule, or of piety as the principle, according to which civilidM should act: and where would this end; but in the transfer of the undivided management of national af- fairs into the hands of infidels. The principle of this objection, while it appears to proceed from spiritual-mindedness, is near of kin to the unenlightened devotion of the recluse or the hermit, who retires from the world into a life of so- litude. It approaches monastic holiness more thaa the piety of Abraham, of Elijah, of Daniel, of Paul, and of Jphn the Divine. These were men of piety. Ihey taught, and they practised the duties of politi- cal life, both in peace and in war, without thinking that it injui^d devotion : and even, in the ^irit on the Lord's day, the beloved disciple is directed by his arisen Lord, to write of the contendings and changes of empire. Believe me, brethren, if our religion is of the right description, and exists in a proper measure, we shall certainly be enabled to contemplate the providence of God m all human affairs, and apply the law of God to questions of civil polity, without either en- dangering a pious frame of mind, or engendering the evil passions of worldly politicians. I confess, how- ever, that I feel, at the same time, for the infirmities of the weak; and should be disoosed to avnJH .«^ thing that might bav« a tendency to mr their feebte 40 THE mmX OF J9iSCUSSlN» ^vi^ion, did not duty require of the ambassador* of. a»ist, to apply tbe law of. their God to all questions of practical morality. . ' ' ' . ' 6. Ol^eetifm. "Preachers are usually dicta^ rial, and opposed to the religious and civil liberties of men. It is painful to be under the necessity of publicly contradicting them, and it is therefore bet- ter for them to omii political remarks in the pul- pit." Thft babit of public speaking withovt danger of interruption, or imjnediate opposition to the decla- rations wbicfethey make, as it is required by the re- spect due to devotional exercises,, andenjoyed by the ministers of religion, is calculated to cherish, upon iheir part, a decision of eipression, which may bor- der upon the dogmatic. It is probable, nevertheless, that the pulpit orator is, usuaUy, as far removed from tliis extreme, as the members of the senate, or the gentlemen of the bar. A man of mind, convin- ced himself of the truth of his assertions, will, in any situation, speak with an air of confidence; but there is no necessity of his treating with contumely the sentiments of such as think differently from him : and it is especially unbecoming the pulpit to affect contempt for the persons of men. If it be a fact, tbat a multitude of religious instructers are found friendly to arbitrary power, and to an illegitimate subserviency of church to state polity, it is surely no good reason for preventing men, who understand _^j ...1 *u^ ^inhia hnfh nf God and man. from I'UBLIC AFFAIi.S. 41 pointing out the duty of christians in relation both to ecclesiastical and ci^il society. It is not difficult to account for the fact, that so many of the sacerdo- tal order have inclined to despotism, and yet show, that the liberal discussion of such topics from the pulpit is truly favourable to the real liberties of inen. Licentiousness is as remote from civil liberty as is tyranny itself. The righteousness which exalteth a nation, includes intelligence and public morality. No moral improvement can take place without re- gard to religion : and Christianity, as opposed to in- fidelity, to superstition, and to lawless power, is einr phatically the religion of « peace upon earth, and of good will towards men." It is the religion of benevo- lence to man, as well as piety towards God, and of course the only « perfect law of liberty." You will allow me to add, that no means whatever can b^ possibly successful in finally rescuing from usurp^i- tion the liberties of mankind, and of purifying and perpetuating them, without the aid of the religion taught by the Son of God. This alone is effectual in changing the heart, from whence proceed the am- bition and the strife which have been the causes botb of arbitrary domination and wasteful wars among the nations of the earth. When I shall have point- ed out the causes which incline the ministers of the church, to the side of arbitrary power among the na- tions, I shall illustrate this sentiment with a review of facts, and so conclude my apology for introdu- pinions, natliral to all men. First. The ecclesiastical establishments among the nations, secure a very great proportion of aM iliA rlprorv in thn rhristinn wnrld. iinnn thn side c£ ■o.r K7BLIC AFFAIRS. # the system of cinl rule, by which they ar6 supported, many of them in great splendour and opulence. They are them^ekes, as much as the Egyptian, Chaldean, or Roman hierarchies, a part of «ie national govei^h. ment, and as such identified with the prevailing des- potism. They, of course, and also as many as can be mfluenced by their doctrine and example, will be disposed to coincide with tyrannical power.* Second. Personal ambition is, everywhere, in a greater or less degree, to be found. Clerical ambi- tion was found in the fipostolical age, and it has ne- yer yet diminished; but still continues to agitate the churches. That civil liberty, which offers restraint to ,ts exercise, and which denies gratification to its desire^ will not receive so much of its aid, as a more splendid and powerful system, which can reward ks sen^ices,. by rediicing within its reach the objects which It IS anxious to compass-rank, influence, and opulence. Discerning statesmen, of arbitrary and ambitious views, vill understand their meni and the «*nderstanding becomes mutual. * « Human establishments have always been made engines of state policy : they have promoted hypocrisy and infidelity-the great evil has been in the civil magUtrate usurping the throne of Christ and exercising spiritual dominion-Here," i„ the United States! « an asylum for you, our brethren of the ohl world, whose lives are embittered by the cruel impositions of men; the fruit of whose labours go to support /<»y priests andUixuriaits princes ; who, thouffh you rise early, and late tak« rest, obtain only a scanty subsistence for yourselves and families." The Blessims ^ America, a .^^ f. u THE RIGHT OF DISCUSSING Third. The fear of infidelity, ruinous ds that system is, not only to ecdesiastical authority, but to good morals, and 4o present and future happinesi, has driven many of the best men of the present ago, into an ufthappy attachment to the doctrines of the old antichristian school. Irreligion formed, especially at the commencement of the French revr; , '.:. %, a tem- porary <;onnexion with liberty against' > ; of David also, and Samuel, and rf the prophets: who, through faith subdued king- doms, wrought righteousness, obtained j;)romise^i stopped the mouths of lions, quenched the violence of fire, escaped the edge of the sword, out of weiik^ niess were made strong, waxed valiant in fight, turned to flight the armies of the aliens.* Nor do we refer you to the history of theMaccabeanbrethren, who sig- nalized their zeal and their constancy, against the ty- rant Antiochus, m defence of the liberty and religion dT their country. The story of more recent times, makes us acquainted with miiisters of Christianity, who vindicated the cause of God and mail at the peril of their lives, against the encroachments and preten- sions of arbitrary power. In the era of the reformation, it was by the aid of christian divines, that men became acquainted with their saCred rights : Zuihglius, and *Heb. 11. 32—34. .PDBUC AIFAIRS. *f Xmther. and ti.lvin, and Knox, like Mowe. who/ear, td mtOtewr^ik of the king, said to the enslavew of «iw brethren, let mypeopkgoj and in the worts of Samuel, wheu Saul had rent his mantle, the Lord ^H '"t 'i' 'l^?S'lomfrom thee, did they yentu,«.to address both kwgs and emperors. Who more va- lorous in restoring the liberUes of Holland; in con- quenngth^ veterans of Alva; and in resisti.^ Philip the tyrant, than the thousands who wejS under the ministry of their patriotic and faithful pas- tors, before the gates of Antwerp and Haerlep,. Throughout the several provinces of the Netbeiv lands, the founders of that famous republic were ac^ customed to meet in arms, to hear sermons from preachers for whose heads rewards were in vain of- fered by the foes of liberty and truth. Scotland, the ongiml eomtry of the whios, led on by her fiiithfiil pastoiB introduced the name and the spirit into England; and. by the aid of the Puritan ministers, succeeded m the temporary reformation of both the sanctuary and the throne, To these advocates of li. berty. the British empire stands to this day under ob- ligation for all the freedom enjoyed by the consUlu- tion. In encouraging and effecUng the American re- volution, the exertions and influence of christian mi- nisters, m the pulpit, in the congress, and in the field. ' were felt and duly appreciated: and there are yet among our own pastors, men, who, in despite of the baleful influence of party spirit, feel the force of piety and patriotism, and remember their duty to the cause ot equity their country, and their God. If the rights a.»^ ««^*«^p „4 uas great ^m growing empire are ■t. 48 TFK RIGHT OV DIfiCUSSINO, &C. doomed to perish, their last abode will be found along the side of the pulpits of the ministers of religion. There are men, in that sacred otBce, who would, in such a case, use upon better principles than did the Roman orator, the words which he put on the lips of his distinguished client, Titus Annius Milo, «« I will withdraw, and retue into exile : if I cannot be a member of a virtuous commonweaWi, it will l)e some satisfaction not to Jive in a bad one ; and, as soon as I set foot in a well-regulated and free slate, there will I fix my abode — qutm^rimum tetigero bene moratam et lihtram civitaiemf in eaconquiescatn.*^ But, no? Liberty shall not perish! The daughter of Zion rejoices in her fellowship* Peace and prosperity shall hereafter visit our land, and dwell in our habi- tations. The Lord hasten it in his own time, and unto hhn be glory in Christ Jesus, world without end» Amen. ;*S 1$$ ' s THE MORAL CHARACTER OP THE TWO B£tLIG£R£NTS. ' ■ SBHMON II. TiKEt; 7W art weighed in the balances, md art found watuing. Dan. v. 27. H^ff'r^r '""*""* '"'' pronounced by . p«. pliet of God, upon one of the most splendid Md powerful monarcbies fbat ever existed. At a v^ critical period, and under circumstence, of tbe mort alarming kind, Daniel ventured to proclaim this un- rrl^fXMea.'^'"'^*''^^'-'""^'''''"'--'^"*' » r:»!*'*",T' ""^ ^"^"^^ of the Greek bisto- SraT^H N-r •'" ^'''^■^'^'^-' ^^ «= queen, the celebrated Nitocns, now sat upon the throne of m buchadnez^a^ bis grandfethei, and tbe most femoui ' of the kings of Babylon. It was on the 17th year of vrrsarlT'f':i' f '""'"'"' "''^' ='"'' °" '^ »»"i- ^aiy of a festival sacred to the idol-god. Sheshaoh. «mt Belshazzar ordered an entertainment for hi. ^^__ _,„^, ,„ „,g spacious iiaiig of bis proad m- ^fm QO THE MORAL CHARACPIR OT palace. He forgot, amidst his wine, and his reveFrf, that he was in a besieged city. For two years ha* the united armies of the far-famed Cyrus of Per- •ia, and of his uncle Darius the iVIede, laid siege to Babylon, the most magnificent metropolis of the world. Babylon, covering a square of sixty milea circumference, watered by the great river Euphrates, Burrounded by a wall of eighty-seven feet in thickness^ and of corresponding height, strengthened by three hundred towers of defence, and pn»visioned for ma- ny years, proudly frowned upon the thousands of Media, and Persia, who* hitherto in vain, were en- deavouring its overthrow. 1 ( Belshazzar, while he tasted the rvine, commanded the golden vessels, taken from the house of God in Jeru- salem, to be brought to him. With polluted lips, he, his princesy his wives, and his concuhines, dranK from the sacred relics of Zion's fonner greatness,. and praised the gods of goUy and of silver, of brass, ff irm, of wood, and of slme, A brilliant candle- stick, with its many lights, the rays of which were ifeflecied fh)m innumerable mirrors* is suspended from the ceiling; and all within the palace is mirth and song. But, at once, the king of Babylon trem- bles. The paleness of death sat upon his counte- nance. The joints of his loins were loosed ; and his knees smote one against another. The whole assem- bly fell into disorder. There was a cause. Fingers, unconnected vvith mortal hand, appear on the wall over against the, candlestick, and there, in writings tK^,, lii-ivf. thp* indelible sentence which Daniel the »*y^ THE TWO BELLIOKRENTS. m prophet was summoned to inlerpret-MEiri, Menj; ricKKL, UpHARsm. He hath numbered, he hath nunh bcredy he hath weighed, they divide. The King pf heaven hath numbered the days of Chaldean powers He liath numbered them completely—The Judge of the earth hath weighed in (he scale of moral estima- tion, this government-The Medes and Persians di- vide and destroy the empire. -^ That night the interpretation was verified. The Medes and Persians took the city, and massacred its nobles. The sun of Babylon set to rise no raorp. It is now but a tale that is told. Sic transit gloria mundi. Human power is evanescent ; but t^e word of the Lord endureth for ever. The hand-writing upon the wall shall not be forgotten : the words are copied into our bibles : thej shall be repeated over all the Jc'ngdoms of the nations, unto people of every kindred and tongue : and the maxims which they lay down, ^a!l, in their full import, be applied to other times. Tbkel, Thou art weighed in the balances. The same balances still remain in the hand of the Judge of the universe— Nations still exist— and the ministers of religion, like the prophet of God, stiU . interpret the divine will. Acting upon this authority, I procee^"^ '^^'^'** before your eyes, in the balance 9^^*^ sanctuary, mE British monarchy and the^''**^^^ REPtiBtui. / y / .-<: ^ d2 THE If ORAL OHAHACTER OF To each, in its tttrfi, I say, Tekhl. In the estimatei which T make, of the morar charact^ of each 6f these belligerents, I desire to exercise the impartiali* ty ^ a visitant from another world. Of those things which are essential to the formation of a correct judgment, I would, designedly. li.i ** Keep nothing back, " Nor aught set down in malice/* Seeing it is not as a statesmen, a historian, or a ^ilosophfir, but as a christian divine, and with 9 i^ifT to particular practical questions, I am now bbund to Exhibit their character, it will not be ex- liected that I should describe the state of literature in t^ two countries; that I should attend to their ^tainments in the sciences or the useful arts ; that I i^QUld give an account of their respective meana and strength ; that I should enter into a detail of the domestic economy or general manners of the peo- ple; or, that I should describe the state of the churches, and the spirit of their public laws, other- wise, than as essentially necessary to an estimate of the comparative goodness of the two governments which are opposed in war. The controversy, to be decided by the sword, is fact between the two governments, although up- ^^ ^ -lions immediately affecting the members of each coh. ^^^.^^ Independently, however, of the meiits of the . ,^ ^^^ ^j^j^j^ ^^^ jg ^^^^^^ j^ jg i„. ic*^sung iof tiie ci.e,^i^j, t^^n,^j^j,stand the charac- THE TWO BBLLIOXRBNT0. 53 ter of the parties in the contest. By contempJl^tJiig these, in the light of the divine law, we shall be able to determine which has the least degree of the di^ ?ine disapprobation, and to which, of course, the af- fections of the friends of God should most forcibly tend. There is a sense in which christians are not numbered among the nations. As members of Christ's kingdom, which is not of this world, as sub- jects to the Sovereign Governor of all nations, they are not to be influenced by partiality to country, so much as by ^correct tiews of the righteousness or iniquity which may belong to the constitutions of oii. tional power. The cmstiiutions of government as reduced to prae- hce, are, m this case, the proper objects of examiha^ tion. To these, as it respects the two belligerents, I now direct your attention, while Iplace then^ln the balances in the name of the Judge of the world. I begin at home, with, I. The national government of the United States The sin of a nation is the aggregate of all the transgressions committed by individuals in that na- tion : but these are properly tuaUmal sins, which are notorious, prevalent, and characteristic. I speak not however of the nation at large, but of i.a consti- tuted authorities, and therefore attenionly to ad- THORIZED SIHS.* " utr . / *The following remark,, made i,p.d*«,e Brili* nttioii bv . «.,«...ble.ndpi.a.dW«e.f.becZ,horE.g..^,".;;;™'J;:.: THE ViokAh cIlARACtER 6v 'The public immoralities of tlie constitution oli our federal gof eriiment, may, although more numerous in detaii, be classed under two heads, viz. Disrty spect^for Ood' — tind violation (f human liberty. By the teriiis of the iiatioEml compact, God is not at alt ^^^ acknowledged, and holding men in slavery is author- ized. Both these are evils. ^^Tl&iih^^. 1. Ood is not acknowledged by the constitution, in a federative government, erected over several distinct and independent states, retaining each th<& power of local legislation, it is not to be expected that specific provision should be made for the inter- ests of religion in 'particular congregations. The fenerai government is erected for the general good f t^ United States, and especially for the manag#^ ^6iit of their foreign concerns : but no association of inen ipor moral purposes can be justified in an entire ly to this country. *' The rauUipUcity of oaths which are interwo- ven into almost every branch of public basiness, involves thousands in the habitual guilt of perjury, which perhaps may eminently be etjled our nationa^l sin. The frequency of oaUis, the ijrreverent man- tier in which they are administered, and the impunity with which they are broken, have greatly contributed to weaken the sense of every tnoral obligation, and to spread a desolate and daring spirit through the land. The proftinatioft of iM Lord's day, drunkenness, profane swearing, are contrary, nOt only to thia precept of scripture, -hut to (he laws of the land ; mid yet could hardly be mor? pi-eva- ient if there were no statutes in force against them. Very few ma- sistrates are concerned to enforce the observation of these laws; and, if private persons sometimes attempt it by information, they tneet Hat little success ; they obtain but little thanks. The acts of pleading, the minutsBs and niceties of forms, are employed to eatao. gle or discourage theniy and to skreen offenders.'^ ^ Nemtm's Works, Phil. 1 792. Vol V, page 306. THE FIEDERAI, CONmTUTlCUr. 5S negl^i mmjster of the gospel, who deriyes his politics from the bible.t to pronounce upon this government the jentence of my test,-TEKEL, Thou art weighed in the taimces, and art found wanting. Let me not be understood, however, as conveying toe Idea, that the other belligerent is not faulty in these respects. Great Britain set the example to her coloniesi of prosecuting the slave-trade. She still retains m her numerous province^ thousands in ab- ject bondage. A few good men. after the repealed, ttie contmual exertion of yeara ia the British Par- tmment. obtained at last a vietbry honourable to aienwelves and to the cause of humanity, in finally ClZt ^T."""""".""""^'"'* St..e.d«l.«,.A,..I.Sect 8. Atd.„d«gh Art.t.Sect:2.Claa«3. Hie. of heaven' and among the inhabitant, of the earth, that no wi.dom, under- standing, conn.el, or power, on prevaU without bis blearing , that a. nghteou.n«. exalteth . nation, «, .in i, the reproach, and will' '.euioiaiiy oe the riiln, of any people." _ Ifmlm." » :h -H H", T^: HOWIE ' emmmxfm mf. i^boUfl^qgiihe Allrlc»n Irdiiii.; Mt Ibose mured feOf ^e, aii^dy in diu-aoGe, h^v# qq bope of relesMcloi: tbea»;elvei|' br for their ofllpKiiig. Slavery is a Ua^k« %T\\e iflheritanpe left to America by her royal 9tepr, Hiotber, whose iiyustice produced the J^eTpluiioil.; - On the scoie of religion, it is better to v^egUcti than to prostitute the church of Godr JE£pre, the fr ainifi €i our law have said to the daughter of Zion, <e*^ferto6ngtlife nation*, hwfeiK^^ to interfere wi(h%cclesidstieal polity, and to eiusttk^ •orereignty over the conseiences of men* intheir 4>^ tiiaf concerns. White wfe reprobate the infi^Ul^ of the national compact, we rejoice in the measuM of religious liberty which we enjoy; ^d i^fede^e- feate any atteiiipts ut)on the part bf political ineii, Who do not understand the doctrines and the order of the christian church, to imitate the corrupt exam- t^ of Uggah the son of Abinadab, who appUod int band to the ark of the covenant, or of kings iSbiil mdAxariaki who, without authority, offered sacr^ flee and buraed incense before the Lord^ and wm accordingly punished as guilty.* II; I now proceed to examine The moral chUrmi^ if the BrMsh CohstituHon: It is not my design, in this examination, to «ve Oie history of this system of government, the foun* dation of which is to be found in the rude and Isir- ^ous institutions of the ancient Germans,! oi* to dt^neate its several checks and balances, in the distif. bution of power, according to its present prac«c4 However instructive to the civilian such a review, it would not comport with the place in which 1 sb^ak er with the object which I contemplate. Upbn if * 1 Sam. xiii. 10—13. 2 Chron. xxri. 16—21. t Stuart's Hist. Digs, concerning the English GonstituUo*, 'J!-*^'* /' m 'mKWOmAh CHARAOTIR m f l«4oim and Us mighl, Ua stability aiKl its |^n«^i«iiry ||t others, freely and fully decant : it is my busioeiyi io pls^ 1^ in f tbe balances, in order to ascertain U4 «EiaraI worth before my Gojd and bis church. TskeIik; M^k$ih weighed U. And by Us word we detennln^ ka character. ^ c^Hfi BRITISH GOYERNMENT, as It now exists, is » despotic usurpation-^ A superstUioui combinaUoH ^ &ml and ecclesiastical power — A branch <^ the grand antichrisiian (fvostacy^r^Mrastian in its constituH^n and administration -^Eoid Cruel injts poUf^. Ji H therefore, a throne of iniquity, of which neither God^ nor godly men, who understand it, can apinrove^^ Tbl9 is a heavy charge ; fciit it is not unjust : U"! do not sup- port every article of it with sufficient documentary testimony V it is not because I have not abundance of this at my command. I lay some of the evidence be- fore you. The impartial will say it is enough. There is no need of comment It is selected from unques- tionable auUiorities, or in itself notorious. i. 1.. Tlie British government, in the present practice of the constitution, is not a fair representation qfthf peqpU over whom its power is exercised. .4,, There are only three ways by which one set of men acquire powsr over others — ^By divine authority, by the election of the people to be governed, or by usur- pation. Usurped authority, maintained as well as • >■; ' %M^^M' TH« BRiTin eoTinRHnrr. M» oj^fy acquired by &«». fe i,„™o«il. Dirfae nght caanot be pleaded without a divine rarehtkwM support ,t; it follows of course that the «|,dj« ^ ine subject is necessary in the constitution of ciM» orter, to confer te^timate authority upon the rulfe lUe blood royaV "the ancient soyerei™." «the* nghts of the crown » « the throne of his ancestoi^" •re ail fine and captivatuig expressions from the lips ot an orator, to amuse and deceive the thouehttew^ but have they any meaning? Do they convey any Idea worthy of a man of sense and magnanimity. Have they any aBurements for a good christian? «o; They are only dazzling ornaments without so- ,d,ty and without worth. I Jay it down as an ariom •n political morality, that true represehtatiob is MsiNmi, TO tAWFci power; and that in all eases in whKh the Deity does not immediately inteipose U, appomt the depositaries of power, the choice of a reiwesentative belongs to the members of the com- mumty. Divide power as you will; make the arm of authority weak or strong, as suits your purpose-, caU your chief magistrate King. Consul. Emperor; President, Governor, or whatsoever else you- please • form your legislative councils of one or of many chambers; let your courts, your judges, your offi- cera of Jaw, be many or few; but maintain the prin- oi^e of representation inviolate ; for a remeSeiwa- nVE OEMOCBACr IS THE ORDIHASCE OP GoB. The representative system is supported by the ttu- monty ,f common seme-by decisions of scripture- 's IM eeatral voice of the nations of the earth. " 1 1 Tm^ uomkh mAnkxyrm m >iWkvU-Mtm, with eommonitttlse as their guide, in itf |lli> toiwitary Hsiooialions which they f&tm, aci iipoi|thiiii>riiiciplei * ^ . ^ - I r 4Ph6y appoint their chairman, tbehr scribe, their tfsasurer^ their managers, their committees, at plea^' mm. In all free cities; in all benevolent tostitu* tions^ whether composed of males or females ; in all flseelings for the diffusion of literary knowledge, f»■♦■-«■ ... * 1 Oor. xr. 44— 4«. .--g.