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Tous les autres exemplaires originaux sont filmAs en commen^ant par la premiAre page qui comporte une empreinte d'impression ou d'illustration et en terminant par la derniAre page qui comporte une telle empreinte. Un des symboles suivants apparaitra sur la derniAre image de cheque microfiche, selon le cas: le symbole — ^ signifie "A SUIVRE", le symbols V signifie "FIN". Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent Atre filmAs A des taux de reduction diffArents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour Atre reproduit en un seul clichA. il est filmA A partir de Tangle supArieur gauche, de gauche A droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images nAcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mAthode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 .1 ' - ""^••''^mmmmmm yl^ tCt- ^C ^^E ^ /^^>wt^>-;? ^ DIGEST OF THB S. P. G. EECOEDS THE RIGHT REV. SAMUEL SEABURY, D □. {The first Bishop of the American (" 'eh). CoNSHCHATHU ItlSHOl' OP CoXSKfTICL'T, AT AUKUDEKN, OX NOVEMBKR U, 1784. r M M • a CLASSIFIEI) DIGEST OF THE RECORDS OF TlIK Sociclri for tijc jgropagcition of tljc akspcl in Jforcign flints (11777/ MICH sri'I'LK.VKXTAlir IXFtjJiMATION) •i' FIFTH EDITION ( COX TA l.\J.\(l MA S r A hDI TJO.V.'i } LONDON |!ublisl)cl> nt t^c ^otictij's ('<^i!.t 10 DELAHAY h HEET, WESTMINSTER. h.W. IHUo • Ml <,j/,,: 'W \fLt^ 't^.i t It' THE RIG HI ■ CLASSIFIED DIGEST OF THE i: 1 RECORDS Ol' THE Socictj) for tijc ^roj^agation of tijc 6ospcI in Jforcigit '§ixxiB lTOl-1892 {WITH MUCH SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION) M ( FIFTH EDITION (CO.Vr.4/.V/.V6' MASr AUniTlOSS) LONDON ^ubHs^tlr at t^e .Sotktg's C'ffite 19 DELAHAY STREET, WESTMINSTER. S.W. 1895 [,All riglila reservedl ?i3\ IV THE RIGHT REV. CHARLES INQLIS, D.D. (Thr first English Colonial liithop). CoNsr.oiiATKD Bisuor i>K Nova Scotia, at liAMiiKTll, on Auouhi' 12, 1787. I sr.?03 VI THE SOCIETY'S AucilHiSlloi" Wakr, 17I0-37. AnciimSHOP HuiTojr, 1757-H. Auciiiiwiioi' I'oriEii, 1737-J7. ARCllBISliOl' Texisox, 1701-15. AuciimsHop Seckkii, 1768 «8. Auniiutsiioi- llKimixn, 1717-57 . AllCliniHUOl' COBSWALLifl, 1788-83. The Society's Charter of 1701 named Archbishop Tenison as the first President, and empowered the Society to choose, on the third Friday in February, one President for the year ensuing. The Archbishop of Canterbury was always elected annually until, by the Supplemental Charter of April 6, 1882, the Archbishop became ex officio President. (i. i 1 Y'S 1717-57 . 1708-83. ( PRESIDENTS, 1701-1894. Allf'IIIIISIIol' MoultK, irH.'t ISOS •\uciiiiisiioi' Sir.MNr.ii, imH (i2. AucillilsHoi" Sltiox, 1H05 28. Ailcill)l,siioi" Brnsox, 1882. Vll AlifiiiirsMoi' Hmvi.KV. 1828-18. AUfHHlSHOP TAIT, I8(i8-8J Aucilliisiioi' LoxiiUEV, 1882-8. The portraits in the Society's possession have been reproduced in the above form tliiough the bounty of the Rev. Brymer Belcher (one of the Society's Vice-presidents) and the aid of his son, H. W. Belcher, Esq. 1 IX PEEFACE. Some eight year;; ago it was proposed to print verbatim the manuscript journals of the Society, from its incorporation in 1701 to the end of the 18th centwy. The idea was suggested by the very frequent enquiries lor information as to the agents by whom the Church was planted in foreign parts in the last century, which were addressed to the Society from Churchmen — lay and clerical — in America. The work of the Society on that continent, especially in the United States, seems to be remembered with extraordinary interest and gratitude, and all incidents connected with it and with the workers are eagerly sought after and treasured. The scheme was abandoned, because, although from many quarters there came expressions o! sympathy, tho cost at which five large quarto volumes could be produced seemed to be prohi- bitive, the more so as the Society's work in the present century would still be left to some future day. It was also felt that in a reprint of such archives there would be much that was not interesting in itself, and a careful and accurate digest of such vast materials seemed to be a task beyond the powers of any k PBBFAOB. officers of the Society, who were already fully engaged. This consideration, however, did not weigh with the compiler of the following pages, and Mr. C. F. Pascoe, who has special charge of all the Society's MSS., archives, and books, applied himself to it with great diligence and perseverance, with the result that he has produced a complete chronicle of the Society's work in ail parts of the world, from 1701 to 1892. He has sacrificed to it all his leisure time and his annual holidays for the last five years, and it will be comparatively easy, as time goes on, to publish every ten years a similar record of the Society's work. I have gone carefully through the proof-sheets, and have given such an amount of " editing " as makes me ready to accept the full responsibility for any faults that may be discovered in the book, while all the credit of a most painstaking labour remains with him to whom it is justly due. H. W. TUCKER, Secret ar if. 19 Dblahay Strebt, S.W., April, 1898. Ac, tli< HtMr&s d tljt ».fM.r irOl-1892. Oplfllon of His Grace the Archbishop of Canterbury; " I have had the privilege of receiving the first copy of the Dtgcst which has been prepared of all the annals of the Society . . . It was so fascinating wherever I opened it The accounts given were clear and strong and graphic, without having at all the appearance of condensation ; and the little touches which appeared both in the text and in the notes were so engaging that I come to you this afternoon in a perfectly distracted con- dition by reason of the excellence of this Digest. It is a book I shall keep always near me, and I can only say that I have opened it in a very lai^e number of places, and at every page I felt compelled to go on and compelled to read, and so I lost my time. It is a marvellous book— there is no doubt of it. It tronteins in a good-sized volume a most complete and, as I said fascinating account of the work of the Society from the very beginning. It is full of interest in its narrative, and full of vividness in its touches ; and it is, I am sure, delightful to us to know what a work of love it is. Mr. Pascoe has edited it and not only edited it, but digested the whole of what would have taken five bulky quarto volumes to print, and thrown it into this readable and concise shape, and has done it by de- votii^ ail his leisure time and his annual holidays to it for the last five years, so that the devotion of our missionaries is cer- tainly paralfeled by the devotion of that old and valued servant aft home. I should s&y that if we read and learn such a book, we shall know as much about the missions of the worid as Mr! Tucker oli«ry litentHK has seHmn, if ever, received such an addition as is afforded fcythhww*. . , . Kwry paragraph IS ofpeemanent and manifest iwhieand interest * and tht C?3iurch owes M*. Pascoe a debt which it will alwi^s gntvMy adcnowledee and estn never pay. " * « Jl?5.^?ii3^ Missionary Notes of the Australian Board of Mlssioiis.- •3jSrfw*cv«4«iie.«nmaU, K m, to our mind, *bout the most wondwiW mi«5onary 1>W* whiah tut %ovc. given to the CiMirch since he Acts of the AposUwT" • Th« chapter on the foundatmn and growth of Ae Anwrican and Engligh CdonJal EpIncoiNite &e., iicomnwndcd by the CkHrthman as "■ treatise wh ch muht well be nublished mmV«Si„ k^ the (American) Board ot MUiion* for gratuitous dUtribmion." *""""' "•?«">»'">•<» separately by 1 tntions . . A really epoch-making book. occupied all the leisure time, ana »»' »" , g ^i^t time and jwuns qaick .je Md «o «««P«™*' rc „ j;S^S Soul owrbulde»ii.« th. pap the problem. ... it w°"^ °* ."^^ j j^^ b/oad sweep and tendency as recorded fnXKS SThout any Xmpt to Snceal defeat%nd without any boasting o°J?'viS?S;g^nS cSLchmen^annot but f "ff""^ ^-^^4" thSf *** .7.^.t?'wS embraces the history of a new mi«ion started ^^fj^^^^ years ^10^X701. makes up, as the Archbishop o Canterbury has said of it. a mar- vellous book, a fascinating account without a dull page. Chonh TimM.-"A well-timed publication admirably put together. ... ^ere is tealW a thrilUng interest in the history which it contains. . . . We can assure thrreSder that Sfese narratives are delightful all *^"''«?''- ^e cannot conu^^ aSivDkaSnter Sunday work for young people tLu.. .his-let Ae mother of the fT-^iCS forth en atlas, and then take one portion each Way. The young peo^feS'get a splendid knowledge of i^^Piy^^^'^'l^'^^J^fSZ exercise from bepnning to end—geography and Church history "<»«'y °?™2 tSeS. wT k3 of oL Bishop^ho has P«t /own cert«nchi»pter. of to book for his Ordination candidates to be examined from. Awry J'*^,,^"?"^;^'.!,: Wherever we turn in the volume we find matter which holds us dehghted. and the caStIs for S ministry, as well as the children of our families, will always be glad to resume their study of it." Dally Ctaonlde.-- Rarely has more labour been put into a «n?»e^»«"« *»>■?; Ur^F. Pascoe has had the zeal and intelligence to apply *<> *» D«ert. . . It is a monument not merely of industry ^t of dexterity .. . a tnum^ of ^tos work and a key to the whole history of Protestant n»~»oS!i, " i;;„m!J!M? K an admirable impact summary of the Society's **>f»Jv *\*Jj>°,«?«J^^^ lights upon Colonial history, progress and prospects. o«»l*™»8 ."^ 8^"~ *?^ velopmSt of Christian missions during the last two centuries m a manner not only succinct and accurate, but also entertaining. Saturday B«irleT.-"A striking impression of the c^nt^""!*/ *«l«*t°;j'ij?^'' operations of the S.P.G. throughout the world. It is somewhat « W** InS* that some such eompU rendu, drawn from the abundant MS. material avauaoie. had not been published many years since." Spectatori— "Admirably done." 3 have alway* mt of patient by the work ies and Insti- compendium totion of mis- j.'- that this has ciety's Archi- me and pains r beyond that . . It needs a r a huge mass ing the page vivid teaches . . . The one I was the vast h over world- tee of a single Atorily solved which these :y as recorded t any boasting the deep debt r behalf. . . . e. Wherever cie^ haa been hildren. The mt every two id of it, a mar- ir. . . . There tVe can assure mnot concuive mother of the f. The young > be a religious closely bound srs of the book le choice. . . . igbted, and the will always be le volume than s Digest. . . It iumph ol prids Here w« have umerable side- he gradual da- a a manner not id extent of the rprising. indeed, terial available, *^?S£;:S°Jid*a«L*^^^^^ • • . Justly called, -a ..-.inning!lu.l of inSSJr.'^srr^tU^k^^^^^^^^ ^^'S!SSH:^^&i^^ -^ vivid touches. te n"S!5!t^;tic?^'2infethe ac^uS w'"''' condensation. . . As we read the «nd leaves us amawd atfte arathv oVTh- «^ '^^*/''* cap ivates us by its interest, «.. Church » ^^\:^t?T^.v^^,;'!r^:tS7.d^" " aiy library ought to he wilhoni Th.„; ' ' ^''""abookwhich no rnlsMon. .4es »».y 'roll of (5.Sfc &«,«.■• ' ' " ' °»""'°"y '»" » Slorious ia iu t^S^ "*^'" "* O"""**! J.i™a.- "Full of tate„,t „d gruphic «fS!5!r.ttTs;;-hr,»r^=?.-i^^^^^^^^^ plished thrlughZt tL iSri^ Wa« nol K '^ "'*"'* ?*^ '^'"•^ly b««> accom- operationsofimainituKhich carhave\ir^^^^^^ *"'°''«*'' face to face with with a degree of ^ccbm that th- «=r^ f • ° ^"^^y *ven suspected, attended as aperfS^L^ """ A 1 uinf»J« Society's ope^ji^ ing the past 200 years, and gives a fan and accurate P'fture of Jbe nw anajrogrew ofthevJork. . . We may say that no real °Jfi^'^'^''^°'' ^%L^^J^xi^g taken by our country before the foundation of the Society. . • ; T^e ««rMting and somewhat startling results chronicled in this volume relate mainly to the operations of the S.P.G." The Ohrtatian.-" One cannot but be entertdned and instructed by a p^^^ ofthese^^is" . . The interest-historical, ethnological, geographical, ecclesi astical. and personal— is admirably sustained throughout. side-lights upon our colonizing activity in the last century. LiYenioolCoiiriM.-"A marvellously entertaining and 'nf*' «f ''»^«„y'°'J^ ; .l: The IS?y of ihe S^iety's operations ii. Canada, at a time whe° the whole of the Dominion was a • great lone land.' is as engrossing as any romance. . . . The sSy is to be coniratulated on the production of such a book, and the Enghsh Church may well be proud of the noble record therein contamed. Liverpool MeMwy.-" Most readers of the title-page wiU have little idea of the rich store of useful history to be found here." Church BeUs.-" Nearly two centuries' work of the Society for t^e Propagation of tfe^sjel inbound to provide a splendid and glowing r^ord oihr^°^y^^ ° Christian Hevotion. The labour in arranging *°** f^'^Thi L^u ^ hole^^^^ documentary evidence . . . must have been immense. .T|»e result, however^w excellent. Herein we have, told not in Tars ago " ^_i^>. mm.* '• The book of the "wsek is undoubtedly Mr. P*scoe's . . . it Sdpti -lite the ArchbUhop-to go on to the end. rc-„#i jiMai\—"K most valuable addition to works on Beoth«n ^ao-r-Jf""** Xmiri^ble St oiS^from the aoiount of informa- Biodem Chuich Histoid . . •ft^*"^^*^?;? JX oS^^^ *o°»d wticb induces the reader to go on to the next, cesses in the Mission field of the wide world. W' i I) BpiAton Gaiette.-" Admirably concise and comprehensive. • • • Shw*** ^ eageT«>"°S^«^- • • As reliable a record as couIJ be well wished for. BvUhtMi Hew.-" Everyone interested in the work of the Society could not do fcettw^an to invest in a copy of this excellent work. " 1>*M fihoMdi of Beotiuid Montlily.— " Very interesting and valuable . . . niMt «£S^wSooSSST^. . That'its Ithe SocietvsJ record has been m mMky ^rni^Sfcone is made very plain by this aamirable summary of its work. S weSrS^y* mmend the volumn to all who are mterested m the evan- gelisation of the world." filaitfow H8wad.-'Full of interest. ... Mr. Pascoe deserves the highest prSWEhfSe^d labour bestowed on this volume, which is a valuable ad- dition to missionary literature." ah anAtfUKiilkifltf HMtMine.— " Of considerable value to the history and JSfS?of ^SSSSsorSTreformed Churchy. . . In a clear and tern l^fSfe Writer tra«8 the work of the Society during the past 192 years m no fewer tiiaa 90 countries and colonies." fc^aaiiwrtltM.— "To ScOUmen this volume wiU be esp^ciaHy iotereattng ^rshowThow prominently their feHow-cottDtrymen have t^en part « m s^narTenterprise. ": . . This book is a strik ng proof of *« "PiJ. ^"*d «rf ChSanity thr<)ughout the world after a definite organisation, like that of the Society, had taken the great task in hand." TmIoUm H«tMU— " The labour involved in it must taye bwi enormous, but the result shows the effort to have been well worth the making." Dftwn ia India [the organ 9/ the Christian Littralw* Socuty for India]—" Vf 9 cannot point to a finer specimen of honest, laborious, and successful work of the kind. . . The narrative, though abridged, is full of well-chosen incidents and graphic touches, both pathetic and amusing, so as to make the 900 densely packed pages as interestiiw as they are instructive, Mr. Pascoe has, by his able and self- denjrin^ laboni^. done important service, hot only to bis Society, but to the causa of missions in all churches." ToilnhlN Poit— " It is a mine of wealth to those interested in the foreign missionary work of the Church." Madrai 1I.aU—" Not a mere mass of dry details, but a trustworthy historical narrative, full of information on the origin and growth of the Colonial Chmch, written in a pleasantand attractive style. . . . The Editor has brought to his work literary skill, sound judgment, and that love of his subject which alone could result in so successful an issue." Madm DiooeMui Record.—" A highly interesting and instructive history of Missionary enterprise." Eaglidiman. (Calcutta).—" Should find a place in every library." Indiui Chiuehniail.^" The missionary history which we have before ni it one of ho merely temporary or local interest. The editor . . . has brought together in a most systematic and methodical form a body of facts of equal mterest and instructiveness." FrMman. (" Organ of the Baptist Denomination ")— " A most complete and va,luable account ol the work of the Society from the beginning. . , . The value of such a concise and exhaustive record of work accomplished is great." lUtutmtad Church Mewi.— " In this book we liave the counterpart of Seeley's ' Expansion of England.' Here is the spiritual side of the Imperial shield. . . . It certainly has much of the charm we sometimes fail to receive from romance. . . . The book is indeed fascinating." AagUoaB Ohnroli Magaiiiie^— " Marvellous and fascinating . . will be indispensable to every student of modem Church history." a book that AbIUmuii Ohoroh Cliroiiida {^Honolulu).—" It is impossible to turn a page without finding something valuable and interesting to Churchmen, and. in &ct,to Christians generally. . . . Skilfully and artistically compiled." Bombay Oioeetan Record.— "To those who in the thick of the Church's Missionary work find their hearts not unfrequently bowed down within them with the sense of the stupendousness of the work, and the apparent slowness of results yielded, this goodly book must sorely come as a real and welcome r e fre shme nt. To the Church at iaige. while it is a work fraught with the hitensest interest to every intelligent observer of her progress, it will also prove an unanswerable vindi- cation of the reality of her evangelistic labours against all those who would main it their task to impugn it. Here . . , in accounts which ... are ' clear and strong and graphic, without having at all the appearance of condensation.' we are treated to a survey of nearly two centuries' work oa the part of the vmerable Society. . Nothing could demonstrate to us more clearly that the Church's progress, if Komingly slow, and perhaps at times hardly pereeptible to those c«-rying it on, is yet one of steady and massive advance all along the line." 8 IttdilMi 6h«Nh OiM''kttIy K«vl««.— " We doubt whether anv woit of aa hii- torical natare has been pubiistaed within the present c«ntur)' of such gMiferal interest to tHiurchmen. . . . We have been st^rprised and gratified, again and again, at the aldn with which the compiler has condensed ori^nal documents, and at the same time lias given Us a continuous narrative which is not only ridable, but is pre- s^ted in a most atttactive aud interesting style. . . . This handsome volume is indispensable to all who are interested in, or who desire to impart information respecting the Missionary work of the Church of England." Tonng Chofehmaii. {Milwaukee, U.S.)—" One of the mostvahmbleeontributioM to the modern history of the English Church that has appeared for many years." TlM{}iiM«w«*yt»^me volume is rt information icontribtttiMW many years." 9 Though mits. we must lape. the £ng- sfthe heathen records many (success. . . . ^ bis flock in- Nagpur with- le work. . . . 1 one amongst i linefi that he i of the wann- s name." is a record of as well as the mentons in its an that which ded at Boston eat work . . . 0ftheS.P.G. !b1 conetnsion accuracy, and the subject in into a allele Zl CONTENTS. FRONTISPIECE— THE SOCIETY'S PRESIDENTS, 1701-1894, AND BISHOPS SEABURY AND C. INGLIS. -(pp. i-vii.) PREFACE AND TABLES &c., pp. ix-xvi. CHAPTKIl PAOR I. Origin, Object, and Fibst Proceedinos of the SOCIETT . . • .1-9 II. North America -The United States — Introduction 9-12 12-30 20-6 26-9 . 80 31-8 33-40 41-61 62-6 67-79 80-7 III. Sooth Cabouna IT. North Cabouna T. Oeorou VI. ViROINU VII. Maryland . VIII. Pennsylvania IX. New England X. New Jersey XI. New York xn. ScHHARY of Rebulth British North America— Introduction . . .88 Nbwfoundland and Nobtbern Labradox . . 88-102 Bsruuda . . . 102-6 xvi. Nova iJcoTiA, Cape Breton, and Pbinob Edwabd Island . . . 107-25 New Bbukswicx . . 126-86 Quebec and Onxabio Pro- vinces . . . 186-41 xn. Quebec {continued) . 142-62 XX. Ontabio (continued) . 158-76 XXI. MAMrroBA and Nobxh-Webt Canada . . . 177-81 xxn. Bbitibh Coluhbu . 181-92 SUUUABT . 192-8 xin. XIV. XV. XVII XVIII CHAPTEH PAGE xxm. West Indies, Central and South America— Introduction . 194-6 XXIV. WiNDWABD Islands . 196-206 XXV. Tobaoo 206-7 XXVI. Trinidad . 208-10 xxvn. Leeward Islands 210-15 xxvin. Bahamas 216-27 ZXIX. Jamaica 228-38 XXX. MosKiTO Shore . 284-7 XXXI. British Honduras 238-40 XXXII. Panama 240-1 xxxin. British Guuna . 242-61 Summary . 262-3 XXXIV. XXXV, xxxvr. XXXVII. xxxvm. xxxix. XL. XLI. XUI. XLin. XLIV. XLV. Africa— Introduction . 264 West Afbica . 264-68 Gape Colony, Wehtebn and Eastern DrvisiONS . 268-86 Capb Colony, Western Division (continued) 286-97 Cape Colony, Eastern Division {continued) 297-306 Cape Colony, Eaffrabia 306-17 Gape Colony, Oriqualand West St. Helena Tristan d'Acunba Babutoland Natal Zululand . 817-19 819-22 322-4 824-7 828-36 886-42 xii [i OOMTBNTS. CHAPTBR PAOI CRAPTSB PAOI XLVi. Swaziland . 842-4 Lxx. Fiji .... 466-60 ILVn. ToMOiTiAND . 844-6 Lxxi. Hawaiian Islands 460-4 xLvm. Delaooa Bat 846-7 T.Tiii. New Ouimba 464-6 xLn. Oranoe Fbce State . 847-58 SOUMABT 466-7 L. Tbanbtaal . 864-8 LI. Bechuanaland . 859-61 Lxxm. Asia— Intboduotion . 468-9 Ln. Matabeleland . 862-8 Lxxiv. Indu— Intbodcotion . 469-78 un. MabbonaiiAnd . 868-6 LXXT. BENGAL 478-600 lit. Oazaland . 367 Lxxn. Madbas 601-68 LT. Cemtbal Afbica , . 8' 8 Lxxvn. Bohbat 668-89 LTI. MaUBITIVB . . 81 '3 Lxxvin. N.-Westebn Pbovincbs 600-608 LTII. MaCAOABCAB . 874-80 LXXIX. CENTB.iL PbOVINOEB . 604-6 LVm. NOBTHEBN AtBICA 880-1 Lxxx. Assam 606-11 SOHHABT . 882-6 Lxxxi. Punjab 612-29 LXXXn. BUBMA 629-56 LTXxm. Cashmere . 666-7 ux. Australasia— iNTRODocnoN Lxxxiv. Ajhebe &nd Rajpctana 667-8 886 i.XXXT. EUBOFEANS IN InDU . 668-9 Lx. N»w South Wales wi th - Lxxxvi. Cetlon 660-81 Norfolk Island . . 886-408 Lxxxm. Borneo and The LXI. ViCTOBU . . 404-10 Straits . 682-708 LXn. QtnEBNBLAMD . 410-15 LXXTvin. China 708-12 Lxm. South Atjbtbalu . 416-24 LXXXIX. GOBEA 712-16 Lxiv. Western Austratja 424-8 xc. Manchubia . 716 Lxv. Tasmania . . 428-88 xci. Japan .... 717-27 Lxvi. New Zealand . 488-48 xon. Wbstebn Asu . 728-9 Lxvn. Melanebu . 444-62 SUMHABT . . . 780-8 Lxviu. PrrcAiRN Island . . 462-4 Lxix. Norfolk l8LAND((;on^tn ttei) 464-6 xcm. Europe . 784-42 APPE NDIX. xciT. The Amebican asj> The Enolish Ooloniui and MiSSIONABT EfIBCOPATB, with Notes on Ohnroh Organisation Abroad 743-68 xcT. Education (with illustra- tions of Colleges) . 769-07 xcTi. Books AND Translations 798-816 xcTii. Medical Missions . 816-18 XOTm. EUIORANTS AND EMIGRA- TION . . . 818-20 xcix. Intercession for Missions 821 c. The Societt's Funds . 822-88 CI. Annitersart Bebhons 888-6 INDEX . . . . cn. The Sooiett'b Officeb and Sbcbetabiib . . 886-6 oui. The Missionabieb or the Society, 1702-1892 . 886-924 (the MiSSIONABT Roll begins on p. 849). ciT. The Sooiett'b Charter (1701) . . 925-8 „ The Sooiett's Supple- mental Gbabteb (1882) 929-81 „ Notes on the Constitution and Functions of the societt and its stand- ING Committee . . 982-6 „ View of the Socdstt's Houbai, 19 Dblahat St. 986 . . 987-84 xiii ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THE REFERENCES AT THE END OF THE CHAPTERS (and of thkir Sub-divisions) from Paoe 9 to Page 846, and Pages 982-6. (The abbreviations and signs in the " Missionary Roll " {pp. 849-924) are explained on p. 848.) AMSS (See MSS. below). App. Jo Appendix to the Journals of the Society (4 MS. vols. A, B, C, D), {see p. 815). C.D.C Calcutta Diocesan Committee of the Society. Church in Col. ... The Church in the Colonies {see p. 814). G.M The Gospel Missionary (see p. 814). Jo. The MS. Journals of the Society (see p. 815). L Letter. M.D.C The Madras Diocesan Committee of the Society. M.F The Mission Field (see p. 814). M.H Missions to the Heathen (see p. 814). M.Il The Monthly Record (see p. 814). MSS The Reports and Letters of the Society's Missionaries, &c. (grouped in 13 divisions, A to M ) {see p. 815). N.M News from the Missions (see p. 814). Q.M.L The Quarterly Missionary Leaf (see p. 814). Q.P The Quarterly Paper (see p. 814). R The Annual Reports of the Society (see p. 814). S.C. Sub-Committee of the Society. S.P.C.K The Sooietj^ for Promoting Christian Knowledge. S'P.G The Society for the Propagation of the Gbspel in Foreign Parts. xiv SBXEf ST7MMABT OF ItHB SOOIETT'S OPERATIONS, 1701-1892. (1) The r««ld and Period (8) No. of Races mini- stered to No. of Language* used by the His- slnuaries (4) No. of Ordained Missionaries employed (8) •No. Of central Stations I («) Society's Expendi- ture (7) Reterenoe to more detailed statement European Native and (dark Colonial races) NOBi'H Amkrica: Th9 older Colonies, now the Unitbd STATB8 1702-85 .1 6 European - Colonial races, also Negroes, and over 14 Indian tribes 309 — 303 £227,464 See pp. 86-7 Nbwfoundland ( and Canada . \ 1703-1892 ( 6 European ■ Colonial races, 27 Indian tribes, also Negroes, mixed races, and Chinese . 1" 1,446 — 836 £1,786,185 S«pp.lM-3 WK8T INDIKB, Okntrai^ and South Amebic a 1713-1892 fiuroneaii Colonists, also Negroes, mixed racas, 9 Indian tribes, and Hindus and Chinese ■ 8 393 7 172 £611,907 &M pp. 368-8 Apbica . 1763-1893 4 European - Colonial races, 27 African fami- lies, many mixed coloured races, also Hindus and Chinese . 17 404 66 271 £679,394 Sm pp. 883-6 AUSTaALABIA . ( 1793-1893 1 Colonists, 9 Native races, also mixed coloured races I" 468 6 365 £341,308 /** pp. 468-7 AfiU 1830-93 33 Native races, also Europeans and half- castes .... ( 27, and many • dialects of some of thew» 381 199 306 £3,014,889 S« pp. 780-3 1 EUBOPB . . . , 1702-4, 1864-93 9 (Europeans princi- pally) .... 4 114 — 231 £13»,30' Sk p. 741 Total (»« notes on next page) . 126 families (a) 83(6) 3.604 276 ! --i , ' 2,278(ee p. 263) Afbica . Only a few Euro- peans One or two Chap- lains ,._ — » 308,669 • 484(169 8.P.Q.) » 18 22 Domestic Missions (Iff pp. 388, 336) AD8TRALA8U - - — - 1,498,818 1,048 (19S.P.G.) Domestic and Foreign Missions («e# p. 467) Asu A few Euro- peans only 4 Chap- lains 1 _ 1 - • 873,178 » 1,036(324 S.P.O.) • 19 (Domestic Missions t (««# pp. 781-8) EtmopB (Continent) ? — - ? 176 (83 8.P.G,) 1 Total ? 817 — - 8.61^072 8,442(680 g.P.G.) 161 )y law established. AnC that it be a further instruction to the said Committee to consider how to promote the worship of God amongst seafaring men whilst at seai. Aud it v&b declared to be the opinion of this house, That any members might come and propose anything to this or any other Committee, unless it was other^'tde oraered by this house, but none to have liberty of suflfrage except such a' are Jeputed to be of the Committee." [Page 243 of The Histont of the Convocatifth [MoBkito Indians, 1747, &o., pp. 284-6], in West Africa [Negioes, 1752, &c., pp. 264-8], and in Canada [Indians, 1778, &c., pp. 189-40, 164, 165, &o.] ; see also pp. 86, 192, 252, 882, Ac. Beferencei (Chapter I.)— [1] R- 1706, pp. 11-14. [2] Accounts of the New England Compsny. [8] Britifih Museum, and " American Pamphlets, 1660-1704," in S.P.G. "White Kennet" Library (bound in green). [4] S.P.C.K. Journal, Aug. 8, 1700. [5] " Life and Designs " &c. of Dr. Bray : Brotherton, London, 1706 (S.P.G. " White Kennet " Library). [0] S.P.C.K. Journal, May 5, 12, 19, 26, and June 9, 28, 1701. E] S.F.C.K. Joamal, Nov. 4 and 18, 1701. [8] Jo., V. 1, pp. 1-S, and page 822 of this ok. [9] Jo., v. 1, pp. 4-6. [9a] Jo., V. 44, pp. 64, 121; R. 1884-S, p. vi. ; R. 1886, S. vi. ; Jo., V. 46, pp. 85, 107. [10] Jo., V. 1, p. 89. [U] Jo., V. 1, p. 109. [13] See the tanding Committee Books. [13] See the Bye-Laws and Regulations of the Society for the period. [14] Jo., V. 1, pp. 13-18, and p. 822 of this book. [14a] Jo., V. 1, p. 18, and App. Jo. A, pp. 4-42; do. B, pp. 1-6. [16] S.P.O. Anniversary Sermon, 1702, pp. 17-18. [Xe] Printed in S.P.G. Report for 1710. [17 & 17o] R. 1740, pp. 66-8, and printed in full in Humphreys' Historical Account, 1780, pp. 260-76. [18] S.P.G. Anni- versary Sermon, 1741, pp. 11-12. CHAPTER n. NORTH AMERICA : THE OLDER COLONIES, NOW THE UNITED STATES— (INTRODUCTION). For the greater part of the 18th century the Colonies of Great Britain, extending along the East Coast of North America, from South Carolina to Maine, together with the negroes, and with the Indian tribes who dwelt further inland, constituted the principal Mission- field of the Society. These Colonies were first settled by private adventurers, mostly representatives of divers denominations, diBsenting from the Mother Church, yet too much divided among themselves to preserve, in some parts, even the form of religion. Hence, notwith- standing the prominent recognition of reUgion in the original schemes of colonisation, the Society found this field occupied by 250,000 settlers, of whom whole Colonies were living " without God in the world," while others were distracted with almost every variety of strange doctrine. Church ministrations were accessible only at a few places in Virginia, Maryland, New York, and in the towns of Phila- delphia and Boston, and the neighbouring Indians had been partly instructed by the Jesuits and by John Eliot and agents of the New England Company. Until 1785 the Society laboured to plant, in all its fulness, the Church of Christ in those regions. In the Rev. Geokoe Keith the Society found one able and willing, not only to advise, but also to lead the way. Originally a Presbyterian, he had been a fellow-student of Bishop Burnet at Aberdeen, but soon after graduating he joined the Quakers, and went to New Jersey and afterwards to Pennsylvania. There he became convinced of the errors of Quakerism, and returning to England in 1694 he attached himself to the Mother Churuh and was iKlmitted to Holy Orders in 1700. His zeal and energy, combined with his experience of the country. 10 SOCIETY rOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE nOSPEL. pointed him out as well qualified for the service of the Society. Accordingly he was adopted as its first Missionary on Feb. 27, 1702 [1], and with the Rev. Patrick Gordon (appointed March 20) [2J, sailed from England on April 24, 1702. Among their fellow-passengers were Colonel Dudley, Governor of New England, and Colonel Morris, Governor of New Jersey, and the Rev. John Talbot, Chaplain of the ship, from each of whom they received encouragement, and Talbot was so impressed with Keith's undertaking that he enlisted as companion Missionary [8]. They landed at Boston on Jun« 11, and on the next day Keith wrote to the Society : — " Colonel Dudley was so very civil and kind to Mr. Gordon and me that he caused us both to eat at his table all the voyage, and his conversation was both pleasant and instructive, insomuch that the great cabin of the ship was like a colledge for good discourse, both in matters theological and philosophical, and V2ry cordially he joined daily with us in divine worship, and I well understand he purposeth to give all possible encouragement to the congregation of the Church of E ^gland in this place. Also Colonel MorriB was very civil and kind to us, and SL as the captain of the ship, called the Ct /iturion, and all the inferior officers, ana '1 the mariners generally, and good order was kept in the ship; so that if any o. '^ seamen were complained upon to the captain for profane swearing, he caused il Msh them according to the usuall custom, by causing them to carry a heavy woou collar about their neck for an hour, that was both painful and shameful ; anc*, -> my observation and knowledge, severall of the seamen, as well as the officers, joii.. J devoutly with us in our daily prayers according to the Church of England, and so did the other gentlemen that were passengers with us " [4]. The object of Keith's Mission was to enquire into the spiritual 'condition of the people, and to endeavour to awaken them to a sense of (lie Ohristian religion. How that object was accomplished is fully toll in his Journal published after his return to England [5], of which ♦ ae following is a summary : — " I have given an entire Journal of my two Years'* Missionary Travel and Service, on the Continent of North America, betwixt Piscataway River in New England, and Coretuck in North Carolina ; of extent in Length about eight hundred miles ; within which Bounds are Ten distinct Colonies and Governments, all under the Crown of England, viz., Piscataway, Boston [Colony called Massaohusett's Bay], Biwd. Island [Colony included also Naragansst, and other adjacent parts on the Continent], Connecticot, New York, East and West Jersey, Pensilvania, Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina. I travelled twice over most of those Governmenta and Colonies, and I preached oft in many of them, particularly in Pensilvania, West and East Jersey, and New York Provinces, where we continued longest, end found the greatest occasion for our service. " As concerning the success of me and my Fellow-Labourer, Mr. John Talbot's, Ministry, in the Places where we travelled, I shall not say much; yet it is necessary that something be said, to the giory of God alone, to whom it belongs, and to the encouragement of others, who may hereafter be imployed in the lUce Service. ' In all the places where we travelled and preached, we found the people generany well aft'c.cted to the Doctrine that we preached among them, and they did generally join with us decently in the Iiiturgy, and Public Prayers, and Administra- tion of the Holy Sacraments, after the Usage of the Church of England, as we had occasion to use them. And where Ministers were wanting (as there were wanting Keith wfts actually " two years and twenty weeks " in the Society's service, and on completing his mission ho was elected a membei- of the Society in consideration of "his great experience in the affairs of the plantations," kc. [6]. NORTH AMERICA. 11 in many places) the People earnestly desired us to present their Request to the Honourable Society, to send Ministers unto them, which accordingly I have done : and, in answer to their request, the Society lias sent to such places as seemed most to want, a considerable number of Missionaries. " Beside the general Success we had (praised be Ood for it) both in our Preach- ing, and much and frequent Conference with People of Diverse Perswasions, many of which had been wholly strangers to the Way of the Church of England ; who, after they had observed it in the Publick Prayers, and reading the Lessons out of the Holy Scriptures of the Old and New Testament, and the manner of the Administration of Baptism, and the Lord's Supper, were greatly affected with it, and some of which declared their great satisfaction and the Esteem they had of the Solemn and edifyingmannerof our Worship and Administration, far above whatever they could observe in other Ways of Worship known to them. " To many, our Ministry was as the sowing the Seed and Planting, who, probably, never so much as heard one orthodox Sermon preached to them, before we came and Preached among them, who received the Word with Joy ; and of whom we have good Hope, that they will be as the good ground, that brought fy.i.n urutt, some Thirty, sotne Sixty, and some an Hundred Fold. And to uiany others it was a watering to what had been foimerly Sown and Planted w.iong them ; some of the good Fruit whereof we did observe, to the glory ol God, and our great Comfort. . . Almost in all these Countries where we Travelled and Laboured . . . by the Blessing of Ood on our Labours ^ there are good Materials prepared for the Building of Churches, of living Stones, as soon as, by the good Providence of Ood, Ministers shall be sent among them who have the discretion and due qualiiioationB requisite to build with them " [7]. In a letter (Feb. 24, 1703) written during his Mission, Keith said : — " There is a mighty cry and desire, almost in all places where we have travelled, to have ministers of the Church of England sent to thorn in these Northern parts of America. . . If they come not timely the whole country will be overrunne with Presbyterians, Anabaptists, and Quakers " [8]. Mr. Talbot also wrote {Sept, 1, 1703) :— " It is a sad thing to consider the years that are past ; how some that were born of the Engliah never heard of the name of Christ ; how many others were baptized in his name, and [have] fallen away to Heathenism, Quakerism, and Atheism, for want of Confirmation. . , " The poor Church has nobody upon the spot to comfort or confirm her children ; nobody to ordain several that a^c willing to serve, were they authorized, for the work of the Ministry. Therefore they fall back again into the herd of the Dissenters, rather than they will be at the Hazard and Charge to goe as far as England for orders : so that we have seen several Counties, Islands, and Provinces, which have hardly an orthodox minister am'st them, which might have been sup- ply'd, had we been so happy as to see a Bishop or Suffragan Apud Americanos " [9]. These representations were followed by y^otitions from multitudes of Colonists, whom the Society strove to supply with the full ministrations of the Church, at the same time using direct means for the conversion of the heathen, whether Negroes, Indians, or Whites. In addition to its efforts to meet the calls for pastors, evangelists, and school teachers, the Society distributed great quantities of Bibles, Prayer-Books, and other reUgious works [see p. 798] ; " and for an example, to furnish the Churches with suitable ornaments," it sent services of Communion Plate, with linen, &c. [10]. The hindrances to the planting and growth of the Church in America in the 18th century may be indicated, but cannot be realised in this age. As the chief hindranne is fully stated in another chapter 12 SOCIBiy FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE ftOSPEL. ■ [see p. 748], it will suffice to say here that the want of a Bishop was keenly felt by the members of the Church in each of the following colomes. Beferences (Chapter 11.)— p.] Jo., V. 1, p. Aug. ai, Sep. 18, Nov. 20, 1702. [4] A MSS., V. 1, No. 9. [2] Jo., V. 1, pp. 46-7. [8] Jo., V. 1, „_ _ No. 9. [5] Jo., V. 1, Aag. 20 and 28, 17(3 ; July '20, i705 ; Jan. 18, Feb^ 1 and 28, March 15, May 17, July 19, and Aug. 16, 1706. l6] Jo., V. 1, Oct. 20 and Dec. 15, 1704. [7] Keith's Journal, pp. 82-6. [8] A MBS., V. 1, No. 87. [0] A MSS.. V. 1, No. 125. [10] E. 1706, pp. 78-4. CHAPTER m. SOUTH CAROLINA. South GAKOLntA (originally united with North Carolina in one colony) was settled under a Charter granted to a Company in 1662, whose professed motives were (1) a desire to enlarge his Majesty's dominions ami (2) " zeal for the propagation of the Christian faith in a country not yet cultivated or planted, and only inhabited by some barbarous people who had no knowledge of God." But the Society found in 1701 that more than one-half of the 7,000 Colonists (to say nothing of the negi-oes and Indians) were themselves living regardless of any religion, there being only one* Church (at Charlestown), no schools, and few dissenting teachers of any kind. The first Missionary of the Society to South Carolina, the Rev. S. Thomas — who was the third sent by it to America — was less for- tunate in his voyage than Ke th and Gordon. In the passage down the English Channel he was " forc'd to lye upon a chest," and " after many importunate and humble perswasions " he at last obtained leave to read prayers daily, but ho was "curs'd and treated very ill on board." At Plymouth he was so ill that his life was despaired of, but during his detention there he recovered so far as to be able to officiate " severall Lord's Day for a minister att Plimstock, who was both sick and lame . . . and whnse family " was " great and circumstances in the world mean." Receiving " nothing from him but his blessing and thanks," Mr. Thomas went on his way lu another ship with a " civil " captain, and for the rest of the voyage he " road prayers thrice every day and preached and catechised ever> i-^H's Day." After "12 weeks and 2 dayes at sea " he arriveu , Charlestown on Christmas Day, 1702. He was designed for a Mission to the native Yammonsees, and on his appointment £10 was voted by the Society " to be laid out in stulfs for the use of the vild Indians." Wild indeed they proved to be— they had revoiteJ f.om the Spaniards " because they would net be Christians," and were in so much danger of an invasion that they were "not at leisure to attend to instruction" ; nor was ;t "sufe to venture among them." Surrcunding him, how- ever, were many heathen equally needing instruction, and more capable of receivini; it, viz. the negro and Indian slaves who in the Cooper River district aionb outnumbered the savage Yammonsees. Therefore, Mr. Thomas settlev^ in that district. One of the places included in his charge was Goosocreek, containing " the best and most • App. Jo, A, n. 40. SOUTH CAROLINA. 13 numeroiis congregation in all Carolina," who were " as sheep without a shepherd" [1]. Numbers of the Eiiglish settlers were "in such a wilderness and so destitute of spiritual guides and all the means of grace " that they "were making near approach to that heathenism which is to be found among negroes and Indians." Mr. Thomas pre- vailed with " the greatest part of the people to a religious care in sanctifying the Lord's Day," which had been "generally profaned." Many also were induced to " set up the worship of God in their own families," to which they had been " perfect strangers." The Holy Communion "had not been administered" in one district before Mr. Thomas came, and after '* much pains " he could " procure only five " communicants at first. Before long this number grew to forty-five, and there was " a visible abatement of immorality and profaneness in the parish, and more general prevailing sense of religion than had been before known " [2]. After taking great pains to instruct the heathen slaves also (Indians and negroes), some of whom were admitted to baptism [8], Mr. Thomas visited England on private affairs in 1705, at the same time being "empowered and desired" by "the Governor, Council and Parliament" of Carolina "to make choice of five such persons" as he should "think fit, learned, pious, and laborious ministers of the Church of England to oflBciate in the vacant parishes, pursuant to a late Act of Parliament for the encouragement of the publick worship of God according to the Church of England" in the Province [4]. On this occasion Mr. Thomas submitted what the Society pronounced to be "a very full and satisfactory account (\^ the state of the Church in South Carolina " [5], He also drew attention to an objectionable clause in the Act of the Assembly above referred io (passuu Nov. 4, 1704) [6], which placed in the hands of certain lay commissioners the power of removing the clergy. Holding " thai by Virtue hereof the Ministers in South Carolina will be too much subjected to *he pleasure of che People," the Society referred the matter to the Archbishop o^ Canterbury and the Bishop of London, and agreed to " put a atop to the sending any ministers . . . into those parts till . . . fully satisfied that the . . . clauses are or shall be rescinded, and that the mattex* be put into an ecclesiastical method "[7]. While the Society was vindicating the rights of the clergy, a petitioii was presented to the House of Lords by Joseph Boone, merchant, on belialf of himself and many other inhabitants of Carohna, showing : — " That the Ecolesiastioal Government of the said Colony is under the Jurisdictiori of th(. Lord Bishop of London. But the Governour and his Adherents have at iapi, which the said adherents had often threatened, totally abolished it : For the said Assembly hath lately passed an Act whereby twenty Lay-Persons therein-named, aia made a Corporation, for the exercise of several exorbitant Powers, to the great Injury and Oppression of the People in general, and for the exercise of all Eccle- blaatical Jurisdiction, with absolute Power to deprive any Minister of the Church of England of his Benefice, not only for his Immorality, but even for his Impru- dence, or for Innumerable Prejudices and animosities between such Minister and his Parish. And the only Church of England Minister, that is established in the said Colony, the llev. Mr. Edward Marston,* hath already been cited before their Board ; which the Inhabitants of that Province take to be a high Ecclesiastical Commission [• Not a Missionary of the Society.] 14 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE OOSPBL. Ill 1^- Court, destructive to the very being and essence of the Churca of England and to be had in the utmost Detestation and Abhorrence by every Mm that is not an Enemy to our Constitution in Church and State." The House of Lords expressed their opinion— "That the Act of the Assembly lately past there ... so far forth as the same relates to the establishing a Commission for the dispiacmg the Eectors or Ministers of the Churches there, is not warranted by the Charter granted to the ProDiietors of that Colony, as being not consonant to Reason, repugnant to the Laws of this Realm, and destructive to the Constilntiop of the Church of England." On this Resolution being laJ'l \ 3^-' ^- Queen the matter of com- plaint was effectually " taken awej ' ■'--'] ■■ w Act was passed m 1706 m which provision was made foi ...ioi'ig the salaries of the clergy from £50 to £100 per annum, and in communicating the same to tlie Society the Governor and Coimcil explained that the Clause in the Act of 1704 was " made to get nd of the incendiaries and pest of the Church, Mr. Marstcn," and had the Society known the facts of the case it would not have blamed them " for taking that or any other way to get rid of him." Mr. Boone, they stated, was " a most rigid Dissenter," who, while pretending to defend the rights of the Clergy, sought to destroy the Act "because it established the Church of England . . . and settled a maintenance on the Church ministers." In proof of this it should be added that at the very time he was championing the cause of the Church, Mr. Boone was engaging " two Dissenting ministers " and a schoolmaster to take bf ifi^'y .'iense we have of your most noble and Christian charity to our poor Infaife « ■ f ;-. i-i this Province expressed by the generous encouragement you have been ,.■■■■ •\%eu {■< give to those who are now coming Missionaries, the account of which we hr. i ..tt now received, by the worthy Missionary and our deserving Friend and Minisier, hlr. Thomas, who, to our great Satisfaction is now arrived. The extraordinary Hurry we are in, occasioned by the late Invasion, attempted by tlie Freiich and Spaniards, from whom Grod hath miraculously delivered us, hath prevented our receiving a parti- cular account from Mr. Thomas of your Bounty ; and also hath not given us leisure to view your Missionaries' instructions, either in regard of what relates to them, or to ourselves : But we shall take speedy care to give them all due Encouragement and the Vene"\ble Society the utmost Satisfaction. Thero is nothing so dear to us as our holy ileligion, uiid the Interest of the EstaW!^ 'd Church, in which we have (we bless God) been happily educated ; wo thcre'ir "ivout'.y adore God's Provi- dence for bringing and heartily thank your So e* irir encouraging, so mai^.y Missionaries to come among us. We promise your ir;t . ■ .n*bje ^-lociety, it shall be our daily Care and Study, to encourage their pious lab'.... h, to protect their Persons, to revere their Authority, to improve by their ministerial Instructions, and as soon as possible, to enlar^^e their ur uiual Salarys . . . When wo have placed your Missionaries in thei- sovp,r; 1', vches according to your Directions, and receivrd from them an aico it oi yoii' "^ -oie Benefactions of Books for each Parish, wo shall then v.i'-fl n^re p-^.rti - 'u nd full: In the mean Time, we beg of your Honourable Socie ■' !.o n-o'T^n of our hearty gratitude, and to be assured of our sincere Endtavour to colour with them in their most noble Design of Propagating Christ's holy Religion. . . . Sep. 16, 1706 " [10]. By the same body tlie Society was informed in 1706 of the death of Mr. Thomas, of whom they reported that " hia exemplary life, SOUTH CAROLINA. 15 two diligent preaching and obliging courage " had secured him " the good- wUl of all men. ... He not only brought over several of the Dissenters but also prevailed upon several that professed themselves members of the Church of England to lead religious lives and to become constant communicants, and other considerable services he did for the Church." They added, " We do most humbly request your honourable Society to send us four more ministers for the country, and upon your recom- mendation we shall have them fixed in the several parishes there " [11]. Mr. Thomas' widow was voted two months' salary from the Society and a gratuity of £25 " in consideration of the great worth of . . . her husband and of his diUgence in his ministerial office and for the encouragement of missionarys to undertake the service of the Society " [12]. Other faithful men were found to take up and extend the work begun in South Carolina. For the Colonists, Missionaries were needed even more than for the regroes and Indians. So many of the settlers lived " worse than the heathen " that the province was (in 1710-14) " spoiled with blasphemy, Atheism and Immorality," and the great obstacle to the free Indians embracing the Christian religion was the " scandalous and immoral life of the white men " among them calling themselves " Christians "[IB]. In the case of the slaves (negroes and Indians), many of the masters were extremely inhuman, " esteeming them no other than beasts," and while, it is hoped, few went to the extent of scalping an Indian woman (as one did in 1710), the owners generally were, at first, opposed to the endeavours of the Missionaries to instruct the slaves [14]. " ' WliPt ! ' said a lady ; considerable enough in any other respect but in that of sound knowledge ; ' Is it possible that any of my slaves could go to heaven, and must I see them there ? ' " "A young gent had said some time before that he is resolved never to come to the holy table while slaves are received there." (L. from Rev. Dr. Lo Jau, of Goosecmek, Aug. 18, 1711 [15]). All honour to those who were zealous in encouraging the instruction of their slaves, such as Mr. John Morris (of St. Bartholomew's), Lady Moore, Capt. David Davis, Mrs. Sarah Baker, and several otliers at Goosecreek, Landgrave Joseph Marton and his wife (of St. Paul's), the Governor and a member of the Assembly (who were ready to stand sureties for a negx'o), Mr. and Mrs. Skeen, Mrs. Ilaigue, and Mrs. Edwards [16] . The last two ladies were formally thanked by the Society for their care and ^ood example in instructing the negroes, of whom no less than tAventy-seven prepared by them — including those of another planter — were baptized by the Rev. E. Taylor, of St. Andrew's, within two years. Mr. Taylor wrote in 1718 :— "As I am a Minister of Christ and of the Church ot England, and a Missionary of the Most Christian Society in the whole world, I think it my indispensible and special duty to do all that in me lies to promote the conversion and salvation of the poor heathens here, and more especially of the Negro and Indian slaves in my own parish, which I liope I can truly say I have been sincerely and earnestly endeavouring ever nince I was minister here where there are many Negro and Indian slaves in a most pitifull deplorable and perishing condition tho' little pitied by many of their masters and their conversion and salvnition little desired and endeavoured by thcni. If the Masters were but good Christians themselves and would but ooncurro with the Ministers, we should then have good hopes of the conversion and salvation at least of some of their Negro nnd Indian slaves. But 16 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. I too many of them rather oppose than ooncurr with us and are angry with us, I am sure I may say with me for endeavouring as much as I doe the conversion of their slaves. . . . I cann't but honour . . . Madam Haigue. . . . In my parish . . , a very considerable number of negroes . . . were very loose and wicked and little inclined to Christianity before her coming among them. I can't but honour her so much ... as to acquaint the Society with the extraordinary pains this gentle- woman, and one Madm. Edwards, that came with her, have taken to instruct those negroes in the principles of Christian Keligion and to reclaim and reform them : And the wonderfull successe they have met with, in about half a year's time in this great and good work. Upon these gentlewomen's desiring me to come and examine these negroes ... I went and among other things I asked them. Who Christ was. They readily answered. He is the Son of God, and Saviour of the World, and told me that they embraced Him with all their hearts as such, and I desired them to rehearse the Apostles' Creed and the 10 Commandments, and the Lord's Prayer, which they did very distinctly and perfectly. 14 of them gave me so great satisfaction, and were so very desirous to be baptized, that I thought it my duty to baptize them and therefore I baptized these 14 last Lord s Day. And I doubt not but these gentlewomen will prepare the rest of them for Baptisme in a little Time " [17]. Other owners in the same parish refused to allow their slaves to attend Mr. Taylor for instruction, but he succeeded in inducing them or some of their families to teach the Lord's Prayer, and this was so effectual that more negroes and Indians came to church than he could find room for [18]. The desire of the slaves for instruction was so general that but for the opposition of the owners there seems no reason why the whole of them should not have been brought to Christ. So far as the Missionaries were permitted, they did all that was possible for their evangcMsation, and while so many " professed Christians " among the planters were "lukewarm," it plca,sed God "to raise to Himself devout servants among the heathen," whose faithfulness was commended by the masters themselves [19]. In some of the congre- gations the negroes or blacks furnished one-half of the Communicants out of a total of 50 [20]. The free Indians were described as " a good sort of people, and would be better if not spoiled by bad example; " the Savannocks being, however, "dull and mean," but the Floridas or Cricks (Creeks) "honest, polite," and their language " understood by many nations, particularly the Yamousees." They had some customs similar to the Jewish rites, such as circumcision, and feast of first-fruits ; they loved justice, not enduring " either to cheat or be cheated," and had notions of a Deity and the immortality of the soul. Many of them desired Missionaries, but the traders hindered this as likely to interfere with one branch of their trade viz. the exchanguig of their " European goods " for slaves made during wars instigated by themselves [21] . War had already reduced the number of the Indians by one-half, >.,nd it was the desire of the Society to bring to them the Gospel of peace. The Rev. Dr. Le Jau forwarded in 1709 a copy of the Lord's Prayer in Savannah, the language of the Southern Indians, and in 1711 Mr. J. Norris, a planter, interviewed the Society, and was en- couraged in a design which he had formed of bringing up his son to the ministry and sending him to the Yammonsees at his own exp«^nso [22]. The Rev. G. Johnston, of Charleston, brought to England in 1713 a Yammonsee prince, at the request of his father and of the Emperor of the Indians, for instruction in the Christian religion and the manners of t lie English nation ; it was decided that under Clause 2 of the SOUTH CAROLINA. 17 Charter the said youth might " be maintained, put to school and instructed at the charge of the Society " [23]. This was done, and after being twice examined by the Committee of the Society, he was sub- mitted to the BishoiJ of London, and by him baptized in the Royal Chapel of Somerset House on Quinquagesima Sunday, 1715, at the age of 19, Lord Carteret, one of the proprietors of South Carolina, with Abel Kettiiby, Esq., and Mrs. CaBcilia Conyers, being sponsors, after which he was presented to the King " under the character given " [24]. The Society sent him back with a present for his father of a " gun or ffuzee," with a pair of scarlet stockings, and a letter of commendation to the Govemorand Council, who were " exhorted to contribute all they " could " to the conversion of the Indians," and it was lioped that much would be done, as the "whole Province" saw "with admiration the improve- ment " of the prince [25]. On his return he wrote to the Society : — " Charles Town in South Carolina, December 3, 1715. " Sib, " I humble thank the good Society for all their Favours which I never forget. I got into Charles Town the 30 September. I have hard noos that my Father as gone in Sontaugustena and all my Fnends. I hope he will come to Charles Town. I am with Mr, Commissary Johnston house. I learn by Com- missary Johnston as Lady. I read every Day and night and Mr. Commissary Johnston he as well kind to me alwas. I hope I learn better than when I was in School. Sir, I humble thank the good Society for all their Favours. " Your Most and Obedient Servent "Pkince Georgk." [26] The absence of the father was caused by a war in which he was taken prisoner. This made the prince extremely dejected, but he continued his education under Mr. Johnston, who took the same care of him as of his own children [27], and prevailed on the Emperor of the Cherequois to let him have his eldest son for instruction ; the Rev. W. Guy was also informed in 1715, by Capt. Cockran, a Dissenter at Port Royal, that the son of the Emperor of the Yammonsees was with him, and that he would take care to instruct him, and that as soon as he could say the Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and the Ten Commandments, he would present him for baptism [28]. The efforts of a few righteous men availed not, however, to save the province from the calamities of a war which proved as disastrous to the Mission cause as to the material interests of the coimtry. This war was caused par*'y by the oppression of the traders [29], who, having sown the wind, were now to reap the whirlwind. In 1715 the Indians from the borders of Fort St. Augustino to Cape Fear conspired to extirpate the white people. On the Wednesday before Easter some traders at Port Royal, fearing a rising among the Yam- monsees, made friendly overtures to them, which were so well received that they remained in the Indian camp for the night. At daybreak they were greeted with a volley of shot, which killed all but a man and a boy. These gave the alarm at Port Royal, and a ship happening to be in the river, about 800 of the inhabitants, including the Rev. W. Guy, escaped in her to Charleston, the f!"' families who remained being tortured and murdered. The Appeilachees, the Calabaws, and the Creeks soon joined the Yammonsees. One party, after laying waste St. Bartholomew's, where 100 Christians fell into their hands, was driven c n III i. { 18 SOCIETY FOR i'HE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. off the week after Easter by Governor Craven ; but the Indians on the northern side continued their ravages until June 18, when, _ after massacring a garrison, they were finally defeated by Captain Chicken, of the Ooosecreek Company. The Missionaries suffered grievously from the war— some barely escaping massacre, all being reduced and impoverished. Timely help from the Society reheved their miserable state, and that of two French clergymen, Rev. J. La Pierre,* of St. Dennis, iid Rev. P. de Rich- BOURG, of St. James's, Santee, who, but for tuis aid, must have left their congregations, consisting oi French refugees, who had conformed to the Church of England [80]. During the war the Rev. R. Maule, of St. John's, remained four months shut up in a garri<^on ministering to the sick and wounded, being, said he, " satisfied, not nly to sacrifice my health, but (if that could be of any use) my very liie too, for the propagation of the Gospel of Jesus Christ [31]." Both were sacrificed, as it proved, and at his death in 1716 he left most of his property (or over £750 currency) to the Society [32]. So also did the Rev. R. Ludlam, of Goosecreek, in 1728 — the bequest, amounting to ^£2,000 currency, being partly intended for the erection of " a schoole for the instruction of poor children " in the parish [33]. A legacy of £100 was also bequeathed by the Rev. L. Jones, of St. Helen's, for the support of a free school at Beaufort, and in 1761 the Rev. C. Maktyn, of St. Andrew's, attended a meeting of the Society in England, and resigned his Missionary salary, " think- ing the minister of St. Andrew's sufficiently provided for without the Society's allowance " [34]. The need of schools in South Carolina was thus represented to the Society by some of the inhabitants of Dor- chester in 1724 : — " The want of country Schools in this Province in genei'al and particularly in this parish is the chief source of Dissenters here and we may justly be appre- hensive that if our children continue longer to be deprived of opportunity of being instructed, Christianity [will] of course decay insensibly and we shall have a generation of our own as ignorant as the Native Indians " [35]. Here, as elsewhere, the Assembly were moved to establish a free school [36]. As early as 1704 a school was opened at Goosecreek by the Rev. S. Thomas [37], and several of the ordained Missionaries of the Society acted also as schoolmasters. Mr. Morritt reported in 1725 that he had sent for, and was expecting, a son of a Creek chief for instruction in his school at Charleston [38]. In 1748, two negroes having been purchased and trained as teachers at the cost of the Society, a school was opened at Charleston by Commissary Garden, with the object of training the negroes as in- structors of their countrymen. The school was continued with success for more than 20 years, many adult slaves also attending in the evening for instruction. This was done by the Church in the face of many diffi - culties and obstructions, and at a time when the Government had not one institution for the education of the 50,000 slaves in the Colony [39]. By the example of the Society and its Missionaries, the Colonists were led to take a real interest in spiritual things, and they showed their gratitude by building and endovnng Churches and Schools, and * Mr La Pierrn wns iiaBietcd agoin in 1720, he being then in '• miserable oircnm- Btance8"[80al. SOUTH CAROLINA. 19 irable circnm- making saoh provision that in 1759 the Society decided not to fill up the existing Missions in the Province as they became vacant [40]. The last of these vacancies occurred in 1766, but in 1769 a special caU was made on behalf of " the Protestant Palatines iu South Carolina." Having emigrated from Europe, they were " greatly distressed for want of a minister," there being none to be met with at a less distance than 60 or 70 miles ; " no sick or dying person " could "be visited at a less expense than £10 sterling," and their settlement being in an infant state, without trade and without money, they were unable to support a minister, and therefore implore 1 the aid of the British Government. The Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations referred their petition to the Society, with the result that the Rev. S. F. Lucius was sent out to minister to them [41]. Arriving at Coffee Town in 1770, he officiated on Easter Day to " a people very eager to hear the Word." For want of a minister among them " the children were grown up like savages." In six months he baptized 40 children and 30 adult? ''42]. The people built two churches, and Mr. Lucius continued among tiiom as the Society's Missionary until the end of the American Revolution. During the war he was reduced to " the deepest distress " by being cut off from communication with the Society, and unable to receive his salary for seven years (1776-88). After the evacuation of Charleston, where he had taken refuge, he attempted to go to " his old residence at Coffee Town ; but, destitute as he was of every conveniency, and travel- ling, more Apostolonim, on foot, encumbered with a wife and seven children, along an unhospitable road, he was soon unable to proceed, having . . certain information that he would not meet with a friendly reception." He returned to Charleston, and in March 1783 proceeded to Congarees (142 miles distant), " where a great number of the Pala- tines were settled," who were in general " very irreprehensible in their morals and behaviour," seventy being communicants [48]. Statistics. — In South Carolina (area 30,750 Bq. miles), where (1702-83) the Society assisted in maintaining 64 MisFionarieR and planting 15 Central Stations (as detailed on pp. 84»-50), there a^o now 995,577 inhabitar ts, of whom about 25,000 are Church Members and 6,179 Communicants, under the care of 61 Clergymen and a Bishop. [See aUo the Table on pp. 80-7, and p. 849.] Befermcea (Chapter III.)— [1] Jo., V. 1, June 19 and 20, July 8, Aug. 21, and Sept. 18 1702, and June 18, 1708; A MSS., V. 1, Nos. 21, 25, 83, 80, 179; K. 1706, pp. 41-2; A^)p. Jo. A, pp. 466-80. [2] App. Jo. A, pp. 477-8. [3] App. Jo. A, pp. 472-8. Jo. B, No. 74. [6] App. Jo. B,' No. 78. [7] Jo., V. 1, Feb. 15 and March 15, 1706. Ap] Jo., V. 1, Sept. 21, 1705; App. Jo. A, pp. 894-5. [5] Jo., V. 1, Jan. 18, 1706 ; App. [8; R. 1706, pp. 75-9 ; Jo., V. 1, March 21 ancl April 18, 1707. [0] A MSS., V. 2, No. 149; 'lo. V. 8, No. 163 ; App. Jo, A, pp. 582-6. [10] App. Jo. A, np. 627-80. [11] App. Jo. A, pp. 587-8. [12] Jo., V. 1, May 80, July 18, and Aug. 15. 1707. [13] Jo., V. 1, Oct. 20, 1710; Jo., V. 2, Oct. 10, 1712; Jo., V. 8, Oct. 16, 1714. [141 Jo., V. 1, Oct. 21, 1709 Oot. 20, 1710 ; Jo., V. 2, Oct. 9, 1713. [15] A MSS., V. 6. No. 142. [16] Jo., V. 2, .Inne l.'S, 1711; Oot. 10, 1712; Oct. 16, 1718; June 1, 1714; Jo., V. 3, Oct. 7, 1716, Nov. 22, 1716 ; R. 1724, pp. 40-1. [17] Jo. V. 2, Oct. 16, 1713 ; A MSS., V. 8, pp. 856-7 : -■ - '--- -^ ----- - --|j - - pp. 40-1 ; R. 1726, p. 40 ; R. 1758, p. 70 ; R. 1761, p. 62. V. 1, Sept. 16, Oct. 21, Dec. 80, 1700 ; Jo., V. 2, May 18, 1711 ; Oct. 10, 1712. [221 J®-- U. 1718, pp. 44-5. [18] "Jo., V. 2, Oct." 16, 1718 ; Jo., V. 8, Oct. 7, 1716. [IQj'Jo., V. 2 'PJc )). 887. [20] R. 1724, pp. 40-1 ; R. 1726, p. 40 ; R. 1758, p. 70 ; R. 1761, p. 62. [21] Jo., V. 1, Sept. 16, 1709, Jan. 26 and Feb. 1, 1711 ; Jo., V. 2, pp. 87-G. 1 23] Jo., V. 2, in). 297, 300. [24] R. 1714, pp. 69-60 ; Jo., V. 2, Aug. 20, Sept. 17, 1714 ; Jo., V. 8, Jiin. 21, 1716. [26] Jo., V. 2, Aug. 20, 1714 ; Jo., V. 8, Jan. 21, 1715, July 6, 1716 ; Accounts of Society's Expenditure, 1714 ; R. 1714, p. 60. [26] B MSS., V. 4, p. 34. [27] Jo., V. 8, Feb. 1, 1717. [28] Jo., V. 8, Oct. 7, 1715, July 6, 1716, Feb. 1, 1717. [29] Jo., V. 8, Nov. 89, 1716. [30] Humphreys' Historical Account of the Society, pp. 97-102; Jo., V. 8, pp. 71-2, 89, 01-2, 158-9, 168, 221-86. [30a] Jo., V. 4, Jan. IE, C2 20 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAaA.TION OF THE GOSPEL. 1720 rSll Jo., V. 8, p. 231 ; A MSS, V. 11, p. 127. [32] Jo., V. 8, pp. 260, 279, 350, 857-8- Jo V 4, p. 67; A MSS., V. 13, pp. 237, 249 [33 Jo., V. 5, pp. 201, 222-3 ; S MSa, V. 4 p. 2 9 '[341 R. 1761, p. 63 f Jo., V. 15, p. 183. [351 an^ [381 A MSS.. V W pp. 69-70 [37] App. Jo. A, p. 478. [38] R. 1725, p. 80. [39] Jo..y. 9, pp. 48-9, 108^ 288-9,279; Jo. V. 10, pp. 11, 12, 62, 64, 326 R. 1740, p. 68; B. 1743, p. 53; R 1747 pTes ; R. 1757. p. 50 [40] R. 1759, p. 63. [41] Jo., V. 18, -.p. 207-8, 252. [42] Jo, V. 19, p. 88; R. 1771, p. 27. [43] Jo., V. 23, pp. 60, 272-5 ; JA. 1783, p. 45. CHAPTER IV. NORTH CAROLINA. North CiiBOLiNA was included in the Charter granted to the South Carolina Com- pany in 1662. [See page 12.] In 1701 it contained at least B.OOO Colonists, besides netroes and Indians, all living without any minister and without any form of Divine worship publicly performed. Children had grown up and were growing up unbaptized and uneducated ; and the dead were not buried in any Christian form. According to an old resident, some good had been effected by religious books supplied by the Rev. Dr. Bray in 1609-1700 ; but this to a certain extent had been counteracted by the ill behaviour of the first clergyman, the Rev. Daniel Brett, who also appears to have been sent over by Dr. Bbay in the latter year. " For about i a year he behaved himself in a modest manner, and after that in a horrid manner " [1]. [Mr. H. Walker to Bishop of London, Oct. 21, 1708.] In his Journal Keith records that on May 10, 1703, leaving Elizabeth County in Virginia— " We [i.e. Talbot and himself] took our journey from thence to North Carolina. May 16, Whitsunday, I preached at the House of Captain Sanders in Corretuck in North Carolina, on Pom. i. 16. We designed to have travelled further into North Carolina, but there was no passage from that place by Land convenient to Travel, by reason of Swamps and Marishes ; and we h'\d no way to go by water, but in a Canow over a great Bay, many Miles over, which we essayed to do, but the wind continuing several days contrary, we returned to Virginia " [2]. Early in 1702, two months before Keith left England, the need of a Missionary for Eoanoak was recognised, but some time elapsed ere one could be obtained [8]. The Kev. John Blair visited the Province in 1704 as an itinerant Missionary, supported by Lord Weymouth, but returned the same year enfeebled with poverty and sickness, having found it " the most barbarous place in the Continent " [4]. The country thus designated then consisted for the most part of dwamps, marshes, deserts, forests, and rivers, without roads or bridges, but here and there a path, more easy to lose than to find ; and this, added to an exacting climate, made it one of the most arduous and deadly of Mission fields [5]. In 1705 Chief Justice Trot appealed for 600 copiesof Mr. John Philpot's Letter against the Anabaptists, "because the said country swarm with Anabaptists " ; and the copies were supplied bv the Society, with additions from Bishop Stillingfleet'a works on the subject [6], A paper entitled " The Planter's Letter " showed such a want of ministers in North "'arolina that it was decided that the next " proper person who offer f^iiall be sent there" [7]. The Rev. J. Adams and mm NORTH CAROLINA. 21 the Rev. W. Gordon were approvflfl. in October 1707, and arriving in 1708 [8], took charge of four of the five districts into which the province had been divided. In Chowan, though few of the people could " read, and fewer write, even of the justices of the Peace and vestrymen," yet " they seem'dvery serious and well inclin'd " to receive instruction, and 100 children were soon baptized by Mr. Gordon. In Paquimans, trhere a church had been begun by a Major Swan, ignorance was combined with opposition from the Quakers, who were " very numerous, extreamely ignorant, unsuflferably proud and ambitious and consequently ungovernable." By using the ' utmost circumspection both in publick and in private," and by the " success of some small favours " Mr. Gordon " shewed them in physick, they not only became very civill but respectfuU" to him "in their way." After a year's experience he returned to England, being unable to endure " the distractions among the people and other intollerable inconveniences in that colony " [9]. A greater trial awaited Mr, Adams. In Pascotank most of the people were Church members, and the government was "in the hands of such persons as were promoters of God's service and good order ; " but the Quakers " did in a most tumultuous manner Stu: up the ignorant and irreligious " against the Rulers and the Clergy. Of this he wrote (in October 1709) :— " The abuses and contumelies I meet with in my own person are but small troubles to me in respect of that great grief of hearing the most sacred parts of Beligion impiously prophan'd and rediculed. We had a Communion lately, and the looser sort at their drunken revellings and caballs, spare not to give about their bread and drink in the words of administration, to bring in contempt that most holy Sacra- ment and in derision of those few good persons who then received it " [10]. From his congregations he derived not enough support " to pay for diet and lodging " [11], and it v as only by an increased allowance from the Society that he was enabled to exist [12]. Writing from *' Currituck " in 1710 he said : — " Nothing but my true concern for so many poor souls, scattered abroad as sheep having no shepherd, and my duty to those good men who reposed this trust in me, cou'd have prevailed upon me to stay in so barbarous and disorderly place as this now is, where I have undergone a world of trouble and misery both in body and mind. ... I have struggled these two years with a lawless and barbarous people, in general, and endured more, I believe, than any of the Society's Mis- sionaries ever has done before me. I am not able as the countrey is now, to hold out much longer, but intend Ood willing, next sunmier or fall, to set out for Europe" [13]. From his flock he earned the character of " a pious and painfull paator, ' " exemplary and blameless," who had " much conduced to promote the great end of his Mission." Before his arrival the blessed Sacrament had never been administered in Carahtuck precinct, but now (1710) there were more communicants there than in most of the neighbounng parishes of Virginia, where thare had long been a settled ministry [14]. [See Addresses from "Carahtuck " and Pascotank, and from Governor Glover.] Sickness, however, prevented Mr. Adams leaving for England, and he died among his flock. Successive Missionaries for many years had to encounter additional hardships and dangers arisinf^ from the incursions of the Indians. The Corees and Tuskarotu", lear Cape Fear, formed a plot which threatened the ruin of the Colony. In SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAOATION OF THE OOSPBL. small bands of five or six men they waited, as friends, on their victims, and, as opportunity offered, slew them. At Boanoak 187 of the inhabitants were massacred. Timely aid came from South Carolina in the form of 600 whites and 600 friendly Indians, under Colonel BamwelL who defeated the enemy, killing 800, taking 100 prisoners, and forcing the rest, about 600, to sue for peace. Most of the other straggling bands retreated into " Fort Augustino " district, under the protection of the Spaniards. But though the Colony was saved from extinction, about 80 Indians remained, and these meeting with little opposition soon multiplied and gave much trouble. Families were daily " cut off and destroyed " [15]. and in the space of five years more than 80 unbapti/ed infants perished in this way [16]. The Bev. G. Ransford of Chovan was taken prisoner by the " salvages " (in 1718) as he was going to preach, but escaped and took refuge in Virginia for two months [17]. Mr. Ransford had several conferences in 1712 with the King of the (friendly) Chowan Indians, who seemed *' very in- clinable to embrace Christianity " [18]. But the Rev. T. Newnam in 1722 reported that though the Indians were "very quiet and peacable," he almost despaired of their conversion. They then numbered only 800 fighting men, living in two towns [19]. In the course of timo the Catawba and other tribes settled among the Planters, and, becoming more open to instruction, baptisms occasionally resulted. The minis- trations of the Rev. A. Stewart in Hyde County, were at- tended by " many of the remains of the Attamuskeet, Roanoke and Hatteras Indians," who " offered themselves and their children for baptism," and on one occasion he baptized as many as 21 . He also fixed a schoolmaster among them, at the expense of Dr. Bray's Associates, over whose schools in the Province he acted as superintendent [20]. Among the negroes, a much more numerous body, greater results were attained, though the Missionaries' efforts were frustrated by the slaveowners, who would " by no means permit " their negroes " to be baptized, having a false notion that a christen'd slave is by law free " [21]. •'By much importu.iity," Mr. Ransford of Chowan (in 1712) " pre- vailed on Mr. Martin to lett " him baptize three of his negroes, two women and a boy. " All the arguments I cou'd make use of " (he said) '• would scarce effect it, till Bishop flBeetwood's sermon* . . . tum'd y« scale " [2I'l. Yet Mr. Ransford succeeded in baptizing " upwards of forty negroes" in one year [23]. As the prejudices of the masters were overcome, a Missionary would baptize sometimes fifteen to twenty-four negroes in a month ; forty to fifty in six months ; and sixty-three to seventy-seven in a year. The return of the Rev. 0. Hall for eight years was 855, including 112 adults, and at Edenton the blacks generally were induced to attend service at all the stations, where they behaved "with great decorum " [24]. In no department of their work did the Missionaries in North Carolina receive much help from the Colonists. The Rev. J. Urmston "] V^i ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ family " in manifest danger of perishing for want of food; we have," he said, "liv'd many a day only on a dry crust and a draught of salt water out of the Sound, such regard have the • See p. 8. NOBTH CABOLIMA. 