- TUB, BfUTIfeiil CiOVICillfaiBMX. #3 ^^tbe adminiatrationg of dirine grace, Mwdf ai to the farmalion oC hii coienant, Jehovah dkeeli hittnan society by his holy word to »ct upon tb* principle of repreficntation ; and be guaranteei^ % mm right, to that part of the rational family, who are pecuharly under hi» care, a syntem of weial^ df»r. corresponding therewith. Ahhough he appoyOt tcctesiasUcal officers, he gives the right ^ ekmeeio the people over whom they rule. In the exeic « «£ ^ authority. eccleBiastical officers meet, and ai»oinl their own order and agents. In the government di^ vinely provided for the church of God, we have the best evidence of the manner in which he will have his rational creatures to act. in the formation of all their social institutions. The church is' by divine right a HepuWic: sucha systemofgovernnieiitJiof course the wisest and the best. In civil affairs, as well as in ecclesiastical, the same pnnciples of order are inculcated in Scripture. The law for the election of ruJers, and for trial of their conduct, implies the right of election, and i^moval from office. The practice illustrates the few. We* r^d, it is true, of kings, and of king^ designated to office by immediate revelation. But the executive officers of Jwdah and Israel, although called kiiwg, were placed under a law, and liable to deposHior. **ft account of maladministration. These kings, eretf when nominated by the Lord, were still recognised as the representatives, or agents of the corrimon- wealth, and subject to removal from office by the eoifiuiariiiy whensoever they abused their trust. The . '•fa ■M I ■• 61 TUB UOEaI OH^RAGipR Of IK uoTenant of God with David, I admit, did author^ lie the regal succession in the family of the mm of Jesse ; but that succession was never regulated hj primogeniture, so much as by actual qualification for power. And it would be as absurd, now (hat Messiah is come, to whom that arrangement pointed, to plead in behalf of royal blood, as to require, after the example of the house of Aaron, that the minis- try of the church should be subjected to hereditary succession. ^ , ^ .J. f , . < ■ Abimikeh is the first king of whom we read among the Israelites, and he was made so by the men of ^.chem,* The wicfi of Israel had offered the sover- eignly to Gideon ; but, while he admitted their pow- er of making the election, he refused their offfer.f When Saul was placed upon the throne, the indtilu- tion of the monarchy, and the actual election of the incumbent, were the acts of the people of Israel, al- though the Lord pointed out the man.t David, Solo- naon, and Rehoboam, Uzziah and Josiah, received the kingdom by consent of the community. All the kings of Israel and Judah were subject to the con- stitution and the law; obliged to act with the advice of the Sanhedrim^ the great courcil of elders ; to preserve, in their rights, the lesser Sanhedrims of the several cities, all of which were regularly elected to office ; and in default, these kings were punished of the Lord, by divine judgments, and of the people * Judff. IK. t Judg. viii. 21—23. | 1 Sam. xxii. 12^20. ITos. xiii. 10. *» wompM w>fkiMM»y. Ti?L:?^''* ■'"''"" "'"^ Taking, of lhew3 oZT ri» to l^ktog. «, V. .ho.e offlcer. of .Ule mboTZJ^Jl «*e.I-.i» .IWW OS, of W (K, Wb.^ ^b, brf y«^*S ^l»^«.«b.n^ „b.v. .«,^bled togolber- (S's.^ •tth^tte wj«*«. pf JoW. w» in . .«,„ ber.iita.yfX^ was omiSnnad hv tho -»f«Vs?'>'> -^^k- • - - *|;"'^/» y«f « Cite 3 '' 3 ■f^* ^* ~v >wpic." iig,. ii^, j^^ 7 THE HMUE. «IARA«TCR OT In the Ibliil place, Tiiegeiieriil practice of na- tibnS) eteH where monarchy exkted, is in support of the principle of representation. Kingly govern- nient is obyiously, as the learned Selden> a o^ientber of the Westminster Assembly, calls it, a heathminsH^ tiiHon; but the king was considered as the agent of the public will. The history of every nation will gl^ve to show, that I do not make the assertion with? out authority. The greatest tyrants have been in the liabit of considering themselves as representing the na- tion over which they ruled; and in the present age ihc high clauns of arbitrary power tend only, like the fii* bles of Pagan mythology, and the fairy tales of a ruder superstition, to decorate, with splendid image- ry, poetry and romance ; or, when introduced art- fully into popular declamation, to flatter aspiring minds, and deceive the simple. The treaty of Paris abundantly shows that crowned heads no longer de- pibUd On tiie ditine right of hereditary succession. Ferdinand is recognized, during the lifetime of his deposed father, on the throne of Spain. Murat and Bernadotte are permitted to occupy the kingdoms of livii^g fugitives of the blood royal; and since the partition of Poland, successful usurpation is a better title than carnal descent. If the principle of repre- sentation is forgotten, hereditary right is less de- pended on, than possession by force of arms. Such, ^las! is the unprincipled condition of the masters of the European world.* * That the repreeentlitire system, in a greater or len degree, n»t With ths vie.wg of the B6Vei^a! natlnnit- is obvibuft fkom (h* works o£^in(i'J|||i8t writers. Andrew Horncy an eminent B^glisk ■■;■ ' '.;?•»;:: THE BStnaU QOT^RIIIfENi;. * n If I hftve succeeded io showing, tb»t»pres©i|te- tio» isesaentiri ta lawful rule, I shall toke less of your time in proving, that the practice of the British constitution is, when weighed in this balance,. foiiM wanting* ^ lawyer in the reign of Edwaid I. says, k a ^ng is ereated and Omied to do justice, tbat the fittt kings of England had thlrtyeight SonpanioiMi, cttrnHKH, or oowts, tb« first offlcera of so many countiei, ^^ wUectirely representing the whole kingdom, were aboF^ tl| Chancellor Fifrtescui, in a work addressed to Henry tr descries the kingdom as a body politic, of which the king is head, and the puWio will the heart or seat of life. "The king cannot change the laws of that body, or withdraw their sut^ft^nce from theja against their wi|ls. He is ordained for the defence of the laws. He repeiveth power fpm his people, pf their own free will they fub- faiitted to the government of a king, only to the end that they riilght thereby maintain themselves with more safety.*? De Laud Rig mumomm iiwa^ese words, "The wbolf kingdom and |i^q^ are $be r^^ «> f!tm.€«n.ijfrrtm.que9t. 3, p. 41. ., m TUB H&llitli CHARACTER or >» TheMi^^ it is admitted, cannot do wrong. He is Aot accountable. He succeeds to the throne acc(^d« ing to prifiiogeniture. Be he wise or simple ; good or bad, by the constitution of that country, which ^8 superior pretensions to good sense and to morali- ty» the first-born of royal blood ascends the chair of stote ; and without the least regard to capacity or to character, he is chief magistrate and head of the eburch. This is notorious. Such a monarch cann<^ Ite considered as the true representative of the king- dom. Th Lords spiritual and temporal, have little of the principle stated above asinecessary to lawful rule, and the House of Commons is far from being a ixue representation <^ the people. The population of the united kingdoms amountg, according to the latest accounts, to about fifteen mil- lions. Very few of these are represented in parlia- ment. The whole of the members returned to that great court of the empire, have received, probably, less than three hundred thousand votes. These suf- frages are commonly bought and sold as any other ailide in the market. The ministry can always se- cure a large majority. The parliament is a repre- sentation of a few powerful and opulent families; and these only serve to give the appearance of popu- larity to the paramount influence of the monarchy, as employed by the immediate servants of the crown.* ♦ The population of Great Britain and Ireland, is computed at fifteen millions. Of these, upwards of two are paupers. Upwardi of one half the remainder is of the femal« sex. And of the males »f lattiuie year?, which cannot fae computed as far eisceeding4hre« THE BRmsH •oYnnmm, 2. 7%e British eonstituUan of govemmmU, is m stipersmiaus eomhination of tivil and eccksiaUkai power, ^^•irf, , , ., ^ »<■ ^Tte AiVig. ia head mid sovem^ of the church; Ihe btsht^s of the church are lords of the land, and members of the legislature, and judges of the law. By order of both, the «io5/ solemn of the ordinance! of the Lord our God is continually profaned: and aiJ this IS essential to the constitution of the gover*. ment. These facts are notorious : and there is no! upon the face of the earth greater iniquity. The king is head of the church. "Our lawyer* pronounce, that the king of England unites in hit person the dignity of chief magistrate with the sanctity of a priest; and the title of Sacred Majesty appears to haye commenced, when he assumed the "■ ■■"*,'■; • '*^^- mmions, one opt of six is in the pay of government. The officfei in church and state, in the army, the navy, and the colonies, are filled by not less that half a million of men, deriving from the patronage of the crown not less than one hundred millions of dol- lars a year. These have friends and connexions; and there arc ».«ny office-hnnters depending upon the patronage of the crown. 1 he evil is of coarse enormoi-. Scarcely will one hundred thou- Mnd independent electors be found in the united kingdoms. In *.ngland there are only, altogether, one hundred and sixty thoa- •and freeholders King's Tables. « What then," I use the words of a distinguished patriot of the re- voluhon. " What is the majority of their parliament, but a flagitious combination of ministerial hirelings, conspired to erect the Babe! of despotism upon the rtini of the heantifnl feb-e «r u^ « ^. t^mngston. / " " " '"' " " ^'' Tfi .•«-... TH« MOitAL QHAIUKtfttBR OF &tiction oi betid of th^ tliui'dt/' ^ He, as sOTereigti <>f thtfcnbeletiastleal body, calls at pleasure his deiff togeHier, ""and dissolves their meetings wheii thejr have executed his will : he &Us up yacancies among Ids bi^ops ; and he presents to fheir livings and thisir ^keiB over his subjects, the inferior clergy, unlefli the pstrditage be vested in subordinate bands; He^ by hli pontifical and royal sanction, confers the cbo^ recter of truth to his own faithful subjects upon ar/t- ihs^ faith, whatever they may be in themselves * he Confers upon eeremotnes, however frivolous, the vir« tue of being significant and edifying : he constitutes a government, however arbitrary, pure and apostolic ud: in a word/ h^> defends, he tolerates, he perse- cutes, according to Ih^ constitution of th^ establish^ ment over which he presides with papal magnifi* cence. And yet, O my God and my Redeemeiv to such a monearehy, with all its impious usurpation cif the rights of God, do any of thy disciples profess an ftttachment? Ah! how frail a thing Is man ! Again, according to the British constitution, bishops of the church are, by virtue of their office, members of parliament and judges of the law. They are Lords spiritual, occupying a seat in the upper house of legislation; and the house of lords is the ultimate tribunal of justice. The privileges of the •piritual lords exceed those of the other peers of the realm. They hold courts of their own, of which they are the sole judges : they issue writs in a pecu- * Pi I'lnkerton. THE mlf^n ^oyj^mmm* n liar ftyl^, and in their own name; Oiey aloB^ c^n depute to others their authority ; and the judges of the kiag cannot sit wiOiin the diotese of some of them without the bishop's permission.* Such then* is this constitution, that while the king is supi^me head of the church, the prelate? of the church ar^ ad essential parf of the legislature and judiciary of the empire. n Is this right ?J|rllii9 scriptural? Is this agreeabifei to the example of our Lord— conformable to the spirit of reUjion— ^corresponding with apostolical ex- ample? ifVnd is it thus, my hearers, that men would exemplify the doctrine, my kingdom is not of Mt world? I, as a minister of Christ, have to reason with you in defence of the right of making a few political remarks ; and I cannot flatter myself that I have suc- ceeded with you all. m procuring a patieut hearings: and yot, those ministers of religion, who neglect the paths of the Lord, and are themselves become umo9 OP THE LAND, and of God's heritage, enjoy your sym- pathy : to that government you are attach^, and, at me, you are diseased for examining its charactw. Bear with me, brethren; I would not wound your feel- ings unnecessarily. I even sympalhixe with you in your political obliquities. Man is frajL Even Abra- ham besought the Lord for Sodom ; and the Lord dealt tenderly with his servant, though he destroyed the cities of the plain. I ask of ycu but the lil^rty of saying to this part of the system of British power, 7VM— Thou art found wanting. •* Thamber, 63—68. Blacksfone, b. 1. c. 11. 72 THE MOBAL eHARACTBR OF If more be necessary to justify me in this applica- tion c€ the, text, it will be found in the practice, re- quired by the combined and impious power of church arid state oyer the British empire — the admi' idstration of the sacramental test. What would you think of an ordinance from the congress of the United States, requiring all officers upon the civil and military list, under pain of dis- mission, to take the sacrament ? What would you say to a demand upon Fresbyterians, and Independents, and Baptists, kc. to forego their own religious pro- fession, and take the conmimion from Episcopal hands? What would you say of an act of congress that required the prostitution of the Lord's Supper, to the profane, and the ignorant, and the infidel ? What would you say of me, if instead of thus addressing you, I should be so far disposed to make traffic of my ministry, as to accept of an appointment and an equipage, and sit with the consecrated elements at the door of the capitol, to administer the body ami the blood of the Lord to the whole tribe of office- hunters who dance attendance in the hall of power? Could you approve of this ? would you tolerate me in it? wodld the rulers of our land require such a profa- nation? would this community bear it? would the ministers of the church submit to it? It is practised in England. It is the law of that land. It is authorized, it is demanded by the government. It is observer^ by the ministers. This prcsritut^on is the door of '^ad- mission to power.* Shall I not visit for these thin^f^ ^ Stat. 25. C»r. U. Cap. 2. THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT. 73 satlh the Lord; and shaU not my soul he avenged redi Eur* pe is unsetlled; and still antichrist reigns. | According to the unanimous opinion of all the prolestant expositors, not excepting the English themselves, that couhtry has once been one of the ten horns of the apocalyptical beast, influenced by Sa- tan, the '^ragon.* This could not be disputed, be- cause the land was geographically within tfie Ibounds of the Latin Roman empire ; and the peo- ple had submitted to the Latin Roman religion. Some indeed allege, that, at the reformation, the connexion of Britain with the beast was dissolved; but, the scripture prediction does not justify the ex- pectation that any of the great power of Europe should be severed from that connexion, for centuries, or even any considerable time, before the general destruction of the man of sin- The history of that country, the tyranny and superstition of Henry l^pi"; the persecutions carried on against the saints, diwing the continuance of the succession in the Sluart race ; and the terrible bloodshed caused by * Rev, xiU. THB BRITISH GOVERNMENT. 7a Chaiies If. and James, bis successor and brother, bofh Popish tyrants, completely set aHtde the idea of England's ceasing to be a horn of the beast, be- fore the revolution of 1686, under William of rifol- land. Nor does that event itself justify the suppo- •ition. Much was certainly gained by it to the cause of both religion and liberty. The tyranny of the throne, and the persecutions arising fl-om it, were mitigated, but not abolished. If protestant blood does not flow as formerly, the saints, in that country, the successors of the martyrs, still labour under the frowns of power, marked by ecclesiastical and civil pains and disabilities. Nb country, it appears from the prospective histo- ry afforded in prophecy; which was onC6 in connex- ion with the beast, is to be perfectly separated frotn the great apostacy until the 5ctJcii Jesus CHaisr, that the English ministers fully under- stood the distinctiokj To the faithful labours of the ♦ These are the words of iWa/, in his history of the Puritani, who also confirms the remarks 1 have made. Vol. I. p. 510. t this was the substance of tlie petition signed by seven hon- dred minlstersjn the year 1841. The parliament were of the same mind, and claimed the power of reforming the church as an inhefent right. t In that venerable Assembly of Divines, which compiled our admirable Confession of Faith and other ecclesiastical standards, th« very learned Sclden had a seat. He, assisted by the counsel, and the rabbinical learning of Coleman and Lightfoot, and supported by the national feeHngs, and the prejudices or opinions of th/par- liament, argued the cause of EraHianism in the grand debate upon ecclesiastical order. The question excited immense interest i the whole church, a great nation, awaited the result with anxiety. ^ George Gillespie, one of the ministers of Edinburgh, and a com- missioner to the Assembly from the church of Scotland, waaoli, served to be engaged occasionally with his pen, while 'Se|den*jK^^ , It was supposed be was talcing notes of the argument. He,' too, •ft do TH* MORAL CHARACTER iOF church of Scotland, the christian world is indebted, under the blessing of God, for the prevalence of a i was learned, and of great reading ; but he was young, pious, mo- dest, and a stranger in London. He bad not acquired celebrity, gome of the most grave and pious divines had a previous opportoni- iy of satisfying themselves as to bis views of divine truth. They knew tlje sentiments of the church which he represented, to be anti-erastian. They went to his chair, and requested him to speak. They inquired if he had taken notes. He was silent. They saw the paper on which he had written. The only words upoa it were, six i,, light, Lord, and dirjsction. These were often re- peated. * Rise, George," said a venerable friend, "Rise and de- fend your principles, your country, your church, and the kingdom of your God— Rise up, man, and defend the right of the Lord Je- las Christ to govern, by ^is own laws, the church which he pur- chased with his blood. Mr. Gillespie complied. He began by giv- ii^ a summary of the argument of his learned antagonist, dutia.- guishing the several principle? which it involved, and then request- ed to be corrected if he made an unfair statement. Selden replied, if Mr. Gillespie will refute these principles with the' same accura- cy with which he has stated them, the controversy is over. T\ Gillespie had io his hand a two-e<|ged sword. He contended snc- eessfully for the prerogatives of his Redeemer's crown, and the in- dependency of Christ's kingdom. He triumphed. Mr. SeWen himself observed, with astonishment, " This young man by hie speech has swept away the learning and labour of my life." Eras- tianism was condemned, and presbytery established by the West- minster Assembly. The parliament was unwilling to yield. There, Mr. Selden had also a seat His hand was seen in the scruples and delays employ- ed in the Housdof Commons against the establishment of the Pres- byterian reginfen. The Scottish commissioners remonstrated. The London ministers also petitioned. Commissioners from parliament met with a committee of the Assembly j but to the exertions of Mr. Henderson, another of the Sco^fwA commissioners ; supported by the voice of Scotland, apd the fear of losing the co-operatioa of the Scottish nrmv- in i\M> war nn-uinof i\\a r,ritraM„t-a *t.„ .-i i. i. ._ quiescence of the English parliament is to be ascribed. THE BRITISH aOV|tRNltfENT. 81 J^nl^i^le, now universally understood, and, in this country, reduced to practice by all ecclesiastical bodies—that the church is a distinct society y with an organisation of if^ mn. This important doctrine/ js of divine authority. Its truth hath been attested by tli«f blood of the martyrs: and the kingdoms, whi«jh oppose* this part of the faith delivered to the saints, are guilty of rebellion against the King of kings, and Xford of lords. The Erastianism of the present British constitu- tion of government, will now be made apparent. The civil government makes the established dmrch, with the king as its supreme head, an essen- tial part of the national polity—It settles, by pariia- mentary law, the condition of ministerial fellowghip— It determines the faith to be professed— It prescribes forms of prayer to be offered from the pulpit— It inflicts the severest censures of the churcl. -and ex- ercises, exclusively, the power of convoking the su- perior judicatories. Read, for yourselves, the re- ferences which I make, and then decide upon the ac- curacy of this statement. The church, under the headship of the reigning -prince, whether male or female, it matters not, is, in fact, a department of the state. The British monarch has assumed all that power in his dominions « over all persons and all causes, whether civil or ecclesiastic," which the Vo^^ ^-^vJ ■»~iVii 11 82 THE MOUAXi CHAKACtER. OF ed ; and the parliament have secured by statute this pi-ercgalive of the crown. Tiie declaration tti George I, who styles himseitf Defender of the Faith, and Supreme Governor of the Church in his domin- ions, proceeding upon this principle, requires that the clergy, before they can settle any differences about the external polity of the church, must first* blftain leave under his- broad seal,^ It is provided by the treaty of union between Eng- land and Scotland, that the church of England, with all the civil power given into the hands of the prela- cy, shall be preserved entire, and this is rieclared to be an essential fundc^mental part of the union. The temporal power of the lords spiritual, the spiritual supremacy of the monarch, together with the pro&- titution of the most distinguishing badge of christian profession in the saci amenta! tegt^ prove beyond a doubt that the church and state are combined into one great corrupt and impious system of misrule: and justifies the charge of Erastianism against the British Constitution. ^ In the Act for an union of the two kingdoms of England and Scotland, provision is made for render- ing the English hierarchy perpetual : and the church of Scotland, although in form Pt^sbyterian, has bee» constrained to submit to Erastianism, not merely by her members supporting the English religious esta- blishment ; but also, as essential to their own. The * Tier. fJporo-P T. Jiino mth. 17 IS. THE BIlItlSH GOVERNMENT. a3 Scottish establishment is itself Erastian, The civil power BETTLffls the condition of ministerial fellowship in the church. At the revolution, king William ad- dressed letters patent to both the Presbyterian fipd Episcopalian clergy, determining the conditions up- oa which they must join together. Ip the letter of February 1690, addrr?ssed to the General Assembly, his Majesty says to the highest judicatory of the church, « We have thought good to signify our plea- sure to you, that you make no distinction of men* otherwise well qualified for the ministry, who are willing to join with you in the acknowledgment of, and submiiision to the government of church and state, as it is by law now established, though they have formerly complied to the introducing of episcopa- cy ; and that ye give them no disturbance upon that head." In the letter of the 35th June thereafter, it is or- dained, "That neither the Assembly, nor any com- mission or church meeting, do meddle in amf process or business that may concern the purging out of episcopal ministers." in the letter of January 1692, to the Episcopal clergy, the language is equally dictatorial. "We doubt not of your applying to, and heartily meeting and concurring with your brethren, the Presbyterian ministers, in the terms which we have been at pains TO adjust for you." It is OrOVidf^d. inn. \\xr ^M n.F r^oi maintains the suprem(Mci/ of the crownJ* ^ I dismiss this dipagreeable Jiibject, with a quotar tion from the pubiii; records of two respectable bo- dies of professed christians in the British empire, from theii- words you w>Il immediately perceive, that while I am describing the Erastianism of the constitution of government, I speak the language, not of an individual, but of churches, even in that country. I begin with the judicial declaration of the seces- sion CHURCH. " It is peculiarly incumbent upon every civil state whereunto Christianity is introduced, to stud^^ and bring to pass, that civil government among them, j all the appurtenances of its constitution and administra- tion, run in im agreeableness to the word of Gods be subservient unto the spiritual kingdom of Jesus Christ, and to the interests of the true religionv By the good hand of God, the estates of England, but * The style i«, « Thus seeing by mr decree^ an Assemblv is to meeti&c:' g.T THl t^mnSH GOTIRNMBNT. ti ittore e^cially 6t ScoOand, Wene in^ired with a nobl^ and predominant ml foti%h house of God, iii all its valuable institutions: ftndiUained to a consi- derable pitch of civil refcrmaiian &ubservient to thfe same. It is observable that in Scotiand, the refoniia- aon of ftA&'CHARACnr«ll Of' If' .t^ taon^ persmtUon,and Moodshid ($f the formor |ipened^ The power and piivihsgisi^^f the €huff?b werer^ em orosebed Upcm, as mdeei ^ the act 1592, aedordii^i: to %hich presbytery w«B*«ettled at tb0 revolutionf the Assembfy is deprited of power, where the Icings or his cotumiesion^r are pfiesent, to ttoninat^'^ aoill appoint time and place for their next meeting.-' <■« ■:hf A very sinful and sad encroachment was made upon the costly and valuable privileges of the Lord's people, and a door opened for the corruption of the- church, and the ruin of souls, WhHe the right of patronages, which had been abolishecj in the year 1649, was again restored* This kingdom hath' be- come subject to a parliament, whereof the tiisbopy of England are constituent members; and an at^^ tempt is made to force the members of this ehurdh unto an approbatic.„ of the English hierarchy. A* bold and fatal encroachment was made, 1737, upon the headship of Zion's King, by that Erastian act aHent Capt. John Porteus.* By the above-men^ tlwied apostacy and corruption in ike seidement and adndnisiraizon of the p^imnt civil government the measure of guilt upon the body politic, and their * This man commanded the town-guard of Edinburgh. Piqued at the populace, he ordered his men to fire upon them, and killed and womided many, fie wiis tried and condemned by the civil au - tfaority, to naffer death as a murderer. He was a base man. . The king reprieved him. The people took him from prison, and gave him a public execution. Every minister was commanded to read from the pulpit, a declaration of parliament upon this sul^ect, of- fering a reward for a discovery of any one conc^Tiied iii the deed. Mfif Sinn srse svfr fl!S£'a<'ei'Ad. fUUitlasd bad no Itifftymwi'tt- THE BRITISH OOTSEimtNT. ^1^5 ■m ■■:H' liS^fwlatow 18 greatly Blled up/' These 4|u«tatiom are from Gibs. l>i8PLAy,0PT|iES«o. Ts^r.,¥ok I. p, 23t*-289. They speak Ihe language of aU Suedtrs, whether in Europe or America, Indeed, as tor|h^ mfiffd character of the constitution of government kk that country^ there has not been much diwjtsity of opinion^ among pious men who understand it. All admit its impiety. > hlThe following quotation shows the light in which the Reformed Preshi^enan Church, in the British dot minions, view the national government. ^^^•When Henry VIII. of England, irast off the au* thority of the See of Rome, he did, at the same time, ^assume to himself all that power in bis dominions, wjhicb the Pope formerly claimed; and soon aftei^ wards procured to have himself acknowledged and decUred by act of parliament, to be head of th* CHURCH. This ArUichristian Supremacy has ever since continued an essential part of the English con- stitution, and inherent ri^t of the crown. T^ British monarch confines i^Ws spiritual suprema- cy to the church of England, but extends it also over the church of Scotland,"* IK te « In the revolution of 1688, the seUlement of religion IS not a religious, but a mere civil and ;;ofo7i>o/ one. It appears quite inconsistent with the revolution set- tlement, to consider church power in any other light, than as subordinate to the power of the state.f We ' Ami flju w >_,! m 1 tmrt^ 12 76. t idem. p. 60 — m. •*' 0^ m tfita H«At eHAKA^TKH Of kare the Idohitrous instltullom of Prelacy, establiob- ^Hfi'th^irone nBtiofi;jMuu Krns^atiiauii under »Jbe spi«%inr Itetext t)f > Imsbyteryi in the other: niMi both inder ilti exbtic i»ead of ecclesiastk aI govern^ menf. As the CimiUtvUm the parliinitotary settlement."t 6. If ;he congress of the United States, in the year 1776, were correct in ascribing cruelty to the poU- cy of the British government, it is easy to show the continuance of the same disposition until ibti present day. ■ * p. 03. t P. 64. #flK . In Uie D^clftpiioQ of Indiqjend^nce, Uub FattMtrp of ArufTican Imm assert, |^tr« the ^iAqj^ of tb« pniMmv king of $^at BrUai%i)| »iiisto|^ of rep||i>|f4 lilies SQd ufuip^ioBs. IJf ban pluad«re4 om tern, ravaged our coasts burnt our towns, and dot gtroyed the Ijisei of our peojrfte. He k at tbi|s Ham transporttng large ar ie^ of f^ /-.•^^. *' -^ C V %; 4?. J 1.0 I.I 11.25 1^128 |2.5 ■so ■^™ ■■■ m lAO 2.2 2.0 11111= 1.4 11.6 I V] 71 >>^ ^X/ 11 s^. ^c^: /^ "jsr gQtfefiil att^iOD, li^%i In jlEl$0^'m Amerm^ merer midm te of fr«M#^et^ froAidlM for titritmy ^ (he vi^ker ^ 0tiil6ff^ the B^tbb p«f»er has ^Sktt^ mofe reTute- ti^m in^be eeui'se of ^i^iei^ i^ms, ^n %f«'beeii •fiMed-iti Europe skie^ thft^li^^^yes^ltil^tliW c^hd^ aieticed. Tte nati?e soTei|^^^e» tif Ii||ift hane fceeri deceitedi divided, and^^c^tieredi^d their •«ly ifec^ieipefis^flbr t|ie' p«#er aiid^ the territoiy wWi 4he)^^sunpeit^Mlt^c<")»^^ lihe% and kid^pend^ifkii^ ' ; ^ . The iisurpatioBs, and 4he nifmeHjF, and eritelt^r as- <$iibed to the }ate Emp&roMFrmCe, are excee<^in degree and p^tilaneiiee by tthe Biitisb gotetnment of Jiidla. In? a potkieal point of #iewf the n^sepiea of Afiia are sbtimnfiediately iiOiferesting ; but in the Oithnate of iimsal cbaracten the remoteness frod .us of the^ scene of action, must not pr^ent our lining;' these enoffnkiei ^o the aecoimt. In rela^ Hoitif to |hea», the 4iil^ abjecfti flatterers of British l^aitness have no apology to offer. These are not ^pms^ mrs^ They are the offa|)ring of the lust<>f power and of wealth. None of the Nid>ob$ of ih^ CktrmUc or^ Oudej neither Timur, the hero of Pa- l#|its mrT^fpee SuUan, nor the Greed Magulytivet ^leatened an InvaRion of the islands of 4|i||i^,ai£i iireland. «To interfere actiyely ini^^^(^|]^stkrrf- feirs of alit other states ; to regulate ihelstkic^ssion pf their governors; to take part in every quarrel; t<»^^cMnf tb9 l8l|# of one fmn^^M^m^^0tf'Mii^ iM#intfe^lbiiii bat oOrselFes 1^^ tcn|«iavti^%^o|l^iite^ on ow iii%libo«r», atid pay tbot» li^^^r i^i#i> the Inglfeb f wbite^flfcar ^acspoHed for.^tk^ #i^idbig aw^fil^iiig them^I^f'^ . ]^^|ii»id^£^. land is lJTiricb^4i ^^liis, aiid not'self^df^ce, Is^ ^aiise of war itt-the East Indies., War is a/t%- ^tfM0 'Of heaven upon the nations that are^ngag!^ in eari^og it on. Britain is seldom or ever at p^M^e With iM^et na^i#. She must, as a body politic, be a beiiwus tTRBsgr^ior. Tbere is^ no avoiding the k- *fer€fiK». God is ^; and all his judgments are truth; LHeemici^tt Rome, the most criminal^ ftph tldns^^fte boida the stakes for every game ^t|b ^Iwyeti by tlie- jwi^ord and and tb^^^wtio tokfe *(f tiieifBfBs of iniquity^ must ^ipeet a di^ ^if t*etributiim. ' * a.> v>. 1-9 ¥" Eiigtotid, 1 mdraiti ei^yg'WHhin'4iersetf^ioM^«it*^ I'e^piilteiTty. fferawble^ andin^fflKl- 10m^iimfihiim ^i% 0pknt and prospm^. "^ ^ ^ ^ Bdfe Rer. Vbl; Ti. p. 469. ^,!^m are liealtfay, and industrious^ and fioiurisMDg. Her m&n«factui!i^rgr though embarrassed by the Americaii w^r, are still influential and wealthy. The siHrit o§ liberty in England, and Scotland, and Ireland, hm giveiii way for a time to the claims of the crown; and |or fear of foreign domination, the sulijects sul^" mit, with resignation, to their doom« The }lidicia* ry, witlj the exception of that of Ireland, which has always,. Hke^ conquered province, been ruled with a ro<| of iroi^ is dulBciently independent to adu^ nister common justice. In Scotland and England^ perjbnal liberty is in a great measure enjoyed: and yet, ieven in relation to her domestic policy, Britain ii^ry cruel. ■ ] ■ In Ireland, for reasons of state, she persecutes the Caiholics, It is not on account of their religion i for] this she has always supported on the continent; bu^ for their dissent from the English hierarchy, that th6 Irish are oppressed. She reduces the Pre^yl^ ri^n^ to pay tithes to an indolent, and often an absent and immoral priesthood, whom they neither know B07 l«yere. In aU her dominions, she restrains the ^^it of independence and emigration not by ren^ dering home comfortable, but by laws »id officers, who bind the intended emigrant as if by right, to the ^pot in which he was borri. She airthorkes bmids and captiFity, by the preasgang, thai secret, ikddeni and formidable engine of desp^llt power, which seizes upon its victim unaware^ and' chains YiHin to the wheels of the cannon^-^A system ia not to be compared to slavery without redress. Cruelty is exercised also on the conscience. Al- though sul^eeta'have the contemptible permissioi), of living unmolested, by the king, while they ai^ silent and submissive; yet the government makjes ,fi mockei^ of conscience ; corr»ipts the morals of ttiifc subjects with ensnaring oaths of allegiance, repeated, and repeated; and constrains them to forego integ- rity of religious character, by partaking of the ^- crumetUai Tesl as the price of admission to powent ',"-'♦ ,■■,■■■(■■.■■ ■ ';...; There is ane other feature of British polity io which, under this head, 1 would direct your att^ji? tiojpk The English merchants and oaonopplists, are inen Qi pnncely fortunes. They, witl| the lords oiikm seil, and of the political church of the land, (for such is the church of England as established by law,) may easily acquire a character fer spIendcMit and munificence. But how is it supported? N€^% the i8land|#f Great Britain. It is by the policy^^ of that government relative to its trade. The commec^ cial monopoly is the staff of pride and power. The mm^^^^ mmmm w $6 THE MOIiAL CHARACTER OF ViHJrpation of the seas is ar art of iDJustice.:r It Imm system <)f fruelty toward the weaker atates,^ tbat arwes th^m from the ocea.:. It is the crueUy of » Iicenaed robber, that attacks the traveller upoa ti^ b^hway, and prevents hira from , prosecuting bis journey to the njiarket. This, this is the cause of war,. Britain is rarely at peace, because. she seekib the destruction of her neighbours' commerce. . ^ War Js an evil It is a school of vice. It is * nursery of debauchery. By it, cities are. sa^cked, Ind countries laid waste. The dearest ties of kin- dred are unloosed, fathers made childless, children fatherless, and wivj^s converted into widows. You see, brethren, some of its pernicious effects in this city : and you feel and lament the evil. You bear of greater evils in other parts of our land, dur ring the short period since war has upon our part exr. isted. You deprecate the calamity. You regret the policy which led to such a state of things. You are tempted to call in question entirely, the hgiii- macy of war. It is not surprising you should. What more cruel, and less congenial with the spirit of the gospel? But Erigland is scarcely ever at peace. Such scenes are essentia] to her commer- ciial greatness. Her naval superiority is her glory. From the Baltic to the Ganges, she is shedding hu- man blood. And is she then innocent? The sigp- nies, the cries, the death of a thousand victims, on Hie shores, on the seas, in the cities of the liation?, are the concomitants of that immense . opulence* wMch the traveller admires in Liverpuolw^d in Lon- ■ .f(p^ mbj BRITISH 1!}OVeri)^|ie«}i.. 97 1^ ymty years of pe^cd, fii the ciyilfeed world, #oilW induce Gmt BriiaAthom her ^k among «lie toritions. Allow tbe ddrttSnental pollers of Ei^ ^^'Aee and fair commerce; allow to iJ^k IJttifcd Sfates the unrestraiiied right of carryiyg But the difference, in point of immorality, between them IS great. There is scarcely any comparis^. Our country has indeed transgressed, dnd we are at thte moment suffering the chastisement which we de- lerve. The enemy is let loose upon our borderg. ©od grant to us the sanctified use of the blow, and direct us to the means proper for warding it off. May the God of heavsn succeed our efforts, in the fteW, on the lakes, on the ocean, and iri the councils of negotiation, for bringing tlie enemy to a sense of justice, . ' , ' ■ ■' "'• ■ * ' ■ ■ vf [ Should we suppose an intelligent man elevated-lo some spot in space, abovd the world, whence, w^- out partiality to eithier of the bel%erents, he cdUld take a survey of both, and mark the contest be- tween them~He would, iipon principles of humattt- ty, wish success to the m6st innocent in the corab#. Independently of the causes which produced the strife, and of the consequencfes which would result, this uiust certainly be the wishes of a philanthropitt on beholding the Character of the parties at wa|-. Did you see a youth of mild demeanour, and of known integrity, engaged with an experienced and long practised boxer, who made a trade of boasting and of battle, you would instinctively wish that this youth might escape unhurt, or come off victorious. The mference I draw is, that, in the present coirtest. between the belligerents, described in this discouraft. humanity wishes success to our own country. LJ jpill lilJillili^P^HIMIpipiipiPPPili^ •vl' MMf cbvetx3»totn To the causes and proximate consequences of the |>resent war, I intend, hereafter, to turn your atten- tion. Independently of these, our acquaintance with the nationa] character of the parties, furnishes, an ar- gument in support of our hopes. There ia an eye above the earth, that knows the nations, that marks their conduct, that observes the strife. There is a Man, elevated above the world, with whom is no respect of persons, who is touched with the feelings of our infirmities, and wil) award to men and to empires their due. Christians, it^ j» your RefJeemer. Behold him on high, at the right hand of God, exalted abave all principalities and powers. He is Prince of the kings of the earth. He rules in the battle. He directs the storm. He is mindful of individuals. He will save them that trust iuhim. He will bless and protect his church, while the nations are at war. He invites you to come under the ^adow of his wings. There you shall have rest His voice of peace is heard, while his hand controli the battle. Yes, brethren, while his Almighty fin-^ ger writes upon the palace^wall this sentence against the nations, Mene, Mene, Tekel, Upharsin, to you ke says. Come, my people, enter thou into thy eham- hers, and shiU thy doors about thee : hide thyself as it mre/or a little moment, until the indignation be over- fasU Amen. fc*' Ijm '\hS lawfulness or Dr.FlSNSIVE WAR, .'♦ •iWMf%- i'i^'%' SERMON III. With, good advice make war, Prov. xx. l-fl. kim'^f^ ^tf if, "•)-.■ . • ▼▼ HEN the sbn of Jesse Was pursued by 6ati^,' fktf king of Israel, among the sheep-cotes of Engedi,^^ y had an opportunity of inflicting personal tengeatie^ upon his persecutor, iiia care t<> which he had 1^ tired. The itemptation was strong; bift XMid f^ sis pra.*^^ the ciyilized wodd from acting upon tbem. .iv^fi|>id ^ ariptmonis, which aft only unoperative as to the dbject professed J but mischievoiis in their coneeqiifehee^ by fostering the evil which they propose to'pretfent* I Jb6?:.at my duly PSFfiNSlTK WAK, m^ and laughs at the law. LegislatioB is still a nullity; Ifforcemay be spiled in any measure, short of inr flicting wounds and death; if the debtor knows be- forehand, that no power dare touch his life, he may arm himself; he may escape the law with all its other force; and he may lay under contribution, to bis cupidity, ey^ry member of the community. There must in such case be an end to society. This is c% vious to every man. Each state is of (;purse conj^ pelled to arm, with the sword, the civil magistrate, Each individual will say, though I have no right tp destroy my life 1 have power to amputate a mein- ber for the preservation of the bodjp^ ; and each stale will say. I have power to cut off any member f<^ the safety of the whole. ' ■ ■ ■ . • * . 9 . This argument puts beyond a doubt the lawfulness of war. Civil punishment is the exercise of force upon an enemy y to the community of which he is a memher. The lowest degree of punishment, involves the right of taking the life of the criminal, if resistance on W part render the application of such force necessary. Most assuredly then, if the aggressor be of a differ- ent community, and be authorized hy such comiiju- nity to act as an enemy, the sovereign power of the injured commonwealth may lawfully resist even i^nto blood; and may «pply the degree and kind of force necessary to correct ♦he evil. If the right of waging warbe wkhheld fri,ii the body politic, there is an end to the independence of nations, and all society is diiiolved. m '^%|#'^l'U*'KfiSi Of ^,»easoiiing upon these principles, I, am constrained to pronounce the contrary opinions, by wimtever names, and from whateyer motives, they are urged, both unreasonable and dangerous. It is the will of God, expressed, in the constitution of society, thi^ nations have a right to wage war: and if it sliould ^jer be made manifest, that the Deity* by positive injunction, prohibited the exercise of this right, I would indeed submit to his decision, and submitiron I^idtly ; but I would also infer, that,, in making such prohibition, he, who knows the coasequences of his own laws, had also ordered t^e dissolution of so-, eiety itself. So far is, tlie revelation, of his grace* from giving countenance to such absurdities, that 1 am enabled thereby to support the principle urged? in my text. With goo4 advice make war, ^^ ^c lawfulness of war is evident from the scrips, tures,, . ^Jft presenting the argument, dyawn from the ex- pression of thevWillof God, in the sacred ofacles* in fayour of the right ^cif making war, I do iiot forget ou conceal, that it is principally contained in the Old Testament. I also know, that in the opinions of many professors of religion, this is a sufficient reason for rejecting the proof. As all, that referred to a Saviour expected, but not Si» yet mmfeskd in tlte Jksh, in the Old Testament dispensation, has been superseded by the Redeemer, |n his mission, suffer- ings, and exaltation; as all, who believe in his ^BFWwrm WAit m iwAie, are not of sufficient discerttmettt, to distin- guish between morality and mere HtUal economy; and as prejudice and convenience are fruitful in nUi»- apprehension and misapplication, it is not wonderl^V that some of our brethren should be tempted to undfeii value the principles of moral order which are revealed by the prophets. It is, nevertheless, a matter of la^ mentation, that such misunderstanding should be so ge- neral and injurious. Very few christian societies fex- ist, who have not erred on this subject. The churtjil membership of our offspring— the use of our psalm- ody—the theology of civil polity— the exigence even of moral obligation— the utility of the Old Testa- ment> have all, by different sects of professed chris- tians, been called in question on this account, "There is not," says one,* « a revelation of a future state made to those who lived before the advent of Messiah." "Where," fjays another,! *will you find in the Old Testament, the doctrine of faith, or of imputed righteousness." While the minds of christians are thus amazed and bewildered, it ought not to surprise us that some good men faav« denied the applicability of the argument, in supjiort of the right ai waging mar, y/hkh all admit, k abundantly to be found in the bible. And yet, w« are not permitted to give up those great principle! of morality, which it hath pleased God to reveal, and t® sanction with his own iauthority. It is due to itif * Bhhop Warburton.^ t Rev. Mr. Freeman, of Newburgh. "wPi.. ■ ■■% Ite TH£ I/AWPULNESS OF hearers, to 89}^, that, in referring for proof to inspired ^aen before the incarnation of our Lord, I do it upon this broad principle, that morality and piety arE XSSENTIALLY THE SAME IN EVERY AGE OF THE WORLD. . i Man is essentially the same through all genera- ^ns. God is the same yesterday, to-day, and for ever. The image of God, on the soul of man, is at all times and places of the same character. Precepts, the reason of which is laid in changeable circum- gtances, cease or change with the occasion ; but prinr ciplesy founded upon permanent relations, are unalter- able. Although men should now pretend to more holiT ness than was possessed by Abraham, by David, by Samuel, by Elijah, and Nehemiah, this, however great the assumption upon their part, would not jus- tify their denial of the right of war, unless they eoqld at the same time show, that human nature is not now what it was, or that God, the Lawgiver, has undergone mutation both of nature and of will. If holiness, now, is the same as ever, then is war as law- i^l as formerly ; for that it cannot have been for- bidden by him who once autliorized it, is evident from the fact, that there is no reason for a change of law, as well as from the necessity of its legitima- cy, if society be not entirely dissolved.* We now proceed to lay before you, from both the Old and the New Testameats, (for in this case I * S«e the preceding; argumeDt, page 100. DBrfcirsiYI: WARit' tm urwke lio difference betirecrt^ tfi©ni)% liiimiiafy ▼!©# of tfae argument in defence of the right of waging war. W6 have in the Wbl^, in vindication of thig maxim, Affprm}ed facU—BoHrinea-^Preeepli and^ prorfsr-^Promises and prayers. •.•*■• fr First. Approved facts. The history of Abram^ <^ Moses, of Joshua, of the Judges, of the Kings, «id the ©oternors, affbrds such an abundiince of i#. stances, in which war has been waged by Divine ap^ probation, and often at his express command, that there is no need of speciftcation^ I do not, therefore/ take up your timo with references and explication^./' 'Second. Scripture doctrine inculcates the niaxim; liAke my proof from the New Testament as weil at from the Old. Rom. xiii. 3, 4. "For Rulers arK not A TERROR to good works, but to THk EVIL, ffilt tkou then ndt be afrdid of the vow erI For he is the mi- jiihTER OF eoD fo mee for good. But ifthoudo thai wHkh ii etil, be afraid; for he beareth not ths sWoRO IN VAiw • for he is the minister of God, a re# VENGEH TO EXECUTE WRATH upon him that doeth evU, I never, in the course of my reading, met with so perfect a description of the nature, the duty, the pro- vince, and the design of civil government, in so short a compass, as we find in the first six verses of this chapter. Without reference to any particular coun* try, but with a perfect applicability to all, the apos- tle lays down the doctrine. of dvU sovereignty, accord- the christian law; and he ailords anothei- tu THB UkWrULNKSS OV evidence of a tratb, which ought never to be forgot^ ten, by those who consider man in his social charac- ter, that the revealed will of God embraces the true philosophy of government. Individual man derives from God the right of self-government Hence the sacred origin of personal liberty. Man, in his col- lective capacity,, derives from God the right of go- vernment; hence tiie magistrate is his ordinance-^ He is the minister of God. The design of this insti- tution is the good of society — He is the minister of God for good. His province is the protection of virtue, and the suppression of evil. Riders are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. In sup- pressing evil, the national sovereignty is divinely armed with vengeance — The minister of God a ri- titiger to cjfeeftte wrath. These are not the wordis of a vain philosopher,, carelessly slumbering over ideal plans of reform. They are words of truth. The idea of civil punish- ment which they convey, diffei-s entirely from the fa- natical imaginations of deluded minds, and from the pretended discoveries of infidel humanity. The sword of the sovereign, is not merely disciplinary as , an instrument of reform ; it is also for vengeance, iPunishment is not prospective, but retrospective. It contemplates not so much the capability of improve- ment, as the guilt of its subject. It is the connex- ion established by the moral Governor of the uni- verse between pain and crime. This is punishment : and iie is but a novice in the science of jurisprur denc^ who has the idea yet to learn. DiriirSITB WAR. 416 Now tf the magistrate ddes not bear the sw<^ it Tfiin.be mustuseit; It is ptit in hit hand not for show, but for execution. He k not decked in military ha^ biliments for mere parade. He inita.on his armour, to ■trike with terror the enemies of bis country. God gives him the Hght of waging wat. He is the mtViiV iet of God, attending conHnudlfy on ikis very thing. As a man, let biih be m^ek. peaceful, and forgiving. Lei every man, i^i Ms individual character, be hu^ mane, concniating. patient of injury, sfot^ to aii^ ger. It is the law of ^hrfat It is strongly expresi- •ed, Matth. v. 39-41 . / say unto you, that ye resist n(fi ml; hut whosoever shall smite thee m the right chedc, turn to him the other also. And if any man wiH sue thee at the law, and take Hwa^ thy coat, let him have thy cloak also. And whosbevtr shall compel *liee to go a mile, go wUh him twrniL These precepts are noi to be UBfderetbod literally. They only inculcate pa^tience and forbearance upon individuals; but if they must be ^tei^fly constnied there is an end to industi^ and ^ial order, YbU must leave your business, and go with the ruffian without resistance, nbt only out of your way, whither he would urge, but even twice as far. You mu^t not take out a defOiice at lavv against injustice: you must not only ^alfow a man to take from your door, before your eyes, a part of your property; but also' give him even more than be desired. You must put an end to the r%hts of property, and pronounce the Jaw itself unchristian. You must tiot only l^ar with personal assault; but .also encourage it by tM THK LAWrUlRtSS OP turning the othtr cheek to him thit ffnitM^ .f^ou must in nowise, by no means whatever, by gentle or violent means, by persuasion, or by the kiw» retiit any evil that befalls you. Who then is so blind as not to see the absurdity of fuch a conbtructi(m ? Who so childish as to use this argument against the rights of war ? We must adopt a consistent plan of interpretation ; and recollect that the Author of the gospel, while he, in this passage, urges upon individuals a forgiving disposition, lays down in another passage, tlie duty of the national representative^ acting as kis minister, to exercise vengeance on the aggressor. He is a revenger to txt- cute wrath* This is the doctrine of Jesus Christ our Lord. It is the Holy Ghost, the comforter of our souls, that makes the declaration. He, who sanctk ties and instructs true christians, hereby declares that war is in certain cases lawful, '■••■■■■ ' ' ■ ■ ' ■ ;ii/i I might multiply quotations: but I only add in this connexion, the words of < Solomon. By wise * VMhiui ii( tfyn*' The word im^iimc is dorived fro- -wtum, ancl. that i rum <» and hxn. It signi^pu nn avrn^O*. Pe, ^\\n ra\t to itutividuals in the preceding chap. Rom. xil. 19, 2C eta.;, be- loved, avenge not yourselves, but rather give place Unto wrath: for it is written, Vengeance is mine, I will repay, iaith the Lord. Therei'ore, if thine enemy hanger, feed him i if he thirst, give hiiQ drink;' 107% in this case, of the national sover(ign,An bis official eapacl'T, < *»e is t\\e minister of God, an avenger to execute wrath.