28 people for my labours — so worthy of the favour the Society have shewn them in providing Missionaries and sending books " [25J. The poor man was promised from local sources a house and £100 a year, but actually received only £80 in five years, and that in paper money [26]. Similar complaints were made by others, and to all " the trivial round, the common task " furnished ample room for self-denial. Many instances might be quoted to show that the bounty of the Society was really needed and duly appreciated. Thus the " Vestry of Queen Anne's Creek," on " behalfe of ths rest of the inhabitants of the precinct " of Chowan, wrote in 1714 : — " Wee ... in a most gratef ull manner Return our hearty thanks to the Honble. Society &o. For their great Care of our Souls' health in sending over Missionaries to preach the Word of Ood and administring the Holy Sacrament an'^ng ua. Wee and the whole English America ought to bless and praise the Almighty for having putt it into the hearts of so many and great Honble. Personages to think of their poor Country Folk whose lott it hath been to come into these Heathen Countries were we were in danger of becomeing like the Indians themselves without a Ood in the World " [27]. In the following year the Assembly of North Carolina divided the country into nine parishes, and settled salaries for the Ministers of each parish not exceeding £50. The preamble of this Act states that they did this to " express our gratitude to the Eight Honourable the Society for Promoting the Christian Eeligion in Foreign Parts, and our zeal for promoting our Holy Religion " [28]. In 1717 Governor Eden wrote to the Society, remonstrating on the " deplorable state of religion in this poor province" : — " It is now almost four months since I entered upon the Government, where I found no Clergyman upon the place except Mr. Urmston, one of your Missionaries, who is really an honest painestaking gentleman, and worthy of your care, but, poor man I with utmost endeavours, is not able to serve one-half of the county of Abbermarle, which adjoins to Virginia, when as the county of Bath is of a much larger extent, and wholly destitute of any assistance. I cannot find but the people are well enough inclined to imbrace all opportunitys of attending the Service of (}od, and to contribute, to the utmost of their ability, towards the support of such missionary B as you shall, in comp ^ ,^i> i to their circumstances, think fit to send amongst them; but our tedious I i - wurr has reduo'd the country so low, that without your nursing care the very footsteps of religion will, in a short time, be wome out, and those who retain any remembrance of it will be wholly lead away by the Quakers; whereas a few of the Clergy, of a complaiaaiit temper and regular lives, wou'd not only be the darlings of the people, but would be a means in time to recover those all ready seduced by Quakerism" [29]. In 1782 the Society, observing with much concern that there was not one Minister of the Church of England in North Carolina (and being unable to do more), appointed an Itinerant Missionary (Rev. J, Boyd) to travel through the whole of the country and at times officiate in every part of it. Five years later the province was divided into two itinerant Missions, to one of which was appointed the Rev. J. Garzia whom the inhabitants of St. Thomas, Pamplico, had induced by fair promises to come from Virginia, and were starving with his wife and three children by not paying him " his poor salary of £20 per annum " [80]. The travelling Missionaries were by no means equal to the mighty task laid on them, but they served to keep religion alive, preaching publicly, and from house to house, and baptizing from 500 to l,OUt> 24 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. 11 i persons a year, sometimes as many as 100 in a day [81]. Notwith- standing the hardships involved, several of the Colonists themselves were ready to undertake the office of a Missionary, and in the labours of one of these will be found an example for all time. In 1748 there came to ihe Society a magistrate from North Carolina bearing letters signed by the Attorney-General, the Sherififs, and the Clergy of the province, testifying that he was of " very good repute, life, and conversation." Having officiated for several years as a lay- reader, in the absence of a clergyman, he now desired to be ordained in order that he might more effectually minister to the wants of his countrymen. Admitted to the sacred office, the Bev. CiiEMENT Hall returned a Missionary of the Society, with an allowance of £80 a year [32]. Thenceforward he gave himself up to a life of almost in- cessant labour, and for twelve years was the only clergyman for hundreds of miles of country. Several of his congregations were so large that they had to assemble un.^ ^ the shady *rees for service [33]. On one of his tours he baptized '^ »er8ons in less than a month ; on another, in one day, " at a verj e place," ninety-seven, several of whom "were grown up, not having opportunity before " [84], In 1752 he thus summarised bis labours : — " I have now, througn Gou'b Gracious Assistance and Blessing, in about seven or eight years, the' frequently visited with sickness, been enabled to perform (for ought I know) as great Ministerial Duties as any Clergyman in North America : viz., to Journey about 14,000 miles, Preach about 676 Sermons, Baptize about 5,783 White Children, 243 Black Children, 57 White Adults, and 112 Black Adults— in all 6,195 Persons ; sometimes adminr. the Holy Sacrat. of ye Ld.'s Supper to 2 or 300 Communicants, in one Journey, besides Churching of Women, Visiting the sick, &o., &o. I have reason to believe that my Health and Constitution is much Impair'd and Broken, by reason of my contin. Labours in my Office, and also from the Injurious treatment I have often reed, from the adversaries of our Church and Constitution ; for w'ch I do, and pray God to forgive them, and turn their hearts " [35]. After labouring three more years as a travelling Missionary he was appointed to a settled Mission, St. Paul's, and died in 1759, having received into the "congregation of Chrit's flock " 10,000 persons by baptism [36]. Another Colonial candidate for Holy Orders, Mr. E. Jones, walked from Liverpool to London, and for the last four days of the journey he was reduced tohving " upon a Penijy a Day " [37]. These instances show that even North Carolina might have furnished a sufficient number of Clergy had ordination been obtainable on the spot. The neglect arising from the want of a Bishop must have been great when a Missionary could report : — " I found the people of the Church of England disheartened, and dispersed like sheep, but have collected them into about forty congregations, or have as many preaching places where I meet them, consisting on a moderate calculation, of seven thousand souls men, women and children or 900 familys, inhabiting a country of one hundred and eighty miles in length and one hundred and twenty in breadth " [38]. [L., Rev. T. S. Drage, Feb. 28, 1771.] ^i'O Society had long had reason to complain that the inhabitants of Noitu Carrilna, though frequently called upon to build churches and parsonages and to fix glebes and salaries for settled Missionaries, did httle or nothing [89]. Up to 1764 only one glebe-house had been finished, but in that year Governor Dobbs obtained some better It M NORTH CAROLINA. 25 provision for the maintenance of the Clergy, whose number, then only six, increased threefold in the next seven years [401. But in 1776 the Bev. D. Earl reported that he had ' not received a shilling of his salary from his parish for near three years." This was partly owing to the political troubles. During the Revolution the case of the clergy, who wished not to offend, but to be left at liberty quietly to perform thoir duties, was '• truly pitiable." Some were " suspended, deprived of their salaries, and in the American manner proscribed by the Committees " of the Revolutionists. " No line of con- duct could protect them from injury ; " and the Rev. J. Reed, who was one of those " advertised in the Gazette," did not long survive the treatment he received. Throughout the most trying period, hovever, the Rev. C. Pettigrew was enabled to continue his Missionary journe}'S and to baptize 3,000 infants within ei it years, and though some Missionaries were obliged to " engage in merchandise " or " other secular employment to obtain a subsistence for their families," the North Carolina clergy on the whole suffered less than their brethren in the other Colonies. In 1783 the Society withdrew its aid from its last Missionary in the Province (the Rev. D. Earl), having reason to believe he had " a very sufficient maintenance " from other sources [41]. Statistics. — In North Carolina (area, 52,260 sq. milea), where (1708-88) the Society asBisted in maintaining 33 MiBsionaries and planting 22 Central Stations (as detailed on jj. 860), there are now 1,399,750 inhabitants, of whom about 42,000 are Church Members and 8,410 Communicants, under the care of 92 Clergymen and 2 Bishops. [See also the Table on pp. 86-V and p. 850.] Beferences (Chapter IV.)— [1] A M88., V. 1, No. 129. [2] Keith's Journal, p. 64. [3] Jo., V. 1, Feb. 27, 1702, and Feb. 15 and Mai-ch 17, 1704. [4] Jo., V. 1, No,-. 17, 1704 ; A MS8., V. 2, No. 14 ; App. Jo. A, p. 252-7. [6] See Humphreys' Historical Account of the Society, pp. 129-30; Hawkins' do., p. 64. [0] Jo., V. 1, March 80 and April 20, 1705. [7] Jo., V. 1, Moy 17, 1706. [8] Jo., V. 1, Oct. 17, 1707, Sept. 17, 1708. [0J A M8S., V. 4, Nos. 61, 105. [10] A M8S., V. 5, No. 102. [U] Jo., V. 1, July 21, 1710. (12] Jo., V. 1, Oct. 20, 1710; Feb. 8, 1711. [13] A M8S., V. 5, Nos. 137-8. [14] Jo., V. 2, March 22, 1711; A MS8., V. 5, Nos. l7»-5. [15] Humphreys' Historical Account of the Society, pp. 187-8; Jo., V. 8, Jan. 21, 1715. [16] A M88., V. 10, p. 73. [17] Jo., V. 2, Oct. 9 and 16, 1713. [18] Jo., V. 2, p. 228 ; A MSS., V. 7, p. 419. [19] A MSS., V. 16, pp. 93-4. [20] Jo. V. 14, p. 48 ; Jo., V. 15, pp. 182-8 ; Jo., V. 16, pp. 166-6 ; R. 1767, p. 48 ; R. 1764, p. 86 ; R. 1769, p. 82. [21] A MSS., V. 5, No. 102, [22] A MSS., V. 7, p. 418 ; [23] A MSS., V. 10, p. 70. [24] R. 1748, p. 4."? ; R. 1749, p. 48 ; R. 1767, p. 48 ; R. 1772, p. 82 ; R. 1778, p. 40. [25] A M88., V. 7, pp. 365-6. [26] A MSS., V. 12, pp. 187-8. [27] A MSS., V. 10, p. 66. [28] Trot's Laws of the British Flantatiom in Atnerica, p. 88 (N.B. The Society assisted in the publication of Trot's book by taking 260 copies ; see Jo,, April 29, 1720, and Feb. 17, 1721). [20] A M88., V. 10, pp. 72-8. [30] R. 1732, p. 62; Jo., V. 6, pp. 87-8, 199 ; R. 1734, p. 68; R. 1739, pp. 68-4. [31] R. 1746, p. 64 ; R. 1748, p. 48 ; R. 1749, p. 48. [32] Jo., V. 9, pp. 272-8 ; R. 1759, p. 67. [33] R. 1763, p. 69. [34] Jo., V. 11, p. 10; B MSS., V. 16, p. 121. [35] Jo., V. 19, pp. 192-4 ; B MSS., V. 20, pp. 182-8. [36] R. 1769, pp. 57-8. [37] B MSS., V. B, pp. 178, 206. [38] Jo., V. 19, p. 119; B MSS., V. 5, p. 83. [39] R. 1749, p. 48. [40] R. 1764, pp. 84, 86 ; Jo., V. 16, pp. 164-6; B MSS., V. 6, p. 201. [41] Jo., V. 2 pp. 17, 604 ; Jo., V. 23, pp. 78, 198, 400 ; R. 1775, p. 47. SOCIBTY rnn THE PKOPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. CHAPTER V. GEOBGIA. Oeobou. was established as an English Colony in 1733 with the object of proteotijig the sontbem proviuc 3 of North America against the encroachinents of the Spaniards and French,, and a' the same time affording an asylum to poor English families and to those Protestants in Germany who were being persecuted because of their religion. By the exertions of a philanthropist, General James Oglethorpe, a charter was granted by George II. in 1782, placing the 8,dministration of the Colony in the hands of a Corpora- tion of Trustees — mostly Churchmen — at whose instance not only was liberty of conscience guaivr-^r^ed, but the Trnstees themselves were debarred from receiving any "profit wha' yill deem it to be within ye intent of their Charter to make the like allowance to the Rev. Mi. Samiiei. Quincy the Minister chosen to be settled among them as they do for the Missionaries establisht in the other Colonies till such time as the glebe shall be sufticiontly improved for his maintenance as likewise that they will favour the Trustees with a benefaction of such books or furniture as they have usually given upon the first foundation of Chnnhes. That they have received some benefactions for religious purposes which ;hey have already set apart for erecting a Church for the town of Savannah cleari.ig the glebe land and building tho Minister's ?iou8e. Benj. Martin," Secretary, Trustees Office Palace Court Westminster 17th ff Jan. 1782 " [1738]. The prayer of the Trustees was granted [1], The Rev. John Weslky became the successor of Ilr. Quinoy. The following Minute records his appointment as a Missionary of the Society, at a meeting held on January 16tli, 173fi, at v<:hich the Bishops of London, Lichfield and Coventry, Eoche«ter, and Glonct'ster, and others, were present : — " A memorial of tho trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia in .^ mevica was read, setting forth that the Rev. Mr. Samuel Quincy, to whom the Socieiy li*d been pleased, upon their recommendation, to allow a salary of fifty pounds per annum, has by letter certified to tho sai.. uustoes, that ho is desirous of leaving tho »aid Colony of Georgia, and returning homo to England in the montii of March next, GBOROIA. 27 I protecting paniaida and and to those on. By the I granted by >f a Corpora- of conscience any "profit the Trustees fal persons." ; a service in Mapanied by I returned to I province ot to the extent O.K., sent to a Georgia, le Trustees B following ey have sent jia, and that B Church ot oh, and have in regard it lance for the )e within ye «JEI. QUINCV Miasionaries e suffAciently irufitees with en upon the etactions for lurch for the ster'B house. 17th cf Jan. Ir. Quinoy. nary of the the Bishops icc'ster, and to which they have agreed ; and the said trustees recommend the Ilev. Mr. John Wesley to the Society, thut they would allow to him the said fifty pounds p. annum from the timf Mr. Quinoy shall leave the said Colony, in the same manner Mr. Quinoy had it. Agr>>ed that the Society do approve of Mr. Wesley as a proper person to be a Misf ionary at Gborgia, and that fifty pounds per annum be allowed to Mr. Wesley from the time Mr. Quinoy's salary shall cease " [2]. Wesley had sailed for Georgia on October 14, 1735 — that is, before his name was submitted to the Society. *' His first design," as he informed the Society in a letter written from Savannah on July 26, 1787— " was to receive nothing of any man but food to eat and rayment to put on, and those in kind only, that he might avoid, as far ap in him lay, worldly desires and worldly cares ; but being afterwards convinced by his friends that he ought to consider the necessities of his fiock, as well as his own, he thankfully accepted that bounty of thf Society, which he needed not for his own personal subsistance " [3]. Arriving at Savannah in February, 1736, Wesley fomid little oppor- tunity of narrying out his design of evangelising the heathen, owing to the bad Uves of his countrymen. Over his European congregations he exercised the strictest discipline —he baptized children by immersion, accepted none bat Co:^>.aunicants as sponsors, catechised the children on Sundays after the Second Lesson in the afternoon, refused the Holy Communion to Dissenters (imless previously admitted into the Church), or to read the Burial Service over the unbaptized. He also took a journey to Charleston (South Carolina) to make a formal complaint to the Bishop's Commissary, of a person who had been marrying some of his parishioners without banns or licence. During bis visit, it being the time of their annual Visitation, " I had," said Wesley, " the pleasure of meeting with the Clergy of South Carolina ; among whom, in the afternoon, there was such a conversation, for several hours, on ' Christ our Bighteousuess,' as I had not heard at any Visitation in England, or hardly any other occasion " [4]. The claiir3 of the settlers at Savaimah and neighbourhood left him no time for preaching to the Indians, although he made several attempts to do . Thus his Journal records : — "Saturday, .'. 29, 1787.— Some of the French of Savr.nnah were present at ihe praynrg at ti hgate. The next day I received a messa, from them all, that, as I read pray u a io the French of Highgate, who were but few, they hoped I would do the same to ihosD of Savannah, where there was a large number who did not understand English. Sunday, 30th. —I began to do so, and now I had full eniployment for that holy day. The first English prayers lasted from five to half- past six. The Italian, which I read to a few Vaudois, began at nine. The second r,ervice for the English (including the Sermon and the Holy Communion) continued from half an hour past ten to half an hour past twelve. The French Service began at one. At two I catechised the children. About three I began the English Service. After this was en^ed, I had the happiness of joining with as many as my largest room vou) ' ' Id in reading, prayer, and singing praine ; and about eix the semce of th«j Moravians, so-called, began, at which I was glad to be present, not as a teachpi-, but a learner." If, as Ilia labours show, Wesley spared not himself, it must be con- fessed ho .spared not his flock. The strictest discipline of the Church might have Loen thought sufficient for those who were as yet babes in Christ, but weiglitod with rules of his own [which he called " Apostolical Institutions "] the bm\lens were heavier ti;an could be borne. 28 SOCIETY FOR THE PBOPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. While yet dissatisfied with the fruit of his labours, an event occurred which caused him to leave Georgia. A rebuke which he found occasion to administer to a member of his congregation — a lady for whom before her marriage he had entertained an affection — having been angrily received, he refused to admit her to the Holy Communion, since she had failed to comply with the rubric requiring notice of inten- tion to communicate and open repentance of her fault. On this the husband charged him before the Recorder and Magistrates with defaming his wife and repelhng her without cause. Wesley denied the first charge, also the right of a secular court to adjudicate on the second — a matter purely ecclesiastical. The whole Colony became involved in the quarrel. A true bill was found by the grand jury, twelve, however, protesting; and for months courts were held, and slanderous affidavits received, without Wesley having an opportunity of answering them. These vexatious delays and the prospect of im- paired usefulness decided him to return to England. The magistrates sought to prevent his departure, but he disregarded their order, and on December 2, 1737, he records in his Journal : — "Being now only a prisoner at large, in a place where I knew, by experience, every day would give fresh opportunity to procure evidence of words I never said, and actions I never did, I saw clearly the hour was come for leaving this place ; and as soon as evening prayers were over, about eight o'clock, the tide then serving, I shook off the dust of my feet and left Georgia, after having preached the Gospel there (not as I ought, but as I was able) one year and nearly nine months " [5]. Besides the Mission at Savannah— which was renewed in 1789 — others were opened by the Society. The Rev. T. Bosomwokth found atFrederica in 1741 " that the people had been too long as sheep with- out a shepherd, and driven to and fro witli every wind of doctrine " [6]. The Society joined with Dr. Bray's Associates in supporting a school- master for the negroes in 1751, and an improvement in the slaves was soon admitted by their owners [7]. At Augusta the Rev. S. Frink, in 1766, who made some converts among the negroes, reported his eiibrts to convert the Cheeksaw [Chickasaw] Indians " all to no purpose while many of the white people " were " as destitute of a sense of religion as the Indians themselvns " [8]. For although the Georgia Assembly had (Act of 1758) divided the province into eight parishes, and made provision towards the building of a church and the support of a clergyman in each parish, so little advantage was taken of the Act that the Church of England remained estabhshed in name only [9]. The condition of the settlers in 1769, wnen there were but two churches in the whole of the country, and these 160 miles apart, was thus described by Mr. Frink :— " ^^*^ ^'^^"^ *" general to have but very little more knowledge of a Saviour than the aboriginal natives. Many hundreds of poor people, both parents and childien, in the interior of the province, have no opportunity of being instructed m the principles of Christianity or even in the being of a God, any further than nature dictates " [10]. o < j It was for such as these that the Church in America needed and desujed a Bishop " to bring again the out-casts " and " seek the lost." To mdifference and opposition succeeded persecution. The revo- GEORGIA. 29 lutionary war found the Rev. J. Skymour at Augusta, For " two years after the breaking-out of the rebellion " he performed the duties of his parish, though often "threatened by the mob." In 1779 he was a prisoner in the " rebel camp " for several days, but o^fting to the care of the officer in command* he was *' well used." He reached home to find " one of his children a corpse and the rest of his family very sick." Some months after his house was occupied by a rebel regiment and the church turned into a hospital ; barracks were built on part of the glebe and the remainder was sold. The success of the British troops enabled him to regain possession of his parsonage, but the enemy renewing the attack he " fled into a deep thick swamp, where he remained, in the greatest anxiety, five days and nights without any shelter. A party was sent in search of him, who threatened his life, if they found him, but, it pleased God, he escaped undiscovered." His family, however, were " stripped of everything valuable even of their clothing and pro- visions," and "35 innocent loyalists" in Augusta were "murdered" "in their houses." For some time Mr. Seymour took refuge at Savannah, where he assisted the Rev. J. Brown (another S.P.G. Missionary detained there), and represented his own parishioners in the " Commons House of Assembly." Eventually he made his escape to St. Augustine in East Florida, and there officiated until (1788-4) the Spaniards took possession of the Province t [11]. Statibticp In Georgia (area 59,475 sq. miles), where (1788-88) the Society aflsisted in maintainii). ! MiflRiontufies and planting 4 Central Stations (as detailed on p. 851), there are now 1,512,180 inhabitants, of whom aboui '29,000 are Church Members and 5,975 CommunicimtH, imder the care of 88 Clergymen and a Bishop. [See also the Table on pp. 86-7 and p. 851.] lieferencea (Chapter V.)-[l] Jo., V. 6, pp. (i:!-4, 73; A MSS. V. 24, p. 74. [2] Jo., V. 6, p. 805. [3] Jo., V. 7, pp. 261-2. [4] W iley's Journal, 1780-7, and Hawkins' Account of the Society, pp. 98-6. [51 Weslej s Journal, Oct. 29 and Dec. 2, 1787. Tyermon's Wesley, V. 1, pp. 165-8; Bp. Perry's HiKtory of the American Church, V". 2, pp. 841-6. [6] Jo., V. 9, p. 889; R. 1744, p. r, |7] Jd., V. 11, pp. 305, 811 ; R. 1762, p. 64. [8] Jo., V. 17, p. 97; R. 17*;fi, p. C8. ,0] Jo., V. 18, pp. 205-6. [10] Jo., V. 18, pp. 75, 205; Hawkins' Accomi of S.P.G., p. 104. [11] Jo., V. 22, pp. 810-16, 465-6; Jo., V. 28, pp. 195-6, 834-0 ; R. 1781, pp. 49-62; R. 1788, p. 46. [lla] Jo., V. 22, p. 812. * General Williamson, whose "humanity" was " not unrewarded " when soon after he himself became a prisoner — to the British foro Ilia]. t Florida was ceded to Spain in 1788, and to the United States in 1821. 30 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. CHAPTEE YI. VIBGINIA. ViBOlNiA had the advantage of being planted (nnder a London Company) by settlers who were mostly members of the Church of England. As soon as the Colony was fairly estabUshed they began to make provision for their sonls as Christians, as well as for their temporal concerns as merchants. In 1612 the whole coimtry was laid out into Parishes or Townships. Churches were built, and an Act of Assembly fixed a salai^ upon the Minister. The " maintenance " being " hurt by disuse," in 1701 nearly half of the forty to forty-six parishes, containing 40,000 people, were un- supplied with Clergy. Still the Colony was better provided than any other, and therefore the Society's assistance was limited to gratuities to two clergymen there, in 1702 and 1725, and the supply of religious books [1]. In 1702 a Mr. George Bond offered to convey to the Society his right and title to an estate of 950 acres of land in Virginia. The offer was accepted, but the title proving " dubious" the matter dropped [2]. Keith, who with Talbot visited the country in April 1708, records in his Journal : — " May 23, Sunday, 1703, 1 preached at the Charch in Princess Ann County in Virginia, on Heb. 12, 1, and I baptized eight children there. Mr. Talbot preached the same day at a Chappel belonging to the s-ime county, and baptized ten children. The whole county is but one parish, and is about fifty miles in length ; the People are well affected, but they had no Minister, and greatly desire to have one ; and as they informed us, the Minister's salary being paid in Tobacco (as it is generally all over Virginia and Maryland ♦) the Tobacco of that county was so low that it could not maintain him " [31. Statistics (1892).— Area of Virginia, 42,450 sq. miles; population, l,oia,666; Church Mambers, about 110,000; Commuiiic mts, 22,151 ; Clergyman, 182 ; Bishops, 2. [See alto the Table on pp. 86-7 and p. 851.] References (Chapter VI.) -[1] Jo., V. 1, June 23, 1702, Dec. 17, 1708, June 16 and Aug. 28, 1704, May 80, 1707 ; Jo., V. 2, Deo. 5, 1713 ; Jo., V. 4, March 18, 1720. [2] Jo., V. 1, Sept. 18 and Dec. 8 and 18, 1702 ; 1'.. 1706, p. 88. [8] Keith's Journul, pp. 64-5. • [See p. 861.] 31 CHAPTER VII. MABYLAND. Mabyland— so named in honour of Henrietta Maria, consort of Charles I. — was first settled in IGS-l under a Charter granted to Lord Baltimore, a Boman Catholic. Toleration having been granted to all who professed the Christian religion, the Colony, at first mainly Bomanist, lost its exclusive character, and local provision was made for establishing the Church of England by Act of Assembly in 1092 &c. In 1701 Maryland had a population of 25,000, settled in thirty parishes, and although only about half supplied with Clergy, its claims could not compare with those of other Colonies, and therefore it received from the Society (and that only for a short time) occasional help in the settlement of clergymen and libraries [1]. The province was visited by Keith and Talbot in July 1708. On "July 4, Sunday" (wrote Keith), " I preached at Annapolis on 1 Thess. i. 6, and had a large auditory well affected ; my Sermon, at the request of a worthy person who heard it, was printed at Annapolis, mostly at his charge ; and copies of it sent by him to many parts of the country." Being requested "to have some friendly conference " with the Quakers at Herring Neck, Keith endeavoured to do so, but " had spoke but a very few sentences when ' ' (as he says) " they interrupted me very rudely . . . abused me with reviling speeches in meer Qenerals as the manner generally of the Quakers is, to all who endeavour to reform them from their Errors, and especially to any who with a good conscience upon Divine Conviction, have forsaken their Erroneous ways, to whom they are most outragious, as the Jews were to St. Paul, after his conversion to Christianity." At Shrewsbury he preached also, "where was a large auditory out of diverse Parishes : But that parish of Shretusbury had no Minister, nor have had for some considerable time." Here he had some discourse yr'h a Quaker trader who was " extream ignorant," denying he had " a created soul " [2]. The Society appointed a Missionary to this place in 1707, who, however, failed to reach his destination, being carried away into captivity. His case deserves notice as illustrating some of the dangers which Missionaries had to encounter in those days. The Rev. William Cordiner, an Irish Clergyman, received his appointment to Shrewsbury in January 1707, with an allowance at the rate of £50 per annum, on condition that he transported himself and family there " by the first opportunity." Three months passed before he could find a ship, and when on April 13 ho embarked on the Dover, man-of- war, at Spithead, it was only for a day — for the Dover being ordered on a cruise he landed, and the ship returned disabled. On May 24 he re-embarked on the Chester, man-of-war. After being " sixteen times out at sea" — sometimes fifty and sixty leagues — and driven back by contrary winds or the Prencli, the Chester at length left Plymouth in company with five men-of war and 200 merchantmen in the evening of October 10. At noon on the next day they were engaged by fourteen 82 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. French men-of-war, and in two hours' time were all taken except the Eoyal Oak (escaped) and ih.Q Devonshire (blown up). The Cliester was on fire several times, and the thirty-seven men on the quarter-deck were all killed and wounded except the captain and two others. The prisoners were searched " to the very skin " and deprived of all they had. The French sailors, taking compassion on the women and children, gave some things back, which the chief oflBcers then appropriated, even the shoes and stockings of the little children. On October 19 the prisoners were landed at Brest, having suffered from exposure and want of food and clothing. There Mr. Cordiner was offered provision for his mother, wife, and two children if he would betake himself to a convent. On the way to Dinan, which was reached on December 5, they were subjected to ill treatment from the Provost. A great many sick men were " carry ed in a very pitiful condition, some . . . being blind with the small-pox and whenever they complained " they were beaten. At Fugiers and at Dinan Mr. Cordiner ministered to his fellow- prisoners, and encouraged Ihem. An Irish priest (Father Hagan) having stopped his doing so in Dinan Castle, some of the merchant- men procured a room in the town, wliere service was held every Sunday and on holy days. Several " who never understood it before " were instructed in the Liturgy and conformed. During their detention at Dinan one of Mr. Cordiner's children and his servant died, and a child was born to him. He was " several times . . . imprisoned for two or three hours, and daily threatened with close restraint and confinement." The number of English prisoners, 8i; iirst 1,000, was increased to 1,700, but some 200 died. The prisoners "were mightily cheated in their allowsmce and too much crowded together, and the hospital at Dinan was a place to despatch them out of this world." When " the design of the Pretender " was in hand the French abused and beat their prisoners and applauded the Scotch ; but when they found " that be was obliged to return to France . . . they cursed the Scotch bitterly," saying, " Scot will be Scot still, always false." Upon which disappointment the prisoners were sent to England, landing at Wey- mouth on December 11 [3]. The truth of Mr. Cordiner's statements was confirmed by a certificate signed by sixty-two of the masters and officers, his fellow-prisoners, who also testified that " by his sound and wholesom Doctrine, piou:^ Admonition, exemplary life and conversation " he " established and confirmed several in that most pure & holy Religion from w°'> they would otherwise have been seduced & drawn a^vay, by the sly ins'.nuations and false Delusions of our sedulous and crafty Adversaries, and hath in all other respects discharged his Ministerial ofBoe and Function with that diligenc* carefulness and ijobriety and hath behaved himself with that Prudence, Piety, and Zeal as doth become his character and Profession ' [4]. When in 1729 the Maryland Clergy .vere in danger of having their salaries "considerably diminished" by the action of the Local Assembly, the Society supported them in successfully opposuig the confirmation of the Act, and " Resolved that the Lord Baltimore be acquainted that in case the Clergy of Maryland be obliged thro' the hardships they suffer by this Act to leave Maryland PENNSYLYAKIA. 83 excp.pt the JJiester was uarter-deck ihers. The 11 they had. id children, ppropriated, ;ober 19 the re and want ision for his a convent. 5, they were ly sick men j^ blind with beaten. 1 his fellow- cher Hagan) le merchant- 1 held every )d it before " eir detention i, and a child od for two or onfinement." ased to 1,700, sated in their ital at Dinan 'rench abused en they found id the Scotch Upon which ding atWey- )y a certificate ow-prisoners, octrine, piou:^ ligion from w"" nB'.nuations and »11 other respects carefulness and ad Zeal as doth f havmg their 3f the Local opposing the uae the Clergy of leave Maryland the Society will employ them in their Mission in other Oovemments, and will not make any allowance to them or any other Clergymen as their Missionaries in Maryland, there having been a saftlcient maintenance settled upon them by a former Act of Assembly, part of which is by this Aot taken away and thereby the Clergy rendered incapable of subsisting themselves in that Ooverimient " [5.] Statistics (1602).— Area of Maryland, 12,210 square miles; Population, 984,948. Church Members, about 154,000 ; Communicants, 80,956 ; Clergymen, 218 ; Bishopa, 2 ; [See alto the Table on pp. 86-7 and p. 851.] Beferences (Chapter VII.)— [1] Jo., V. 1, Mar. 10, 1703 ; Nov. 17, 1704 ; Mar. 16, 1705; Jan. 17, Feb. 14, Apr. 9, May 80, Sep. 17, 1707 ; Mar. 19, 1708 ; Jo., V. 2, Nov. 29, 1711 ; Mar. 20 and 27, 1712. [2] Keith's Journal, pp. 66-7, 72. [3] App. Jo., B No. 117 (1) ; Jo., V. 1, Jan. 81, Mar. 7, Sep. 15, 1707 ; Mar. 5, and May 21, 1708 ; July 16, 1709. [4] App. Jo., B No. 117 (2). [5] Jo., V. 5, pp. 210-1, 216, 225. CHAPTER Vin. PENNSYLVANIA. Pennsylvania, was originally settled by Swedes and Dutch; the Swedes formally surrendered to the Dutch in 1655, and the Dutch to the English in 1664. In 1680 the country was granted by Charter to William Penn, from whom it took its name, the first English settlers consisting of 2,000 Quakers taken over by him. The Dutch were Colvinists; the Swedes, Lutherans. The Quakers were followed from the mother country by other denominations, including Bo:.xie members of the Church of England. Religious divisions set in among the Quakers ; the other inhabitants tollowed each what was good in his own eyes; so that in 1701 "the youth" of the country were "like those in the neighbouring provinces, very debouch't and ignorant " ; [1] and the population- of 20,000 were for the most part living in general neglect of public worship of God, and without the instituted means of grace and salvation. The Swedes from their first settlement in 1686, and the Dutch, were partly provided with Ministers ; but the Englioii Church was no^ °'t up till 1695, when Christ Church, Philadelphia, was built under the direction r.I the Kev. T. Clav^on, then appointed there. In 1700 the Rev. Evan Evans was sent to Philadelphia by Bishop Compton of London. His labours were so successful that congrega- tions coniiisting chiefly of persons brought over from the Quakers and other sr taries soon joined the Cnurch of England in Philadelphia and othe' places ; these he endeavoured to ground in the faith " till they w.^e formed into proper districts and had Ministers sent over to them by the Venerable Society " [la]. On tha application of the Church congregation at Philadelphia WilUam III. soctled an allowance foi a minister and a schoolmaster there, and the Society in January and February 1702 bore the cost — betwaen £80 and £40— of the Letters Patent for giving effect to the same [?]. On Nov. 5 of the same year Keith and Talbot [see p. 10] arrived at Philadelphia, "and were kindly received by the two Ministers there, aiid the Church People, and especially by the late converts from. Quakarism, v.'ho were become zealous Members of the Church." On the next day, Sunday, the two Missionaries preached, " and had a very great auditory, so that the church could not contain them, but many stayed without and heard " [3]. Their preaching here and elsewhera £ 84 SOCIETY FOE THE PROPAOATION OF THE GOSPEL. prepared the way for resident Missionaries, whom the Society were not Blow to send, the first being the Rev. H. Nichols, in 1708 [4]. He was stationed at Chester, or Uplands, where the people had begun building a church, but as the Vestry informed the Society " We never had so much reason to hope that ever the Gospell would be propagated, in these of all other Forreign Parts, till now we find ourselves to be the subject of your great care " [6]. The Philadelphia " Minister and Vestry " also wrote in 1704 : — " We can never be sufficiently thankf ull to Divine Providence, who hath raised you up to maintain the Honor of religion, and to engage in the great work of promoting the Salvation of Men. Gratitude, and an humble acknowledgemt of your noble and charitable Besolutions of propagating the Sacred Oospell in these remote and dark comers of the world, is not only a duty, but a just debt to you from all true Professors of Christianity. We cannot but with the profoundest deference make mention of those noble instances of piety and Beneficience you exhibited to the Church of God in generall in these uncultivated parts since you were first incorporated, particularly we crave leave to return you our most thankfull acknowledgements for your pious care in sending over the Bev. Mr. Keith whose unparallel d zeal and assiduity, whose eminent piety, whose indefatigable diligence (beyond what could be expected from a person of his declining years), whose frequent preaching and learned conferences, whose strenuous and elaborate writing made him highly and signally instrumenall of promoting the Church and advancing the number of Christians not only here but in the neighbouring provinces " [6]. Thus encouraged the Society continued to send Missionaries to Pennsylvania to minister to the settlers, Welsh as well as English, and to evangehse the heathen. The Colonists showed their desire for the Church's ministrations by building and endowing churches, and otherwise contributing to the support of their pastors ; and it was to the Church rather than to Dissenting teachers that the Quakers turned for baptism when they became Christians [7]. The Rev. T. Cbawford, after two years' work at Dover, reported in 1706 :— " At my first oomeing I found the people all stuffed .nth various opinions, but not one in the place that was so much of a churchman as to stand Godfather for a child : so that I was two months in the place before I baptised any, on that account . . . but now (I thank God) I have baptised a great number, they bring their children with sureties very orderly to the church ; and also people at age a great many the greater part whereof were Quakers and Quaker children for by God's blessing upon my labours I have not only gained the heart of my hearers but some that were my greatest enemies at first, and Quakers that were fully resolved against me are come over and have joyned themselves to our Communion. I have baptised families of them together, no I have dayly additions to the con- gregation " [8]. In Sussei County the Rev. W. Becket (1721-4) effected such a refor mation in the lives of the people as to draw forth the " thanks of the Magistrates and gentlemen of the Church of England "in the county [9]. Within three years three churches were built in his Mission, "yet none of them," he wrote in 1724. "will contain the hearers that constantly attend the Church service " [10]. Grateful too were the Welsh at Oxford and Radnor, to be miniatered to in their own tongue, while only "poor settlers" "in the wilderness." The people at Radnor " built a church in hopes of being supplyed with the right worship of God " [11], hopes which were first gratified in 1714 by the appointment of the Rev. J. Clubb. In referring to his death, PENNSYLVANIA. 85 whioh occurred in December 1715, the Church wardens and Vestry wrote in 1720 :— " Mr. Clubb our late Minister was the first that undertook the care of Badnor and Oxoa and he paid dear for it, for the great fatogue of rideing between the two Churches, in such dismall wayes and weather as we generally have for four months in winter, soon put a period to his Life " [12]. The death of a Missionary was frequently followed by the loss of a congregation to the Church. " For want of Ministers episcopally ordained " " many large congregations of Churchmen " were " obliged to join with the Dissenters in worship," as appeared from the answer of a Presbyterian teacher, who being asked how his congregation stood affected in those unsettled times, answered he was "happy in having his congregation chieBy consisting of Church of England people who gave themselves up to none of those wild notions and enthusiastick ravings which some people practiced so much and were so fond of" [13]. The disadvantageous position of the Church of America for want of a Bishop was forcibly repreaented by the Rev. H. Neill of Oxford. Himself formerly a Presbyterian minister he had, since conforming, educated for the ministry of the Church a nephew, Mr. Hugh Wilson, who on returning from ordination in England was, with the Rev. Mr. Giles, shipwrecked and drowned within sight of land in 1766. On hearing of this Mr. Neill wrote (May 19) : — " Such, alas ! are the misfortunes, and I may say, persecutions, that attend the poor distress'd Church of England in America, that whilst the Dissenters can send out an innumerable tribe of 'teachers of all sorts without any expences, we must send three thousand miles cross the Atlantic Ocean, at the expence of all we are worth, sometimes, and as mu ^i more as wo have credit for, as well as the risque of our lives, before we can havf. im ordination — this is a diflScalty that has, and always will, prevent the growth of vhe Church in America. Few Englishmen that can live at home will undert*>.ke the Mission — the great expences and dangers of the Seas that the Americans must encounter with, before they can obtain an ordination, damps their spirits, and forces many of them (who have strong in- clinations to the Church) to join the Dissenters, and become teachers among them — thus, when a vacancy happens among them, it can be filled in an instant, when a vacancy among us [it] is some considerable time before they [we] can have a minister. All this time the Dissenters are making such havook among the Church people, that when a Missionary comes to one of these destitute places, he has all the work to begin again and many years before he can collect his scati^red eheep. " The Dissenters very well know that ihe sending a Bishop to America, would contribate more to the Encrease of the Church here than all the money th»t has been raised by the Venerable Society. . . . A':;b I we see and feci the power of our enemies and weakness of our friends, and can only mourn in secret and pray for better times " [14]. One of the earlier Missionaries, the Rev. G. Ross of Chester, on the return voyage from England in 1711 fell into the hands of the French, by whom he was " carryed prisoner into France," where, he wrote : — " I as well as others was strip't of all my cloaths from the crown ol u.y head to the sole of my fToot ; in a word, I was left as naked as I was boru, and that by means of the greedy priest that was Chaplain of the Ship : he perceived that my oloaths were better than his own, and therefore he never ceased to importune his Captain till he got leave to change, forsooth, with me ; so that I am now cloathed in raggs, in testimony of my bondage " [Letter from Dinant, March 16, 1711.] [15] In hia Mission of Chester (to which when released he returned) Quakerism had " taken deep root," and was " cultivated by art and 36 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAOATION OP THE GOSPEL policy and recommended by fashion and interest," so that •' the doc- trine of Christ " met " with much reproach and opposition ** [16]. Some fifty years later, one of his successors, the Rev. G. Cbaio, estimated the Church members in Pennsylvania to be less than one- fiftieth of the whole population [17]. Nevertheless, in spite of numerical weakness and other disadvantages, the Church gained in strength wherever a faithful Missionary was maintained. Thus at Perquihoma the congregation increased greatly " by the daily coming over of Roman CathoUcks, Anabaptists and Quakers " [18], and at Conostogoe and Newcastle by Irish immigrants, of whom from 8,000 to 10,000 arrived in Pennsylvania (in 1729-30), many being shepherded by the Missionaries, the Bishop of Raphoe also remembering them by a present of Bibles, Prayer Books, &c. [19]. In Sussex County the several "orderly, well disposed congregations" were joined by- Dissenters ; there were baptisms every Sunday, and " scarce a Com- munion " but what some " were added to it." The " country-born people" were generally members of the Church, and Quakerisnx strangely decayed " even in that Province desigr^.ed to be the Nursery of it" [20]. Strangers who "accidentally attended" service at Apoquiniminck expressed " an agreeable surprise at the decency and regularity of it," and both here and in many other places, previous to the Revolutionary movement, Dissenters flocked to the churches, which in the summer season were so crowded that, for want of room and fresh air, the Missionaries had " to preach under the green trees " [21], The Rev. C. Inolis (who became the first Colonial Bishop) wrote in 1763 that his Mission in Kent County was in " a flourishing state, if building and repairing churches, if crowds attending the publick worship of God and other religious ordinances, if some of other denominations joining . . . and a revival of a spirit of piety in many can denominate it such " ; though there were " still left Lukewarmness, Ignorance and vice enough to humble him sufficiently and exercise, if he had it, " an apostolic zeal " [22], The inhabitants of York County in 1756 " acknowledged the infinite service done by the Society's Missionaries in that dark and distant part of the world," and particularly by the Rev. T. Barton, who, they wrote, *' has distinguished himself at this time of public danger with so much zeal and warmth in behalf of Liberty and Protestantism that he has endeared himself not only to his own people, but to all Protestant Dissenters there. He has con- stantly persevered by word and by example to inspirit and encourage the people to defend themselves and has often at the head of a number of his congregations gone to oppose the savage and murderous enemy, which has so good an effect that they are verily persuaded that he has been instrumental under God, in preventing many families from deserting their plantations and having tho fmits of many years' labours gathered by the hands of rapacious and cruel murtherers" [23], The " public danger " was caused by the incursions of tho French and Indians, who reduced Cumberland County to a condition •' truly deplorable." Mr. Barton reported in 1756 that though his churches were •' churches militant indeed, subject to dangers and trials of the most alarming kind," yet he had the pleasure every Sunday to see tho people crowding to them " with their muskets on their shoulders," declaring that they would "dye Protestants and Freemen, sooner than live Idolaters aud Slaves" [24], PENNSYLVANIA* 37 The services rendered by Mr. Barton in organising his people for defensive purposes were thus noticed in a letter from Philadelphia to Mr. Penn, who communicated it to the Society : — " Mr. Barton deserves the commendations of all lovers of their country ; for he has put himself at the head of his congregations, and marched either by night or day on every alarm. Had others imitated his example, Ctitnberland would not have wanted men enough to defend it ; nor has he done anything in the military way but what hath increased his character for piety, and that of a sincerely reUgioua man and zealous minister : In short Sir, he is a most worthy, active and serviceable pastor and Missionary, and as such please to mention him to the Society " [25]. In 1768-4 Mr. Barton reported : — " The Churches in this Mission now make as decent an appearance as any Churches in the province, those of Philadelphia excepted. But much more is the pleasure I feel in observing them crowded every Sunday during the summer season with people of almost every denomination, who come, many of them, thirty and forty miles. . . . Amidst all the mad zeal and distractions of the BeligLears (1776-82). During this period he went about Sussex County, and sometimes into Mari land, " strengthening and confirming the brethren," travelling " at least 8,000 miles a year," and baptizing " several thousands . . . and among them, many blacks, from 60 years to 2 months old." He " seldom performed publick service without having at the '^ame time 80, 40, or 50 baptisms." His " difficulties and sufferings ' ware " many and great " ; often he " scarcely had bread to eat, oi; raiment to put on," and the Revolutionists were so cruel as to deprive his family of some refreshments which had been sent him, " though his weak and dying wife begged a small part only of the things as a medicitie " [40]. Statistics.— In Pennsylvania and Delaware (area 47,205 sq. miles), where (1702-83) the Society asRisted in maintaining 47 MiBHio.inrfes and planting 24 Cenlial Stations (as detailed on pp. 851-9), there are now 4,429,499 inhabitants, of whom about 809,000 are Church Members and 61,818 Communicants, under the care of 450 Clergymen &nd 4 Bishops. [See alio the Table on pp. 80-7 and p. 861.] Biferences (Chapter VIII.)— p.] App. Jo. A, p. 10 ; do. B, p. 1. [la] App. Jc p. 100. [2] Jo., V. 1, Jan. 16 and Feb. 27, 1702. [3] Keith's Journal, p. 54. [4] V. 1, Feb. 27, 1702; Jan. 15 and May 21, 1708. [BJ App. Jo. A, pp. 288-0. [6] . Jo. A, pp. 284-6. [71 Jo., V. 8, p. 216. '"«>'' » ''»°" f/ .. - .^^ rm ti -.Mon _ Jo., V. 4, p. 262 ; A M88., V. 16, p. 150. V. 12, p. 200. [12] A M8S., V. 14, p 107. M88., V. 21, p. 125 ; Jo., V. 17, p. 180 : B V. 2, Mar. 22, 1711. [16] A MSB., W 7, p 610. , __, ,_-, , .. ., ^. .„. [17] Jc, V. 16, p. 248; R. 3764, .. 79-80. [18] Jo., V. 6, p. 58 ; B. 1732, p. 66. [10] R. 1780, p. 90 ; B. 1788, p. 64. 0] Jo., V. 7, p. 296; B. 1788, p. 56; R. 1744, p. 60. [21] R. 1744, p. 51 ; B. 1777, p. 66; Jo., V. 9, p. 148; Jo., V. 16, p. 277; B. 1742, p. 51; R. 1759, p. 54. [22] Jo., V. 16, p. 68; B. 1768, p. 88. [23] Jo., V. IB, p. 262; R, 1756, pp. 64-5. [24] B M8S., V. 21, No. 1, p. (17) 1 ; B. 1766, p. 65. [2SJB. 1757, p. 46. [26] B MSS., V. 21, ). 18-14. [271BM88.,V. 21, No.l,p. 16, 10. [28] Jo., V. 1'/, p. 891 : R. 1750, pp. 52-8. 10] B M88., V, 91, No. 1, t>. 20 [80] Jo., V. 10, p. 21 ; R. 1768, p. 99 ; B M88., V. 21, '"" ' ' "\\ R. 1729, p. 80; R. 1781, p. 49; 0.^.. \ . 0, pp. 19-20. p. iBa. [31] Jo., V. 2, p. 261. [82 [88] Jo., V. 9, p. 87 ; R. 1742, p. 60 [34]^ R. 1747, p. 60. [36] R. 1761, p. 48 ; R. 1762, ». 60 ; B. 1766, p. 64 ; R. 1774, pp. 42-8 ; Jo., V. 10, pp. 116, 268 ; Jo., V. 19, pp. 86, 17« ; Jo., V. 20 ,F. 287. [86] B MSS., V. 21, p. 80. [8'^ B M88., V. 21, p. 911! [881 Jc, V. 91, pp. 424-8 ; B MSS., V. 91, pp. 86-6 ; R. 1778, pp. 58-9 ; R, 1780, p. 42. [38a] Jo., y. 16, pp. 20-1 ; R. 1708, p. 01. [386] R. 1769, pp. 29-80. [89] R. 1779, p. 64. [40] Jo., V. 99, pp. 458^*6; B MSS., V. 91, p. 186; R. 1782, p. 60. L J . * A Corporation for the Rolief of the Widows and Children of Clergymen in the ProTinces of Now York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania was esU'olished in 1709, th« Society contributing £20 annually to each of the three branches [88t]. 4i out of the itly met his I (who were ones to be istriction he vere "most " lost their rimage and ,rton among ibels having Report for ic worship " driven out . persevered eats and ill ,s unable to During this 3 Maryland, ; "at least is . . . and old." He ;me time 80, vrare "many iment to put his family of lis weak and liciue " [40], where (1702-83) ral Stations (as >out 809,000 are ergymen and 4 La] App. Jo. B, p. 54. [4] Jo., 18-9. [6] App. R. 1722, p. 49 ; [U] A MSB., !, p. 60. [14] B V. 6, p. 40 ; Jo., 248; B. }764, R. 1788, p. 54. il ; R. 1777, p. 64. [22] Jo., 64-5. [24] B B MSS., V. 21, J. 1750, pp. B2-8. B M88., V. 21, V . 0, pp. 19-20. , p. 48 J R. 1752, , 12, pp. 86, i70; .211. [381 Jo., . 42. [38a] Jo., p. 64. [40] Jo., ergymen in the tied in 1709, the ^ CHAPIER IX. NEW ENGLAND. New Ekolxnd was formerly divided in'o fonr great districts or governments, including the Colonies of Massachusetts, Ccanecticut, Rhode Island, New Hampshire, Maine, Vermont, and Naragausett or King's Province. The first settlement — that of New Plymouth, Massachasetts Bay — was formed by a small party of Puritans or Indepfiadents in 1620, which was much strengthened by a fresh emigration from England in 1629. Other sects poured into the country, which soon swarmed with Brownists, Presbyterians, Quakers, Fami'J.sts, Autinomians, Conformitants or Formalists, Arrians, Arminians, Gortonists, &c. The Gortonists were so lost to common humanity and decency that they were suppressed by the Civil Power under Governor Dudley in 1648. The Independents soon established their ecclesiastical system, and sought to exact from others a rigid conformity to it. Fleeip" from persecution in England, they now them- selves became persi-oui^orf ; and noi . tandinp their former professions of moderation and liberty of couscieuce, and the tol'iratiou co.iferred by the New England Charter, they drove out of MaKsachusntts the Quakers * and other sectaries. The Church settlers were so restrained from having their own form of worship that in 1C79 many of the inhabitants of Boston p>Hitioned Charles II. that they might be allowed to build a church there for the exercise of religion according to the Church of England. Permission was accorded, and the congregation of the " King's Chapel," Boston, so incrc ased that William III. settled an annual allowance f of £100 for tlie support of an assistant minister for them. In 1701 there were still only two clergymen of the Church of Eng- l&ni*. in New England, the population (Massachusetts, 70,000 ; Con- necticut, 80,000 ; Rhode Island and Providence, 5,000 ; Naragansett, 8,000; New Hampshire, 8,000; and Maine, 2,000) b^ing mostly Dissenters [1], In February 1702 the Society, after reading letters " deliver'd in by Dr. Bray," and consultmg the Rev. G. Keith, recorded its opinion " that a Missionary should be forthwith sent to the Naragansets country," and tae Bishop of London was asked to recommend one [2j. It was not possible, however, to carry out tiie proposal till many years later. In the meantime, Keith, Talbot and Gokdon [pp. 9, 10] reached Boston on June 11, 1702, and the former reported : — "At my arrival the Reverend Mr. Samuel MIIjs, the I,everend M:-. Christopher Bridge, both Ministers of the Church of England at Boston, did kindly receive me and the two Ministers in company with mo, and we lodg'd and were kindly ontertain'd in their houses during our abode at Boston. June 14, i702. Being Sunday, at the request of the above named Ministers of the Church of England, I preaohed in the Queen's Cliapel at Boston, on Eph. 2, 20, 21, 22, where was a large auditory, not only of Church People, but of many others. Soon after, at the request of the Ministers and Vestry, and others of the auditory, my Sermon was printed at Boston. It contained 'n It towards the conclu=)ion, six plain brief rules, which I told my auditory, did wtH agi-eo to the Holy Scriptures, and they being well observed and put int(- p.-aotice, would bring all to the Church of England, who dissented from her. Tliis did greatly alarm the Independent Preachers at Boston. \,'Sereupon M '. Increase Mather, one of the chief of them VIM set on work to print against u\y sermon, as accordingly bo did, wherein he * After the Church of .England had been set up in Rhode Island the Quakers were led to "express thrir regard " for it "fi om the eiperionco . . . thoy had of the mildness and lenity of its admiui«';ration " [81. t[4j. 42 SOOIBTT FOB THB PBOPAOATION OF THB GOSPEL. laboured to prove them all false and contrary to Soriptnre, but did not say any- thing against the body of my sermon. And not long after, I printed a Treatise in Vindication of these Six Bales, in ancwer to his, wherein I shewed the invalidity of his objections against them. This I had printed at New York, the printer at Boston not daring to print it, lest he should give ;." ^nce to the Independent Fteachers there. After it was printed, the printed copies of it were sent to Boston, and dispersed both ovur New England and the other parts of North AmeHoa" [5]. The MS. of Keith's Journal contains this passage : — "In divers parts of New England we found not only many people well affected to the Church, who have no Church of England Ministers, and in some places none of any sort ; but also we found several New England Ministers very well affected to the Church, some of whom both hospitably entertain'd us in their houses and requested us to preach in their congregations, wch. accordingly we did, and receiv'd great thanks, both from the Ministers and people : and in Cambridge Colledge in N. England we were civilly treated by some of the ffellows there, who have a very great favour to the Church of England, and were it not for the poysonouB doctrines that have been infused into the scholars and youths there, and deep prejudices agt. the Church of England by Mr. Increase Mather, formerly President of the Colledge there, and Mr. Samuel Willard, now President there, the Scholars and Students there would soon be brought over to the Church " [6]. The truth of the above description was remarkably con- firmed in later years, when the persecution of the Church was followed Oj the conformity of large numbers of Dissenters and their teachers. Already some of the inhabitants had begun to show their preference by building churches and petitioning the Society for ministers, and the first to receive encouragement were the people of Newport, Rhode Island, for whose church the Society allowed in January 1703 £15 for " a Chalice Patten, Cloath and other necessaries." At the same time £20 was granted (at Governor Dudley's request) " towards the support of Mr. Ebum, a Minister in the Isle of Shoales, for one year " [7]. The Rev. Samuel Eburn min- istered in this Mission three and a half years; in which time it cost him £160 more than he " ever received from the inhabitants." " This extraordinary expense " he " was at merely to introduce the service of the Church of England in those Islands," and did it to some good effect. •' He stay'd there so long till every femily of the place removed their goods to the mainland for fear of the enemy " [8]. In 1704 the Rev. J. Honyman was appointed to Newport. He not only built up the Church in Rhode Island, but gathered congregations at several towns on the continent, and ministered to them until they were provided with resident clergymen. In spite of the " frowns and discouragements " of the Government — there being only " on3 baptized Christian in the whole legislature" of the island— Mr. Honyman was able to report in 1782 : — " Betwixt Now York and Boston, the distance of 800 miles, and wherein aro many Missions, there in not a congregation in the way of the Church of England that can pretend to compare with mine, or equall it in any respect ; nor does my Church consist of members that were of it when I came hero, for I have buried them all ; nor is there any one person now alive that did then belong to it, so that our present appearing is entirely owing to the blessing of God upon my endeavours to serve him " [9]. Mr. Honyman's labours at Newport extended over nearly half a century. L. NEW ENGLAND. 43 not Bay any- . a Treatise in the invalidity k, the printer e Independent were sent to irts of North f people well , and in some Ministers very I'd us in their iccordingly we eople: and in of the ffellowa were it not for d youths there, either, formerly ident there, the :ch " [6]. rkably con- Ohurch waa isenters and ,d begun to iitioning the ent were the the Society , Gloath and (at Governor I, Minister in Eburn min- rhich time it inhabitants." introduce the did it to some ^ of the place imy"[8]. In He not only gregations at m until they "frowns and " on3 baptized Sonyman was In Connecticut the foundations of several Missions were laid by the Bev. G. MumsoN. Although attached to the parish of Rye in New York, he could not resist the desire of the people of Stratford to have the Church settled among them. Colonel Heathcote accompanied him on his visit in 1706, and thus described their reception in Connecticut : — " We found that GoUony aoh as we expected, very ignorant of the Constitution of our Church, and therefore enemys to it. All their Townes are famished with Ministers . . . chiefly Independents, denying Baptisme to the Children of all who are not in full Communion ; there are many thousands in that Govmt. unbaptised, the Ministers were very uneasy at our coming amongst them, and abundance of pains was taken to terrify the People from hearing Mr. Muirson. But it availed nothing, for notwithstanding all their endeavours, he had a very great Congregation and indeed infinitly beyond my expectation. The people were wonderfully surprised at the Order of our Church, expecting to have heard and seen some wonderful! strange things, by the Account and Bepresentation of i*: that their Teachers hkd given them. . . . Mr. Muirson baptized about 24 — most grown people " [10]. The visit was renewed (again by invitation) in 1707, the stead- fastness of the people being unshaken by the Independents, whose ministers and magistrates went from house to house threatening " with prison and punishment " those who would go to hear Mr. Muirson preach. " One of their Magistrates " (wrote Mr. Muirson) " with some other officers, came to my Lodgings, . . . and in the hearing of Colonel Heathcote and a great many people read a long Paper. The meaning of it was to let me know that theirs was a Charter Government, that I had done an illegal thing in coming among 'em to establish a new Way of Worship, and to forewarn me from preaching any more. This he did by virtue of one of their Laws ... the Words he made use of are these as the said Law expresses them : Be it enacted by the . . . General Assembly, That there shall be no Ministry or Church Administration entertained or attended by the Inhabitants of any Town or Plantacon in this Colony, distinct and separate from, and in opposition to that which is openly and publickly observed and dispenced by the approved Ministers of the Place.* Now whatever Interpretation of the Words of the said law may admit of, yet we are to regard the sense and force they put upon them ; which is plainly thus, to exclude the Church their Government, as appears by their Proceedings with me. So that hereby they deny a Liberty of Conscience to the Church of Engiuiid people, as well as ^1 otiiers that are not of their opinion ; which being repugnant to the Laws of England is contrary to the Grant of their Charter " [llj. The movement in favour of the Church was stimulated by this opposition; other towns invited Mr. Muirson to visit them, and he became a kind of travelling Missionary in the Colony. The tactics of the Independents were repeated. " They . . . left no means untryed both foul and fair, to prevent the settling of the Church among them " (wrote Mr. Muirson) ; "... the people were likewise threatened with Imprisonment, and a forfeiture of £5 for coming to hearing me. It wou'd require more time than you would willingly bestow on these Lines, to express how rigidly and severely they treat our People, by taking their Estate by distress when they do not willingly pay to support their Ministers. . . . They spare not openly to speak reproachfully and with great contempt of oui Church, they say the sign of the Cross is the Mark of the Beast and the sif u of thn Devil and that those who receive it are given to the De\-il " [12]. Mr. Muirson died in 1709 ; and two years later Governor Hunter of New York wrote to the Society : — " When I was at Connecticut, those of the Communion of the Church at 44 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. |i IJ I i ■Stradford, came to me in a Body, and then, aa they have smoc by a Letter, begg'd my Intero^ssion with our most Venerable Society and . . . the Bishop of London for a Missionary; they appeared very much in earnest, and are the best sett of men I met with in that country " [13]. Disappointment from friends was perhaps a severer test of earnestness than persecution* from enemies ; but neither could shake the *''*ithfukiess of the Church adherents at Stratford, and after 'waJ'ii.g another eleven years their wishes were gratified by the Society sending them a Missionary, the Rev. G. Pjgot, in 1722. To some extent many other congregations were subjected to similar trials, and oppression and porsecuiion seemed to be the common lot of the Church in New England. Sometimes Chm-chmen's complaints reached the ear o5 the G ovemor, and grievances were redressed, but in general the Independents had the upper hand, and their bigotry •was extreme. At iSfewbury, Governor Dudley had eased the Church members from paying taxes to the Dissenting Ministers, but the Rev. H. Lucas found on his arrival in 1716 that the Dissenters had taken possession of the church ond robbed it of its ornaments, vest- ments, and books. Next day, however, the ornaments &c. were restored; he reconciled the people, and two of the Dissenting teajchers who had been reUed on to " dissolve " the Church congre- gation were admitted to Holy Communion, and one of them shortly after " put on y« courage to read the Holy Biblef in the meeting and say the L*** Prayers, a thing not done before" there, and "he resolved" to continue i^. "tho' very much opposed." Mr. Lucas' "knowledge in Phisick" was very serviceable in winning people, and e£fected" that which by preaching" he " could not have done " [14]. Of the 84 Iklissionaries on the Society's list in New England, more than one-fourth were brought up Dissenters. Among these were Samuel Seabury (father of the first American Bishop) ; Timothy Cutler, President of Yale (Presbyterian) College , and Edward Bass, the future Bishop of Massachusetts. " The great inclination of some young students in New England to enter into Episcopal Orders" had been brought under the Society's notice at an early period, and in 1706 a letter was sent to the Governor and the Clergy encouraging the sending of candidates to England for ordi- nation [15j. The sacrifices involved by conformity were such as to exclude all but persons actuated by the highest motives. Hence those who conformed were a real gain to the Church, which exerted a power and influence out of all proportion to her numerical strength. Of this the Dissenters were aware, and their dread and intolerance of the Church showed that they had little confidence in their own systems of rehgion. What some of those systems were, and how the Church was affected by them, may be gathered from the writings of the Missionaries. The Rev. Dr. Johnson of Stratford wrote in 1727 that he had * This continued after Mr. Muiraon'a death. See "An Account of tho Sufferings of the Members of the Church of England " nnd an Appeal to the Queen for relief from their grievances, ubout 1711-12 fl«]. t A similar effect was produced in the Rev. 8. Palmer's Mission, where a congroga tion of Disiwnters, from observing the regular method j)f reading tho Scripture in cl .oh, " voted that a new folio Bible be bought for them and that their teacher shall W) ' lessons out of it every Sunday morning and evening." ) I KEW EKOLAKD. Hf: 45 7 that he had visited (at Fairfield) " a considerable number of my people in prison for their rates to the Dissenting Minister, to comfort and encourage them under their sufferings . . . both I and my people grow weary of our Uvea under our poverty and oppression " [17, 18]. In 1743 he opened a new church at Bipton. " On the Sunday following a Dissenting teacher, one Mills ... a great admirer of Mr. Whitfield, reviled and declaimed" against the Dr.'s Sermon, "which was on the subject of relative holiness," and soon after some of Mills' followers " put his doctrine into practice, by defiling the Church with ordure in several places " [19]. In the Mission of the Rev. J. Beach of Newtown &c. some people began to build a church. But, said he in 1743 : — " The Independents to suppress this design in its infancy . . . have lately prose- cuted and fined them for their meeting to worship God according to the Common Prayer ; and the same punishment they are likely to suffer for every offence ir this Hnd. . . The case of these people is very hard. If on the Lord's Day they continue at home, they must be punished ; if they meet to worship God according to the Ci'urch of England, in the best manner they can, the mulct is still greater ; and if they go to the Independent meeting in the town where they live, they must endure the mortification of hearing the doctrines and worship of ^he Church vilified and ^.he important truths of Christianity obscured and enervated by e'^thusiastic ai:d antinomian dreams. . . . My people [at Newtown &o.] are not all shaken, but rather confirmed in their principles, by the spirit of enthusiasm that rages among the Independents. . . . A considerable number [of the Dissenters]].') this Colony have lately conformed, and several churches are now building wheio they have no minister " [20]. Dr. Johnson reported in 1741 : — " We have had a variety of travelling enthusiastical & antinomian teachers come among us. . . . Not only the minds of many people are at once struck with amazing Distresses upon their hearing the dismal outcrys of our strolling preachers, but even their Bodies are in a moment affected with . . . surprizing Convulsions, and involuntary agitations and cramps " [21] . The Rev. H. Caner wrote from Fairfield in 1748 : — " At Norwalk, Stanford, and Bidgefield . . . there have been large accessions made to the Church of late . . . chiefly persons who appear to have a serious sense of religion . . . Where the late spirit of Enthusiasm has most abounded the Church has received the largest accessions. Many of these deluded people ... as their Passions subsided, sought forrest in the Bosom and Communion of '.he Church " [22]. A joint letter from its Missionaries in New England acquainted the Society in 1747 that it was " a matter of great comfort to them to see in all places the earnest zeal of tlie people in pressing forward into the Church from the confusions which Methodism had spread among them ; insomuch that they think nothing too much to do to qualify themselves for the obtaining of Missionaries from the Society " [28]. The Rev. Mr. Faverweather, at Naragansett, bad his dwelUng "in the midst " " of enemies, Quakers, Anabaptists, Antipoedobaptists, Presbyterians, Independants, Dippers, Levellers, Sabbatarians, Muggle- tonians, and I3rownists," who united " in nothing but pulling down the Church of England," which they in their language called " emphatically Babel, a synagogue of Satan," &c. Thus situated he found it best "to be mild and gentle, peaceable and fori >aring," which the Society earnestly recommended to him and all their Mission- aries. In consequence of this behaviour several conformed to th& Church from the Anabaptists and other persuasions. In that part oS KM 46 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. i ii s America Mr. Paybrwbatheb foosd *' immersion preferred among persons in adult years to sprinkling," and whene\<9r it was required he administered in that way, as the Church directs [241. See also letters from Rev. Dr. Cutler, Boston, June 80, 1748, and Deo. 26, 1744 [25] ; Eev. J. Beach, Newtown, April 6, 1761 [26]; Rev. E. Winslow, Stratford, July 1, 1768 [27] ; and Rev. R. Mansfield, Derby, Sept. 25, 1768 [28]. This testimony (and much more that might be quoted) shows that the influence of the Society's work was beneficial to the whole country. The progress made must have been considerable when Missionaries could report from 100 to 846 communicants in their con- gregations [29]. In the Newton and Reading district Mr. Beach "preached in many places where the Common Prayer had never been heard nor the Scriptures read," in others where there had been no public worship at all, and he had the privilege of raising up " flourishing congregations," and seeing the Church members increase more than twenty-fold and outnumber the Dissenters [80]. The Rev. J. Bailet, Itinerant in Massachusetts, stated in 1762 that " Industry, Morality, and Religion " were " flourishing among a people till of late abandoned to disorder, vice, and Profaneness," which alteration was " chiefly owing to the performance of Divine service and those pious tracts which the Society's generous care has dis- persed "[81]. Another missionary, the Rev. E. Punderson — who during thirty years failed to officiate only one Sunday — "almost alone raised up eleven chturches in Connecticut under the greatest trials and diflicul- ties imaginable" [82]. In New Hampshire the difficulty of raising up churches was lessened at this time by the action of Governor "Wentworth, who made over to the Society 120 town lots of land, of about 800 acres each, and also set apart church glebes in each town, and "grant >d an equal portion or right to the first settled minister of the Church of England and his heirs with the rest of the. pro- prietors of every town for ever " [88]. Thb eflbrts of the Missionaries for the conversion of the negroes and Indians in New England met with more opposition than en- couragement from the Colonists. From Bristol the Rev. J. Usher reported in 1780 that " sundry negroes " had made " application for baptism that were able to render a very good account of the hope that was in them," but he was " not permitted to comply with their requests . . . being forbid by their masters." In the same year, how- ever, he succeeded in baptizing three adult Indians, and later on the Bristol congregation included " about 80 Negroes and Indians," most of whom joined " in the Publick Service very decently " [84]. At Newtown the opposition was more serious, and the story of the Bev. J. Beach should be taken to heart by all who profess the name of Christ. This is what he wrote in 1788 : — " When finit I arrived here, I intended to visit the Indians who live three miles from Newtown, and I had hoi>e8 that Bome good might have been wrought upon them ; but many of the English here that are bitter enemies to the Church, antidoted them against the Church, or any instructions they might have received from me, By insinuating them with a jealousy, if they reoieved me au their Minister, I would in time get their land from them ; and they must be oblidged to pay me a salary. This put them into a grea*> Bage, (or these Indians are a very NEW BNOLAND. 47 jealoas people, and partioalarly suspicioas of being cheated oat of their land by the EngliBh (the English having got most of it from them already). These English Dissenters likewise rail'd against all tht. Churchmen in Oenerall, telling them (the Indians) they were rogues, (fee, and advised them that : if I came among them to instruct them, to whip me. In a word they raised such a ferment among these Bude Barbarians, that their Sachem, or Chief, said that if I came among them, he would ^oot a bullet thro my heart ; these things severall of the Indiana have told me since. However I, not knowing the danger, went to visit them, but they looked very surlily upon me, and showed a great uneasiness when I mentioned the name of God, so that I plainly saw, that they were resolved not to hear me, and I feared that if I had persisted in my discourse of Beligion, that they would have done me a mischief " [85]. Mr. Beach does not appear to have baptized many Indians, and his parishioners had but few negro slaves ; but all they had he, after proper instruction, baptized, and some of them became communi- cants [86]. The teaching which the Indians received from the Bomish Church, as well as from Dissenters, tended to make them imperfect Christians. The frontiers of Massachusetts Bay were frequented by " a great number of Indians," the " remains of the ancient Norridge- walk Tribe " ; they universally spoke French, and professed " the Bomish religion," visiting Canada " once or twice a year for Abso- lution." They had "a great aversion to the English owing to the influence of Boman Catholic Missionaries," who taught them "that nothing is necessary to eternal salvation, but to believe in the name of Christ, to acknowledge the Pope his holy Vicar, and to extirpate the English because they cruellv murdered the Saviour of mankind." It is not surprising therefore that the Bev. J. Bailey found them " very savage in their dress and manner " [87]. Aiming at something more than nominal conversions, the Mission* arios of the Society sought to accomplish their object by " a more excellent way," and their teaching proved acceptable to not a few heathen. At Stratford Dr. Johnson " always had a catechetical lecture during the summer months, attended by many negroes, and some Indians, as well as the whites, about 70 or 80 in all, and " (said he in 1761) " as far as I can find, where the Dissenters have baptized one we have baptized 2, if not 8 or 4 negros or Indians, and I have four or five communicants " [88]. At Naragansett, Dr. Macbfabran had a class of 70 Indians and negroes, whom he frequently catechised and instructed before Divine service, and the Bev. J. Hontman of Newport, Bhode Island, besides baptizing some Indians, numbered among his congregation " above 100 negroes who constantly attended the Publick Worship " [89]. Among the Naragansett tribe in Bhode Island Catechist Bcnnet, of the Mohawk Mission, New York Province, laboured for a short time at the invitation of their King, Thomas Ninigrate. These people were specially commended by the Bev. M. Gbaves for their donation of 40 acres of land* towards a church and their progress in reUgion * The land referred to by Mr. Graves was probably that (^iven in 1746 by " Qeorgn Ninegrett, Chief Saohem and Prince of the Narragansett IndianB," who " for and in con- sideration of the love and affection " which he nad for " the people of the Church of England in Charleatown and Westerly . . . andforieonring and settling the Service and Worship of God amongst them according to the nraago of that most excellent Church . . . conTsy«td . . to the use of the Society" (S.P.G.) forty acres of land in Charlestown, Khodfl Island, vrith all buildings thereon, to b« appropriated for the benefit of tha EpiH9opal Ministem of that Church [44]. 48 SOCIETY FOB THE PBOPAOATION OF THE GOSPEL. and attachment to the Church and Crown of England ; and on Mr. Bennet'B departure Mr. Graves, at the Society's request, undertook to appoint a successor and himself to superintend the Mission. Mr. Graves had several of . lem at his house, and found them "very worthy of notice and encouragement," and that they had "made great proficiency in spiritual knowledge " and spared " no pains for yo Improvement of their Souls." Mr. Graves ministered to four other adjacent tribes, who had " great confidence in him " [40]. A similar regard was shown for the Bev. J. Cheoelet of Providence, who possessed " great skill in the neighbouring Indian language " and a ",long acquaintance with the Indians themselves." He not only visited the natives but was himself sought out by " some of his old Indian acquaintances . . . from far distant countries " [41]. Jn "Old Plymouth Colony" the Rev. E. Thompson used "his utmost endeavours to be serviceable " to the natives, and it was reported in 1753-4 that " the Indians in the neighbourhood of Scituate and Marshfield come more frequently to Church and behave with decency and devotion and bring their children to baptism and submit to Mr. Thompson's instructions, to which the Society's bounty of Bibles and Common Prayer Books [in 1758] has not a little con- tributed," and that his labours among them were "attended with greater success than ever" [42]. At Stoughton and Dedham the Rev. W. Clabk reclaimed several Indians whose frequent attendance and devout behaviour at church became a subject of remark [48]. These instances sufiice to show that tlie heathen were not neglected by the Society and that the work among them was not in vain. During the American Revolution numerous and pitiable accounts were received by the Society of the sufferings of their Missionaries. The Rev. S. Peters of Hebron " left his Mission to avoid the fury of an outrageous multitude, who after the most inhuman treatment of him, still threatened his life " [45]. Several others were driven from their posts. The Rev. J. Wiswall of Falmouth, after being taken prisoner, " greatly insulted and abused, and in danger of being shot to death " — being actually fired at by " the mob " — made his escape to Boston, having lost all his property and his real estate. His wife and family were permitted to follow him, " with only two days' provision," "her wearing apparel, and bedding" ; but a few days after reaching Boston she and his only daughter died [46]. The Rev. R. Cossit of Haverhill and Claremont received frequent insults, and was " confined as a prisoner in the town of Claremont " nearly four years. Yet he " constantly kept up Publick Service, without omitting even the Prayers for the King and the Royal Family," and "his congregation and communicants" increased, though "cruelly persecuted by fines for refusing to fight against their King." In many other places where he used to officiate the Church people " totally dwindled away," some escaping to the King's army for protection, " some being banished," and many dying [47]. The Rev. J. W. Weeks of Marblehead, his wife, and eight helpless children, were " obliged to seek shelter in a wilderness, the horrors of which they had never seen or felt before ; " and which were added to " by the snapping of a loaded gun at Mr. Bailey and him while walking in the garden." No innocency of intentions and no poaceableness of NEW ENGLAND. 49 conduct could bring him security from the wild undistinguishing rage of party, and being " exposed to most dreadful consequences " by re- fusing to take the oath of abjuration, he made his escape to England, leaving his family dependent on the pity of firiends for support [48]. The Eev. B. Mansfield of Derby &c. was forced to fly from hia Mission (leaving his wife and nine children behind), "in order to escape outrage and violence, imprisonment and death." Out of 180 families attending his two churches, 110 remained loyal, as did, almost to a man, the congregations of Messrs. James Soovil and Beach [49]. The Bev. W. Clabee of Dedham, whose natural bodily in- firmities should have secured him from molestation, seems to have been " singled out as an object for oppression and cruel usage." " The Dissenting Minister of the Parish, who had always received the most civil and obliging treatment from him, with some others, stirred up the violence of the mob so suddenly " that " about midnight Mr« Clarke " was assaulted by a large number of them, his house ransacked, and himself used with indignity and insult." Soon after, he was arrested, "carried to a publick House and shut up in a separate room for | of an hour, to view the Picture of Oliver Cromwell," then hurried to Boston, where, after a trial conducted "in a manner nearly resembling the Bomish Inquisition," and in which " he was denied counsel and not permitted to know what was alledged against him," he was " condemned to Banishment and confiscation of Estate." This sentence was so far relaxed that he was allowed to remain a prisoner in his parish. As such " he drank deep of the cup of affliction and endured complicated misery " for nearly a year, when he took refuge at Newport, Bhode Island [50]. At Fairfield the Bev. John Satbe and his congregations were " greatly oppressed merely on account of their attachment to their Church and King." . . . Many ofthem were "imprisoned on the most frivolous pretences and their imprisonment aggravated with many circum- stances of cruelty." The enlargement of North Fairfield Church was stopped " by the many abuses " which it " shared in common with the other churches in the Mission. Shooting bullets through them, breaking the windows, stripping off tlie hangings, carrying oflf the leads . . . and the most beastly defilements, make but a part of the insults which were offered to them." His house was " beset by more than 200 armed horsemen," and for so'iae days he was not allowed to leave his premises. Next he was " advertized as an enemy to his country for refusing to sign an Association which obliged it's subscribers to oppose the King with life and fortune and to withdraw all offlcas even of justice, humanity, and charity, from every recusant. In consequence of this advertizement all persons were forbidden to hold any kind of correspondence, or to have any manner of dealing with him, on pain of bringing themselves into the same predicament. This order was posted up in every store, mill, mechanical shop, and public house in the county, and was repeatedly published in the newspapers ; but, through the goodness of Ood they wanted for nothing, the people under cover of the night, and, as it were by stealth, supplying them with plenty of the comforts and necessaries of life." He was then banished for a time. When Qeneral Tryon drove off the enemy and set fire to the town, although a guard was sent to protect the parsonage it was destroyed, and Mr. Sayre with liis wife and eight children were left " destitute of house and raiment " [51]. 60 SOCIETY FOR THt! PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. By the operation of the British troops the church and a great part of Norwalk parish were also "laid in ashes," and the Rev. J. Leaming lost everything except the clothes he was wearing. [62]. General Tryon informed the Society in August 1779 that he nad rescued these " two very worthy clergymen, who were galled with the Tyranny of the Rebels " [58], In Mr. Leaming's case the mob " took his picture, defaced and nailed it to a sign-post with the head downwards." By the treatment he received dunng impriaon- iQent — when he was denied a bed — he contracted a disease which made him a cripple for life. Great as were his suflferings, Mr. Learning stated (in 1780) that "the Rulers of Connecticut . . . treated the Clergy of the Church of England with more lenity than any other Government on the Continent " [54]. For " assisting some loyalists to escape from confinement "the Rev. R. ViETS of Simsbury (Conn.) was taken in 1776 and confined "a close prisoner in Hartford gaol "—for a time "in irons" [55]. Eventually he was released. During his long imprisonment " almost all his fellow prisoners " (some hundreds in numbers), being "of the Church," he prayed with them " twice a day, and preached twice on each Sunday. To those three of them who were put to death for their loyalty he was suffered to administer the Sacrament . . . which they received with great devotion." [L., Oct. 29, 1784 [56].] The Rev. J. BaiijEy of Pownalborough for three years underwent " the most severe and cruel treatment." Twice he was " assaulted by a furious mob," who on one occasion "stripped him naked"; four times he was " hauled before an unfeeling committee," and " sentenced to heavy bonds " ; thrice he was " driven from his family and obliged to preserve a precarious freedom by roving about the country " (in the provinces of Maine, Hampshire, and Massachusetts), " through unfrequented paths, concealing himself under the cover of darkness and in disguised appearance." Two attempts were made to " shoot him." In his absence h\8 family '• suffered beyond measure for the necessaries of life." But as long as they had anything to bestow, his people assisted him — o/ten " at the risque of their freedom and property," it being accounted " highly criminal to prevent a friend to Great Britain from starving." When at last he and his family escaped they arrived at Halifax in 1779 in a state of utter destitution. [See p. 115.] During his wanderings " he travelled through a multitude of places, where he preached in private houses and baptized a great number of children " [67]. The Rev. M. Graves of New London, having undergone " a con- tinued scene of persecutions, afflictions, and trials, almost even unto death, for his religious principles and unshaken loyalty," took shelter in New York; but only to die. The like fate befell the Rev. E. WiNSLOW of Braintree ; and the Rev. J. Leaminq of Norwalk narrowly escaped with his life to New York [58]. Mr. Winslow reported in 1776 that " all the Churches in Connecticut jand Rhode Island were shut up, except Trinity Church, where the prayers for the Kmg are omitted " [59]. But in 1781 the Society was able to announce that the Church rather increased than diminished in New England, and that the condition of the Clergy was not so distressins? as it had been ; especially in Massachusetts and New Hampshire thcro NEW ENGLAND. n had been a great increase of the Church people, even where they had no ministry [60] . And from Simsbury in Connecticut the Rev. R. ViETS reported in 1784 that the losses of his congregation " by deaths emigrations &c." were " pretty nearly balanced by the accession of new Conformists." Although some \'norant people were being " seduced from the Church by enthusiasm," yet more joined themselves to her, •• from a full conviction that the doctrines regulations, and worship of the Church are more consistent with reason, Scripture and the true spirit of devotion, than those of any other Church upon earth " [61]. Statistics. — In New Lngland, now divided into the States of Mauaachnsettn, Con- necticut, New Hampshire, Maine, Vermont and Rhode Inland (area U6,405 sq. miles), where the Society (1702-86) asBisted in maintaining 84 MiBsionariea and planting 80 Central Stations (as detailed on pp. 852-4), there are now 4,010,629 inhabitants, of whom about 881,000 are Church Members and 70,869 Communicants, under the care of 678 Clergymen and 6 Bishops. [Sec also the Table on pp. 80-7, and p. 852.] References (Chapter IX.)— [1] App. Jo. A, pp. 14-20. [2] Jo., V. 1, Feb. 27, 1702, - „ -- .— _ ,,, jj VJOQ,^ ^ - '., V. 1. ... ... .. 7- [10] A M8S., V. 8, No. 76. Il2] A MSS.. V. 8, No. 168. [13] A MSS., V. 7, No. 158. [4] K 1706, pp. IQ, 11. [5] Keith's printed oumal, p. 2. [6] App. Jo. A, pp. 324-6. [7] Jo., V. 1, Jan. 15, 1703. [8] A MSS,, rSJ Jo., V. 16, p. 150 ; R. 1764, pp. 52-8, Journal, p. 2. [6] App. Jo. A, pp. 324-6. [7] Jo. V. 2, No. 118. [0] Jo., V. 6, p. 68 ; A MSB., V, 34, p. 187. [10] A MSS., V.'2, No. 166; UJ Jo., V. 8, Oot. 16, 1714, Mar. 18, 171- Mar. 0, 1716, Jan. 11, 1717 ; A MSS., V. 11, pp. 898, 408. [16] See list, pp. 852-4, ot this book, and Jo., V. 1, Jan. 18 and Feb. 1, 1706. [lei A MSS., V. 7, pp. 850, 856. [17, 18] A MSS., V. 19, p. 466 : sea alto Dr. Johnson's Letter, Mar. 80, 1745, B MSS., V. 18, p. 102. [19] B MSS., V. 11, p. 86. ^20] B MSS., V. 11, pp. 45-6. [21] B '^TSS., V. 9, p. 13. [22] B MSS., V. 11, p. 48; R. 1744, p. 48. [23] R. 1747, pi 58-4. [24] Jo., V. 16, p. 808; R. 1761, pp. 41-2. [28] B MSS., V. 11, No. 80; V. 18, No. 89; Dr. Cutler, June 80, 1748 ; Dec. 26, 1744. [26] B MSS., V. 28, No. 80. [27] Do. No. 408. [28] B MSS., V. 28, p. 278; R. 1742, p. 42; R. 1764, p. 61). [29] Jo., V. 15, p. 821; Jo., V. 19, pp. 69, 184, 882, 869, 416, 483, 441-2 ; R. 1746, p. 40 ; R, 1772, p. 28 ; R. 1778, pp. 25-7. [80] Jo., V. 15, p. 806 ; Jo., V. 10, p. 278 ; R. 1762, p. 51 ; R. 1772, p. 20. -., __ _ ^. - -- - 3 „ 821 ; R. 1762, pp. 52-0. [33] Jo.,"V. 15, pp. 288-4, 276, 888; R. 1702, pp. 49, 50; Jo., V. 24, pp. 99, 100, 103. [34] A [31] Jo., V. 16, p. 277 ; R. 1762, p. 56. [32] Jo., V. 15, p. 821 ; R. 1762, pp. 52-0. [33] t' MSS., V. 28, p. 125 ; Jo., V. 6, p. 278 ; Jo., V. 10, p. 194 ; R. 1730, p. 94 ; R. 1746, p. 41. '35] A MSS., V. 24, pp. 157-8. [36] R. 1749, p. 54; B MSS., V. 18, p. 26. [37] Jo., '". 17, pp. 26, 246-6; R. 1760, pn. 50-1. [38] B MSS., V. 19, p. 49. [39' Jo., V. 9, pp. 120, 191; Jo., V. 10, p. 818; R. 1742, p. 42; R. 1748, p. 44; R. 1747, p. 52. [40] B MSS., V. 28, p. 145; Jo., V. 10, pp. 829-80, {868, 480-7 ; R. 1765, pp.22, 26-7; R. 1766, pp. 68-4. [41] Jo., V. 8, pp. 124, 236 ; Jo., V. 10, p. 29; R. 1788, p. 42 ; R. 1789, p. 48; R. 1740, p. 66; R. 1744, p. 44. [42] Jo., V. 11, p. 241 ; Jo., V. IB, pp. 293, 820, 378-4, 896 ; R. 1760, p. 45 ; R. 1768, p. 50 ; R. 1765, p. 88. [43] Jo., V. 18, p. 281 ; R. 1769, pp. 22. [44] B MSS., V. 18, p. 205. [45] R. 1774, p. 29 ; Jo., V. 20, p. 270. [46] Jo., V. 20, pp. 417-20, 446 ; R. 1775, p. 37. [47] Jo., V. 21, pp. 486-9 ; R. 1778, pp. 40-7. [48] Jo., V. 20, pp. 486-6, 447-50 ; R. 1775, p. 87 ; R. 1778, pp. 47-8. [491 B MSS., V. 28, p. 278 ; R. 1777, p. 41. [50] Jo., V. 21, pp. 878-90 ; R. 177H, pp. 49, 60. [61] Jo., V. 22, pp. 81-9. [62] Jo., V. 22, p. 91. [63] Jo., V. 22, p. 85. [54] Jo., V. 22, pp. 141-2. [55] B MSS., V. 2, p. 190 ; R. 1777, p. 47. [66] Jo., V. 24, p. 94. [57] Jo., V. 22, pp. 26-84 ; R. 1779, pp. 46-60. [68] Jo., V. 22, pp. 51-2. 126: R. 1779, p. 50; R. 1780, p. 88. [69] R. 1777, p. 40 ; Jo., V. 21, pp. 188-6. [60] R. J 781, p. 43. [61] Jo., V. 24, p. 98. ■ 2 62 SOCIETY FOB THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. CHAPTEE X. NEW JERSEY. \k\ m New Jebbet was first settled in 1034 by Danes. They were soon followed by Swedes and Dutch; lut in 1664 the country was acquired by the English and granted to the Duke of York [t ee page 67], who transferred it to Lord Berkeley and Sir Oeorge Carteret. By them it was divided into two districts, " East and West Jersies " ; and in 1702 surrendered to Queen Anne, when the name of New Jersey (after Lord Carteret, ex-Governor of the Isle of Jersey) was resumed for the whole country.* The earliest English settlers were Quakers and Anabaptists; and it was by two members of those persuasions that an attempt " to setle a maintenance ... for minis- ton " in 1697 was defeated [1], In 1701 Colonel Morris represented to the Society that " the youth of the whole Province " of East Jersey were '• very dehauch'd and very ignorant, and the Sabbath Day seems there to be set apart for Byotting and Drunkenness. In a word a General Ignorance and immorality runs through the whole Province." The inhabitants of Middletowne he described as " perhaps the most ignorant and wicked people in the world ; their meetings on Sundays is at the p.ubliok house wnere they get their fill of rum and go to fighting, and running of races which are practices much in use that day all the Province over."f At Perth Amboy •' a shift" had been " made ... to patch up an old ruinous house, and make a Church of it, and when all the Churchmen in the Province " of East Jersey were " gott together " they made up " about twelve Communicants." In West Jersey the people were •' generally speaking ... a hotch potch of all rehgions," but the Quakers appeared to be the only body possessing places of worship. The youth of this pro- vince also were " very debaucht . . . and very ignorant " [2]. The population of the two provinces numbered about 11,000, ttnd, according to Keith, " except in two or three towns," there was " no place of any pubUc worship of any sort," but people lived "very mean like Indians " [3]. In February 1702 the Society came to a resolution that three Missionaries should be sent to the Jerseys " with all convenient speed," and that the Governor should be asked " to divide the Governments into parishes and to lay out glebe lands in each parish" [4]. On October 2 in the same year Keith and Talbot (in their tour through America) reached New Jersey. The next day, Sunday, Keith preached at Amboy • — "Iho auditory was small. My text [said he] was Tit. 2, 11-12. But such as were there were well affected ; some of them, of my former acquaintance, and others who had been formerly Quakers but were come over to the Church, par- ticularly Miles Foster, and John Barclay (Brother to Bobert Barclay, who published tiie Apology for the Quakers) ; the place has very few inhabitants " [5]. * It was also sometimes called Nova Ceeaaria [6]. t In 1702 Col. Morris added that the majority of the inhabitants of East Jersey, "generally speaking," could " not with truth be call'd Christians " [7]. NEW JERSEY. 58 Is of East Jersey, Both Keith and Talbot preached often at BurUngton, then the capital of West Jersey, and contain ing 200 famiUes. The result was the people agreed to conform to the Church of England, and wrote in 1704 to the Society : — " We desire to adore the goodness of God for moving the hearts of the Lords Spiritaall, Nobles and Gentry, to enter into a Society for Propagating the Gosgell in Foreign Parts, the Benefit of wch. we have already experienced and hope further to enjoy. . . . These encouragements caused us some time since to joyn in a subscription to build a church here which tho' not as yett near finish'd have heard many good Sermons in it from the Bcvcrend Mr. Keith and the Rev. Mr. Jno. Talbot whom next to Mr. Keith wee have a very great esteem for and do all in humility beseech your Lordships he may receive orders from you to settle with us. . . . Our circumstances at present are so that wee cannot without the assist anco of your Ldps. maintain a Minr. ..." [8]. After itinerating in America a year longer than Keith, Talhot settled at Burlington, and soon had a large congregation, where hefore had been "little else but Quakerism or Heathenism" [9]. Here too assembled the Clergy (in 1705) to agree on a memorid to the Society for a Bishop [10] ; and here was made ready in 171B a house for the expected Bishop. [See p. 744.] Visiting England in 1706, the bearer of the memorial on the Episcopate, Talbot had an opportunity of supporting in person the cause which he so ably advocated in his writings. Benewing his engagement with the Society, he returned to Burlington early in 1708. [See also p. 745.] The Ch urch there became well ' "kablished, the members thereof being incorporated by Governor Lora vJombury and receiving gifts of Communion plate and furniture from Queen Anne (1708), and a parsonage and glebe provided Arom bequests of Bishop Frampton of Gloucester (£100) and Mr. Thomas Leicester (260 acres of land). (N.B. The proprietors of land in the Colonies had had an example set them by Mr. Serjeant Hook, a promi- nent member of the Society, who, having purchaf^od 3,750 acres of land in West Jersey, gave one-tenth as a glebe to tho Church in those parts [11].) Extending his labours in every direction, Talbot stirred up in other congregations a desire for the ministrations of the Cburch — a desire so earnest that places of worship wero erected beforo tbere was even a prospect of having a resident pastor ; and the stead- fastness with which the Church was sought after and adliered to in New Jersey was remarkable. Thus at Hopewell a Church begun by voluntary contributions about 1704 remained vacant for ten years, saving when a Missionary happened to pass that way ; yet the people fell not away, but continuing in one mind, gladly joined in the services whenever opportunity offered [12], Similar earnestness again is shown in the following appeal : — " The humble Address of the Inhabitants of Salem in West Indies, New Jersey, and parts adjacent, members of ye Church of England ; To the Honourable Society . . . &o, '. — " Very Venble. (Gentlemen, A poor unhappy people settled by God's Provi- dence, to procure by laborious Industry a Snbsistanoe for our Familys, make bold to apply oorselTes to God, thro' that very pious and charitable Society, his happy Instruments to dispense His Blessings in these remote Parts ; that as His Good, ness hath vonohsafed us a moderate Support for our Bodys, his holy Spirit may Inflaenoe yoa to provide as with Spiritual Food for our S\)uls : In this Case car 64 EOOIETT FOB TBI/ PROPAGATION OF THE GOBFEL. I Iniigenoe is excessive, and ov\- Destitution deplorable, having never been so bless'd, as to have a Person settled among ns, to dispence thi> / ^gus* ordinances of Beligion ; insomuch that even the Name of it is a'raost lost among us ; the Virtue and ernegy of it over Men's Lives, almost expi'-eing, we won't say forgotten, for that implies previous Knowledge of it. But how should People kn^w, having learped so little of God, and his Worship ? And how can they learn without a Teacher ? Our condicon is truly lamentable, ana deserving Christian Compassion. And to whom can we apply ourselves, but f j that Venerable Corporation, whose Zeal for the Propagation of the Gospel A Jesus Christ, hath preserved so many in these Colonys, from Irreligion Profr.nenesB, and Infidelity ? We beseech you therefore, in the Name of our Comm m Lord and Master, and gratious Redeemer, and for the sake of the Gospel (jest ready to die among us) to make us Par- takers of that Bounty to these Pots ; &ad according to the motto engraven on your Seal, Transeuntea adjuvate vos {peni Infideles) — Be pleased to send us some Beverend Clergyman, accoiding to your Wisdom, who may inform our Judgments, by preaching to uf the Truths of tha Gospel ; and recover us ail, Aged and Toung, out of thj ruiserable corruptions, consequent to a gross Ig- norance of it ; to whom we promise all Encouragement according to our Abilities, and all due Bespect and Obedience to his Office, Instructions and Person. The Lord in Mercy look upon us, and excite you, according to your Wonted Piety, to have a compassionate Bogard of our Case, and we pray the Great God to prosper all your pious Undertakings, to promote H's Glory and the Good of his Ghuroh, especialy in this destitute Place of the Pilgrimage of your most dutiful and obedt. Servants, &o." (Signed by 27 persons.) [13]. This and many similar prayers from other places were grante'1, and, by the Missionaries and the books cmt ove'r by the Society, ma;.iy who were in error were shown the Ught of the Truth and returned into the way of righteousness. Placed at Elizabeth Town in 1705, in the midst of " a vast number of Deists, Sabbatarians, and Eutychians, as also of Independ'^: s, Anabaptists and Quakers," the Rev. J. Bbode, from these " absu - dities " " brought a considerable number of them to embrai o car most pure and holy reUgion" [14]; and the congregation wro.a in 1717 that they had " a firm and through perswasion of mind " ; that " the Church of Christ" had been "in ita purity planted and settled" amongst them by meana of the Society [15]. The influence of Elizabeth Town and its Missionaries spread, and so welcome were the ministrations of the Church that the Rev. E. Vauqhan baptized 020 persons within two years, 64 being adults [10]. Dying in 1747, after nearly forty years' service, Mr. Vaughan bequeathed his glebe of nine acres and his house to tie " pious and venerable Society for the use of tlie Church of England Minister at Elizabethtown and his successors for ever " [17]. His successor was the Rev. Dr. Chandler, wlio, educated in Dissent, conformed to the Church and became distinguished for the services he rendered as Evangelist and author, and as a champion of Episcopacy. That he should be able to recover from Dissent many families who had fallen away because of neglect, ia not a matter of surprise seeing that Dissenters themselves were glad to seek in the Church refuge from the distraction of sects. Thus "at Amwell above 200 Presbyterians and some families of Anabaptists constantly atter ded Divine Serv-iro at the r"aurch " opened in 1758, "and a great mmiber of them, seeing the peace and t ^i .-ity " which reigned among the Church congregations "and the ti !ub and dissensions among that of the Disst liters" " contributed :u- ,ards the finishing the Church " building under the EL. NEW JERSEY. 55 been so bless'd, ordinanoes of ; us; the Virtue y forgotten, for kmw, having earn without a in Compasaion. }oration, whose served so many e beseech you ious Redeemer, make us Par- te engraven on ed to send us ly inform our recover us ail, to a gross Ig- to our Abilities, d Person. The Wonted Piety, Great God to ;he Good of his ur most dutiful ?ere grante'l, society, maiy returned into vast number ndepend": 9, bese " absu. ■ raco our most 'ro!3 in 1717 " ; that " the and settled " influence of ome were the baptized 020 'ing in 1747, led his glebe le Society for iown and his Society's Missionary, the Rev. M. Houdin, himself formerly a Roman Catholic priest [18]. Sixteen years later the Dissenters assisted in repairing the church, and on the death of their Minister in 1769 (viz. Mr. Eirkpatriok, a Presbyterian, " of good sense, benevolent disposition, and cathoho spirit," whose people "^ere " not any way tinctured with that rigi'T severity in reUgious matters so peculiar to some Dis- senters ' ; they constantly attended church, as did many persons of various denominations at Elizabeth Town, New Brunswick, and in Sussex County, and other parts. At Maidenhead, while there was no Church building, the Dissenters' Meeting House was placed at the disposal of the Rev. A. Tbeadwell (in 1708) for Church Service [19]. The Mission of New Brunswick included "a great number of negroes,'' but this does not appear to have been the case generally in New Jersey. The Missionary spirit was not, however, wanting, as the baptism of black children and adults from time to time testiiicd [20]. One of the Evangelists, the Rev. T. Thompson, became (in i762) the first Missionary of the Church of England to Africa. [See p. 265.] In 1774 Dr. Chandler of Elizabeth Town reported :— " The Church in this province makes a more respectable appearance, than it ever did, till very lately: Thanks to the venerable Society, without whose charitable interposition, there would not have been one cpiBcop&l congregation among us. Thoy have now no less than Eleven Missionaries in this District ; none of whom are blameable in their conduct, and some of them are eminently useful. Instead of the small buildings, out of repair, in which our congregations used to 'assemble 20 years ago, we h' 'e now several that make a handsome appearance, botl. for size and decent ornament, particularly at Burlington, Shrewsbury, New Brunswick, and Newark, and all the rest are in good repair : and the congregations in jeneral appear to bo as much improved, as the Churches they assemble in ' [_'■/■-]. Ere two years had elapsed all the Churches in New Jersey were shut up, some being desecrated, and pastor and flock were persecuted and scattered. The existence of discontent had long been observed, and though unswerving in loyalty to the mother country, Dr Chandler did not fail to remonstrate against the folly of her rulers in dealing with the Colonies. In 1766 he wrote : — "If the Interest of the Church of England in America had been made a National concern from the Beginning, by thin time a general su'umission in the Colonies, to the Mother Country, in everything not sinful, might have been expected. . . . and who can be certain that the present rebellious Disposition of the Colonies is not intended by Providence as a punishment for that neglect ? . . . the Nation whether sensible of ii o : not, is under great obligations to that very worthy Society." That the Government might become " more sensible " of tho Society's services, " I'.nd at Length co-operate with theia ... as the most prob- able means of restoring the mutual happiness of Great Britain and her colonies," was his " dayly prayer " [22]. It pleased God that this prayer sL^^ald not be granted, and long it was before His Church in America was enabled "joyfully to serve" Him " in all godly quietnes.s." At Newark the Church building was used as a " hospital for the Rebells," wlio removed the Seatti and erected "a large stack of chimneys in the centre of it." The Rw. I. BnowNB underwent " a long course of injuries and vexationr " and in 1777 was " obliged to fly to New York," leaving his family " in .ue hands of the 56 SOCIETY FOB THE FBOPAOATION OF THE OOSPEL. rebels," who sold his " little property " and sent his " infirm wife to him destitute of everything but some wearing apparell." [28]. Nevertheless, though "driven from their homes, their property seiz'd, plunder 'd, and sold and themselves consequently reduced to the most extreme poverty," tiib members of ulie Church "in daily suffering for the sake of truth " and preserving " a good conscience toward God " rendered to Him " true and laudable service " [24]. Statisticb. — In. New Jersey (area, 7,816 eq. miles), where (1702-68) the Society assisted in maintaining 44 Missionaries and planting 27 Central .Stacious (a« detailed on p. 854), there are now 1,181,116 inhabitants, of whom about 149,000 ate Church Members and 29,821 Communicants, under the care of 209 Clergymen .>.jd 2 Bishops. [See also the Table on pp. 86-7, and p. 864.] Beferences (Chapter X.)— [1] App. Jo. A, pp. 1-11. [3] Do., pp. 4-9, 17. [8] Do., p. 29. [4] Jo., V. 1, Feb. 27, 1702. [6] Keith's Toumal, pp. 60-1. [6] App. Jo. B, No. C6. [V A M88., V. 1, No. 46. [8] Do., Nc 188. [0] Keith's Journal, p. 80. EO] A MSS., V. 2, No. 142 ; and p. 744 of this Y HI] Jo., V. 1, Oct. 15, 1703 ; . 1706, p. 88. [12] Jo., Sep. 20, 1717 ; A MSS., V. ,^ , 28-4, 142 ; App. Jo 3, Nos. B6, 121 ; A MSS., V. 4, No. 62 ; Humphreys' Historic. onnt of the Society pp. 186-7 ; E. 1706, p. 66 ; E. 1720, p, 60 ; R. 1721, p. 41. [131 A MSS., V. 16, pp. 201-2. ;"14] A MSS., V. 5, No. 77. [15] A MSS., V. 12, p. 896. [161 Jo., V. 6, pp. 818-14; Si. 1781, p. 61. [17] Jo., V. 11, p. 24. [18] Jo., V. 12, p. 888"; R. 1754, p. 66. p9] Jo., V. 16, pp. 82, 161 ; Jo., V. 18, pp. 290, 497 ; Jo., V. 10, p. 848 ; Jo., V. 20, pp. 809-iO ; R. 1768, p. 86 ; R. 1769, p. 28 ; R. 1770, p. iJ8; R. 1772, p. 29 ; R. 1774, p. 40. [20] Jo., V. 6, p. 105 ; Jo., V. 10, pp. 179, 262. Jo., V. 11, p. 62 ; Jo., V. 18, pp. 31, 260 ; Jo., V. 15, pp. 114, 184, 171, 192, 217 ; Jo., V. 10, pp. 188, 272, 809 ; Jo., V. 19, pp. 164, 218-19, 897 ; Jo., V. 20, pp. 190, 810 809, 480; Jo.,V. 21, pp. 81, 107; Jo., V. 22, p. 178; R. 1726, p. 41; R. 1746, pp. 61-2; R. 1748, p. 46; R. 1756, p. r.O; R. 1762, pp. 69-70; R. 1768, p. 84; R. 1764, pp. 76-7; R. 1766, p. 62; R. 1772, p. d thirty of them in full communion with the Church who [once] were intirely ignorant that Communion was a duty " and " the most numerous of any country congregacion within this or the neighbouring colonies" [11]. To remove the miserable ignorance of the people and children both here and in Staten Island, where the Rev. E. Mackenzie was placed in 1704, the Society established schools and distributed books, with excellent results. [See pp. 769, 798.] Most of the inhabitants of Staten Island were Dutch and French, and the English consisted chiefly of Quakers and Anabaptists. Mr. Mackenzie, however, met with encouragement from all ; the French, who had a minister and church of their own, allowed him the use of their building until an English church was built, and the Dutch, though at first prejudiced against our Liturgy, soon learned to esteem it on receiving Prayer Books from the Society in their own language. Some of them allowed their children to be instructed in the Church Catechism, as did the French, and all but a few of the EngUsh Dis- senters [12]. In 1718 the Church members in Richmond County returned their thanks to the Society for sending Mr, Mackenzie to them, stating that "tho mofit impla/'ahio adTersarieB of our Ohureh profess a personal ro»pect for him and joyne witli us in n'veinK lii'ii the best of characters, his imbliDneable lifd affoording no occasion of dispu,ragpmt. to hi'j funotion, nor discredit to liis doctrino. . , Upon hit first inductioo to this place, there were not above four or tivo NBW YORK. 59 in the whole county, that ever knew anything of our Excellent Liturgy and form ot Worship, and many knew little more of Beligion, than the oom'on notion of a i. ty, and as their ignorance was great and gross, so was theii practicn irregular and barbarous. But now, by the blessing of Ocd attending bis labours, our Church increases, a considerable Beformation is wrought aad ^oiuethin^i; of the face ot Christianity is to be seen amongst us " [18]. [ciety by such men as Colonel Morris, Colonel Heathcote, Colonel Dudley, General Nicholson, Governor Hunter, Sir William Johnson, and Mr. St. George Talbot deserves grateful acknowledgment. Besides rendering >-aluabIe service in their official capacity, some of those gave freely of their own substance. General Nicholson's gifts extended to all the North American Colonies [28]. * That to say, he had not ii-oeived Anglican Ordination, as in the cases of Messrs. Hoof^er and Boyiw, 61 SOCIETY FOR THB PROPAGATION OF THE OOSPBL. 8ir W. Johnson's included one to the Society of 20,000 acres of land, subject to " His Majesty's grant " of the same, which does not appear to have been obtained. The land was situated about 80 miles from Schenectady, and was intended for the endowment of an episcopate [29]. Mr. Talbot contributed handsomely to the foundation of Churches in New York and Connecticut, and bequeathed " the greatest part of hia Estate " to the Society, whose portion however was, by the opposition of the heirs at law, reduced to jgl,800 cy. [80]. The character of the Society's Missionaries in New York was thus described by Lord Cornbury in 1705 : — "For those places where Ministers are setled, as Nov Tork, Jamaica,* Hempstead,* W. [West] Chester,* and Bye,* I must do the gentlemen who are setled there, the justice to say, that they have behaved themselves with great zeal, ex- emplary piety, and unwearied diligence, in discharge of their duty in their several pishes, [parishes], in which I hope the Church will by their Diligence, be en- oreased more and more every day " [81]. Colonel Heathcote'3 testimony is no less valuable : — " I must do all the gentlemen that justice, which you have sent to this province as to declare, that a better clergy were never in any place, there being not one amongst them that has the least stain or blemish as to his life or conversation." [L., Nov. 9, 1706 [82].] Governor Hunter wrote from New York in 1711 : — " Wee are happy in these provinces in a good sett of Missionarys, who generally labour hard in their functions and are men of good lives and ability " [84]. Planted by worthy men and carried on by worthy successors, the Missions so flourished and multiplied that in 1745 the Bev. Com- missary Vesby was able to report to the Society that within his jurisdiction in New York and New Jersey there were twenty-two churches, " most of them . . . commonly filled with hearers." He then observed that when he came to New York as Rector of Trinity Church in 1697, at that tune, *' besides this Church and the Chappel in the fort, one Chnrch in Philadelphia and one other in Boston, I don't remember to have heard of one Building erected for the publick worship of God according to the Liturgy of the Chnrch of England on this Northern Continent of America from Maryland (where the Church was establish 't by a Law of that Province) to the Eastermost bounds of Nova Scotia, which I believe in lengtii is 800 miles, and now most of these Provinces or CoUonies have many Churches, which against all opposition increase and flourish under the miraculous influence of Heaven. I make no doubt it will give a vast pleasure to the Honble. Society to observe the wonderfull Blessing of Ood on their pious Cares and Endeavours to promote the Christian Religion in these remote and dark Comers of the World, and the great Success that by the concomitant power of the Holy Ghost, has attended the faithfull Labours of their Missionarys, in the Conversion of so many from vile Errors and wicked Practices to the Faith of Christ, and the Obedience to his Gospell " [35J. • [A Largo Bible, Prayer Book, Book of Homilies, with Cloths, for tlio Pulpit and Communion Table, and a silver Clmlico and Paten, woro given by Quoen Anne to each of the Churches at thoae places and to Stateu Island Church in 1700 [83].] NEW YORK. 68 thus From the fanatical preachers, so common in America, the Church in New York (as in other Colonies) gained rather than lost. The character of these " enthusiasts," as they were called, may be gathered from the fact that in Long Island " several of the Teachers ... as well as hearers " were " found guilty of the foulest and immoral practices," and others of them wrought themselves " into the highest degree of madness." " These accidents, together with the good books sent over by the Society," " taught the people what true Christianity is and what it is not " [86]. Thus reported the Rev. T. Coloan in 1741. Eighteen years later the island, which in the previous generation had been " the grand seat of Quakerism," had become " the seat of infidelity." " A transition how natural," wrote the future Bishop Seabury : — " Bred np in intire neglect of all religious principles, in Hatred to the Clergy, and in Contempt of the Sacraments, how hard is their Conversion I Espeoially as they disavow even the necessity of any redemption. ... It is evident to the most superficial Observer, that, where there have been the greatest num- ber of Quakers among the first settlers in this country, there Infidelity and a Disregard to all Religion have taken the deepest Boot; and if they have not intirely corrupted the religious Principles of the other Inhabitants, they have at least very much weakened them, and made them look upon Religion with Indifference. This seems to me the Reason why it is so hard to bring the People of that parish [Hempsted] or this [Jamaica] to comply with the Sacraments of the Christian Church, or to think themselves under any Obligations of duty to attend the public Worship of Ood." [L., Rev. S. Seabury, Oct. 10, 1759, and June 28, 1766 [37].] Among the European settlers, both here and generally in America, were many who, before the Society had estabUshed its Missions, were as far removed from God as the Negroes and Indians, and indeed whose lives proved a greater hindrance to the spread of the Gospel than those of their coloured brethren. That any race should be disqualified from having the message of salvation, because of the colour of their skin or any other reason, was ever repudiated by the Societj^. To the care of the Negroes and Indians, as well as the Colonists, m the Province of New York it devoted much labour. The instruction of the Negro and Indian slaves, and so to prepare them for conversion, baptism, and communion, was a primary charge (oft repeated) to " every Missionary . . . and to all Schoolmasters " of the Society in America. [See Instructions, pp. 889, 845 [88].] In addition to the efforts of the Missionaries generally, special provision was made in the Province of New York by the employ- ment of sixteen clergymen and thirteen lay-teachers mainly for the evangelisation of the slaves and the free Indians. For the former a " Catechising School " was opened in New York city in 1704, under the charge of Mr. Elias Neau. Mr. Neau was a native of France, whose confession of the Protestant Faith had there brought him several years' confinement in prison, followed by seven years in " the gallies." When released he settled at New York as a trailer. He showed much sympathy for the slaves, and in 1703 d.^ew the Society's attention to the great number in New York " who were with- out God in the world, and of whoso souls there was no manner of care taken," and proposed the appointment of a Catechist among them. This office the Society prevailed upon him to undertake, and having M 800IBTY FOB THE PBOPAOATION OF IHB 008PBL. received a licence from the Governor of New York " to catechise the Negroes and Indians and the children of the town " he left his position of an Elder in the French Church and entirely ocnformed to the Church of England, " not upon any worldly account, but through a principle of conscience and hearty approbation of the English Liturgy," part of which he had formerly learnt by heart in his dungeons. In the discharge of his office Mr. Neau at first went from house to house, but afterwards S;ot leave for some of the slaves to attend him. At his request, to iirther the work, the Society procured for him a licence from the Bishop of London, and prepared the draft of " a Bill to be offered to Parliament for the more effectual conversion of the Negro and other Servants in the Plantations," obliging all owners of slaves " to cause their children to be baptized within 8 months after their birth and to permit them when come to years of discretion to be instructed in the Christian Religion on the Lord's Day by the Missionaries under whose ministry they live," but the owners' rights of property not to be affected * [89]. Mr. Neau's labours were much blessed. The Bev. W. Veset commended him to the Society in 1706 as " a constant com- municant of our Church, and a most zealous and prudent servant of Christ, in proselytising the miserable Negroes and Indians among them to the Christian Religion whereby he does great service to God and His Church "[41]. The outbreak of s^me negroes in New York in 1712 created a prejudice against the sch^)ol, which was said to have been the main cause of the trouble, aad for some days Mr. Neau could scarcely venture to show himself, so bitter was the feeling of the slaveowners. But on the trial of the conspirators it was found that only one of them belonged to the schoci, and he was unbaptized — and that the most criminal belonged to masters who were openly opposed to their Christian instruction. Nevertheless Mr. Neau found it necessary to represent to the Clergy of New York " the struggle and oppositions " he met in exercising his office from " the generality " of the " Inhabitants," who were "strangely prejudiced with a horrid notion thinking that the Christian knowledge " would be '• a mean to make their Slaves more cunning and apter to wickedness " than they were [42]. To remove these suspicions Governor Hunter visited the school, ordered all his slaves to attend it, and in a proclamation recom- mended the Clergy to urge on their congregations the duty of pro- moting the instruction of the negroes [48]. This caused a favourable reaction. Mr. Neau reported in 1714 " that if all the slaves and domesticks in New York are not instructed it is not his fault " [44] and by the Governor, the Council, Mayor, and Recorder of New York and the two Chief Justices the Society was informed that Mr. Neau had performed his work " to the great advancement of Religion in general and the particular benefit of the free Indians, Negro Slaves, and other Heathens in those parts, with indefatigable Zeal and AppUcation " [45]. After Mr. Neau's death * In 1710, and again in 1712, the Society endeavoured to recore the insertion in the African Company's Bill of clauses for instructing the Plantation Negroes in tho Christian religion [40], NEW YORK. in 1722 his work was carried on for a time by Mr. Hudolestone and ilio Rev. J. Wetmouk. On the removal of the latter the Rev. T. Coloan was appointed in 1726 on the representation of the Rector, Churchwardens and Vestry of Trinity Church, setting forth the great need of a Catechist in that city, " there being about 1400 Ncgroe and Indian Slaves, a considerable number of which have been already instructed in the principles of Christianity by Mr. Neau . . . and have received baptism and are communicants in that Church" [46] . The Mission was continued under an ordained Missionary during the remainder of the Society's Kjonnection with the Colony. From 1782 to 1740 the Rev. R. ChauIiTON baptized 219 (24 adults), and frequently afterwards the yearly baptisms numbered from 40 to 60 [47]. Great care was taken in preparing the slaves for baptism, and the spiritual knowledge of some of them was such as might have put to shame many persons who had had greater advantages [48J. The Rev. S. AucHMUTY reported that " not one single Black " that had been " admitted by him to the Holy Communion " had " turned out bad or been, in any shape, a disgrace to our holy Profession " [49]. During his time (1747-64) the masters of the negroes became " more desirous than they used to be of having them instructed " and consequently his catechumens increased daily [50]. At New Windsor, before holding the appointment at New York, .and at Staten Island after, Mr. Charlton did good service among the negroes [51]. Caste seemed to have been unknown in his congre- gation at Staten Island, for he found it not only practical but "most convenient to throw into one the classes of his white and black -catechumens " [52]. The same plan seems to have been adopted by the Rev. -T. Saybb of Newburgh, who catechised children, white and black, in each of his four churches [58]. The Rev. T. Bahclay who used his "utmost endeavours" to instruct the slaves of Albany, discovered in 1714 "a great forward- ness " in them to embrace Christianity " and a readiness to receive instruction." Three times a week he received them at his own house, but some of the masters were ao " perverse and ignorant that their consent to the instruction of slaves" could "not be gained by any intreaties." Among the strongest opponents at first were Major M. Schuyler and " his brother in law Petrus Vandroffen [Van Driessen], Minister to the Dutch congregation at Albany," but " some of the better sort" of the Dutch and others encouraged the work, and "by the blessing of God " Mr. Barclay " conquered the greatest difl culties " [64]. Thus was the way prepared for others, and in the congregation at Schenectady some 60 years later were still to be found several negro slaves, of whom 11 were " sober, serious communicants " [55]. The free Indians, as well as the Indian and negro slaves, were an object of the Society's attention from the first. The difficulties of their conversion were great, but neither their savage nature nor theii: wandering habits proved such a stumbling block as the bad lives of the Europeans. Already the seeds of death had been sown among the natives. if i!;i m m IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 jSiia I.I ||M 2.0 1.8 1.25 1.4 1.6 ■^ 6" — ► V] <^ /}. '^. ^;. •% V 7 /A Photographic Sciences Corporation -u ^ \ S V \ \ 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, NY. 14580 (716) 872-4503 ^9> V \ ^. 'i >, ^ <^ <■> >> % -^ W^ L. thought absolutely necessary for the good of her and usher allies, which are on the other side the great water." • Colonel Morns characterised Lord Cornbury at tliis time (1707^ an " tlio greatest obstacle that either lias or is likely to prevent the growth of the Church " in New York and New Jersey, " n man certainly the Reverse of all that is good " ; " the scandal of his life " being such " that were he in a civilized heathen countrey, he wou'd by the pnblick .Tustice be made an example to deter others from his practices" [71fil. [About a year later ho was, iu fact, deposed.] ^^Bl Bnt M. he heir jm- [ept last )G]. jith [the of lath ms no NEW YORK. 69 Then followed expreysions of loyalty, and the preseutation of " Belts of Wampum" "as a sure token of the sincerity of the Six Nations,'' and then, still speaking " in the Names of all," they added : — " Since we were in Covenant with our great Queen's Children, we have had some Knowledge of the Saviour of the World, and have often been importuned by the French by Priests and Presents, but ever esteemed them as men of Falsehood, but if our great Queen wou'd send some to Instruct us, they ehou'd find a most hearty welcome." The address was referred to the Society on April 20, 1710, " to consider what may be the more proper ways of cultivating that good disposition these Indians seem to be in for receiving the Christian ffaith, and for sending thither fit persons for that purpose, and to report their opinion without loss of Time, that the same may be laid before Her Majesty." [Letter of the Earl of Sunderland [72a].] Eight days later the following resolutions were agreed to by the Society: — " 1. That the design of propagating the Gospel in foreign parts does chiefly and principally relate to the conversion of heathens and infidels : and therefore that branch of it ought to be prosecuted preferably to all others. " 2. That in consequence thereof, immediate care be taken to send itinerant Missionaries to preach the Gospel amongst the Six Nations of the Indians, according to the primary intentions of the late King William of glorious memory. " 3. That a stop be put to the sending any more Missionaries among Christians, except to such places whose Ministers are or shall be dead, or removed ; and unless it may consist with the funds of the Society to prosecute both designs." [See p. 8.] ' Other resolutions were adopted with a view to sending two Mis- sionaries to the Indians, providing translations in Mohawk, and stopping the sale of intoxicating liquors to the Indians — " this being the earnest request of the Sachems themselves " — and a Representation to the Queen was drawn up embodying the substance of the resolu- tions and urging the appointment of a Bishop for America. The Indian Sachems then had an interview with the Society, and the Bishop of Norwich informed them by their interpreter " that this was the Society to which the Queen had referred the care of sending over Ministers to instruct their people in the Christian Religion and the Eesolntiona taken by the Sy. in relation to them were read and ,'xplained to them by the Interpreter, at which the Sachems profest '"t satisfaction and promised to take care of the Ministers sent to them and that mey would not admit any Jesuites or other French Priests among them." It was thereupon "Ordered that 4 copies of the Bible in quarto with the Prayer Book bound handsomely in red Turkey Leather be presented in the Name of [the] Society to the Sachems " [73J. The Sachems returned their " humble thanks on May 2, 1710, added the following letter : — for the Bibles, and " To the Venble. Society for Propagation of the Gospel in 'foreign parts. " 'Tis with great satisfaction that the Indian Sachems reflect upon the usage and answers they received from the chief Ministers of Christ's religion in our great Queen's dominions, when they ask't their assistance for the thorough conversion of their nations : 'Tis thence expected that such of them will ere long come over 70 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. and help to turn those of our subjects from Satan unto God as may by thnir great knowledge and pious practices convince the enemies to saving ilaith that the only true God is not amongst them. And may that Great God of Heaven succeed accordingly all the endeavours of our great Fathers for his honour and glory. " This we desire to signify as our minds by Anadagarjouse and our Bror. Queder who have been always ready to assist us in all our concerns. o I t t " The mark " The mark of " The mark of of Henrique & John. BUANT. Etcwa Caume. [71] The Sachems wrote again before and after their return to America, to remind the Society of its promise to send two Missionaries [75], For the "safety and conveniency of the Mission," the Queen (who warmly supported the Society's proposals) ordered the erection of a fort, a house, and a chapel. Towards the furnishing of the latter and of another among the Onontages, Her Majesty gave, among other things, Communion Plate, and the Archbishop twelve largo octavo Bibles with tables containing the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, and Ten Commandments ; to these the Society added " a Table of their Seal finely painted in proper colours, to be fixed hkewiso in the Chappcl of the Mohawks " [70]. The Rev. W. Anduews, who possessed colonial experience and a knowledge of the Indian language, was selected by the Archbishop for the Mission, and set out in 1712 [77] . Mean- while the fort and chapel among the Mohawks had been com- pleted, and the Rev. T. Barclay opened the latter on October 5, 1712, preaching from St. Matthew xxi. 13, "it being the desire of the Sachems " that ho should " preach against the profanation of their Chappel, some being so impious as t make a slaughter-house of it " [78]. In November 1712 Mr. Andrews was formally received "with all imaginable satisfaction " by the Indians, who promised him " all civill and kind usuage," and expressed their thankfulness that one had been sent " to lead them in the v/ay to Heaven, tbey being in the dark, full of dismal fears and perplexities, not knowing what shall become of them after this hfo " [79]. The Indians built a school-house, but were unwilhng for their children to be taught any other than their IH mmam NEW YORK. 71 rrcat the Jivcn land Icder 3HN. own language, " for it had been observed that those who understood English or Dutch were generally the worst people," because it gave them an opportunity of learning the vices of the traders [80]. With the assistance of a Dutch minister, school-books and portions of the Prayer Book and of the Bible were provided in the Mohawk language [sec p. 800], and for a time a good impression was made, Mr. Andrews baptizing fifty-one Indians in six months and having eighteen com- municants [81]. He also had some success among the Onidans, who were settled 100 miles distant from the Mohawks ; in visiting them he "lay several nights in the woods, and on a bear's skin"; the people "heard him gladly," and permitted him to baptize their children [82]. But the traders hindered the Mission, because Mr. Andrews exposed " their ill practices in bringing too much rum among these ])oor people," and " in cheating them abominably in the way of traffick " [83]. Tho Drink Act having expired, the Dutch sold spirits wholesale, and the result was a corresponding drunkenness, at which times the Indians became ungovernable ; but when sober they were civil and orderly, and if then reproved their common answer was, " Why do you Christians sell us so much rum? " [8i]. The Society adopted a Representation to the King for the suppression of the sale of rum to the Indians, it being what most of them desired, but the new restrictions were soon evaded [85]. The Indians now began to weary of instruction and went hunting, taking the boys with them ; and some Jesuit emissaries from the French at Quebec and some unfriendly Tuscaroras from North Carolina came and stirred up jealou.sies against the English. From this time the Indians would only mc ck at Mr. Andrews' efforts, and at last absolutely forbad his visiting taem, and left off attending chapel and school [80]. By Governor Hunter the Society was assured in 1718 that Mr. Andrbws' want of success was not owing " to his want of care or at- tendance," but that from the first he was of opinion that the " method would not answer the ends and pious intentions " of the Society. The Mission was therefore suspended in 1719 [87]. From Mr. Andrews' accounts, the Indians were extremely poor ; in winter they were unable for four or five months to " stir out for cold," and in summer they were " tormented with flies and muscatoes," and could not travel on foot " for fear of rattlesnakes " [88]. Their notions of a future state were that " those who live well, •when they die go to Heaven," which they called " the other country, where is good eating and drinking &c. but those that live ill, when they die go to a poor barren country where they suffer hunger and the want of everything that is good." When they died they were buried with their bows and arrows, dishes and spoons " and all other things that they have necessary for their journey into the other country " [89]. When by continuance of the peace and by mutual intercourse with the Enghsh tho Iroquois appeared to become more civihsed, the Society appointed the Eev. J. Miln to Albany in 1727. The Indians at Fort Hunter, who formed part of his charge, received him " with much respect and civility," and he found them " very well disposed to receive the Gospel," somr aving been " pretty well instructed in the grounds of Christianity b' Mr. Andrews " [90]. The r-sult of his labours was 72' SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. thus described by the Commanding Officer of Fort Hunter Garrison in 1785 :— " I have found the Mohawk Indians very much civilized which I take to be' owing to the Industry and pains taken by the Eev. Mr. John Miln in teaching and instructing them in the Christian religion. . . . The number of Communicanta. increases daily. . . . The said Indians express the greatest satisfaction with Mr. Miln. . . . They are become as perempter in observmg their rules e- any Society of Christians commonly are. . . . They are very observing of the t? tbbath, con- veneing by themselves and singing Psalms on that day and frequently applying to me that Mr. Miln may be oftener among them." [Certificate of Walter Butler,, October 26, 1735 [91].] In April 1785 Mr. Henry Barclay, son of the second I.iissionary to the Indians, was appointed Catechist at Fort Hunter. Born and educated in America, he soon acquired a knowledge of the Indian lan- guage, which helped to make him an efficient and acceptablo Missionary, and on his return from ordination in England in 1738 many of the Indians " shed tears for joy " [92]. Soon after, he reported " That there grew a daily reformation of manners among the Mohocks [Mohawks] and an increase of virtue proportionable to their know- ledge inasmuch that they compose a regular, sober congregation of 500 Christian Indians of whom 50 arc very serious Communicants " [93]. At Albany in 1740 he preached to " a considerable number of the Six Indian Nations," in the presence of the Governor and several of the- Council of the Province, and the Mohawks made their responses "hi so- decent and devout a manner as agreeably surprised all that were present " [9-1], The Missionary's influence over the Mohawks was seen in " a great reformation," " especially in respect of drunkenness, a vice they were so intirely drowned in " that at first " he almost despaired of seeing an effectual reformation." By 1742 only two or three of the tribe remained unbaptized, and in their two towns were schools taught " with surprising success " by two natives, one of whom — Cornelius, a Sachem — also read prayers during Mr. Barclay's absence * [95]. The French nearly succeeded again in closing the Mission. In 1745 their emissaries alarmed the Indians in dead of the night with an account that " the white people were coming to cut them all in peices " ; this " drove the poor creatures in a fright into the woods," whither Mr. Barclay sought them and endeavoured to persuade those he could find of the falsehood of the report ; but '* the five or six Indians who had been bribed to spread the report " stood to it, and said that Mr. Barclay, notwithstanding his seeming affection for them, was " the chief contriver of the Plot, and was in league with the Devil, who was the author of all the Books " which Mr. Barclay had given them. Few at the lower Indian town believed them, but those of the upper one were " all in a flame threatening to murder all the white inhabitants about them," and they sent expresses to all the Six Indian Tribes for assistance. Whereupon Mr. Barclay summoned the Commissioner for Indian affairs at Albany, who with great difficulty "laid the * Mr. Barclay ministered also to a, white coDRregaticn at Fort Hunter— in Dutch and English. In 178i)-10 ho records that his charge luid much increased by new settlerB,, chiefly from Ireland, who proved "a very honest pober, industrious, and religious people " [96]. NEW YOP.K. 73 in |nd Its- Mr. ety t)n- to |cr,. Ptorm " [97]. In November 1745 the French Indians came to an open rupture with the EngHsh, and with a party of French " fell upon a Frontier settlement which they laid in ashes," taking about 100 prisoners. For some time after they kept the county of Albany in " a continual alarm by skulking parties," who frequently murdered or. carried off the inhabitants, " treating them in the most Inhumane and Barbarous manner." During this trouble the Mohawks deehned active co-operation with the Snglish and kept up a correspondence with the enemy, but their loyalty soon revived, never again to be shaken [98]. Mr. Barclay wao transferred to New York in 174G, but the Indian Mission was continued by a succession of able Missionaries — Revs. J. Ogilvie (1749-62), J. J. Oel (1750-77), T. Bbown (1700-60), H. MuNRO (1708-75), J. Stuart (1770-78), besides lay teachers, English and Native. Among the latter was Abraham, a Sachem, " who being past war and hunting read prayers at the several Mohock Castles by turns "[99]. The advantage of the Mission to the English became apparent to all during the wars in which the country wss involved, the Mohawks joining the British troops, and being " the only Indian nation " "who continued steadily in our interest." During General Braddock's unfortunate expedition, a famous " half Indian King " distinguished himself greatly, and twelve of the Mohawk leaders — six of them regular communicants — fell in the action at Lake George [100]. In 1759-60 the Eev. J. Ogilvie attended the British expedition to Niagara, in which all the Mohawks and *' almost all the Six Nations," co-operated — the Indian fighting men numbering 940. He " officiated constantly to the Mohawks and Oneidas who regularly attended Divine service." Twice in passing the Oneida town Mr. Ogilvie baptized several of that tribe, including three principal men and their wives, who had lived many years together, according to the Indian custom, and whose marriage immediately followed their baptism. General Amherst, who visited the Oneida town, "expressed a vast pleasure at the decency with which the service of our Church was performed by a grave Indian Sachem." During the expedition the General always gave public orders for service among the Indians [101]. On the other hand, intercourse with the Europeans brought the Indians great temptation, which, when not engaged in war, they were often unable to resist. The effects of strong liquor drove them mad at times, so that they burnt their huts, and threatened the lives of their families, and at one period there were 65 deaths within six months, chiefly from drink [102]. On the arrival of the Rev. J. Stuart he was enabled, with the assistance of the Sachems, to stop the vice " in a great degree," and tO' effect a great improvement in their morals [103]. There were other encouragements. When at home the Mohawks regularly attended service daily, and when out hunting some would come 00 miles to communicate on Christmas Day [104]. The Schools too were appreciated ; one of the natives taught 40- children daily, and Catechist Benket had " a fine company of lively pretty children " under his care, who were "very ingenious and orderly." and whom he taught in Mohawk and English ; and the parents were so 74 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OP THE GOSPEL. gratified that they sent their children for instruction from a distance of 80 miles. Mr. Bennet had some medical knowledge also, which he turned to good account [105]. Although the Missionaries' work had been mainly among the Mohawks, some Converts were made of the Oneidans and Tuscaroras, and the Society had frequent correspondence with Sir William Johnson (Government Superintendent of Indian Aflfairs in America) and several of the Clergy with a view to the conversion of all the native races, for which purpose a comprehensive scheme was submitted to the Govern- ment by the Bev. C. Inolis. In 1770, while Dr. Cooper and Mr. Inglis were on a visit to Sir W. Johnson, they were surprised with a de- putation of nine Indians from the lower Mohawk Castle, who " expressed their regard and admiration of Christianity as far as they could be supposed to be acquainted with it and a grateful sense of past favours from the Society and most earnestly intreated fresh Missionaries to be sent among them." Towards meeting their wishes the Society placed Missionaries and teachers at Schenectady, Fort Hunter, and Johns- town [106]. Efforts for a further extension were to a great extent fruitless in consequence of the political troubles. The Mohawks and others of the Six Nations, "rather than swerve from their allegiance" to Great Britain, elected to abandon their dwellings and property, and join the loyalist army [107]. Eventually they were obliged to take shelter in Canada, where for fifty years the Society ministered to them [pp. 189-40, 165-8]. While they remained at Fort Hunter the Rev. J. Stuart " continued to officiate as usual, performing the public service intire, even after the declaration of Independence," notwithstanding that by so doing he " incurred the Penalty of High-Treason by the new Laws." But as soon as his protectors were fled he was made *' a prisoner and ordered to depart the province " with his family, within four days, on peril of being " put into close confinement," and this merely on suspicion of being a "loyal subject of the King of Great Britain." He was, however, admitted to parole and confined for three years within the limits of the town of Schenectady, during which time his house was " frequently broken open by mobs," his " property plundered," and " every kind of indignity " offered to his person " by the lowest of the Populace." His church was also "plundered by the rebels," a "Barrel of Rum" was " placed in the reading desk," and the building was employed successively as a "tavern," a "stable," and "a Fort to protect a Set of as great Villains as ever disgraced humanity.' ' At length his farm and the produce of it were taken from him " as forfeited to the State." As a last resource he proposed to open a Latin School for the support of his family, "but this Privilege was denied." With much difficulty ho then obtained leave to remove to Canada, on condition of giving bail of £400, and either sending "a Rebel Colonel " in exchange or returning to Albany and surrendering himself a prisoner, whenever required [108]. The losses to which the loyalists were subjected during the war ■were manifold. The "King's troops" often plundered those whom they were sent to protect, while among the opposite party were some lost to all sense of humanity, who scrupled not to deprive " children and infanta" " of their clothes "—even women in childbed had " the si Ol w d h 1^ b h c c ( £ t NEW YORK. 75 ?'