^' If th. dlsiiia; ilii^n were kept in mind, there would be no room for perverttiig scripture, constraining it to speak against the right of DIFtlfSITl WAK. 11^ CMftnel th&tt thalimake th^ war ,♦ the wovds of th« prophet, relative t<» the sons of Beubm and their alliei^ Tk€if erUi lo Oed in the balile, and he was tnireai^fi of Ihtmr^htft fell down many slain^ becmue the war nm if Ood^i and the words of Hezekiah, / have counsel and itrefigih for war^ •Nt' 'i i.5rd. Scripture precepts and reproof, God hatlf CiMninanded war in some instances to be waged ; aiid hath reproved, in other eases* those who refused lo. carry it on. It is i-tteiiy impossible, however, tfaatu holy God should command that which is in its nature unholy. That which is in itself indifferent, he may in his eovei-eignty command or prohibit : and the changeable circumstances and conditions, m whicli we are placed, may render alterations of divine law, predicated upon mutable relations, wise and becom- ing. But he never recommends malevolence, impe- nitence, or unbelief True, he once commanded Abraham to offer his own son Isaac upon the altar; but this was as a trial of feith ; and he did not per- mit him to e:xecute the deed. Jehovah has, more* over, a right to recall at pleasure the gift of life, and to appoint the executioner. And he doth so, . when he calls a nation to war, and to kill the enemy. TW mere taking away of human life, is in itself lawfuli' for the equity or criminality of the act, depends upon cu^curastances. Homicide is innocent. ..The execution of the guilty is a duty. Murder i» # ^jf^ Pro?, x^iv. 6. i isa. xxxTJ. 5. t l.CliFOii. V. 99« 28^ 118 THE LAWFULNESS Of crime. Those tvho kifl In a just war, are acfin^ iinder divine authority. It is what he commands. Psalm ciiix. 6. I^et the high praise of God be in thetr mouth, and a two-edged sword ih their hands to eite- mte vengeanu upon the heathen, and punishments upon the peoples to hind their kings with chains, add their ii6bles with fetters of iron, ^ The Lord reproves both eowardicis and oppositimU equitable warfare. That spirit of slavish cupidity, which degrades men or nations, and disposes them to prefer ignoble peace to manly warfare, as it is base and pusillanimous, is also contemned by the word of God, whidi always recommends every thin^ that is truly great, magnanimous, and good. Gen. xivi 49. Issachar is a strong Ass^ couching down bt- iween two burdens: and he saw that rest was good, and ihe land that it was pleasant s and bowed his should io bear, and became a servant unto tribute. They ^ have grossly misrepresented Christianity, who have described it as a system subservient to the ambition of the few, and the reduction to servitude, of the Many, It administers rCproof in a vehement tone, to all, who, wheti duty called, refuse to co-operate in the maintenance of right, by war. Judges v. 19—23. ZSuiun and Naphtali, were a people that jeoparded Mm lives unto the death, in the high places of the field. The kings came and fought. Curse ye Meroz, (said ihe angel of the Lord,) eurse ye bitterly the inhabi- tants thereof; because they came not to the help of the Lord, tn the. heJn nf Ihi, T.r.^^ ^.\.^: « ji _•, iiftu tliiUiilSf, ^ifiC iaigiuy^ SCFENSITE WAB. 119 I add, in the ftmrih place, the scriptures a«- aur^ us, that prayers art offered up for success in mar, and that the Lord who answers prayers, yonch- s«(e» to promise both a blessing and success, 'i I speak not, however, of the prayers, which Eras- tian power prescribes for the ministers kept in the pay of princes. I speak not of petitions mis- chievously granted or withheld, in order to gratify the mere party politician. I speak of the prayers of the intelligent believer ; of the single-hearted chris- tian; of him, who, uninfluenced by sordid consider- ations, pours out the desires of his soul to God, for a righteous cause, and for success to the means em- ployed to secure its triumph. To such the Lord hath promised the victory, in a legitimate contest with the sword. Lev. xxvi, 7. Ye shall chase your enemies, and they shall fall before you by the sword, 2 Kings iii. 18, 19. He nill deliver the Moabites also into your hand: and ye shall smile every fenced city. Psalm xciv. 1, 2. O Lord, to whom vengeance belong- eih-^show thyself Lift up thyself thm Judge of the earth, render a reward to the proud. Verses 2a, 23, Shall the throne of iniquity have fellowship with thee, which frameth mischief by a law ? The Lord our Ood shall cut them off Psalm xliv. 4, 5. O Lord, command deliverances-through thee we shall push down our enemies. I have trespassed, sufficiently, upon your patience, n arguing a case Ciear enougii, wiihoitt ine aid of special pleading. The objections, which are usually »^ THE LAw'rnhm&a QF 4»- made to tfie leg itinrjacy of war, in any cause, t have already antkipated, so far as they appeared tqt me to require examination. No man is more anx- ious than I am, to bear that ail war bath ceased throughout the ends of the earth. I ardently pr^y for the time when men shall learn ite arts no more; Iwrti 1 cannot adn it that the religion of the Son of God, proposeshto tie up the bands of those who feel ks power, and to reduce them into passive subjec* tion to »him, who delights in robbery and bloodsheds I plead in behalf only,: of kilh Drfensive Warfare, . .'.''•■■.■•.■'■.•. , . ■ ' In the application of force to the correction of in- jury, reason ought to guide; and if the force to be applied, is obviously inadequate to the object, it is in vain to make the application. It is madness to at- tempt to remove mountains by human agency ; and it is criminal to risk treasure and life, by engaging in a bloody warfare without prospect of any suc- cr€ss: In such a case* although cause of war exists it is better to suffer than to contend. Upon this prin- eiple, those directions which are given in scripture, and which some have mistaken for a prohibition of resistance in any case, are to be understood. Upott this principle the martyrs acted, taking joyfuUy the spoiling of their goods, and passively submitting, un- der a righteous providence, to an injustice which they had nb power to control. They suffered with- out resistance, because resistance would have only augmented the measure of their pains. This was OEtlENSITE 'WAR. 121 right. It 18 what was required of them by their Ood. There is-, indeed, an exception, in extraordinary cased, to the application of this rule. When the Lord expressly enjoins resistance, should it be onlf by a few or even by a single hand against a whole nation, man must of right obey; because^ however improbable success may be ; obedience to heaven is the first duty. He, too, who gives the commandment, is himself able to make obedience successful. This was repeatedly exemplified in the history of Joshua, the Judges, and the Kings of Israel. The walls of Jericho fell at the blast of the trumpet.* Before Gideon and a company of three hundred men, the hosls of Midian were put to flight,t and Elijah the prophet successfully resisted the armed companies of the king of Sama- ria^t These, however, were extraordinary events, and do not constitute, in the common proceedings of life, a rule of conduct in undertaking wan It is in those cases, in which the issue of the contest may appear doubtful, that prudence selects the op- portunity, and courage is displayed in turning it to the best advantage. It is manifest, notwithstanding, that whatever cause of war exists, it ought not to be waged without a rational propect of success. ~^: • Josh. vi. 20. + .TiiilovB vii. 99- t 2Kiugsi,12. 16 122 I V THE LAWTDLNESS OF This Is the command of my iexi; and it is the direction of the Lord Jesus Christ himself. What king going to make mar against another king, sitleth nU down first, and consuHeth, whether he be able with ten thousand, to meet him that cometh against him with twenty thousand? or else, while the other is yet a great ^^o.y off, he smdeth an ambassage, and desireth condi- tions of peace,* Having aheady established the maxhn, that war is in some cases lawful, and having now shown that however great and just may be the cause for waging it, no nation should enter upon the strife with- out a prospect of success, I proceed to explain what is meant by ' Defensive War. It is necessary to be very particular in affixing correct ideas to this expression. Believing, as I do, inost sincerely, that no other kind of warfare is j«s- tiOable, without an express revelaiion from heaven: believing, that the prayers of the saints ought not to be- withheld from those who are engaged in such a contest, and ought not to be offered in support of any other: knowing too, that agreeable to this rule, God approves of exertions and accepts of prayers, I feel it my duty, -while addressing myself in Jeho- vah's name, to the Lord's people, to define the term to which so much importance is attached. This is the naore necessary, because, while the words are on * Luke xiv. 31,32. y-^^ 'ibF.; FENSIVE WAR. 123 the lips of every 6ne, the expression itself is some- what equivocal ; and pains have been taken, in the common vehicles of current intelligence— in the pri- vate intercourse of social life— in the halls of legist lation-^and even in the pulpits of the churches, to play upon the terms, to increase their obscurity, and to give to them a meaning as erroneous as it is injurious, to the interests of this empire. The expi-ession, defensive war, is somewhat equiva- eal, I explain myself by a reference to the courts of law. When I apply to defence the term righteousness, and to offence, the term iniquity, I am to be understood as speaking upon moral principles. Oflensive war is unjust, upon exactly the same grounds, that offensive or vexatious suits at law are immoral. Suppose one of you, my hearers, is attacked in your reputation, your property, or your person ; and perhaps your life itself is in danger. You avail yourself of the law, and prosecute the aggressor, in order to prevent the threatened injury, or recover for the trespass. In doing this, you act in self-defence. You do right. But when the suit is commenced, the offender be- comes instanUy, in law phraseology, the defendant, and you are the •plaintiff at the bar. It by no means follows, that he who assumes the name of defendant is not guilty. In the case stated, he is ,in fact the aggressor. What would you thfen say of a judge, of a counsel, of a jury, who would play upon the' terms, defensive and offensite, and upon'^that use of a law expression, proclaim you in the wrong ? 124 THE LAWFULNESS OF Tlie truth is, tliat in applying upon moral princi- pJes, the epithet defensive, you must have recourse to the nature of the cause in controversy ; and consi- der the original aggressor as the oflenden You ar«, mforo conscientia, still the defendant, although he is, inforo kgis, called by that name. Suppose a nation, resting in the bosom of peace, is suddenly attacked by another; and one of its cities is taken, fortified, and garrisoned by the enemy. The offended nation raises an army, and in order to re- cover its own property, besieges the fortifications of the enemyr In this case, the enemy defends ih^ fort against the assailant. Perhaps he makes a very hfB*- roic defence. But is it this siege that gives to thfe war Hs character of defensive and offensive, or is it the original injury— the cause of the contest? Again, suppose this city had been thus taken by the enemy, without any previous declaration of war; and that the peaceful nation could not raise an army for the purpose of retaking its own territory, wkhout a for- mal declaration of hostilities. Such an instrument appears before the world; and the enemy thereafter meets it with a counter declaration, saying jou have first declared war, I am therefore the defendant; would you believe him, and denominate the contest, upon his part defensive and just? Supposing again! that this peaceful nation, unwilling to make its own city the scene of confusion, of carnage, and desola- ibn, should, instead of attempting directly to rei^ ^ver it from the enemy, march an army into the ent* DEPCNSITC WAR* 125 my's own territory, with design both to make repri- sals, which he might occupy as an. equivalent, and to draw off the forces of that enemy from the.position which he occupied, thereby transferring the wto, with all its concomitant calamities, into the country of the original aggressor; I ask, would this transfer alter the moral character of the contest, and afford to the enemy a plea, that he is the righteous de- fmdant? These questions must, by every man of sense, be answered in the negative. It follows, of course, that a play upon the words offensive and de- fensive, although it may serve to confound and dis- tract the ignorant, is unworthy of any man of impu- tation, and entirely unbecoming the statesman or the christian. It also follows* that the question, whether war be on the part of any people, defensive, or of- fensive, depends entirely upon the causes of its com- mencement or continuance. The eharacter of the war does not, in any xase, depend upon the date 6f a declaration, ot vpon me J^ace in which it is carried on. 1. It does not depend upon the date of the decla- ration of war, whether it be offensive or defensive. If lawful cause of war exist, it is right to wage It; and if it be right to wage it, surely it cannot be wrong to proclaim the intention, and explain to the civilized world the reasons for having recourse to atms. Declarations do not, according to the Jaw of ..Mi»»t 126 THJC LAWFULNESS OF nations, make the war, but explain its causes.* If one nation should injure another, or march an army in ordeuto subjugatjB an independent people, must that nation, so injured, invaded, and threatened, be considered as the offender, because the first in dt- •laring war ? No. It of course follows, that the date of the declaration of war, does nothing towards deter- mining its moral character as offensive or defensive. 2. It does not depend upon the place of camhat, whether the war be, in fact, defensive. The idea which I am now to oppose, is of home origin. The writers on moral science, and the law of nations, never thought it a subject worthy of tdis- cussion, whether it was lawful to carry the war into an enemy's territory. Neutral territo^;y has indeed been held sacred by the sentence of public law; but it is too childish to set up a claim in favour of the aggressor in war, for the exemption of his own pro- vinces from its calamities. The nation if^ne, how- ever numerous its members, and the offender may be • " ITif beUumMgitimumsitindictionem belli non videri nuessa- riam.''^ C. V. )3ynkershock. " The unirersal law of nations acknowledges "o general obliga- tion of making a deolaration of war to the enemj, previous to a commencement of hoetilities/' Martens, Book VIII. 0.-2. gee. 4, « As to the time of commencing war, it seems to be no way con- trary to natural,law, to say it is aiani^ timeihe wjured partjf pUa^ses, after having received an injury. The meaning of a declaration of war seems to be, to tall upon theinjuringparty to prevent it ^ *^ paration—Iikewise to manifest to all other stated, the justice of the cwwe." Witherspoon's Mvral PhUosophs, Lee. XiU. See. 2. riEFENSIve WAR. t^j stricken in tlie most vulnerable part, whether tipoii his coasts, in his colonies, or in his capital. If th« cause of wftr is sustained. Great Britain never ca» be atcused of injustice for the invasion oi Spain irtid France, nor her allies on the continent, for marching to Paris, Thfe plea is as absurd as it is novel, that unoffending provinces ought not to be invaded; the sailor, the soldier, the merchant, and the tenant, are personally considered equally inoffensive ; and for the same reason, none should be troubled in the con- test : the war may be waged, but upon no person whatever, except the sovereign. Who is so igno- rant as not to know that the sovereign is guarded, and unassailable but through his forces, and hit country? Who so blind as not to see that War is' waged against the nation as a body politic, and of course, so far as the end of war can be promoted thereby, against ievery member of thai body. It& not the member attacked, but the nature of tfiecoiW test; it is not the place of the battle, but tiie cause in controversy, that determines the moral chatticter of an existing War. My definition of defensive war is. The applicaiim of force hy one commonwealth to another, for the pur- pose of preventing or redressing actual injuries inflict- ed or about to he inflicted. As to the equity of the war, little depends upon the magnitude of the injury. This consideration will of course determine its expediency. If the evil inflict- ed be gfjial], there is less excuse, upon the part of ifir R%i THE lAWTU^WKSr OF tlji» aggressor, for persisting in it at the ridk 6f d# appeal to arms. He is not entitled to impunity, oii acQDunt of its being unimportant, provided it be a violation of right. It is for the offended party to judge of the proper measure of his own patience under suffering, and of the time and place, in which it is expedient for him to seek redress. AlthOuglt the injury be only about to be inflicted, he may just- k ly apply force to prevent it : a declaration of wat previous to actual hostility, entitles the other to commence hostilites ; and actions, which amount to a declaration, give the same right. when we move war, fearing lest we ourselves should be warred upon— Honest defence is underta- ken for othpr men's sakes ; to free him to whom in^ jury is done, out of the hand of the injurious," Al. Gentilis, J)e jure belli et pads. '!0 "War is offensive on the part of the sovereiga who commits the first act of violence. It is defen- sive upon the part of him who receives the first act of violence. Nothing short of the violation of a perfect right, either committed, committing, or with whieh a nation is threatened in future, can justify the undertaking of a war : on the other hand, every such violation, when Droved, and whnn amirahlA nuukth 17 •*^ ^^ THIS IiAWIULRESS OF have been tried in Tain, or when it k e? ident that it wotild \m useless to try such means, justifies the in- jured party in resorUtig to arms" Martews, Book VIIL a 2. Sec, 2, 3. (t The objects of just war, are precaution, dtfence, or reparation. In a larger sense, £\£HY just war is A defensive war, inasmuch as every just war sup- poses an injury perpetrated, attempted, or feared,'* Paley's Moral Phil, C, 12. " Tlie causes of commencing war, are the viola- tion OF ANY PERFEcv RiGHi' — 38 taking away the property rolihe other state, or ihe lives of its subjects, or restraining them in their industry^ or hinderifig them in the use of things common. The preservation of our property implies, that if others take such measures as are not to be accounted for, but upon the supposition of an intention of wronging me, it is oftien easier and safer to prevent cmd disarm the rob- ber, than to suffer him to commit th# violence.** Witherspoon's Mor, Phil, Lee, 13. I might easily multiply testimonies, should it be deemed necessary ; but I forbear. There is not one writer upon public law, who would venture his re- putation before the world, by denying the principles ©f legitimate war, which I have stated. And it worst of all becomes the apologists of that nation, with which this republic is now at war, (a nation which is itself scarcely ever at peace with its neighbours,) to refuse their assent to the doctrine here laid down. I)£F£I^SIVE WAR, nF »> if it be criminal to defend by Ihe sword, the right* which have been mentioned, no excuse whatever re- mains for the mistress of the ocean, ao her votari©« denominate the empire of Great Britain. , i Addressing myself to christians, however, in the name of the Author of religion, I draw, from the rule and the instruclion* of my embassy, the most conclusive arguments. 2. The Testimmy of the Bible. We refer you only to three historical facts. They have the sanction of his authority who is alone Lord of the conscience. They serve to show that war is law- ful when waged in defence of lihtrty, whether civil or religious—in defence of property-^or in defence of national honour and independence.* * In the history of the aufferioga of the Rev. Alexander Shields, written by lil|i8eir, an account is given of his examination before the privy council, and the justiciary of Scotland, in the reign of Jams II. where he argued the justness of defensive war. The same doctrine was afterwards vindicated in his dispute with the UisHOPs, to whom he was referred. He maintained his principles with great force and copiousness of argument. 1. From the law of nature. 2. Prom the practice of nations. 3. From the scriptures. He under the third head, par- ticularly insists upon the love of Uhcrty, which Christianity inspires and cuUivales, as exemplified, 1. In the mars of defence against ty- ranny, which the saints waged; and, 2. Which revelation sanctions. I. He gives eight historical instances of the practice of the hordes people in defensive mar : viz. The Maccabees— The Bohemians— The Waldenses— The German Protestants— The Hollanders^ The French Huguenots — The Polei — And the Scottla** Rftfn-«*- THI IkWVVtflKM^W ^^/ The Patriarch Abraham waged war for the v^ covery of connexions taken captive, and of property illegally i^ized. This is the first instance of war- fere recorded in the scriptures. The narrative is j^ven by the prophet Moses, Gen. xiv. That it ig Hfi ihstance of lawful war> is evident, not only from iSbe e<]ftiity of the cause, but also from the character of the friend of God, Abrahpm, the father of the fsitfaful ; from the success given to bis enterprise as a blessing from the Lord ; and from the benediction ;d upon him by Melchizedek, who received, as priest of the Most High God, tithes of all that ■he had when he returned home in triumph. Verses 10, 20k And Melchizedek Mng of Salem brwghl fo$rtk bread and wine, and he was the priest of the Most ■ High Qod, And he blessed him, and ^aid; blessed cfn. He prores beyopd a doiibt, that wherever true religioii pre* vailed, there was a spirit of resistance to despotic power. II. From scripture he presents Bve conclusive ai^uments. 1. Approved Example^i of which he adihiees >f(2cefi fix)iii Abraham to ^^sther aiid M0r ^ihetkirUinik year they mM- led. Afld io the fourteenth year cattne43bedorlaoiiitr, with three otbfer iH^hiebi«lshi»aUjes» tocrii&hthe^f^ rebeliioh; ^he four ^ied meiiarchsJaufceededf^ conqftiei^ their filrc^vdiilbdeFated etieoiies. Wk^ tiye;^nd'iLi)*«ii«s'rta»^ ers; ' Wbeii^«ilbraiiiih0a(nd4^thii^ het armed iiisOi^e J""^**^ and eighteen servants, and assisted by three acted as ilia :?iu^Ilar^efl^Jhe |?urgued the victorious Itiei^in&t^tejf^lfehfc^^^ -[fel,^ dl^hiceiiii^ had tcrgdf^lfQtn ihi^ pkdm ait, but he found it^ necessary to caii!y ^n the pur- unit, fat beyond the btHHidk of J^Mfilmrto th«uiid^. '" boUltoodof l)nD tb<&ir employments ^nd their homes. It ]^«aM«^d for a peopfe of a different fjwrit from that wblib influenced Me /a and to thresh Iheir corn In seCi^tiT lest they should become a prey. Such an imcerWintenure of property was a gr^at v^xatiog Ftoquent spoliations ocnstituted an injury which re- 5^red ail appeal to arms for resistance and redress- Tlie Lorn lfo4 diijected Iht^, htWfttUlieg be forthwitb V ^EFENSlVi; WAII. 135 '^*i ' commeiiced. Gideon ab^yed; a«d lie delif:^^ Mb country. The war was undertalKcn, principally,, in defence oi property, for obtainkig and ei^oying which /ti«% is essentially necessary. The Israelites,. ro)u»- ed to action by the difiine Wessipg, and led on to battle by the sm af /oa^A, pursued Ib^ enemy be- yond the Jordan^ to the cilieSiat the head of ^nHm. Regarding the cause in yifkkh <^ey were engaged, they thought not of liroiting their defence by m imaginary line, until the end for whi^h they toojt up arms was accomplished. They had lo find ,§pd fight an enemy; and they had no objection to npei him on liis own territory. Gideon went upoif^^ihe east of Nobah, learning that Zcba fm^Zdlmmm were in Karkor, He put them to flighty pufsbed the victor}^; overtook the two kings; madfe them prisoners, and returned in triumph to his own coun- 3. The last instance to which I shall refer you, is selected from the history of the son of Jessi. The narrative is found in 1 Chron. xix. and in 2 Sam. X. The case is as follows: Nahash, king of the Anvnonites, had shown friendship to Da- vid before he mounted the throne of Israel; and at his death, David sent ambassadors to pay his respects to Hamn his son and successor. The young king, inftnenced by the evil advice of his com tiers, insulted these ambassadors, by shaving off their beards, and ^sfiguring their garments. Davidheard of tfaia.«iid ihdignant at the insult, prohibited the return of bis m *:5I6 tAWrtTLSIKSSk OF avyants. to the fapitiJ, until the reproach should be wiped away, , Tarrjf ai Jericho until your beards be grofun. 1;he cbildi^ii of Ammon understood the ch^rac^r of the king of Israel too well, to imagine, that be would put up with the indignity thus showed to his crown, in the persons of his public servants : and they accordingly made immediate preparation to nMv^t the necessary consequences. They saw tkat thf^made themsehe^ odious to David; and they call^il Upjpn 4heir numerous allies to come to their as- sis^^e. An army is collected to defend the land of Mqab; and they. encamp before the gates of their own principal frontier city, Medeha, In the mean time David was neither idle nor terrified. He or- dered Jba^, at the bead of his army, to march to the contest. The prder was obeyed. The enemy was attacked in bis own country; and, before the gates of Medeba, the Syrians and Ammonites, although acting upon the defensive, were routed by the in- vading armies of Israel. The Syrians rallied, being reinforced from beyond the Euphrates. After retiring to Helam, Hadareser, their king, waited there, until Bayid with the Israelitisb militia came and gave him battle. This second victory put an end to the «^- rian war. Joab continued his success against the Ammonites, until having taken their capital, Raikdliy by storm, they also yielded to the conqueror. This narrative explains the doctrine of legitij^<|ie warfare, and confirms, completely, wlmt i ba^f al-. ready said, in defining defensive war, Actyal war 4lf*a Awa4 »IM*» :visi° DECENStViE WAit; 137 Ij^eftti^lbeybndt&elineofhkdwhtiii^ ft '^^f 1^^^^^!^*'* iiioreov6i> agdinst botb the Am» tB<»]it6d dnd ^he Sj^ridns, in their bwri coii'ntry, uittO ■^^^J ^?^ *<^^3'*y;^enioii8hed, and the Syrikiiis fiipfed to submit to ^hlsraeiitish ^garrison established ■ , - " ' ^ •-■ .'"^ ■ ' ,■[• - '. .