■ ■ i." . >,' = sheets torn from their becls " [109]. The Clergy were specially marked out for persecution by the Kevolutionists, and the death of several was hastened thereby. The Rev. L. Babcock of Philipsburg was detained in custody nearly six months, and then dismissed sick in February 1777, and ordered to remove within ten days. "He got Lome with difficulty, in a raging fever," and died a week after. According to Dr. Inglis and others, the Eev. E. Avery of Bye Avas " murdered by the rebels " in " a most barbarous manner," on Nov. 8, 1776, " for not praying for the Congress," "his body having been shot thro', his throat cut, and his corpse thrown into the public highway," but Dr. Seabury seemed to impute his death to insanity occasioned by the losses he had sustained [110]. Dr. Seabury himself " experienced more uneasiness " than he could describe. On a charge of issuing pamphlets " in favour of Government," he was carried a prisoner into Connecticut by the self- styled " Sons of Liberty " in 1775, and on returning to his Mission he was for a month subjected to daily insults from " the rebel army" on their way to New York. After the declaration of independency, an Edict was published at New York " making it death " to support the King, or any of his adherents. Upon this he shut up his church, " fifty armed men " being sent into his neighbourhood. Mostofhia people declared they would not go to church till he was at liberty to pray for the king. On the arrival of the British troops at Staten Island, and of two ships of war in the Sound, the friends of Government were seized and the coast was guarded, and his situation became very critical. After the defeat of the rebels on Long Island a body of them fixed themselves within two miles of his house, but by " lodging abroad,' ' with the help of his people, he avoided arrest. On September 1 , 1770, it happened that the guard was withdrawn from a post on the coast, and the guard that was to replace it mistaking their route gave him an opportunity of effecting his escape to Long Island. " The very next day " his house " was surrounded and searched, and a guard placed at it for several nights, till Mrs. Seabury, wearied with their impertinence," told them that he was fled to the [British] army, where she did not doubt but he would be •' very well pleased to give them a meeting." They then vented their rage on his church and his property, converting the former into ar hospital, tearing oflf the covering and burning the pews, and domg great damage to the latter. It is just to add that none of the revolutionists residing in his own Mission over offered him any insult or attempted to do him any injury; indeed he says " the New England rebels used frequently to observe, as an argument against me, that the nearer they came to West Chester, the fewer Friends they found to American Liberty : that is to Kebellion " [111]. In the trials to which the Church and country were subjected it was a satisfaction to the Society to be assured that " all their Mission- aries " in the province, as well as the Clergy on the New York side of tho Delaware and many on the other, " conducted themselves with great propriety and on many trying occasions with a Firmness and Steadiness that have done them Honour " [112]. Such was the testi- mony of Dr. Seabury (December 29, 1776)— afterwards the first American Bishop— to which it will be fitting and sufficient to add 76 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. the following particulars from a report of the Eev. C. Inglis, dated New York, October 81, 1770 :— " ... All the Society's Missionaries ... in New Jersey, New York, Connecticut, and so far as I can learn in the other New England Colonies, have proved themselves faithful, loyal subjects in these trying times, and have to the utmost of their power opposed the spirit of dis- affection and rebellion which has involved this continent in the greatest calamities. . . All the other Clergy of our Church in the above Colonies, though not in the Society's service, have observed the same line of conduct ; and although their joint endeavours could not wholly prevent the rebellion, yet they checked it considerably for some time." Bufc since May 1775 " violences " had " gradually increased," and this, with the delay of reinforcements and the abandonment of the province by the King's troops, reduced the loyahsts "to a mo'-* ''' i , agreeable and dangerous situation, particularly the Clergy, who were viewed with peculiar envy and malignity by the di Tected," "an abolition of the Church of England " being " one of the principal springs of the dissenting leaders' conduct. . . . The Clergy, amidst this scene of tumult and disorder, went on steadily with their duty ; in their sermons, confining themselves to the doctrine of the Gospel, without touching on politics ; using their influence to allay . . . heats and cherish a spirit of loyalty among their people. This conduct . . . gave great offence " to the " flaming patriots, who laid it down as a maxim ' that those whc were not for them were against them.' " The Clergy were " everywhere threatened, often reviled . . . sometimes treated with brutal violence." Some were " carried prisoners by armed mobs into distant provinces . . . and much insulted, without any crime being alleged against them . . . some . . . flung into jail . . . for frivolous suspicions of plots, of which even their accusers af uerwards acquitted them." Some were " pulled out of the reading-desk because they prayed for the King, and that before independency was declared." Others were fined for not appearing " at mihtia musters with their arms." Others "had their houses plundered." "Were every instance of this kind faithfully collected, it is probable that the suft'er- ings of the American Clergy, would appear in many respects, not inferior to those of the English Clergy in the great rebellion of last [i.e. the 17th] century ; and such a work would be no bad supplement to Walker's ' Sufferings of the Clergy.' " The " declaration of independency " by the Congress in July 177G " increased the embarrassments of the Clergy. To officiate publicly, and not pray for the King and royal family according to the liturgy, was against their duty and oath, as well as . . . their conscience ; and yet to use the prayers . . . would have drawn inevitable destruction on them. The only course ... to avoid both evils was to . . . shut up their Churches." This was done in most instances in the provinces mentioned. Mr. Beach of Connecticut was said to have declared " that he would do his duty, preach and pray for the King, till the rebels cut out his tongue." The " Provincial Convertion of Virginia " pubhshed "an edict " for the omission from the Uturgy of " some of the collects for the King," and the substitution of the word " Common- wealth " for " King " in others. New York Province, " although the NEW YORK. 77 f) most loyal and peaceable of any on the continent, by a strange fatality " became the scene of war and suffered most, especially the capital, in which Mr. Inghs was left in charge of the churches. Soon after the arrival of the revolutionary forces in the city (April 177G), a message was brought to Mr. Inglis that "General Washington would be at church, and would be glad if the violent prayers for the King and royal family were omitted." The message was disregarded, and the sender— one of the "rebel generals" — was informed that it was in his power to shut up the churches but not to mal " the clergy depart from their duty." This drew from him " an awkwi •., apology for his conduct," which appeared to have been " not authori,7cd by Washington." May 17 was " appointed by the congress as a uay of public fasting, prayer and humiliation," and at the request ^*^' he CI. arch mcuibers in New York Mr. Inglis preach .^d, making " peace Tnd i pentance " his subject, and disclaiming " having any- thing to do with politics." Later on " violent threats were thrown out " agpi iSt the Clergy "in case the King were any longer prayed for." One ijundiiy during service a company of "armed rebels" ''marched into tlio church with drums beating and fifes playing, their guns loaded and bayonets fixed as if going to battle." The congregation were terrified, feari a massacre, but Mr. Inglis took no notice and went on with the service, and after standing in the aisle for about fifteen minutes the soldiers complied with an invitation to be seated. On the closing of the churches the other Clergy left the city, but Mr. Inglis remained ministering to the sick, baptizing children, and burying the dead, and refusing to yield up possession of the keys of the buildings. During this period he was "in the utmost danger." In August he removed to Long Island, and after the defeat of the " rebels " there he returned to New York to find the city pillaged. The bells had been carried off, "partly to convert them into cannon, partly to prevent notice being given " of a meditated fire. On Wednesday, September 18, one of the churches was re-opened, " and joy was lighted up in every countenance on the restoration of our public worship." But while the congregation were congratulating themselves, several "rebels" were secreted in the houses, and on the following Saturday they set fire to the city, one-fourth of which was destroyed. The loss of Church property, estimated at £'25,000, included Trinity Church, Rectory, and School, and about 200 houses. Cut " upon the whole the Church of England" in America had "lost none of its members by the rebelhon as yet" — none, that is, whose departure could be " deemed a loss." On the contrary, its own members were " more firmly attached to it than ever." And " even the sober and more rational among dissenters " looked " with reverence and esteem on the part which Church people " acted. Mr. Inglis concluded by urging that, on the suppression of the rebellion, measures should be taken for placing the American Church " on at least an equal footing with other denominations by granting it an episcopate, and thereby allowing it a full toleration " [113]. On the death of Dr. Auchmutt in 1777 Mr. Inglis succeeded to the rectory of Trinity Church — " the best ecclesiastical preferment in North America " — a position which he was soon forced to abandon. 78 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. '• Political principles and the side which people have taken " became " the only tests of merit or demerit in America," consequently " in the estimation of the New Eulers " he laboured " under an heavy load of guilt." The " specific crimes, besides loyalty, laid to his charge " were (1) the foregoing letter which he wrote to the Society ; (2) " a sermon preached to some of the new corps, that same year, and published at the desire of General Tryon and the Field Officers who were present " ; (8) " a visit he paid to a rebel prisoner," at the direction of the British Commander-in-Chief. The prisoner was confined on suspicion of a design to set fire to the city. After examining him Dr. Inghs believed him to be innocent and so reported, which saved the man's life, yet this was afterwards " alledged against the Doctor as a most heinous offence." " Ludicrous if' these things may seem to men not intimately and practically acquainted with American politics," he felt they were " serious evils." " For these and these only " he was " at- tainted proscribed and banished and his estate . . . confiscated and actually sold : to say nothing of the violent threats thrown out against his life." Notwithstanding that " populux" phrenzy " had " risen to such an heij^ht " as to confound " all the distinctions of right and Wi'01%," he hesitated to remove because of "the injuries his congregations would sustain," but eventually his position became untenable, and in 1783 he applied to be admitted on the Society's list in Nova Scotia. The request was acceded to ; but when he settled in that colony it was not simply as a Missionary but as the first Colonial Bishop [114]. Statistics.— In New York State (area, 49,170 sq. mi!os), where the Society (1702-85) Bssisted in maintaining 58 MisHionaries and planting 23 C antral Stations (as detailed on pp. 855-6), there are now 5,082,871 inhabitanis, of whom about 656,000 are Church Members and 131,251 Communicants, under the care of 832 Clergymen and 5 Bishops. [See also the Table on pp. 86-7 and p. 855.] Beferences (Cl-apter XI.)— [1] A MSS., V. i, p. 182. [2] Trot's Laws of the British Flantationa, p. 263 ; R. 1744, Sermon, p. 11. [3] App. Jo. A, p. 17. [41 Do p. BO [51 Jo., V. 1, Feb. 27 and Mar. 20, 1702. [6] A MSS., V. 1, p. 45. [7] Keith's Journah pp. 50, 70-7. [8] A MSS., V. 1, p. 55; V. 9, p. 172: see also Jo., V. 8, June 17, 1715. [9] A MSS., V. 9, p. 109; Jo., V. 8, Oct. 15, 1714. [10] Jo., V. 2. Oct. 10, 1712 ; Jo., y. 8, Aug. 15, 1718. [11] A MSS., V. 5, p. 4 ; Jo., V. 1, Oct. 21, 1709 : see also Jo., V. 8 Feb. 1, 1717. [12] A MSS., V. 1, p. 110 ; V. 6, p. 74. [13] A .VISS., V. 8, p. 275! [14] A MSS., V. 6, pp. 18, 148; V. 6, p. 74; V. 7, pp. 190-2; V. P pp. 180-1. [IB] A MSS., V. 2, p. 120. [16] Do., V. 8, p. 76. [17] Jo., V. 1, May 17, 1706 .lune 8 and Oct. 21, 1709, Oct. 20, 1710; Jo., V. 2, Mar. 22 and May 18, 1711,..May 28 and Oct. 10, 17i2, Oct. 9, 1718; Jo., V. 8, Jan. 21, 1715, Fob. 3, 1716, Sept. 20, mTTtlo., V. ,i, p. 268; Jo., V. 10 K„^*i ^Pli- "^^ ^' P' ^^*' ^ ^^^•' ^- ^' PP- 2. 6; R- 1724, p. 44; R. 1786, p. 49. U8] App. Jo. B, pp. 47, 56; Jo., V. 1, May 80, 1707, Oct. 21, 1709. (101 Jo., V, 2, pec. 4, 1713 ; Jo., V. 8, June, 17, 1715 ; A MSS., V. 0, pp. 159, 233-5 ; V. 11, pp. 818-4 y. 12, pp. 284, 290-1. [20] Jo., V. 2, Jan. 19, April 20, June 22, Am;. 17, Nov. 29, 1711 N.'^' ^1. 1: Tr^''v'w^jh?''ii o/^'-j^^ "i?i 4pp; J- >.".p; 1?^ i v;i8,p^4:5: 8^,-9vriii; 22n It » le |>n is 1^ r R. 1771, p. 23. [31] A MSS., V. 2, p. 131. [32] Do., p. 117. [33] Jo., V. 1, May 17. 1700, Oct. 21, 1709 ; R. 1700, p. 89. [34] A MSS., V. 0, p. 70 ; Jo., V. 2, p. 71. [351 B MSS,, V. 13, pp. 212-13. [36] Jo., V. 9, p. 22; R. 1741, p. 47. [37] B MSS., V. 2, pp. 154, ICC. [38] R. 1718, p. 43 ; R. 172G, pp. 87-8 ; R. 1740, pp. Gl'-8. [39] Jo., V. 1, Jan. 15, Mar. 19, Oct. 15, Dec. 17, 1703, April 20, May 18, 1705, April 19, 1706, Mar. 21 1707; R. 1706, pp. 58-01. [40] Jo., V. 1, Feb. 17, Mar. 3 and 17, 1710 ; Jo., V. 2. April 18, 1712; R. 1714, p. 61. [41] R. 1700, p. 62; Jo., V. 1, Oct. 20, 1710. [42] Jo.j V. 2, Oct. 10, 1712 ; A MSS., V. 8, p. 292; R. 1713, p. 48. [43^ Jo., V. 2, Oct. 10, 1712; R. 1713, p. 43. [44] Jo., V. 3, Oct. 15, 1714. [45] Humphreys' Historical Account of the Society, p. 243: see also Jo., Feb. 3, 1719. [46] R. 1726, p. 87; Jo., V. 5, pp. 107, 183, 197. [47] Jo., V. 8, pp. 185-G, 231 ; Jo., V. 10, p. 223 ; Jo., V. 12, pp. 103-4, 832; Jo., V. 14, pp. 5, 0, 214; R. 1740, p. 59 ; R. 1746, p. 46; R. 1753, p. 55; R. 1757, p. 42 ; B.. 1759, p. 47 : see also Jo., V. 8, pp. 141, 269 ; Jo., V. 9, pp. 21, 196, 284 ; Jo., V. 10, pp. 108, 212 ; Jo., V. 12, pp. 26, 54, 152 ; Jo., V. 13, pp. 204-5 ; Jo., V. 16, p. 51 ; R. 1741, p. 46 ; R. 1742, p. 47 ; R. 1749, p. 43. [48] Jo., V. 8, p. 231 ; Jo., V. 12, p. 103 ; Jo., V. 19, pp. 162. 323 ; Jo., V. 20, p. 65 ; R. 1740, p. 59 ; R. 1773, p. 32. [49] Jo., V. 16, p. 156 ; R. 1764, p. 72. [50] Jo., V. 11, pp. 29.5-0 ; R. 1750, p. 46. [51] Jo., V. 11, pp. 34, 141, 174; R. 1740, ». 44. [52] R. 17Si>, p. 53; Jo., V. 11, p. 307; Jo., V. 12, p. 321. [53] R. 1,73, p. 72; Jo., V^. 19, pp. 452-3. [54] Jo., Jan. 21, 1715; AMSS., V. 9, pp. 145, 159; V. 11, p. 815; Y. ]2, pp. 284, 291, 808. [55] Jo., V. 21, pp. 346-8. [56] A MSS., V. 3, p. 168. [57] R. 1700, pp. 43-4. [58] App. Jo. A, pp. 86-7 ; R. 1704, p. 19; R. 1700, p. 39. 169] App. Jo. A, pp. 34-5. [60] Jo., V. 1, April 10, 1703 ; R. 1700, p. 40. [61] Jo., V. 1, Sept. 17, 1703 ; R. 1700, pp. 48-5 ; App. Jo. A, p. 29. [62] A MSS., V. 1, p. 56, [63] Jo., V. 1, Mar. 17, 1704 ; Jan. 18, 1706 ; R. 1706, p. 45. [64] Jo., V. 1, Juno 18, Aug. 20, Oct. 15, 1703, and Feb. 5, June 16, Oct. 20, 1704 ; R. 1706, pp. 46-7. [65] A MSS., V. 2, p. 22; R. 1706, p. 48. [66] R. 1700, p. 52. [67] R. 1700, p. 53. [68] A MSS., V. 2, p. 131; R. 1700, pp. 53-4. [69] A MSS., V. 4, p. 121. [70] A MSS., V. 4, i. 5!?. [71] Do., p. 121. [71«] App. Jo. B, T). 121. [72] Jo., V. 2, Nov. 29, 1711 ; I. IVVJ, p. 68. [72a] Jo., V. 1, April 21, 1710 ; A MSS., V. 6, pp. 8.';-6 ; App. Jo. B, p. 18p. [73] Jo., V. 1, April 28, 1710 ; App. Jo. B, p. 139. [74] A MSS., V. 5, p. 88 ; Jo., V. 1,. May 19, 1710. [75] Jo., V. 1, Juno 10, 1710, Jan. 5, 1711 ; Jo., V. 2, Feb. 17, Mar. 16 and 22, 1711 ; A MSS., V. 5, pp. 93, 95. [76] R. 1712, pp. 01-2 ; Jo., V. 2, Dec. 5, 1712. [77] Jo., V. 2, Feb. 22, Mar. 20, April « and 18, 1712 ; R. 1712, pp. 61-2. [78] A MSS., V. 8, p. 125 ; R. 1718, p. 46. [79] R. 1713, pp. 46-50; A MSS., V. 8, pp. ] 2(5-7: see also Jo., V. 2, Oct. 9, 1713. [80] Jo., V. 8, pp. 182, 185-0 ; R. 1713, pp. 49, 50 ; Jo., Jan. 11, 1717. [81] Jo., V. 2, pp. 240-1 ; A MSS., V. 8, pp. 145, 147 : V. 9, p. 123 ; R. 1712, p. 03 ; R. 1713, pp. 47-9 ; R. 1710, p. 33 ; R. 1714, pp. 57-8. [82] Jo., V. 8, Oct. 15, 1714 ; A MSS., V. 9, p. 125 ; R. 1714, pp. 58-9. [83] R. 1714, pp. 57-8 ; Jo., V. 3, Oct. 15, 1714 ; A MSS., V. 9, p. 124. [84] Jo., V. 8, Juno 17, 17X5 ; Jo., V. 3, Jan. 11, 1717. [85] Jo., V. 8, June 17, July 1, 1715, Sept. 20, 1717. [86] A MSS., V. 9, p. 123 ; R. 1739, pp. 67-9. [87] Jo., V. 4, pp. 27, 78-81 ; A MSS., V. 13, pp. 35(!, 465 ; Jo., V. 3, July 18, 1718. [88-9] Jo., V. 2, Feb. 12, 1714. [90] Jo., V. 5, pp. 140, 238. [91] A MSB., V. 20, p. 4 ; R. 1735, p. 44 ; Jo., V. 7, p. 5 ; A MSS., V. 25, p. 80. [92] Jo., V. 0, p. 286 ; Jo., V. 7, pp. 45, ^5, 92, 163-6, 207, 280 ; R. 1730, p. 50; R. 1788, p. 50 ; R. 1789, pp. 70-2. [93] Jo., V. 8, pp. 84-5 ; R. 1789, p. 72. [94] Jo., V. 8, p. 238 ; B MSS., V. 7, " Now York " letters. No. 141 ; R. 1740, p. 62. [05] Jo., V. 9, pp. 4, 71, 234 ; R. 1741, p. 48 ; R. 1742, p. 47 ; R. 1743, p. 46. [96] R. 1749, p. 02 ; B MSS., V. 7, pp. 139, 141 ; Jo., V. 8, pp. 142, 232. [97] Jo., V. ]0, pp. 82-3, 123 ; R. 1745, p. 40. [98) B MSS., V. 14, p. 95 ; Jo., V. 10, p. 212 ; R. 1740, pp. 44-5. [90] R. 1749, p. 45. [100] Jo., V. 13, pp. 182-3, 203 ; Jo., V. 14, p. 307 ; R. 1756, pp. 46-7 ; R. 1758, j). 02. [101] A MSS., V. 19, pp. 105-7 ; Jo., V. 14, pp. 107, 296-7. [102] -To., V. 12, pp. Ill, 232,308: Jo., V. 14, pp. 6, 187 ; R.1751, p. 40 ; R. 1752, p. 48 ; R. 1758, |,. 54 ; R. 1757, p. 43 ; R. 1759, p. 46. [103] Jo., V. 19, pp. 44, 110, 234, 813-14 ; To., V. 20, pp. 9, 139, 254, 829; R. 1771, p. 21 ; R. 1772, p. 26 ; j^, 1774, p. 33. [1041 r,-!., V. 13, n. 182 ; R. 1751, p. 40; R. 1750, pp. 46-7. [105] Jo., V. 13, p. 183; Jo., V. ij, 5, p. 148-9; Jo., V. 19, p. 8.86; R. 1766, p. 47; R. 1764, p. 70, R. 1772, p. 25. [100 1 .To., V. 10, p. 125 ; Jo., V. 17, pp. 858, 424, 507-11 ; Jo., V. 18, pp. 885-7, 432-5 ; Jo., V. 19, pp 40-1 ; R. 1751, p. 48 ; R. 1766, pp. 50-7 ; R. 1709, p. 24 ; R. 1770, pp. 22-4; R. 1771, pp. 20-1. [107] Jo., V. 22, pp. 803-4. [108] B MSS., V. 2, p. 204; Jo., V. 22, pp. 86.V6; R. 1781, pp. 45-6. [109] B MSS., V. 2, p. 191. [110] Jo,, V. 21, p. 77-8, 188, 192-4 ; R. 1776, pp. 08, 72 ; R. 1777, pp. 47-8 ; B MSS., V. 2, p. 191. Ill] B MSS., V. 2, p. 190 ; Jo., V. 21, pp. 158-68 ; R. 1777, pp. 4C>-7. [112] B MSS.. (;' 2, p. 190 ; Jo., V. 21, p. 104. [113] B MSS., V. 2, p. 08 ; Jo., V. 21, pp. 120-33. [114] Jo., V. 28, pp. 149-51, 183-5, 191-2, 208, 397 ; Jo., V. 25, pp. 28-9, 84. 80 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. CHAPTER XII. SUMMAEY OF EESULTS OF THE SOCIETYJS WOBK IN THE UNITED STATES. At the commencement of the American War the Society was helping to support 77 Missionaries in the United States. But as the rebellion progressed nearly all of them were forced to retire from their Missions, many of them penniless, and for thereliof of the distressed among them and the other Clergy a fund Avas raised in England [1]. Eventually a few took the oath of allegiance to the Republic. Of the remainder some were provided with army chaplaincies, others with Missions in Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Canada. Some returned to England, a fe>v of whom, entirely disabled, received a compassionate allowance from the Society. The severance of the American Colonies from the mother country, while it almost destroyed the Church in the " United States," set her free to obtain that gift of the episcopate so long denied. As soon as the peace Avas made (1788), Dr. Samuel Seabuey, elected Bishop by the Clergy of Connecticut, went to England for consecration, which he at length obtained from the Bishops of the Scottish Church at Aberdeen, on November 14, 1784. [Sec pp. 749-50.] On February 4, 1787, Drs. White and Pkovoost were consecrated Bishops of Pennsylvania and New York respectively, in Lambeth Palace Chapel, and on September 19, 1790 (in the same place), Dr. ]\Iadison, Bishop of Virginia. The episcopate thus estab- lished has so grown that in the United States there are now G9 Bishoprics, with a total of 4,2G1 Clergy ; and Missions have been sent out by the American Church to Greece, West Africa, China, Japan, Haiti and Mexico— the last five under episcopal leadership. In withdrawing from the Mission lield in the United States in 1785 the Society arranged for the continuance of the salaries of the Missionaries then officiating there, up to ^lichaelmas in that year, and undertook to provide to the utmost of its power for such as elected " to repair into any of the King's dominions in America." In making this announcement it was stated that "The Society . . . regret the unhappy events which confine their labours to the Colonies remainiuR under His Majesty's SovoroiRnty. It is sj far from their thoughts to alienate their affections from their brethren of the Church of England, now under another Government, that they look l)ack with comfort at the good they have done, for many years past, in propagating our holy religion, as it is professed by the Established Church of England ; and it is their earnest wish and prayer that their zeal may continue to bring forth the fruit they aimed at, of pure religion and virtue; and that the true members of our Church, under whatever civil Government they live, may not cease to be kindly aflectioned towards us " [2]. The subsequent proceedings of the American Church show how nobly it has striven to fulfil this wish and prayer, and in the growth of that Church and its undying expressions of grr'',udG the Society find ample reward for its labours and encouragement to fresh SUMMARY OF RESULTS IN THE UNITED STATES. 81 conquests. At the first "General Convention" of the American Church (which was held in Christ Church, Philadelphia, Sept. 27 — Oct. 6, 1785), an address to the Archbishops and Bishops of the Church of England was adopted, asking them to consecrate Bishops for America, and conveying the following acknowledgment : — "All the Bishops of England, with other distinguished characters, as well eoolesiastical as civil, have concurred in forming and carrying on the benevolent views of the Society for Propagating the Gospel in Foreign Parts ; a Society to whom, under God, the prosperity of our Church is, in an eminent degree, to be ascribed. It is our earnest wish to be permitted to make, through your lordships, this just acknowledgment to that venerable Society ; a tribute of gratitude which we rather take this opportunity of paying, as while they thought it necessary to withdraw pecuniary assistance from our Ministers, they have endeared their past favours by a benevolent declaration, tnat it is far from their thought to alienate their affections from their brethren now under another government ; with the pious wish that their former exertions may still continue to bring forth the fruits they aimed at of pure religion and virtue. Our hearts are penetrated with the most lively gratitude by these generous sentiments ; the long succession of former benefits passes in review before us ; we pray that our Church may be a lasting monument of the usefulness of so worthy a body ; and that her sons may never cease to be kindly affectioned to the members of th^ Church, the Fathers of which have so tenderly watched over her infancy " [3]. In the Preface to the American Prayer Book the " nursing care and protection " of the Society is also recognised, and from generation to generation gratitude flows, warmth of expression seeming to increase rather than diminish as time goes on. On the occasion of the Society's third jubilee, the President, Arch- bishop Sumner [L., March 28, 1851] submitted to the American Bishops " whether, in a time of controversy and division, the close communion which binds the Churches of America and England in one would not bo strikingly manifested to the world, if every one of their dioceses were to take pari in commemorating the foundation of the oldest Missionary Society of the Reformed Church, a Society which, from its first small beginnings in New England, has extended its operations into all parts of the world, from the Ganges to Lake Huron and from New Zealand to Labrador. Such a joint Commemoration, besides manifesting the rapid growth and wide extension of our Church, would serve to keep alive and diffuse a Missionary spirit and so be the means, under the Divine blessing, of enlarging the borders of the Redeemer's Kingdom." No gift was desired, but only " Christian sympathy and the communion of prayer " [4]. The American Bishops cordially responded to the invitation, and their answers (and others), so full of gratitude to the Society and of brotherly feeling to the Church at large, occupy 23 pages of the Annual Report for 1851 [5]. At the jubilee celebration in New York City (June IG, 1851), Trinity Church was " crowded to its utmost capacity, and more than 2,000 persons went away from the doors unable to find an entrance." The offerings amounted to ^3,232 for Diocesan Missions, and at the same time the vestry made a noble gift towards the endowment of the Missionary Bishopric at Cape Palmas, West Africa [G]. At the request of the Society, made "with a view to a fuUer and more complete intercommunion between the distant portions of tho Church," two of the American Bishops were delegated to take part in the concluding services of the jubilee year [7]. The Bishop of Western New York preai^hed at St. James's Piccadilly, on June 15, a m 82 BOCIBTY FOR THB PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. 1852, and the Bishop of Michigan in St. Paul's Cathedral on the following day, this being the first occasion on which the anniversary Bermon was delivered by an American Bishop. In return the Society by invitation sent delegates to the meeting of the Board of Missions held in New York during the session of the General Convention in October 1852. The delegates (Bishop Spencer (formerly of Madras), Archdeacon J. Sinclair of Middlesex, the Kev. E. Hawkins, Sec- retary of the Society, and the Rev. H. Caswall, Vicar of Tigheldean) were instructed that the principal objects of the Society in sending them on this " honourable mission " were (1) " to show its apprecia- tion of the readiness with which the American Bishops sent the deputation to England"; (2) "to strengthen and improve ... the intimate relations which already happily exist between the mother and daughter Churches, and which are the proper fruit of their essential unity"; (3) "to receive and communicate information and suggestions on the best mode of conducting missionary operations " [8]. The delegates were blessed beyond their hopes in their under- taking. They were " invariably welcomed by our American brethren." The General Convention declared that they would " aim in all proper ways to strengthen the intimate relations " between the two Churches, and that they •' devoutly recognise the hand of God in planting and nurturing through the Society " the Church in their country and " thankfully acknowledge the debt of gratitude " [9]. The action taken by the Society on the report of the delegation was — (1) To arrange for an exchange of publications. *(2) To express its hope that in all cases of the establient of the Missions and the appointment of Bishops in territories independent of the British Crown, a full and friendly communication may be kept up between the English Church Missionary Societies and the American Board of Missions. (3) To obtain the drawing up by the President of suitable forms of prayer " for an increase of labourers in the Lord's vineyard," and " for a blessing on Missionaries and their labours." (These prayers were extensively circulated by the two principal Missionary Societies '•f the Church, and by the representatives of oth '"'ommunions also.) (4) To undertake the preparation of a manual for the instruction and guidance of its Missionaries in heathen lands. *(5) To refer to the Archbishop of Canterbury the question of the ancient Churches of the East. (6) To express its gi-atification at the success attending "the weekly collections in Church for Missionary and other charitable purposes in America," but to leave to the English Church the adoption of such measures as they may deem most expedient and effectual for raising funds on the Society's behalf. (7) To prepare a plan for securing the introductiont of Church emigrants to Clergy in their new homes [10]. It has been the privilege of the Society to be the chief instrument not only of planting branches of the mother Church in foreign parts, but also of drawing them together in closer communion. And although the hope expressed by the Bishop of Vermont was not • 2 and 5 wcro thun iiiodifio), lee- ^n) pg lia- Ihe the realised for some years, it should not escape notice that it was the celebration of the Society's Jubilee which occasioned the first suggestion of a Lambeth Conference [see pp. 761-2]. After the first Conference (in 1867), in which the American Church was largely represented, a wish was expressed by many members of the Society to enrol the Bishops of that Church among the vice-presidents of the Society. This was found to be impracticable, and consequently the Society instituted in 1868 an order of Associates in which persons who are not British subjects could be included. The Associates are not members of the Corporation, but hold an honorary position, with liberty to attend the Board meetings but without the right of voting, and annually from 1869 to the present time the Bishops of the Church in the United States "in communion with the Church of England" have been elected to the office — the appointment (as the House of Bishops declared at the General Convention of 1871) being gratefully accepted " with unfeigned satisfaction" [11]. On three occasions since its vsdthdrawal from the United States field the Society has shown its sympathy with the American Church by pecuniary gifts. At the reception of the two Episcopal delegates by the Society in 1852 a sum of j£500 was voted out of the Jubilee Fund in aid of a plan set on foot by the Corporation of St. George the Martyr, New York, " for the erection and endowment of a free hospital, with a chapel, for the temporal and spiritual benefit " of the Church emigrants from England arriving at New York. Owing to delay in carrying out the plan the grant was not paid until 1862, and the terms were then so modified that the money was " equally divided between the Anglo-American Church of St. George the Martyr and St. Luke's Hospital, New York " [12]. In 1870 the Society opened a special fund in aid of Bishop Tuttle's Mission to the Mormons at Salt Lake City, where there were 50,000 English people, of whom 15,000 were baptized members of the Church, and in 1871 it supplemented the contributions thus raised by a grant of £50 towards the completion of a church and provision of school accommodation [13]. Similarly, in 1874, the Society granted £100 towards providing ministrations for some artisans, members of the mother Church, in Portland and other towns in the Diocese of Maine. The offering was made to Bishop Neely "as a token of brotherly and Christian recognition " [14], and this feeling has been reciprocated on every opportunity that has ofifered. The 17l8t anniversary of the Society, held in St. Paul's Cathedral on July 4, 1872, was distinguished by its being made the occasion for the public reception and first use of an alms-basin, presented by the American Church to the Church of England, as " a shght token of the love and gratitude which " (they said) " we can never cease to cherish towards the heads and all the members of that branch of the Church Catholic Irom which we are descended, and to which wo have been ' indebted,' first, for a long continuance of nursing care and protection, and in later years for manifold tokens of sympathy and afl'ectionate regard." The gift originated from a visit paid to the General Convention in the previous 84 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OP THE GOSPEL. October by Bishop Selwyn of Lichfield, who now tendered it, and in accepting it the Archbishop of Canterbury said :— " I receive this offering of love from our sister Church beyond the Atlantic, and I beg all of you who are here present, and all Christ- n people, to unite in your prayers to Almighty God that the richest blessing of His Holy Spirit may descend upon our brethren who thus express to us their Christian love ; that for ages to come these two Churches, and these two great nations, united in one worship of one Lord, in one Faith, as they are sprung from one blood, may be the instruments, under the protection of our gracious Redeemer, of spreading His Gospel throughout the world and securing the blessings of Christian civilisation for the human race " [15]. At the 150th anniversary of St. John's Church, Providence (1878), Bishop Clark of Rhode Island said that not less than ^18,000 or ^20,000 were contributed by the Society to that parish alone, and not much less than ^100,000 on the whole to the churches in Rhode Island. The seed so freely cast " seemed to yield a very inadequate return, and the wonder is that the hand of the sower did not fail and the faith and patience of our friends . . . become exhausted." But " in these latter days an ample harvest has been reaped." (The offeruig on this occasion, £100, was given to the Society.) Within the previous ten years (1863-73) St. John's Parish (besides gifts to colleges and other insti- tutions) contributed ^97,652 to Church work, induing ^20,268 to Foreign Missions [16]. In comiection with the assembling of the Bishops for the Lambeth Conference in 1878 a Missionary Conference was held by the Society in London on June 28, on which occasion Bishop Littlejohn of Long Island said : — " For nearly the whole of the eighteenth century this Society furnished the only point of cmitact, the only bond of sympathy, between the Church of England and her children scattered over the waste places of the Nczv World. The Church herself, as all of us now remember with sorrow, was not only indifferent to their wants, but, under a malign State influence, was positively hostile to the adoption of all practical measures calculated to meet them. It is, therefore, with joy and gratitude that we, the representatives of the American Church, greet the venerable Society on this occasion as the first builder of our ecclesiastical foundations, and lay at her feet the golden sheaves of the Juirvest from her planting. And whatever the tribute to be paid her by the most prosperous of the colonial Churches to-day it cannot exceed in thankful love and earnest goodwill that which we are here to offer. Verily in that comparatively narrow coast belt along the Atlantic, which, in the eighteenth century bounded the Christian endeavours of this Society, the little one has bpcome a thousand, and the small one a strong nation. . . . And this, thank God, is the return we make this day for the seed sown by this Society beside some waters in the New World more than a century ago. It speaks its own moral, and with an emphasis which not even the most eloquent tongue could rival. . . . May God speed the work of this Society in the future as in the past. The greatest, the most enduring, the most fruitful of all Missionary organisations of Reformed Christendom, may it continue to be in the years to come, as in those which are gone, the workshop of Churches, the treasury of needy souls all over the world, a chosen instrument of the Holy Spirit, for upbuilding and guiding the Missions of the Holy Catholic Church in all lands and among all peoples which as yet know not God and Jesus Christ whom He has sent to be the Saviour oi :he world " [17]. In this year the American Bishops were formally thanked by the Society for " the hearty sympathy" which they had shown with ite worlc during their sojourn in England, " and for the valuable services whioh they hive rendered to its cause " [18]. BUMMARY OF RESULTS IN THE UNITED STATES. 85 in land rour lend h to of ^nts, lOUt lan In 1882 the Diocesan Convocation of Central Pennsylvania decided that a Church being erected at Douglassville should be recognised as a memorial of the Society's " loving care" [19]. [Sec aZso Resolution of New York Diocesan Convention, 1872 [20].] The Centenary of the American Episcopate being an event which could not pass without the Society's congratulations, the following resolution was adopted in 1883 : — " That the Society . . . mindful of the privilege which it has enjoyed since its incorporation in the year 1701, of sending clergymen to minister in America, has great pleasure in congratulating the Protestant Episcopal Church of the United States on the approaching completion of a century since the consecration of Dr. Seabury to the office of a Bishop, and the Society hopes that the work of that Church, which has been so signally blest during the intervening years, may grow and prosper and continue to receive that highest blessing from God which has hitherto been vouchsafed to it " [21]. The resolution was conveyed to America by Bishop Thorold of Rochester, with a covering letter from the President (Archbishop Ben- son), and the General Convention acknowledged it in these terms : — " At the close of the first century of our existence as a National Church, we acknowledge with deep and unfeigned gratitude that what- ever this Church has been in the past, is now, or will be in the future, is largely due, under God, to the long-continued nursing care and protection of the venerable Society. " In expressing this conviction we seem to ourselves to be speaking not only for those who are now assembled in the great Missionary Council of this Church, but for many generations who have passed from their earthly labours to the rest of Paradise. We cannot forget that if the Church of England has become the mother of Churches, even as England herself has become the Mother of nations, the generous and unwearied eflforts of the Body which you now represent have been chiefly instrumental in producing these wonderful results. " That the venerable Society may continue to receive the abundant blessing of our Heavenly Father, and may bring forth more and more fruit to the Glory of God, and the spread of the Kingdom of His dear Son, is the sincere and earnest prayer of every Churchman in the United States" [22] . References (Chapter XII.)— [l] Jo!, V. 21, p. 207 ; Jo., V. 23, p. 147 ; E. 1770, p. 61 [2] R. 1784, pp. 52-5 ; Jo., V. 24. pp. «l-2. [3] Journal of American Church General Convention, 1785. [4] K MSS., V. 30, pp. 1, 2. [5] R. 1851, pp. 85-107 ; K MSS., V. 86, pp. 1, 2. [6] R. 1852, pp. 47-8. [7] Jo., V. 46, pp. 258-60, 200-5, 297-302 ; R. 1852, pp. 48, 73-5. [8] Jo., V. 40, pp. 371-2, 300-3 ; R. 1852, pp. 23-30, 75 ; R. 1853, p. 33. [9] Jo., V. 46, pp. 413-14 ; R. 1854, p. 22. [10] Jo., V. 46, pp. 418-23, 430-2 ; R. 1854, pp. 23-4. [11] K MSS., V. 86, p. 71-2, 100-1 ; Jo., V. 60, pp. 63, 83, 97, 112, 224. ^2] J ., V. 46, pp. 802-3 ; Jo., V. 48, pp. 214, 275-6 ; K MSS., V. 86, pp. 59-62. [13] Jo., V.51, pp. 19-20, 105 ; K MSS., V. 30, pp. 93, 97-9; Applications Committee Report, 1871, p. 183. [14] Jo., V. 52, p. 189 ; K MSS., V. 36, pp. 109-11. [15] M.F. 1872, pp. 249-51. [10] M.F. 1873, p. 215. [17] M.F. 1878, pp. 413-14. [18] Jo., V. 58, p. 176 19] K MSS., V. 86, p. 121 ; R. 1882, pp. 97-8. [20] M.F. 1873, p. 28. [21] Standing Committee Book, V. 41, p. 296. [22j K MSS., V. 36, pp. 132-8 ; Jo., V. 54, p, 228. 86 TABLE ILLUSTRATING THE WORK OF THE SOCIETY IN (1) The Field an Period (J) Races ministered to, and their Heligrions South Carolisa 1702-83 HoRTH Carolina 170a-83 Colonists (Christian and non-Christian) Negroes (Heathen and Christian) Indians : Yammonsea Cashoes Catawos (Heathen and Christian) . <}BOROIA . . 1733-83 PKfTNSTLVANIA (in- ] clading Delaware) iro2-b3 I Kbw Enoiasd \ (Massachusetts, ) Connecticut, I Rhode Island, I New Hampshire, [ Maine, Vermont, I Naragansett) 1702-88 ) Colonists (Christian ond non-Christian) Negroes (Heathen and Christian) Indians : (3) Lan- guages used by tlie Mis- sionaries (4) No. of Ordained Missionaries employed (European is Colonial) English French German English English Attamnskcets Roanokea Hattcras (Heathen and Christian) Colonists (Christian and non-Christian) . . Negroes (Heathen and Christian) .. Indians : Cblokasaws (Heathen and Christian) C!oloniBt8 (Christian and non-Christian). Negroes (Heathen and Christian) . . Colonists (Christian and non-Chrlstlan) \ Negroes (Heathen and Christian) ] ' ' Indians : ) ( Many tribes \ (Heathen and Christian) \ English English English &o. English French Italian Oermau EnglinU Enitlish Welsh English Naragansetts, die. Nbw jEnSET 1702-83 Nbw TottK 1702-88 Virginia . . Kartland . . . . English Naragansett dialect and Mohawli Colonists (Christian and non-Christian) Negroes (Heathen and Christian) . . .Colonists (Christian and non-Christian) Negroes (Heathen and Christian) Iroquois or .Six Nation^ Indians : Mohawks (chiefly) Oneidas Onondagcs Tuscarorai Oayugas Benuekas (Heathen and Christian) | Colonists (Christian) Other Parts op THE Vs. States TOTAL} Colonists (Christian) English English English Dutch French English Mohawk and English English English f 6 European-Colonial races, Negroes, and over 14 ] [ Indian tribra J 8 54 U II 47 84 44 58 «800 4 After allowing for repetitions md transfers. THE (NOW) UNITED STATES AND ITS RESULTS. 87 (7) Comparative Statement of the Anglican (now American) Church generally (5) No. of , «) Society's Sxpendlture 1701 1 1892 Central \ HUtions " asiiated Church Members Local Clergy Dioceses Missionary effort. Church Members Cergy 1 Jioceses Local Missionary effort • 15 •MO 2 — ^25,000 SI 1 8S •800 1 — t42,000 92 2 4 - £227,454 — — +29,000 88 1 Domestio Missions to the Indians, Negroes, 24 •700 2 — t309,000 456 4 80 •700 3 ■ — t381,000 (73 • Chinese, in the United States, and Foreigfn Missions to Greece, West 27 •400 — — +149,000 209 2 Africa, China, Japan, Haiti, and 23 •1,000 1 - +660,000 632 6 Mexico 2 •20,000 26 — 1 j +110,000 182 3 1 1 1 6 •20,000 17 — +154,000 218 2 1 — — +1,356,000 1610 44 202 £237,454 •43,800 50 i — f3,211,000 ' 4261 ^69 • Approximate eatimate based on information contained in the Society s Ubrary. + Approximate estimate based on the number of Communicants, t In addition there are six Foreign Bishoprics, «« p. 767. 08 BOOIBXY FOB THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. CHAPTER Xin. - BRITISH NOBTH AMEBIC A (INTRODUCTION). This designation includes Newfoundland, Bermuda, and the Canadian Dominion— the provinces of which are Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island, New Brunswick, Quebec, Ontario, Manitoba, North-West Territories, and British Columbia. Before 1867 Canada embraced only the two provinces of Lower Canada, or Quebec, and Upper Canada, or Ontario ; but in that year began the union of the various Colonies, and by 1880 the whole of them, excepting Newfoundland and Bermuda, had been consolidated into " the Dominion of Canada." In each case a share of the Society's attention has been accorded almost as soon as needed ; but, excepting in Newfoundland and Nova Scotia, there was little British colonisation until at the close of the American Eevolution. For many years after withdrawal from the United States the first seven Colonies named above, excepting Bermuda, constituted the chief field of the Society's operations, which, as will be shown, have been extended from the Atlantic to the Pacific. CHAPTER XIV. NEWFOUNDLAND {WITH NORTHERN LABRADOR). Newfoundland. — The island was discovered by John and Sebastian Cabot (acting under a Commission from Henry VII.) in 1497. First seen on the festival of St. John the Baptist (June 24), the site of the future capital was designated St. Jo'in's ; but the island itself, called Prima VUta by the Venetians, took and retained the English name of Newfoundland. Nearer to Europe than any other part of America, the report of its prolific fisheries soon attracted attention, and the Portuguese, Spanish, and French resorted thither as early as 1500. Unsuccessful attempts to colonise the island were made by Sir Walter Baleigh and Sir Humphrey Gilbert in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, and by others ; but in 1023 Sir G. Calvert, afterwards Lord Baltimore, obtained the grant of a large tract of land in the south-east of the island, with a view to forming a Roman Catholic settlement. Colonists were sent from Ireland in 1684, and from Eng- land twenty years later. The French established themselves at Placentia about 1620, and for a long period there was strife between them and the English settlers. At one time Placentia was besieged by the English (1692) ; at others (1694 and 1708) St. John's was captured by the French. By the Peace of Utrecht the exclusive sovereignty of the island was in 1713 ceded to Great Britain, subject to certain fishery rights reserved to France, who also retained, and by the Treaty of Paris (1768) has continued in possessioa of, the small islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon. In 1701 the English settlements in Newfoundland contained a fixed population of 7,000, and in the summer about 17,000 people. For their spiritual welfare no provision existed beyond that afforded by the Rev. John Jackson, who, shortly before the Society was founded, had been sent to St. John's, the only place where there was any public exercise of religion [1]. In April 1703 the Society took into consideration " the deplorable condition of Mr. Jackson," " a painful minister in Newfoundland," who •• had gone upon a Mission into those parts with a wife and 8 children KEWFOXJNDLAND. 89 upon the encouragement of a private subscription of :£60 p. an. for 8 ^ears," which had come to an end. On May 21 he was adopted as a Missionary by the Society, £80 being voted him '• by way of benevo- lence," and £50 per annum for three years as salary [2]. For lack of subsistence he was recalled by the Bishop of London in 1705. While returning he was shipwrecked and lost all his effects, and in his half-starved condition he experienced fresh acts of benevolence from the Society until, by its representations,* the Queen gave him a living in England in 1709 [3]. Soon after Mr. Jackson's recall the Rev. Jacob RiCEt was sent to succeed him by the Bishop of London, and Mr. Brown, with some other merchants trading to Newfoundland, memorialised the Society for three additional Missionaries, " promising that the people of the country" should " do something for them" [4]. But the Society did not renew its connection with the island imtil 1726, when it began to assist the Bev. Henby Jones, a clergyman already settled at Bona- vista, where the people were " poor and unable to maintain their minister," and where he had established a school " for the instruction of all the poor children." In 1730 he reported that " the case of their church " was nearly finished, and " that a gentleman of London " had given them " a neat set of vessells for the Communion, and a handsome stone ffont." By 1734 his congregation was " in a flourish- ing condition." Since his settlement he had baptized 114 persons, 17 at Trinity. His ministrations were extended in 1728 to " a neigh- bouring harbour about 14 leagues from Bonavista," where the people were " very desirous of a Minister of the Church of England " [5]. The inhabitants of Trinity Bay having expressed a similar desire and undertaken to build a church and contribute £30 a year, the Society added a like sum, and sent the Rev. R. Killpatkick there in 1730 [6]. Failing to obtain sufficient local support, he was trans- ferred to New \yindsor. New York, in 1732, but only to experience greater poverty, and to return in 1734 with gladness to Trinity Bay, where the generality of the people were " zealous and notwithstanding the great coldness of the winter," attended " the publick worship " [7]. In 1737 they " gratefully and humbly " thanked the Society " for their great favour in sending a Missionary to be their spiritual Director according to the usage of the Church of England," and entreated an increased allowance for Mr. Killpatrick (then visiting England), " that together with their small contributions he may be able to subsist his family among them." This request was supported by Commodore Temple "West, who " in one word, the most comprehensive of all others," characterised Mr. Killpatrick as " a good Christian " [10]. * In reporting on his case, the Committee of the Society " were of opinion that tha said Mr. Jackson is an object of the Society's {favour and compassion, and that he having been in Her Matie.'s service, as well by sea, as in the plantations, and having therein suffered many unreasonable hardships, and being a man of good desert he ia worthy to be recomeuded to the favour of the Lord Keeper " [8], t Mr. Rice passed the Society's usual examination, but neglected to comply with certain conditions necessary to secure him appointment on its list of Missionaries [9]. His successor was the Rev. J. Pordyce, who laboured at St. John's from 1'780 to 1736 when for lack of subsistence he received a, gratuity of £30 from the Society for his past services, and was appointed to South Carolina [9a]. 90 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE OOSPBL. Aided by a gratuity of £10, Mr. Killpatrick went back to continue, to hia death in 1741, his work at Trinity and at Old Perlican, 80 miles distant, where in 1786 he had begun service "with near 200 hearers" [111. His successor, the Rev. H. Jones (who ten years before had officiated at Trinity) found there in 1742 "a large and regular congregation" [12]. In the summer there would be 600 people gathered there, •• all of whom sometimes attended the church "[IB] — a habit which was kept up. "Poor people I they declare them- selves overjoy'd at my coming," wrote the Rev. J. Balfour in 1764 ; " they all in General attend Church, even the Roman Catholics : But I cannot say, how much they are to be depended upon." In the winter men, women, and children used to retire into the woods and " reside in little Hutts until seasonable weather," and of the few families remainiiT- *n the harbour scarce any of them would con- descend to board <3 Missionary, even for ready money, lest his " presence should c ok some favourite vice." Nevertheless thej built him " a Good ConvLaient new House " in the next year at a co&i of £180 sterling [14]. Some parts of the bay were " ..iwless and bar- barous " (such »s Scylly Cove) •, and c.t Hart's C itent Mr. Balfour baptized a woman agod 27 " who was so igno'-ant iliat she knew not who made the world, much less who redeemed it," until he taught her [15]. On one occasion (in 1769), while returning from visiting his flock, Mr. Balfour was "attacted by a German Surgeon" and a merchant's clerk. " I received several blows," he said, " This I did not in the least resent, but bore patiently, as our order must not be strikers." A few months later the Governor visited the Bay, and Mr. Balfour was offered " every satisfaction " he " chuse to desire." " To advance the Beauty of Forgiveness " he " chose to make it up, upon promise of Good Behaviour for the Future." However, the Governor obUged the offenders to ask Mr. Balfour's pardon " very submissively, and to pay each a small fine ... to teach them better manners ; and very handsomely give them to know that they ought to be extremely thankfull for being so easily acquitted " [10]. Gradually Mr. Balfour " civilized a great many of the middL-rank, and brought several of them off, from their heathenish ways, to a sense of themselves," so that in 1772 his congregation included nearly forty faithful communicants [17]. But it was still necessary for him to be " dehcate in burying anybody . . . without knowing how they die." Once he " stopped a corpse to be looked upon by the people at the funeral, in the Churchyard, where violent marks of murder were dis- covered." He took care that the man " should not be buried, nor stole away, that prosecution might not be stopped. The neighbourhood upon inquest brought in the verdict, a horrible and cruel murder." For this the man's wife was convicted at St. John's and condemned to bo executed. The appointment of civil magistrates* followed with good results [18]. The Rev. J. Clinch, in making a circuit of the Bay in * Several of the Newfoundland Missionaries had the ofHce of magistrate added to their duties, e.^., the Rev. E. Langmunof St. John's in 1754, the Rev. S. Cole of Ferryland and Bay Bulls in 1792, and the Rpv. L. Anspach for Conception Bay in 1802. The fl..t- named was appointed in place of "Mr. Wm. Keene, the Chief Justice," who was " murdered for the sake of his money " by ten " Irish Roman Catholicks " [18a]. NEWFOUNDLAND. 91 1798, roported "a spirit of Christianity" prevailing "through the v.'hole"; in most of the settlements some well-disposed person read the Church Service twice every Sunday to the inhabitants assembled at some house, and at Scylly Cove a neat church had been erected by the people [19]. The Society war moved by the representations of the Rev. Thomas Walbank and the inhabitants of St. John's to re- establish Church ministrations in the capital city in 1744. Mr. Walbank was a chaplain of H.M.S. S^Uhcrland, and -while at St. John's in 1742 he ministered for four months to a congregation of 500 people in " a large church built of Firr and spruce wood by the inhabitants in the year 1720." The buildmg was well furnished, and a poor fisher- man of Petty Harbour had recently given " a decent silver Patten and Chahce with gold." For many years the New England traders had been "endeavouring to persuade the parishioners of St. John's to apply to the Presbytery there for dissenting teachers, but they in- fluenc'd by a great love for Ihe Littirgy and Doctrine of the Church of England,'' had "rejected all their proposals and chose rather to continue in ignorance than to be instructed by Presbyterian Preachers." On their petitioning the Society for "an orthodox Episcopal clergyman," and guaranteeing £40 a year and a house for him, the Rev. W. Peaseley was transferred there from Bonavista. One of his first objects on arrival (1744) was to provide a school, for want of which a large number of children attended a papist one [20]. His congre- gation, already numerous, continued to increase daily, insomuch that the church could "scarce contain them," and they behaved "with much decency and devotion." " One of the Modern Methodists " took upon him " to pray and preach publickly " at St. John's in 1746, but gained not one follower [21]. Through the labours of Mr. Peaseley (1743-9) and Mr. Lanqman (1752-82) "the face of religion" became very much altered for the better, the people in general regularly attending service twice on Sundays [22]. By " the surrender of the garrison and all the inhabitants of St. John's, prisoners of war to the King of France" in 1762, Mr. Langman and his people were reduced to great distress. During the French occupation (which lasted from June 27 to September 16) mo jt of " the Protestant families " were sent out of the place — the death of Mr. Langman's wife and his own illness preventing his removal, but not the plundering of his house — and the offices of religion were performed by four Romish priests [23, 24]. The French made a second attempt on the coast, under Admiral Richerie, in 1796. Landing at Bay Bulls, they proceeded through the woods half-way to Petty Harbour. Discouraged at the impracticable character of the country, they then returned, and burned the Church and the Roman Cathohc Chapel, with every house in the harbour except a log hut. The owners of this, a family named Nowlan, "owed the preservation of their cabin to the commiseration excited in the French marine by the sight of their infant twins, whom Nowlan held on his knee, when they broke in and put the affrighted mother to flight " [25]. Under the Rev. J. Habris, a new Church was opened at St. John's on October 19, 1800, the Society contributing £500 and King George IH. 200 guineas towards its erection. The Society's contribution was considered by the people " as so unexampled an act of hberality " that they knew 92 SOCIETY FOR THE PEOPAGATION OP THE GOSPEL. not " how to express " their gratituae " through the channel of ft letter" [26]. , . , Still more noteworthy instances of Royal favour were shown in the case of Placentia. At this place the Rev. R. KiLiiPATBiCK waL detained three months on his return to Trinity Bay in 1734, and having preached six Sundays and baptized 10 children, he reported that the people of Placentia were " very much in want of a Minister," " being regardless of all religion and a great many of them wholly abandoned to atheism and Infidelity " [27J. In 1786 the Society received a petition from the principal in- habitants, recommended by Prince Wilham Henry (afterwards William IV.) then Surrogate to the Governor of Newfoundland, setting forth the distressed condition of Placentia for want of a clergyman, and promising " all the assistance in their power " for his support. The movement was mainly due to the personal exertions of the Prince, who contributed 50 guineas towards building a church,* and " visited and exhorted the people from house to house." Two years later, having left the Colony, he sent out a handsome set of Communion plate for use in the Church. The Rev. J. Hareis, who was then placed in charge, found not more than 120 Protestants in the district ; nearly all the people (2,000 in winter and 3,000 in summer) being Roman Catholics. During nearly forty years' vacancy of the Mission in the next century the church fell into decay, but on the representation of the Society in 1840 it was restored by the munificence of Queen Adelaide, on the assurance that the " regular performance o':' Divmt* Service in the Church . . . and other religious ministrationfi in thia district" would be secured for the future [28]. To Harbour Grace and Carbonear the Rev. L. CouoHt:iAN was appointed in 3760 on the petition of the inhabitants, v,ho ha? en- gaged to maintain him, but were unable to do so. Many of the Irish, who were " all Papists," attended church when he preached in Irish; though for so doing numbers who went "annually to Ireland to confession " were put " under heavy penance." lie also established a school, and baptized in one year no less than G8 adults; and by 1769 \ice had been reduced and he had a large congregation and 100 com- municants [80]. Under the Rev. J. Balfouk tho last number in- creased to 200 in 1777 [81]. But the generality of the iuhabitanta oi this and his former Mission of Trinity Bay were, he said, " a bar- barous, perfidious, cruel people and divided into many sectaries" [32]. On visiting Carbonear on New Year's Day 1778, " with an intent to perform Divine Serdce to a congregation of 200 people, he found the door of the Church shut purposely against him. He sent for the key which was not delivered and so he withdrew, restraining the people from doing violence to the Church on his account " [88]. Again, in January 1785, whilst he was officiating in the same church, "one Clemf^nts Noel pointed to John Stretton, who thereupon suddenly mounted the pulpit behind Mr. Balfour ; who for fear of a riot, thought it best quietly to leave the place, though much hurt " by the " insult . . . offered to the whole Church of England " [34]. " 111 treatment " * "With respect to the consecration [? dedication] of the Church when built," the President of the Society promised to " Bend over a proper form for Mr. Uanii to use "[20]. NEWFOUNDLAND. 98 marked the remainder of his ministry, which was brought to an end in 1792 by the compassion of the Society [35]. His successors (Eev. G. J. Jenner, 1795-9 [36] and Rev. L. Anspach, 1802-12) met with mort. favour, and the latter was privileged to witness a reformation denied to others. He too found the people degraded ; for tiie children, of whom there were 8,000, were " most of them accustomed from their infancy to cursing and swearing . . . and to vice of every kind" [87]. But three years later (1806) he could not "speak too highly of the kindness " he received " from every class of inhabitants" in his Mission, '• and of their attention to religious duties " [88]. In 1810, a year after Mr. Balfour's death, he wrote of Bay de Verd : — '• It is pleasing to observe the change which has taken place of late in most parts of that extensive district including a population of at least 10,000 souls. . . Where the Lord's Day was spent in profanation and vice, the Gospel scarcely known, and the education of children greatly neglected, the people now meet in an orderly manner, and schools are opened for the instruction of children in reading the Church Catechism . . . improvements which could not have taken place but for the liberal assistance from the Society. The unprecedented demand for the purchase of Bibles and Prayer Books . . which now prevails from every part of the Bay is a proof that Providence has wrought a blessed change " [39]. In the discharge of their arduous and perilous duties the Mis- sionaries did not lack sympathy and support* from the Society, but their number was too few to grapple with the work before them. At Placentia, St. Mary's, Fortune Bay, and Trepassey there were in 1784 many English settlers who had "never heard the word of God preached among them for 80 years past," and the northern part of Trinity Bay to Cape St. John's was "equally destitute o*' *he op- portunities of public worship " [41]. In one part or another tue same state of things continued to prevail far into the present century. The Rev. J. Harris of St. John's, visiting Lamelm (? Lamaline) in 1807, baptized 75 persons, "one-third of whom were adults and many of them very old." He was " the first clergyman the majority of them ever saw and the only one who had ever been in that place " [42]. On his way to Twillingate in 1817 the Rev. J. Leigh visited Fogo, " where he found a small Church, and the Service regularly performed by an old man aged 78," who had a salary of ^£15 from Government. *' Mr. Leigh was the first clergyman that ever appeared on the island. The Children had been baptized by this venerable man and it was not deemed adviseable to re-baptize them " [48]. Lay agents had long been employed by the Society with good effect in Newfoundland, and in 1821 it adopted measures for the appointment of Catechists or School- masters in the outharbours, for conducting schools and reading service and sermons on Sundays [44]. But an organisation without a head must necessarily be feeble, and especially was this the case in Newfoundland. Until 1827 the Anglican Ciiurch there had been entirely without episcopal mmistrations, and up to 1821 (when the Society secured the appointment of an Eccle- siastical Commissary, the Rev. J. Leigh) it had been "altogether * During the period 1788-99 the salaries of the MiBsionaries were turico increased, nntil in the latter year the allowance to each man was £100 per annum. In 1821 it became necessary to raise this sum to jE250 per onnuni, except in the case of St. John's [40]. The average onnual allowance from the Society now is about £70. 94 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OP THE GOSPEL. deprived even of the very forma of Church Government" [45]. In 1827 Bishop J. Inglis of Nova Scotia visited the island, which two years before had been constituted part of his See [46]. He was received "with every possible mark of respect," and among his " earliest visitors " was the Koman Catholic Bishop, Dr. Scallan. Newfoundland then contained over 70,000 inhabitants, of whom one- halfwere Roman Catholics, and " the larger part of the remainder " " members of the Established Church." A large portion of the people were of English descent, and it was "only owing to the want of timely means for their instruction in the faith of their forefathers that a number of these " had " united themselves with the Church of Roma." So little regard had been paid to the internal improvement of the island, that in every part of it the paths were, until a short time previous to the Bishop's visit, " in the same wretched state in which they were more than a century " before, and " the people seemed totally ignorant of the facility with which they could improve them." But the English Clergy were doing much to smooth the way to church. Archdeacon Coster, by his personal influence and regular superinten- dence, had " induced his congregation to make three miles of excellent road at Bonavista." Others did the same, and the Bishop obtained a promise from the different settlements in Trinity Bay that, under the Rev. W. Bullock's direction, " a good bridle-road " should be made " to connect all the places " that " could be visited by a Clergyman."* But while ancient paths remained for improvement, an ancient race to which those paths might once have led had almost entirely passed away. The " Boeothick, or red, or wild Indians " had made the banks of the Exploits River their retreat, and on his visit the Bishop saw many of their traces. When Cabot first landed in Newfoundland he took away three of "this unhappy tribe," and from that day they had always " had reason to lament the discovery of their island by Europeans." English and French, and Micmacs and Mountainers, and Labradora and Esquimaux shot at the Boeothick ns they shot at the deer. The several attempts made towards their civilisation had proved utterly fruitless, e-^cept perhaps in the case of a young woman who with her sister au mother had been found in a starving condition by a party of furriers and brought into Exploits m 1823, Since the death of her mother and sister Mr. Peyton, the principal magistrate of the district, had retained Shanawdithit in his family. A Mr. Cormack was now (1827) " engaged in a search for the remnant of the race," but it was feared that Shanawdithit was " the only survivor of her tribe," The Bishop arranged for her instruction with a view ^ bap- tism and confirmation. As regards the settlers, it was found that " in all places where a school had been estabUshed for any time, the good effect was prominent." * How well this movemont was followed up will be seen from the report of Arch- deacon Wix in 1880 : " On the rotvd to Torbay, 1 was Boveral days employed, before tho Hettiug-in of the winter, in company witli a Roman Catholic clergyman, with nearly 100 of our united flocks, who most cordially gave several days of gratuitous labour to the repair cf bridges, the draining of swamps, and other necessary improvements in the rugged path between that place and tlio capital. Wo may believe, that one of tho greatest inducements to their undertaking this labour was tho superior facility which it would ailurd their clergy for visiting them " [4h], NEWFOUKDLAND. 95 Many settlements unsupplied with clergy had indeed been saved or rescued from degeneration by the employment of schoolmasters. Thus the once lawless and barbarous Scylly Gov ^ was now " a very neat little settlement," whose inhabitants with few exceptions were members of the Church. Since 1777 Mr. J. Thomas had laboured here with results visible in adjoining stations also. On August 24 the Bishop landed at Halifax, " after an absence of three months during which, with constant fatigue and occasional peril," he had " traversed nearly 6,000 miles," :onsecrated 18 churches and 20 burial grounds, and confirmed 2,865 persons, in the discharge of which duties he had "much comfort and encouragement" [47]. It was, however, evident that a Bishop of Nova Scotia could do little to supply the wants of the Church in Newfoundland. On the other hand, the Koman Catholics had their Bishops and priests, who were zealous in intruding into the English Missions. Consequently it was to the Society "a melancholy consideration that in a Protestant population of many thousands " there were " not more than nine clergy- men of the Church of England," that these were mainly dependent for their scanty support upon the contributions of the benevolent in this country, while it was " in evidence that a great majority of the people would gladly avail themselves of their ministrations, await with anxiety their approach," and in the absence of such were " not unfrequently driven in despair to seek for religious consolation in the superstitious observances of a Popish priesthood " [49]. In the more remote parts no religious ministrations whatever were available beyond what the people themselves supplied. Such Arch- deacon Wix found to be the case in visiting the long-neglected Southern Coast in 1880 and 1885. In some of the settlements, as at Cornelius Island and Richard's Harbour, two men* had long been in the habit of reading Divine Service to their neighbours regularly on Sundays. In other places, as in Bay St. George, " there were acts of profligacy practised ... at which the Micmac Indians " expressed to the Archdeacon " their horror and disgust, " and he " met with more feminine delicacy ... in the wigwams of the Micmac and Canokok Indians than in the tilts of many of our own people "[50]. The chief obstacle to the progress of the Anglican Church in the island was removed by the division of the unmanageable Diocese of Nova Scotia in 1889, when the Rev. A. G. Spencer became the first Bishop of the See of Newfoundland including the Bermudas [51]. At the outset the small number of his Clergy, the poverty of the settlers, the rigour of the climate, all combined to cast a shade over the state and prospects of Religion in his diocese. Little could be ex- pected from Colonial resources. Whatever was to be done could be only by means of funds from the mother country, and there was no proba- biUty of obtaining these except through the Society. In this emergency the Society, instead of insisting, as on ordinary occasions, upon local provision being made towards the support of a Missionary, oflfered to allow stipends of £200 a year to clergymen willing to proceed to New- foundland, also adequate salaries to such persons as the Bishop might * John Hardy, a former parishioner of " tho Eov. Mr. Jollille of Toole," liatl doiio this for nearly 40 years in Newfoundland, ■ ? 96 SOCIETY FOB THE PROPAGATION OF THE aOSPEL. select in the island. The services of eight additional clergymen were secured immediately [52], and such was the progress during Bishop Spencer's episcopate that in 1844 there were in Newfoundland 27 clergymen (nearly a threefold increase), 65 churches and other places of worship, and 30,000 Church members. A further advance had been made by the division of the island into deaneries, the multipli- cation of parochial schools, and the foundation of a Theological Training Institution and a Diocesan Church Society — the object of the latter being to extend the Church and ultimately to establish it on the basis of self-support. One merchant contributed Uberally " to the building of five churches in his vicinity and promised to complete a tower and steeple for the church at Twillingate at the cost of j£700 from his private funds." A planter of the same place " bequeathed his whole substance amounting to £2,000" to the parent Society (S.P.G.), to whose ministers he . . . felt himself indebted during fifty years for all the comforts of our blessed religion " * [53]. On Bishop Spencer's translation to the See of Jamaica he was succeeded (in 1844) by Bishop Edward Feild. Previous to his leaving England the Eev. R. Eden, afterv^ards Primus of Scotland, presented him with a Church ship. In the Hawk the Bishop passed several months yearly, visiting the settlements along the coast, binding up the broken, bringing again the outcasts, seeking the lost, and in every way proving himself a shepherd to his flock. In places possessing no building suitable for the purpose, the vessel was used for Divine Service, thus becoming in the fullest sense of the word a " Church ship." t In recording his first impressions of the Diocese the Bishop said : " Never, I suppose, could there be a country where our Blessed Lord's words more truly and affectingly apply — 'the harvest is truly plen- teous, but the labourers are few.' . . . Never did any country more emphatically adopt your Scriptural motto, Transiens adjuva nos " [65]. On the Western and Southern Coasts the religious condition of the people was " distressmg in the extreme " — thousands of Church people were scattered " as sheep without a shepherd," and the Bishop was " continually solicited, even with tears, to provide some remedy or relief for this wretched destitution of all Christian privileges and means of grace." Measures were at once adopted by him with a view to raising the necessary funds by local effort, and every Church member in the Colony was urged to contribute 5s. a year to the General Church Fund [56]. In tendering the S.P.G. " a renewed expression of . . . gratitude for the many invaluable benefits " conferred by it " during nearly a century and a half, upon the Church in Newfoundland," the Diocesan Church Society in 1849 expressed their belief that there was "hardly a church • A similar bequest was made at Twillingate in 1830 by " a boat's master," who after providing for placing the Ten Commandments and the Creed in the Church there, left the rest of his property to the Society " as the most likely to spend his money ... to the glory of God " [54], t The Hawk was superseded in 1868 by the Star ; and the latter, which was wrecked on the West Coast of Newfoundland in August 1871, was replaced by the Lavrock (72 tons), presented by Lieut. Curling, then of the Royal Engineers, but who subsequently served for many years as a Soldier of the Cross in Newfoundland. NEWFOUNDLAND (WITH NORTHERN LABRADOR). 97 or parsonage-house in the Colony, towards the erection of which the venerable Society has not contributed " [57]. In 1848 the Bishop made a visit to Labrador, the Northern part of which, commencing at Blanc Sablon, is included in the Diocese of New- foundland, and the southern in the Diocese of Quebec. His voyage, which extended to Sandwich Bay, was one of discovery, no Bishop or clergyman of the English Church having " ever been along this coast before," yet the inhabitants were " almost all professed members of our Church and of English descent." Included among them were many "Anglo-Esquimaux,"* also three distinct Indian tribes — Micmacs, Mountaineers, and Esquimaux. The first two tribes were mostly Roman Catholics, but the Esquimaux owed their instruction and conversion to the Moravian Missionaries.t The Bishop did not know " whether to be most pleased or perplexed by the earnest anxious desire of the people to have a Clergyman among them." During his visit several Esquimaux^ were " admitted into the Church and married" [58]. On his return from Labrador the Bishop appealed to the Society for help in stationing thi'ee Missionaries there, each of whom " would have to visit nearly 100 miles of coast, and be the shepherd of scattered flocks." The Society at once guaranteed a grant for five years. In acknowledgment thereof the Bishop said (Nov. 23, 1848) : " The Society's promise of assistance is, as I suppose it usually is, the first to cheer and encourage me. I have as yet received no reply from the merchants and pcisons more directly interested in, and more responsible for, the wellbeing and welldoing of the inhabitants and fishers of that desolate shore. The Church by her handmaid is the first to care for and the first to help them. But now where are the . . . Missionaries to make of good effect, with God's blessing, the Society 8 liberality ? " [61.] Two men were soon forthcoming, the Rev. A. Gifford being placed at Forteau in 1849, where he laboured 10 years, and the Rev. H. P. Disney at Battle Harbour in 1850. Their first year's labours showed results by no means small. Mr. Gifford wrote : " There is a degree of simplicity and boldness in the increasing devotion of some of my people, which human expectation could never have presumed upon in so short a time nor human endeavours ever deserve." In the summer Mr. Disney sailed or rowed in a whaleboat many hundred miles, and daily was "incessantly occupied with teaching and preaching, visiting the sick, dispensing medicines, &c." The number of English- men married to Esquimaux women was " very considerable," and this had prepared tlie way for spreading Christianity among the natives. The Esquimaux women and children who had been baptized during the Bishop's visit in 1848 were " anxious to receive instruction," and * " In the race of mixed blood, or Anglo-Esquimaux, the Indian characteriatics very much disappear, and the cliildren are both lively and comely " [59]. t The Moravian Mission in Labrador dates from 1770. In 1850 it could reckon i chief stations, with 1,200 native converts and 500 communicants [60]. X It may bo noted here that about 1851 an Esquimaux was brought from Baffin's Bay to England by Cajitain Ommaney, and, by the liberality of the Admiralty, placed at St. Augustine's College, Canterbury. In Oct. 1855 Kalliliirua was trans- ferred to tho Theological Institutiou at St. John's, Newfoundland, whore he -^d on the 14th of tlie following June. " We miss him greatly " (the Bisliop wrote), " he was so gentle, kind, and submissive; so regular in his devotions, that ho spoke by liis uctiouB what ho could not express by his tongue " [05]. I ml 08 SOCIETY FOR THE PBOPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. at St. Francis Harbour Mr. Disney "had a large school, chiefly Esquimaux "[62]. , r ., In 1853 the Bishop " saw and heard " ample proofs of the zealous labours of these Missionaries. He was " assured everywhere that a great change" had "been produced in the lives and habits of the people," and the condition and prospects of the Mission were such as to inspire thankfulness and hope. On this occasion what was believed to be " the only church on the coast of the Labrador " was consecrated at St. Francis Harbour under the name of St. John the Baptist. The Rev. G. Hutchinson came with the Bishop to carry on (for fourteen years as it proved) the work begun by Mr. Disney among the poor English and Esquimaux fishermen [63]. In 1859 the Society estah lished a third mission on the Labrador coast, viz., at Sandwich Bay [64]. Up to at least the middle of the present century the natives and other inhabitants of Newfoundland had not considered it wortl\ their while lO prosecute the fishery to any extent on the so-called French shore, or to settle there— the operations of the French fisher men, being assisted by their Government, were on such a scale as to exclude competition. Nevertheless English families migrated there from time to time and scattered themselves widely in remote^ settlements. Between 1848 and 1858 the Bishop had visited at inter- vals of four years most of the settlements, which could only be done from the sea in a boat, and that during less than six months in tbr year. In St. George's Bay a Missionary of the Society had been stationed some time, and in consequence there had been a" great . . . improvement in the residents." But it was not till the end of 1857 that the Bishop learnt that in the White Bay district there was a large population professing themselves members of the Church ot England. His first visit to them in 1859 disclosed a " sad state of reUgious destitution." " Poor people I " (he wrote) " the fair faces of the children would have moved the admiration of a Gregory and the destitute, forsaken condition of all would movf , the compassion of any one who believed they have souls to be saved." Some families " had never before seen a clergyman and never been in any place of wor- ship." At Bear Cove during the administration of baptism " sad and strange were the discoveries made by the question whether the child or person (for some were 15, 16, and 18 years of age) had been baptized or not ; of all it was answered they had been baptized ; but some, it appeared, could not tell by whom, some by fishermen, several by a woman— the only person in the settlement (and she a native) who could read correctly. One woman (married) was baptized, hypothetically, with her infant. Twenty-ono in all were admitted, the majorit> with hypothetical baptism. Both of the women who came to be married hail infants in their arms ; one of them had three children. Not one person in th< whole settlement could read correctly, except the woman before mentioned ; hoi husband (a native of Bay of Islands), a little. He had, however, been employed to marry one of our present couples, which he confessed to me with some shame and confusion of face, saying, ' he had picked the words out of the book as well as In could make them out,' but he did not baptize, because ' that reading was too hard ' ; in fact, he could scarcely read at all, he left the baptisms therefore to his wife. ... He inquired also whether he ought to be christened, having been baptized only by a fisherman, though as he said, with godfathers and a godmother Here was confusion worse confounded; and shame covered my face, while I endeavoured to satisfy him and myself on those complicated points. Th? poor NEWFOUNDLAND (WITH NORTHERN LABRADOR). 99 a the man was evidently in earnest, and I gladly did all in my power to relieve hia mind, and place liim and his in a more satisfactory state. But how sad that one who had baptized and married others, should himself apply to be baptized and married, being now the father of six children ! " {Bishop Fcild's Journal.) At Sea Cove a father brought three children to be received, all of whom had been baptized by lay hands. Two of them, he said, " had been very well baptized," i.e. "by a man who could read well." "When asked, in the service, " By whom was this child baptized ? " he answered, " By one Joseph Bird, and a fine reader he vas." " This Bird," says the Bishop, "who on account of his fine reading, had been employed to baptize many children in the bay, was a servant in a fisherman's family" * [G6]. To the service of the poor inhabitants of this remote country the Rev. R. Temple devoted himself for about fourteen years (1864-77), at first " living with the fishennen in the various settlements, eating and drinking such things as they " could " give him " [68-9]. In 1866 he wrote : " No married Clergyman could subsist upon the present income : neither could I establish a residence or continue housekeeping above a month or two in the year." The Society enabled him to procure a decked boat, in which he visited every cove and harbour in the bay. From February to December he had " no settled home " ; all these months he continued moving " week by week, residing with the various families and supported by them in turn." Every man able to fish contributed according to his means, and some were " even willingto deny themselves necessaries in order to increase " Mr. Temple's comfort [70]. His work was abundantly blessed, and within three years the people generally had become " zealous for the worship of God" — few of them willingly suffering "their places to be vacant at the daily service " whenever it was possible to hold it [71]. In the Bay of Islands, a locality almost as unhappily circumstanced as White Bay, the Rev. Ulbic Rule, in the same spirit of self-sacri- fice, rendered similar service for eight years (1865-78) [72]. How grateful the people were for the ministrations of the Church will appear from such incidents as the following, related by the Rev. J. MoRETON on visiting Plate Cove in 1857 : — " I could not . . . have timed my visit better ; for it so happened that all the men had just come in from the fishing-ground. An hour after I had service in one of the houses, and christened two children. There are hut tour Protestant families residing in this settlement ; but I had been for some time anxious to pay them a visit to encourage them, having heard that during the winter one of the poor women had read the morning and evening prayer every Sunday ; also prayers every Friday evening during Lent— she being the only person in the little community who could read— and the place being four miles distant from Red Cliff, it was impossible for these poor people to walk down to Church. . . It was impossible at this time to tcalJc to Indian Arm for swamps ; and though it was the height of the fishing, one man from each of the four houses was spared to row mo to the latter place, while the rest went to split and salt their fish, which they had delayed on account of prayers. And so grateful were they, that they further offered, • Both in Newfoundlnrd and Labrnclor lay baptism was frequently resorted to when there was no prospect of the services of a clergyman being forthcoming. In Bome jiarts it was quite a custom to take children to tlie clerk of some fishing eHtablisliment or the captain of a vessel. Sometimes a futlier would baptize his own cliildren ; and iii 184'J the Bishop met with one instance of ba|itipr i performed by a midwife [67]. h2 100 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OP THE GOSPEL. ohouia it blow too hard next evening for me to get down to Open Hole direct from Indian Arm, to make a crew again to convey me there " [73]. Another Missionary, the Rev. T. A. Goodb of Channel, wrote :— " Fancy a crew of four hands rowing against wind and tide forty miles— anight and a day— for the Clergyman to bury the dead 1 I have seen this more than once done here ; and I have gone with them when I thought we were risking our lives" [74]. Though it was impu^sible to supply the wants of this poor diocese unaided by the Society, the Bishop v.as modest in his demands, ever seeking to relieve its funds as soon as possible [75]. As a result of his efforts the local contributions of the people in Newfoundland for Church purposes, which in 1844 " were wretchedly small " (not more than £500 a year), had reached £2,530 per annum in 1864, while in the same period the number of Missionaries was increased from twenty-four to forty-six, of whom sixteen were supported without any help from the Society. The progress made during Bishop Feild's episcopate was thus summarised in an address presented to him in October 1875 by the Church in St. John's City on liis departure for Bermuda : — " Thirty-one years have passed since you assumed the spiritual supervision of this diocese, and none of us can be unmindful of the vast benefits you have been instrumental in conferring upon our Church during that long period ; your own consistent life of self-denial and sympathy has done much to support and cheer your clergy amidst their many toils and privations. "When you entered upon your Episcopate our Ecclesiastical System was unorganized and feeble. Now, Synodical order and unity prevail. " Then, we had only about twelve clergymen in the colony ; now, upwards of fifty are labouring therein, whilst Churches and Parsonages have been multiplied in a like proportion. " A College for the Education of Candidates for the Ministry has, by your exertions, been adequately and permanently endowed. " Separate Seminaries for Boys and Girls have been established, and are in successful operation. " Distinct Orphanages for destitute children of both sexes have been founded under your auspices, anri are f.ffectively conducted. " Our beautiful Cathedra) was desigr ed and partially built under your care, and the necessary funds for its completion are in process of collection. " A Coadjutor Bishof vie has been created solely through your disinterested assistance and the services of a divine* eminent for his piety, and conspicuous for his abilities, have been secured for that important office. " For the future support of the Episcopate, an endowment has been provided, and many a desolate settlement on our rugged shores has, year after year, been solely indebted for the ministrations of religion, to the visitations made by you and your Coadjutor in the Church Ship. " That the Almighty has permitted you to be His instrument in effecting so much good and for so long a time, that He has preserved you through so many labours and dangers, and (until recently) has upheld you in health and strength, has been a cause to us of wonder, and of gratitude to Ood. " We sincerely hope that a temporary sojourn in a more genial climate than that of a Newfoundland winter may prove beneficial to your impaired health, and we pray that you may be permitted to return from Bermuda in renewed vigour, and long be spared to your grateful flock " [76]. • Bishop Kelly, who held the office of Coadjutor Bishop from 1867 to 1876, and of Bishop from 1876 to 1877, when he resigned, and was succeeded in 1878 by Dr. L. Jones, the present Bishop. In both instances tho Society, at the request of the Diocesan Synod, assisted in the selection of the Bishop. NEWFOUNDLAND (WITH NORTHEKN LABRADOR). 101 It pleased God that this hope should not bo realised. On June 8, 1876, at Bermuda, Bishop Feild passed to his rest [77]. " The mention of Dr. Feild" (said the Diocesan Synod) " reminds us of the special debt we owe to your Society in relation to that holy man, whose righteous life and ceaseless labours have caused his name to be honoured by all people of every denomination, and his memory to be held in veneration by every Churchman in the diocese. Towards his annual income your Society largely contributed and . . . your sympathy . . . cheered him in his difficulties and encouraged him in hio labours " {Symd Address, 1877) [77a]. At this time the Society was assisting in the support of 36 Missionaries in Newfoundland at an annual expenditure of about £4,000. Without this assistance, the Synod declared, '• the work of our Church would be paralyzed" [78]. The completion of the episcopal endowment — to which the Society had given £2,000 in 1870 — now rendered the Bishops of Newfoundland no longer depen- dent for their support on an annual subsidy of £500 which, up to 1877, had been contributed by the Society [79]. [Since then much has been done towards rendering the diocese self-supporting, the Society's grant for 1893 being £2,800.] The Missions planted and fostered by the Society in Newfoundland have effected a great reformation in the land. Places " sunk in heathen darkness" have become Christian communities [80], and the influence of the Church of England on the Colonists generally may be gathered from the fact that in 1880 thousands of persons belonging to the various religious bodies in St. John's joined in hauling stone for the completion of the cathedral. Eoman Catholics and Dissenters vied with English Churchmen in helping forward the work [81]. By a fire which broke out in the city of St. John's on July 8, 1892, the diocese suflfered the loss of its cathedral and several churches. Towards reUeving the distress and repairing the losses, the Society opened a special fund [which realised £5,611] [82]. Statistics, — In Newfoundland (area, 42,000 sq. miles) and Northern Labrador, where the Society (1703-1892*) lias assisted in maintaining 194 Missionaries and planting 73 Central Stations (as detailed on pp. 850-9), there are now 197,335 inhabitants, of whom 09,000 are Church Members and 10,855 Communicants, under the care of 46 Clergymen and a Bishop. [See p. 703; see also the Table, pp. 192-3]. Eeferences (Chapter XIV.)— [1] S.P.C.K. Journal, Mar. 31, 1701; S.P.G. Report, 1704, p. 15. [2] Jo., V. 1, April 1(!, May 21, 1703 ; A MSS., V. 1, p. 78 ; E. 1706, p. 33. [3] Jo., V. 1, May 18, 1705, Mar. 15, Aug. 16, Sept. 20, and Oct. 18, 1700, Jan. 17, 1707, Oct. 21, 1709 ; A MSS., V. 3, pp. 23-4, 83-4 ; do. V. 4, p. 27 ; do. V. 5, p. 26. [4] Jo., V. 1, Aug. 17, 1705 ; App. Jo. A, p. 384 ; App. Jo. B, p. 03. [5] Jo., V. 5, pp. 76-7, 115-16, 180, 180, 240, 284 ; Jo., V. 6, pp. 7, 69, 129, 213-14 ; Jo., V. 7, pp. 8, 106-7, 212-13 ; R. 1727, pp. 88, 44 ; R. 1728, p. 40 ; R. 1732, pp. 61-2. [6] A MSS., V. 22, pp. 226-7 ; Jo., V. 5, pp. 251, 255; Jo., V. 10, p. 137; R. 1730, p. 96. [7] Jo., V. 5, pp. 821-2 ; Jo., V. 6, pp. 77, 122, 179-80, 191-2, 268 ; R. 1735, p. 87. [8] Jo., V. 1, Jan. 17, 1707. [0] Jo., V. 1, May 18 and June 15, 1705, Sept. 17, 1709. [9a] Jo., V. 0, pp. 221, 231-2, 307 ; V. 7, pp. 4, 6, 20. [10] Jo., V. 7, pp. 202-4 ; R. 1737, pp. 37-8. [11] Jo., V. 6, p. 308 ; Jo., V. 7, p. 204 ; K. 1735, p. 87 ; R. 1787, p. 38. [12] Jo., V. 9, pp. 186, 202 ; R. 1732, pp. 61-2 ; R. 1742, p. 44. [13] Jo., V. 10, p. 4 ; R. 1744, pp. 46-7. [14] B MSS., V. 6, pp. 158, 160, 168 ; Jo., V. 16, pp. 289, 507 ; R. 1765, p. 16. [15] Jo., V. 18, p. 274 ; R. 1769, p. 17 ; R. 1772, p. 17. [16] B MSS., V. 6, p. 180. [17] Jo., V. 19, p. 342; Jo., V. 20, pp. 75-6 ; B MS8., V. 6, pp. 196-7. [18] Jo., V. 19, p. 342; M.R. 1855, pp. 34-6. [18rt] Jo., V. 13, p. 14; E. 1754, p. 11 ; Jo., V. 26, p. 89 ; R. 1792, p. 42 ; Jo., V. 28, p. 821 ; R. 1802, p. 43. [19] Jo., V. 26, p. 208 ; R. 1793, p. 88. [20] B MSS., V. 18, p. 199 ; Jo., V. 9, pp. 121-2, 250 ; Jo., V. 10, pp. 15-16 ; Jo., V. 11, pp. 8, 89 ; R. 1744, p. 46. [21] Jo., V. 10, p. 96 ; * From 1849 to 1892 in the case of Northern Labrador. !mI 102 SOCIETY FOB THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. •R 174B n 48 • R 1746. p. 48. [22] Jo., V. 18, p. 212 ; R. 1766, p. 41. [28. 24] Jo., V. 15, S; 210 3i&;V ml pp. 88-9 [25] B. 1880, p. 72. [26] Jo.,V. 26, pp. 884-5; 5o Alpp 2, 24(t-5, '8^4, 874; Jo., V. 28, p. 186; R. 1705, p. 87 ; R. 1800, p 29. r27l Jo V 6 n. 191 ; R. 1784, pp. 62-3. [28] Jo., V. 24, pp. 870-2 ; Jo., V. 25, pp. 127-9, Si:^;^ 1786, P Ii'r. 1789, p. 86; M.R 1855, pp. 87-8 ; R- 18^«, V- «4 J OP Jan 1844, p. 3: Q.P., April 1846, pp. 2-6; Jo., V. 45, pp. 222-8. [29] Jo., V. 25, n 129 ?301 Jo V 17. pp. 209-10, 418; Jo., V. 18, pp. 270-8; B M88., V. 6, pp. 166, 170 175 mVlT 1767, pp. 43-47r. 1769 p. 18. [31] %., V. 21, p. 268. [32] M.fe. 1855, Ts's [33] Jo. V 21, S 292-8. [34] Jo., V. 24, pp. 21&-17. [35] Jo., V. 25, pp 331, fill ^[36] R.'l797,pr83-4 I R. 1708, p. 44. [37j Jo., V. 28 p. 486 ; R. 1803, pp. 85-6. [38] Jo. V. 29, p. 221" [39] Jo., V. 30, p. 69. [40] Jo-, V 25 p 76; ft 1788. [38] ---, . . . - „ p. 10; Jo., V. 27, pp. 287, 401; R. pp. 124-5 ; R. 1821, p. 57. [41] R. 1784 pp. 47-8. [44] R. 1821, pp. 55-7 '"^ C, p. 279. [47] R. 1827, pp " 1797, p. 33; R. 1799, p. 32; Jo., V. 83, pp. 86-8. [42] R. 1807, p. 88. [43] R. 1817, [45] R. 1821, p. 58. [46] R. 1827, p. 62 ; App. Jo. 62-104. [48] R. 1830, p. 73. [49] R. 1881, pp. 46-7. [50 r. 183d; p.'83; R. 1836,"pp. 30-3, 87-91. [51] R. 1840, p. 46; App. Jo. O, p. 270. 52j R. 1840, pp. 48-9. [53] R. 1842, pp. 47-8; R. 1843, pp. 1«- af 5 1 M.R 1855. pp 41-2. [541 R. 1831, p. 27. [55] R. 1844, p. 62. [56] Bishop Feild's Journal, 1845, m< '0 22 35. [57] K MSS., V. 9, pp. 407-8 ; R. 1850, p. 49. [58, 59] Church fn tlie'Col'onies, No. 19, pp. 1-32 ; do.. No. 21, p. 68; Q.P., Oct. 1850, pp. 1-6. [60] Q.P., Oct. 1850, pp. 2, 8. [61] K MSS., V. 9, p. 860; R. 1849, p. 74. [62] Church in the iP. 0, [68-9] Bishop [70 1 R. 1866, p. 58. [71] R. 1867, pj). 45-6. [72] Church in tho Colonies, No. 37, pi 7 : Jo., V. 49, pp. 15-6 ; R. 1865, p. 48. [73] R. 1857, p. 60. [74] R. 1870, pp. 84-5. ' R. 1852, pp. 53-4. [75a] Bishop Feild s Plea, 1864. [76] M.F. 1876, pp. 177-8. _ _ M.F. 1876, P- 217. [77a] M.F. 1877, pp. 366-7. [78] M.F. 1877, p. 867. [79] Jo., V. 50, p. 402 ; R. 1876, p. 131 ; Applicatious Committee Report, 1877, p. 2. [80] Q.P., Jan. 1844, p. 2 ; B. 1865, p. 50, and " A Sowing Time on the Ru!,'ged Shores of Newfoundland," by Rev. J. S. Mountain. [81] R. 1880, p. 90. [82] M.F. 1892, pp. 809, 321-80, 355, 895 ; R. 1892, Cash Account, p. 14. CHAPTER XV. BEBMUDA. The Bermudas or Somera IslandB, situated in the Western Atlantic Ocean, 680 miles from North Carolina, 730 from Halifax, and 800 from the nearest West Indies, consist of about 100 small islands, some 16 only being inhabited. Tho group was discovered in 1515 by Juan Bermude, a Spaniard, but no settlement waa formed there until 1609, when Sir George Somers was wrecked on one of its sunken reefs, while conveying English colonists to Virginia. This led to tho Virginia Company obtaining a concession of the islands from James I., but soon afterwards they sold them for £2,000 to " The Company of the City of London for the Plantation of the Somers Islands." Representative government was introduced into the Colony in 1620 ; but in 1684 the Charter of the new body of adventurers was cancelled, and since then the Governors have invariably been appointed by the Crown. In 1705 a Mission Library and books for his parishioners were voted by the Society to the Rev. T. Lloyd on his being appointed to Bermuda by the Bishop of Iiondon [1]. Assistance towards the support of a clergyman was soHcited in the same year (by the Bishop of London) [2], and again in 1714 (by or on behalf of the Rev. — King) [3] and in 1715, but not granted. On the third occasion the applica- tion was made by the President and Council of Bermuda, who " believing that nothing keeps the IVIemorials of God and Religion in a BERMUDA. 103 degenerate age more than the Publick Worship, and ordinance of God's Duty administered, and, seriously considering the ill congequencos to any people for want of the same," heartily offered their " piesent case to [the] Venerable Society" "for their serious consideration and assistance." In the islands were "nine Churches, which not being far distant from one another it was thought that three Ministers could supply them all, and therefore by an Act of Assembly" provision was made for such number (viz., £40 per annum, with house and glebe lands worth another £S0), but there being "but one Minister in the Island the Rev. Andrew Auchinleck,"* they asked the Society to encourage Missionaries to Bermuda as in other parts of America, adding that they would " always think it an honour to receive their commands and in all things joyfully concur for promoting religion and virtue." The petition was supported by Mr. Auchinleck, who stated that he had " for some years past been obliged to [make] many tirearsome journeys in the island," and had "constantly read prayers and preacad in several Churches in this island to people that had been brought up under Dissenting Teachers . . . particularly under one Mr. John Fowles who had been teacher bette [better] then 30 years, yet in a little time" Mr. Auchinleck "found them ready to conform," and he now had " good congregations," which in numbers " daily increased" [4]. The opinion of the Society at the time was that it was " not consistent " with its " rules " "to send any Missionary to Bermuda " [5], and up to 1822 it continued to regard the colony as able to provide for its own spiritual wants. In 1821 the Rev. A. G. Spencer, having removed to Bermuda from Newfoundland in search of health, was employed in one of the vacant parishes by the Governor, on whose representation of " the deplorable situation of the islands . . . and the inadequacy of the provision made for the Clergy," the Society in 1822 extended its aid to the Bermudas for the support of Mr. Spencer and of the Rev. George Costar, "who had for years struggled through the many difficulties of his charge with exemplary attention to its duties " [6] . In 1823 an allowance was made for a school- master [7]. On his transfer to Newfoundland in 1824 Mr. Costar left in his two districts congregations "numerous and attentive," and in Devonshire parish the number of communicants was " nearly equal to the third part of the white population," His work among the negroes was disappointing. Their masters willingly assented to their attending church on a week-day, and at first " considerable numbers " came ; " but when the novelty had passed away it was not possible to form any congregation " [8], A few years later the Church obtained a great and lasting influence over the coloured population. The Rev. A, G. Spencer and the Bishop of Nova Scotia, both Missionaries of the Society, were foremost in effecting this change. When the Bishop visited the islands in 1826 the population numbered 10,G12, of whom 4,648 were white, 722 free negroes, and 5,242 slaved. "A very large pro- portion of the inhabitants" were "members of the EstabUshed Church," but although a small glebo had been allotted to each parish many years before, the whole provision for the Clergy was so • A clergyman who had been appointed by the Society to South Carohnain 1705, but who had changed his destination. I 104 SOCIETY FOR THE PROrAOATION OF THE GOSPEL. insufficient that " the Churches were very badly supplied . . . four and even six of them " had " been committed to the care of a single Clergyman for many years together." " During the administration of Sir WiUiam Lumley ... an Act was passed by the Colonial Legislature forming 8 parishes into 4 livings, and allotting from the pubhc treasury ,^600" (= ;£185) " to each of 4 Clergymen ... in those parishes and a like sum for the ninth parish, that of St. George." With "other advantages, arising from glebe, sub- scriptions and fees," the salary was made up to £200 for each clergyman. Each parish was provided with a "respectable Church " built of stone and whitened, and surrounded by beautiful Church- yards " inclosed with walls as white as snow, adorned with cedar trees and some of them covered with roses and geraniums." Where he found only three Clergymen (Messrs. Spencer, Lough, and Ho are) the Bishop left six, and the Sunday before his leaving Bermuda "divine service was performed in every Church in those islands, a circumstance almost unknown there." In each church also Confirmation was administered — to over 1,200 persons in the whole, '* many of whom were seventy years old, and some more than 80 and among them were more than 100 blacks." Throughout the Colony " the zeal of the Clergy and the excellent disposition of the people exrited his admiration." No Bishop had ever been seen before on the islands, and " the inhabitants seemed ready to welcome such "^'sitor with primitive affection."* >T negroes, of whom about 1,200 had been baptized, were "dom, Mc rather than plantation slaves and treated very kindly by their mutters." They required religious instruction, and were "anxious to receive it in connexion with the Established Church," to which their masters belonged, and there was " a readiness on the part of the Masters to acquiesce and even to co-operate in any reasonable method of affording it." As a step in this direction the Bishop " laid tlie foundation of ten temporary schools," and authorised the em- ployment of a catechist in every district, and made representations to Government on the subject [9]. Within a year fourteen schools were at work— seven being for the coloured children— and it was then thought that the Bermudas were " adequately supplied with means of rehgious instruction." Under the superintendence of Archdeacon Spencer the schools " assumed a conspicuous feature in the rehgious concerns of the diocese " [10]. On his second visit to the Bermudas (in 1830) the Bishop was struck with the great advance which the Church had made. " The Society," he said, had " been successful in the introduction of the National system of education " ; and, although four years before there was " not a coloured person in the islands receiving regular instruction " in connection with the Church, more than 700 of those people, of various ages, were now in the enjoyment of that blessing. " The moral influence of this instruction" had " checked the prevailing vice among the people of colour by inducing them to desire the benefits of legal marriage " recently extended to them by the Colonial Legislature, and " the httle pilfering which was common in every part of the islands " • Th« Bennadas were conatituted a pari of the See of " Nova Scotia" in 1825 [9a]. had BERMUDA, lo: had " greatly diminished." Persons who " formerly considered it as a thing of course that a largo portion of their poultry would bo stolen from them " had in the last three years *' not lost a fowl." Referring to a confirmation of negroes at Warwick, the Bishop says of one of the candidates : " At an early hour " Archdeacon Spencer " manumitted a slave who had been for some time under his instruc- tion. Soon afterwards he baptized him ; at ten o'clock he married him ; and at eleven the same person was confirmed." At Pembroke on Ascension Day " nearly 200 communicants attended at the altar," and the Bishop delivered a Charge to the Clergy, twelve being present — a fourfold increase. Such a number had never been in the islands before. So eagerly were the ministrations of the Church sought after by the negroes that a general enlargement of the buildings was called for. At one place nine-tenths of those who attended service " were without accommodation," and " if Church room be not provided for the people of colour " (wrote the Bishop) " all our labours in their behalf will lead to their early separation from the Established Church " [11]. The granting of "immediate and complete enxa,woIjJuiiua " to ^V'p slaves of Bermuda, " without the intervention ol theofiered apprentice- ship " (the course generally adopted in the West Indies), called for additional exertions for dispensing religious instruction to the coloured population. By means of the Negro Education Fund [sec p. 195] the Society " readily attended to the call, and greatly assisted the benevolent object." Aid from this source began in 1835 [12], and two years later Archdeacon Spencer reported that 'the best effects hav been pro- duced by the Society's grants," and "that the local Legislature has been extremely liberal ... in aiding the several parishes to enlarge their Churches for the coloured parishioners " [13]. By the subdivision of the Diocese of Nova Scotia in 1839 Bermuda became attached to the See of Newfoundland,* then founded and placed under charge of Archdeacon Spencer as first Bishop, to whose support the Society continued to contribute [14]. Between this time and his translation to the See of Jamaica in 1843 " the labours of the exemplary clergy of these islands " (Bermudas) were signally blessed, the candidates for confirmation having " increased in more than a double ratio"; and three Eomanists "intelligently embraced the doctrines of the Church of England mainly through the instru- mentality of Dr. Tucker" [15]. It is noteworthy that in 182C, when the first Bishop visited Bermuda, there were said to be " only 2 Roman CathoHcs in the islands " [16]. The Bermudians continued to be " very liberal in their support of the Church and its institutions," and probably did " as much in this way in proportion to their meais as any colony" [17]. Referring to the erection of four new churches in the islands in 1849, • In 1851 the Society obtained for BiBhop Feilcl a legal opinion as to his powers and jurisdiction as Bishop in Bermuda [14o]. Five years later the Bishop recommended the separation of Bermuda from the Diocese of Newfoundland and its union with the Bahamas, so as to form a new Colonial See, and offered to resign the £200 salary wiiioh he received annually from Bennuda. The Society regarded such an arrange- ment as " highly desirable," and communicated with the Colonial Office on the subject, but the union did not take place, though the See of Nassau was founded in 1801 [146]. 106 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. Bishop Feild stated that though "the whole white population of Bermuda does not exceed 5,000 . . . they ha^^e built nine handsome churches, without any foreign aid," and "each of the nine parishes has to maintain its own church and to enlarge it when necessary." At this Visitation the Bishop "was particularly pleased with the increased intelligence and interest displayed by the coloured popula- tion," and added, " the schools built by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel for the coloured population, at the time of emancipation, have proved an inestimable blessing " [18], The Kev. Dr. Murray, who had witnessed the transition of the negroes from a state of slavery to one of freedom and responsibility, reported in 1850, after 25 years' experience, that the result of the Society's efforts in Bermuda had been " very remarkable." Time was " when not one in a thousand could write his name or read it if . . . written." Now there was not one per cent, of those born since 1830, and of a fit age to be taught, but what were able to read and write, &c. Where the marriage tie had been so generally disregarded thnt there were probably not a dozen couples "united in lawful wedlock," the reverse was now the case. And a "meagre," "unintelligent," and apparently " fruitless " attendance at Divine Service had given way to crowded congregations, who joined " in the Liturgy and psalmody with imderstanding and apparent affection," "the great mass of the coloured people " being " steadfastly attached to the Church " and furnishing hundreds of constant communicants in place of the " very few " of former years. In everything that regards moral or religious purpose the coloured people of Bermuda " might compare not disadvantageously with any people of the same origin in any part of the world" [19]. The work and cla.ms of the Society have obtained general and lasting recognition in Bermuda. Every parish there joined in celc- bratmg the last jubileo [20], and a substantial contribution to the Society's funds is still made annually [21]. In 1856 the Rev. Dr. Tucker of St. George's voluntarily rosigned his Missionary salary from the Society, as he had provided a church, school, and parsonage on a destitute island in his parish [22]. On the death of the Rev. J. F. Lightuourn in 1870 the entire support of the Church was left to local rfjsources. Statiktics.— In tli-i Bormudiis (area, li) sq. ip'k-n), wIuto tho Society (1H22-70) aBsititod in muintainint,' 1'2 Mia»ioniirii'siin CliurcU McniberH, undov tlie care of 5 Clurjfymen and the Bishop of Newfoundland. iSec also tho Table on pp. l'.»'2-a.] Prferences (Chapter XV.)- ri] Jo., V. 1, May 18, 1705. r21 .To., V. 1, Nov. 10, 1705. [3] Jo., V. 2, Nov. 12 and 10, 1711. [4] Jo., 0; M.F. 1800, p. 72; R. 1800, p. 12(1. 1221 Jo., V. 47, P. 182 ; M.F. 1800, pp. 140-4. l j • . i 107 CHAPTER XVI. NOVA SCOTIA, CAPE BRETON, ISLAND, AND PRINCE EDWARD Nova Scotia was discovered by the Cabots, under the English King Henry VTT., in 1497. The French began to colonise it in 1508, but their settlements in La Cadie, or Acadie as tliey called the country, were mostly destroyed in 1613 by an English ship from Virginia. In 1021 the territory was assigned by James I. to Sir William Alexander, and received the name of Nova Scotia, which included tlie province now known as New Brunswick. Possessioii for the English was obtained about 1C28-9 by ]">avid Kirk, a Huguenot refugee, w'lo captured Port Royal* (the capital) ; but in 1032 the colony was restored to France. During the last half of the 17th century it passed through several changes of government — Englisli and French; but in 1713 it was finally surrendered to Great Britain by the Peace of Utrecht. In 17.'38 the ( wo islands of Cape Breton and St. John (now Prince Edw:ird Island), which also had been settled by the Frencli, and the former of wliich had been held by the English from 1745 to 1747, both became permanently British possessions. Prince Edward Island, annexed to Nova Scotia in 1703, was constituted a separate Colony in 1770. During the wars the presence of the Frencli Acadians in Nova Scotia was considered dangerous to English interests, and in consequence thousands of them were expelled in 1755. After the peace many of the exiles returned to the colony. The success of the Englisli led to the Micmac Indians "burying the hatchet" and formally accepting in 1701 George III. (instead of the French King) " as their Father and Friend." Previously to tliis they had committed fearful barbarities upon the colonists of Nova Scotia, and in the French Governor's house at St. John were found many English scalps hung as trophies. In -lanuary 1711 Colonel Nicholson laid before the Society an address " from the gentlemen that compose the Council of War at AnnapoUs Royal in Nova Scotia praying that Ministers may be sent over to convert the Indians in the said cotmtry." The address, with '* several other papers and letters concerning the same business," were " refer'd to the Committee " for " opinion " [1], and in the following yeiir a Mission among the Indians in New York Province was renewed [see pp. 67-70] ; but nothing further is recorded of Nova Scotia until 1727, when the Rev. Richakd Watts, then about to go to Annapolis as a Chaplain to the Forces, prayed the Society for " an allow.mce for teaching vhc poor children there." The Society voted him 'wlOayear — which was doubled in 1781— and sent a supply of Bibles, Prayer Books, and tracts tor his school, which was opened at Easter ] 728, and in which he taught fifty children. At his own charge he built in 1787 a " school house for the good of the publick and especially for the poorer sort," in Annapolis, " and appointed it for that use for ever with other necessary conveniences." Two years later, tlio chaplaincy having determined, he removed to New Bristol, in New Eiif^land [2J. While at Annapolis Mr. Watts in 1729 reported that the people lit Canso "were generally bent to address the Society (or a Minister," and he offered his services to the Society for that place, ' there being no other Minister of the Church of England in thai whole Province or Ciovernment [Nova Scotia| besides himself" The Society awaited a communication from the people tiiemselves, but nothing came until 17J}(i, when Mr. Edward How, a Canso merchant, petitioned for an allowance for a school, "great numbers of poor people," chielly fisher- * Afterwards Annapolis Royal, in honour of Queen Anue. 108 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. men, soldiers, and labourers, "being very desirous of having their children taught and instructed in the principles of Christian religion," a work -which no one had been found to undert.ake until the arrival of the Rev. James Peden, " Deputy- Chaplain to the Forces there," in October 1785. Mr. Peden had taken fifty poor children under his care, and for his encouragement the Society granted £10 a year, which was continued up to the end of 1743, when, as he had given " a very in- sufficient account of the state of the school." the allowance was withdrawn [3]. The circumstances under which the Society's connection was renewed with Nova Scotia are set forth in the following letter from the Commissioriers of Trade and Vh n;,,t lions to the Society : — " Whitehall, April Oth 1719. "Sir, — His Majesty having gi,"''' directions that a number of persona sliould be sent to the Province ot Nova Hcotia, in North America : I am directed by my Lords Commissioiiers for Trade and Plantations to desire you will acquaint the Society for Propagating the Gospel in Foreign Parts, that it is proposed to settle the said pcrrms in six Townships, and that a particular spot will be set a Part in each of them, for building a Church, and 400 acres of land adjacent thereto granted in perpetuity, Free from the payment of any Quit Bent, to a Minister, and his successors, and 200 in like manner to a Schoolmaster : Their Lordships therefore recommend to the Society to Name a Minister and Schoolmaster for each of the said Townships, hoping that they will give such encouragements to them as the Society shall think proper, untill their lands can be so far cultivated as to afford a sullicient support. " I am further to acquaint you that each Clergyman wlio shall be sent with the Persons who are to Form this first settlement, will have a grant of 200 acres of land, and each Schoolmaster 100 acres in Propriety to *l'em and their heirs, as also 30 acres over and above their said respective qnoV . Ivr every Person of which their Families shall consist ; that tliey will likr isi be subsisted during their passage, and for twelve months after their ar -al, and furnish'd with Arms, Ammunition, and Materials for Husbandry, j'u'in^; vneir houses, &c., in like manner as the other setlers. " Their Lordships think proper that the Socioty ^ 'uv,' 1 boinform'd that (except the Garrison of Annapolis) all the inhabitants of ti^'- 'f.id I'vovince, amounting to 20,000, are French Koman Catholicks, and that there > 3 • j/ vat number of Priests resident among them, wlio act under the Directions ol the French Bishop of Quebec. " At the same time their Lordsliips would recommend it to the consideration of the Society, whether it may not be advisable to choose some amongst others, of the Ministers and Schoolmasters to be sent, who by speaking the French language may bo particularly usefull in cultivating a sense of the true Protestant religion among the said inhabitants, and educating their children in the Principles thereof. " I am Sir your most obedient bumble servant " John Pov.N.>r:, Sollr. and Clk. of the Reports." [4]. It afforded the Commissioners . . Society " much ;■:: . " sbew'd so just ; ducing atid supporting true Religion ainong the People to be settled" in Nova Scotia, " nt tiio same time that they were consulting in Lion to observe " that the liocoinary Regard for intro- 80 great a i^e^roe th': .'ivil and commercial Interests of that Colony and of Gnat iirita' i" To further " the pious and laudable intention " a speciiu -nfi^jtin^f Aas Leld on April 7, attended by the two Archbishops and ten Suffrairan Bishops, at which the Society undertook to supply (as settlements were formed) six clergymen and six schoolmasters — including some able to speak French — and to provide them with '• the NOVA SCOTU. 109 highest salary* allow'd " by it, as well as gratuities* ** to facilitate the first settlement," and (with the aid of the S.P.C.K.) "proper books." The Commissioners were asked " to consider this assistance . . . m its true light as an approbation and an encouragement only of this excellent design," it being *' the very best " the Society's circumstances allowed, and " indeed . . . beyond " its " ability, for besides this large^ new expence for the support of Religion in this new settlement, the constant, annual, necessary charge in providing for Divine Worship and usefuU instruction, that the people in the numerous and extensive Colonics of America may not sink into Atheism, or be Perverted to Popery," elready exceeded " considerably £3,500 a year, while the certain annual Income " was not " so much as £1,000." It was assumed that the " Chaplain setled already at Annapolis Royal " was " resident and constantly " performed " his duty there," and the hope was expressed that early care would be taken by the Government " to build churches and to erect comfortable houses for the Missionaries," and to assist them in clearing and cultivating their glebes. With reference to the "great danger" the new settlement was "like to be in," "of being perverted to Popery by the number of French Papists, the Vigilancy of their Priests and the activity of the Bishop of Quebeck," the Society submitted for the Commissioners' consideration " whether the barrier against this bad religion and bad government v/ould not be rendered stronger by making some Pro- visional allotment of a number of acres towards the supporting a Bishop of the Church of England there, when the importance of this hopefuU and growing colony shall require and the wisdom of the Government shall think fit to place one in that country." Also " whether it might not be of considerable service to the Publick " if the Commissioners wert " to assist the application that the Society made some time since to the Government for the appointing of Bishops ... in our Colonies in America in such places as shall be thought most proper" [5]. It was not until most of the American Colonies had been lost to England that the Government thought fit to appoint a Bishop for any of them ; but when that time came Nova Scotia was selected as the seat of the first Bishopric. [See p. 751.] Within a fortnight of the receipt of the Commissioners' letter the Rev. William Tutty, the Rev. William Anwyl, and a schoolmaster had been appointed by the Society to accompany the first settlers from England [(?]. The necessity of this provision will appear from the following abstract of a letter from Mr. Tutty, " dated from Chebucto Harbour in Nova Scotia Sept. 29th 1749 acquainting that on the 2l8t of June they arrived safe on that Harbour ... he was on board the Beaufort man-of-war with the Governor thro' the kind recommen- dation of the . . . Bishop of Lincoln." They had "met with many difficulties arising chiefly from the Perverseness of the present settlers, which thro' the wise conduct of the very worthy Governor, with the assistance of Hugh Davidson Yjsq., the Secretary, and of Richard Bulkeley Esq., the Aid-de-Camp," were " in a great measure sur- * At Unit tiino £70 wiiliiry and X'oO gratuity in tlio case of each Missionary, and £16 salary and £10 gratuity in the case of each schoolmaster. P 110 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. 1 mounted," and the Colony was "sO far advanc'd" that Mr. Tutty hoped "neither French treachery nor Indian cruelty," nor, "worse than both, even the Perverseness of the Setlers themselves" would " be able to prevail against it. The old Inhabitants, both the French and Indians," were " Bigotted Papists, and under the absolute Dominion 01 their Priests"; they acknowledged "obedience to our King of Great Britain," but it was " a mere verbal acknowledgement," to judge *' by their present Prevarication, and past behaviour, and the effect of Fear alone ; The Indians of the Pen Insula came frequently with their Wives and Children " among the settlers on their arrival, " traded with them, and seem'd not in the least dissatisfied with their settling in the Country ; But they disappeared all at once, on a summons to Chiginecto from their Priest " who endeavoured " to stir them up to Arms, and appear'd as he did in the late War at the Head of them about Minar; but as an officer with 100 men" were posted there no great danger was " to be apprehended on that side." Of the new settlers from " Old England," the "lower sort" were "in general a sett of most abandon'd wretches ... so deeply sunk into ahnost all kinds of Immorality " as to " scarce retain the shadow of rehgion "; there were "indeed a few good men amongst them," and the officers behaved " with great decency " in general, and seldom failed "to join in the Publick Worship." The "settlers from New England" made " great Pretentions to Religion," and were "justly scandaliz'd at the barefac'd immorality of the others"; but if they were " to be judged from their commercial deaUngs, the externals of religion" were "much more prevalent with them than the essence of it." This, Mr. Tutty said, was " the true disposition of the Inhabitants of Nova Scotia." and in order to amend it, to begin with the " Old Inhabitants," he proposed " that some French Bibles or Testaments at least, with a plain comment upon them, should be sent over to be distributed among the French," who would "gladly read them, if not prevented by their Priests; and if some French Protestants were induced to come over with an able Missionary of the same Nation ... a few years would make a great alteration for the better, both in their Religion and Loyalty." To further this scheme Mr. Tutty recommended to the Society " the Rev. Mr. Moreau, some time since Secular Priest and Parochial Minister in France, which he quitted for the sake of a good conscience, and camo over and join'd himself to the Church of England, and after some . . . time, married and embark'd with the new setlers for Nova Scotia." For the Indians nothing could be done for the present, as they had just " commenc'd hostilities" against the Colony "in a base barbarous manner," and were "running blindly upon their own destruction." "As to the new setlers," Mr. Tutty would "oppose himself to stop the torrent of ImmoraUty thro' God's Assistance with all his might." The Governor ordered him to " beg . . . that some more Missionaries might be sent them." " Good Schoolmasters " were also "much wanted," the " chief hope " of the Colony being "among the rising generation." The number of inhabitants "in the town of Halifax " exceeded 15,000, " excluding the soldiery." Since his arrival Mr. Tutty had baptized 20 infants, but " the Blessed Sacrament " had not been administered because Divine Service had " hitherto been per- r NOVA SCOTIA. Ill form'd in the open air," but as soon as " the Governour's dining room" was finished, it was " purpos'd to make use of that " till a church was erected ; one was being framed at Boston " capable of holding 900 persons." The Society at once laid out £50 "in purchasing French Bibles and other proper books " * for the Colonists, and submitted to the Commis- sioners of Trade &c. a representation of its " present low circumstances," with an abstract of Mr. Tutty's letter [7]. The Commissioners replied, March 5, 1750, "that having had last year so great an instance of the goodwill of the Society, towards the Infant Settlement of Nova Scotia," they would " be far from pressing them beyond what the cause of Keligion " might " require and the circumstances of the Society . . . admit." They also had sent a large supply of Biblesf to the Colony, and it was design'd that the next settlement should "consist chiefly of Foreign Protestants " [8]. Meanwhile Mr. Tutty reported (Dec. 5, 1749) that if the new Colony went on " with such success as it has begun it must infallibly in a few years eclipse all the other Colonys in North America." On Sept. 2, 1750, St. Paul's, Halifax, the first English Church in Nova Scotia, was opened ; the inhabitants of that town then numbered 4,000 (exclusive of the military), and Mr. Tutty had 50 regular communicants. During the next year the population rose to 6,000, over one-half being professed members of the Church of England, and between 800 and 400 actual communicants. These included many Germans, formerly Lutherans and Calvinists, whose conformity having been promoted by a Swiss Minister, Mr. Burger, that gentleman was ordained and appointed to their charge in 1751. In that year Mr. Tutty wrote : " The Colony in general is much amended, and the behaviour of the worst among them is less profligate and abandoned." Between Churchmen and Dissenters there was " a perfect harmony," and "the most bigotted" among the latter seldom failed to attend Church " every Sunday morning " [9]. Mr, Anwyl's conduct being unsatisfactory, the Society decided to recall him, but he died in February 1750, before the decision was taken [10]. In his place the Rev. J. B. Moreau was appointed to minister to a settlement of French and Swiss Protestants, which he began to do on September 9, 1750, in the French language [11]. In 1752 his congregation was increased to 1,000 (800 adults) by the arrival from Montbelliard of "500 Protestants of the Confession of Augsburgh," who conformed to the Church, receiving with the "greatest satisfaction" copies of the Book of Common Prayer in French — " kissing his hand and the books for joy" [12]. Most of the French and Germans, with a few English, in all 1,600 persons, imder Mr. Moreau's charge, removed to Lunenburgh in 1754. There every Sunday they assembled themselves together for service " in the open parade," and more than 200 of the French and Germans were " regular communicants " [18]. * The S.P.C.K. co-npcratpil with the Society in providing books on thisoccaBion [8a]. + Tiie French Bibles Kent by the ComniiBHionors, " havinfr the Geneva form of prayer annex'd to tlieni," almost occiisiotied a schism among tlie Conforniistfl ; but the Swiss leaders " having examined the F.ngli.Hli Liturgy with great attention . . . thouglit it in all respects preferable to any human composition and . . . determined constantly to use it"; and they succeeded iu removing "the rrejudiccs of their weak Brethren" in most instances [86]. 112 SOCIETV FOn THH PROrAOATION OP TUB QOSPBL. Over his Hock Mr. ^[oroau cxorciHod a "},'"»lly ilisciplino." On Eastor Day 1757 ho " put to puhUclc Ponanco ono of tlio C()nKr»>- gation who had hooii ono of tho Chiofs in a Conspinioy . . . against the Oovornmont." "After un humhlo prostration of hiinsolf in tl>i> (l)nircli the Penitent roao up and lunnhly asked pardon of (lod, of tho King and of his Christian hrothren." After an oxhortution from tho pulpit to a sincero repontanco and amendment of hfe, ho was ro-admittod to the Holy Connnunion, IIJ) others communicatiiif,' at tlio same service j llj. Ministrations in Lunenhurgli and TIahfa. "• wc;e continuo(. in three languages for nuiny years, and notwithstanding tho great ditVKMiItics arising from thodiversitiosot language and creed, tlio Uev. P. Hryzt'liws m 1770 and the Rev. P. Dk li.\ ilociii: in 1775 nunihe cd I'iOdoriuan, 60 French, and HO English-speaking persons among their comnm- nicants " [ir»|. Mr. Do La Uocho rond rod good service also hy " puhlishing weekly in tho Gazette a Practical C'ommentary on tiio Now Tostament " " for the henelit of tlio unlearned " in tho Province [IfirtJ. Jk'sides S(>rving his three European congregations, Mr. Moreau so oxt(Muled his operations that in 17(>1 ho could rejwrt tho " success of his lahours in hringing over the Indian savages to our holy religion having haptized several of their children." These Iiulians heluivcd " with gr lloman Catholio Priests, who had taught them the " grossest absurdities " |l(l|. Tho ilov. .1. Pknnkt, an itinerant Missionary, also made some good impressicms on tho Indians. He had several long conferences with them, and was " instrunu>ntal in keeping tho Havagoa quiot " in tho mterosts of tho English [17]. Tho liev. T. Wool) of Halifax and Annapolis Poyal \c. obtained considerable influence over tho Indians. In August 17(i'2 there died at Halifax M. Maillard, a lloman Catholic Pri(>st, Vicar-Oenoral of Quoboc, and " Missionary to the French and Indians," " wlio stood m so much awo of him that it was judged necessary to allow him a salary from our dovernment." Tho day before his death, "at his own request Mr. Wood performed the Ollice for tho Visitation of tho Sick according to our form | Anglican] in the l''rench Ijanguago in the presence of all the French whom Monsr. Maillard ordered to attend for that purpose." At his funeral Mr. Wood "performed tho Oilico of burial according to our form, in French, in the i>resence of almoHt all tho gentlemen of Halifax and a very numerous assembly of I'^rench and Indians" [1H|. The respect shown to Mr, Wood by M. Maillard had 80 good an elTect on the Indians that they exnr(>ssed a desire " to join in tho service of tlu^ (!liurch of Englanil in the French tonguo, with which th(7 wore so well pleased that they . . . bogged " for a monthly service. The use of <* the sign of the* ('ross " in tho English baptismal service gave tho Indians and tho !''ronch Ncnitrals particular satisfaction. As most of tho Indians in the Province under- stood thoir own language only, Mr. Wood dovoted from three to four • By 1700 tho QonnanB iit Italifux liail l)p(giii), nil Indian (Jliii-f cuiiin foiwunl from tlm nmt, and knodliiigdown . . . priiyiul that tho Almighty (ioil wmilM hloHs IUm Majesty Kiiin Ofoiyr th«< 'I'liiiil, tht'ir lawful Kinn and (fovcnior, anil all tlio Hoyal I'aniily : ho prayoil also for . . . tlm Oovornor, ami for l'roM|i(Mily to Him Maji'Mty'n I'rdvinoo. Ho then roKo tiii, anil Mr. Wixxl . . . oxplainod IiIh I'rnyor in MikjUsIiIo tho wholo ConKr('j,'ati()n. Upon which his I'iXt<(>lltuu'y turnoil to tho Imlians ami liowod to thoni. When Sorvico was ondod tho ludidits thai\kod (iod, tho (iovonior, and Mr. Wood, for tho opportunity th(>y had of hourin^' I'rayors aKiiiii in thoir own Lanh'unK<<." Soon aftor, Mr. Wood ofliciatod at tho nuirria^^'o of tho daughtor of Thoina, tho horoditary king of tho MickniaekH, and t'ntortainod tho Iiulians at liiH own houso. Uy tho imxt yoar lu* had niado good progrosH in a Mickmack translation of tho i'rayor Hook nnd a Miclunack (Iraninuir |1!)]. Mr. \Vood'.s labours among tho Muropoans at .\nnapolin and Granvillo woro no loss Hiioiu'sslul. llo lirst visitod those* phicos in 17(12, and a yoar later ho found •' nioro than HOO souls, witliout oithor Church or Ministcu*, whoso joy was univorsal and almost inconcoivablo at tho ho|)os ho gavo thorn of boing appointed thoir Missionnry " |li()|. In an a|)ptii oducatod and liroii(»ht np (at least tlm ki""'^'"''' numhor of u») in tho OonKri'Kational way of Worship, hoforo wo canio to soltio in Novii Scotia, ami thoroforo wo should havii chosoii to havo a Minister of that form of Worship, settled anions us: hut tho Uov, Mr. Wood by his prev..:liiiiK ami perforniin^' tho other OIIU'os of his Holy funelion oiM^usionally amoni^sl us in tho several distriiHs of this County hath removed our fornier prejudices that wo had iiKaiiist the forms of Worshi]) of the (/huroh of l''.nf;land as liy Law eslalilished, and hath W(Ui us unto a K>H)d Opinimi thereof; imismuidi as he hath removed all our Boruples of roeoiviuK tlm Holy Saerament of tho liord's Siippir tho llov. .1. lOaglosou tho mnuber of Dissontora who rogidarly attended tho Church sorvico in 177}{ tuuirly oipmlled the full Church niombors |'2M|. After tinvo years' work in tlie Windsor Mission (177(» D), whore ho had " fouiul th(* lower orders of Jio people nearly to a num rresbyterians or l-'amitics," tho Kev. W. Ki,i,is reported : " Tin* hissenting interest doclines beyond my «'xpoctation ; all bittornosa ia oitiroly over, and although sonu) still profoss thorn- selves l)isH(>ntor8, thov aro often at ('hurch, and which is more, acnd their ohildrtui regularly to Catochism " |2I|. So nuu-h indeed was tho Church of England rospi^ctod in tho province that in tho (itinoral ABsembly Disaontors joined in passing a law for her ostablislnnent and •II 114 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. for finishing the parish church of St. Paul's, Halifax, which in 1762 was "frequented by all denominations," among whom harmony universally "prevailed " [25]. This was partly due to the ministry of the Bev. J. Breynton, who in 1770, out of a total population of 5,000, "including the army, Acadians, and fishermen," could return 4,500 as being in outward conformity with the Church of England, and add that many of the " Protestant Dissenters . . . attend the Church and occasionally use its Ordinances" [25a] . In June of thisy^ar *' the Clergy, with the Dissenting Ministers, and his Majesty's Council, and the House of Assembly," all attended St. Paul's Church, Halifax, to cele- brate the anniversary of the first Foreign Auxiliary Committee of the Society, which was instituted at Halifax in 17G9 [26]. During the eight years of its existence [see p. 759] this " Corre- sponding Committee " rendered great assistance in the settlement of Missions, and by their representations many destitute districts were supplied with Missionaries earlier than would otherwise have been the case [27]. Generally there was a great desire for the ministra- tions of the Church, and infants were "brought to Halifax " for baptism from a distance of " 40 leagues " [28]. In 1771 the Committee expressed to the Society •' their great satisfaction in the vigilant and assiduous Applications of the respective Missionaries to all tho duties of their Functions and Trusts, and that by their good lives, prudent and exemplary Conduct, they have gained a general esteem, and have considerably served the pious and excellent design of their Missions, the Inte-ests of Eeligion in general, and of the Established Church in particular by an encrease of its Members, and that by their Moderation and patient labors a "very general harmony subsists among the members of the Church of England and those of other Denominations." (Signed by the Governor, the Chief Justice, and the Secretarv of the Province) [29]. At the request of the Governor of " the Island of St. John," [now Prince Edwarc" Island], Mr. Eagleson of Cumberland spent eleven weeks there in the autumn of 1778, visiting Charlottetown, St. Peter's, Stanhope, Traccady, and Malpeck or Prince Town, " at which places he read and preached, baptised twenty-nine children and married one couple," " a number of well-disposed persons " rejoicing " in the opportunity of hearmg a Protestant clergyman" "for the first time since St. John's was made a separate Government " [80]. The good work done by him in the Cumberland Mission was interrupted by his being "taken prisoner" in November 1776 "by a body of the Eebels and carried into the iJassachusetts " his house being " plun- dered his property destroyed and his person insulted " in consequence of his loyalty. After sixteen months' imprisonment he efl'ected his escape " at the peril of his life " [81]. An attempt made to recapture him m 1781 he evaded by fleeing to Halifax through the snow and woods [82]. Long before this Halifax had become the chief refuge for the loyalists from the insurgent American Colonies. "Many wealthy and large families" from New England arrived in 1775-6, and the refugees continued to pour in until by 1788 there were 85 000 (mcludmg 5,000 free negroes) settled, or rather trying to settle, in' the provmce [88]. In many instances the trial failed. The Bishop of Nova Scotia in 1844 stated that he had " lately been at Sholburne, where nearly ^tvi thousand of them, cliiody from New NOVA SCOTIA. 115 York, and comprizing many of my father's parishioners, attracted by the beauty and security of a most noble harbour, were tempted to plant themselves, regardless of the important want of any country in the neighbourhood fit for cultivation. Their means were soon exhausted in building a spacious town at great expense, and vainly contending against indomitable rocks ; and in a few years the place was reduced to a few hundred families. Many of them* returned to their native country, and a large portion of them were reduced to poverty. . . . Some few of the first emigrants are still living. I visited these aged members of the Church. They told me that, on their first arrival, lines of women could be seen sitting on the rocks of the shore, and weeping at their altered condition " [34]. The peculiar situation of the unhappy fugitives, many of whom had " been obhged to leave their friends, part of their families, and most of their substance behind them " justly claimed the attention of the Rev. Dr. Bkeyntok, who strove " to soften and alleviate their banish- ment by every civility and consolation in his power "[85]. Among those befriended was the Rev. J. Bailey of Pownalborough, Massa- chusetts, who, having undergone " the most severe and cruel treatment from the rebels of New England " [see p. 50], arrived at Halifax in 1779 with " nothing remaining except two old feather beds without any appendages " ; both he and his family were not only '• destitute of money," they had " not cloathing sufficient to appear among the very lowest classes of mankind." " But through the humanity of private persons (more especially of Dr. Breynton) and by a vote of .1'50 currency from the Assembly of the Province " they were " in some measure relieved "from their distresses and found " their spirits again reviving " [86]. During an epidemic of smallpox in 177G, so fatal in those times, Dr. Breynton promoted inoculation by preaching on the subject and raising a subscription towards inoculating the poor, and was thus " instrumental in saving many lives in the province ; the example being • . . followed all over the colony ; and the New England people, formerly the i>iost averse to inoculation," became "perfectly reconciled to it . . . ractising it with much success in every dis- trict "t [37]. Numbers of the refugees, though Dissenters in New England, " constantly attended the service of the Church since their arrival at Halifax," so that the church was " too small to hold the congrega- tions," and many formerly " rigid Dissenters " became " regular com- municants " [38]. Dr. Breynton also records the administration of tlie Holy Communion to " Baron de Seitz's Hessian regiment, amounting to about 500," whose "exemplary and regular behaviour " did them " great honour " [89]. Both on the coast and in the interior settle- ments daily sprang up " where scarcely a vestige of human cultivation and resort existed before," and some years elapsed before the exiles could raise sufficient provision for their own famihes [40]. For the supply of their spiritual wants dependence rested mainly on the Society, and the Society could the more easily meet the first demands seeing that many of its Missionaries had been ejected from the States [see p. 80], and were in need of employment, and that the British * In 1788 the Rfcv. Dr. W. Walter rpnorted that four-fifths had returned to the States [8-la]. + This treatment produced opposite results at Annapolis in 1798. " Smallpox ap- peared in almost every liouso " tliereand "numbers died by inoculation while the old Sexton who took it in the natural way, tlio' 1)8 years of age, recovered " [37rt]. I 2 n(fi SOCIETY FOK THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. Qovemmeut promised to co-operate " in affording to His Majesty's distressed and loyal subjects" in North America "the means of rehgious instruction and attending the Public worship of Almighty God "[41]. The lands reserved by Government for this purpose in Nova Scotia amounted in 1785 to 80,150 acres, distributed among thirty-four townships, 18,150 being glebe lands and 12,000 school lands [42]. [See pp. 119, 121]. Pecuniary assistance also was con- tinued by Government for a long period. [See p. 121.] Among the refugees were many negroes, and perhaps no greater proof of the reality and value of the Society's work among the slaves in the United States can be found than m the fact that the Nova Scotia Missionaries discovered that " many hundreds " of them, "adults, children, and infants," had "been baptized, and '^jme of them " were " constant communicants," and that others showed " a docility and a desire to receive the truths of Christianity " which were highly commendabh [48]. In one year 40 were baptized by Dr. Breyn- ton at Halifax, and 1:35 (81 adults) at Shelburne by the Rev. G. Panton, who also married "44 couple " [44], while at Digby (under the Rev. R. ViETs) the black communicants in 1786 outnumbered the whites by 31 to 17 [45]. In the Shelburne district 1,162 negroes were dis- tributed in 1790-1, 850 at Birchtown, where a school was established for them [46]. By 1818 "several permanent establishments of negroes " had been formed in the neighbourhood of Halifax, con- sisting of escaped slaves brought by Her Majesty's ships, but although lands were given to them these people were then for the most part " wretchedly poor and ignorant " [47]. Especially was this the case at Sackville, where the Rev. J. H. C. Paksons "fi-equently visited them in their log huts," and " prevailed upon them to have their children baptized " [48]. On the other hand at Tracadie there was at that time a compara- tively flourishing settlement of negroes in charge of a native Reader, Dr-MSY JouDAN. They were " temperate " and " industrious." Their farms were "in a state of tolerable cultivation." "Most of them " had " a few cattle and a small flock of sheep, and their huts " assumed " an air of decency." " Persons of all ages " were " punctual attendants on the performance of the services of this Catechist," who was " well quahfied for the trust " which he held, and " faithful in the discharge of its duties."* With the Society's assistance they built a church, and in 1837, although 'educed to "very straitened circumstances," they undertook to assist in erecting a school house, and to contribute £20 a year towards the support of a schoolmaster. They then numbered forty- two families, " containing 160 children." So well had Demsy Jordan profited by his early training in New York that he "maintained his attachment to the Church through every trial and brought up his family in habits of attention to her ordinances." He died in 1859 at the age of eighty-nine, after nearly twenty years' blindness [49]. No race seemed to have escaped the attention of the Society. The settle- ment of a body of Maroonst at Preston about 1796 brought them * Previous to the eBtablishmant of n, school by the Society in 1788, the nefrroes at Tracadie were " exceedingly indolent," and their condition was " very wretched " [49al. t See " •Tumnica,' page 228. NOVA SCOTIA AND CAPE BRETON. 117 under tho care of the Missionaries. The Rev. B. Guay, who acted as Chaplain to them, baptized fifty-five in fourteen months, twenty-six being adults. They numbered betwotn 100 and GOO, one half being Christians, and the Society sent them a supply of Bibles and Prayer Books. In 1791) the Governor of Nova Hcotia informed the Society that nineteen of the Maroon scholars who were bein;,' educated at Boydville, " were examined publicly in the Churcli on Easter Sunday," and " repeated tho Catechism, Creed, Lord's Prayer, and Command- ments with admirable precision, and read all the Lessons and Responses during the service very correctly" [ijO]. "At the par- ticular request of the inhabitants " the Rev. T. Shkeve of Lunen- burgh visited Petit Riviere in 1818, and preached to a congregation of 800 persons, of whom he baptized sixteen. " Not one half of that congregation had ever before heard a Minister of tho Church of England, nor seen a Common Prayer Book, being mostly Presby- terians from the North of Ireland." Many afterwards repaired to Lunenburgh for Holy Communion, and took steps to erect a church in order to obtain a resident Missionary [51]. In 1B21 we find a Welsh colony at New Cambria and a body of Highlanders at Antigonish and Remsheg profiting by the ministrations of the Society's agents. For the latter, Mr. Anderson, the schoolmaster at Merigomish, acted as Catechist, explaining the Scriptures " chiefly by translating Sermons into Erse," and those people, though then not in communion with theChurchof England, were "well affected to her" [521. In the island of Cape Breton a Mission was begun at Sydney in 1785 by the Rev. Ranna Cossit. On his first coming the people 'expressed great satisfaction" at the prospect of a Mission, but the majority of them were " French and Irish Roman Catholicks," chiefiy storekeepers and fishermen. There were also " some Indians of the Romish persuasion"; only two persons had ever received the Holy Communion according to the Church of England form. Within two years that number was increased sevenfold, and en Christmas-Day 1789 a church was opened [53]. On August 12, 17H7, the Rev. Chakles Ixglis, formerly Missionary of the Society in Pennsylvania, was consecrated (at Lambeth) the first Colonial Bishop. I'ntil 1793, when Upper and Lower Canada wr.. ""ormed into the See of Quebec, the Diocese of Nova Scotia co. • -' ed tho whole of the British possessions in North America, from Newfoundland to Lake Superior, a territory now divided into ten Bishoprics and demanding move. Bravely, however, did ]3ishop Inglis strive to do the best for his huge diocese. His first tour of visitation was made in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick in 1788, during which he travelled 700 miles, and confirmed 525 persons. The kind treatment which the Bishop met with evei7where, and the good disposition both of the clergy and laity to comply with his exhortation, showed how agreeable the appointment of a Bishop had been. " By his judicious conduct and zealous exertions " he awoke the people " from that torpid state in which ho found them respecting religious matters, and making the proper external provisions for the due administration of the public worship." " Scarcely was there a Church finislied throughout the Pro- vince " when he arrived, but soon Churches began to rise in many places. 