■ ' ^ K 1^ ft6t tlife 'fo>e ol ded'arfng wai*, oi^ 6f making tfie attacitiidr is it tli4 )9^^^ thte warirca^^ riefd oViV that d^^ermikies its charactei'. In etery ifi^ st^iice, exeejrt In giving tti^/r5« ^c?i«f,the Amh«m- itfes in this wiar a^jt^d upoiti the d^dnSive. They ifever 1^ their own ci)^ntry. They defended their owft citfesarrd their bwq firesides: but lerhei came u|>6n them, fought them, and subdued them. StUli however, tbis wa^, upbn thie patt 6f Amnion, aii^ fimi^t wary and on the part of David, a defensivhwat. The bonour of bis crown was affected by the indigo niiy done to hi^ ambassadors ; and rather than he constrained to imke suitable atonement, the Am- monites c^led their allies t6 their aid, and ^rejiared for resistance. The king of Israel Was a maii of sense, a man of spirit, aiid a iwari of piety. He wak too much of a soldier, a moralist, and a statesman, t&; say or to think, after he had Jirst received the^ ii^u- ry, that a war in defence of the honour and indepen^ dency of his country, ought not to cpmihence upon his part until the enemy attacked him in his own do- minions. He saved bis own kin^6m, aiid made ilie provinces of the offender the theatre of the. contest. Under the influence of the Holy Spirit, be prayed for bis arnries, while besieging the cities eftlie Am- ♦ 18 136 THE LAWFULNESS OF Biooites^ 3S smcerely, as acceptably to God, as if petitions were offered for Israel besieged by an en^ ! my at the gates of Jerusalem. It is the cmfsi^ of war that determines its morality ; and David didvi>#t enter upon the bloody strife without a cause. H0 lived in a martial age. However n^rcb disposed to peace himself, the welfare ,/ people required the preservation of tbeiij iBii T ariah in Aa*al>i:<,U ' ' ' '.!.' 140 THE LAWFULNESS OV m '■■ III. When a nation is engaged in a lani^ui war^ U it Me duiy if aU totfford it their support, u h" ■ ■ ■ , , This part of my discourse does not require dhicIi jj^roof or illustration. Its truth wili be genemlly ad^ mitted. The usual way of opposing belligerent measures, is by calling in question the necessity^ or expediency^ »of having recourse to them ; and this aptriogy for opposition seems to acknowledge, that if war is necessary and equitable, it ought to be waged with the undivided force of the empire. Under ab* solute governments there is no examination of the character of any war iiecessary upon the part t>f the subject: he must bhey; he is /oreei^ to give support to the contest in which his king is embarked. It h dnly in states, which are in some degi'ed fr6e, that there is need or use for argument ; because in theiil only is the reason of the subject called to exercise. It is in a free counti'y, too, that the citizens should best understand the moral character of war, and witen lawful, bestow upon it their most deckled sup«i port Such a war is their own. However diversi" tied the pursuits; the interests^ and the opinions of the men Who constitute a free and well-regulated commonwealtl>, there is no propriety in their being divided upon a question which respects resistance to foreign aggression. Subjects of local concern may be variously discussed, and perfect unanimity at the^ same time be displayed against the common foe. It may not suit tie taste of every one to repair to the ^amp, and take an active part even in the most just DCFENSITE WAB. 141 war: nor is l^ere any necessity fbrthkM lii some cases it would be improper to reiinquiflh olherdu-^ ties, and seize the sword of defence itself. Nay, it is possible, that in a just war, those who conduct 'it, may «rder what it would be criminal to perform, and may impose conditions of« senrice with which it would not be lawful to comply^ These and other accidental evils may be examined, reprovedi resisted, ^nd corrected, and yet the cause of war sustained, and the ends of the war prosecuted, by the whole community. That it is criminal not to support a just war, 1 ae- gue in the following manner. Such a course of con- duct^ Prwnotes the injustice of the enemy — PtoUmgstht woTg with all its concomitant evils — and is Prohibited hy the Lord. ^'%^ It promotes the infustice of the enemy. Silence, %n8, words, and actions — whatsoerer, in its place, tends to prevent exertion in obtaining redress for Jie^ jury, encourages the spirit which inflicted the inju* ry, and so promotes the claims of injustice. When War is commenced, the contest is of course for victo-^ lyi ' He, who desires that victory should avenge in- jury, and vindicate equity, will be at no loss to say to which side his affections ii^line. Every man in a free state is oi some value. His opinions and hit Wdrds have sonte influence. They ought always t<» be on the side of equity : and if our affections in- cline to those who wage a defensive war, we so far promote the good of human society. Never should 142 TME LAWriTlNKgS OF 4 ^ cbHstiai, under any pretence whatever, speak or act so as to encourage tffence against tbe rights of liociety ; so as to encourage the injustice of the foe, or to prevent the due execution of punishment upon the aggressor by the forces employed by an injured nation. Whether he engage in hostilities or not, every part of his deportment, and especially his prayers, should unequivocally promote the success of the legitimate side of the question. 2. Those, who withhold their support from the war in which their country is engaged, do what tends to prolong the evil. When appeal is once made to the law offQrfie,ihe parties, if they do not cease to reason, en^oy dis- cussion only as an auxiliary to the sword. It then becomes a contest for victory. The aggressor, influ- enced originally by principles of injustice, is. not likely to be corrected by his own success. The his- tory of nations affords no instance of claiins, which occasioned war, being relinquished by the offending party, merely because the resistance of the other was feeble. When a people are divided, they ofifer themselves an easy prey to the aggressor; and- e-i^n, if they should untimately succeed in redressing the evil, their weakness and discord certainly prLdttongs the contest. A protracted warfare, althou^ vMir ttiately successful, is a present 6vil; and the frieiKfe of a speedy peace will always, in war, i)e 'desirous to employ the energy which alone can deserve aiid 5c&;uiC a pC«C€* iii^aujt jQvue '* * DBMNSITH WAK. 14S •'(T*. should trifle. It is ruinoua-^It is crue^jb proloi^ unnece^igarily, even a war ©f ^lefence. In so far at any Hiember of the community, in public pr in pri- vate, distracts the oouficilak or impeden the progr^^ of those who Conduct the wan, he evidently prelongi the contest, and does what he can to prevent the re^ turn of peace. So far the guilt of a protracted war. fare is chargeable upoi^him* It is^ indeed, an evi* denceof the displeasure of the Deity, when a people^ instead of unanimously co-operating for punishii^ the aggressor, are so divided and enfeeWed as to prolong, for years, a contest which might be brought to a successful issue, almost inrunediately afitef i^ commencement. The man who withholds his sup- port in such a ease, is the enemy of peace: be Icyves his party more than he does his country, niore than he does honour, and justice; moie even than hu* manity, or his own interest connected with the re- turn 6f peaces who strives, for the sake of party> to enfeeble the arm of authority, to withhold the a^ (Pessary resources, and to discouraige the soldier. * •#-,.».. #; T%e Lord tf the miverse, who is also the G^ of battles, reproves those, who withheld frdm their country their support, in a lawful war. - -^ -mf the terms upon which your country oifer^ friendship and peace to the enemy be reciprocal an#: just, you are wrong to discourage your countryj and so encourage the foe. If in your conscience y6u believe the terms offered to be just, you are mU-^on. y^uiiica li you uo not support your country in the H M^ THJI, J^AW|^m.{ifKS& PF ^f -^. con^eslr Tbe^JiKiUQral and imelijiidiis Jtend^cy of fr^r ;.its p^s* Us jossea, ^w^Us.dangers, procii»cQ the 4il^,cf having done fi^ H m soon as possible. vH iy^crinii^aiJo protitacttit; a^ 4>f course, it is dia- fl^fkiiiig. to the Deity not to ;pU8h. it yigorously 4p.,ai^end. , fe«i» ^ H^ |ji fi God of justice and of truAb* He will hav« ^i ip judg^ ,|-igbt^ous judgment. He commands f U| lo^Joyetbe truth and the peace; and to promote |he ^fiowledge and , tlje practice of equity. Thertefore ^e* reproves those w|io.do,not support an equ|tat>te ^ar> as. the oc^us^ of God, tha SupFenae> Judge* Judges ,y. ^23. Cn^se ,ye Mcras, (said the ang€l ^qJMc f^4} c^ir^ jfjLbj^tf^4s^iheii^uU>Uauis thereof: because tt^^Qpie ml t^ih^ ktlp qf tha JLnard,!^ M^Afijp^ tie The part of Jewish history, in which this reproof is found, asserts the sovereignty of God, and places th^ f<^«^#ha¥»ct^ir in a striking lights The words Pioted ^re^us^ in the song of Deborah, Uie wife^of |^a^i<^()^^wJ30 /by, an extraordinary proi^idenoe was i^ed Mp;tQlhi^ rank and the office of ju<%e4o the c^monw^alth of Israel, In the, sonf itself, we h^ve an instance of female genius, under the influx jf^eiOi 4i|Kine inspiration, and glowing with^poeti&ai^ 4fH>>'*«P#^'i<^^i^ti), and prowess. .} The prophetess ap« |Pi«"*r»> "'giving |)reath to the trumpet of. war," rousing the spirit <^fhei- slumbering cotemporaiies, end di^ rf qU*»g " the ^embattled host" to contend ^oir the>]itj l^^^QJt hei; flMich iiyured couotry,.to-coni|ltei:x and f*- OEf EimVk WAM. Ml m ifkmpk. rbmi^^^tm of pete^ and pt^ m^7» wHii whith 1M trilteg 6f lacobhffti been fl^ fouwKl, after ibe denfh tttW^on khijtof Moat> «Jmlr persecutor, had enervated that people, and so odca- wwied fiieir ignoble eiibmisslortt^r the t^^nnMl encroachments of /fliiii the Canaanilish kii^. Tmett^ ty years did this neighbouriniaf despot instiH the If> wellti^j commonwealth, and peculiarly vex and Op- rwesi the tribes of iUfiftm and I^phiaH. SUsera, the oaplaitt of his hos*, was one of the most a^e iM distlngiiished wwriers of Ihe age, and had at MsctHlf* «wn« an Qrataineiit weW armnged, and consequentry fWtnldable itf^^apfe who ioved the arts of peace. IJlie pei^le of IsrAel, besi««& appeared dei^ lined at the^LoKl to deliver her country from d^ straciion^ from insult^ and JSmmb kijury. Awakened', *9^? present oppresaion, iWor** reKnqtiished ^ ease and retifement under tlie pidms of Mc4l« Ephraim, and summoned aloi^^witfr he* t#the field of blood BaroA? the son of AhiBosini, atthe head of te^, thoittand undisc^lined voluanteers, to contend m em^ wUh veteran tixw^ supported by mne hutt^ dred chariots of iron* Barak was victorious. Bisera feU. Ismel was delivewdi Fea<» was restoredr Those llAQ:iainpnriaf< ^ th^ pr^^ pbetess under a dlrine maledkUon. ^ v , EphiiEto, and Benjamin, and lasachar^ thene irises tiiat maintained the war^^ are cpraniMMled. Reubeni %dit into factions by party ^irit, occasioned lamen-; tations in Isriiel-^For the divisions pf Mevbm iher9: were great searcMngs of heart. Two of the triluMi Were remarkable for their power and patrioiisnir?T- ZeMuw and Naphtali were a peopU who jeoparded their lives unto the death in the high- j^l^ees^qf^ the field. Upon Meroa, who entirely wHlitbeld h^j|^ port, when the ca^se of her coiimiry pr^^ibited neitr trality«-»-upon Meroz fell the cufseof God. i ;= -■'•mm'^b^ikk^:-., ^_: ■■■ :) -a-:tMw- Iff. ■ '..-■■'■ / '■ ■- THE CONCLUSION^ Prom these premises is * obvious 4q: ail my hearers. When your country is at war in defence of her r^lits,-it is yo^r tkity ;to eliecmrage, by alllawful j^ansi her exertions in the strifes It is criminal tb ^kninish her* strength, or impede her progress. 1*6 this principle I Would call your notice from the pSj^^y while om* friends and our brethren from thfe adjacent country are assemWed around our city, ^* defend it from attack: while those among our fellow- worshippei-s in this house, who are fit to bear arms, are practising in the field the arts of defensive warfare : while all ranks and classes of our fellow- cftizens are employing their hands and their money m, raising bulwarks on every assailable pointy to sr." CONeLU6IOI7« m protect our bomes^iDd our plm(i^ public} woi^ip^ let us accompaiiy them with &m Irishes and ou^ prayers, lest we beooine anenslayeil people. Far be k from me &> take advantage ^o£4^e gene- ral ali^m, to inipel you to a forgetfulness of the duties vi^bich you owe to yourselves, to triUh, and to yottr country, i*elative to those who ba?e been eiiifUsted, by tfae^ suffrages of a free people, to ad- mihister their governm^t; to make, to apply, and tois^ecute the laws* Examine^ yes, exaininei wdtfc r^diipus impartialltyv their character and theur acts: s^l^lr 6ui; blatne them when they do wrong: But forget not your country. Unite in her 4efence-T:in defence of her iijured rights. Support those who wield the sword, and who direct its application — support them with the .means necessary 1o convince the enemy that, whatever may be the domestic strife for influence, for place, and for power, in re- gard to those who have taken: your friends, and your fetkiw-eitizens into captivity, who have interrupted and de^oiled your trade upon the ocean, who have violated your neutrality, and who lay claim to your soil,— in regard to them, convince the enemy, convince your own rulers^ and the whole world,1iiat. ydu have but one miiid» Defensive war is lawful-*- a brave people hare* the prospect of success— and a moral people' will prosecute the contest to a suc- cessful termination.-^ Amen. "W^' ■ ''^'if' ■i.'> ■^■%:^W: ih-' •#?' ■^ - .«i' ■'tf J^'> j;i^^-.> ■^\i'^'- " ■■■ ■^ '■Tf*.«' -«^ 5|»it^"S(-:i j : wf-i* j'^r '^f i,^^j??^!^v^ '^ , i iu.^n. V-^ "5*1 ^ ''^ W^' . J-t. THE PIffiSBNT WAR. -tA^»». X SERMON IV. With good advke make war, Pror. rx. 18. XHE principles of this proverb I have already stated and defended; To-day you expect the ^ plication. If the gene^l doetrines laid down in iM preceding discourse be admitted, we can p^eed harmoniously in applying lh«Bm td^^ existing circuin- sUnces; but if the truth of these be disputed, we leave the case to your refleetioiis, without urging our sentiments ; well convinced of the dificuHy of eim- vincing men against their own inclinations. In order to refresh your recollection, and that you may ju<^ fahly of the correctness of their application to the p^nt pp-i^ I repeat the principles argued in the pi^edlngsiermon upon the same text. % Wkn IB IN SOME CASES MORAL. Beason and Meuelation prove this. , =iT Ju-Ez-cm^a \sr rsi\jrs.Rix, filUKKTY, Ami RA- TIONAL INDEPENDENCE AND HONOOR, IS LAWFUL: AND 150 i^E VricsiJnt wab. i>KFein^vit War mat be for precaution/ resistakcb, OR iUCDREtSlg. ^ ■'^f ■ Comnl^ Setise — Writers on Pidtlic Law — and tfiM: Word of God^ pr$ik this. The cases of J^am, Qi^ deoiiy and Davidi0rH^k ixanipJelsHn iUustraiidn. SuptoStiT ouoHT^To lii^iii^Tro A jub* wkj; ^ ' *A Stmt of JuMiei—the hve of Peace^^ofid the Sa* ered Seri^vttesiptove this assertifht. It is iilnsi^ted hyHheivi^fedSon^ of Deborah. ,j • Sfaottld any of Jny hearerif, anticipating the af^li- ^ilou ifbidi Iwi^^acl maikeof tbiese principles to the ■'Jjl^riean side of l^e present war, eithei- ex{^re98 d tjOfiibt'of (heir (eoil^cttiesis, or defty their tmthi^I hfftrt>€, hot eiitirely lost ^tny ofcgect. ttake yott HI y4ur caption. Ho waiter yoti ttiay be disposed to con- Mer your own countty as the md^t guilty iii the jir^- seftt contest, tf you admit tbfe pHticipte^ whfch I liate lft>wrepeated,thejusti4Ce'i^f Ibis war uponolir ^rt wiH iieee^arily follow; afeld If ydu reject the gefieral truths laid dbWn, the supetiorir^'ustice'Mthe enlShiy will, in order to be cousisteflt, be adrnitted by^you. Take your choice; and Ifet us reason tb^ getten * ?^ 1. Do yo« deny the lamfuhess of war in any c)ise ? So let it be. I shall join with you for the time. In 4ei)recating its numerous 'e?ils. It fldws from the THE PRESKN^ . WAR. 1^1 <;■■'■ • •If. in^leTolent passians;; and it encourages ajid ^t^i^gtik- ens the Ticioud passions from which it flows. .11 ar* rests the progress of improvement in society. It ioipoverisbes countries ; and lays wapt^ ihf fsitiep of the naiMotfs. It exposes to temptations* and cor- nets, the youth, c It exposes lio danger and ta d^Ui. It hurries into eternity, in an unpijepi.rcd state, thou- sands of our thoughtless fellow-sinners, wbo mi^ht otherwise have had time and space of repentance. * If it be entirely unlawful, it must of course be fie greatest of crimes w^ch manco^nmits against inapi: and the nation which wages war jbguytypf. a 1^^ nous oflfeiee against the moral Gorernor of (he world. Upon yqur principles,, war is a^natio^l criine ; and the nation is guiUyi|ffore God, and|iii your own estimation, in propoj^c^ to the mag{K| ^de of the offence. The greater the war, ^ greater the guilt. Piety tqo, abhors guilty nftiolwi Ypu, therefore, who consider war as a crime, will abhor nations in proportion to the extent of tl|e ws|iv in which they are concerned. Apply this, Blai|ie your own country for her three years war. l^ti|ie;F down as guijty. Abhor her in due proportion^ Lift up your voice againsit your rulers, who caused |he nation to err, and are foremost in the crime. But what do you.say of purfpe? Great Britain is also at war with us. You say, war is unlawful ^ thin* she too is guilty. Do you admit this? Her guilt is of older date. It is pf greater ei^tent. Ittis|of longer duration. She }s scarcely ever at pea^e. Her guill, upon your own principles, surpasses the guilt of all; the ^atij^^ |^^ j^^th. Hurii^ ^ 152 lUE PRESENT WAR. last fifty years, she hns shed more bleed ia India tfaafi has been shed in Europr : and in all the wars of Europe she is a party. Do yen then believe she is the most guihy nation npon earth? Say so. Let your conversation and your political opaiions matii* lest that you are in earnest, ^ow, that it is the abiorrence of sM war from a pure conscience, and not a |>olitical bias ajQrainst this republican country, the least guilty of the crime of war, that induces you to ie|>robate the contest. Declare, unequivocally, that as all war is unjust j as the gtiilt is in prqporti<^ to the extent and duration of the criminalky, Great Bditain is guilty of the greatest national injustice. You cannot avojd this codclusion. You cannot avoid the charge of insincerity, if you do not readi^ ly^ adopt this conclusion. But I hat« not yet done with this subject. I will try you further by your own moral maxims. AU war is crime-^A naHon is gmlty inproportim to the scale upon which it sins hy eatrymg on war. These are your maxims. Then ym declare, that tiie power of the British empire is ibtmded in crime. War hath raised her to her pre- •eat splendour. Behold her navy — ^what you call the instrument of her guilt. It is her support and her glory. It is that very navy too, which bath preved the cause of our war with her. If we are guilty for going to war; she at least was the tertjpter. It was her war — according to your maxim, her crime ; it was her crime against other powers that affected CBUf neutrality, and of course produced the rupture* Shfe despoiled our trade; she took seamen from otir pe#cetoi vessels, mm forced them to the service of THB PRESENT WAR. j53 SHii for you say war is sififul, Britain Ihen, engii- ged with other nations in crime, sought pccasi^i ^to Ibrce some of our people to take part in that jqrime. She committed a crime upon us.. She is ^t^ll guilty of the same crime. She continues at waiv If, then, war ig in all cases unjust, she is the most up- just. Examine your own hearts, ^vy^ by your al- jtachments, the degree of influence which your sea- i^jinents have over yoi^r inclinations; an4 most «fef-' jjuredly, you can no longer consider yourselves ^n- C^r^, if opposed to all war, you yet remain tlie parU- isans 3of lEngland in her strife with America. You will, if conscientious, speak and act in such a tnanni^* as to be above suspicion: and you vfW] dp me, I hope, the justice to acknowledge, that jiot my argdjflcie;i|» but your own principle, holds up to the moral world the government of England as most worthy ^Cchrjisr tian abhorrence,/, .„ * , ?^". 1Y^ 2.? You will, perhaps, admit, that defensivfewartis lawful, but deny my definition -of it tp be-e^rrect* Will you give us your own definition pf defonsivfe warfare ? Will y pu exclude precmiHon and redress^ and confine it tP resistance u^on i^our own soil againsi invasion ? 1 am satisfied : not> indeed, with the cor- rectness of your views, but with the sufficiency ^f your own admission to the object which I hav^in view— -to convince you that Great Britain is5tillth<| more gAiilty nation., Let then the definitipn^yow have given, contrary as it is tp all authority, be the one adopted in the ])resent case. Jhsi&tanec.JOj^n invading eneiiii/ is alot(€ iuwf Hi 7vt{r, - - 4 | , ' ■ 20 ' ■ ■ 154 THE PRESENT WAR. This is your definition. You will allow me again to urge the duty of consistency. Abide by the ap- plication of your own definition. Tell me then, when did England wage a lawful war? When was her soil invaded? Are her armies confined to her own soil? Is her fleet confined within the limits of her own waters? Was it within British seas she blockaded the ports of the nations, plundered our merchants, searched our vessels, and captivated our mariners? No, my friends/^ According to your views of lawful war, England is the disturber of the na- tions; and her crime is her glory. She is proud that her soil is in safety. She triumphs in the idea, that her armies have overrun the provinces of her enemy. She boasts of wielding the trident over the ocean, and in the ports of the several nations of the earth. By your definition, as the apologists of Eng- land, you may condemn as immoral the achievements of our Browns, and our Scotts, our Gaines, and our Porters — You may condemn the invasion of Canada by the American arms : but certainly, you have an equal degree of guilt to balance the account of criminality, between the belligerents, in the capture of Detroit, the invasion of Plattsburgh, the posses- sion of Castine, the plunders of the Chesapeake, and of the cities which lie on its rivers, and its shores.: and there is yet a vast portion of guilt to which there is no parallely^ If it be unlawful to pass in war, the limits of our own country, you may blot from the number of your saints, the names of Abraham, and David, and Gideon: but you cannot justify that na- tion that has died in blood the snows of Seandinavia, V THK PRESENT WAR. i&n and the sands of the Ganges ; (hat has kindled the flames of peaceful Copenhagen, and levelled to the dust the bulwarks of Seringapatam. If it be unjust to wage war for the preservation of property, liberty, and national dignity or inde- pendence, I believe it will not be easy to find in the history of nations a justifiable war, or any na- tion so innocent of shedding blood as the United States of America. It is impossible to reason upon moral principles against the side of America in the present war, without exposing the immorality of the enemy. Every argument, that can apply, in any one case, against this country, will, with greater force, apply in mani/ cases, to the other belligerent. Make the experiment, and you will feel the force of my assertion. In the books of the wars of England, no cause of battle which will bear examination can be found, if you reject as illegitimate those which have been mentioned. There is only one other conceivable cause. War may be waged in defence of religious rights in opposition to persecution. Of this cause, however. Great Britain in her wars cannot avail herself. The church of England is not suffer- ing under persecution. She feels power; and how- ever she may be charged by others with an intole- rant spirit, she is under no necessity of contending by the sword for toleration for herself. There was a time when English men fought for their religious liberties. They contended against their own kings, his prelates, his counsellors, and his ainiTi, 1 iicy uumciiucu vuiiaijiiy, uini itiijir viuour 15C> THE PRESEIVT WAK. deserves to be held in eveiJasting remembrance* That day is past ; and nlas ! the descendants of the New-England pilgrims, the descendants of English and Scottish dissenters from prelatical usurpation, appear to have forgotten, in their admiration of the grandeur of British power, the mixture of supersti- tion and misrule in tlie complex constitution of church and state in that land — the evil, of which their fathers complained, and under which tiiey grievously suflered. There are, in the Britisli empire, both within and without her present ecclesiastical political esta- blishment, men of virtue, of truth, of piety, who revere the memory of the Puritans, and who are themselves friends to the rights of humanity who strive to diffuse the light of Christianity among the nations ; and avail themselves of the opportunities which even criminal conquest may offer for that purpose. But the wars of the sovereign are not for tlie defence of religion. They are political. It is not- by the Royal family, the counsellors, the nobles, or the array, that Britisl) j)iety is supported. It is not for the honour of religion that tlie sacrament is prostituted; and that dissenters are excluded from power. It is not in support of the great Protestant cause, that Papists are kept down in Ireland, and raised up to all the splendourof their superstition in Italy, in Spain, and in France, by the arms of Eng- land. It is not for the sake of Christianity, in the most extensive use of that word, that a revenue accrues to the British government from the Paean TUK I'RFSEKT WAB. 157 esiablisuments of India. The wars, in short, of our enemy, wherever they are waged, are utterly ille- gitimate and urjust upon the principle of the defini- tion which you have given, for the purpose of condemning, as unjust, that policy of your own government, which makes the provinces of the ene- my, in some instances, the seat of the present war. 3. Do you give up tlie controversy about the na- ture of defensive warfare, and admit the justice of transferring it into the enemy's territory, but still deny the applicability of the cases which I liave stated from the Bible ? I meet you upon this ground with cheerfulness. It is christian ground. Let the Bible direct our po- litical conduct. Let this book decide upon the prin- ciples which we are to apply to the belligerent na- tions, in determining the measure of their rights and their wrongs. If I have misapplied its maxims, give 1/mr interpretation. I will adopt your own comment, and show you, that if its principles condemn the American policy, it will also condemn, with equal severity, and in more numerous instances, the moral character of British wars, for which you are an apo- logist against your country. You will again have an opportunity of examining, as a sincere christian, your own heart, and of trying, before your God, your scruples relative to the present war. You can then determine, whether they arise from tenderness of conscience, or from the prejudices of foreign par- »•»*♦» *«M^-i:?