118 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAOATION OF THE GOSPEL. At Granville application for a resident clergyman was supported by Dissenters, who unanimously gave up their " Meeting House " " for the Bole use of the Established Church, reserving onlv their own pews" which they designed to occupy, and the building received the appropriate name of Christ Churcli [54J. A similar spirit was shown in one of the Guysboro districts, where "a chapel of ease" was opened by the people and named Union Chapel, " from the circumstance of their having, tho' bred of diflferent denominations, agreed to join together in one congregation and to use no other form but that of our Church " {i.e. the Liturgy of the Church of England)* [55]. The times were such as to impel the sober-minded Dissenters to seek rest in the bosom of the Church. During the last decade of the 18th century Nova Scotia was distracted by " the prevalence of the enthusiastic and dangerous spirit among a sect . . . called Now Lights," whose religion seemed " to be a strange jumble of New England Independency and Behmenisra." They were most troublesome in tho districts of Annapolis, Gr-'nville, Wilmot and Aylesford. Both Methodist and New Light ^' ers " in clieir struggles for pre- eminence " excited among the "e " a pious frenzy." Over all the Western Counties " a rage for ^ ^t-^^^g " prevailed and was frequently performed "in a very indelicate manner before vast collections of people." Hundreds ci persons were " rebaptized." this plunging being deemed absolutely necessary to the conversion of a sinner. The teachers were mostly "very ignorant mechanics and common labourers " who were " too lazy to work." The Clergy, who were caused " a great deal of uneasiness and trouble," " exerted themselves to the utmost to keep their congregations free from the contagion." At Granville and Annapolis "multitudes" attended the Bishop's exhortations and " went away with favourable impressions of our Church " ; and Mr. Viets of Digby reported in 1791 that there was " no other sort of pubHc worship " than that of the Church " in his Missions or in the vicinity," and "all other denominations" were becoming I' more and more reconciled to our Church."t Many of the poor, ignorant people so neglected their temporal concerns in following the rambling preachers that they became " much distressed for the bare necessaries of hfe," which seemed to have " cooled their zeal and abated their frenzy " [56]. At Granville there was stili in 1823 a variety of fanatical teachers, but by the exertions of the Rev. G. Best the Church was strengthened and "a respectable congregation" was gathered from "tho New Lights themselves" [57]. iv, r i?*® inhabitants of Guysboro at this time wore so poor that it was with difliculty that their clergyman, tlio Rev. P. Do La Roche, could obtain a subsistence among them. Residence there was not, however, without its compensationB. In May 17it2 Mr. De La Koohe reported " that where there is a scarcity of tho sons of .Esculapius there is a scarcity of burials. The only one they had there was obliged to leave," " as he could nob get a uvehhood." During tho previous five years Mr. De La Roche had buried only 89 persons, while tho baptisms numbered " 229 besides adults and parish children "—a ^?f^}L , *"'' "liealthiiiess of that country which makes amends lor the poverty of it [55«J. '■ ■' t See also remarks of Mr. Justice Halliburton of Nova Scotia, in his Speech at th« Ltirdon Mefting of S.P.G., Juno 28, isai. NOVA SCOTIA. 119 In 1807 the Society represented to the EngHsh Government that the lands reserved for Church purposes were " sometimes granted away afterwards, the reservation not conveying title,"* and that the incomes of the Clergy were " so inadequate " that there was " no prospect of a suthcient succession unless further encouragement " was given. It was found also that there was a decline rati ^r than advance towards self-supporting Missions, the inhabitants exerting themselves only when they liked their pastor, which was more often the case with " Native American " clergymen than with those sent from England [58]. With a view to raising an indigenous ministry the Society in 1809 began to found Divinity Exhibitions at the University of King's College which had been established at Windsor in 1789. [See p. 776.] It was to this institution that the Bishop looked for help in meeting such an emergency as arose in 1795, when four of his sixteen Clergy were removed by death. One of these, the Rev. T. Lloyd of Chester, lost his life " by a very imprudent resolution " " to walk on snow shoes from Chester to Windsor, a distance of 30 miles, through a dreaiy rocky wilderness, without an inhabitant." He was caught in a terrible storm, and a search-party " after exploring their way all night by the help of a candle, found his body frozen hard as a lock," 14 miles from the town which he had left two days before [59]. The Exhibitions of the Society, increased as they were from time to time, proved of inestimable value to the Church, and without them it would have been impossible to have maintained and developed the Missions [60]. In the education of the masses the Society led the way by introducing into Nova Scotia in 1815-16 the " Madras " or National system of education, which rapidly spread throughout the North American Colonies. [See p. 709.] Bishop Charles Inglis died in 1810, after more than 50 years' service to religion in North America [61]. His successor. Dr. R. Stanser (another laborious Missionary of the Society), was permitted to do little episcopal work. Having met his Clergy and " with tlie utmost difficulty " "performed the offices of visitation, confirmation, and ordination " he returned to England in 1817 in broken health, and did not see his diocese again. For seven years the Church was deprived of episcopal ministrations, and it was only after " repeated applications" on his part that " His Majesty's Government " "per- mitted " him to resign [62]. Meanwhile in the Northern and Eaptern parts of the province alone there were settlements comprising in the whole jO,000 inhabitants without a resident clergyman [63]. During this time Dr. John Inglis did all that was possible to be done by a Priest and Commissary to supply the place of a Chief Pastor. At Halifax he devoted "from four to seven hours a day to the sick and afflicted," "Presbyterians and Methodists " as well as Church people having "no scrupL hi sending for him " [6'4]. In 1825 he became the third Bishop of Nova Scotia, and Prince Edward Island, NeAV- foundland and the Bermudas were formally constituted a part of his • The Church eventually suffered "great losses" of Church and School lands through the intrusion :)f squatters ; yet (though as recently as 1881 some of the glebes were still of little value) much benefit has accrued to the Church from this source in many districts [58a]. 120 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. charge. Eetuming from consecration in England, he landed at Halifax under a salute of tw-od deeply affected. . . . He promised imme- diate exertions to secure the erection of a Church, in which all around him will take great interest " [74]. • I! A similar change was eflfected at Margaret's Bay by the exertions of the Bishop and the Hev. J. Stannaoe [75J. V'hilc the spiritualities of the Churcb were being increased her " I,f>mporalitie.s " were being lessenecl. In 1838 consternation was f'fti'bed by the proposed withdrawal of all State aid to the C'hurch in .^orth America. The Society, support 1 by the local Colonial autho- rities, succeeded in effecting an arrangement securing the payment for life 01 throe-fourths of the original salaries to all Missionaries employed previously to 1838 [7G]. During the next few years the Church suffered further loss by the confiscation of the glebes and school-lands in Prince Edward Island,t * 1'. .. examplw was foUowei" by their eo-religionists at Salmon Eiver and two neigh- houring HettleinentH in 1H40 \.T2a^ + In the hdiiso of a htiomnake. at Barrasawa, Pictou Mission, 874 iioraoiis (children mostly) gatlieriHl by liiiii, were bi.-itized bctwwn IH;)!)-!)!!. " Hoping almost against hope" lio bad kept JiiB own cliililreu a'' yeors waitiiij,' fnr t'hurch baptism, a^d ho had to wait anotliLT '2(( years before lie could i 'cei' e C'oniirmiitioii [liia], X Extract from " The Roval Instnicti>.iiH to the (lovernor of r-rince Edward Isloi'd dated the 4tl day of Augiiut 1709 " :— " Sect. 2b.— You shall bo careful that the 122 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. and the achool-lands in Nova Scotia,* and the withdrawal of the Govern- ment annual grant to King's College, Windsor. An attempt was also made to suppress the College, in order to found a secular University, but the Archbishop of Canterbury, as Patron, refused his consent to the surrender of the Charter, and the institution still continues its good work. [See pp. 776-7.] The estabhshment of a Diocesan Church Society in 1887 had the effect of elicituig more support from Churchmen in Nova Scotia. Alluding to the wants of his diocese in 1838 (which then still included Newfoundland and New Brunswick), the Bishop said nothing could be more affecting than the deep sorrow which the emi- grants showed when they lamented their separation from the joy and the consolation of the ordinances of their Church which were once their portion in their native land : — " This feeling is strongly manifested by the afifectionate regard with which they receive ihe occasional visits of a Missionary in their scattered settlements ; they surround him in the house where he is lodged ; they follow him from place to place, often for many miles, that they may gather comfort and instruction from the repetition of his prayers and his counsel. I have been followed upon such an occasion by a little vessel, that all her crew might be present at every service that was performed along an extensive line of coast ; they sailed when I sailed, and anchored when I anchored, that they might land and join in worship with their brethren, in many different harbours " [77]. Three years later, when his charge had been reduced by the forma- tion of Newfoundland into a separate See [1889], the Bishop thus reported the progress which had been made : — " From the first settlement of these colonies, which we now occupy, the Church has been cherished within them by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, to which, indeed, we are indebted, under the mercy of the Most High, for the existence of the Church witliin our borders, and, indeed, throughout the whole of this extensive continent. It was well said to his Grace the Archbishop of Canterbury, by a pious agent from the Church in the United States of America, when visiting England, that ' this venerable Society might point to the present prosperity of that branch of the Church, and challenge any other Missionary Society to show equal fruits of its labours.' But these fruits are, happily, to be seen here also. Many of our Clergy have been fostered by the Society almost from their cradles — they have been assisted in their education, cheered in their Churches hereafter to bi' built within our wvid IhIwuI, bo well and orderly kept; and that, besides a competciU inuintenanco to bo aBKigiii'd to the MiniHter of each Orthodox Church, a couveninit Iiouhc bo built at the public cluirgc for each Minister ; and you arc in an ebpecial manner to take caro that ono hundred acres of land, for the site of a Church and as a Glebe for a Minister of the Gospel, and thirty acres for a Schoolmaster, bo duly reserved in a proper part of every townsliip, coiifoninible tf) the directions and conditions annexed to our Order in Council of the 2Glli of August, 17117, hereinbefore referred to " [77a]. The alienation of these lands was prayed for by the House of ABsenibly of P. E. I. by addresses to the Throne in IHUO and 1832. No reply being received, a third address was presented in IHIM, which produced an order from the Secretary of State Oct. 80, 1M34, for the sale f)f the lands, and by a Colonial Act (which received confirmation in 1H8(>I ii,U8(l acres were sold, and Iho jn-occi'ds of the sale— i:4,000 currency— were "applied to purposes unconn.-cU^il with the Church " (77''J. • The Nova Hcotia school lands wcru reserved (together with other lands, for Churches and Clergymen) when grants were n\ade by the Crown upon the Bettlement of townships or parishes in the province. I'reviously to lH8i» they had " been considered as ajipropriated (even without a spi'cial grant) to the schools of the Society, conducted upon the principles of the Cluirch of England." ])ut about this time it was contenileil " that although the Cliurch and Clergy lands are reserved for the Church of England and the Ministers thereof, the scliool lands may be applied for purposes of general education," and Bills were brought into the provincial Legishiture, founded mion this asBuniption, " appropriating all school lands not actually occupied by the Society's schuolmaBtera to the support of general education" [77c.J NOVA SCOTIA. 123 > le Id |y In in Id li- le lir labours, and sustained in their trials and privations. Their flocks have been encouraged and assisted in every good work: in the building of Churches, the support of Schools, the wide circulertion of the Bible, the Prayer-Book, and innumerable books and tracts full of holy instruction, under every variety of condition that can be seen among the children of mortality. And have these benefits been diminished at the present time ? Far otherwise. Never were the exertions of the Society so great as they now are ; never was their assistance more readily and more liberally afforded ; and while they give in faith, they trust that their barrel of meal and their cruse of oil will not be permitted to fail, until the whole earth shall be refreshed by the heavenly rain. . . . " In the last fifteen years it has been my liappiness to consecrate . . . 119 Churches and Chapels. . . . Many others are in progress" [Letter to his Clergy, April 15, 1841 [78].] Up to 18-44 " the erection of nearly every Church in Nova Scotia " (then 150 in number) had been " assisted by a grant " from the ►Society [79]. In his visitation of 1844 the Bishop met with instances in whicli one poor man had contributed sixty, and another eighty days' labour towards the building of their churches* [80]. By the formation of New Brunswick into the See of Fredericton 'n 1845 the Diocese of Nova Scotia was reduced to its present limits. In addressing the Society in 1849 the Bishop and Clergy of the latter province said : " The praise of that Society is in all the Churches ; the grateful sense of obhgation to her is in all our hearts ; the fields now ripe for the harvest in this vast continent were first sown by her hands ; and the pious remembrance of her services is dearly cherished by all sound Churchmen" [81]. While on visitation in this year Bishop John Inghs was struck down with fever at Mahone Bay, but n'lH anxiety to finish his work was so great that he could scarcely be restrained from calling his candidates to receive confirmation at his bedside [821 He died in London on October 27, 1850, a few days after his arrival, n\ the 50th year of his ministry, and was buried in Battersea Churchyard [S'd\. The portion of the income of the Bishopric hitherto provided by the Imperial Government terminated with the life of Bishop John Inqlis, but the Society, which from the very first had annually con- tributed to the maintenance of the respective occupants of the See, was now mainly instrumental in procuring a permanent endowment for the future Bishops [84]. During Bishop Binney's episcopate (1851-87) a Clergy Endow- ment Fund of £80,000 wfi-^ raised (the Society contributing £1,000 in 1800), and a great advaii^ e was made towards self-support [85]. By an arrangement made in 188G the Society's aid to Nova Scotia was limited to the payment of a few of the older Clergy with whom it has covenants, a small grant being also continued to Prince Edward Island [80]. Thus is bemg leahsed the prayer of Bishop John Imolis " that sufficient help for all our necessities may be furnished thi h blessing from above : and that the Society for the Propagation of aie Gospel, to whom, under God, these Colonies have long been indebted for many and great bk-ssings, may be strengthened for the great and important work for which she is the honoured instrument, until such blessings shall be carried, in all their fullness, and in all their * At St. Margaret's Bay, in 185(5, 20 fishermen walked 24 miles " to loud a hand " ia erecting a church for a settlement of white and coloured familicB [80a]. 124 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. richness, to every part of the world where any portion of the family of man is to be found ; that every soul may receive a saving know- ledge of the Divine Reueemer, and be led by the influence of the Holy Spirit to turn from every vanity unto the hving God " [87 j. Statistics. — In Nova Scotia (with Cape Breton) and Prince Edward Island (area, 23,864 Bq. miles), where the Society (1728-1892*) has assisted in maintaining 2GC Mis- sionaries and planting 98 Central Stations (ao detailed on pp. 800-4) there are now 559,474 inhabitants, of whom 71,056 are Church Members, under the care of 105 Clergy- men and a Bishop. [See p. 763 ; see also the Table on pp. 192-8.] , , , ,,, , [9] Jo., V. 11, p. 206 ; Jo., V. 12, pp. 2, 3, 73-5, 100 ; B MSS., V. 19, pp. 5-8 ; R^ 1750, pp. 42-4 ; R. 1751, pp. 85-6. [10] Jo., V. 11, pp. 206-7, I. 1775, p. 19. [15a] Jo., V. 21, p. 295; R. 1778, p. 44. [156J Jo., V. 27, pp. 410-17 ; . 1799, p. 82 ; R. 1827, p. 41. [16] R. 1765, p. 18 ; R. 1760, pp. 47-8 ; Jo., V. 10, pp. 327-8, 13-4; Jo., V. 17, pp. 188-9. [17]Jo., V. 16, pp. 410-11 ; Jo., V. 21, pp. 87,89-90, 182; R. '«K T> 1Q- R 177n iiti J(5_7 • R 1777 nr. H7_« n«l.T« V 1 K ■> «« 1 • W 1 7

. . KO. |^<3{ XJU., p. 187 ; Jo., V. 20, p. 881 ; R. 1775, p. 83. [23] Jc, V. 19, p. 404 ; R. 1773, p. 20. [24] Jo., V. 21, p. 112; Jo., V. 22, pp. 21-2; B MSrt., V. 25, pp. 208, 230. [25] Jo., V. 15, pp. 210-12 ; R. 1762, pp. 39-41. [25./ i B M:sS., V. 25, p. 147. [20] Jo., V. IH, pp. 104-5, 411; R. 1770, p. 17. [27] B MS^.., V. ".5, pp. 130, 139-43, 147, 152, 154, 178, 181, 19». [28] Jo., V. 20, p. 290 ; R. 1774, p. 18. [20] B MSS., V. 25, p. 152. [30] Jo., V. 20, pp. 92-3; R. 1774, p. 20. [31] Jo., V. 21, pp. 219, 330-1; R. 1777, pp. 38-9; R. 1778, p. 45. [32] Jo., V. 22, p. 259. [33] Jo., V. 21, pp. 37-8 ; Jo., V. 22, p. 191 ; Jo., V. 23, pp. 10-11, 63, 100, 281 ; Jo., V, 24, p. 23; R. 1770, pp. 44-5; R. 1782, p. 49 ; R. 1783, pp. 80-9; R. 1784, pp. 89-40. [34] K MSS., V. 19, pp. 103-4. [34n] Jo., V. 25, p. 97 ; R. 1788, p. 17. [35] R. 1770, p. 45 ; Jo., V. 21, p. 38 ; Jo., V. 23, p. 281. [36] Jo., V. 22, pp. 26-81, 45; R. 1779, pp. 40-9. l37] Jo., V. 21, p. 38; R. 1770, p. 45. r37a] Jo., V. 27, p. 820; R. 1798, p. 40. [!iH] Jo., V. 21, p. 88; Jo., V. 28, p. 191 ; R. 1776, p. 45 ; R. 1777, p. 30 ; R. 1780, p 81. [39j Jo., V. 22, p. 45. [40] Jo., V. 2^ Dp. 14-10, 23; R. 1784, pp. 39-41. [41] App. Jo. A, p. 601. [42] Do. pp. 603-"^. l43j Jo., V. 24, pp. 18-19, 24; R. 1784, pp. 40. 43. [44 1 R. 1783, p. 36; Jo., V. "!), p. 879. '45] Jo., V. 24, p. 372; R. 1780, p. 15. r4'3J Jo., V. 25, p. 327 ; R. 1790, p. 82; R. 1791, p. 42. [47| R. 1818, pp. 54-G. (48J R. 1821, pp. 8!J-4. (49j R. 1806, p. 83 ; R. 1821, pp. 98-101 ; R. 1822, pp. 108-4; R. 1827, p. 110; R. 1837, p. 35; R. 1859, p. 36. [40rt] Jo., V. 25, pp. 149-50. [50] R. 1797, J). 38 ; R. 1798, p. 47 ; R. 1799, pp. 33-4 ; Jo., V. 27, pp. 159, 200, 327, 419. [61] R. 1813, pp. 37-8. [52j R. 1821, j.p. 8.V4, 98-9. 153] Jo., V. 24, pp. 207,318, 401-2 ; Jo., V. 25, j.p. 10, 304 ; R. 1785, p 51: R. 17H6, pp. 21-2. [64] Jo., V. 2,'>, pp. 141-C, 175-0; R. 1789, pp. 37-9, 44-6. [55] Jo., V. 26, pp. lOO-l ; R. 1792, p. 47. l55eii Jo., V. 25, pp. 309-11 ; Jo., V. 26, pp. 38-9. [66] Jo., V. 25, pp. 376, 412 ; Jo., V. 28, pp. 52, 82, 110, 178, 2BG; Jo., V. 29, pp. 429-31, 446 ; R. 1791, pp. 41-4 ; R. 1799. pp. !\-,-H ; R. IKOO, p. 88; R. 1802, p. 47. [57] R. 1823, pp. 89, 90. |581 App. Jo, A, pp. 052-7. [58(iJ R. 1820, pp. 70-7; R. 1830, p, 80; R, 1881, p. 117. [50j R. 1795, pp. 42-3; Jo., V. 26, pp. 335-0 [60] R. 1809, p. 40; R. 1817, p. 49; R. 1819, pp. 61-2; R. 1837, pp. 30-2; Bishop s AddresH at the S.P.O. London Meetiiii;, June 1831, p, 42, iU: I Oil R, 1810, ?J?-T>'?^,J ^*- l«17,p.49; R. 1824, p, 46; R 1828, p. 45. [03] R. 1818, pp. r.7-8. [64] R. 1817, p. 50; R. 1820, p. 40; R. 1821, p. 74 ; R. 1822, p. 09. [65] R. 18215, p, 02 ; App Jo. O, p. 279, [66] R. 1826, pn. 41, 57-78; MR. 18,^2, p, 88. |67 R. 1820, p. 40. 168 i Risliop J. Inglm SiKiedi nt the London MeetinR, Juno 1881, p. 43. 1691 Do,, p. 41. [70] R. 1821, pp. 97-108; R. 1822, pp. 92-107; R. 1884-5, p. 07. [71] BiHhop n?'';* *'ri"„'"',''!.^^; ^""^^"^' •'!'■ "*-'*• ('2j R. 1830, pp.28, 94-7: s.c a/so R. 1838, PLn ^...^'P^'j.^c.^".';'''' '••''''• ■'"''■' "'"" '^'•*''"I' '^^ I'-K''"' Journal, 18.(5, pp. 20-8; R. 1860^p. m. [73] Ue R. 1834-0, pp. 09, 70, 84, 110; R. 1«86, pp. 53-6; Bishop J, Inglis' • From 1819 in the ease of Prince Edward Island and from 1785 in the coso of Capo Breton. '■ NEW BRUNSWICK. 125 Journal, 1844, pp. 28-9, and 1845, pp. 26-8. [7Sa] R. 1859, pp. 41-2. [74] Bishop J. IngliB* Journul 1843, pp. 27-8. [75] Do., 1844, pp. 4-7. [76] R. 1887, p. 19 ; see also p. 826 of this book. [77] R. 1838, p. 43. [77a] R. 1837, p. 67. [776] R. 1837, pp. 20-1 ; App. Jo. D, p. 109. [77c] R. 1839, p. 35 ; see also App. Jo. C, pp. 201-35. pp. '2 78] R. 1841, pp. 87-9 : see also L. to S.P.G. Aug. 2, 1841, K MSS., V. 17, pp. 147-8. ^79] R. 1844, p. 47. [80] Bishop J. Inglis' Journal, 1844, pp. 18, 28-9. [80a] R. 1856, p. 83. [81] R. 1850, pp. 80-1. [82] K MSS., V. 19, p. 445 ; R. 1850, pp. 34-5. [83] R. 1851, p. 58. [84] Jo., V. 46, pp. 315, 375-6, 383-4, 402; R. 1851, pp. 58-9; R. 1858, I. 40 ; R. 1881, p. 117 : see ako p. 751 of this book. [85] R. 1860, p. 31 ; R. 18G2, p. 29; c, V. 48, pp. 72, 284; M.F. 1861, p. 144, [86] Standing Committee Book, V. 43, pp. 75-82, 182-8. [87] R. 1848, p. 47. I CHAPTER XVII. NEW BRUNSWICK. New BBUNSvacK. — Tlie territory now known by this name was formerly reckoned as a part of Nova Scotia (discovered by the Cabots in 1497 [see p. 107] ). The French, who hold it in the early part of the 18th century, called it New France. A few families from New England settled there in 1761 ; in 1763 it came into the undisputed possession of Great Britain, and by the settlement of disbanded troops and refugees from the United States in 1783 &c. the British population had increased to 800 in 1785, when it was dis- connected from Nova Scotia and made a separate colony. In the summer of 1769 the Rev. T. Wood, the Society's Missionary at AnnapoUs [see pp. 112-13] visited the settlements on the St. John's River, New Brunswick. Before leaving AnnapoUs he held a service in the Mickmack language for the " neighbouring Indians" and others from Cape Sable &c., and reaching " St. John's Harbour " on July 1, on the next day, Sunday, he •' perform'd Divine Service and preach'd there in English in the forenoon and in Indian in the afternoon to thirteen Indian men and women who happen'd to arrive there in their way to Passaraquoddy." After service he " told them to sing an anthem which they perform'd very harmoniously." An Indian girl was then baptized, In the evening " many of the French inhabitants being present," ]VIr. Wood held service in French, the Indians also attending, many of them understanding that language. Four English children were also baptized at St. John's Harbour, but at Maugerville, where he " had an audience of more than 200 persons " he " christened only two," as most of them were Dissenters. A like number received baptism at Gagetown and Morrisania ; in the former instance the children were " twins* . . . born in an open canoe on the River, 2 leagues from any house." Mr. Wood's tour extended " even to tlie Indian village of OKi'.^Aft." When Captain Spry, the head engineer of the party, and Mr. Wood arrived at this, " the farthest Bettlement upon the River," " the Chief of the Indians " (wrote Mr. Wood) " came down to the Landing place and Handed us out of our Boat, and immediately, several of the Indians, who were • "Joseph and Mary, children of John and Dorothy Kcnderick " 126 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. drawn out on the occasion, discharg'd a volley of Musketry turned from us, as a signal of receiving their Friends ; the Chief then welcomed us and Introduced us to the other Chiefs, after, Inviting us to their Council Chamber . . . conducted us thither, the rest of the Indians following : just before we arrived ... we were again Saluted with their Musketry drawn up as before, where after some discourse relative to Monsieur Bailie, the French Priest, who the Government have at present thought proper to allow them and finding them uneasy that they had no Priest among them for some time past I told them that the Governor had employed him to go to the Indians to the Eastward of Halifax and therefore had sent me to officiate with them in his absence : They then seem'd well enough satisfied ; and at their desire I begun pra^-ers with them in Mickmack, they all kneeling down and behaving very devotel' ; the Service concluded with an Anthem and the Blessing, and altho' there were several among them of the three different Tribes ..." [viz. the Mickmacks, Marashites, and the Caribous], "they almost all of them understood the Mickmack language and I am fully convinced had I been sent among them two years ago . . . and no Popish Priest had been allowed to have been with them, that the greatest part, if not all of them, by this time, had become in a great measure if not altogether Protestant and the English Inhabitants on St. John's Eiver are of the same opinion " [1]. No further steps appear to have been taken on behalf of the Anglican Church to provide for the religious wants of New Bruns- wick until 1783, when, along with other loyalist refugees from the United States, Missionaries of the Society began to arrive. One of these, the Rev. John Sayre of New England, "pitched upon" St. John's Eiver " merely on account of a multitude of his fellow sufferers, the management of whose concerns he freely undertook, without any compensation, having found them unsettled, and many of them imsheltered and on the brink of despair, on account of the delays in allotting their lands to them." With the intention of ultimately settling at Fort Howe, Mr. Sayve stationed himself for the winter of 1783 at Majorvill, where he " officiated in the meeting house of the Congregationalists, with their approbation, to a very numerous congre- gation, consisting partly of Refugees and partly of old Settlers," who were "in general Independents, on the plan of New England." By the American Revolution Mr. Sayre had " lost his all, so as not to have had even a change of garments for either himself or his family," and his circumstances were so " peculiarly distressing " as to call for relief from the Society. He died in the summer of 1784 [2]. Meanwhile, in 1783, " at the point of land in St. John's Harbour." the refugees had " built more than 500 houses, mostly frames, within ten weeks," and the Rev. John BEARDSLEy, from New York Province, had erected a shelter for his family at Parr, whence he mpae excursions up the St. John's as far as St. Anne's. Settlements were also forming at Gagetown, Burton, Port Roseway or Shelburne, and Amesbury, and in 1784-5, the Government having made some provision for four Missions in the province, Mr. Beardsley wos transferred to Maugerville, the Rev. S. Cooke (from New Jersey) to St. John's,* and in 1786 three New England Missionaries— the Revs. J. Scoviii, S. Andrews, and R. Claekf respectively to Kingston, St. Andrew's, and Gagetown [8]. Mr. Cooke met with a friendly reception from the people at St. John's in Sep. 1785. About 18 months before they had " pur- chased an house 86 ft. by 28 for a Church," but from the ditllculty of ♦ Now called " St. John." NEW BRUNSWICK. raising the money and from other causes " it had remained un- finished. By his personal application to the principal inhabitants over £90 was raised in ♦' three days' time " for the improvement oi the building until the people's circumstances should enable them to build " a proper Church," to be " a credit and ornament to the place.' Some distant settlements were visited by Mr. Cooke in 1785. At St. Andrew's, the capital of Charlotte County (60 miles from St. John's), for want of a Missionary there were many unbaptized children. The " repeated invitation " of some of the people, supported by the Governor, induced Mr. Cooke to visit them, though at an inclement season. On his way he landed at Campo Bello (Nov. 13), where he performed Divine Service, and " baptized a woman about 40 years of age," with her infant and five other children. On Nov. 16 he reached St. Andrew's, where, on the Sunday after, " he read prayers and preached to a very respectable congregation, and baptized 13 children." In the course of the week others were brought to him from different parts of the neighbourhood, and, including 10 at Digdequash, he baptized in all during this tour 78, of whom 3 were negroes. The number would have bieen much greater had not the rivers been frozen and prevented the children being brought from the higher settlements. He represented that if a clergyman were stationed at St. Andrew's the majority of the settlers, though " of the Kirk of Scotland," would probably conform. At St. John's in four months his baptisms numbered 32, including 6 blacks, and on New Year's Day 1786 he had 25 communicants. " The weather being then cold to an extreme, he could not expect the people, especially the women, to attend : but going warmly cloathed himself he stood it tolerably well" [4]. In 1786 Mr. Cooke removed to Fredericton. Within " the nine months" that he had officiated at St. John's he had baptized there • and in Charlotte County 153 persons, 18 of whom were negroes. The communicants at St. John's had grown from 25 to 46 ; he left behind him "a decent well-finished Church, though small, and a very respectable, well-behaved congregation." At parting "there were few di-y cyos in the Church " [5]. iJnder the Rev. G. Bissett (from New England) enlargement of the building became necessary, and £500 was allotted by Government for this purpose. A " Charity Sermon " preached by him on Christmas Day 1786 realised £38, besides private donations, and in the next year was instituted " the humane and Charitable Society " " for the relief of the poor," whi^^h it was thought might '' probably supersede the necessity of Poor rates." In 1788 the congregation wrote to the Society *' with the keenest sensations of heartfelt grief," being " persuaded that no Church or Community ever suffered a severer misfortune in the death of an Individual than they experienced from the loss of this eiuinent Servant of Christ, this best and most amiable of men," Mr. Bissett [6J. By Governor Carleton the Society had been previously assured that the appointment of Messrs. Cooke and Beardsley had given " very general satisfaction," the latter especially being " much esteemed by the people," and he pleaded for more " men of merit " to fill the other Missions [7]. 128 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. At Maugerville " a respectable congregation of orderly people, of different denominations . . . having no settled Minister of their own, concurred " with the Church Members in desiring Mr. Beardsley'a appointment there. Although these settlers had been " stripped of their all by the RebeUion " (in the United States), they were forward in erecting a small church, which they named Christ Church, and they promised to do all in their power to render his situation com- fortable [8]. With Government aid (^£500) a new church was built in 1788, which was " esteemed an elegant structure." Mr. Beardsley in 1788-9 extended his Ministrations to Burton and other settlements on the St. John's and Oromocto rivers and the Grand Lake, some- times baptizing as many as 140 persons in six months [9]. The work grew also at Maugerville as the people became " zealous in their attention to God's Word and Sacraments," and in 1792 he had 63 communicants. In finishing the Church here in that year a pew " with a canopy over it," was reserved for " Governor Carleton " and " his successors " [10]. At Fredericton (formerly called "St. Anne's") a Misaiorx was begun in Aug. 1787 by Mr. Cooke preaching "to 60 or 70 people in the King's Provision Store," the "only place in which a congregation could be accommodated." The people then were few in number and " poor to an extreme." The congregation in the first year seldom exceeded 100, and " he had only 14 Communicants on Christmas Day," when he first " administered the Lord's Supper " [11]. Govern- ment aid for erecting a church here also was freely bestowed, but many years passed before the building was finished,* it having been planned on a scale beyond the people's means [12]. In August 1788 the Bishop of Nova Scotia visited New Brunswick, confirming 55 persona at Fredericton and 95 at St. John's, where on the 20th he held his Visitation. Two years later Mr. Cooke, acting as Ecclesiastical Commissary, •' held a Convocation of the Clergy of the Province at Fredericton." All attended except Dr. Byles, who was ill, and of all it was reported they are " diligent in their missions and their churches encrease and flou»'ish " [13]. In 1795 Mr. Cooke, accompanied by his oaly son, was returning from Fredericton to his home on the opposite side of the river, on the evening of May 23, when a squall of wind overset their canoe and both perished, " Never was a Minister of the Gospel more beloved and esteemed or more universally lamented. ... All the respectable people ... of his parish" and "of the neighbouring country went into deep mourning " for him [15]. St. Andrew's, Charlotte County, received a resident Missionary in the Rev. S. Andrews (of New England) in 1780. A " considerable body of people of different national extraction" were then living th-'re " in great harmony and peace," being " punctual in their attetd- ance on Divine Service " and manifesting " propriety and devotion." " The Civil Magistrate had regularly called the people together on Sundays and read the Church Liturgy and sermons to them since the beginning of the Settlement " [10]. A church, built chiefly with the * In July 1789 Mr. Cooke reported that " an addition of 4 Companies of Soldiers to the garrison " liad obliged him to give up the King's Provision Store and to ofBciate iu the f Uiuroh though in a very unfinished state " [14], NEW BRUNSWICK. 129 Government allowance, was opened on St. Andrew's Day 1788, and mamed after that Apostle [17]. As many of Mr. Andrews' con- gregation were Presbyterians his communicants were few, but most •of the people were in the habit of bringing their children to him for baptism, and during nine months in 1791 he baptized 105, including 18 at one time on the island of Campobello [18]. Several other country towns were visited by him, and the results of his labours were soon •visible, but more particularly in St. Andrew's [19]. In 1793, as ho was travelling in a distant part of the parish, he was " invited to a "lonely house, where he found a large family collected and in waiting for him. After proper examination he baptized the ancient matron of the family, of 82 years, her son of GO years, 2 grandsons, and 7 great- grandchildren." In all, 150 persons were baptized by liim in this year [20]. The two other earlier Missions — viz., Gagetown under the Rev. R. Clarke and Kingston under the Rev. J. Scovil, also embraced enormous districts with a scattered population, whose morals (in the case of Gagetown) had become "much corrupted" [21]. AH the Missions enumerated were wisely shepherded and showed excellent results. The Church in New Brunswick indeed was fortunate in having as her pioneers men who had already " witnessed a good con- fession," who were accustomed to "endure hardness," and who com- bined with an apostolic zeal, discretion and general good sense. By the Bishop of Nova Scotia the Society was assured in 1792 "that the ■diligent and exemplary conduct of their Missionaries " had " made them much respected and esteemed by their people"; their con- gregations flourished ; communicants increased ; and churches were "evei'y day raising and applications made for new Missions." Reaching Frorlericton on July 20, the Bishop " adjusted several things with t'a3 concurrence of the Governor, whom he found . . . disposed to ao everything for the benefit of religion and the better accommodition of the Missionaries," including the rectification of mistakes made in laying out Church glebes. At Kingston 142 inhabitants of Belleisle petitioned for a " Minister ... to officiate among them, as they had already built a small Church at their own expense. All that could then be done was to desire Mr. Scovil to allot them a portion of his time, though his parish . . . might find employment for three Missionaries." At Sussex Vale was one of three Indian schools established in the province — t.he others being at Woodstock and Sheffield. The Bishop examined two of the schools, which included whi^e tcholars. " The Indian children behaved well and learned as fast as the white and were fond of associating with them." Those at Sussex Vale " repeated the Caiechism very fluently and by tlieir reading and writing gave good proofs of the care that had been taken of their instruction," and the Society adopted their teacher. In tlie Woodstock district there were 150 Indian families residing, ^iost of thena had been instructed by "Popish Missionaries," ' ..u their prejudices wore off ; many of them regularly attended the Churtl: of England service, and "behaved decently," ana Mr. Dibblee thought thai, as he was now in Pi'iest's Orders they would bring their children to be baptized and put themselves under his care ; hitherto they had only considered him "as Half a Priest." Mr. Dibblee was " much K ! V 1 180 SOCIETY FOn TUE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. teloved by the Indians and respected by the "Whites." He was able to converse in the Indian language, and the Society supplied him with Mohawk Prayer Books. "But the most remarkable occurrence" was that the Indians were seriously disposed to cultivate land and rehnquish their wandering mode of life — the cause being a failure of their game in hunting, which had reduced them to great distress. Some of them had already commenced cultivation, and the Bishop " solicited Governor Carleton to grant them lands for culture which he promised to do." In his way down the river from Fredericton the Bishop consecrated four new churches, and confirmed 777 persons [22J. After another visit to the province in 1798 the Bishop reported : •' The Society's Missionaries in New Brunswick maintain their usual good character, being of exemplary life, diligent in the discharge of their clerical Duty and generally esteemed by their parishioners ; the con- gregations in as flourishing a state as can reasonably be expected, the number of Communicants encreased, and Fanaticism on the decline " [23]. But two years later all of the Missionaries and " some of the laity also" lamented "in strong terms the fanaticism" that abounded and "the many strolling teachers" who ran about the country bringing "by their preaching and conduct the greatest disgrace both on religion and morals," and exciting "a spirit of enmity to the Established Government " [24]. Yet, in spite of all difficulties, the Missions progressed in both the town and country districts. At Fredericton in 1815 the churcli, "a very largo and handsome structure," was "constantly filled by a devout and attentive congregation," there being 800 Church members and 100 regular communicants [26]. The building would have been more useful but for the system of letting pews as " private property," which operated " almost as an exclusion of the lower orders from the Church " [26]. In 1817 the Society introduced the National system of education into New Brunswick. As early as 1786 it had commenced the for- mation of Mission Schools [27], but now a Central Training Institution similar to that established at Halifax was fonned in St. John's. The movement received much local support, and the "National" system soon spread throughout the Province, many Dissenters "eagerly embracing these means of education and expressing no objection to learning the Church Catechism " [28]. Of equal, if not greater, importance lias been the aid afforded by the Society for the education of candidates for Holy Orders. Hitherto the supply of clergymen had been far from adequate to meet the wants of the country. From Woodstock to Grand Falls, a distance of nearly 80 miles, there was in 1819 a district inhabited by disbanded soldiers, among whom there was " no Christian Minister of any denomination " " and no religion whatever." For the payment of their military allow- ance it was necessary that an oath should be administered. A justice of the peace, " a good old Churchman," went up for that purpose, but " it was with the utmost difficulty and after half a day's search that a Bible could be found." On hearing of this the Society sent a supply of Bibles and Prayer Books &c. and appointed two school- masters for these people [29]. Many other districts were in a siinilar NEW BRUNSWICK. 131 f condition. Soon after assuming the government of New Brnnswick Sir Howard Douglas, "in his desire to place the EstabHshed Church " " on a more respectable footing and in his anxiety to extend the bless- ings of religion throughout its remote districts, in the due administra- tion of the sacrament and the spiritual superintendence of the regular Clergy," addressed a circular (1825) to the members of the House of Assembly "and other characters of influence nnd respectability" inquiring of them the best method of effecting this object, and asking for a general report of the state of religion in their several districts. The answers showed that for the whole province, containing a popula- tion of nearly 80,000, there were " but sixteen resident Clergymen scattered over a space of country of upwards of 27,000 square miles, and twenty-six Churches," some unfinished [30]. The opinions upon the utility of employing Visiting Slissionaries as suggested by the Governor were in " general favourable," and although there were instances in which the writer was biassed by dissenting interest, "in no case " "was the measure opposed." The spirit of the province at this time was "undoubtedly a Church spirit," " its own acknowledged members" forming " a majority over any single sect " and being " staunch and tru<' " * [31]. The next step taken by the Governor to meet the religious wants of the settlers was the promotion of the erection of churches [32] and of an institution where clergymen might be trained The estab- lishment of King's College, Frodericton, in 1828 was chiefly due to his exertions, and the Society readily co-operated in extending the blessings of the institution by providing scholarships for the training of candi- dates for the ministry [sec p. 777] [33]. Foremost in promoting the erection of churches was the Hev. C. MiLNEU of Sackville. His practice was to work with the people, and where any backwardness was shown he "walked with his axe to the forest and shamed them into exertions by cutting down tlie first tree" to be "used in the building." The churches at Sackville, Amherst, Chediac, and Westmoreland owed their erection chiefly to his influence and labour. Finding the expenses arising from horse- hire and ferries in ser\'ing his districts, more than he could afTord, he purchased a boat " and often rowed himself, in storms when no person would venture with him." Once, on his way to church, while crossing a dangerous river, his horse's leg got fixed in the ice, from which he freed it by cutting a passage with a small pocket knife. But in doing thi? '* his hands and aiuns . . . were completely frozen, like solid masses of ice, to his elbows, and were with great difficulty recovered by immersion in spirits " [34]. in 1825 the province suffered from another element. On October 7 about one-third of the town of Fredcricton was burnt, and on the same evening what was then described as " the most extensive and destructive fire perhaps ever heard of" took place at Miramichi. "Whole forests in the neighbourhood were in one continued blaze," and there being a hurricane at the time, " the devouring element spread with wonderful velocity, and . . . a most hideous, roaring noise." With • " The loyalty " of New Brunswick wiis attributed by Arclideacon Best in 1827 to that "general fueling" in favour of tho Church of England which existed there " to ft degree unknown in any other part of British America" [31a]. 132 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OP THE GOSPEL. the exception of a house or two the whole of Newcastle and Douglas Town was destroyed. Many lives were lost, some by rushing into the The anniversary of the event was " observed by all denomina- river. tions as a day of humiliation, fasting and prayer " [35]. For quite ten years there had been an entire absence of episcopal mmistrations in New Brunswick owing to the illness of Dr. Stanseb, the second Bishop of Nova Scotia, but 182G brought with it an episcopal visit from Bishop John Inolis, when 19 churches were consecrated and 1,720 persons were confirmed [86J. All that could be done for the advancement- of the Church in New Brunswick by a non-resident Bishop that did 1 , and cheerfully he bore his share of the privations involved in visiting this part of his large diocese. In 1835 we hear of him being welcomed in the wilderness "with torches and bonfires" at Stanley, where a congregation of 60 persons gathered together in a wooden shed for Divine Service. The Bishop " preached the first sermon that was delivered on this spot and endeavcurad to adapt it to the occasion, and to the place where only a few months before, the untamed beasts of the forest were the only occupants " [37]. This year's visitation occupied two months, every toil being "lightened" by a well-encouraged 1 ^pe " that, through the blessing of Cod, this portion of the Gospel -'ineyard " was " in a state of progress and improvement." The Mibau ua-ies, "exemplary in their lives and conversation," were "labouring faithfully through many difficulties," and to him it was " a delightful task to share in their labours and their prayers" [38]. Their labours at this period must have been great, for there were only 28 clergymen to serve eighty parishes, and more than half of these parishes were without a Church building. With a view to meeting these deficiencies and ultimately to supporting the entire establishment from local sources, a Church Society was formed for New Brunswick in 183(5 [39]. One of the earliest members of this institution, the Hon. Chief Justice Chipman, bequeathed i.10,000 to it at his death in 1852, and already by means of its grants 27 churches and stations were being served which would otherwise have been left unoccupied [401. In 1845 the province was erected into a diocese, and ihs inhabitants of Fredericton hailed the appointment of the first Bishop (Dr. J. Medley) " as an event, under the blessing of Divine Providence, calculated to have a deep and lasting influence in ameliorating the spiritual and temporal condition of this Province." They also assured the Bishop of their " fervent desire to co-operate " " in advancing the interests of Christianity throughout this infant Colony." At his first service in the cathedral " 150 persons communicated, among whom were some coloured people who had walked six miles to be present" [41]. One of the first objects of the Bishop was the erection of a cathedral, and generally " the increase of Church room for the poor." He " stead- fastly resisted the advice of those v.-ho wished to deprive the cathedral of the advantages of seats free and open to all " [42]. The example of the cathedral with its daily service and frequent communions has been most beneficial to the diocese. In the majority of the churches seats are now " free to all " [43]. "Within two years [1845-7] the number of Clergy had been raised from 30 to 44, but still in passing through the country there v.\..3 NEW BRUNSWICK. )(> ■.mri- 183 "mournful evidence of its spiritual destitution " — " separate and lonely graves scattered about on farms or by the roadside, without any mark of Christian or even common sepulture." " Men and beasts " were "mingled together," "our brethren . . . committed to the earth without sign of salvation, without any outward token of Christian fellowsWp, or a future resurrection " [44], Every year made the Bishop " more fully sensible of the great advantages " bestowed on the country by the Society. " Without its fostering aid it would be absolutely impossible in many of the country Missions to maintain a Clergyman ... in ordinary decency." Even sectarian preachers, taken from the lowest ranks of the people, were " unable to maintain themselves long in any one place " [45]. In 1862 he pressed on his flock the fact that since 1795 the Society had contributed £200,000 towards the maintenance of the Church among them. His appeal to relieve the Society from the burden of further support met with a prompt response from the Clergy, who, though many of them were poor, gave nearly £1,000, and the Bishop added £300 [46]. That the Society's expenditure had borne good fruit was shown by the Rev. S. Thomson of St. Stephen's, who in summing up forty years' progress in one district said : " Contrast the state of this county (Charlotte) as respects the Church when I came to it in 1821 with its state now. Then there were no Church buildings — save one in St. Andrew's and one imperfectly finished here ; now it has one in every parish, save Deer Island; nine parish Chiirches and three Chapels. . . . Five of these parish Churches were got up by my brother and myself." These new churches wore "handsome and convenient buildings and well filled by devout worshipping congregations" and all through the county " heartfelt religion " had sensibly increased and "many of the besetting sins of new countries " had " greatly diminished " [47]. The King's Clear congregation at this time included " several families of coloured people," descendants of negro refugees. Before the opening ot the Mission " they were all Anabaptists," but now were *' exemi;)ary and consistent members of the Church " [48]. It should be added that betw^een 1786 and 1800 only three years passed without the baptism of negroes having been mentioned by the Society's Missionaries at one or other of the following places : Maugerville, St. John's, Fredericton, Gagetown, St. Andrew's, and Woodstock. The blacks who tool: refuge in New Brunswick at the time of the American Revolution were not numerous, but wherever they settled the Missionaries apjiear to have sought them out. The number baptized in the period referred to varied from two or three to twelve in a year. On one occasion 38 (25 adults) were admitted at Mauger- ville [49]. In 1822 the school for children of persons of colour at St. John's had " succeeded beyond expectation " [49a]. Another negro settle- ment in the neighbourhood (Portland parish) was formed about 1825. Sir Howard Douglas, "desirous of giving permanency to their title of occupation," yet " apprehensive of the consequences that might result from conferring on them in their present degraded statij the elective franchise and other rights incident to the possession of a, freehold," granted them leases of reserved lands for 99 years. Their 184 SOCIETY FOR THE PBOPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. " truly deplorable " condition moved the Society to grant an allowance for a schoolmaster for them [50]. The Bishop stated in 1868 the Society had " fostc/ed and assisted every Mission in the whole country, till we have l*;arned (and in all the towns we have learned) to sustain our own Church by our own unaidfid exertions " [51]. The need of such help will be seen from tho fact that New Brunswick, compared with some parts of Canada, is very poor ; the value of the Crown glebes* bestowed on the Church is extremely small, and tho immigrants having been chiefly Scotch and Irish have mostly gone to swell the ranks of the Presbyterians and Eoman Catholics. Still tho Anglican Church, with " tho benevolent and constant aid " of the Society, has not only been enabled to hold her own [52] but to tell of accessions from those of other denominations. A striking instance of this occurred in 1876, when a colony of Danish immigrants — Lutherans — who had been ministerod to for five years at New Denmark by one of their own persuasion, were at their own request admitted into the Church of England. Their catochist, Mr. Hansen, received ordination from Bishop Medley, and at the first coiifirmation held among them " their joy was unbounded." lu com- pliance with their home customs, the Bishop when confirmin;^ called each candidate by name [58]. While the older Missions arc becoming self-supporting there are still many districts in New Brunswick which are unable to support their own clergymen. Only a few years ago there w^re places which had not been visited by a clergyman for eight years. In one settle- ment was a woman " who had never ceased sending her subscription to the Diocesan Church Society," while waiting year after year, hoping against hope," for a clergyman to baptize her child, and at last, know- ing the value of the Sacrament, even when irregularly administered, had obtained it from a Lay Teacher" [54]. On the death of Bishop Medley in 1892 he was succeeded by Dr. Kingdon, who since 1881 had been acting as coadjutor-Bishop [55]. Statistich.— In Now Brunswick farea, 27,S22 sq. miles), whcri tho Society (178!}- 1892) lias (iBHistfifl in inaintainiiiR 210 MiKHioniirics and planting 101 Central Stations (as detailed on pp. H(i4-7), thoro nre now !)21,2B!t inhabitants, of whom 411,005 are Church Meniberp, under tho caro of 78 Clerfymen and a Biehop. [See p. 708; ace also tho Table on p. 102.] lirferences (Chapter XVIT )-[l | B MSS., V. 25, pp. 180-40, 144 ; Jo., V. 18, pp. 278-0, 867--H. [2] Jo., V. 2!!, pp. 185, 2ao-46; R. 17HH, pp. 30-42; R. 1784, p. 411. [31 Jo. V. 2!), pp. 248-4, 809-11, 850-2, 87(i-7, 488; Jo., V. 24, pp. 10, 81, lOfl, 205; App. Jo. A pp. 508-005; R. 1788, pp. 40-1; R. 1784, p. 53; R. 1785, ,.p. 41-2. [41 Jo.. V. 24 pp. 200-1 287-00; R. 1785, pp. 42-8. [5] Jo., V. 24, j.p. 825-0; R. 1780, p,',. I6-I7! ^V\n\ V' ^fr V}' ^^*}' S''^*'- 875-7 ; Jo., V. 25, pp. 7-8, 78; R. 1787, p. 18 R. 1788. i°"J«o ' V \\n^' T " v'or^^- ^V,r-' ^- ^^' I'P- '^^> '^'^' '"»■ '-^20, 200 ; R. 1788, p. 20 ; ^•.V^-'N'iS"*^- f,-i ^°' ^- ^^'' ^'^- ^""' ""''^' "'"- ■*'" : •1»- V. 20, pp. 44, 108 ; R. 1702, p. 55. [11] Jo., \ . 24, pj). 800-401 ; R. 1787, p. 17. (12] Jo., V. 25, pp. 71, 100-7, 219-'10 Jo., V. 27, pp. 220, 480; R. 1788. p. 10; R. 1701, p. 48; R. 1798. p.' U. hs] J , , V. 25 R. 1795, p. 47. [16 Jo., V. 24, p. 410; Jo., V. 25, p 28; R. 1780, p. 18 1171 Jo V 25 pp. 108,840: R. 1788, p. 21; R. 1701, p. 61. [iWj Jo.,' V. 25, p.^420; R noi.'pl" 61.' • Sf"""7''J! f-f '»"<\were rrsorvcd by novornment for the Chtirch in Now Bruns- wick about 1785, 5,800 boinK for Klein's oiid 0,000 for bcIiooIb; but here, as in Nov» Bootia, loss occurred f'ora uquuttors [eaa]. PROVINCES OF QUEBEC AND ONTARIO (OLD CANADA). 135 [101 Jo., V. 26, p. 108 ; R. irn, p. 55. [20] Jo., V. 26, pp. 108-9 ; R. 1703, p. 46, [211 Jo., V 24, p. S"S ; K. 1786, p. 10 ; R. 17H9, p. 48. [22] Jo., V. 20, pp. 65-71 ; R. 1792, l)p. 40-54. [23] R. 1708, p. 52. [24] R. 1800, j). 37 ; Jo., V. 28, pp. 178, 175-6. [25] R. 1815, p. 44. [26] R. 1821, p. 87. [27] Jo., V. 24, pp. 200-1 ; Jo., V. z5, pp. 8, 9 ; R. 1785, p. 48 ; R. 1787, p. 18, [28] R. 1817, p. 61 ; R. 1818, p. 61 ; R. IHIO, p. 60 ; R. 1822, pp. SO, 88. [29] R. 1819, pp. (iO-1. [30] R. 1825, pp. 72-06. [31] R. 1825, p. 06. [31a] R. 1827, pp. 154-5. [32] R. 1827, p. 155. ;33] R. 1828, pp. 48-4 : ace also p. 777 of this book. [84) R. 1828, p. 75. [35j R. 1825, i)p. 61-2; It. 1826, p. 00. [36] R. 1826, p. 100. [37] R. 1886, ,,p. 68-71. [38] R. 1886, p, 81. [39] R. 1887, pp. 40-1. [40] R. 1848, p. 51 ; R. 1852, pp. 80-1 : sec also R. 1854, p. 30. [41] Q.P., Oct. 1845, p. 5. |;42 R. 1848, p. 40; R 1861, p. 65. [43] R. 1881, p. 115. (44] R. 1848, p. 48; Bishop Medley's Journal, 1846, p. 14. [45] R. 1851, p. 61 : nee also R. 1852, pp. 80-40. [46] R. 1863, pp. 82-8. [471 R. 1862, pi). 50, 60. [48] R. 1862, pp. 54-5. [40] Jo., V. 24, pp. 325, 1)43, 401 ; Jo., V. 25, pi. 21, 63, 72, 107-8, 165, 220, 205, 802, 348, 352, 891, 448 ; Jo., V. 26, p. 44 : see also R. 1785-1800, notably the Reports for 1786, pp. 16-19, and 1701, p. 12. [40(1] It. 1822, p. 80. [50] R. 1825, pp. 105-7 ; Jo., V. 36, pp. 48-51. [51 1 M.F. 1868, 1». 820. [52] R. 1881, pp. 1X5-16. [52a] App. Jo. A, pp. 508-005. [53] ii. 1877, pp. 75-0 ; R. 1879, p. 94. [54] R. 1884, p. 88. [55] M.F. 1802, p. 438 ; R. 1802, p. 125. CHAPTER XVIII. PROVINCES OF QUEBEC AND ONTAlilO {OLD CANADA). Old Canada, supposed to have been discovered by Cabot in 1407, was taken posses- eiou of by the French in 1525. The St. Lawrence was explored by Jacques Cartier ten years I'ltfr; and in 1608, under Chaniplain, their first settlement was founded at Quebec. In 1613 four RecoUet Priests Avere sent from Franco to convert the Indians. Other Roman Catholic Missionaries followed, and the Abbe Laval (appointed a Vicar Apostolic in 1650) became in 1670 the first Bishop of that Colony. Meanwhile Kirk* had in 1629 t-aptured Quebec, which remained in possession of the English three years, when undcc the Treaty of St. Germain it was relinquished. Its recapture by Wolfe in 1750 led to tho cession of the v/hole oi Old Canada to Great Britain in 1763. Two years later the population of tae province was estimated by Governor Murray to bo about 69,000. Of tlxose the Protestants were few, numbering only 10 families in tho towns of Quebec and Montreal. " The rest of that persuasion, a few half-pay oWicers except id," he described tis 'traders, mechanics and publicans . . . most of them followers of ,ho army, of mean education, or soldiers, disbanded at tho reduction of the troops . . . ir general, the most immoral collection of men " ho "ever knew; of cjurse little calculated to make the new wubjects enamoured witii our laws, reli|{ion, and customs." The white ^.-^pulation was computedf to he 140,000 in 1789, about 25,000 being English, who wore " rapidW increaviiug by emigrations from tho Revolted Colonies." In 1701 the province was divided into two provinces, tho :a8tern being styljd "Lower Canada" (^now Quebec) and tlie Western " Upper Canala " (nov Ontario). To tho honour of 'I',)por Canada it tihould be recorded that one of tho first acts of its Legislature (1702) was tho abolition oli Hlavery — an example which tho mother country and her other colonies wore slow to follow. The two provinces were re-united into one Oovennnent in 1840. On the eon- rpiest by Great Britain the existing Church was guaranteed undisturbed possession of its rich endowments, and the majority of the population of the Quebec Province ore still Roman Catholic. In Upper Canada the reverse is the case. HiTHKHTO " a I'ev. Mr. Brooke " has been creditetl with having been " tlic first cler,jVman of the Church of England who officiated in Quebec." Tho .same ivriter states (and no man of his time could speak with sucii authority on the subject) " there is no record of his life or pro- ceedings. lUi arrived, it is bupposcd, almost immediately after the • See page 107. t I' 1780, p. ri. 186 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. conquest. The three next clergymen of whom we find any mention , seem to have been appointed by the Government, under the expectation that an impression might be made on the French Canadians by clergymen who could perform the Anglican service in the French language." [Sec Rev. Ernest Hawkins' Annals of the Diocese of Quebec, S.P.C.K., 1849, pp. 18-14.] A close study of the Society's Journals would have led to a modifi- cation of these statements and to the advancement of a claim on behalf of a Missionary of the Society, who played an important part in the proceedings which led to the capture of Quebec. On October 28, 1769, the Rev. Michael Houdin, Itinerant Missionary of the Society in New Jersey, wrote from Quebec intreating that his absence from his Mission might not bring him under the Society's displeasure, as what he had done had " been in obedience to Lord Loudon and other succeeding Commanders" (of the British forces), "who depended much on his being well acquainted with the country." After the reduction of Quebec he asked leave to return to his Mission, but the Governor, General Murray, " ordered him to stay telling him there was no other person to be depended upon for intelligence of the French proceedings," and that he would acquaint the Society therewith. Mr. Houdin added th.it he as well as the public had *' received a great loss by the death of the brave General Wolfe who promised to remember his labour and services," and that he hoped to return to New Jersey in the spring of 1760. He was however "detained by General Amherst in Canada " far on into 1761, and was then transfoircil to the Mission to the French Refugees at New Rocliclle, New York [pp. 59, 865]. Formerly Mr. Houdin had leen Superior of a Convent in Canada, but having become- a convert to the Church of England he was (after some years' proba- tion) appointed to New Jersey, where he " acquitted himself well " [1]. Another Missionary of the Society, the Rev. John Ogilvie, attended the British troops to Canada in 1759 in the capacity of chaplain to- the British soldiers and to their Mohawk allies, who formed part of hi» charge in the neighbourhood of Albany, Now York. In 1760 he was " obliged to return to Montreal for the winter season by express orders- from General Amherst, who seem'd extremely sensible of the incon- yeniency of removing him from his Mission for so long a time but said it must be so, to keep up the honour of the Protestant religion in a town where all the old inhabitants are of a contrary persuasion, by the regular and decent performance of the pui)lic offices of our Church." On the capitulation of Montreal the Roman Catholic priests were "all left in their respective parishes among the Indians, as well as the French inhabitants," and Mr. Ogilvie promised " to do all in his power to recommend the Church of England by the public and constant per- formance of its Divine Worship, and by keeping up a friendly correspondence both with Clergy and Laity." To assist him in his work the Society sent him a supply of French Bibles and Prayer Books and of " tracts in French on the chief points in dispute between the Protestants and Papists, wrote with the most Christian temper." " The British merchants with the garrison " in Montreal made " a considerable congregation," who assembled "regularly for Divine Worship on Sundays and other Festivals." From November 1760 to July 1768 he baptized 100 children, and ho " administered the holy PROVIKCES OF QUEBEC AND ONTARIO (OLD CANADA). 137 Communion to 80 or 40 persons at a time." " As by the Capitula- tion " no provision was made " for a place of worship for the Established Church," Mr. Ogilvie's congregation were "under a necessity of making use of one of the chapels " [Koman Catholic], which was " the cause of much discontent." The Indians in the neighbourhood for some 40 miles distance were " extremely attached to the Ceremonials of the [Roman Cathohc] Church," and had been " taught to beheve the English have no know- ledge of the Mystery of Man's redemption by Jesus Christ." As these Indians spoke the Mohawk language Mr. Ogilvie "endeavoured to remove their prejudices and by showing them the Liturgy of our Church in their Mother Tongue," he " convinced many of them that we were their fellow Christians." The need of fixing a school and a Clergyman at Montreal was- iirged by him, and he placed his services at the" Society's command," but in the autumn of 1764 " his uncertain and unsettled situation at Montreal together with the solicitations of his friends," induced him to accept the office of assistant to the Rector of Trinity Church, New York. During his residence in Montreal Mr. Ogilvie succeeded in gathering congregations which became "numerous and flourishing" under his care ; but after his departure, for want of shepherding, they dwindled away, and "many converts who under him I'.ad re- nounced the errors of Popery " returned again " to the bosom of their former Church," and carried with them "some members of ours " [2]. Referring now to Mr. Brooke's ministrations we find the Society in January 1702 considering a letter from "the Civil Officers, Merchants- and Traders in Quebec," dated August 29, 1761, representing "in behalf of themselves and all British Protestant inhabitants that the Rev. John Brooke has been personally known to many of them from the arrival of the Fleet and Army from Britain in 1757 and to all of them by their attendance on his Ministry for more than a year past," and asking that he might be established a Missionary there, and pro- mising to contribute to his support. The petition was supported by General Murray [L., Sept. 1, 1761], " in compliance with the unanimous request of the Protestants in his Government," and "from a twenty years' knowledge of him and a particular attention to his conduct in the exercise of his functions for upward.: of a year past." " In com- passion to a numerous body of poor children " General Murray iippointed "a schoolmaster of competent sufficiency and good character for their instruction" (viz., Serjeant Watts), and as?igned him a "proper room and dwelling," but both the General and Mr. Brooke [L., Sept. 1, 1701] desired assistance in supporting the school; the latter also asked for salary for a schoolmistress, and for English a: id French Bibles and Prayer 15ooks &c. for the soldiers and the {KV.) Clergy. The Society decided to consult with the Secretary of War on the subject of these communications [8] . In February 1704 General Murray was assured * that the Society hftvo the mopt grateful sense of his good dispoBition towards them hy the particular attention he is pleased to pay to the state of Ueligion in his Province and they will not fail to consider his req lest of having a Missionary appointed at Quebec as soon as the Government have taken that matter under 188 SOCIETY FOB THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. their consideration and in the meantime have ordered 30 French Bibles 30 P'ronoh Testaments 50 small French and 50 small English Common Prayer Hooks to bo ticnt to Mr. Brooke, to be distributed as he shall think proper " [4]. Nearly a year later (January 25, 17G5) a petition was received from the " Chief Justice, Civil Officers and others of the City and Province of Quebec " (March 1, 17(34), representing, " on behalf of themselves and c/iev Protestant inhabitants," that the Rev. Dr. John Brooke had been resident in that place " upwards of 4 years," most of the time ** in quality of Deputy Kegimojital Chaplain and since of Chaplain to the Garrison ; appointments very inadequate to the Importance of his office, the labour of his cure, and that respectable appearance which he ought to sustain for his greater usefulness, amongst a Clergy and People, strangers to our Nation and prejudiced against our Faith and Religion." They therefore requested the Society to add to his existing appointment *' that of a Missionary," and to appoint " anotlier Mis- sionary to Officiate in French "and to assist Dr. JJrooke in his English duties. In recommending the petition Dr. Brooke [L., Nov. 1, 17G4] added " that some of the Dissenting party " were " getting subscrip- tions for a minister of their own and forming a scheme of dividing from the Church, which should they succeed," would " bo very pre- judicial to the Protestant interest," as it would "create great con- tempt in i;he minds of the Clergy and people there to see the Protestants so few in number, and yet divided among themselves " [5J. At the same meeting of the Society the President reported that ho had received letters from the Rev. Mr. Samuel Bennet, dated Montreal, Nov. 19, 1764, stating that in Canada there were " but two Protestant Clergymen himself included," that " this unhappy neglect of the Mother Country to form a religious establishment" there, was "so improved by the Friars and Jesuits as to induce the French inhabitants to look upon their conquerors in an odious light and to become more impatient of the English yoke." Montreal, where Mr. Bennet was "accidentally stationed " that winter (by General Gage's orders) was " a larga city inhabited by near 100 British Families, besides many Frer.cii Protestants . . . also a garrison containing two Regiments of Soldiers," who frequently married " with Frenchwomen and for want of Protestant Clergymen" were "obliged to have recourse to Romish Priests to baptize their children." Mr. Bennet expressed his intention of returning to England with his regiment unless the Society should appoint him a salary, in which case he would give up his chaplainship and remain [G]. The Society gave due consideration to those com- munirdtions, and after its representations the Government (170G-8) provided three Clergymen primarily for the French Protestants, but who also, according to their ability, ministered to the English. Two of them were Swiss, viz.. Rev. David Chadbrand do Lisle [stationed at Montreal 176GJ, and Mons. Francis de MontmoUin [Quebec 17G8J ; the third, Mons. Le^'ore Jean Baptist Noel Voyssiere (Troia Rivieres 17GHJ, was ar. ex-RecoUot friar ["Father Emmanuel "|. To assist them in tiieir work the Society supplied them with English and French Prayer Books, Bibles, and other religious books, but their ministrations wore loss acceptable than had been anticipated. Colonel Claus stated in 1782 that the "Dissenting PROVINCES OF QUEBEC AND ONTARIO (OLD CANADA). 139 Governor" appointed over the Province at its conquest had represented the number of French Protestants there as consisting of " some hundreds of families, when in fact there were hardly a dozen." Hence the supersession of Dr. Ogilvie — "an ornament and a blessing to the Church " — by French Clergymen had " been a fatal measure." Mr. de Lisle reported in 1707 that the Romish priests availed themselves greatly *' of the neglected state of the Church of England in those parts," " persuading the Canadians that the Government" had "not religion at heart." Being "destitute of a decent place of worship," he was " forced to perform it in the Hospital Chapel." Two Canadians and one German had " made their recantations," and in the year he had baptized 5y children, a negro boy, and an Indian child, and " married 22 couple." The English inhabitants of Montreal at tliis time, though mostly Presbyterians, attended the Church service constantly. But in 1781-5 the Dissenters " being weary of attending the ministry of a man they could not understand and for other reasons " "entered into a Uberal subscription for a Presbyterian minister," and chose a Mr. Bethune, formerly chaplain in the 84th Regiment, " a man of liberal sentiments and good morals, and not unfriendly to our Church," having " regularly attended Divine Service and joined in it, till he obtained this appointment."* From Quebec Mr. MontmoUin wrote in 1770-1 that his congrega- tion " daily grows smaller," religion " being little regarded in those parts." Of Mons. Veyssieres the Bishop of Nova Scotia reported in 1789: he "does us no credit and is almost useless as a Clergy- man " [7]. In 1778 a" Committee for erecting a School at I^Iontreal " appealed for assistance in establishing it, but the Society regarded the request " as not yet properly coming within " its province [8]. The year 1777 brought with it to Canada refugees from the revolted Colonies to the south of the St. Lawrence, and among them the Rev. John Doty, S.P.G. Missionary at Schenectady, New York, who, having "been made tw^ce a prisoner," found it necessary "to retire with his family into Canada." His distresses in removing were lessened by his having beon appointed " Chaplain to His Majesty's Royal Regiment of New Inrk." As a great part of the New York Mohawksf had joined the royal array, he was able to serve them also. On an allotment about six miles distant from Montreal the Mohawks in 1778 " built a few temporary huts for their famihes and . . . a log house for t' - sole purpose of a Church and a Council room." In it Mr. Doty ofticiated " to the whole assembled village, who bel'.aved with apparent seriousness and devotion " ; and on his admo' ashing them to remember their baptismal vows, and assuring them of his readiness to do anything for them in his power, one of their Chiefs answered for the whole " that they would never forget their baptismal obhgations, nor tne religion they had been educated in, and that it revived their hearts to find once more a Christian Mmister among them, and to meet together, as formerly, for the worship of Almighty God." So far as Mr. Doty could ascertain, these Mohawks from the Society's Mission at Fort Hunter were "more civiUzed in their manners, than any other Indians " [9]. • Two of Mr. Bethuno's soua took Holy Orders, and . ^c became Bishop of Toronto [ae« p. 8731. t Hee p. 7i. 140 -SOCIETY FOR THB PROPAOATION OF THE OOSPEL. Mr. Doty's conduct in this matter received the approbation of Colonel Claus (Superintendent of the Loyal Indians), who showed " unremitting zeal in co-operating with the . . . jLociety to promote a true sense" of "religion among the Indians," having provided them with a log house for a church and school, also with a native teacher, a primer and a revised edition of their Mohawk Prayer Book [10]. In 1781 the Mohawks were rejoined by their old pastor, the Rev. John Stuart, who, " after various trials and distresses " as a loyalist in New York Province escaped to Canada. For some years his headquarters were at Montreal, whence he visited the Mohawks both in that neighbourhood (La Chine) and in Upper Canada, where they began to remove in 1782, and where lie himself permanently- settled in 1785 [11]. [Sec also pp. 78-4, 154.] In the meantime the Society had been made well acquainted with the religious needs of Canada through Mr. Doty, who had paid two visits to England (between 1781-8). On the second occasion he drew up (in January 1783), " Minutes of the present state of the Church in the Province of Canada," which are here printed almost in full : — " 1. The Canadian Papists (which are very numerous) are in Renern! a well disposed people ; attached indeed to their own religion, yet inclined to think well of SerUnis Protestants ; and in many respects, open to conviction. "2. TheFrench Protestants inCanadaare.at this time about 10 or 12 in number, and probably never exceeded 20 : while, on the contrary, the English Protestants, immediately after the conquest of the country amounted to more than 10 times as many ; and are now estimated at no less than 6,000 beside the troops. "3. To the former of these, three French Clergymen were sent* out by Government, soon after the peace of 1763,* appointed to their respective parishes (viz*. Qtiebec, Trois Rivieres, and Mcnitreal) by a Royal Mandamus, with a stipend of £200 sterling per annum, paid to each of them out of the Revenues of the Province, besides which one of them is Chaplain to the garrison where he resides. " 4. Two of these gentlemen (natives of Switzerland and doubtless, men of ability . . their own language) perform, as well as they can, in English ; but there is not one English Clergyman settled in all the Province (excepting an Independent Minister, who has a small congregation at Quebec where he has resided for some years past), nor is there a single Protestant Church, the Protestants being obliged to make use of Romish Chapels.f " 5. The paucity of French hearers hath so far set iside the performance of Divine Service and preaching in French, that during four years' residence in Canada, the writer of these Minutes doth not remember to have heard of four sermons in that language. " 6. Catechising, however important in its consequences, is a practice unknown in that country : and the sad effects of so great nn omission are visible -too many of the rising generation fall an easy prey to Popery, Irreligion and Infidelity. "7. The evening J Service of the Church of England is not performed : The weekly prayer days, Saints' Days Ac, are totally neglected : and the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper administered not above 3 or 4 times in a year at Montreal, not 80 often at Quebec and not at all at Trois Rivieres. • [See p. 188. M. VeysBifere left tlio RcoolletK in 17(50, cunio to England in 17C7, and returned to Canada in 17(18. Mr. I)e I,i«le'8 first communication with the Society was in 1707 ; and M. do Montnifillin'B name appears in the Ouebic recistor in 1708.] t [At Quebec after every I" nglifih service, tlie chaiiel underwent " a regular hmtra- tion " to remove the Bupposed pollution [12a].] X [While at Montreal the Rev. Dr. Htnart aHsisted Mr Dn Little, tlie Swiss clergyman, •■' without any reward or emolument " ; and in 17b4 he reported that au afternoon service bad just been established [I'ib].] PROVINCES OF QUEBEC AND ONTARIO (OLD CANADA). 141 " 8. The most destitute places are Sorrel and St. John's. The former is a flourishing town, pleasantly situated on a point of land, at the conflux of the Bivers Sorrel and St. Lawrence. It is the key of Canada from the southward and bids fair to be in time one of the largest places in the province. The number of Protestant English families there at prnsent is about 40 besides the garrison, which is middling large. It is just 15 leagues below Montreal. Saint John's is more of a frontier town situated on the west bank of the Biver Chambly . . . and is about 5 leagues from the mouth of the Lake [Champlain]. The number of Protestant English families there at present is near upon 50 : the garrison as large as that of Sorrel. Besides these, there are many other families scattered in different places. . . . " 9. To the foregoing may be added the garrisons of Niagara and Detroit, though not in the Province of Canada. The latter is situated at the entrance of the Strait between Lakes Erie and Huron— about 900 miles N.S.W. from Quebec; and according to the best accounts, commands a beautiful country. It's inhabitants are chiefly French Catholicks ; but there are many English Protestants among them and the garrii^on especially consisteth of English alone : they have no minister, but a Popish Missionary. Niagara ... is also a garrison town. The inhabitants are, for the most part, English "Traders, and pretty numerous. It has likewise been for some time past, a place of general rendezvous for loyal Befugees from the back parts of the Colonies ; and especially for the greater part of the Six Nation Indiana, who have withdrawn, with their families, to the vicinage of that place, where it is likely they will remain : among the rest are a part of the Iroquois or Mohawk nation." Then follows " a general estimation of the number of Protestant English famiUes in the Province of Canada," the total being 740 families (250 at Quebec, and ICO at Montreal) ; besides GO at Detroit and 40 at Niagara, and " many other English famihes in the vicin- age of Quebec and Trois Rivieres, whose numbers cannot at present be well ascertained." " The aggregate of families in Canada (Protes- tant and Catholic) is supposed to be between 50 and 60,000." In submitting these " Minutes" Mr. Doty added, the Society ♦' will not have the rank weeds of Bepublicanism and Independency to root out before they can sow the pure seeds of the Gospel, as was too much the case heretofoif, in the Colonies, but on the contrary they will find a people (like the good ground) in a great measure prepared and made ready to their hand. The Protestants to a man are loyal subjects, and in general members of the Church of England " :12]. To gather these into congregations, and to build them up in the faith, was an object to which the Society now directed its attention, and as Mr. Doty " freely offered his servicos," it was decided to make a " trial ' by appointing him to open a Mission at Sorrel [13]. After this introduction to Old Canada it will be convenient to keep the accounts of the Society's work in Lower and Upper Canada aa distinct as possible. Refrrcnees (Cimvlor XVIII.)— [1] Jo., V. 14, pp. 23.';-r.; Jo., V. 15, pp. 22-3, 133-4, 108; il. 17.'i'.», pp. r.i-!l. [2, Jo., V. 15, pp. 19, 20, 74-0, 1H3-4, 295-6; Jo., V.lO.pp. 45-8, 244 ; K. 1700, pp. 40-h ; R. 1701. p. 52 : Jo., V. 23, p. 4 ; R. 1782, pp. 57-8. [3] Jo., V. 15, pp. 103-,'-., [4] Jo., V. 10, p. 90. |6i Jo., V. 10, pp. 2H0-2. fOj Do., pp. 284-5. [7] Jo., V. 15, pp. 103-5 ; Jo., V. 10, pp. 45-8, 90, 280-2 ; Jo., V. 17, pp. 16P-7 ; Jo., V. 18, pp. 500-1; Jo., V. 19. p. 105 ; Jo., v. 23, p. 4 ; Jo., V. 24, pp. 8. 140 ; Jo., V. 25, p. 255 ; R. 1708, p. 19. [81 Jo., V. 20, pp. 11.-.-10. [91 Jo., V. 21, pp. 343-8, 497-8 ; Jo., V. 22, pp. 30-8 ; R. 1778, pp. 54-5; R. 1779, pp. B!J-4. |10| Jo., V. 21, pi>. 348-52; Jo., V. 22, pp. 808-70; Jo., v. 2.3, pp. 4i;i-U; R. 1781, pp. 47-8. [11] Jo., V. 22, pp. 303-7; Jo., V. 23. pp. 'iO-1, 109-71, 207-9. 879 ; R. 1781, pp. 45-0; R. 1783, p. 44 ; R. 1784, p. 40. [121 App. Jo. A, pp. 579-87 ; Jo., v. 23, p. 41. [12(1] Hawkins' " Annals of the Diocese ot Quebec," [126] Jo., V. 24, i)p. », 139. [18] J"'. V- '■'8. P- '■^"''i; R- 1788, p. 43. 142 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OP THE GOSPEL. CHAPTER XIX. PROVINCE OF QUEBEC— (continued). On his arrival at Forrel in 1784 the Eev. John Doty found that nearly 800 famihes of loyalists, chiefly from New York, had just removed from Sorrel to Cataracqui, Upper Canada. There remained " 70 families of Loyalists and otlier Protestants " within the town and district. These, •' though a mixed Society, consisting of Dis- senters, Lutherans, and Churchmen " all attended Divine worship, " the Dissenters conforming to the Liturgy and the Lutherans, with- out exception, declaring themselves members of our Church." For the first few weeks he performed service " in the Eomish chapel," but as the continuance of that indulgence was inconvenient he got the permission of the commanding oliicer to fit up "a barrack" in wL.-'^h a congregation of about 150 assembled " every Lord's Day." Some Prayer Books and tracts which ho brought Avere gratefully received, '■^'1 the people also expressed their "gratitude to the Society for their ApostoUc Charity in sending them a Missionary " [1]. Within two years the communicants had increased from 29 to 50, and in 1785 ho purchased "one of the best houses in Sorrel," "being part of a bankrupt's effects," " for only 15 guineas," out of a collection of over £30 which he had obtained in Montreal. It was "fitted for a church, so as to accommodate above 120 persons," and opened for service on Christmas Day 1785, when it was crowded, and thirty-two persons received the Communion. Soon after, Brigadier General Hope, Lieutenant-Governor and Commander-in-Chief, gavo five guineas, Captain Barnes of the E.A. a bell, and Captain Gother Man " some boards and timber." This " encouraged them to add a steeple to their church which was finished about midsummer" [2]. Such was the erection of the first Enghsh church in Old Canada. With the aid of Lord Dorchester it was replaced by a new struc- ture, which was opened on October 8, 1790 [8]. By 1791 the church had been pewed and become " a very decent and commodious place of worship." The people in general were "observant of the sacred Listitutions of the Church " ; their children were sent to be catechised, they themselves were "regular and serious in their attendance," and the garrison were "no less exemplary" [4]. In 1787 land was allotted by Government for a church and par- sonage house, a glebe also being promised. From this time for many years the town was generally called " William Henry " * [5]. Mr. Doty remained there till 1802, occasionally ministering in other parts also. In 1788 he heard that a number of Germans, " chiefly the remains of the troops lately in that country," had formed themselves into a distinct congregation at Montreal, and with the Governor's permission, assembled on Sundays in the Court House. They numbered 158 (118 men), and though very poor, paid Mr. J. A. Schmidt £40 a year (currency) to read the Scriptures to them and instruct their children. They were unacquainted with English, but • In honour of a visit of H.R.H. Prince Williom Henry, afterwards William IV. PROVINCE OP QUEBEC. 143 on Mr. Doty sending them one of the Society's German Prayer Books "in about 10 or 12 days they sent Mr. Schmidt, with two of their people, to request some more, as they had unanimously determined to conform to it." A sufficient supply was soon forthcoming from tlio Society [6]. In 1798 Mr. Doty visited " a new and flourishing settle- ment," St. Armand, about 90 miles from Sorrel. He was received with "much affection," and had "a serious and crowded audience, and baptized 6 infants and one adult." At a second visit (in 1799) ho remained twelve days. The district of St. Armand (18 miles by 4) con- tained from 1,200 to 1,500 souls, all " Protestants and a considerable part professing the Church of England." They wero " very earnest to have a Missionary," and subscribed £30 a year for his support* [7]. The year 1789 was memorable for the first visit of an Anglican Bishop to Old Canada. The ecclesiastical state of the province " was by no means such as could give either strength or respect to the national profession," but Bishop Chaules Inolis of Nova Scotia exerted himself " to put it upon the best footing it could . . . admit of." [His visit extended from June 10, the day ho landed at Quebec, to August 18.] He fixed the Rev. Philip Tooseyt at Quebec, and the Rev. [James Makmaduke] t Tunstall at Montreal, for the special benefit of the English settlers, who " very earnestly desired to have an English Clergyman," since they could " reap little advantage " from the ministrations of the Government ministers appointed some years before for the French inhabitants. The" Protestants" at Montreal were "reckoned at 2,000"; at Quebec there were " not so many," but 180 were confirmed here and 170 at Montreal. The Bishop appointed Mr. Toosey his Commissary for the Eastern limits of the province, and he confirmed the Society's good opinion of Mr. Doty as " a worthy diligent Missionary " [8]. The need of a resident Bishop for Old Canada received earlier recognition than the English Government had been accustomed to give to such matters, for in 1798 Dr. Jacob ^Iountain was consecrated Bishop of Quebec, thus relieving the Bishop of Nova Scotia of the charge of Lower and Upper Canada. At this time there were still only six clergymen in the Lower Province, including the three French- speaking ones, and in the remainder of the century only one was added to the Society's list, viz., the Bishop's brother, the Rev. Jehosaphat Mountain, appointed to Three Rivers (Trois Rivieres) in 1795. At this place Divine Service had " for some years past been per- formed in the Court House " by M. Veyssiiires, the French clergyman, but a part of the building was now (1795) separated for a church, and under Mr. Mountain the communicants increased in two years from 4 to 18 [9]. During the next twelve ysars (1794-1807) only two other Missions were opened by the Society in Lower Canada — Quebec (Rev. J. S. Rudd) and St. Armand and Dunham (Rev. R. Q. Short), both in 1800 [10]. t^ The reason for this will appear from a memorial addressed by the • Other places visited by Mr. Doty were St. John's (afterwards called Dorchester), 1794, 1709, &o.; Caldwell's Manor and L'Assomption, 1790; and Berthier, 1799 or before r7rtl. t Bar. Toosey was not an S.P.G. Missionarj'. J Mr. Tunstoll was wrongly referred to as " John " in 1788-9. I! 144 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE OOSPEL. Society to the English Government in 1807, after personal conference with the Bishop of Quebec and the son of the Bishop of Nova Scotia. H stated that the Churches of Canada and Nova Scotia were ' ' rather on the decline than advancing towards the state of being able to maintain them- selves, tho' a great part of the revenues of the Society " was being " ab- sorbed in supporting them. None of those in Canada, except at Quebec, Montreal, and Trois Rivieres" had "yet reached that point. The cause " was " that the Protestant Clergy were '• not legally established or confirmed in their churches." They were " dependent on the Crown, and their situation " was " rendered uncomfortable, and indeed hardly tenable," unless they pleased the inhabitants, in which " persons of very respectable abilities and character " often failed ; those who suc- ceeded best were " native Americans," but the supply of such was diffi- cult "for want of proper education." There was "a Cathedral,* Choir, and Choir Service at Quebec but not endowed." The Bishop had " not the means of enforcing discipline over his own Clergy." " The Provision for a Protestant Clergy by Act of Parliament 31 G[eo]. III., one-seventh of all lands granted since the Peace of Paris in 1702 (one-seventh being also reserved for the Crown)," had " not yet been of much service." t The building of churches also in either province was succeeding " but ill." "It ought to be done by the inhabitants," and was sometimes " liberally " when they liked the clergyman, " otherwise not at all." In the meantime in Canada the Roman Catholics had " great advantages over the Protestants," and had " lately usurped more than they formerly did, or was intended to be allowed them." They had " even by Act of Parliament not only their parishes but even tithes." The " patoonage of their Bishops " was "reckoned to be from 40 to £50,000 per an." They had "even proceeded so far as to question the validity of marriages celebrated according to the form of the Church of England, it being alledged that the contract " was " not according to the law of Canada as by Act 14 G. III. and no Church of England known to tho law of the country." The proportion of inhabitants in Lower Canada was given as 225,000 [Roman] Cathohcs to about 25,000 Protestants, and it was stated generally that " t)ie Protestant Church " was " more likely to decline than to advance, till either a fuller effect is given to the Act in its favour or further provision made " [11]. At this period (1807) the Society was privileged to secure tho services of one who has done perhaps as much as anyone to plant and build up the Church in Canada. The Rev. and Hon. Chakles J. Stewart, a son of the Earl of Galloway, while em- ployed as a beneficed clergyman in England, is said to have been contemplating Missionary work in India when an account of the iigregation of 1,000 persons. His communicants had already increased from 6 to 44 ; 00 persons were confirmed later in the year, and in 1811 " a great concourse of people " assembled in a second church, erected in the western district, which hitherto had been without a single church, although possessing a population of 40,000 r .3]. His ministrations were extended far and wide, and while visiting England in 1815 17 he raised among his friends a fimd (£2,300) which " assisted in building twenty-four churches " in the poorer settle- ments of Canada [141. Committing his former Mission, now settled and flourishing, to other hands, in 1818 he moved to Hatley. another neglected spot. Here, with scarcely "a congenial companion, in habits, manners or attainments," Dr. G. J. Mountain (afterwards Bishop of Quebec) saw him in 1819, winning rapidly upon all parties, and forming Church congregations, "I found him," he -ays, " in occupation of a small garret in a wooden house, reached by a sort of 1; .der, or something between that and a staircase : here he had one room in wliicli were his little open bed, his books and his writing table — everything of the plainest possible kind. The farmer's family, who lived below, boarded him and his servant. Soon after my arrival I was seized with an attack of illness and he immediately gave ni ;ip his room and made shift for himself in some other part of the house, how I know not. And here, buried in the woods, and looking out upon the dreary landscape of snow — some thousands of miles away from all his connexions, many of whom were among the highest nobility of Britain— this simple and single-hearted man, very far from strong in bodily health, was labouring to build up the Church of God and advance the cause of Christ among a population, who were yet to be moulded to anything approaching to order, uniformity or settled habit of any kind in religion — utter strangers to the Church of England, with I believe the exception of a single family, and not participants in the great majority of instances of either of the Sacraments of tho Christian religion " [15]. At this time Dr. Stewart and his servant were living on a dollar » day ; and he limited his personal expenses to 4^250 a year in order^ that he might devote the remainder — £^400— of his income " to public and private beneficial purposes" [15a]. As "visiting Missionary" for tho Diocese (appointed 1819) he reported in 1820 that " the progress and effects " of the Society's exertions had " already been very great and beneficial" ; the Church had "widely extended her influence," and was " rapidly increasing her congregations." " Many persons of different persuasions," had already " united with her." In the previous year over 12,000.- immigrants had arrived at Quebec [IG]. Besides sending Missionaries from England, the Society strove to raise up a body of " Native American " Clergy, by providing for the training of candidates for Holy Orders in the country ; and this form of aid — begun in 1815 and continued to the present time — has perhaps been as valuable as any that could be given [17]. [See also pp. 779, 841.] I, 146 SOCIETY FOn THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. The Society also took a leading part in promoting the education of the masses, by making grants for Schoolmasters, for many yeara onward from 1807, and by introducing in 1819 the National School system of education into Lower Canada [18], [See also p. 769.] Special provision was likewise made for the 'ciilding of Churches — in addition to Dr. Stewart's fund. Referring to one sum of £2,000 placed at his disposal for this object, the Bishop of Quebec wrote in 1820 : " The pious liberality of the Society appears to have produced the happiest effect ; it was natural indeed that it should tend to attach the inhabitants to the Church and to call forth their exertions to qualify themselves for obtaining the establishment of Missions among them and this it has eviiently done " [19j. On the death of Bishop Jacob Mountain in 1825 Dr. Stewart was chosen his successor, and consecrated in 1826. His altered position and circumstances, when holding a visitation as Bishop in districts in which he had previously travelled as a Missionary, made no alteration in his simple habits and unaffected piety [20]. In 1830, having regard to the fact tliat "the only impediment to the rapid extension of the Church " in the Diocese was *' the want of resources for the maintenance of a body of Clergy in any respect adequate to the wants of the two provinces," the Society supplied the Bishop with the means of forming a body of licensed Catechists, acting under subordination to the Clergy. Some such measure was necessary "in order to maintain even the profession of C!hristianity " in isolated parts, and the effect produced was " higlily beneficial." As soon as possible their places were taken by ordained Missionaries [21]. For ten years Bishop Stewart bore the burden of his vast Diocese, doing his utmost to supply its needs. In 1836, being worn out by his incessant labours, he obtained the assistance of a coadjutor, and sought rest in England, where he died in the following year [22]. His coadjutor. Dr. Geougk Jehoshapiiat Mountain, continued to administer the Diocese, but retained the title of " Bishop of Montreal " until the formation of a See of that name, when (July 25, 1850) he became nominally, what in reality he hfd been from 1837, Bishop of Quebec [23]. Already, as Archdeacon of Quebec for fifteen years, he had a thorough knowledge of the diocese, and shortly after his consecration he wrote : — " Since the Society has been sometimes reproached with a presumed character of inertness attachinp; to the ClerRy in Canada, and since that bounty, which is so j?reatly needed from the British public, is proportioned to the estimate formed of its profitable application, I cannot forbear from adverting to a very few siniplo facts, as examples of the statements which might be put forth in reconmiendation of the Canadian Church. I do not, of course, moan that the labours of all the Clergy are in accordance with the picture which I proceed to sketch— some are, from situation, not exposed to any necessity for hardships or severe exertions ; and it must be expected to happen that some should bo less devoted than others to the cause of Christ; but not to speak of the episcopal labours which, from the prominent situation of those who have successively discharged them, are of necessity better known, I could mention such occurrences, as that a Clergyman, upon A circuit of duty, has passed twelve nights in the open air, six in boats upon the water, and six in the depths of the trackless forest with Indian guides ; and a Deacon, making his insolitos tiisiis when scarcely Hedged, as it were, for the more arduous flights of duty, has peiformed journeys of 120 miles in the midst of wxter PROVINCE OP QUEBEC. 147 i' upon Bnow-shoes. I could tell how some of these poor ill-paid servants of tho Gospel have been worn down in strength before their time at remote and laborious stations. I could give many a history of perseverinf{ travels in the ordinary exorcise of ministerial duty, in defiance of difficulties and accidents, through woods and roads almost impracticable, and in all the severities of weather ; or of rivers traversed amid masses of floating ice, when the experienced canoe-men would not have proceeded without being urged. I have known one minister sleep ".;! night abroad, when there was snow upon the ground I have known others answer calls to a sick-bed at the distance of fifteen or twenty miles in the wintry woods ; and others who have travelled all night to keep a Sunday appointment, after a call of this nature on the Saturday. These are things which have been done by tho Clergy of Lower Canada, and in almost every single instance which has been here j;iven by Missionaries of the Society for tho Propagation of tho Gospel in Foreign Parts. . . . The chief object of my anxiety is to draw some favourable attention to the unprovided condition of many settlements. ... In the township of Kilkenny, lying near to Montreal, I have been assured by one of the principal inhabitants that there a"e 120 families, and t'lat they all belong to our own Church. I do not think that any of our Clergy have ever penetrated to this settle^.ient ; and I have no reason to doubt the melancholy truth of an account given me, that tho people hearing of a Protestant minister, whom some circumstance had brought into the adjoining seigneurie, came trooping through the woods with their iniants in their arms, to present them for baptism in thn name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Olwst, to one who was a preacher of tho Unitarian persuasion ! . . . I could picture the greetings given to tho messenger of Christ by some congregations to whom his visit is a rare occurrence ; or I could mention such individual cases as that of a woman who walks three miles to her church, having a river through which she must wade in her way ; and of another who comes nearly four times that distance through the woods, to hear tlie Chinch Prayers and a jivinted sermon, at the house of a lady, who assembles tho Protestants of the neighbourhood on a Sunday. . . . Between the city of Quebec and the inhabited part of the district of Gaspe, in tho Gulf, a distance of more than 400 miles, there is no Protestant Minister to be found. At Matis ... I was most affectionately leceived . . . Tho people told me, when assembled in a body, that they were about equally f vidcd between the Churches of England and Scotland but should be but too b/,ppy to unite under a minister supplied to them by the former." After referring to the loss of the parliamentary gi-ant for Church purposes, and the prospect of the confiscation of the Clergy Resorvea and entire withdrawal of the Government allowance for th j Bishop, he concluded : '* Our chief earthly resource is in the fostering benevo- lence and friendly interposition of the Society" [21]. The formation of Upper Canada into a separate see (Toronto) in 1839, greatly though it relieved Bishop Mountain, still left him a diocese as large as France. Writing after one of his tours in 1841, he said : — " In all my discouragements, I often think what a wonderful blessing to tho country has been afforded in the beneficence of the Society. . . . Great and lamentable as is the destitution of many parts of the diocese . . . yet sound religion has been kept alive in the land . . . and a good beginning has been made in multiplied instances which may . . . prove the best happiness of generations yet to come " [25]. A hitherto entirely neglected district, the coast of Labrador, first received the ministrations of the Church in 1840. The Bev. E. CusAOK, who then made a tour extending to Forteau in the Newfound- land Government, discovered that though the permanent settlers were few, yet in the summer some 15,000 fishermen visited the Canadian settlements alone, No provision existed for Divine worship, many of l2 us 60CIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. the people were " walking in still worse than heathenish darkness," and at one place " almost all the ftdults had been baptized by laymen and were so utterly ignorant as to be unfit for adult baptism " [26]. " While Christian friends at home are doing much fOi. India, little do they imagine the heathenish darkness which exists in many parts, of our scattered settlements of Canada," wrote another Mission xry in 1842. Of one of the settlers in the Kingsey Mission he said he could not "conceive it possible ihat any, except a heathen, could be in such a state "[27]. The " influence " which " presided over the Proceedings of Govern- ment " in relation to the Church in Canada appeared to the Bishop (in 1848) to have "resembled some enchantment which abuses the mind." "In broad and reproachful contrast, in every singular particular, to the institutions founded for the eld colonists by the Crown of France," the British Government suffered " its own people members of the Church of the Empire, to starve and languish with reference to the supply of their spiritual wants," and left " its emigrant children to scatter themselves at random here and there over the country, upon their arrival without any digested plan to the formation of settlements, or any guide (had it not been for the Society . . . ) to lead them rightly in their new trials, temptations and responsibilities. The value of the Missions and other boons received from the Society," said he. " may be well estimated from this melancholy survey of the cubject. . . . Yet o.. the other hand when we look at the advances which through all these difticultifs- and despite all these discouragements the Church has been permitted to make we have cause to lift up our hands in thankfulness and our hearts in hope. . . . When I contemplate the case of our Missionaries, and think of the effects of their labours, I look upon them as marked examples of men whose reward is not in ♦''is world. Men leading lives of toil and more or less of hardship and privat; jn . . . the very consideration which attaches to them as clergymen of the Engliph Churcu Establishment exposing them to worldly mortification, from their Inability to maintain appearances consistent with any such pretension— they b.ic yet, under ihe hand of God, the dispensers of present and the founders of future blessing in the land. There are many points of view in which they may be so regarded ; for wherever a Church is established there is to a certain extent a focus for improve- ment found : but nothing is more striking than the barrier which the Church, without any adventitious sources of influence, opposes to the impetuous Hood of fanaticism rushing at intervals through the newer parts of the country. . . . Nothing else can stand against it. . . . This has been remarkably the case with the preaching of Millerism . . . than which anything more fanatic can scarcely be conceived. . . . Some men have been hnown to say that they will burn their Bibles; if these [Miller] prophecies should fail. ... In the meantime . . . the Church . . . preserves her steady course and rides like ihe ark, upon the agitated flood. Her people are steadfast and cleave with the closer attachment to their own system,. from witnessing the unhappy extravagance which prevails around them. Others also of a Bober judgment, are wont to regard her with an eye of favour and respect. Without the check which she creates, the country round would in a manner, all run mad. . . . Loyalty is another conspicuous fruit of Church principles in a colony. Loyally >vhioh in Canada has been proved and tried in many ways. . . . Such the-.. is the work of the good Society among us " [28J. In his visitation this year (1843) the IMshop had to pass a night in a ^'rfberman's hut. consisting of one room an i containing a family cf thirteen, -^.lA the next day. to avoid breakfafating there, he had to travel thr..'\;l.i .vind and rain in " a common cart, without spriugs PROVINCE OV QUEBEC, 149 and with part of the hottom broken out," the journey of 18i miles (Raisseau-Jaunisse to Port Daniel) occupy nig nearly seven hours. At Kilkenny a church was consecrated, and 24 persons were confirmed. It was the first episcopal visit, and the people proposed to name the building the "Mountain Church," but the Bishop "culled it after St. John the Baptist" "as being built for preaching in the wilderness, with which they were hi^'Jihly pleased." At Huntingdon was seen an example of the " deplorable efiects of schism in a new country." Here, "in a spot scarcely reclaimed from the woods," and where onegood spacious church might havo contained all the worslu[)pers, were "four Protestant places of worship— altar against altar — all ill appointed, all ill 3ap£joiied," while many ruder and more remote settlements were almost entirely neglected. In such instances "the forbearance and dignity of the Church . . . stood in most advantageous contrast with the proceedings of other parties." Towards providing Communion plate for Sherbrooke Church a woman who was notable " to do more, ' had given a silver soup ladlo . . . contenting herself with one of earthenware or pewter." Claren- don was another place which had been unvisited by any liishop. " As a specimen of the state of things in the new parts of a colony," it is recorded that a settler here had gone three times to Bytown, " a distance of fifty odd miles, to be married," and was only successful on . the third occasion, tlie clergyman having been absent on other calls. The way to Clarendon Church was by a narrow wood road. " In places " (saiil the Bishop) " we had nothing for it l)nt to fi^lit thiouRh the ycr iger prowtli and bushes, makiiiK 1 circuit and regninji'j,' tlie road. . . . Service was at tlireo. . . . F,if?lity-six | persons] had received tickets from Mr. l''alloon, iifty-one were confirmed ; al)out forty otlier persons were present. Two of tho sul)jeets for confirmation arrived after . . . tlie service and were then separately confirmed: one of these, a lad . . . had travelled on t'j'i 22 miles that day. Many of the males were in their shirt sleeves. I have detailed all those particulars because they set Jicfore the Society in their agRreKate, perhaps as lively a ])icturn ■of the characteristic features of new settlementa as any of my travels will afford : and they are interspersed . . . with many evidence's of good feeling, which one is willing to trace to an appreciation in the minds of liie people of those spiritual privileges which they enjoy through the care of the Society and thf "lliurch. . . . After this statement the Society may judg-j what tho need was of Church ministrations before the opening of this Mission only a year an 1804. [ t Througli the b.P.O. and tho Cauiulian Board of M.ssions.] 152 SOCIETY rOB THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. by God's great mercy we are free from party divisions, a house religiously at unity in itself : these are among the fruits of the Spirit for which we are now offering our devout :hanks to Almighty God " '[42]. At a Missionary Conference in London in 1878 Bishop Oxenden, the then Metropohtan of Canada, said : — " For the last hundred years . . . and up to the present time the Society has never failed to act as the nursing mother of the Church in Canada. For a long period the clergy were, in the strictest sense. Missionaries of that Society, and were wholly dependent on it for their stipends. And whatever of spiritual success wo have now attained, we must acknowledge that we owe it to those faithful and true men who made the first clearance in the spiritual wilderness, and in faith of future harvests cast in their seed which has brought forth abundantly. . . . With reference to other Christian bodies . . . our Church in Canada holds a very favourable position. She commands the respect of those who are separated from her, and her zeal and earnestness are acknowledged by them. Of our clergy I suppose that at least one in ten has come over to us from other Churches. ... I have a strong impression . . . that the Church in Canada is destined at no distant day to become the focus, around which the scattered bodies shall be gathered. There is at this time a general yearning after unity ; and what Church can present a platform so fitted as ours for uniting the various fragments of a divided Christendom? " [43.] STATif TICS. — In the Province of Quebec (Lower Canada) (area, 22fi,000 sq. miles), where the Society (1759-04, 1777-18i)'2) has assisted in maintaining 2".)4 Missionftries and planting 102 Central Stations (as detailed on pp. bOH-7'2), there are now 1,488,.'>35 inhabitants, of whom 7'),338 are Church Members under the care of 154 Clergymen and two Bishops. [See p. 763 ; see also the Table on pp. 102-a.J liefercnccs (Chapter XIX.)— Jo., V. 23, p. 299 ; .To., V. 24, pp. 5-9, 217-20, !)fl(! ; R. 1784, pp. 4.'5-('); R. 1785, p. 50. 12] Jo., V. 24, pp. 8li(>-7 ; R. 17H(i, p. 21. [3] Jo., V. 25, pp. 42. 884, 407 ; R. 1790, p. ."7. [4] Jo., V. 25, pp. 119, 407 ; R. 1788, pp. 24-5 ; R. 1791, pp. 54-5. [6] Jo., V. 25, p. 42; R. 1787, pp. 21-2. [61 Jo., V. 24, p. 392; Jo., V. 25, pp. 42, 119-20, 244; R. 1788, p. 25. [7] Jo., V. 28. pp. 12-15; R. 1799, pp. 41-2. \la\ Jo., V. 27, p. 50; Jo., V. 28, pp. 14-15. \S\ R. 1789, pp. 41-5. [01 Jo., V. 2(1. p. 80ti; Jo., V. 27, pp. 77-8; R. 179(i, p. 44. [10] R. 1800, pp. 39-41. [11] App. Jo. A, pp. 052-7. [llaj R, 1804, p. 45. [116] Ilawkins' " Annals of the Uiocose of Quebec." [12] Do. pp. 88-42; Jo., V. 29, pp. 257, 859-(>0 ; M.R. 1855, pi<. 241-2. 1 13] Hawkins' " Annals of the Diocese of Quebec," pp. 42, 47 ; R. 1808, pp. 37-8 ; R. lH09, pp. 44-5 ; R. 1810, p. 41; R. 1811, p. 57. [14] R. 1818, p. 73; R. 1820, pp. 132-3. [151 and ri6n] R.1818, pp. 73-4; M.R. 1855, pp. 243-5. [16] R. 1H20, pp. 134-5. [17] R. 1815, p. 47 ; R. 1810, p. 51. [18] App. Jo. A, p. r.57 ; R. 1819, p. 7(5 ; R. 1820, p. 30. 1 19] R. 1820, pp. 104-5 : see also R. 1833, p. 48. [20] R. 1837, p. 24. [21] R. 1830, pp. 85-6; R. 1838, p. 48. [22] R.1837, p. 24. [23] K. MSS.,V. 25, pp. .52, 57. [24] R. 1880, pp. 123-82. [25] R. 1841, pp. 42-3. [26] R. 1840, pp. 134-8; R. 1S91, pp. 140-1. 20 30 32 Q.P., Jan. 1843, p. 15. [28] Bishop G. J. Mountain's Journal, 1848, pp. 72-9. Do., Pt. I., pp. 11, 14-18, 89, 40, 50, ei"' Pt II., pp. 1-18. [29<(] R. 1846, pp. 40-1, 44. Q.P., Oct. 1850, pp. 12-13. r31| i., 1848, pp. 54-7; Q.P., Jan. 1848, pp. 4-7, R. 1850, pp. 23, 44. [32n] Jubilee Memoir of Quebec Diocesan Cbnrcli Society, 1842-92, p. 8. (Bound Pamphlets, " North America, 1892.") [326] R. 1861, p. (!5. (33J R. 1852, p. 62. [34] R. 1855, pp. 47,51; R. 1850. p. 48. [34rt j same as [32rt], pi>. 8, 9, 18, 20. [38] R. 1858, pp. 46-0. 1 36] Jo., V. 47, p. 892 ; Jo., V. 48, pp. 899, 400 ; R. 1851, pji. 04-5 ; R. 1803-4, pp. 4.'i-7. [37] Jo., V. 54, p. 12 ; Applications Committee Reiwiit, 18H1, pp. 11-12. [38] R. 1867, p. 10 ; R. 1870, pp. 10-11. [39| R. 1871, p. 18. [40] R. 18(!7, p. 20. [41] R. 1870, p. 10 ; R. 1871, pp. 19, 20. [42] D MSS., V. 87, No. 17. [43] M.F. 1878, pp. 402-7. [42a] K MSS., V. 20, pp. 145-08 ; R. 1893, p. 144. ♦ This progress took place during the wise administration of Bishop J. W. Williams, who succeeded Bishop G. J. Mountain in 1808 and died in 1892. Under the present Bishop, Dr. A. H. Dunn (consecrated in 1892), a further advance lias been made, 'i'lie centenary of tlw diocese (Quebec), held in Juno 1H93, was aignalised by the voluntary adoption of a . O^ ^ ^' 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 872-4503 &? &.0 ■'T 160 SOCIETY FOB THE PBOPAOATION OF THE GOSPEL. deep sorrow " that they had " never heard Divine service since they came to the country " [88]. It was with the view of inducing " every indi- vidual member of the Ohurch " in the diocese to do all they could " to extend to the whole pppulation "-of the province that knowledge of salvation which is our most precious treasure " that the Diocesan Church Society was organised in 1842. In advocating its establishment the Bishop paid the following tribute to the Missionaries sent to Canada by the S.P.G. : " Well have these servants of God fulfilled the glorious objects of their Divine mission, by proofs, daily given, of such piety, zeal and labour, mentally and bodily, of hardship patiently endured and fortitude displayed, as render them not unworthy of the primitive ages of the Church " [34]. Within four years of its formation the Diocesan Church Society " leavened the whole Province," and was enabled to support from ten to twelve additional Missionaries. In drawing up its Constitution and Bye-Laws those of the S.P.G. were as closely as possible followed, and it speaks wonders for the growth of the Missionary spirit that in the second year of its existence the income of the daughter Society exceeded that received by the parent Society in any one year for the first ten years after its incorporation.* The advantages of an organisation uniting as well as creating new forces were shown in a striking manner in 1862, when the Canadian Legislature passed an Act divesting itself of its privilege of presenting to certain Bectoriest of nominal value in Upper Canada, and placing the " embarrassing patronage " at the dis- posal of the Diocesan Church Society. In a disunited diocese such a gift would have led to endless bickerings, but the Church Society unanimously agreed^ to lodge the new power in the hands of the Bishop of Toronto [85]. In the same year that the Diocesan Society was founded a Theo- logical College was estabhshed slu Cobourg, and in the following year (1848) the Church University of King's College at Toronto. On the secularisation of the latter institution the new Church University of Trinity College was organised in 1852, with the assistance of the S.P.G., and Cobourg College (also fostered by the Society) was merged init.§ [See p. 778.] As an instance of "what the Church would effect in promoting peace and loyalty, were it zealously su'j)ported by the Imperial Govern- ment instead of prisons, poUce and troops," the Bishop sent the Society in 1848 the following account of the Mission at Lloydtown : — " There is something worthy of remark in regard to this Mission. Lloydtown was considered the focus of the rebellion, which broke out in this province in 1887. * Independent of the local branch asi.ociationB the Diocesan Church Society received in 1844 £1,800, besides considerable grants of land for Church endowment ; in 1846, £3,785 ; in 1846, £8,004 [86a]. Compare this with the S.P.G. Table on p. 880. t In 1880 Oovemor Sir John Colbome, with the advice of his Council, erected fifty- seven rectories in Upper Canada, assigning to each a glebe of 400 acres [862)J, The land was described in 1840 as " chiefly unproductive " [36(t]. X On opening the meeting on the occasion the Bishop " could see on looking round many with their papers in their hands impatient to bring their wisdom forward." But as he " addressed the meeting with a frank and honest boldness " he " could see more than one . . . putting their plans in their pocket " ; and after a long discussion the patronage was conferred on him " by acclamation " [86dl. $ Further assistance towards the endowment of Trinity College was rendered by the Society in 1864 (£600) and in 1884 (£100) [86]. PBOVINCE OF ONTABIO. 161 Before that time, snoh was the hatred of the inhabitants of the village to the Choroh of England, that it was soaroely safe for one of oar Missionaries to approach it. Lloydtovn soffered very mnch from the outbreak, and during their distress, and while some troops remained in it stationary to keep order, the Bev. F. L. Osier, of Teonmpseth, ventured to visit *be place. At first his ministra- tions were in a great measure confined to the troops, but with a kind discretion he seized npon this period of affiiction to extend his services to the inhabitants generally ; and it pleased Ood to bless his labours in the most singular manner, so that a large congregation has been gathered, an excellent-sized church built, the character of the village redeemed as to loyalty, and a complete change effected among the people in their sentiments respecting the Choroh of England ; formerly they seemed all enemies, now the majority are steady and zealous friends. . . . On the 6th of August I held a confirmation at Lloydtown ; the church was filled almost to suffocation " [37]. While the Missionaries were advanoing the welfare of the State by making its subjects loyal and peaceable, the Government was seeking to deprive the Church of her rightful inheritance — an object which was at last fully accomplished. The story of the Canadian Clergy Reserves and their confiscation may be thus summarised : — At the conquest of Canada by Great Britain the Roman Catholie Church was liberally tolerated, and left in possession of very considerable property.* At the same time it was distinctly understood in the Imperial Parliament that the Anglican Establishment was to be the National Chlirch. In reply to an enquiry in 1785 as to what stepst Government had taken since the last peace towards establishing thd^ Church in North America, the Society was informed by Lordi Sydney, with regard to Canada, that instructions had been given Uy- the Governor of Quebec to appropriate lands for glebes and schools, that " the salaries to the four Ministers of the Church of England already established in that Province " were " paid out of His Majesty's^ revenue arising therein"; and on the general question it was added' that the Government would co-operate with the Society " in affording to His Majesty's distressed and loyal subjects" in North America "the means of Religious Instruction, and attending the Public Worship of Almighty God," and that " the funds for the sup^rt of Ministers arise from the annual grants of Parliament or His Majesty's revenue." In 1791, when the two distinct provinces of Upper and Lower Canada were established — the royal instructions to the Govemox having previously declared the Church of England to be the established religion of the Colony — a reservation of one-seventh of alk the lands in Upper Canada and of all such lands in the Lower P- >vince as were not already occupied by the French inhabitants was uiade (by Act 81 George III.) for the support f a "Protestant Clergy" with a view to providing for the spiritual wants of the Protestant population of the country. While these lands remained mere waste tracts the exclusive right of the Church of England to them was not questioned, but when it was seen that they were becoming valuable other claimants arose in the Presbyterians of the Church of Scotland and various Dissenters. From 1818 to 1664 the subject of the Clergy Reserves was more or less * The endowments "for the support of the Roman Catholic Chnroh in Low«r Canada," were valued by the Bishop of Toronto in 1840, at £4,500,000 [88]. In Upper Canada the B. 0. Clergy were " but poorly provided for." ill -T if^a SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. a " burning question " in Canada. It was constantly complained thai the Anglican Church held large districts of unimproved land to the inconvenience and injury of the neighbouring settlers. In 1819 the law officers of the Grown in England advised that the provisions of the Act might " be extended to the Olergy of the Church of Scotland but not to dissenting ministers." The question, being an inconvenient one for the Home Government to settle, was referred to the Provincial Legislature, to whom, however, the entire alienation of the lands and their application to the purposes of general education or a reinvestment of them in the Crown was repeatedly recommended. In 1827 the Imperial Parliament authorised the sale of one-fourth of the Reserves in quantities not exceeding 100,000 acres in any one year. On the main question, which had been left undecided, the local Legislature and Executive Council at length so far agreed as to pass an Act (in 1839) for the appropriation of one-half of the annual pror ceeds of the property (after payment of certain guaranteed stipends) to " the Churches of England and Scotland," and the residue " among the other religious bodies or denominations of Christians recognised by the constitution and laws of the Province, according to their respective numbers to be ascertained once in every four years." The members of the Church of England in the province " assented" to this arrangement as a " compromise, and for the sake of peace." But since " some of its enactments were in contravention of existing Acts of Parliament " the scheme was disallowed by the Home Government, and an Act of the Imperial Parliament took its place. This Act ot 1840 (3 and 4 Vict. cap. 78) provided for the gradual sale of the Clergy Reserves, and for the appropriation of two-sixths of the proceeds to the Church of England, and one-sixth to "the Church of Scotland in Canada." The residue was to be applied by the Governor of Canada with the advice of his Executive Council " for purposes of public worship and rehgious instruction in Canada." The Church of England portion was to be expended under the authority of the S.P.G. To the Church, a final settlement, even on such terms as the loss of two-thirds of her property, had become desirable, for apart from the undeserved odium brought upon her by the dispute, the property itself was wasting away under a system of mismanagement. Even after the passing of the Act it was necessary to remonstrate against the waste, and a Select Committee of the Canadian Legislature reported in 1848 : " There is really no proportion or connexion what- ever between the service rendered to the fund and the charges which are imposed upon it." Under a more economical system of manage- ment it was soon possible not only to meet the sum (£7,700) guaranteed to certain clergymen during their lives, but also to provide for the extension of the Church. Notwithstanding that the settlement of 1840 " was intended " to be " final " and " was accepted and acquiesced in by all parties as such " until 1850, the Imperial Parliament in 1858 surrendered the Clergy Reserves to the Canadian Legislature to be dealt with at its pleasure. The Society petitioned against this injustice, but in vain, and in 1865 (by Act of the ColoniaJ Legislature, Deo. 18, 1854) the property was "aUenatei from the sacred purposes to which it had iiitherto be«n devoted and transferred to the several municipalities PROVINCE OF ONTARIO. Uh -within the boundaries of which the lands were situated." The only limitation imposed by the Imperial Legislature was that the life interests of the existing Clergy should be secured. With one consent, however, the Clergy commuted the aggregate of their life interests for a ca/pital fund to be invested for the permanent endowment of the Chiii'ch. In Upper Canada the amount thus secured for ever was calculated at £222,620 currency.* This sum, it was reckoned, would produce in colonial investments £12,244 per annum, but the amount of stipends then actually payable to the Clergy was £18,648, leaving a deficiency of £6,899. No effort was spared by the diocese (Toronto) itself to meet the great and unexpected diiBculties into which it had been thus thrown ; but while doing all that was possible to eUcit local support, the Bishop (Jan. 6, 1855) made a final appeal to the Society for assistance : — "Bear with me in anxiously pressing npon the Society a favourable considera- tion of the ... aid which we require in carrying out this scheme of commutation, and allow me to say, that it will be to the Society the most graceful release imaginable from the growing wants of this vast Diocese ; for, were it fully arranged and in active operation, with attendant certainty and stead;' advancement, the courage it would inspire, and the excitement it would create, would doubtless enable us to sho;-ten the period during which wo should require pecuniary aid. But if we are left in the wasting condition of dying out, the Society will be com- pelled during the process to advance much greater help than we now pray for, and even then hope will withi" r. " I would rather contemplate the Society administering her generous aid while we require it, and sending her last donation with her blessings, and prayers, and parting greetings of encouragement. It would be a most affecting separation from the greatest of her Colonial Missions, and yet turned into a most glorious triumph. She found Canada a wilderness nearly seventy years ago, but now a populous and fertile region, sprinkled throughout with congregations, churches, and clergymen, fostered by her incessant care, and now carrying the blessings of the Gospel across this immense continent to millions yet unborn." The Society responded (July 20, 1856) by voting a sum of £7,500, spread over the three years 1866-7-8 [39]. From this time Toronto as a diocese has stood on its own resources with no other external aid than a small endowment derived from a few Crown rectories and the support rendered by the Society in aid of Missions to the Indians.f " The best evidences of the fruits . . . realized from the 'udicioua nursing of the . . . Church by the Society" (wrote Bishop Dweatmaii in 1881) are "in the growth in self-sustaining strength and the successive subdivision into flourishing dioceses of the now adult and independent offspring" [40]. The first subdivision took place in 1867, when the Diocese of Toronto, having obtained legislative powers to meet in Synod of Clergy and Laity, exercised its powers by erecting the See of Huron. The original diocese in its settled parts was able to support its Church from local resources ; but the Society extended temporary assistance to the newer and more destitute settlements comprised within the new bishopric. For the " true and permanent interest " of the diocese no less than for the economical expenditure of its own funds, the Society's * In Lower Canada the amount was small. [See p. 160 ] t In 1860-1 the Society authorised the conveyance of its lands in Canada West to the Diocesan Church Societies of Toronto and Huron [10a]. u8 }164 BOdBTY FOB THE PBOPAOATION OF THE OOSPEL. fftftnts were acoompanied with the conditions that within three years Ibe people in each assisted mission nhould have t&ken measures for ■eooring its independence hy erecting sither (1) a parsonage and glebe, (2) a church, or collecting an endowment fund equal to half the grant. Within seven years twenty missions, with sixty-three out-stations, had been established, and in every case the Church had made most " grati- ng progress " ];41]. With the exception of a small grant to an Indian Mission at Walpole Island, which was continued to 188? [see p. 178], Huron was enabled to dispense with the Society's assistance in 1882. The ^ocese, which began with 41 clergymen, had now 182, and was in "a prosperous condition " [42]. A similar course was observed in the case of the Diocese of Ontario, the formation of which was promoted by a grant from the Society of £1,000 in aid of the endowment of the Bishopric [48]. Containing 162 townships, each about 100 square miles in extent, with a total population of 890,000, and fifty-five clergymen, the Diocese started in 1862 " with no resources whatever " beyond a grant from the Society. " I was thus enabled," Bishop Lewis said, *' to keep up the Missions, which would otherwise have been closed." The Missionary at Almonte reported in 1868 that the Ohurch was " progressing wonderfully." " Numbers who had lapsed to Methodism " now attended his services, and he had baptized many children of Presbyterian parents [44]. With the year 1878 the Society's aid to the diocese, which was being gradually withdrawn, entirely ceased. In that period tho number of Clergy had been nearly doubled, j^SOO.OOO of invested capital been raised, 140 new churches built, and with few exceptions evenr clergyman supplied with a parsonage and glebe land. These results the Bishop attributed in a great measure to the organisation of a Synod of Clergy and Laity. " This created such a feeling of con- fidence and interest that the laity had no scruple in throwing them- selves into the work and casting their alms into the treasury of the Church ' [46]. It was the privilege of Bishop Strachan to witness the rapid Oipress towards independence of these two new dioceses which he done so much to bring into existence. At his ordination in 1808 he made the sixth clergyman in Upper Canada ; at bis death in 1867 he was " one of three Bishops having together jurisdiction over 248 " [46]. In 1878 Toronto was relieved of the northern portion of its terri- tory by the erection of the Diocese of Algoma, a district then consist- ing pnncipally of Indian reserves, but now comprising a r>opulation nine-tenths of which are emigrants from the mother couxt/y. Inas- much as this diocese is the creation of the Canadian Church " as a field of Home Missionary ojperations," it receives " two-thirds of all imappropriated funds contributed by the laity of this ecclesiastical province in response to her annual Ascensiontide appeal " [47]. The poverty of the settlers, however, has rendered necessary mora aasistance than has been supplied from this source, and in 1880 and 1882 the Bishop reported there are "thousands of our members ecattered throughout this vast diocese, to whom the sound of the ^ PnOVINCE OF ONTARIO. 165 churcli-going bell is a thing of the past, thousands who are living and dying without any opportunity of participating in the means of grace." "Elsewhere the Church ... is converting Pagans into Christians ; is it not at least equally necessary to prevent Ghristiang Tjecoming Pagans? " [48]. The Society has done much to supply the required means [49]. It has also contributed (since 1872) £1,G5S towards the endowment of the see [50]. By the formation of the See of Niagara in 1875 Upper Canada now comprises five dioceses, all of which, except Algoma, are self-support- ing. As a separate diocese Niagara has not received aid from the Society ; but the Missions contained in it were either planted by the Society or are the direct outcome of its work [50a]. It may be recorded here that in 1871 the Society initiated a movement for collecting and circulating among the Clergy in England reliable infor- mation (obtained from the local Clergy) as to openings for emigrants in the Provinces of Quebec and Ontario, where they could continue within the reach of Church ministrations [51]. The removal of the Mohawks from the United States to Canada, and their settlement on the Grand Biver and in the Bay of Quenti, has already been mentioned [see pp. 74, 140, 154] : it remains to tell of the Society's work among them and other Indian tribes in Upper Canada. Immediately on the formation of the Mohawk settlement at Tyon- ■deroga, Quenti Bay (1784), " a young Loretto Indian " (Mr, L.Vincent) was appointed Catechist ard Schoolmaster there, and on the Bev. Dr. Stuabt'b second visit (in 1786), the Indians expressed their " thank- fulness for the Society's kind care and attention to them especially in the appointment " [52]. They were also *' greatly rejoiced " when the Society came forward with belp for the completion of a church which they had begun. The building was so far finished in 1790 as to enable Mr. Thomas, a Mohawk, formerly clerk at the Fort Hunter Mission, New York State, to perform Divine Service in it every Sunday. A few years later this duty was performed by "a son of their principal Chief," who valued himself much "on being a godson of the Bishop of Nova Scotia"* The church was rebuilt and enlarged by General Prescot in 1798. It was furnished with a " neat altar-piece, containing the Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and the Ten Commandments, in the Mohawk language, surrounded by the Boyal Arms of England, handsomely carved and gilt, as well as with a fine-toned bell." These fvere given by George the Third. The Mohawks had preserved the Communion Plate entrusted to them in 1712 "the gift" (as the inscription on it denoted) " of Her Majesty, Queen Anne, by the Grace of God, of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, and her Plantations in North America, Queen, to her Indian Chapel of the Mohawks." [See p. 70.] This service of plate, being originally intended for the nation collectively, was divided, and a part retained by their brethren on the Grand Biver ; and such was the care of the Mohawks, •that more than forty years later the Missionary of Quenti Bay wrote: — " Although it has been eoitfided to the oara o individuals of the nation for at * Bishop Charles Inglis, p. 853. Kl 166 SOCIETY FOR THE PBOPAOATION OF THE GOSPEL. leABt one hnndred and thirty years, the articles we have here in use are in an excellent state of preservation. Even ' the fair white linen cloth for the Com- manion table,' beautifully inwrought with devices, emblematical of the rank of the royal donor, although unfit for use, is still in such condition as to admit of these being easily traced. The grey-haired matron, a descendant of the Chief, the ftresent guardian of these treasures, which she considers as the heirloom of her amily, accounts for the mutilated state of the cloth by observing that during the revolutionary war it was buried to prevent it falling into the hands of their enemies" [63]. Visiting the Mohavrks at Oswego, Grand Biver, in 1788, Dr. Stuabt found them in possession of a well-furnished wooden church. He baptized sixty- five persons, including seven adults, and was accompanied on his return as far as Niagara (about 80 miles) by Captain Brant, the Chief, and 15 other Mohawks, "who earnestly requested that he would visit them as often as possible " [54]. This be did, as well as those at Quenti, but in both instances the lack of " a resident Pastor " made itself painfully felt. The occasional visits of the Missionaries were " not sufficient to produce lasting or substantial benefit," or "to counteract the evils and temptations which on every side " predominated. The intercourse resulting from the proximity of the white settlers became "a mutual source of immorality and corruption "; and for many years the Missionaries had to complain of the relapse of the Indians into their besetting sin — drunkenness [66]. Through this time of trial the Indians often showed a desire for better things. Those at Quenti frequently went to Kingston to " receive the Sacrament and have their children baptized." The Bev. B. Addison of Niagara, who with several other Missionaries ministered to the Indians of different tribes on the Grand Eiver, reported in 1796-8 there were "about 650 belonging to the Church," and the number was increasing, as he had some " friendly serious Indians," who under his direction persuaded " the neighbouring villagers to be baptized," and taught them "the principles of Christianity as well" as they "were able." The •' serious deportment and devotion "of his flock were " exemplary,'* and he had " 18 communicants as pious and conscientious as can be found ... in any Christian congregation." In 1810, his work among the settlers was making great progress, but he was " most satisfied with his success among the Indians : several of whom, belong* ing to the least cultivated tribe on the Grand Biver," had been lately baptized. In some years he baptized as many as 100 or 140 Indians. On one occasion a chief of the Cayuga Nation and his wife were admitted. " They had been man and wife many years, but thought it more decent and respectable to be united after the Christian Form." The Missionaries were "greatly assisted by Captain Brant, Chief of the Mohawks," in their endeavours " to bring the wandering tribes " to Christ [66] . In 1820 the Mohawks on the Grand Biver numbered 2,000, and those at Quenti (who had been reduced by migrations) 250. By a treaty made in this year, " 20,000 acres of land in the Missisaga (vnd 40,000 in that of the Mohawk " districts were added to Government, uni Sir Peregrine Maitland expressed his readiness to appropriate the lands themselves, or the moneys arising from their sale, to the Society in 1 t t a I t I 8 f< h 1 ti P li w B( PROVINCE OF ONTARIO. 167 trast to provide tbe said Indians with Missionaries, Gatechists, and Schoolmasters. The Society approved of the proposal, and requested the Bishop of Quebec to act in the matter. The Mohawks devoted a portion (j^600) of the proceeds of the land sold by them to the building of a parsonage on the Grand Biver, and added a glebe o£ 200 acres [57]. A resident Missionary for them was appointed in 1828 [58]. In 1827 the Bishop of Quebec attended service in their church and preached to them, Aaron Hill, the Catechist, interpreting with " astonishing " " fluency." The Bishop was impressed with the sing- ing of the Mohawks, who "are remarkable for their fine voices, especially the women, and for their national taste for music." The communicants " received the Sacrament with much apparent devotion." A deputation of the chiefs " expressed their sincere thanks to the Society for the interest " it had " so long taken in their welfcire," especially for the recent appointment of the Rev. W. Hough as resident Missionary. His influence " had already produced a visible good effect upon their habits in general, and they hoped it might be lasting " [59]. Besides the Mohawks there were several Christians of the Tuscarora and Onondaga nations, and sOme of other tribes to whom Mr. Hough ministered. The Tuscaroras had a small house for public worship, in which the Church Service waa regularly read every Sunday morning and evening. He witnessed a "great improvement in their religious condition," and they " learnt to sing their hymns almost as well as the Mohawks " [60]. On Mr. Hough's resignation, in ill health, in 1827, the Bishop of Quebec availed himself of the services of the Bev. B. Lugger as a " temporary substitute," and " permitted him to occupy the parsonage house," then unfinished, but which was completed by "the New England Company," of which he was a Missionary. The Society at first reserved the right of resuming the Mission, but the arrangement was allowed to continue. The severance " of the pastoral connection that had subsisted for more than a century with this interesting people " was not " yielded to without much reluctance on the part of the Society." But inasmuch as they would still " enjoy the services of an Episcopal Clergyman" "under the authority and control of the Bishop," it " consented to leave them under his charge " and applied the resources set at Uberty to other portions of the same nation [61]. At this station in 1880 the Bishop of Quebec consecrated " the Mohawk Church, the oldest but one in the diocese," and confirmed 89 persons, of whom 80 were Indians. Arrangements were also made for providing a resident Missionary for Quonti Bay, where the Mohawks had set apart a glebe towards his support [62]. Writing of a visit there in 1840 the Bishop of Toronto said : — " The situation of the church and parsonage looks very beautiful from the bay. The Bev. S. Oivens, Missionary, came on board in a small boat, rowed by six young Indians. The parsonage is very comfortable ; and Mrs. Oivens seems an amiable {>erson, highly educated, and vrell-bred, and ,-v suitable companion for a MiBsionary iving in the woods, with no society but the aborigines of the country. Tbe church was crowded. Many of the white settlers had come to attend on an occasion so solemn. The congregation, however, consisted chiefly of Indians. The worthy \rT 168 SOCIETY FOR THB PROPAOATION OF THB 009PEL. Miuionary broaght forward forty-one candidates for confirmation, some rather aged. I addressed them through an interpreter, and, I trust in Ood, with some effect, as it seemed from their appearance. We all felt it to be a blessed time, and the psalm of praise offered up was overpowering from its sweetness and pathos. The voices of the Indian women are peculiarly sweet and affecting ; and there was snch an earnest solemnity evinced in their worship, as could not fail to strike all who were present " [63] . From 1810 the office of Catechist at Qaenti had been filled by John Hill, a Mohawk. " Sincere and faithful in the discharge of his duties, " he was enabled " during thirty years to witness a good con- fession before his brethren," and at his death in 1841 the white settlers in the neighbourhood united with the Indians in showing respect to departed worth [64]. While the work at Quenti and on the Grand Biver was progressing satisfactorily, Indian Missions had been opened in other quarters^ Reporting to Government on the state of the Church in Canada in 1888, Bishop G. J. Mountain (of Montreal) said : — " I cannot forbear . . . from introducing some mention ... of the labours of our clergy among the native Indians. There are two clergymen stationed . Jiong the Six Nations on the Grand Biver. . . . A Missionary has been sent to the Manatoulin Islands and another to the Sault St. Marie. . . . These four are engaged exclusively in the charge of the Indians. There are two other clergymen who combine this charge with that of congregations of Whites ; one in the Bay of Quints, where a branch of the Mohawk tribe is established, and one who resides in Garodoc, and devotes part of his time to the Mounsees and Bear Creek Chippewas in his neighbourhood. I have never seen more orderly, and to all appearance, devout worshippers than among some of these Indian congregations which I visited, and I ha\ e the fullest reason to believe that the Ministry of the Clergy among them has been attended with very happy effects " [66]. The Sault St. Marie Ojibway Mission was begun between 1881-3 by the Rev. W. M'Mubray. "The principal chief, with his two daughters," soon " abandoned idolatry," and many others were baptized. " It is truly astonishing " (wrote Mr. M'Murray) " to see the thirst there is for Scriptural knowledge. The Indians, like the men of Macedonia, are calling for help — for Missionaries — from all quarters. . . . Two bands of Indians came to me, from a distance of more than four hundred and fifty miles, for the express purpose of being instructed in the Great Spirit's Book, as they call the Bible, and being baptized. They stated that they had long heard of this Mission, and had now oome to see ' the black coat,' their usual designation of the Clergyman, and to hear him speak the good news, of which they had heard a little. I hope to see the time, ere long, when Missionaries will go in search of these poor sheep instead of seeing them travel so far in search of Missionaries." A church was built by Government, but on Mr. M'Murray's departure they returned to their old settlement at Garden Biver. The Bev. F. A. O'Mbaba carried on the work from 1889 to 1841, when he was removed to Manitoulin Island. Though deserted, the Indians retained an attachment to the Church of England, resisting sectarian and Bomanist efforts to draw them away [66]. To the Bev. G. A. Anoebson, who in 1848 was sent to re-establish a Mission among them, they said : — " We were left a second time without a Black Coat— no one to read the Gr«at Spirit's book to us. We were determined, however, notwithstanding the dark prospect before us, to attend to the words of our first Black Goat and keep together. PBOVIMCB OF ONTARIO. 