« I5« TflE FRF.SENT WAR. Offer your objections to the proof I have adduced from the Bible. Do you say the cases are not pa- rallel ? I grant it. The wars of Palestine ditfer in many things from the American war. Palestine itself differs from these lands which we occupy. The people too are in many things different from us. And yet, there are also many things in which their circumstances agree. But to gratify you, I drop all pretensions to maintain the parallel. I have cited the cases of Abrain, Gideon, and David. / have stated facts. These facts are not disputed. Upon the facts, / have rested principleft. These principles may be applied. It is not in order to amuse you with expert analogies, in order to run a parallel, that I have opened the Bible. It is for the purpose of exhibiting principles, and the facts which support and explain them. The principles being discovered, every man may judge of the ap- plication. Do you deny these principles/ War is lawful — detensive war is lawful— to prevent, resist, or repair an injury, is lawful — war may be waged for the defence of liberty, property, and national in- dependence, if any of these are either threatened or violated. Do you deny these principles ? No ; you have admitted them. I will, therefore, apply them to The war in which our countrv is at pr£Se;?t ENGAGED. In making this application of the words of inspi- ration, " With good advice make war,''* I design to show, that The United States have lawful cause of \ THE PRESENT WAK. U9 fvar with Great Britain, and to explain The princi- pits upon which the war should be prosecuted, I. The Causes of the present war. Whatever may have been the personal wishes or opinions' of those who recommended to the congress ta declaration if hostilities, the instrument itself, iu which the declaiation is made, and the Heport of the Committee of Foreign Relationsy assert facts, and con- tain reasonings, too true to afford the impartial reader an opportunity of denying, upon moral prin- ciples, the legitimacy of an appeal to the sword. That in the recommendation of war, and in the ultimate decision, some of the men in power may have been influenced by personal irritation— others, by views of ambition and self-interest—and others, by fear of giving offence to patrons, or to constituents, I do not take upon me to deny or to affirm. Such motives, in some degree, enter very generally into the rea- sonings and conduct of all men, and particularly of politicians; but even then there may exist a love of country, and a sense of justice, modifying the less worthy motives. With the private designs of indi- viduals, we have not in this inquiry so much to do as with matters of fact, which are of public notoriety. God judges the heart: but, it is known to the world, that for a series of years, the British sovereign was in the habit of injuring the interests and honour of this commonwealth. Whatever diversity of opi- nions may exist respecting the extent of the injmy ; and although the expediency and Justice of the war! 160 T}IE CAUSfCS OF at its commencement, may have been called in ques- tion, no man ever doubted that the application of the rule of the war of 1756, the orders in council, and the numerous blockading decrees of that nation, were injurious to the fair trade of America. The practice, too, of searching our vessels by their men of war, in order to impress our peaceful sailors inlp their service, as tlie fact has never been doubted, will be universally admitted to be a grievance — a heavy grievance to any people, and much more so taji free and independent empire. ' :.^- . There are two principles, christians, upon which you will expressj your accord. Whether the guilt of provoking the war, or of commencing it, be the greater, you will admit, both, that the sin, for the pu- nishment OF WHICH IT is PEKMITTED BY THE DeITY, is chargeable upon us all; and that the cause of THE CONTINUANCE OF HOSTILITIES, is diflTerent from that which gave it origin. If 1 shall have suc- ceeded in proving that the original grounds of the declaration of war were moral, there can be no doubt of the propriety now of resisting an Invading foe, or of continuing the contest until it terminate in an equitable peace. I do not rest my argument entirely upon the limited idea of defence, which is involved in resisting invasion, although in the present stage of the contest, this would suffice to proye, its justice. He is unworthy of being treated with an appeal to intellect or conscience, who would dispute, after admitting the lawfulness of \^ar in any case, the propriety of repelling, force by force, when a tHE PRESENT WAR, 161 cession of territory is demanded at the point of the bayonet, and invasion with all its horrors approaches his own door. ' •■^ ir I affirm the justice of the war from its com- mencement. Our neutral trade was ' violently op- posed, and almost totally destroyed ; our property was captured; our fellow-dtizens wei*e enslaved, while peaceably pursuing their proper employment ; and negotiation failed, after the exertion of years, to procure redress for the past, or immunity for the future. To recover and preserve property — ^To re- deem and to defend men, these are lawful causes of war. These are the causes of the present war. The argument requires neither art noir elbquence. It is obvious to every capacity. It is irresistible. It may be evaded, but it cannot be refuted. If it fail ia extorting confession, it cannot fail in producing con- viction. American property has been seized and destroy- ed: American citizens have been impressed and en- slaved. These are the facts. War, in defence of property, of liberty, and of life, is lawful. This is the principle. Apply the principle to the facts. The United States have declared war, in order to vindicate the rights of property, of liberty, and of life. There- fore is the present war^ from its ori'^iR. and a just war. lliis is the argument. ' 21 162 thk cAcses dp You inay speak about it, and write about it; you may close your ey<6s upon it; you may go round about, and fly from it : but you will in vain offer re* sistance to its truth. The facts are notorious. The. principle is confessed. The application is necessary* I use very plain language! my brethren ; it is tim6 to speak plainly tipoft this subject. Our country has suffered abundantly. Insult has been added to injury, by a people who regard the American repub- lic with an evil and a jealous eym They consider this country as a couimercial rival. They are alat'med at its rapid growth in arts, in knowledge, in opulence, and iri power. They affect to despise every thing that is American. By their publica- tions, in prose and in poetry, the English writers strive to keep their countrymen in ignorance of the land in which we live. They draw a caricature of our manners, our morals, our laws, and our religion. Their official reports, those documents in which the veracity of history should uniformly be found, are characterized by illiberality and misrepresentation. In diplomacy, they have practised delay ; they have trifled, equivocated, and insulted. They have sought the glory of Great Britain, at the expense of the Uni- ted States; they have endeavoured to divide and to destroy. The hatred which they bear to our republi- can institutions, envenoms the spirit of rivalry, with which they contemplate the progress of empire in the new world. Resistance ought to have been made long before it was attempted by this Uation — It ought to have been made with unanimity and energy- % THE PRESENT WAR. n.'^ il63 In Tindicatinf the jiistiiess^of this war, upon the part of the United States, there is one interesting question, to which I think it my duty to turn your particular attention. It is one of the principal causes of the war, that British officers have, while acting upon the right of search, impressed mariners from American merchantmen. This outrage upon the national independence, they have endeavoured to justify. The practice was convenient and profit- able for the navy of that country; ami they sought for a doctrine wJiidi might serve to give to it a sem- blance of equity. They strove to discover some general principle, which might at the same lime gratify the national pride of England, and furnish a source of allegation and dispute, among the politi- cal parties existing in the United States. They found such a maxim in the despotic tenet of perpetual allegiance to the crown. This maxim, never admit- ted by any writer upon public law, who has a regard to character, or is worthy of a name, is no less false •in itself, than inapplicable to the case in hand. Were it even true, that a native of Britain can never of right throw ofT his allegiance to the country which gave him birth, it by no means follows that the king has a riglit to take from his employments, any of his subjects, to serve him against his own choice. 1. He has not this right in his own dominions; and much less can he procure it, by violating the territo- ry of a neighbouring nation. If he have no right to -^lii'ut «piJTtii,c laiiiici u ijuusc Jii jcjijgiunu, a nu force the son away from hh father, and his mother, into lU THE CAUSES OF slavery i certainly he has no right, *^^iHrtue of na- tive allegiance, to force such a one awa> froni any other lawful situation iii which he may happen in providence to be placed. , \ 2. If the doctrine of perpetuAl allegiance were true, it would not justify entering by force, and com- mitting violence on board an American vessel. The right of search, for enemy's goods, or contraband of war, aboard a neutral, is tolerated, for the purpose of maintaining a fair trade ; but it has no connexion with the violent and injurious practice, of dragging men into bondage, when prosecuting a fair trade. f. Us perpetual allegiance gives no Hght of en- slaving an Knglish subject, by forcing him into a service which is not his choice ; much less can it jus- tify the impressment of an American citizen. Urge, as you will, the similarity of countenance, of dress, and of language ; and the difficulty of distinguish- ing man from man : these remarks go only to show* the propriety of omitting as inexptdienti the practice which is so liable to abuse, even if it were lawful ; but, on no principle of sound reasoning, can it afford any right whatever, to seize by force the person of a free man.* It was reserved for the boasted wisdom • To say of emigrants to the United States from Europe, that, in defending the rjjihts of their adopted country against the injuries of their native country, they are guilty of treason^ and deserve the punishment of traitors^ is a perversion of principles and of lan- euage. Any thins, that the ruline oartv. an uniuat imlffO- and n packed jury, vrW choose to condemn tinder the government of THE PRESEIVT WAR. 165 of British partizans, to discover the argument, tl^at an American deserved the punishment of impress- ment, into the naval service of the haughty emjure, (whose cruel yoke had formerly been thrown off,) ^r no other crime than his resemblance to an Englishr man. Does this denote servitude ? '4. The pretext of perpetual allegiance, can have BO effect, in giving the semblance of equity to th^ practice, in the extent to which it has been carried CJteat Britain, may, for that purpose, be denominated construahe treason: but treason cannot be committed except by atraittn'; and no man can be a traitor unless he betrays his trust. Injustice does not constitute a man a traitor, unless be has previously pledged himseir to a certain course of conduct. Pontius Pilate was unjust towards our Lord Jesus Christ; but Judas Iscariot was a traitor. He who has publicly disclaimed allegiince to the king of England, cannot afterwards be^a traitor to his majesty ^s government ; but he who has sworn s^llegiance to the United States,, and afterward serves the . . ■ ^^* There are cases, in which a citizen has an abso- lute tight to renounce his country, and abandon it en- tirely. j. If the citizen cannot procure subsistence irt his own country. 2. If the body of the society, or he who represents it, absolutely neglects to fulfil his obligations to a citizen. 3. If the sovei^ign would establish laws, to which ^he pa^rof Society c^^ oblige a citizen to submit."t ^ Of the ^AM justifiable cause of expatriation, M. de Vattel gWes three instances— When religious li-. berty IS violated; when a form of government is al^' tered from freedom to a more arbitrary svstem ; and when a nation has given up, by submissiori to an*, tber. Its own independence. « Those who quit their country from a lawful reason, are called emigrants;" and of *Uhe right of emigration^ he saya in the next sentence,! « This is a natural rkiht, which is cer- Book I. Chap. 11. fBookI.Chap.l9. I Sect. 225. 174 7HE CAUSES OF imnly exempted in tke pact of socktif'* li is, by the Itm of nations, a right which cannot be surrendered. proceeding upon this principlci all nations ha.t^ been in the habits of naturalizing foil^igners resident amoi^ them.* England particularly, as if deter- xpinedto make apparent to the univeise her own in- consistency, has furnished peculiar facilities for nor turaiisifi^ seafarii^ men of all nations. The short period of two years servirig aboard British vessels ; iQsarriage with a native in her ports; and voluntary enlistment aboard her men of war, form a sufficient ground for claiming theni as subjects. Tlie sove- reign of Britain, while he denounces as a traitor, every nalive of his empire found in arms against bim, forces to fight against his own country, the native of whatever nation; and, as if determined to elaim, what is most unreasonable and tyrannical, within the compass of human thought, he conipfelsto the battle in the Provinces of Upper and Low6r Ca- nada, American emigrants naturalized, even since the declaration of the; present war. The plain lan- guage of English royal proclamations, illustrated by the practice of British officers, is, " &11 the state* upon earth must aUom emigrations to Britain, but must prohibit emigrations from Britain to them : the natives of our own soil, and those of other countries, whom we naturalize, shall be our slaves for ever ; * " A nation may grant to a stranger the quality of a citizen, by admitting him to the body of the poiiticai society. This is called naturalizalion." VOltel, Sect, 214. ■«^ THB PRESENT WAB. 17^ l>ut let no other commonwealth dare to protect a na- Inralized foreigner J** 5t * Notwithstanding this exclusHre claim, of prohibiting ea^igra- Hon, ana encsoMi^ging natarafi^tioiii as siutsl)«r own co^T«n|eiice, Oreat Britain gjvea^ t«> Jie^ subjects, those reasons which require tjbe exercke of the natural imd unalienable right of expatriatim* She violates, in every instance, the i»act op societt. 1 . She does nol aiiibrdtb iiidastry and 'enterf)ris«, shnilar encotfraginijent to that Hiiicfa is giv6ii io America. For the means of a coorfortable sub si9t«ice. thbosai^tre constrained to emigrate; other'?^^«xpatrifttr tbewsetyifis, to improv? a condition already comfortable j and » much greater number would follow the example/could they conl. mand the means of transportation to the hospitable shores ofCofuin- bia. 2. TbP British 13o?emment does not fulfil its obligations to the citizens, in goyerning them by equal, Jaws. T^ie scale upon w*ic^ th? representation is graduated, prevents freemen from giving their suffrages for those who make the laws : and they have of course, a right to remove to a country, itt which society is organized ftpon more liberal principles. *.3. Religion is violated, uftd pious men are placed under potttiea! disqualification, and forced to support a system of faith anfl worship, to which they cannot^ as honest and good men, give their assent. To the corrupt cstabliehment they are compelled to give tiu tiUus cfaH. A very large proportion of the population, and the most religious part of it too, in England and in Sjcotlaad, is among the dissenters fpom the national system of worship; and in Ireland, there is not probably one out often who belongs to the established church. . ^ We have heard in this country, of the claims of Irish Catholics mr erriancipation ; but the reason of rejecting their claim is not ge- nerally known. It is not from any dislike that the high church- men have to the Roman religion ; but from their hatred and fear of the Protestant dissenters. The watchmen of the political religion of England, now stand with the Sacramental Test in their hand, to guard the passage to power. The Independents, the Baptists, the Methodists, the Presbyteriaus, the whole body of Protestant ^s^ f 176 ^UR (CAUSES OF 5 The Might of Ejopatriation appears from the tibsurdity of the doctrine of perpetval fealty to the place of nativity. In the decision of this question, every man of piety has aa interest. However few the men who reason, in order that they may understand j ^nd exa- mine moral subjects, in order that they may disch^rg« their duty, there are still some, 1 trust, who would rather suffer on the spot which gave them birth, than leave it for ever, if by so doing they must violate the laws of morality, and sin against their God. Upon the principle which I am opposing, sad, sad indeed, would be the condition of man. The child is pinned down in the place of his nativity as in a, prison ; and, unto its local authorities he is for ever in thraldom. The African and the Hindoo dare not leave his country for another. The Frenchman and the Spaniard must never throw off allegiance to Jbopis and to Ferdinand. To the Prince Regent of England, the emigrant must continue in subjec- tion, although he, in an unhappy hour, has perjured himself, in disclaiming his authority, and becoming a naturalized citizen of this republic. And by the same rule, of obligation to the place of birth, the authorities of Connecticut extend to many citizens of New- York ; the local jurisdiction of every corpo' senters, are tlie objects of opposition. \he late bishop of London, Randolph, avowed his enmity ; and threatened to suppress, all dissen^ ten from the establishment, in his own diocese. '' Is not this a reason for fXP.roAfnner tho ritrht nf avnat.Satln.. <> . THE FIMISlNT*T«aiR. ill tktion of a city or a village perpetually binds every one born within their respective limits. According to this morality, my hearers, you are guilty of trans- gression, for having left the township in which you idrew the first breath; and in order to avoid further guilt, 3^u must return whence you came, and leave be- hind you the wishes and the children you have gotten in this city ; for here they must remain until they re- tire to the tomb. You must, instead of encouraging a free and honourable intercourse among men of all liations and kingdoms, in order to make them live as one great rational family of the same blood; instead of encouraging a rivalship in equity and honour among the naUon^, and a spirit jf personal frcsdpm and generous feeling among the natives of every clime and kindi-ed— instead of this, you must require that man be chained to his birth-place; that sullenness, and non-intercourse, and jealousy, and hatred, be cherished ; and that society be cut up into minute sections, With feelings and with views graduated upon the puny scale of counties and of townships. Then will Aristocracy peipetuate her dominion, and Despotism horribly smile from kei' bloody but triumphant car. The absurdity of this doctrine is so obvious to the christian, that I am astonished to find among the professed followers of my Redeemer any of its ad- vocates. The man who inculcates perpetual alle- giance to the place of birth, assuredly calculates largely upon the amount of human ignorance and ioiiy ; he ventures far upon the slavish feelings otlm 23 m tfti CAUBUft (^ inNi^}sa^i bul Irti does little credit to his own (Hacerninent or benevolence* 1 cannot but infer, tltet God has bestowed a scanty supply of brains upon th« man that denies the right of expat riation^^ unless indeed by a course of uncommon depravity^ he hag himself destroyed the finer fibres of the heart. Par diflerent from his, is the morality of the cbri« tian i-eligion. ' i GyWith the scriptural argument, I close r.iy de- fence of a man* s right to choose his country. ^ The scriptures inform us, that God gaye the earth td the children of - men. It was his will and com- mand, that it should be peopled from one pair. Gi)d said unto Ihem, befruitfid, and multiply: and re- ptenish ike earth,^ But this order could not be exe- ctfted, Unless the children should emigrate from the place of their nativity, settle in other countries, and "form new societies. There is, moreover, no provi- iSion made in the scriptures* for keeping the colonies In perpetual subjection to the parent state. This V luld nftake the whole world svbject to one unwiel- dy despotism. Upon the contrary, we are assured, that when religion prevails over all the earth, there flhall still be distinct nalionSy which Sai,, . shall deceive ji(^wiore;t there shall still be distinct kingdoms— even the kingdoms of this world, that shall become the kingdoms of (mr Lord and his Christ. In confor- mity to this principle, the Governor of tlie universe. ' Oen. i. 2«. + Re?. Kx. S. THfi PRESENT WAR. iff at an early a^e, when' raen formed the plan of nd- hering together in one great and corrupt society, performed a miracle to prevent the evU ; and, mth€ Jjord scattered them abroad from thence, upon > the face of all ihe earth.* Instead of permitting the- so- vereign of every conntry, to deceive the siibject with claims of perpetual allegiance, God command- ed Abram to expatriate himself. The father of, tfee faithful obeyed, and left his native country. In vain would the kings of tlie Canaanit^s claim, a^ bound to serve thfem, the descendants > of Abram, born in their territt'^ies. Ja^ob removed with his family to Egypt ; and even there, notwithstanding the power of the monarchy, they claimed the r^ght of being considered as a distinct people, and of emi- grating at their pleasuic from the land of bondage. The proclamations of the Prince of Britain would have passed for morality at the court of Pharaoh j but Moses, without fearing the wraUi of the king, said unto him, Lei m^ people go.'\ The tyrant ^ulti mately suffered the punishment of his crimes, whoa he attempted t^ reclaim, as native subjects, the Js- raelitish emigrants. Pharaoh, and his host, his cho- sen captains alsc; were drowned in the Red Sea, Moses did not offend the laws of morality, al- though m viij^'spile of native allegiance, he invited Mo- hah to i^Jip^triate himself from Midian, and accept of naturalization in the commonwealth of Israel. Come thon with us, and we will do thee good — Lea^e ut Gen. xj. 8. iExod. V. 1, &c. im 'ttm CATj'sm or naty 1 pray thee— and it shall ht, if thfmgofvitk tif, that what goodness the Lord shall do unt^MSfthe same win we do unto thee.* 1- will ndt pursue this discussion further. I trust 1 hare already sufficiently vindicated the principle upon which, I myself, in connmoii With many of my hearers, and of my feliow-citizens in New- York, have acted. The principle upon which, the mlnii^ ters ef ireligioD miPist, in iriany instances act, in con- formlty to the command of the Prince of the kings ot the earth, Go yt inio all' nations-^preach the go^pH to every creature ; and Id, I am with you, even unio the end i»J the world-^iHE principle op i^cpa- TRIATION. There are, I feel and acknowledge, many tender ties to bind us to our native country. We cherish, iff fond recollection, the scenes and the partners of our youthful days. We revere the land of our fa- thers, and the place of their sepulchres. We look back on the friends that we have left behind : we de- sire their welfare : we cultivate their correspon- dence ; and we are not ashamet o call them bre- thren. If we have left the national society, and have thrown oif allegiance to their rulers, we count it no dishonour to have been born in a territory, where arts, and science, and literature, and heroism, and patriotism, abound. Even now, i can gladly trans- port myself on fancy's wings to my native hills. 1 iNumo. X. ay — n^. THE PRESWNT^ Tf AR. im would still listen to the .music of the Itukr 4o • ihm bleftting of the flocks, and to the reaper's song;; and 1 would close the day, in the bosom of a peacselM family, with a solemn hymn of thanksgiving to the Lord. I would still gaze on the lofty rocky wkeie the eagle builds her nest ; admire at' a distance, ^e cleud-eapt cliffs of Benmore, and count tl% foaming billows of the Atlantic, rolling among the basaltk pillars of Staffa, along the classic shores of lanaj* to the bold promonlories at the mouth oiJjo^levan. I bless my natire country, and take pride in^ aU tie excellency of her sons. Others too, feel towaitls their native place, as I do. But yetj my bretlfti^h^ on a question of morality, truth must decide. Coti^ science, and not fancy, must make the application of God's law. I have frequently felt surprise, at the inHuenfe of national feelings over the moral prmciptes* of men of talentfr and of virtue. Some men of that descariptioB; men too, of quick sensibility, of high and honoura"' ble feelings, have been seen listening to difcussion&i which, in denying the right of transferring nllegiance; charged themselves with perjury. For, if fealty be unalterable, the oath of naturalization is a falsehood. There is one remarkable part of the character of the sons of Britain, which is worthy of imitation Irf the childien of Columbia^ It is their attachment to country. It is often extravagant in the former, and it is misplaced when directed to the society which * Icain^iU. ilJ2 'THE CAUtiES Ol^ they have left, more than to that of which they liave become members ; and especially, when it embraces the guilty crown of the kingdom: but it is in itself an honourable principle: alas! it is too feeble, in the hearts of those American citizens, who admire the moral order and politii^al machinery of Great Britmn, more than they seek to preserve the integrity of their own republican institutions. I have not made these remarks on misplaced attach- ment to country, with a view to apply them to those emigrants from the dominions of the British king, who belong to this congregation. No. To you, my brethren, they are not applicable. In cotnmon with t ho^e chris- tians in your native counti-y, and in this, the country of your choice, who are bound with you in the same faith, and in the same covenant, you ettibrace, as a part bfyoi- a' Christian doctrine, the priniciple of expatria- tion. You disclaim, by ihe solemnities of religion, allegiance to the corrupt, political, and ecclesiastical system of British misrule. That rvas your country. It is so no rnore. To our brethren ; yea, to every man in that empire, we wish health, and happiness, arid eternal life. But this country, although we see s^nd lament the evils which appeiiain to its inhabit^ imts and to its government, this country, is now be- come our own. Here we have voluntarily settled. Here we have married our wives. Here we have oiir homes. Here we have our children placed as olive-plunts around our table; and here we expect to leave our Jlesh to rest in hope, when the last breath THK PBJESdlVT WAR. 1^ turn to God. To this couotpy, during the present struggle to maintain the rights of expatriation, Xq preserve the rights of the stranger, who expects not in vain to find hospitality — Xo this country, we wifh. success in the present contest. We pray for a hap? py termination of the strife, and for a speedy resto- ration of the blessings of peace, tliut in ike pea^ thereof we may have peace, Haying thus vindicated the most doubtful paft of the cause of America in the present .war, and giveii evidence of its justness, I go on, II. To show the Principles upon which .the War. may he lawfully prosecuted. ,, ?, .,^^., - Besides the question of right to make war upoa an offending nation, there are many consideration* tQ be taken into the account of its moral character* Qoverpments, as well as individuals, have not unfire^ quently displayed pride, indiscretion, and malev4]^ knee, in contending for their unquestionable rights^; and have thereby given a character of inexpediency and criminality to a contest which might have been conducted by better men upon moral principles. Nor is the fact to be concealed, that the virtuouf part of a community are justified in the sight of God and their country, in keeping aloof from a contest, however good the cause, if moral evil be made esr sential to the mode of carrying it on. We must not do evil that good may come of it. If the terms, UDon which admission into the army, like the British tLm*i-,.,^^,m-:^^ ^?P^^ m THt CAUSS0 -'W jftd^ramental Ust* be absolutely siiifu), it becomei| a diity, even when the cause of war is just, to r^etit tbo terms, and of course to withhold a support wbi(;b cannot otherwise be afforde<1. H^ It is evidently, therefore, both the duty aud the interest of those who are placed at the head of a nation, to tak«i order, that the wars., which, by the in- justice of others, they are comp<}lled to wage, he prosecuted upon equitable principles. If it should be the lot of a conscientious man to livfin a belliger rent state, which wages a war, just in its causes, but iniquitous in the mode by which it jis conducted, he b^s only, when the evil is beyond his remedy, to withhold his personal agency, and to pray that the came may, notwithstanding the sins of men, be pros- pered by the Lord. No iniquity of the instrument can justify the dereliction of a good cause. Those, of course, cannot be esteemed as virtuous members of any community, who, under the pto of improvi- dence, of weakness, or ipismanag^mept, upon the psm^t of rulers, not only strive to prevent the success of ^ lawful war, but also, wit^ design to increase the na- tional embarrassment, deny the justness of the con- test. With this distinction, obvious to every iwa%| shield, from the charge of insincerity, those conscien- tious men who may disapprove, of the present ad- i»inistration and the conduct of the „ war, while J make no apology for him, who, devoid of patriotism and virtue, calls in question the legitimacy of the See page 7). - THE PRESENT WAB. cottfest as it now exists, and recommends ^ubmissidli to the enemy — I make no apolo^ for him, who strives fo prevent the success of his country in the present strife 1 leave him to the comfoiis of' his own reflections, knowing, as I do, that whatever may be his motives, thoy cannot command the ap^iroba- tion of ' ■ s country, of his colemporaries in other lands, of postui Ky, of his conscience, or of his God With mm, therefore, I do not stoop to argue the question. To others I say, let us examine. Upon moral prindp- pies, the mode of prosecuting the present war. n ' k I am not the eulogist of men in power; neither rfb I give flattering titles to man: 1 love the country of my choice, and I pray to God for the prospi^rity and success of its arms. I lament whatever of inde- cision, and imbecility, and improvidence, and riiiis- management, hais appeared in the halls of legiidlation,^ in the executive councils, in the leaders of our iafiiies. I could fervently wish, and devoutly pray, for more firmness, and wisdom, and action, and for more ex- tensive resources in men and in money for the safety of the nation. But 1 would not dispute, and embar- rass, and threaten, for the purpose of producing an ef^ feet, for which I should afterwards blame those who were irresolute enough to listen to my opposition. I would not strive to bring about an evil for the sake of fpondemning it, and injuring the country. 1 would not tempt to sin, for the sake oi trixtrnphing iyverthef^m. I submit to your consideration the three follow- -45 1" 24 IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I La|2.8 |25 US ■■■ ■^ Ui2 12.2 £ hS. 12.0 1.8 j ||l.25 ||U 1.6 1^ 6" ► ^ V. 7] ^ > '/ Sciences CorporUoii 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTEP.N.Y. M980 (7«&) 872-4503 '^>A ^ %"^"a'«^ ¥^;^ '^ '6'- 4. f ^'H'W ' PP!U*'^ ^.W^'P^IW'^W^ THM fmmuma vm»,:^micB ^:i m^h, i$ the pf'epm^^^ ^ ^Uack^^f^kmigei ''; ? ■fi. '^W ^ ^^"^l DOW explain these j^fiQflples,; ,9nd appl^ t4>^ iKu>de in w^lciithU w^r 13 conducted. ; 1^ J^ it siate ^ Jl^ttr^ ru^ ^ust consider each CQmr 13^^mtg as om Bodj/ jf-V- >- 5^',- ■ • ''■*».-i'3|- However ^xtenske ^p empire, however jiume- ^^ da the greatest possible ipjury to the hos- tile battalions. If he besieges a city, he will selept ^e.#iost vulnerable spot, and there strike the blow. |t 1^ V5?x>rse than trjfling to allege, that tJiis is pusill^- S?W*?s^>'imnapral* The sole obiect of ajust war is to make the enemy feel the evils of his own iiyusr tice, and by his sufferings dispose him to amend his^ ways. He must therefore be attacked upon the most accessible x|uarter. ^ Bee pages ]26, and 132. If'- iil^^f^'Mi 'iiil#R|p of Vpvlpg ilfefi^v ■'■ The mf- pslins^tMM^ c^'ibe^^^^ no ^id^iir ol^ic^li upon tbk'^eufaject. Great Britain, »^arate^c^lct3%f^acte OA boAtlfese points she feels ; and you may jildfe<# of her ^i^gs firdm the fact, that tbose vilro feel with her, and for fi^r; dtm6tig dtii^li^es,' feel ihost Upon thes^ vcii^^b- j^etsi ' llfeit*fleetk arid her artni^, thd^ ijo^i^t^iil^B ^imtfpm^ to Miers, ai^ oif n6 use Ndt the pb- ttoidn df hercototties and coirthiferce. By attiidl- fii^ ttrid conqueriftg them, the citizen! of ^iraiCJi iato)^ iCifilire^imd liaVe acquired, rend^ii • but it is/^ tapUiitog that which they pfbtecJt, and for wy<4 alone they are' supported, that the enemy can bfe fet«>ught to fecfl, to reason, and do justice; ' Upper Canada, particularly, iJresented io ^ tFiiited' States the mclst eligible theatre for the c^ ^feat. V^ilt Was thte most accessible part of the eiSelipiy'd ^liitoifjr,^— ^e possession of it would prove tfie dis- fence of anfextended frontier frorri the ravages Wt^ l^tfbdircmi l|lKi5airbai^nty^'^^6»Mitm1|ht b^ is iiri equivalent uiitil, for the sake of its^restptyti^^ the erteiiiy wotild be constrained ; to do ' ju^tt^. ^ese considerations put the;>o/tVy of attfckiftg /t %efolillii^m^svmrAM 6f ft ii^es^ily iDillows from the justness of the war iteelf.- IJd^i^^ 4oubt this ? Show me wherefore, and I wiU answer fmw^^^f^^Wfmmmmfi^^ mm: f^^ f(m.^M%y&m afgiHiieiitf iii m^) n&A^ j^^td^j^ js lit hand. «The infaabilants of Gaoada have coiiir inleted tk> €ibtiee.- Is tbfi^^0t» ttigioi^Bft? Who tlMW his ofi^i^d f '0Ri»6flMiet^> tlw Saflor ? If «u Hl^ MiDisteri Ibe Hegeilt^ Wlbyou llien despatch ftmelamg^ of lift^rato ire^^^a^e Itt tfssnisitele th« oI7fae Canadiam hani ofllidied^ iTbey hare made^ir^ia»nmofi citus^ ? with thiir sovot^ign. In Mmmko ihepteimis ^tem ilu^ hk»i»ffkitded. Let tbdai'peacefuU^F dii^itigifish thetli^ : li|llii^#4»itt bini, and remain as non^irMii^itlftfil^ ill the' posie^idonr and iisa Of their prop«lty**-«atid these, i^ noi^eiiti^ shall theti he iinmolestedi It # &ot agaifttt the tiholfelidiiig Cairadit^s, it is agalM^ the hii^* tiroops, aiM^ the kilig*B fleets end ii^unst ithe UtigM^ territories, that the United States wage this war on thi wiiitel« afid ^ shores of Erie, Ghampkin, atid Ontario. And 5^011, tooj I fift^>ecty frocii^ the nature of your remark, do not so much dispute the hgiU' iiiiaicy of *his part of the war, as you dislike the whole citfie. Sympathy with the Ganadians has fi^^fuei^y bi^ aiifecited as a beneyolent method Of ainili^ a'^cte-hbw at the administration of the govemt^ii^ This ttiay he<€onindered as good poHey ; huiit paiv tik^d ttot^f the eandour of reHgiOfi. Tlsa fiatish eAq^^^e the huinan body, has many Boeiiribersi ai^' attHi&lnembers'beiiig many> are one body. In H state of i^ar, an attack upon any member is lawful. lo a moral point of Tiew, it makes ik> difference whether the: blow falls upon the capitol or the colony. Th6t wfaeie nation is one bodvi jm: wjm ni-^msmmim^ m^, ne'NtOim rnkfitt^Hfr^pfr' ir»»|:f-: ''hi \t. vHamsnitj prescribes law» for j^Uigemnt C€»ipfiMi)f nitipsii. Tlie :c«ik of .^liiriirfi liecessariljr^i^eat; «ild; tH&^r 0iq;hi!|idt to bef^tiirr^e'caessarily ioci«as^ BeI* vttle p^nom and property^ whose injuiy cam^i ai^ §mi Iki6 mjskriyrevByy should reinsi* wimolesleiw \MMi' monumeittg of tli6«fiiie 2»t8 ape respected ti|F c^tiy«M] natioiis; aiid sione^ but barbarians aw ill dft«»^ sign^di^p ilestrof elegant edifices or libraries. ; Tits I^Uder^ bttmlets and>«Ulai|i8, the conftigratioB o^ pidyati idiVieMfngs aikii barm^ can have no other effect thill «Atil^i)^iiig tpi^vate !iniser3r^ and producing fl^i'm digkies of «xasp«rati«(n ; for the rule^ of to« iiliaik$^ lii>a lieelssarj watv m to ihfliot no injury ex»t cirpt ^bal^#ttl Bifect the natk>ii*as^ a body pcditie, and^^^^bierfeihe proper l^ftd of warfere*. W" : ^^ S^v^ral dianges ^fkvours^ to humanity, on thi^'lllodd <^ €Ondtitilii%*^waiv have already o^ ti^ied^; mud suehmight U bt tasimded, '^"to hij^y'lionoifriit^to Ihie govemm^B^of IMi KgMtlc, Ih^i a profit has^bee^k made to the 'enen^ tfP'^m^'Wtl^i^l^^^^^ei^'^^iice' ^ coiiftneiic^iiliiil 1^ hlistilityi^ ilpoii aohdl^ ^at he shoutd" < bf ^a* 8fi#i^ laiidy #mil1fae.^i^icefi which^ fii^ %il ^Bifi|P6iA tO'^d >i(#0i^;' eaid^tiial a half ieeii ibaie^ tpon ternili ol redprdciiy» for 'mg4o injiifed individuals the losses which nagbibj^' thetti be incurred during ihe continuance of the €Oiif tcBt. It h equally diehoiiouFabli^ on the part of thi^ iiuipisjfjypw,,; wiyiy#ip|!i|||ipiiipp tit T|f? fMHCIfliM ^POir imiGH E< '*■ %: »f course deseencbi the guilt oCevery injury. A.C6ordii^ to modern usage in chfisti&n nftiitii^ luthorioed individuals are dot permitted with iiil» unity to ikll upon an eioemy. Secret meai» of^ ati^ «, such as< poi^oft ^aid ii9sas9inatidtt,'^re'tdi# ifded. The • per^sdns of those who cN> not* cttriy ins^and ti4(bti oi n»tain«rs toiiii'amiy, ifn^iuis!^ fy4» FrisoBer^are*not enslaveid,^ but treatMwfthr^- 9|^ct. Offieeni are dismisisedon^thelf^ parole. Pre* datory excursions, and pHlage of every Ickid, cife dii^ emi^enancedr and the h^rpord «f war Htc^diti^ fl^tigated'^ This . eform has beeh ei^«t6d ptim^ paiJy tha-ougb ?th6 Idftutelfaee' of the chHstiart 0X^rit ^llMi "* J^ 09 this w!i)s$^'Waej^i: Iforteai, Ytttel^ i^iiiMdiiy tHB yfrjiM IS? rcMiBtJvTsiift n$ tkibftt tio eqUlYftlent fi^ their property. II drarislKi a[1^arice, already sulfidentlyetinnjlated by eoitinier* clal cujMdity. It entirely destroys much property, li^ttiout advantage 4a any ^one^ It endangerr lind siicrifices many valuable lives. It retards the pro- gress of civilisation* It increases tlie burden aitd e3||)eD4iture oC nations, by giving occasion for fleets of armed vessels, for defefijc^ and pillage. It Isviii t|fi& present condition of the world, the prancipal source of dispute and strife, of national quarrels^ and ofi'publicv wars. Therefore is it devoiltly to be wlsl^j ^«^t pious men, in every country, should^ with on^^nsi^, setvth«^k faces against so great an iSvK ;y and su|i|iort,. with every exertion in their po#" er^jthps^ able civilians among |he nations^ who are ien^earfiffhig, on this very.head, to meliorate the «;5fl>^4<3| public l^w^a^S'he only ground' upon which 0' nil '^ There it {|ome reason to hope, that the time is apf^toacfainf^ |||ieji t^e.]l^iiciple for whiijh; I contend^ wiU he in f^t aaoittecl^ «i »J»ft of the *«^W of nations; not siqaply as it respects prwo^er*; hirt atio as H respects public armed vessels. ^ iMM^eting, I acknowledge, is ifiOre obviously Wro^g,.^han cap- torei of nt^rchfcntitten bj^ national siajis of war. It is that kind ht iht miiasimof priviUe righ^ which is most extensile Sn ito injii-: rjons elfects, most lerel to the capacities of ojrdinary mimls,^ lao^t calculated to excite the aversion of christian sensibjUityi. QMut p^ nictoas to th^ general morality of the community, by moltiplying lh« tmuibdr df adventorers, who sefek arid share the pthoder of un- o£fending feUow-men: biit the evil, the riidleal evil, liesiii iJb m: vamin^ private right ca eiU. To the total abolition of thu practice, I see in the state of the nations no formidable barrier, except what is presented by the po- licy of Great Britain. It is heir navy that plays the criminal game in time?* of peace and war. It is reasonable, however, to expect, that daring the present repose of the nations, they will ask one an- "f^PWW? tn TH9 PIIIli»b|ic law, ^ftb, white they ie^ ini^^^il^is^^ th^usages of nations, desire to bavf tJbp e^f ofjui^tiopl law altered ami an^eiided. t rat^jf <;laia t(>^ ^''^ ||^M« distiiigubhed civili^8 of France, whol#nlc^the teigplfbf t^ jP^niperor Napoleon, by raising up that tfhj^^ri^i^llie nroinin^t f^ati l^al talent, the Civil Code, s|iU the law of the naiidn whd^e IhKHae he has abdicated. I had rather clacm ^m with i^e fit»OKrs , of tl|# TnatMf q/" Tiisit, that rcinarkabie instrument, whipli, «s%c learn from the note of the Duke i^ Bmsano, Parigf Apfll 2^, 102, to the ChanceUer of Bussikt agf^Hr^jlhe fame prineipte. ' ^n tiMt note are the following very libei|d and correct assertions. "Bis Miu«sty the Emperor of Russia^ has acknowledged at Tilsit, the Pi^*«^iPPSPiii^liWiP|piipppP!iWiipiiPip^ ^ .^P»IW%JfaP«^™* 7MM WW , 1 5aw fctring 4lik discoum ^o a clos^, with 9 Mii- fimry of my reasons, for urgiA|^> upffn all class^ii, Jt %CMPdid "fllippoi^'^f -^the defi^^ which "tfik^ be >^ ctmniimtmca^ eitipioyed; by ^<^y; who^ ifi ^ine proVuleiice, haif^ the manage- liieiit of ^6^ war. comiQiited into their haonit. |f any ifieans proposedy^afaciuld appear to be UDGonstilii- ^l|ii!l^,^liet<'^itti«f/^ are friendly to the instnthtteiit ^ytt biiidrtli^i^ itafi^s together in one great refiilb- jl^n'ispi^^denl^ expose their inGonskti6li6Jr'% "(^HNrt^ avguments; but let them still s^p|pprtj^il^ SK'tiemelm t0iisfy^^ exercise ^MrniSm^mi tMi- jp|(|||l^ ^,, ^:;-i, ■',.■;,:,. ^< ^j^jBU!ii» ^ Jllfartftnw X«an', a4e Iheir country ; tnid in^very thing consistent w^MlitJMth0 #^ ; e^ory state, every part of thii ^ext(6il6l»« ei^ fire, h»s a deep interest in perpet^ting the /Miera/ (^niiexioo. It is the means of preventing those co|- ^kMM iaiHt Jeftldusies from coming to an»opeU ru^ IMfe-^'i^ th^'mcfans of internal peace and'frientf- 1(htb^it is tlk^ bieans o^ promoting thdr c^tms^ren^ IK^f i^nttfactUre^, ^nd 'Iheir agricuHureMt Mb the ilbaMls^f cuftii^atingi by suitable wicouragfemehl, tlie sciences and the liberal arts — it is the means^of'pf^ serving unimpaired the liberties of the people, m^ ^mtii»^\)^ the fothlsofihdr democratic pollc^^ it li the nieans of defence^a!n^ foreign eiietaks, wHiingto dIvMe, and anxious to destroy-^iiistl^ ttM^^ns of seciu-ing religious liberty, together with the purity, thjB peace, and the growth of ow duircbes. The several religious denominations, al- CiOSCMIilllir. imiiPiiiiPiPiiiiiiiii T#7 < veady wwaluitiwd.by diMeiiUoa». w^fiUib^ltos^ moee w€iak» if the parU oC f ac^ a«dMiMf#AKM}y fHiml«4u)Uie4iff9piil:J|aitiMi^.w«recMt aauiKter % pcilUkal 4UUncii whict|.niM# tiiiiiJtH^ihcir4|i!^ brolber. 6ucb a 9tat« o£.jMiiDgft wouM i^revent aU liberal interootirae among Oirittians, scattered ovpr this land from north to south; imd |f» by. r#l¥WMg in America the local favouritium and the political priestcraft of lhia,old iyorld> .som^ pairti<;ul^,,c,le|gy" mi^ninigbtrisQ^a a Ifigher eminence^ ^.tri^i^JUfl^ i|^. in CO1IOL0S1O1I. i^ I'pmx for courage to the warrior, ftn#WNNMilfr% ^ arfiistMnti hj which the plea is urged, heealii ^ cause k just — ^becaube it ig necestmry to ^e i^ pofd of the world— because f^od has prondfied thai tiiii cause shall unirersatly prevail. In olfering these prayersb I know that they are in unison with the prayers of my brethren, even in tbe country with which this nation is at war — with th« priiyertf of all ChrisiiansVll^ho say, from the heart, '^tkjf khigdom come** I speak not of forms, dictated! by courts, and used^y^ tle^'prmsts, whom the king! of the earth keep in pay to overawe their subjects. isp^ak of prayersi dictated by the Spirit of our Lord e^ (%r&/a^ sikc^ p^ fiif pltitl<^ «$#ihe liltimate success o^^eA^i^ncTatms, are in unison. Should you UnTol amor^ the nations, and 'take ^ Siity^a^'# "tfac^ iiaib ivh^ito -oh eartlr yt%rist»n, whi> woiiM i^^iie 1i!# '%iseiif to tfieife^^^ p^ plils^ (br which t^natk>*eonteni^H »,•< - , K •■■■' v.. 1' '. i»ii».. ■.;5 ■^^ -■-..■ 'a;»^i '*«;■>' i '" < ' ?>i«ti .^|»:-, THE DNOg FOR WitieH OOU IK HII fEdVllllllfli tEkuvsB th6 EXikruvtE or Tifti WAi. It*' ■. f .< 9^' SERIWKIINV. owrOod, Jier.llllO. .M »4t '■yM HEY, whose ki it k to live k» tbet miifot of frnm- Ibtioiui and #jirfi^ ore oonetrtuied to be tbt» witaessei ilfmiid^nii8«fy«iid sorrow. Wb^re ig^orftiiM tMatii ^^nmmy pitt«*yi tiie hunmiie h^e oiilyto siiOfirn |p iiBcilc»^er thei»^a«iiiie8» wi(ho^t ein^n the santf ijbnsok^n^ of j^rodttimiAg to tbe w^ld^ tby evUf iiiiich tiisy se^'or^Hcliir^. v^h)bre«oo9«r» kkw o^Nf, Ibeirty seieuycs tb^ right of e3|MreBWig 000* s tbougbts* did osiKGialt^ ntllidrei true rel^ion Jbe^j^ a becom- ing magnanimity, m^n will ;iilway# lie fouivl to «e- late tte tttle of we, ^nd to declare tbar opinions of tbe cauits and eonstquenees of presejpt' sulflferii^s. It is, nsoreorer, to be expected, that in such casev, some diversity of sentiment will obtain among the most unlHassed and Tbi;uoii8. The complexnees of " .•. -*. m Gojij^ ¥tmv^m*i» IS »visbEiQss and the passiQiis <4 *t>f ^aiit, g^e «t |«|b m to beljeve. bad w^ not the %Ms pC hh^ W iji9Mire, MS pf the factyvthet without my m^iommm of depraf Jty» men will di^^ al^put l|)!e| Interestiiig concerns f f $pcia2. life. ^, :im «?d e^^dence of the ^buwhj^g, 9iid p^iticiu^ ^^#C tbfiJ?ni^b*!5^ ifi i^ eartijqiwfee. , "^f^^^C^ ^ *^«c W%ff|i«^#* ^"^ the pr^s^nt stri||5g% of the noi^a, ie^ ^9te o^^/ ^Kftor? in ^im tlte nforff ■, y :^i^ia,.:0ii p»!j^ ^^«^«| in fiew pf, ,iuifeflcien%4e^ti|^ «\r^roF the C*aid|^ j;oyi^r9*w^ aA W%t#]^ >ei^« cf the I^edes and Persiansi, h© gave th^ name ^ <^' W* # % l^y which deseri^^ t© Jt^ ^f^*^ e4 m »»% ^ r»^|^h of Jfe^iis iQhwrj^ yt^Cjii^i;^ tiv^ srfthis cw, aff^s an.Wtr^^ _,|||l i3^n4 w ;#p, ^^ ^ JirpBwwb, whQ fltt^s .;^ decterall^^,^s^fyei? tc^.b#, hel4 up.to yiew. ^ s^.Wif , lyw. He w^s 4^sceiid^ Jroiu the hou^^<|f 4,ari^ and .of cf^vme 9L j^iest, ^.u |ir<^ll as j^ pr^^fhei,. Jfy early piety, » rensfrkaWe dwceTiiwent ox the e^ !;%►'''' •♦rki'WU48Elf)f''1l^lt. m 4iFMikim in iB^fed}i^i^l§ritemf^ and lif an tik- 3^(H%lli*in^«fi» and inteptjr; lie was qualified for tlitedi^^'oJrata^itiKii^njfinist^ he ld^rt|Jl#fdt^ a kleafste ftbm Mb laboiirc, and bisvteiy ^as cottUhuedi Ibi^ t»e ii^ of the cliiirch, *o old «ge upon earth. Hid iaithfulneip provoked the r^f^tteirt^^f tfa^ i^^ ; and^onong thoste whdm^he li^twfti^ t#iftstrtM^ Aiul Uf ^t,4ishewmM not ftit- ^ h^ hird few, if smy friends. They forced him i«- Itfdaittfy to minister to Iheto in Egypt after the iifl ^'^^usiltiai : iBktid; eiten iheit, Shstead of condtil^ tlieir prejudices, he freely proclaimed unwe^tH^ trttiths. Persecuted by men, his only consolation ii^as f^l^hiferiri^hfe happiness on earth omsist^lti dbibf his (S^iSkf,^^ Wfe do not know which id adiht^e m6st, his magnanimity, or disintferesiedn^iSi r ifflir ynhm Nebugaraddan, the Commander iii<^efofrti^ ChMean armament, offered him 8^ estal^^tneit 13$ B^lbtfi; he preferred cdrftittuli^ #li&*% itfffiited l^tlwen, who had neter treitfeti liliii ^fl^ the lii#^ #ss or egteem diie ttr M^ wdi*thi -^ ' '>^^ ^^* ^ ' This weeping prophbt^npAi^ ih fee Mffer^ ings of li peo|^, li^di^d ifAif Ihtltae^ V rt^ Many <0p ttifem ^ifeW ill^ady ftl^otWfy. fie B^ l»Eii ^ tjicM^ edificel^ if ^ i^t^kt mdt^W ^hisi' ^©^^Jipiid ^'fear^'diefe'M^^ t^rs of Itt^hrtei,^ tas«^ as linder existing circunistaiiOiBy ew- e<^ to t)ie nature of lais goy^nuueni o'^er such c^- tlires {^^ t^e sii^ul chiMren of men. ^1^ nat ^^hi^ . '/ .*■•■)',' ^>Vf. ^ ^^, Th^ proTidence of Gd<] ei^tends to evei^ ©totP* >^9f ,is particulaily specified— and the wars of ^ llgt if^T t|)e world* are pointed but in! iiie Mj^m» bistory. . , .„>.^;.i^„ . :^^ 1. , 7^ propidenee of Qo^ f^tend^ ttf every evaU Proyision was naade, in the counsel of feiisbwa WlOp' ,l^|bre ^ijy |>art of |:reatb^ wapi^^ ihto.exibt€|pc^ for ay ||^i||^|^^^|^id(^<^ creatures in 1^ or tbrp^h ela^ty. A mab of understandi% pu^ P|flil^^|^|||i<^ ^yhat be shall do ; it ai|^e8 in^per- fectkin air intelleet or of power, or else piutation^ ^po^tion, to act contrar)r to previous refk>lutibii : ,^pj^|Hpfi9e, omnipotence and immutability ai|sure ^jj^ti%il}Q(Arvorfceth a^ ikings (^kr the {counsel ^ Usi iff^m^^i and as |^ infilled what he^allbioisetf per- |ppn» l^is agency extends oyer nuitter and njiibd to «,,qr ^e^^pcm Ihe colouring irf ^'Bla««»t '-s^ ^ Hftb. i. 13. fCfen. xviii. 25. | Ainos iii. 6. ^Ejpfa. ii 11. 26 tion^'n rmmwmm j^» «f Itair, |i| |lfa9 fiyertiirRing of «. wofW. Tke w^ Mri of jfonr he$k an att fmmhred,* .- ,tir V -: ■%'. War ^ parHevdarfy tpee^d In several pa^a of tlie sacred yolume, as a VY^rk of GodV Proyiden^^ ffiei' Mman i^ire.( ^ Whierefpre U is said in j^e 1^ vf ike nfo/n (^ i^ J^rdwkai he did injthe Bei^ Bf^M and in thie brooks of AriK>|i : and at the str^afn of the brook that goeth dowji to ^e dwelling of Ar,. and Ikllfa o B the boi^r f>i Moab."t , ' I shall ipu^rate tMf doetrioe b^ ja pass^^ sacred historjf«wlUjph is ViCr^ applicable, to tb^ sevi^- ral iaqilMies, which pi<$ty would suggest upon^ear-^ log thift i?ar^„^ trorki^i^ |jfi|;d o^^ God, ">'',. »»-,■ ^Aod, king of j^^l px-pppsed t^ Jehoshaphc^t long of Judab» an alliance, for the puipos9 of ;W||giiig W» against the Syrians* of which the latter accept «l^4i)m1^^«xp)^ee^ a ,c)iB«ire^ t£)^c$)«Kii|Jit;.t^ 1^^ ?i|l|!^|;ti^,Um i^ture^.aipd: enp|^i^ y^ noriSitisfied: lie inquired f^¥ someteacfaiN-of di^ Miie truth, worthy of mbve cOnfideticli. Tliet^ il|i ^e of that description at hand. JMHt^Uak the son of liBdlib^ uras #ell inotim in Slmana/i^'lils phiitiiiesi mfii1n«Bgt|ty ; biU^ air might be f«pe<^d, iif sudii ft <:banicter, that be was' i^oC iti &vour with thiel' court. Though constrained to respect his Virtues, they dis- lifeed^tHm j^ hSs unyieldiR|(:d]3^itieB« I haU kim, ia!d'AMby,/<)r he does noi pthpkecy g^ eoneernhg '■■' 1^-^i.il' ■ I •■'■- ■■■l^ t ' ■'. .J> ihff ^ ft^w^ the j^^ of 1^ l^iti^ of lidrae]^ "faow^^rtr, liol to cllipiease or dtsap^idi a^ liiati' upiim ^hM t^MipetitldU^'^alciilat^ In tht Bynan i^earr a^ iiiordeHo giiitify iFehoshaj^fa 'to^lbe^ t^Oiyal^pr^nee. ^£o^bieMf in sta^e ap|^t'; ^^■;; '• »»v>w*f ¥#ii|ii9l<|.at auQli bokloew. the king^ionSered the |»w^t iiwtanUy to prk^ to hMf/^^Mtrndif qfiieiim, and water of (fiction, until be should him- |pK ffoMliti^ ffo^^ the MeliA oi kaii^ whJtheii he ^p^f^j^^Sr^^ JndMusamh taid^ jf thciu rekun Mufi^ inpeaeM, Ae J^4,,it0kiniH sptO^aiattby m.f The fact verified the predio tifwi. Wi^m^ fraged ; ji|id jAiwh, in df«p^^ his c*w^dl|rdwgiiif«,.ft^i^^ > j lia^ , ^jX%a woTcjs ol|l» pv(^t,.hel9«e il^^ ^tt influ^liced ^g^ ai,^iwt of delu&wn, «»y:^ «evei?r theless, be said to beof the Ldrd. Jsm ikalmd sUHng OH kis^rotte, and oB the host of heaven stand- i^.fy hiniL,imJii^^ri^h^ndiand mirnkfi-^^^^M 4f Imd saidi whoisMipersmd^^MtibiMiiif h^m^ ^^i^m^fq^.f^am^i^^0^ ^mmm fy^tk,^ spi^ md^OQidbrforemii^rdimd sa^ J nsi^ persuade Jtim^lnfiff go fa^ fph, antd do so. Now therefore, bdu^d* therlMiif^ M^ /wrf a lying spirit in the mmOh if ail 4hese thy ftkpkeis, miib§, Xmd^haikispekm-emli^g!$em$ng ♦ . f Yene 38. ^^Tsww im*23i ^■i /: if?tmmiKnm wm^ iiS li'Nmitliiiilseaiiii^^^^^l^ appear!, tiiat Abi^ ttlkd Ml pfophet8» Mdnoed by miefil spirit; ^Ittntartty mstod^msA iimwdMlMt the Oon^rAor df the i^Hd permitted their transgressions, and cfAii^e^ f^id^ actions to answer his righteous purposes— that the oootest at RtundUiig^lead was pi^destiiiated; fw- ^dedyand btdught to^^ss, by the ILotd^ our God. ^a «ny iiw«i?,^ tkis age jof the m^U, ittPimdim m ChriHmd&ln, are peS^iarfy poka^^ltt ^^ ^rRmtparl of sacred histdry, from which I iiare ti- ken my text, very readily suggests to ev^ry t)ri^ «, maiar with the Bible, a portion of New Testament ]|^ declare and to explaio in 2ion. But Ibii leiaiiis if> aether pfirt of ipy discourse. % ■■ . ^i^-:.il . , ■ . - . . , IJ. FFf shall sh^n} the several ends'to be answered % tki$ nHtr, as a work of Oodrsgdffdpromdeme, , ',, . , , , ,. . ^ ,^.,;^ ^ ^ ^ -_ ^ ,..^ ,^^ ,^»"'' ITlils theme of discussion it#j3[|(T^ jfil;^ ^ particular iiE^nner, to chrlstlui attention.^ ^ll^M ]#ve the licmlJeiu^ ChrM, #ilt regard iliedmmm Ms hand. He hath evdlted kts throne m me heamu^ of^ his kingdom rideth ovmall^ Whatever judgment we foirm of the views afitil the actionf of n|en |n pow^ •r over the several nations ;, it is our incumbent duty to jBjttt^ witj^ ^are tfie,, dei^gns of heayeii, so j&r «s ^y aie d^Ibp^ in v^e c!igpe^atioi||^^ b|^ilisj jpflit};^ lodence. fi^Qld. o^^ h/^ if^s&rmni? look mto tii J^mflofM^jnaslerSf and as the eye^ (fa matoKf uitMi '■^;' .".^H'tS •jhe war in whic^ o^r country is engaged, is J^^ part of THE GRAND SCHEME OF GodV PK6VlbENc|» and requires that we consider it, both as u respec^^ this nation in particular, and as it refpects the gene^ ral family of nations* i^.. * P«. C^ixiii. 2. TiU PIIKWIfT WAR. • !! We can discqyer the purposes of i^ Dei^ re- i«)ecli0g ua, only by amtui of hw rei»a]td wW ; ffid Ii0 meals himself by his liwnf, and his worlcs. Wfi iH^fl so ordered it, that we are at|ii|r wkh af^at and poweiful e .ip%e : and, however we may account for the ^^ accounl of the comratm* #eMr. It is ajkti, that we sniffer; and had we ii#t ^Mmbf!, such snfihritigs wott]# ioiei have %^iyieB us; III off M^ fM»fJk9 mhiehhe H^ik : Jhir we 4>bi^ed4iaiMt !ce.* We feel oiHr suffoviogs. ^e^ mind is harassed by anxif ty ; the body is bit^ ken d6wn by the fatigues of war&i^ : fanuliea^^te separated to meet no more : and the arts, the em- ptoyments, and the comferts of domestie life^ git^e way to the labours of flight from the scene of danger ; to the diities^of the campj and of the field of battte ; aild to *.:u). ^lis capital is ^.^'ithoiit produc* ^^' employ ' : id gradually melting) away Ifte fhe Apr^ snow. The Manufacturer, the Adven* itAet, the Sailbr, the Soldier, and especially the Ptib^ He Ck>ntractor, is supported or enriched on the public loss. A few years of war, will make many rich men poor, and some poor men wealthy. I, ■ii * Dftl. fat. 1^-***' -ll;"I^f'>W#"4*;fe IMR. ^Dfflltery m, t& fhe eficoti of unh^llby f^vfH^ and^^t, ae wAlIarbyihe swoi^ of batUe^'iiiimi' jMl' at^kyoM, and If af« hehM tbejn tlie widowjui^Jlia latberiaM, bereaTe4andui}{iroteoMf to rtlatd^i^ U^ of «oiTnw4^ Ifeavjr lasation, for 4he present, and aff aaciiiiiiilai)iig naUoiud debt for ike auccetiding g^]«t lii^q} are^anong tlie«yilsiof^iclent to a^ontegt l|ki ttis^ attd in aU tfaeie sufierings we clearly ;!«» 4lie,4% ^%nation of ihxi £iard« Ite appoioteil tbeio ev^| for national chastisement :> an4 tbe fact must proclaimed in Zion as tlie work of thi Lord. It nmtt hemf; for be bath pwrpoied it: and it IHmM Wflo^foiriid is holy. *2l 7%e War is a TriaL .*»,•; It 'Would be fio leu comfortless toourset^s, ^aii ungr^eltil tp a merciful Gody waie Me .to consider the eyils which he brings upon us iokly in the ligbjt of a punishment War, like other evils, is oixlain- ed forfrJol; and^ as Bueh^ Christians will'lmpro?e the dispensation. WbHe it cofrectA for previous and present guSt, it makes proof of the remaining good. Sik:h was the principQl character of 4he afflif^ti^na of Job. Such were the sufibringsiof primitive persei €Uiion: and such are, in a great measure, the evU^ of a nation prosecuting legitims^ warfare. ^ In the present state of this country the f^omn^unity. if severelv tried- as tn the df^trree o^ christian lihe- rality among its members— «8 to the patriotism of 1 \ Ml wn wmnmm 1% ifaffi tnden and ihe peopU-^r^ifaM-mto^ <^ tbeir free npablkaii inslUutioiis. ihi^Uhari^^iafmind, andla wbat 4epi^h^slt aoMiQg I«^ f»:ofesso]«^ Gharit]^ respectilig Ifaetd^ fe#it<iMiti'/^ Wlielher It arises frc^i true beDevaletice, 4)>r leppa in^ j!^ligioQ itself, remains to be sfaciwii^ w |f fitHn true benevoleace, it will certainly tiiuii^ over political animosities. And the war will^inaJie it apjpear whether these party political distinctions, wlsMi have so long and unhappily existed»< C9it' be made to yield to Christian attachment to such a de- gree, as that brother can listen to a brotber^and impar- tially esteem him, and Ipsre him still, although of dlT- iirent ii^timents re^ctiog the charaeter of.the pteaent war. Ghari^ i» not Umited^to a political sect. ~ Second, Tl^ state of the country iloes also try eC^ ftetually the degree of fMt^/t^m which ia still to be Ibundin-theXJnited States. fvit wHl show how far a man is^^willing to suifer for bis country — How far he is ready to sacriice views of personal interest or ambition — How far he is prepared to give up with the pride of opinion, sup- press the prejudices of party spirit, cast off the tram- mels of that electioneering machinery, wherewith he has been held in bondage. The country calls for Una- Bui^ty in irocUre m hoifciuirable 4iid> a pettalh, »«Bt padfieaHon. v# ^ -,vf^". •■^^?- ■!.■ The patrfetic statesman, had he flersonafly suffer- ed from his couptry the greatest injuaticei wouM MiM^i iti thfe present crisiSi' 8ife AriMdes, lb bis li^ ^emimehit, and offer hi^aeri^ices, in gitrthg ^ffectlo. the war^filr the good of his country; fir ^*iff do^^ prt>feis Christianity, who will permit the pagaiisltf Greece to exhibit greater degrees of disinterestednesi nnd^r similar circumirtances. It te to be h6f)e^, that in this hour of trial, it will be raaNl^ to appear, t^t Athenians do not exceed Americans in /^/rtbltsm: Third, The present war is a trial o* our rep^li- can institutions. ~- *,i America gave to the ciirilized world, the first specimen of a country, great and enterprbing, ca- pable of order and prosperity without kii^d, without nobles, without degrading the lower clasBei of tbs oommunky into a ^te of lerfltude, and without ft* THE dOOi' H^iCff OF nakit^ of r«%ibii and i«9 minlliteF^ «ii ^^iiie'^ political power. Tbis fact^is kndwn in Ettro^. It IS already admitted every wliere by men capabte ^f reileetion, that repuUicariism, that a true Rtfrtsmkh Hve^dmwstele^is the he^ fbrm of^ gOTerdBfent ^ a pei6[A§ at peace. But can k endure the f shock of wtnrf Thai is the question which %a6 been answered; 1^ the adrocates of arbitrary power« in the negative; Tliat is the interesting iquestion now in trial by this WIft-.' If we succeed in this Contest, the sup^tioiity ol«%ur political institutions mustbe CTldent 16 our- si^lvei, and to the whole woirld. If a goVernmeht^ ^pported but by half the strength of the Yiatidn, wfthout fleets, without armies, and without the wealth Wbkh ^ves sinews to war, dared to dedffre bo^i^ tleiif;^ if a republican government. Without* teteran soldiers, and without experieneed generald, Isldmid capable of carrying on a contest with the hiost pow-^ erful nation (m earth, a nation skilled in war, at the Tery mme of her greatness and gleiy, vlctoHoiii» oter all her other enemies, with an immense disposa* l^b' force: and if, under'sUth eircums(ances> we can procure aii honourable peacie, then is our fiNeedom secure, then shall we have confidence in one an- other, and become the admiration of the world. 3. The nvcat is a benefit. ^ The Lord reigneth ; let the earth rejoice. Clouds and darkness are round about him: righteousness «id judgment are the habitation of his throne. Zion kmrd and was giad; and the daughter of Judah re- ;np^ PBEssifT WAj^ ■'■■'•It imed.htmm ^.th^ jvdgmenig, O hmL Rejoice 10 the Imd, ye sjgbteou»> and give ^thanks at the temembfaneeof his ht^iness^''* -.#-^ U Wi^ther i sht H be afole» my chiiatiaii, brelbi«^a. Id specify the advaiitages which wHl ftpw fi[t>Qi this Gootest ornoti I know weU thai God intends it lor good. Whether 1 shall succeed In convincing you> tbat the ejects which I am about to mentiop, will in fact follow, or that even when they come to pass^ they should be considered as a public benefit, I^^pl not now Tent ure to affirm: but, aiall events, the saints are required to rejoice in his jindgmenU; and these judgments must, of course, give came ofJ4jQf. Others may contemplate the prospect before th^ with ; gloomy apprehensions. Let them cheerlesi^y easilheir eye upon the evil, and fall into desjH)ndeiic;f; Let them fret, and abuse« and curse the ^and HHM smites them; but> I know ih(U aU things shall work together for good. Walking by faith, our eye is dje reeled to him that sitteth upou the circle of the earth; and thus, we reconunend to his care our bleeding country, confident that, in this struggle, in vindication of its injured rights, he will avenge our cause, ■ and execute judgment for us. I flatter myself, however, that I shall be able to point out some good effects which the Lord intends to brkg about by this war. ' t' \ I Timmoa»mmtma of ^■'^ ,;j. '-^^v iFlril. In lis vei^ Inal lieiie^ TIib suffetaigt ^luch it cftuies, w^l ^^wrdse '^the saiutt to godyDeM,^=an4 pitHnote their holiness, their usefulness, and tiieir firture^ ham>iness. Tk^ change in the state of property which it produ- «H| must iiif»ik»t« in^the bosom (^r4he irirtuous« de- p^dence^on Go4 the only unchangeable good : and as to i^em, Lean trust to the wMom oi Jleaven* dbce FGod .knows better than we do, in whose, hands the multi^e of gold and silver will be of the most^ ipiriue in the world. The hayoc wade by the sword, eaits off many of the wiciced from annoying the •axth; and the godly who fall are. delivered Jcom t^Ettptation and frouble, and hastened home to^the «4oynient of a great reward. Immomlity ita«if, will in fine be overruled by Him, who nambers the hairs of our head^ for his own glory and the w«l£ure wi- his chosen sons and daughters. >^ ^ Second. The American war brings to notioe, among the thinking part of society^ among the sdiiolars and the statesmen, throughout the nations,' great and important principles of moral order^ the knowledge of which, has been heretofore contindd to a few of comparatively little influence in the world. The fi*eedom of the seas is desirable to all the nations, with a single exception; and thei« is not a man of sense in the whole world who denies its equi* ty. Were you to call together, men of understand- itiKiy WoffM ut]^iinn4m6l3r'8tfd^inb«Biliitiiil^^^ ^ It i» tAlbirly iriiposgible Oiat judicioi» tiMi»iirtfiil» ever sayi the dominion of the deep imisl of d|^4|e Burrendered to some one kingdom, and k^fhe i^st of the Nation* beconte tribwtaiy: It k «IMrfy ili^iMii- ♦We that a congiKBss of impai-tiai flaen ynMMm^,i^ ocfean irtigkt <»f i%bt%> befor ev^.«nd^«T«t n^i» itbe dominion oi England. It is IndMil^id^ by«tite 8up|)orteF80f iEngHsbdaimson Amei^ca, 4« posseiaian gives rigbfeto terrko*yi why >ndt to tlie 0€»«a.^f Ji«f. laiid has- undi^ted possession of ^e deep^ phe Iberefore ha» a fights control the eomniei«e^|f(li& ifrorldi" Who makes this assertion? Men wbor#[^ they are themselves the>iriends of eomieeff«o th)g rig^s of -trade.. 'I^yoHyniaieed, say Ibftt £ng^and4ias,iky pQ89easidtti^«^aiaed^^^ <«» rule this vR»rtis?t»mmmcmmt A !«i|ipHg!^iitrf|iEiiloi|4e» If poBsessbii it adenilted i» gi««i(«|jlle t6 «niappr<^riaied laii4a; il 49 beoause te fwibrai good of soQiet}^ is {)troiiM^ ▼liiialinaaoR which ur^s by power * right to jriil^ tbei wa^es^ resembles ^not ibe ku^iwdmmi who takes liiloliis^aB^ssbn, and improiiesa part of the wilder- mMi^^lmikJskeikeMigkimymmirfho Interrupts the «||telkEr «Q the pnblie road^ Ir*: ■Mm l^eapoiogisfs of Great Pritain, moreover, ift M^4lttsvai^gnm«ttt,.okimarigbt.frbirfi^^^ Prince SlmM hiqwetf will notvyentiimto claMs before the w^^iM^, -fiis iiair^ feequontiy, indeedM ieo fret^uenl^ ](^l9i^h«i»|>oseroftinlioni, practises aaif hedid claim 1^ rights bwl Ae^iftMif* are awam that aa open aioH^l woul^be miiderstood, by aU men of sense, as a'?#elaratiw «f ho^ilitie« against cbilized man. Tli^^willi of ^urse, endeavour to evade the ques- tkiiil ift Ibe 4n^ieiH>nvenient policy. WHw mif^itaptmf^ of the social compaci^ a& ; «^ft«»e^»4«»tben,%a Btttject^ ciDiDdderiHiioB; The Irue ottUtre oiM/Agi' -aiiket doe in prepcniitMi 4o the jn^iOe^iUm nudet^^uM J^ 'j(»i# «fi^fifed(» fa ^ e 4i> Tiews so iMH^to nMilBtikili the idea that man Is as^^ fi«e to>«lioeiei>lii l«dde»o^ as hfa employmen^tMH coimtiy «frbi8^^4^ hfaralef as liislsei>i^iiit: the rightcr of indysti^ ««fl Gomtnereml intercourse, to be equably granted 4oldl the nslUbig ;< and ftdndtted^ by «fh0r& tb bo^jwitlmii restraint, while prosecute x^nly and^ lionDdl«ti|^ are hereby made a subject of general attention and dfaotunfoiil > ^b«B^'t<^cs ave inrgedatafi inteivisl^ ^(islt in this ekitizedworld-^y the abilllyadd^i^ ^ueaee'ol oiMr seeretariet^aiid aBnbassadors-^bnHc I)»af«i7'l»f ^oiir tro^p^ aiid^tbe success ol our: ships ofwSTi dmy ar« forced upon the ucHice of kin^iKiii €^ emperoors ; of phildsopbers and of poets ; i^inm^ chafltt, of foediiniics, itf luisbandinen ; yea, ^i^«M ra^Es of nieiit They 'will thus command a ves^et whieh'pblitldans'W^^ld scorn to yield to the inai:- ims of equity, or to< the gitet^epts of the wdrd of Bpd, " ITAtVif. By^^P6-pi«set)t contest, America will ac* ^re #Te{ipic^b|e cbaraot^i' ia the family ^na^ lions. *.j.;i-. Tm tioon . nvi mpoF • S^^htii^ IpngJiBen abused and insulted for her ptW^ul demeanour. The belligerents of Europe a^tfid laii^rds this country, as if it had beemfom^ HmBfUed. The weakness of Ihe goTernmenti the cowardice ofthe people, and above all, the avidity of the mercbwits, were subjects of scorn and con- teaq^t abroad: but the shame is removed ; the vetc- rwi0< Wellington attest the prowess of our troops ; and Jl?^ world is astonished at the facility with which oi||:^val herpes have conquered, when they met uppntermsof equality, thos6 who had conquered all oth^r nations. The American character, in argu- ment, wd diplomacy, in the council and up6n the field, now stands ^nfessed; and this is a guarantee against future insolence and aggression. nMrnth, As another effect of the contest, the American name, respected abroad, will communi- cate at home the impulse of patriotism. The love of country, weakened by femHiarity with its ene- mfes, and destroyed by the love of wealth, shortty afte^the war, which established the independence of Aanerica, will be revived by this second war of inde^ pendrntee; and the several monied interests, which are set in . peration independently of British com- merce, as well as the growing influence of domestie literature and arts, wiU serve to cherish that passion m the breasts of the rising generation. Hereaft^ they will take an honourable pride in the deeds of their statesmen and their warriors; and it will be felt by themselves, and known to others, that on a niIAa#irkn j^f 4Vv~^:__ «^. .. ncans. ■ BMMWr^l ei'i ^A' "^Iw *»etrin»*«xprtri«ti*ni and fte Iftie nature «f,^legiMce aad protectJon, being hertifter HU^ undemtood. will enooumge the bed pm J>C.«he ProteriaoUrf Ew«pe to ^eek' an iwyfcL' in tJw* lands, in <> ilb^tkmtZ -ecrf™ h«. »»«««.. T*«.4te .i™„r Gd* m Mikti,^ «fepn«^ „pon My „.«»„. The pri«ip,e i. oa, own. AlH»' «?».« of othe« i,, not to i,^„re i,. by tWir pActlce: Sb» b«r bom- miWioneMof »«.e« «««)ip,eMly iwlnwte*, ir.rti'to jfehftb^mfc- cipletattieclaia»ortliero*. . , .' ... , ■ ^.■,;'.-.*s-' ■ ..i :• ,u, -.M-T, tfAit* ^t-^'-ti- ^.,i,-- Bxinw* from the b^mctiom wtr aht!f ^haf pra^^ ^ 222 THC iirate gratificatiop, should H J;)e at #ie ej^nse of a nation's in^e^pen^enc^ and hououx;. JiiVt itUai tiMgim^e^>§y(0y event to^he meridian liney ^^ work o£tJie«ua Christ Jbr the salvation of lEQtiH oB^^stoates tb^tir^lue of such evenly, in pro^ fOrtSonIo Ihi^ir lendene^ m ^brir^ing abouf p&ace vp- 0mMmi^gmijils^4lMmrii& tn^ti Qf all kindred^ m^ »*i| rj»|aH<:^ {^y: «-JM,y «»illb^ ehrilti^^^^it isioC a diffusive^ an a(;;tiv#, ,ini ^^hrged^eo^vol^nee, U seeks ^i%^, the kingddm^ IWKisie*!^ ^ tlts^ fi:4gtoi3ii9aes9 ; «nd fiever ceases ? ^ p^an^ Ao J^S!lf)miky th^ M ^Pm* it sei^s 4he iM7eii^ro«|.^ jiil^fiiklse principle^ of all inuQor^l pmdtgraf^^ t9[pin<^,viuli(| of all irreli^on., Infi- M^:^i^lsi^fipoer\$%> Cf^iTui^nMin iniatters of rejUgiim, ■mm idikj^^ljeetd of ksMif eKpon^ Knowledge>^.f^rtHe, Mimt^^ fighl«DU8noss, these.ar# ^he objects of pious iVd^d ; and, in pfopor^on to the prevalence of tf ue religion in the heart, will man be desirous to see these blessings esttendejd thrpughout the nations^ I ■ is^fmmnoifi ^m That they shall, in tinae, be so extended* mhitk promised who is able also lo perfonn. The promise is» however, accompanied with a tbreateniog to ,tibofl0. Bations that know not God, ttnd obey not theg^ri* ^us saith m JjoHD OoBy Mm^e UtemtOm^md ^ke off the crimm-^lnnUmiBrimm, ^et^um, p^e^^ii^ ^; and it shall be mi more, mmh^emefwhmwi^ ^is; and ImMgif^itkim* It is tills overtufHit^ whkb astonishes tbe natioai and makes the peopfe afraid. Weha^e seen iwiich 4f it come tt> pasfi^ in the jajt t^^iy ^^^ , ^^^ mdre remains stttl to be a^e^|4l*eA fmlMl ^ tbe^ work of jitdgihetttacjooMing^^t© the Ihreaiei^ U^ many who have pteaidlbeproMj»iha^ce««gi| «6m their praye^r. Thei« tvas i lia^ ^^len f hurdie«r%em earnest, in Ihfelr^iii^jpKcalteii^ downfal of anticbrist—wben aU f rotestant D|Ui« and people were united in seeking the overtbfoir iPi« ««e vfiftiitt^bf ^ and of a^^^^ i^^j TM« time, alar! is now m vmttn A tetmMm^^ l^ollfty, a sii|»i«dalfai«^«B4wxJoiModatlsaf mo^^ ^ve^icceededi in dftstrd^ngii taeli^fia- abte.^«|. ^nm\ (Hfifcussion; in ^fitinfeybg the ai^iir^ d^ i^Ofion; and in eonclliJi^gj^^r the ^k^ of eait^ PeA^re and gdn, theaffettkfir^ofttemifribtewiyri i«embei^ of the Churebes tmmt^ the §mm ttmm^ tlonof religion in the woi^d effected by the s^pi^^ liMi^eiS^abii^hiiieiits of tbe£ii»opeftn natbns. Lm ' *B7ek. xxi. SiLltr. cdfr^untHM^i Aiii^Vdl^ few, I ^peat tile letnarl^ v^ith fear aiid sor** liftWj, I repeat H witli gloomy anticipations, as it re* i^p^^ tbose churches tbemaelves, th#re are very few ,^ db<(>|H^hlic]y pray for Ihe dowirfal of antichrist. An4 3NH tilr^ the principal ot^ct which the Lord ha<( in view, in dashing the potsherds of the earth against, tfiv^tiherds of the earth. To this object, the hopes of the church were lon^ ^ .ecledtf^m afar. Mode^m wann in the great scheme dfFrovidanee,aredestinedtc realise these hopes^ B^ leirnhk things in rigkteoumess tviU thou answm its, O &4i4(f^3/ur stilmHon,* Of that grand scheme, the con^t test) in wl^h our Wn, country Is engaged, is a part, flieh^or^ do I declare in Zion that it is the work of tlue Xord pur God. I hope witb^ respect to tis^ the cofitest wp he aNFl'--*tb^ ^ * Psalm IxT. 5. €0ii^!il;lkDr/ m- ii* f :^>- p^rsonrffgjiir^ha 'party fiiiT^ser »f i^ i^M' nfi five to i^tract, some of 0u Virill 1IH ti ^ ar fes- tifhBatii4i^^ W tfmJMtkmi He wa^ betrayed; H^-flil; ind F^frcl fe ^|^ With him. The \ao«if5d#is ajr^^stbrld. l4i^ ^ftwi^ hasr^ssum^d'hismiti^: tfad iii^|^^^%s s^ill^ th^ iHStrumeAts of tortiire in its '|lbomf c^i^ Ift tfi^ reStbrSiioii of the Germabie^mpii^, ihefM hidif^ thiheast \^xti6m Corisjiicudasly'^^v^i!^ ^»^ ymt '^nd itf tli^ ^(flii^feiflr of the ba^^^E^p^ w among the antichrisUan nations, the ten horns may . i^m:i -^ %m c^mm^mi^^ ir a|^ii» be moi«'distiii€tl}r displayed before ibe ^bi nwrf is poured out py the «ngel of deatruction. .The end, however, is not y^t. The pea4 *tf Bsf^ cannot be permanent A day of retti^ biitten coineth. The scourge, which God employed fe tife piinishnifetatdf guilty communities, is iwl^ed laid aside ; but although 'Napoleon i^uld tm^ again attract the attention of the citiliaed worMj kl- stniment^ of equal tinguish to offending natSphs, wHf beettipfeyed by Him who^heth pledgedliis wdki 'for ^ir entii^ overthrow. We never considered M events; which proceeded from the French involution, inf any 6ther light than as Judgtnehts from the liortf upon the antichristian earth. They werf^ not iHi saints of the Most High, but the votaries of the man ^l#iikt siffferediit^ the recent W^i* Perhaps ^0im''ms not ofte *hi^ finUne^s {feifei l» 'iras nk^ cowdermied tosm liimi^his^ blood Ae UMimnyibM^he heM, biJt%H fi!^ otfiei^lttiBe indiscrAniriate calamkies of the pe* W^ efrthquiflre. R is ^inst the titit)ne8^f ^tllte l^i^%lrttfties th^t ttte blood of «ie rtiartyi^ js aifling fo!^ i^ngeittccr and so fer al^ihe tJ^nif^ States, in the present war with Great Britain, contend for libf^y ^nd rigMeousnes^, they la-e cooperating wfth the martyr^ iii/opposingth^t nation Ivbich is ^w the primpal stuipport q/ the m*W 'm :3 ^Tf'^^^^^'^^'^^^ ^te ftrthfaj m««t«B of Chdst give. Witt. Ztae W~bataoB,.tt«^oM(, rtafcyw^ «»« tori »few«S !?!l.T f r ^ *°"'""»' '^* °*«*". I have . nght to declare my «n«mente; and in doing ao. iaa ^•f «»pect*w «ho« wlwdifler from^I J^ ttot^-mewlaot,«f ifase «ntiB»HU being o^ «*«^,W country, «,d ite ««.*en.ment. infl* ^«t.^« 1^* m»OR .V comteBwing them «,. ,j;|*,ip spoken n,«„ this s^bject. j»,j.if««j,^ J^,*.ea4 of religion, a«lliheny_« ai:^^ f?pAytefK.n. wen, from .rbitwuy power. X- ^nerv, iBj dearjiewrg, ^ere of that StaOm ftiu- wral jp«nc,ple|,. which, ,1 b„e .,|j«««^^ Wir. and ha»e been from the dai^ ofX^eC flWMo,. F«Hg8 from oon*oience.* TM^S lj». ,«r«#j.t,^ianfc the ,M«^^,«,rewtedS «. ioog .ivM«i. The „.« p.,,,- r^,™„u'"tterr;;rars a ■■:i 1 m -'wQaHwliiKWBQOf* i: m^ iMoe l»riiietpiM» to tiieirt fiilbM f A^l» slili.callt for ?eQgeaw:e up€»ti The ^it of Irue religioB is fviencUy to iivil li- iM^^ It hfifl^appeiifed to be m in ^jety empi^* Siimm<3f.,ikie raotst failiiful wiuisten^ amaog therd? hmrnm wilfa j^alFicytic^ aiipnv chqIqbcM* even m'l^ tba 8woid,4ii 4e%noe of llieur:«!inlf«iid ^reUg^HiJiJili ImMtI^ds^ Uucic ZuiN^E» the inorning-star >^4]^ ■ 1%^ i-'/iH4-'' :m >i of Wkthti a Baittie jCr^r |ii^ femt( iiilie» of thsit imfKM^ «% Whoi^f^ bn^aehed il^^l>d|^Meil th# Bii«aiw lo eBii«re a great> [^ of % wdrld/* J!^^f^mi. $*urit0na,yiU, m jk 5% '« The na^ i>r iril^ lb So far as I, too, may still retain any fportidil of the spirit of - my native land, where WaUaee fought,^ where Bwhtman wt^Ut where Knox preached ^ift gospel of God, wheiethe Martyrs, down from PolmAr HamiUmU James Benwick, left their flesh^ to rest itt hope of deliverance-^that spirit is opposed to the impious misrule of a corrupt hierarchy and immoral power« If I have caught the spirit of tbis^t^ country of my choice, it is in favour of liberty* *'if: I ^^toioi irplac# among conMstent ProUHanis, i must teti^ against all the acts of antU^nristian power. If 1 fdt- low the steps fHiftich are di«d b^ the blood of the x-^-^a-V- * Mosbdio, Vot 4V. ^iljp 05^ ^ t Th^re».8«ii{| R^^rt Marf»y, wli^ jcat oif th» |^ jind |)aj||^ j^ Mr. Camron, and presented them to the king's coiiiH;!!, " 7^«ir% dheheadandhands, ioM Uvedpre^g ami freadting, and died pra^f^ a^fil^tmg-^ ^iietyramamlcoaneil* iatherefioevientof^riiel^^ oideredthem tohe shown |o his worthy Father, now in, prison. 1^ tlie same cause. He. was asked if. be knew them. The good niap took them in . his hands, kissed them, and said, "ZJ^ji^iv (A#i^ Huy are tngf son% my dm son's: Good is the nnUtfj^J^J, mho ^ntwttm-imgmtormme" Crookskank'e See, HiH, Foi.ILp.99. 30 , K '* ^ ■'H' 'i ■^ V. m$ Martyrs, i mdtltaise nty Tolei %|(ttlh«it 11^ tkr^Mi wfeicb sbecl that WoodJ If the Bible is nay system af leligion, and of sdcial order, I fnUtsi disclaim attaeb- nientlo those powers that are hostile to evdngelioiil doctrine, and to the righis of the cfaiircb of God. if, in so doing, 1 have offended any of my bearers, it li Wirtidttt iniendilig it ; for I watch for yoiir souls, and desire to promote your welfare and yotur ha|^ piness, . Ibare, bowevei'i in these discourses, which i noir Mtig to a dose, proved the right, which christian nlir nisters possess, of applying the ebristiab ddctribe t^ man in his social as well as in his indmduai capacity : and have given sufficient evidence, in the exercise of this right, that true religion is favourable to the im- provement and freedom of mankind. The moral cbji«» racter of both the belligerenls, this republic and the ]^itish monarchy, has been weighed in the sacred ba- lance, and the preference given to our own country. I have shown, both the Uwfj^ness of wagii^ war, and the causes which justify the application of force by one nation to another. I have vindicated the cause of America against a jealous and powerful rival. I have e^ihibited, fromobviqus considerations, and thepredic? tions of the word of God, the designs of Providence in permitting this country to be involved in the bloody contest. In doing this, my christian brethren, it has been far from my thoughts to give offence to any, even the least, of the saints. I appeal to the tenor of my ministry, to you who habitually wait upon ii, *• eonvaxmon. m^pHm^^^fi-aettTchiDg God, whom I lerve in tbe gospe) of bi^ Son, that Ido not practise upon a sfM, pf. contempt for the feelings of my JfeHw-nieii, al- ,4hougb I am accustomed to speak without the fear ^ man, what I believe to be seasonable trutk I have indeed spoken what I felt it my dutj! Iii speak, without respect of persons. Time will deter- mine whether I have err^d or not: And I leave the consequences, as it respects myself and all that is dear tome-as it respects the cause (f ^wericointbe.pre- fent contest, to God mv RwKifiMsii, to wk^m h ghm for ever and ever.-^AwiESf* I .#*■"'■ . '■^.i .^.i'% ■■ mth--i.ii -'"'-• 'fff ' iitiiHilii ',™ /t " . .-.V ii ,. '.. ■ ' -..--^Uii* ^fi im'Mtf." ' ■ . , / ■ xiM »\.