169 We accordingly assembled ev^ry Sunday, and prayed to the great Spirit to look with an eye of pity upon us, and send dome one to instruct us in the Oood Book oar Black Goats used to speak to us about. . . . Now we thank the Great Black Coat that he hath sect you to us " [67]. The Mission at Manatoulin (Indian " Mahneetooahneng ") Island arose out of a plan originated by Captain Anderson in connection with the Canadian Government, with a new to collecting all the Indians in the province on one of the islands on the north shor x " w'fh which tliey were invaded by Dissent- ing teachers from the ..ited Statep [78]. The Bev. P. Jacobs was api oiuted an Assistant Missionary in 1858 [74] ; and at the expiration '>i i. v. cnty-five years from the time they had received the Gospel an axtuunl Missionary meeting and collection had become a recognised institution among the Indians of Manatoulin Island [76]. Previous to the opening of the Society's Missions at Delaware and Caradoo most of the Indians were "sunk in all the midnight darkness of paganism." Some years after, the Missionary, the Bev. B. Flood, could add: "They have now, through grace from on high, with but few exceptions, long since cast their idols to the moles and the bats, and embraced the Gospel." The majority of these Indians were Munsees, a branch of the Delaware nation, who came into Canada to assist the British against the Americans (U.S.), but Mr. Flood's ministrations extended also to the Pottowatomies, Oneidas, and Ojibways in the neighbourhood. The first convert was the leading chief of the Munsees, Captain Snake, who was baptized in 1888 [76.] At a visit of the Bishop of Toronto in 1842 the great Chippawa chief, Cunatuny, was baptized and confirmed. There were then still several pagan Indians in the two villages, and yet they, as well as the converted, were accustomed to attend the Church services. Whilr they continued pagans they painted their faces and refused to kneel. When some doubts were expressed as to the Bishop's coming, the Indians exclaimed : " What, is he not the chief of the Church ? — he can never have two words — he is sure to come." The school house, though large and commodious, could scarcely con- tain half the number assembled, and those that could not get in, stood in groups al'tut the door and windows. The chief was baptized and then confirmed with four others. "His admission into the Church by the sacrament of baptism, and his public profession of the faith in coming forward for confirmation had been with him, for years, matters of deep and solemn consideration " [77]. By 1845 one hundred had been admitted to baptism and forty-five had biecome communicants. Speaking of a visit to them in 1854, the Bishop said : — " When we arrived we fonnd them practising their singing, just as might have been the case in a country Church in England. They sing in harmony, the men leading the air and taking the bass and counter-tenor and a few of the women singing somewhat analogous to the tenor. The effect is very agreeable. They have a Prayer Book in their own language, which is an abridgement of the English Prayer Book. . . . There were a fair number confirmed, of whom two were women 172 SOCIETY FOB THE PBOPAOATION OF THE GOSPEL. above forty. After the service according to their custom they all came forward to shake hands with the Bishop and those who accompanied him " [78]. In 1847 Mr. FiiOOD established a new station at a village of the Oneidas, about six miles from Munceytown. This branch of the tribe— one of the Six Nation Indians — attached themselves to the Bepublican side during the American Bevolution, and at the close of the war were located on the Oneida Lake in New York State. There they enjoyed the Church's ministrations until about 1826, when their Missionaries recommended them to dispose of their reserve of land in consequence of the encroachments of white squatters, and retire to Green Bay, Michigan, where the United States Government offered them lands on favourable terms. One half of the tribe did so, the others remained until about 1840, when they removed to the neighbourhood of the Ojibway and Muncey tribes on the River Thames, Canada. In the meantime, having been neglected by the Church in the United States, " some ran into dissent, others reiapsed into heathenism." In their new home they were sought out by Mr. Flood, who "took every opportunity that presented itself to bring before them the all-important concerns of the one thing needful, as well as to remind them of the Church of their fathers, with its dis- tinctive character ; and blessed be God," said he, " with the most beneficial results, as we have now ranged on the side of the Church a majority of the chiefs and people, and thereby an influence will be given, which under the Divine blessing, cannot fail in bringing back to the fold of Christ those who have ' erred and strayed from His ways like lost sheep ' " [79]. Mr. Flood also assisted in opening a Mission at Walpole Island for the Indians there, consisting of the Ojibway (mainly), Ottawa, and Pottowatomie tribes. A previous attempt had, " owmg to the mis- conduct of the interpreter and other causes," not succeeded as was hoped. In Aug. 1842 the Chief visited the Bishop of Toronto at Sutherland, and expressed the readiness of the Indians " to receive a missionary kindly " [80J. Accordingly m 1843 the Rev. R. Flood, accompanied by the Rev. J. Carey, visited Walpole Island, where they were met by " the Ghiefs of -the Walpole, Sable, and Port Sarnia Indians with most of their war chiefs," to the number of eighty. Mr. Flood addressed them on our Lord's commission to the Apostles to preach the Gospel, and the Apostolic succession, and explained the Gospel. "The Indians listened with deep interest," and when it was proposed to rent a house for the Missionary (Mr. Carey) the Chief said, " I want no rent, but I want the Minister to be near me and to teach me what is the good way " [81]. None of these Indians had as yet embraced Christianity, and the ?,ev. A. Jamibson, who succeeded Mr. Carey in 1845, found their condition wretched in the extreme, their lazy habits fuliy verifying the Indian maxim : "It ia better to walk than to run ; it is better to stand than to walk ; it is better to sit than to stand ; and it is better to lie than to sit." 1 1 I 1 I h g e "My congregation during the first year was small indeed," he continued. *' Sometimes ... I would enter the Church, remain an hour or two and leave PBOVIMCE OF ONTARIO. 17S withoat hAving any congregation at alL . . . Instead of going to Church and waiting for a congregation that never came, I went about amongst the Indians, on Sundays as at other times, and endeavoured to gain their attention to the claims of Christianity ... in the course of a few months two or three Indians visited me once or twice a week, to ask questions about the Christian religion. . . . And one year after the commencement of my labours I was cheered by being able to baptize two Indians " [82]. From this time progress was more assured : the Indians were gradually reclaimed, and in 1854 thirty-two were confirmed [88]. By 1861 paganism had so declined that "the majority of the Indians " were " on the side of Ohristianity." They were hardly to be recognised as the same people, so great h»d been the change. " Under the benign influences of the Gospel, the improvident" had been made carefol; the drunkard, sober; the impure, chaste; and the revengeful, meek and forgiving " [84]. In 1862 an epidemic swept over the island and made great ravages among the Indians. Mr. Jamieson and his wife were left alone " in the midst of a fatal and loathsome disease " (small-pox). The medical man in the neighbourhood declined to assist, " alleging that if he did so he would displease his patrons. The white men kept aloof ... as if the island had been stricken with the plague." But the Missionary put his trust in God, and did his duty. In his efforts he was nobly seconded by Mrs. Jamieson, who " with her own hands vaccinated 280 " of the Indians [86]. Large numbers were confirmed from time to time by the Bishop of Huron, who also, about 1864, ordained an Indian* to act as assistant to Mr. Jamieson, and to evangelise along the southern shore of Lake Huron [86]. In 1878 the congregation elected and sent two delegates to the Diocesan Synod, and paid their expenses. The native delegates were much impressed by the large gathering of clergy and laity, and the services and proceedings. They witnessed the ordination of eighteen candidates, and partook of the Holy Communion side by side with many of their fellow Churchmen — members of the same household of faith [87]. That the Walpole Island Indians were worthy to be represented in this Christian Council will appear from the following incident : " A number of Indians being at a distance from home were asked by some whites to get up a war-dance, and go through some of their pagan ceremonies. They quietly declined, and though bribed by the offer of whisl^ — no trifling temptation to the average red mnn — they steadily refused, saying that they had given up these things when they em- braced Christianity "[88]. In reviewing the results of the Society's work in Huron Diocese, Bishop Hellmuth wrote in 1882 : " No more satisfactory or successful Missionary work has ever come under my notice, for the 88 years I have been on this side of the Atlantic, than that accomphshed by Mr. Jamieson on Walpole Island. . . . Your Society may con- gratulate itself that its funds have been so wisely and benencially employed" [891. On the death of Mr. Jamieson in 1885 the diocese ceased to look to • •The Rev. H. P. Chase. I J74 SOCIETY FOR THE PBOPAOATION OF THE OOSPEL. the Society for aid in carrying on its Indian Missions, and from that year Algoma has been the only diocese in Upper Canada aided by the Society. Although the diocesan authorities (of Algoma) now regard the settlers as having a primary claim on the Society's grant,* the Society has assisted in providing and maintaining a Mission shipt by means of which the Bishop is enabled to visit the Indians as well as the settlers, and some of its Missionaries are still directly or indirectly engaged in native work. That the earlier Missions:}: of the Society have borne good fruit will be seen from a report of Bishop Sullivan in 1882 : — " The Indians number from 8,000 to 10,000, all belonging to the Ojibewa tribe, speaking therefore only one language. Since my consecration, I have had a great many means and opportunities of measuring the need and capacity tor social and religious improvement. I have preached to them— prayed with them — sung the songs of Zion with them round the camp-fire— sat with them at their tables — rowed and paddled with them in their canoes— listened to their speeches at several * pow-wows ' — and, as the result of it all, T herewith avow mystlf the Indians' friend and stand ready to do what in me lies for their social and religious elevation. . . . " ' But,' it will be asked, ' are they capable of elevation ? ' I answer, most tinhesitatingly, yes. The experiment has been tried, and has succeeded. Despite the all but insurmountable difficulties arising, in the case of adults, from the force of the confirmed habits of a lifetime, hundreds of these once degraded and ignorant pagans have been reclaimed from savagery, and are now settled down in their substantially built homes, with the comforts of an advancing civilisation round them — pictures hang on their walls — habits of cleanliness pervade their dwellings — the social and domestic virtues are honoured and respected, and the !New Testament lies on their table, not by any means neglected. I could to- morrow take the most prejudiced anti-Indian to homes where ho could see all this and would be compelled to acknowledge that . . . after all, the aborigines are as capable, when rightly dealt with, of social and religious elevation as any other race of men " [90]. His predecessor, Bishop Fauquier, while visiting the diocese in 1878, discovered a band of pagan Indiana who had been " waiting for thirty years for an English Missionary to come to them." About 1818 their old chief was promised a teacher of the English Church by " a great white chief." The old laan "lived twenty years and died in the faith of that promise, every year looking but in vain for the teacher to come." His last words to his people were that they should *' not join any other religion but wait for the EngUsh Black Coat to come and teach them " ; and this they had been doing ten years longer. By the establishment of a Mission at Lake Neepigon a great change for the better was effected among the Indians, both in temporal and spiritual matters, in the course of the next four years [91]. The time seems distant when this diocese will be able to dispense with outside help ; still, satisfactory progress towards self-support has been shown, and some return has been made to the Society for past assistance [91a]. From the older Canadian dioceses the Society has long been accustomed to receive an annual token of sympathy in its work in heathen lands. In 1881 the Bishop of Toronto pledged his • 8m p. 166. t The Evangeline. X The MisBionG at Sault Ste. Marie, Garden Biver, and Manatoulin Island {te« pp» 168-71] are now in the Diocese of Algoma. PROVINCE OF ONTARIO. m Id diocese " to do something in the way of return to your venerable Society for all the fostering care received from it daring so many years." Subsequently he forwarded j£71, " the first-fruits of a large ofiFering for the future . . . for the great cause of Foreign Missions," adding that his " aim is eventually that we may have our own Missionaries planted in every q^uarter of the heathen world; when we shall cease troubling the Society to be the Almoner of our gifts " [92]. The Canadian dioceses already enumerated form the Ecclesiastical Province of Canada [see p. 764]. The Provincial Synod in 1888 organised "The Domestic and Foreign Missionary Society of the Church of England in Canada " [98], which in 1884 resolved : — "That this Board recognising the great obligations of the Charch in this country to the B.P.G., the contributions to the Foreign Missions be divided between the S.P.G. and the G.M.S. in the proportion of §ds to the former and ^ to the lattor, the sums specially appropriated by the contributors being taker 'nto account in making such division, and that these amounts be applied to the work of [the] said Societies among the heathen " [94]. At the desire of the Board, the Bishops of the Province attending the Lambeth Conference in 1888 took counsel with the Society with a view to the Canadian Cliurch " undertaking direct work in the foreign field." The Canadian Boa^i were advised not to enter upon the foreign field " until they are morally certain of a revenue for the purpose of at least $15,000 or £8,000 sterUng per annum," but " as a temporary arrangement" it would "most effectively conduce to the attainment of the objects desired in common by the Church in Canada and by the S.P.G. that meanwhile the S.P.G. should receive any moneys entrusted to it by the Church in Canada for Missionary work among the heathen, on the understanding that the Societv will be prepared to receive and place upon its list and pay out of the funds so contributed from Canada any well-quaUfied candidates who may be presented to it by the Canadian Church for work in India, Japan, and other heathen countries." The Society is unable "to guarantee any grant in perpetuity," but the CanadiR.n dioceses wei^ " assured that the Society will not allow them to suffer so far as aid from England is concerned in the event of the Board . . . entering directly upon the Foreign Field instead of sending their contributions through the Society for that purpose " [95]. The advice of the Society has been accepted, and in 1890 the Canadian Board sent out its first Missionary, the Rev. J. O. Walleb, the field selecte" beiu^ Japan [06]. Soon, it is hoped, side by side with evangelists of the mother Church, will be found working, in other foreign heathen lands, Missionaries duly authorised and supported by the daughter Churches of Canada. And thus wiU be afforded another instance of the beneficial effects of that branch of the Society's work which seeks to plant Colonial Churches in order that they may become truly Missionary — taking their part in the evangelisation of the world. Statistics.— In Upper Canada, now known as the Province of Ontario (area, 393,000 sq. mileB), where the Society (1784-1803) has awitted in maintaining 861 MiBsionaries and planting 378 Central Stations, as detailed on pp.67a-7)i there are now 2,114,831 inhabitantii 176 SOCIETY FOB THB PBOPAOATION OF THE OOSPEL. of whom 866,090 are Ghnroh Membera, under the care of 607 Clergymen and 5 Bishop*. [See p. 768 ; lee also the Table on pp. 102-8.] Beferenee8 (Chapter XX.)— [1] B MSB., Y. 3, p. 106. [2] Do., p. 204 ; B. 1788, p. i4; B. 1784, pp. 47-8; Q.P., April 1841, p. 6; Jo., V. 28, pp. 6-8, 160-70, 870-80. [3J Jo., V. 28, p. 880; B. 1784, p. 48. [4] Jo., V. 28, pp. 400-11, 417; B. 1764, pp. 49-61 ; Jo., V. 24, p. 2. [6] Jo., V. 28, p. 416. [6] Jo., V. 24, pp. 100, 868 ; B. 1784, p. 46 ; B. 1786, p. 48. [7] Jo., V. 26, pp. 222, 288, 270, 864, 804 ; Jo., V. 26, pp. 38, 78, 166-7, 209, 800 ; Jo., V. 27, 5. 882 ; B. 1780, p. 40 ; B. 1700, p. 85 ; B. 1794, pp. 47-8. [8] Jo., V. 24, pp. 101-2, 864-6 ; o., V.26, p. 26; B. 1785, p. 49; B. 1786, pp. 19-21, fSj Jo., V. 24, pp. 404-6, 412 f Jo., v. 26, pp. 81-2, 111, 198-9, 808, 886, 806, 408; Jo., V. 26, pp. 64-6; B. 1787, p. 20 ; B. 1788, p. 22; B. 1780, p. 60 ; B. 1790, p. 87 ; B. 1792, p. 69. [lO] Jo-. V. 25, pp. 122, 860, 866 ; Jo., V. 28, pp. 10, 128, 210-12, 876 ; B. 1700, p. 86 ; B. 1792, pp. 67-8 ; B. 1799, S40 ; B. 1801, pp. 46-7. [11] Jo., V. 28, pp. 887-8 ; B. 1802, p. 68. [12] Jo., V. 28, p. 876 ; . 1808, pp. 46-6. [13] Jo., y. 60, p. 48. [141 B. 1814, pp. 48-9; B. 1816, p. 49i. [16] Bishop Strachan's Jonmal, 1842, p. iv. n.61 App. Jo. A, p. 662. [17] B. 1818, pp. 46-6; B. 1810, p. 76; B. 1820, p. 104. [18] Bishop Mountain's Charge, 1830. [19] B. 1822, pp. 113-14. [20] B. 1832, pp. 118, 166 ; B. 1828, pp. 164-6 ; B. 1826, p. 129. [21] B. 1880, p. 108. [22] B. 1880, p. 106. [22a] B. 1827, p. 172. [28] Hawkins' '^Annals of the Diocese of Toronto," pp. 120-1. [24] B. 1880, pp. 85-7. [26] B. 1881, pp. 47-8. [26a] Jo V. 44, pp. 844-6 ; B. 1840, pp. 47-8, 66-7 ; App. Jo. C, pp. 1-19, 46. [26] Jo., V. 44, pp. 47, 77, 140-1, 180 ; B. 1887, p. 25. [27] B. 1889, pp. 28, 81-8. [28] Jo., V. 44, pp. 294, 422 ; Jo., V. 46, pp. 19-20, 59, 119, 165, 261-8, 818, 885 ; B. 1840, p. 46 ; K MSB., V. 84, pp. 181, 141, 148. [28a] Bishop Strachan's Journal, 1842, p 67. [20] B. 1841, pp.;81-2, 09-104. [SO] B. 1844, p. 61. [31] B. 1841, pp. 48-4; B. 1848, p. 04. [31a] B. 1848, p. 06; B. 1842, ). 89, 40; B. 1844, pp. 67-8.; B. 1847, p. 68 ; K MSB., V. 81, pp. 102, 104-6, 841-4. 2] B. 1847, p. «8. [32a] B. 1845, p. 80. [33] B. 1844, pp. 68-4. [34] B. 1842, p. 42 ; B. 1844, pp. 66-6. [86] K. 1858, pp. 44-5 ; K MBS., V. 82, pp. 110-21. [36a] B. 1844, pp. 65-6 ; B. 1846, p. 48; E. 1847, p. 61 ; E. 1881, p. 128. [3661 Hawkins' "AnnJsof the Diocese of Toronto," p. 180. [36c] App. Jo. D, p. 26. [35dJ K MSB., V. 82, p. 120. [36] Jo., V. 49, p. 8. Standing Committee Book, V. 42, p. 78. [37] Q.P., Jan. 1844, p. 4. [88] App. Jo. D, pp. 24-7. [80] (Clergy Beserves)— App. Jo. A, pp. 594-602; Jo., V. 81, pp. 847-9, 864; Jo., V. 84, pp. 108, 141, 198 ; Jo., V. 48, pp. 169-74 ; Jo., V. 44, pp. 148, 817-18, 876, 428; Jo., V. 46, pp. 20, 41, 162, 217, 241, 261, 264, 270, 285, 803, 807, 818, 385, 848, 868, 884, 898, 897, 400, 406-6, 481, 488; Jo., V. 46, pp. 18, 28, 29, 64-7, 60, 68, 68, 114, 183, 144, 162, 168, 181-94, 199, 859, 484; Jo., V. 47, pp. 18, 48, 77, 79, 82, 96, 102, 109, 119-20; B. 1886, pp. 128-4; B. 1887, pp. 10-20; B. 1889, pp. 80-4, 88-4; B. 1840, - B,pp.e - , 46-8; B. 1858, p. 81 ; B. 1865jj B. 184i; p. 45 ; B. 1846, pp. 62, 105-11 ; B. 1847, pp. 6ft-7 ; B. 1848, pp. 68-4 ; B. 31; B. 1865, pp. ^" - - A ._ - ^^ _ ^ LB. 1856, pp. 260-8; H MSB.,^ 4^ 47-8; 17, pp. 6fr-7 ; a. 1848, pp. 68-4 ; B. 1860^ 47, 61-6 ; E. 1856, pp. 46-6, 65 ; E. 1858, p. 51 ; pp. 194, 202-7, 240-1, 248, 351-6, 268-7, 288-00 ; H MSB., V: 6, pp. 60-4, 77-85; H MBS., V. 6, pp. 81, 87, 126, 177, 181, 190, 194, 201, 319, 268, 279, 291, 845, 851, 416, 426-7; H M8S., V. 7, pp. 27-8; K MSB., V. 16, pp. 2, 11-16; K MSB., V. 16, pp. 68, 77, 79, 110, 141, 297; K MBS., V. 17, pp. 24, 66, 18H-9, 208, 264-6, 811, 861-2, 409 ; K MBS., V. 24, pp. 17, 219-30, 387, 229, 286-8, 348-^ , 1, 804, 808, 314-15, 821, 853, 863, 366, 868, 873, 880, 384, 888, 890, 398-4, 404-6, 408, 41 ia, 438; K MSSy V. 36, pp. 1, * 7, 30, 80, 86, 54, 64, 79, 85, 117-18, 184, 187, 143, 156, 170, 172-6, 187; K MSB., V. 27, pp. 47-8, 50, 54, 69, 63, 71, 74, 84, 88, 93-8, 05-6, 90-100, 105, 113, 134, 138, 143, 146 ; K MSB., V. 31, pp. 11, 16, 38, 38-83, 87-41, 78-6, 88, 91, 115-16, 119-30, 147-8, 150-1, 156, 162, 167-9, 178-84, 187-9, 198-210, 218-43, 266, 259, 281, 286-92, 296-802, 806-10, 827-40, 845-8, 353, 856-8, 869-95, 397, 411, 415, 419-88, 444, 451, 458; K MSB., V. 82, pp. 1-10, 12, 33-35, 47, 49-56, 61-6, 68-71, 78-6, 85-7, 96-6, 104, 111, 139-83, 135-6, 189, 141, 143-4, 146-61, 165, 157-78 ; K MSB., V. 84, pp. 6, 7, 12, 85-8, 62-3, 70, 72, 74, 76-7, 82, 84, 87, 96, 104, 107-8, 110-11, 118, 116, 134-86, 141-4, 160, 164, 157, 162-6, 177, 180, 201, 204, 280, 284, 388, 240-58, 356-60, 388, 387-8, 204-5, 802, 806, 808,818-4, 816-8, 820-4 : see alto Hawkins' " Annals of the Diocese of Toronto," pp. 170-80. [40] E. 1881, p. 134. [40a] Jo., V. 48, pp. 95, 180. [41] E. 1868, p. 63 ; E. 1868, pp. 48-4. [42] L., Bishop of Huron, June 2, 1882 ; K MSB., V. 32, p. 419. J48] Jo., V. 47, pp. 802, 818. [44J E 1868-4, p. 54. [45] E. 1862, p. 88 ; E. 1878, pp. 86-7 ; E. 1881, p. 136. [46] Jo.^ V. 50, p. 44 ; E. 1867, p. 28. [47] B. 1881, p. 125 ; E. 1888, p. 122. [48] E. 1880, pp. 07-8 ; B 1882, pp. 88-9. [49J E. 1880, pp. 114-16. [60] Jo., V. 61, pp. 280-1, 298 ; Appfioations Committee Beport, 1882, pp. 10, 11 and ii ; Jo., V. 68, p. 367; Jo., V. 64, pp. 81, 88 ; Stand- ing Committee Book, V. 48, pp. 179, 182, V. 45, p. 880, V. 46, p. 251 ; It MSB., V. 88, p. 28. [6'ia| R. 1881, p. 126. [61] Jo., V. 61, pp. 144-5: see oi«op.820of this book. [62] Jo., V. 2 1 I 880-3 ; E. 1784, p. 48 ; E. 1786, p. 49. [63] E. 1787, p. 21 ; E. 1700, p. 86 ; B, 1791 58 ; E. 1793, pp. 66-7 ; E. 179e, pp. 62-8 ; Q.P., April 1841, pp. 6, 7 ; Jo., V. 28, pp. 70-1 ; Jo., V. 26, pp. 121, 228, 331-2, 808, 898-4, 425-6 ; Jo., V. 26, pp. 22, 201, 800, 876 ; Jo., V. 27, vp. 879-80. [64] Jo., V. 26, pp. 120-1 ; B. 1788, pp. 22-3, [65] Jo., V. 85, pp. 893, 426 ; Jo., V. 26, pp. 38, 167, 201, 800, 875-6, 422; Jo., V. 27,. pp. 880-1 ; Jo., V. 3S, pp. 10, 885-6 417 ; E. 1793, pp. 47-8; E. 1706, pp. 68-4; B. 1797, VANITOBA AND THE NOI(tH-WEST TERRITORIES. 177 p. 48 ; S. 1798, pp. 6»-4 ; R. 1808, p. 46; R. 1822, pp. 185-6. [56] Jo., V. 86, p. 808 ; Jo., V. 26, pp. 77, 167, 199, 200; Jo., V. 27, pp. 88, 114, 878, 881; Jo., V. 28, p. 418; Jo., V. 29, p. 209 ; R. 1791, pp. 53-8 ; R. 1798, p. 49 ; R. 1796, pp. 64-6 ; R. 1796, p. 42 } H. 1797, p. 44 ; R. 1798 jp. 64-6 ; R. 1808, p. 46 ; R. 1810, pp. 89, 40 ; R. 1816, p. 68 ; B. 1818, pp. 69-71. [67] R. 1820, pp. 108-4, 126-8; R. 1822, p. 167; R. 1826, p. 124. r58] R. 1828, p. 146. [60] R. 1837, pp. 166-7. [60] R. 1828, p. 146; R. 1826, p. 181 ; K. 1827, pp. 68, 166-7, 175. [61] R. 1827, p. 68 ; R. 1828, pp. 47-3; R. 1880, pp. 87-8 [62] R. 1880, pp. 88, 10O-6. [63] R. 1841, pp. 97-8. [64] R. 1841, pp. 111-14, 1661 R. 1889, p. 86. 766] M.R. 1866, pp. 280-2. [67] R. 1849, pp. 46-7. [68] M.H. No. 6, 1 ip. a-18. [69] Bishop of Toronto's Journal, 1842, pp. 11-16, [70] R. 1844, p. 62.' 71] Q.P., Oct. 1847, pp. 2-4. [72] R. 1849, pp. 68-4. [73] M.H. No. 6, 1^ IJ g.f., Oct. 1847, pp. 2-4. [72J R. 1849, pp. 68-4. [73] M.H. No. 6, pp. 28-82 ; 1866, p. 80. [74] Jo., V. 47, pp. 206-6. [76] R. 1862, pp. 76-6, [76] M.B.. 1866, I. 28«-7. [77] BiBhop of Toronto's Journal, 1842, p. 24. [78] M.R. 1866, p. 287 ; — * -- '^~").P., Oct. 1847, pp. 6- - .-■>..- r , ' 1844, pp. 7, 8 ; KM 0, p. 1. [88] R. 185 p. 21. [86] R. 186: me 2, 1882 ; D MSS. M>. 96-6 ; B. 1882, pt - - — kS8., V, 82, p, 442. reS] Do., p. 461, [94] L. R^v. W, P. Camplb^iirMay 8ri884 ; D MSS,, y, 70, [96] Standing ICommittee Minutes, y.44, pp. 887-40; R, 1880, p, 118. £96] a. 1890, pp, 29, 70 ; R. 1891, p, 28, and p. 727 of this book. p. 87 1864,j>. 60. J79] Q.P., Oct, 1847, p^ 6-7,^ [80] Bishop of Toronto'B_Jonrnal, 1842, ng, 1870, p, 1. [«*" - , 1869, p, 21. [86 5, Uoron, June 2, 1882 ; R, 1878, pp, 96-6; R, 1882, pp, 87-8, [91a] R. 189f, pp. 14i-4," [92] K p, 20, [81] Q.P,, July 1844, pp, 7, 8 ; K M8S.,"V, 81, pp, 09, 70, [82] K MSS.,'V, SI, , ;QP„ Aug, 1870, p,l. .[88] R,"" " -'*^ " t89]'L. Bp, Huron, June 2, 1882 ; 'D MSS, V, 62 ; K M^S,'V, 82, p, 420. [90]" R, 18821 pp. CI p. 164 ; Q P., Aug, 1870, p, 1. " [88] R, 1856, p, 69, [84] R, 1861, 1868, i, 48; R, 1869, p, 21. [86] R. 1868-4, p, 58. ^7, 88] , pp. 99, 100. [86] R, M.F. 1879, pp, 151-2, CHAPTER XXI. 22, 1-8. 27. 797, MANITOBA AND THE NORTH-WEST TEBBITOBIES (formerly BXJPEBT BLAND). The country was discovered by Hudson in 1610, and in 1G70 assigned by Charles II. to Prince Rupert and others — a corporate body commonly known as the Hudson's Bay Company, The original colony of " Rupertsland " comprised "all the Lands and Territories upon the countries, coasts, and confines of the Seas, Bays, Lakes, Rivers, Creeks, and Sounds, in whatsoever latitude they shall be that lie within the entrance of the Straits commonly called Hudson's Straits that were not actnidly possessed or granted to any of his subjects or possessed by the subjects of any other Christian Prince or State," On the surrender of the Company's Charter to the Crown, " Rupertsland " was incorporated in the Dominion of Canada, and representative institutions were granted <1870) to the province of Manitoba then erected. The North- Went T«rritoriea were formed into a distinct Oovemment in 1876 ; and in 1882 divided into four provisional districts — Assiniboia, Saskatchewan, Alberta, and Athabasca, Under the Earl of Selkirk an agricultural settlement was formed on the banks of the Red River in 1811, When Qovemor Semple was sent out from England in 1816 he was required to ascertain if any traoe existed of either temple of worship or idol, and whether it would be practicable to gather the children together for education and industrial training. In his report he said : "I have trodden the burnt ruins of houses, bams, a mill, a fort and sharpened stockades ; but none of a Place of Worship, even upon the smallest scale, I blush to say that, over the whole extent of the Hudson's Bay Territories, no such building exists," Ere this " foul reproach " was removed " from among men belonging to a Christian nation " the Governor was slain in an incursion of the natives. The Hudson's Bay Company had not been entirely unmindful of their religious duties: the chief factor. at each post being required to read the Church Service to their employes every Sunday, ' In 1820 they sent out the Rev, J, West as Chaplain to the settlement. Desirous of benefiting the heathen also, he offered his services to the Church Missionary Society, with the view of establishing schools for the Indians, and that Society provided him with XlOO to make a trial. In 1822 the Company solicited the aid of the S,P.G. in " furnishing them with a Missionary or in a donation for the erection of a Church at the settlement on the Red River," but no help could be spared [1], Mr, West opened a school, and in 1828 a church was built near the spot where Governor Semple fell ; and the Rev, D, T, Jones was sent out by the C.M.S. to form a regular Mission under Mr, West, who, however, returned to England the same year. In 1826 Mr, Jones was joined by the Rev. W, Cockran (C.M.S.) Up to this time the labours of the Missionaries had been directed chiefly to the European settlers and their descendants of M 178 SOCIETY FOR THE PBOPACATION OF THE GOSPEL mixeA blood. Owing to the wandering: habits of the btdlans no systematic effort had been made on their behalf, with the exception of the Indian School ; bnt Mr. Cockran formed an industrial settlement in 1882, and in 1884 baptized 20 Indians — lObein^ adnlts. Under his management such progress was made that when in 1844* Bishop G. J. Mountain of Quebec visited the settlement he found four churches attended by 1,700 persons, and nine schools with 485 scholars. Including haU-breeds and Europeans 846 persons were confirmed. The number of communicants was 464 ; but in two of the ohoiches there was " no Communion table and no place reserved for it." The " necessity of establishing a Bishop in those territories " was so powerfully urged by Dr. Mountain that in 1849 Bupertsland was erected into a diocese and the Bev. David Anderson con- aecrated its first Bishop [see p. 704]. In 1850 the Society responded to a request of the Bishop to enter the field [la]. Its first Missionary, the Rev. W. H. Taylor (of New- foundland), who was placed in charge of the district of Assiniboia in 1851, thus describes his arrival in the diocese in 1850 : — " We had been six weeks or more journeying over the extensive prairies which lie between the United States and this country. We had been in the wilderness exposed to the savage hordes of Indians . . . and the wild beasts, scarcely less fearful . . , and th« sight of neat and quiet dwellings with their apparent safety and oomforfe was most pleasing. ... As we travelled down the Assiniboine to the settlement on the Bed Biver, we could see the little farms on the river's side and the banks filled with stacks of corn and fodder, with vast herds grazing at large in the plains. . . . Then the French Church, the fort . . andin the distance the English Church and the Bishop's house, told us that we were again in a land where the true God was known and worshipped" [2]. Mr. Taylor's charge embraced a district about 80 miles in extent, containing a scattered population of European, French-Canadian, mixed (half-breeds) and Indian races. Service was held at first in a schoolroom in the centre of the settlement, 8| miles above Forfe Garry. Near the rendezvous of the Indians who visited the settlement in the summer, and within sight " of the scalps suspended over the graves of the poor dark departed ones," and " on the spot where for years . . . the heathen revels have been performed," was built in due time (with the Society's aid) " a temple to the living God." In May 1852, before either church or parsonage was finished, a mighty flood swept over the surrounding district, and the parsonage and glebe )[)ecame "a place of safety for a homelecs, houseless, population" including the Bishop and his family [3]. In their battles with the elements the early settlers were often worsted. Thus in one winter Mr. Taylor wrote of the "freezing of the ink in the pen while filling up the marriage register. Immediately the pen came in contact with the air in the church the ink became solid . . . though a great fire was burning in the stove" [4], In 1855 the Mission became the organised parish of St. James, Assiniboine, with a consecrated churoh,t calculated to raise the tone of public worship in the Diocese [5]. The district for many miles round continued to benefit from Mr. Taylor's labours until 1867, when illness obliged him to remove to England [6]. In i852 the Society made provision for stationing a clergyman at York Fort in response to an appeal which the Bishop forwarded from the Indians there. They had had " occasional visits from Protestant ministers," and were endeavouring, so far as their knowledge went, to worship God " in spirit and in truth," reading the books printed in their own tongue, praying night and morning, and observing the * The total population of the Bed Biver Settlement was then 6,148— of whom 2,798 wore Roman Catbolios. t Consecrated May 39, 1855 MANITOBA AND IHi: NOBIH-WEBX TEBBIIOIUES. 179 Sabbath. But the^ felt " like a flock of sheep without a shepherd." , "Long have we cned for help " (they concluded) ; " will you not take pity upon us, our ignorant wives, our helpless children, many of whom are still nnbaptized, and some of us too ? " [7]. The Bishop's selection of the Bev. B. McDonald for this post was approved by the Society, but it was deemed advisable to send a clergyman of greater experience, and such an one could not be ob- tained until 1864, when the Mission was undertaken by the C.M.S. [8]. From 1864 to 1869 the Society supported the Bev. T. Cochrane at St. John's, Bed Biver, who was entrusted with the charge of the Collegiate School for the training (among others) of candidates for the ministry [9]. The next Mission of the Society was formed at Fort Ellice, or Beaver Creek, 240 miles to the westward of the Assiniboine Biver, where the Bev. T. Cook was appointed in 1862 to minister to the Indians, half-breeds, and the few English of the district. Being " native bom" Mr. Cook was "equally famihar with both languages," and at Bishop Machray's fi "st ordination he " preached in the Cree language for the benefit of the Indians present " [10]. The new Bishop (who succeeded Dr. Anderson in 1865) was much impressed by " the great good going on " in the diocese, and " the great difference between Indians in a heathen state and those even but nominally under the softening and yet elevating influences of the Gospel " [11 J. The Bishop doubted whether the Society had " another Heathen station so removed from the conveniences of life as Fort Ellice ; above 700 iriles from any market with a people in the very lowest condition . . . and, alas 1 for many a long day, no hope of improvement in tem- poral things." The few things the Indians possessed — huts and blankets or coats — were generally deeply pledged for skins [12]. The wandering habits of the Indians added to the task of their conversion. The half-breeds could be regularly assembled for service and instruction at Fort Ellice, but to win the pure natives it was necessary to follow them in their wanderings over hill and plain, and instruct them in wilderness and wigwam. Fort Pelly, Touchwood Hill, Qu'Appelle Lake, and other places were visited, and among the pure natives ministered to were the Soulteans, Crees, Assiniboines, and Sioux. Since buffalo-hunting could no longer be depended upon for obtaining a subsistence Mr. Cook sought to teach the Indians ploughing and to induce them to settle and farm for themselves. In this he m6t with little success, but as a Missionary he was generally acceptable, and his useful labours were continued for twelve years [18]. Previously to 1870 the Church Missions in Bupertsland had been carried on in days of *' hopeless isolation," when no increase of the white population could even be expected except from the servants sent out from Great Britain by the Hudson's Bay Company [14]. Direct intercourse with England was maintained by way of Hudson's Bay, which was navigable only about four months in a year. Annually in the autumn a ship came to York Factory, but goods had to be carried inland nearly 800 miles. Even in 1866, the year of Bishop Machray's arrival, " there was a complete wilderness of 400 miles in width still separating Manitoba from the nearest weak white settle'^ ments " [16]. Ii2 180 SOCIETY FOB THE PBOPAOATION OF THE GOSPEL. The union of the oonntry with the Dominion of Canada (in 1870) was followed by a magnificent development. In 1871 the Bishop wrote: "I am anxious that the Society . . should seriously consider the extraordinary circumstances of the south of mj diocese. I do not suppose that a doubt is anywhere entertained of the fertility of the province of Manitoba, and of a large section of country to the west of that province for a thousand miles to the Rocky Mountains. . The rapidity with which this rich country is being made accessible is mar- veUons and unexampled. . Language could not too strongly represent the extraordinary result to be anticipated within the next ten years " ri6]. The opportunitv of " taking the initiative in the great work of evangelisation for the people that are coming here " was urged with force by Lieut.-Govemor Archibald at a meeting held at Winnipeg in 1872, when the Society was appealed to for increased aid [17]. At the time these appeals were made, Winnipeg had just " started as a village of a few hundred people " (800 in 1871). By 1880 its popula- tion had reached 10,000, which number was more than doubled in the next six years [18]. The Society has made and is still making great efforts to provide for the spiritual wants of the settlers. The Bishop* of Bupertsland stated (in 1884-1888) that it came forward to help the Church in the most generous and sympathising manner, and with surpassing kindness and consideration : — " These are not words of flattery for the ears of the Society bat words of sober heartfelt trath from oar own hearts. The Society had assisted us in some measore tot many years bat as the work of settlements grew it continuously increased and extended its aid, so that the position we hold in the vast tract of settlement between this and the Booky Mountains is almost entirely owing to this noble Society. ... It has given gn^ants to bishoprics and colleges . . . furnished part of the salaries of Bishops till endowments were secured, given studentships for candidates for orders, and above all given large and generous grants for the support of Missions " f [19]. By subdivision the original Diocese of Bupertsland has become eight, viz., Bupertsland 1849, Moosonee 1872, Saskatchewan 1874, Mackenzie Biver 1874, Qu'Appelle 1884, Athabasca 1884, Calgary 1887, and Selkirk 1890 [20]. The most northern of thcise, i.e. Moosonee, Mackenzie lUver, Athabasca, and Selkirk, are sparsely populated, and chiefly by Indians who are cared for by the Church Missionarv Society ; the other dioceses have received lilieral assistance from the S.P.O., which) in Saskatchewan, Qu'Appelle, and Calgary still has Missions to various Indian tribes as well as to the settlers [21]. In the words of the Metropolitan of the Ecclesiastical Province in 1881," the obligation of the Church in this field as a body, and of English and Canadian Churchmen coming to us in large numbers, to the S.P.G., really cannot be over-estimated" [22]. * In 1893 BiBhop Machray was designated " Archbishop of Bupertsland," and elected "Primate o( All Canada." [See p. 761]. t The annual grants for the support of the Bishops referred to have extended in the case of Saskatchewan from 1874 to 1R86, and in that of Qn'AppeUe from 1884 to 1891, in addition to which the Society has contributed towards the endowment of the Bishoprics of Saskatchewan (£9,093), Qu'Appelle (£8,868), and Canary (£1.078) ; also £8,000 for Clergy endowment and £1,500 for College endowment in the DioceM of Bupertsland Cl9a]. BBITISH COLUMBU. 181 Statistics.— In Hanitob* (atm, 78,790 sq. miles) uid the North- Wsst Territoriss (stm 8,568,887 sq. miles), where the Society (18S0-9S) has assisted in msintaining 126 MiMion- •ries snd plwitinK 88 Central Stations (as detsiled on pp. 878-80), there are now 819,805 inhabitants, of whom 46,018 are Chnroh Members, under the oare of 131 Clergymen and 7 Bishops. [See p. 768 ; set alto the Table on pp. 198-8.] p.8erB. 1863,p. 80. [a]M.B. 1866, B. 1869, p. 78. [4] B. 1869, p. 74. [8 M.B. 1866, pp. 18-16 ; B. 1866, p. 69 : 1867, p. 1. [6] B. 1867, pp. 49, 60. V. 46, p. 878; B. 1868, p ~ " ,V.47j).a20; Mss„ v: 6, p. a [0] Jo.,V. 47, 820; Q.i>.,'jaB! Befereneei (Chapter XXI.)->[1] JOi V. 88, p. 864. [la] Jo., V. 46, pp. 68, 146 ; B. 1861, .- -- jg J8] M.B. 1865 - pp. 68-9; i pp. 87-« ; ] •p. 86, lOf! L 1866, p. I [16] B. 1871, p. a8.''[17] B 27. [8] Jo., p. 88; B. IB. 1866,' pp. 68-9; io. JB. 1863, pp. 87-«; K MSS 46; X MSB., V. 8, pp. 86, lOf? [0] . , __ _.. 1864, p. 68 ; 1866, p. 687 \lff] B. 1863, p. 88 ; B. 1866, p. 66. |U] B. 1866, p. 67 : M« a'40 B. 1866, p. 67. [12] K MSS., V. 8, p. 360. [13] B. 1864, pp. 68-4 ; B. 1866, pp. 67-8 ; 1 . 1869, p. 43. [141 B. 1871, p. 38. 116] B. 1881, p. 186. [16] B. 1871, p. 88. [17] B 1 178, pp. 80-31. [18] B. 1880, p. 08 ; B. 1881, p. 186 ; R 1888, p. 186. [19] M.F. 1884, T', 74 ; Proceedings of S.P.G. Missionary Conference, July 10, 1888, p. 63. [19a] Jo., v. 68, p. 888; Jo., V. 68, p. 366; Jo., V. 64, pp. 81, 84, 118; Standing Committee Minutes, 7. 43, pp. 79, 863, 866 ; V. 48, pp. 178-9, 188 ; V. 44, pp. 44-6, 866, 868, 871 ; V. 46, pp. 141, 878, 880, 884; V. 46, pp. 848, 868,366. [20] B. 1801, p. 188. [21] M.F. 1878, p. 410 : B. 18(>1, p. 187; M.F. 1890, p. 860. [82] B. 1861, p. 186. CHAPTER XXn. BBITISH COLUMBIA. ma Thx isJands lying oil the North Pacific Coast were discovered by Vanoouyer in )MB| and the largest of them took his name. In 1848 it was leased by the Crown to the Hudson's Bay Company, and in 1849 constituted a Crown colony. The adiaoent main- land was included in the lease, but remained comparatively unknown nntu 1868, when the discovery of gold there brought a hurge number of immigrants, and it also was mode a Crown colony, viz., British Columbia. The two colonies were united in 1866, and incorporated in the Dominion of Canada in 1871. Under the old system of colonisation, settlements appealed in vain to the mother country for a Bidiop for more than a century ; but British Columbia was no sooner proclaimed a colony than it became a diocese of the English Church. An endowment having been provided by Miss (now the Baroness) Burdett-Coutts,* Bishop HiUs was consecrated to the see in 1869 [1] In response to applications made by the Bey. Mr. Bayley in 1864 and the Bishop of Bupertsland in 1667, the Society in the latter year set apart funds for establishing a " Mission to the Heathen " in Van- conver's Island [2]. Its first Missionary, the Bev. B. Dowbon, arrived on Feb. 2, 1869. At that time Victoria (V. I.), the capital of the colony, was " a strange assemblage of wooden nouses, with a mixed population of every nation numbering about 1,600." Mr. Dowson found but one small vulage of Indians near Victoria, and the men were " idle and diseased " [8]. He therefore started " on a voyage of discovery to the north of the island, and so on to Fort Simpson upon the mainland." He sailed in a vessel of the Hudson's Bay Company, and for his "long and tedious journey" was well repaid by the knowledge he gained of the island and of " Indian hfe in its wildest and most natural aspect." Nanaimo, the next white settlement north of Victoria, had a population of about 160 whites and half-castes, with a few hundred Indians camped round. The " village or town " was " a most miserable afiiair, simply the wood cleared away and . . . small wooden houses . . . * The endowment given by this lady included provision for two Archdeacons also [It] ■X ! 1^ SOCIETY FOR IBA IllOPAaATIOM OF THB GOSPEL. sprinkled . . . amongst the mud and stamps." The Hudson's Bay Company maintainea a school there for the white and half-caste children, and Mr. Dowson held service in the building — "the room being quite full and the people exceedingly attentive." Previously the place had been only tvrice visited by a clergyman — chaplains from Victoria and a passing steamer. The Indians there were chiefly wanderers, " coming for a short time ... to work at the coal mines and earn a few blankets and then taking themselves off again." Some distance to the south were numbers of Cowitchins, amongst whom a Boman Catholic missionary tried to live, " but as soon as he had no more blankets, caUco, &o., to give them they drove him away." '• Nearly all the different tribes " hated " each other." At Fort Bupert,' 200 miles further north, there were about six whites — employes of the Hudson's Bay Company. Outside the fort were encamped a thousand OuackoUs, "the most bloodthirsty of all the Indian tribes on the North-West Coast." " Plenty of heads and other human remains " lay on the beach ; " one body of a woman . . . fastened to a tree, partly in the water, and . . . eaten away by the fish." A short time before some canoes came in from a war expedition and landed a prisoner, " when all the other Indians rushed down in a flock from their houses and ate the poor wretch alive." At Fort Simpson, on the mainland, there were about 20 whites, surrounded by the Chimpsian tribe numbering 4,000, of whom several had been taught to read a little English by a C.M.S. schoolmaster. In contrast to the dirty houses of the Ouackolls, those of the Chimpsians were "the best and cleanest " Mr. Dowson had seen. The houses of both tribes were "ornamented with grotesque carvings on the out- side," . . . but they did not " seem to regard any of the figures as objects of reverence." Indeed, these Indians appeared to be "as totally without reUgion of any sort as it is possible for human beings to be." " Their only idea of the future " was " annihilation." The Indians on the North- West Coast burnt their dead ; those in the South placed the bodies in boxes on the surface of some small island. The Northern Indians were " very clever at carving," and "ingenious at almost any handicraft work," but frequently destroyed their property to obtain popularity. Among the Ouackolls it was not uncommon for a man to " kill four or five slaves at once, to show his contempt for his property," and they were " almost invariably eaten." All the Indians on the coast treated their slaves " very cruelly, and generally cut some of the sinews of their legs so as to lame them and prevent them from running away." The costume of the tribes generally varied little, " consisting of a blanket," and " red paint for the face " when they could afford it. The manner of inducting a medicine man into his office was also "much the same among all the tribes." The man went alone into the bush, without food, and remained several days ; the longer the more honourable for him, as showing greater powers of endurance ; he then returned to the village, and rushing into the houses bit pieces out of the people till he was completely gorged. Then he slept for a day or two, and came out a " duly accredited medicine man." But the medical profession was not a safe onu, the death of the patient being " not unfrequently followed by the shooting of the medicine man." These Indians had "little knowledge of the BRITISH COLUMBIA. 188 healing " art. When a man was sick they laid him in a corner of the house, stnck several poles around him, and hung them over with feathers stained red. The medicine man then came with a large rattle, made of a hollow piece of wood filled with pebbles, and generally carved in the shape of a hideous head, which he rattled incessantly over the patient's head, howling meanwhile, the supposed effect being " to drive away bad spirits." In their natural state the natives were *' subject to very few diseases," but those which the white man had ** introduced among them " were " destroying some of the tribes very rapidly " [4]. On his retuta from his expedition to the North Mr. Dowson took up his quarters temporarily "in a little dilapidated school-house belonging to the colony," about four miles from Victoria, and made preparations for establishing himself in one of the Indian villages. He tried in vain to find any European who was both able and willing to teach him anything of the native language. As a rule the only means of communication between the Lidians and whites was Ohin* hook — a jargon of " little use except as a trading language : it con* sists nearly altogether of substantives, and has no words to express thoughts except the most material and animal wants." Chinhook acquired, the Missionary began the study of Gowitchin by having a native to live with him. The first he tried soon went away with- out notice, and a few days afterwards was glorying " in all his original dignity of paint and feathers." A yet greater discouragement than this was the " utter indifference, if not somethins; worse, of the white settlers towards the welfare of the natives." Personal kind- ness Mr. Dowson received abundantly, but it was " to the English stranger and not to the Indian Missionary." Almost everyone laughed at the " idea " of his " teaching Indians," saying there was " no good in them and no gratitude " ; and frequently it was remarked that "they ought to be rooted out like tree-stumps" [5]. In this respect the Americans were the worst offenders, and the feeling was reciprocated. The Indian freely imitated " the white man's vices." In his first report to the Society iBishop Hills wrote : — " I saw an Indian running round and round in a circle. He was intoxicated and almost a maniac. I listened to the sounds he was shouting. They were the words of a blasphemous and obscene oath in English I It is a common thing for Indians, even children, to utter oaths in English. Thus far they have come in close contact only with our vices. We have yet to bring amongst them the leavening blessing of the Gospel of Christ " [6]. Owing to the illness of his wife the first Missionary was obliged to return to England in 1860, but during his short stay Mr. Dowson had succeeded in gaining the confidence of the Indians around him, and proving that they were capable of receiving good as well as bad impressions. " You teach savage good — savage's heart good to you," was the expression of an Indian on experiencing, probably for the first time in his life, Christian sympathy and love. A knowledge of medicine was of great assistance to the Missionary, and his reputation for doing good reached the Saanechs, whose three principal chiefe came to invite him to live among them, promising to give gratis, *' plenty of good land to build a house upon, and that . . . not one of them would steal or do any wrong." i 181 BOOXBTT FOB TBI PBOPAOATIOM OF TBB GOSPEL. Mr. DowBon was able to be of some ase to the white settlers also. Though "nearly all Scotch Presbyterians," ihey attended regalarly» to tiie number of forty, some from a considerable distance, and joined '^ verv heartily " in the " Church service " held in the schoolroom [71. Tne second S.P.O. Missionary to British Columbia was the Kev. J. Gammaoe, who was appointed to minister to the gold diggers [8]. When he arrived in April 1869 the gold-mining district was con- fined to the mainland, and extended 400 miles from Hope, on the lower Fraser, to the Quesnel Biver, in the north. The population con- sisted " for the most part of emigrants from California, a strange- mixture of all nations, most difficult to reach " [9]. Everywhere in the colony a primitive st^le of life prevailed. Gentlemen cleaned their own boots, cut theur own firewood, ladies were "their own cooks, housemaids, dressmakers, and almost everything else " ; there were "no servants " ; "even the Governor bad "no female servant in his establishment." The expense of li\ ^ was great. In Victoria, water for drinking cost 6d. a bucket, 'i j washing of clothes cost, in many cases, "more than the price of articles when new." No copper coin was in circulation ; sixpence was the " smallest coin in use," and " no distinction " was made " between half-crowns and two- shilling pieces " [10]. In Douglas the population consisted of 8 Chinese^ 7 coloured men (Africans), 14 Mexicans, 8 French, 8 Germans, 15 Britifdi subjects, 56 citizens of the United States — total 109 males and two females— besides the surrounding Indian: . Mr. Gammage'a ministrations were chiefly among the British and Americans, and the moving mining population. Generally they were men of the worlds " very keen for gain ... in many cases educated " in " secular know- ledge," but " very ignorant . . . even of the principles or elements of Christianity." Few possessed a Bible, most of them did not know whether they had been baptized or not. Some had not attended any place of worship for ten vears, and had "no idea of reverence." The blasphemous expressions freely used were " truly shocking." By gentle remonstrance this evil was checked, and the messenger, if not the message, was generally well leceived. A small room was opened for service, and on Sundays Mr. Gammage passed through the streets, bell in hand, calling the peo^^e from the worship of Mammon to the worship of the true God. Thirst of gold had in many instances absorbed " every moral quality that ennobles or dignifies humanity, leaving nothing but a dry and barren stock, which the spirit of God alone can vivify." The Americans were "exceedingly bitter against the English"; very seldom could " even one of them " be prevailed upon to join in. Divine worship. They, however, contributed towards the building of & church which was consecrated in March 1862. In it he " ministered for three years and proved with ... his wife a great blessing to a township which without a Minister of God would have necessarily fallen into open licentiousness." He als did what was possible for the Indians, amongst whom prevailed great sickness and mortality, partly caused by " vices introduced by the white man." At a service held in 1861 the Bishop addressed 120 Indians in Chinhook, a native girl interpreting [11]. Between 1860 and 1865 twelve Missionaries were added to the f BBinSH OOLVXBU. 186 diocese, and the following centres were occupied : — Victoria 1660, Hope 1860, New Westminster 1861, Nanaimo 1861, Albemi 1864, Saanich 1864, LUIoet 1864, Sapperton 1866, Esquimalt 1865, Leech 1866 [12]. In regard to " that very difiBcult circumstance " arising from " the mixture of race," the Bishop reported in December 1860 that even in this respect there was " encouragement and a foreshadowing of the gathering in of all nations to the fold of Christ by the way in which, we are helpied in our work by those who are not of our nation." In one place service was held first *' in the upper room of the store of a Frenchman," and afterwards " at a German's," and a Swede joined tha Conomittee ifor building a church. " In another place a Swede offered, the land for a church." In a third " two Norwegians joined with three others in presenting" a parsonage house. "A Chinese mer- chant gave £16 to two churches, and twelve Jewish boys" attended " the Collegiate school " [18]. Writing in 1862 Archdeacon Wright said : — " The more I can grasp the state of things, the more do I feel the importance of a Bishop heading missionary labour in a new colony. Our dear friend has, under God, done already a great work. There is scarcely a single township which has not its Missionary Clergyman and Parsonage, and attention is being turned to education. ... In. Victoria there are two crowded chur(£es, with services conducted aa well as those of the best-managed parishes at home; and in New Westminster we are, thank God, equu to our brethren over the water, as regards church, rector, choir, and all that is necessary for decency and order" [14]. In summarising the work on the mainland the. Archdeacon wrote in 1866 : — " How has the Oospel been presented to the Colony of British Colombia, in which foor of the Society's Missionaries have been steadily engaged ? I answer^ - it has been offered liberally, most liberally, to the household of faith. In every place where men have gathered, there a house of Qod has been erected, and a resident clergyman stationed. At Langley, Hope, Tale, Douglas, Lillouet, Cariboo, Sapperton, and in New Westminster, houses of Ood have been built. . . . Five of those churches have been served by resident ministers, whose work it has been to deal with souls gathered together from various nations of the earth, of all creeds^ and no creed. Many who once had a creed and a love of Ood, by long wandering, have lost their faith and forgotten their Ood. . . . The general influence of the Church upon the white man has been grea^ and with the red man not a little has been effected " [15J. Among the Indians in Vancouver's Island the Rev. A. C. Gabret*' organised a Mission at Victoria in 1860. His greatest difficulty wasi the contaminating influence of the white man, who carried on a traffic " in poisonous compounds under the name of whisky," whereby the Indians died in numbers and the survivors fought " like tibinga inhuman." Now and then a vendor was caught and " fined or caged," but another filled his place and ihe trade proceeded. At times the> camp was " so completely saturated with this stuff that a sober Indian was a rare exception." The women were worse than the men, and girls from ten to fourteen little better than their elder sisters. The i^ission comprised a small resident tribe (about 200) of " Songes or Tsau-miss, belonging to the great &mily of the Cowitchins." These< • Now Bishop of Northern Texas, U.S. [See p. 880]. I..I k 1% fa-, t. 186 SOCIETY FOR THE PBOPAQATION OF THE OOSPPr . Ibdiions were a " most besotted, wretched race." Their language was soon acquired, but besides these there were '* Bill Bellas," " Gogholds," ** Hydahs," " Tsimsheans," and " Stickeens " constantly coming and going for the purposes of trade and work ; and as six different languages were spoken the Missionary was obliged to use Chinhook, into which he translated portions of the Liturgy. Mr. Garret's labours at this station were successful beyond expectation. In one year nearly 600 Indians, men and children, received some instruction in his school [16]. He yso founded a Mission in the Cowichan district both among the whites and Indians. The Indians there were ready to receive the Church •' with open arms." " They prayed, they entreated " Mr. Garret *' to come at once . . . and build a house on their \krA" But while having confidence in the Missionary they were cautious in welcoming the white settlers. " If we go and take your blankets or your cows," they said, " you will lock us up in gaol ; why then, do you come and take our land and our deer ? Don't steal our laud ; huy it, and then come and our hearts will be very happy. But do liot think us fools, We are not very poor. See, we have plenty of boxes filled with blankets. Hence if you want our land, give us a ' little big price ' for it. Wo will not steal your pigs or your asses, but don't you steal our land " [17]. The Church at least doalt honestly with the natives. Land was pur- chased and a Mission organised with e. residant Missionary (the Rev. W. S. Reece) in 1866 [18]. Of Nanaimo (also on Vancouver's Island), where the Rev. J. B. Good was stationed in 1861, the Bishop reported in January 1868 : " There is now a church, parsonage and school for the whole population and a school-chapel for the Indians, through his zealous exertions. I have, several times been present at interesting services at the latter, and have reason to think that a deep impression has been made ijpon the Indian mind" [19]. But so great were the de- moralising influences produced by contact with the Europeans that the Indians were " apt to suppose the white men are all alike children of the devil in morals, however great they may be in other respects." It was therefore "something to be instrumental, under God, in pointing out to them a better way ... to afford this ill-fated race examples of sober and godly living," which might '• atone in their eyes to some extent for the bad and evil lives of those who call them- selves a superior people." Mr. Good visited the Indians from house to house, worked for days in the Reserve, cutting roads and encouraging them to improve their dwellings and mode of Uving. He instructed their children, and every Sunday preached to the adults — at first in one of the Chiefs houses and afterwards in a beautiful Mission chapel — to crowded congregations. The sick and dying were also cared for, and in one year he vaccinated hundreds of the natives : his treatment having " surprisingly good effects in the majority of instances " [20]. In 1866 Mr. Good was transferred to the mamland at Yale (on the Fraser RiverV ^^herc he had the care of a small EngUsh congregation and the neighbouring Indians. In 1867 he received an invitation firam the Thompson River Indians, a tribe numbering 1,600. They had, after applying in vain for teachers of our Church, received occasional visits from Romish Missionaries. But "though they conformed outwardly to some of the rites of Roman Christianity," they " had a I BRITISH COLTTH&Ii. 187 superstitious dread " of the Priests, and " were, for the most part, heathens at heart." Many of them had visited Yale and had become intefcLed in the Soeiety's Mission there. One afternoon in the winter of 1867 a large body of them was seen approaching from the Lytton Boad. " On they came, walking in single file, according to their custom, and headed by Sashiatan, a chief of great repute and influence — once a warrior noted for his prowess and cruelty." Gathering round the Church stej-s with heads uncovered, they stated their desire to be taught a loiter way than they had yet known. The deputation was followed by two others of similar character. Mr. Good thus gained some acquaintance with their language, and with the aid of an inter* pi-eter he translated a portion of the Litany into Nitlakapamuk and chanted it to them, telling them also of the love of God to man. While Mr. Good was awaiting the arrival cf an assistant, Mr. Holmes, to leave at Yale, the Indians sent him a message by telegraph urging him to " make haste and come." A few days after he met 600 of them at Lytton, who besought him " to come amongst them and to be their father, teacher and guide." Fledges " to be true and obedient " were given on behalf of them« selves and absent friends, who outnumbered those present. As the Missionary passed the encampments along the Thompson Biver, occasionally the aged and blind Indians were led out to him, so that he might give them his hand [21]. In May 1868 the Bishop visited the Indians. At Yale he preached to 880, under the care of Mr. Holmes, who already had obtained a surprising influence over them. On the way to Lytton, where Mr. Good had removed, the Bishop was mot by the Missionary and sixty mounted Indians, " representatives of many tribes and all catechumens in the Mission. . . . The chiefs were decked in every colour and grotcRque array." To some of them the Bishop had often in former times spoken about God and the Saviour ; but he " never hoped to behold this scene, for its remarkable feature was that the^ had all now accepted the teaching of the Minister of Christ and had put away the prominent sins of heathenism. Men whose histories were written in blood and sorceries had become humble and teach-' able disciples of the Lord Jesus." On entering Lytton the Bishop had to shake hands with 700 Indians, " who were aU adherents of the Mission and many had come . . . even 100 miles " to meet him. The Church was thronged by hundreds, old and young. After one of the services four catechumens were received, one of whom had been "a no- torious sorcerer steeped in crimes. He was grey-headed, and on his knees, in ihn presence of the people," he " confessed his deeds, renounced his errors and expressed penitenc?." As each catechumen was received the whole congregation rose and sang in their own tongue the Gloria Patri. At an evening meeting of catechumens there were 260 present, mostly men. The subject of the Missionary's instruction was duty to God. After thu Bishop had finished examining some of the catechu- mens, Spintlum, the chief, rose to speak. " He said the people had not answered well. They knew mnoh more. He would rpoak tor them and tell . . . what they knew. He then, with real eloquence and expressive and graceful gesture, told the sacred stoi-y of religion. He began with the r' M, mentioned some leading facts of the Old Testament ; spoke of the •lii I m rv'i 188 BOOIBTT FOB THB PBOPlOAnON OF THB OOSPBL. great love of Ood in sending His only Son, and then gave a description of the life of Christ, who had sent His apostles to pteadi the Gospel to all nations. Then addressing the Blissionaries, he said : ' Yon all are come to us beeanse Ood has sent yon. Yon have brought as the knowledge of the tmth. We have had others among os, and listened to them, but we cannot follow them, for they do not teach OS tigat. They only broaght as little crosses, bat yoa have brought as the Holy Bible, the Word of Ood. We earnestly pray you oontinae to teach as. We shall never be weary of hearing Ood's Word.' " During hia visitation the Bishop met twenty-two chiefs, nearly all of whom were catechumens. In ail there were 680 accepted catechumens at Lytton, and 180 at Yale — "representing. . . ahout 1,600 declared adherents of the Church of England." Baptism was preceded by pjX)bations varying "from two years and upwards." "Magistrates^ Hudson's Bay Company officials, settlers and traders," as well as the Clergy, bore testimony to the beneficial influence of the Missions, under which " whole mbes and families " were seen " giving up evil practices and heathen customs . . . and seeking instruction in the Will of God." Many of the converts regularly attended Sunday service from distances extending from ten to fifty miles; and gambling, " an inveterate practice, in which relatives have been deliberately sold into slavery, . . . almost ceased " [22]. In 1871 the Bishop laid the foundation of a new church at Lytton, deiiicated to St. Paul (by which name the Mission has since been known), and in the next year he baptized twenty-six Indians, after " a search- ing examination and investigation of character." A proof of the sincerity of the tribe was that whereas in times past they had " lived wild, lawless lives, and were continually being brought before the magistrates for -^ rong doing," in 1872 there was " a total absence of crime amongst .hem " [28]. The Indian converts indeed, by their consistent Chrictaan lives, were frequently a rebuke to the Europeans. Thus from Yale Mr. Holmes reported in 1871 " that while Good Friday was religiously observed by the Indians, ' who crowded the churchy " the Christian whites . . . seemed too ei^er after the things of this life to cast a look toward the great event of that day " [24]. During two episcopal visits to Lytton in 1878-4, 246 Indians (of whom 206 were adults) received baptism, most of them at the hands of the Bishop. On the second occasion 116 were confirmed. Meanwhilq (in 1878) Mr. Holmes was transferred to Cowichan and Yale was united to St. Paul's Mission [26J. This addition to a district already extend- ing over 100 square miles [26a] added greatly to the task of seeking out the remaining heathen, but the pastoral work itself proved a powerful evangelising agency, and many who at first held aloof were by it drawn into the fold. At Lytton in 1 877, after an address by the Bishop. " two sorcerers . . . came forward confessing their Bins and desiring baptism. One of them declared that . . . during the past 12 years be had seen first the Clergy, then the Word of Ood, then the House of Prayer, then Sacraments and he could no longer resist; he had long been convinced of the weakness and inferiority of heathenism, and now he declared his conviction before his assembled brethren" [26]. In 1879 the mainland of British Columbia was formed into two new dioceses — New Westminster in the south and Caledonia in the north — and the original See of British Columbia limited to Van- couver's Idland and the adjacent isles. As far back as 1867 Bishop Hills testified that the Society's aid had "been productive of vast BRITISH COLUUBU. 189 benefits to the inhabitants " of the colonj, and withoat it, " humanly speaking, we could have accomplished but little indeed" [27]. On the division of the diocese it was thought wise — considering the more pressing calls from other quarters — to withdraw assistance from Vancouver's Island, where for more than twenty years the Socioty had laboured to plant Missions amongst the natives and settlers. Siioe December 1881 the Diocese of British Columbia has therefore not received any financial help from the Society other than that afforded by two grants of £800 each in 1889 and 1891 towards a Clergy Endowment Fund [28]. In the Diocese of New Westminster, which the Society assisted to establish by guaranteeing the main- tenance of the Bishop until an endowment had been provided,* Bishop Sillitoe found, as " the fruits of the Society's work," that the Church had been " planted," and had " taken root, in four districts, each of them as extensive as an English diocese, and in every instance " he believed the plant was "a healthy one," which with cultivation would *'grow into a productive tree." The Indian Mission at Lytton and Yale numbered a " Church body " of " 600 souls and 186 communi- cants." [29]. The reorganisation of the Mission under two Mission- aries in 1884 led to corresponding results, and by 1889 the number of Christians had more than doubled. Much of this progress is due to the labours of the Rev. B. Small [80]. Besides its work among the Indians and the colonists the Society sought to establish a Mission specially for the Chinese in British Columbia, but the difficulty of obtaining Chinese-speaking teachers prevented much being done for these people previous to the appoint^ ment of the Bev. H. H. Gowen in 1892 [81]. An instance of the respect with which the Church of England is regarded was afforded by the arrival at Yale in 1880 of a Chinese family, who "brought with them strict injunctions from the Chief Pastor of a German Mission " in Hong Kong, " to ally themselves with no Christian body but that of the Church of England. This injunction they faithfully observed by putting themselves under the charge of the Church Mission " [82]. To the Diocese of Caledonia the Society, on the invitation of Bishop Ridley, extended its aid in 1880 by providing funds for the support of a Missionary to work among the gold miners [88]. But the grant was not made use of until 1884, when a beginning was made (by the Rev. H. Sheldon) at Cassiar, the headquarters of the Mission being soon removed to Port Essington [84]. Mr. Sheldon's duties often took him into danger, and his self-denial kept him " as bare of any- thing approaching a home, or the comforts of a home, as gold fever can the most enterprising of miners " [85]. In his first year Mr. Sheldon secured the building of a church, *' the first place of worship of any kind ever erected for the white men on the coast." They had " now got into the way of attending church most regularly," on Saints' Days as well as Sundays. The district under his charge embraced " the whole of that part of the diocese situated on the mainland of British Columbia." He found the mining * Foi the fint nine years Bishop Sillitoe was partly supported by an annual grant from the Society, which has also contributed XI, OSS to the episcopal endowment [Wa]. He died at his post on June, 0, 1894, after 15 years' devoted service. -I, w In 190 SOCIETY FOB THE PROPAGATION OF THE OOSPEIi. c&mps " more or less, a scene of wickedness . . . gambling, blasphemy, drinking and prostitution " being carried on "to a fearful extent." Such was the state of Lope on his visiting it in 1885 ; but his " own people" rallied round him, "and by the second Sunday the place was reduced to something like order, and on an average twenty men attended the services " [86]. No wonder the Missionary had to contend with infidelity and iu- ^ifference, when, " from the first establishment of the Missions on this coast in 1859, the white people " had been " carefully left to themselves and until the Bishop's arrival ... in 1879 there hoA never been a service held for them by any Missionary on the coast " [37]. On this subject the Bishop added in 1886 tJtiat " this summer, for the first time, a clergyman of our Church" (Mr. Sheldon) "has ministered to the scattered groups of our countrymen from the coast to the Hocky Mountains." An idea of the travel involved could only be formed by sending a Missioner from London to Durham, thence to Carlisle, Inverness, and Aberdeen. "He must go on foot, avoid roads, bridges, everything of human construction, see no living soul between the points " named, "carry his own kit, have a foreigner to carry his food for the way and be pestered by mosquitoes night and day " [881. Mr. Sheldon appears to have been the only qualified medical man available for most of the population, and the knowledge of medicine was " a great power " for doing good. Besides his ministrations to the whites he had " a considerable amount of Indian work," conducted in the Zimshean language ; and in the services held by him were to be seen the whites and Indians kneeling " side by side at God's altar." This union in worship is great gain to the Lidians, because " the example of the whites is a power among them " [39]. The Missionary's sojourn in the mining camps proved a great check to wicked practices. Marriage began to take the place of concubinage, and sobriety to gain ground among those whose drinking habits formerly knew " no re- straint." " I rejoice to see this improvement among these early settlers" (wrote the Bishop from Metlakatlain 1886), "for it is laying a good foundation for the future. Among the white population the Society's grant is proving a potent factor in promoting their well being and religious Ufe " [40]. After two more years of zealous and faithful labour Mr. Sheldon was called to lay down his life. On February 20, 1888, he embarked at PortEssington in a canoe, intending to minister to the sick settlers some 40 miles distant. With him were four Indians. When nearly half way to Fort Simpson the canoe was struck, split, and capsized by a squall. All were drowned except an Indian lad. He says that though Mr. Sheldon's flesh was torn from his fingers (while clinging to the canoe), he " did not cry out. He only prayed for us boys. He asked the God of heaven to save us " [41]. His successor, the Bev. M. Browne, reported in 1889 that Mr. Sheldon " began a work which is to day a star of grandeur always assuming larger dimensions as we travel for thousands of miles through Cassiar and Babiu regions. No pen can describe his matchless worth, and no tongue tell the tale of woe which his death effected. As a parish priest his walk of life was a silent sermon daily to his people. BRITISH COLUMBIA. 191 and his medical ability bestowed consolation and health where for years no one appeared to protect either body or soul." The work of the Mission is "grand, noble and dangerous," and Mr. Browne had narrow escapes on the water, and on two occasions " had to remain for three days and two cold nights without food or shelter under heavy- rain." In answer to appeals from him and the Bishop for a suitable boat, which would prevent "unnecessary sacrifice of Ufe," and for additional workers, a lady in England has suppUed the means (£80) for meeting the former want, and the Society has provided for the employment of a second Missionary [42]. Already (in 1889) the church and parsonage at Port Essington have been enlarged, and a school-house and teachers' residence have been provided; and there are " overfiowing congregations " and "good Sunday schools and day school well attended." Many of the poor people " sold their trinkets to contribute to . . . Church expenses." One old woman offered a ring, and an Indian " his best blanket " [48]. On Mr. Browne's resignation at the end of 1890 the Mission was temporarily placed in charge of Mr. A. D. Price and Peter Haldane (an Indian). The former has already been admitted to Holy Orders [44]. In 1892 the Rev. T. 0. P. Pybmont was added to the staff [46]. Writing in 1892, the Bishop said : " It is astonishing to witness the extension of the work begun at Port Essington. Now it has six branches or out-stations ; and besides this, Gardner's Inlet, a new centre, a hundred and twenty or thirty miles distant " [46]. Statistics. — In British Columbia (area, 890,844 sq. miles), where the Society (1869-02) has assisted in maintaining 46 Missionaries and planting 27 Central Stations (as detailed on pp. 880-1), there are now 97,618 inhabitants, of whom 28,600 are Church Members, under the care of 40 Clergymen and 8 Bishops. [See p. 763 ; see also the Table on pp. 192-8.] BeferenceB (Chapter XXH.)— {!] R. 1859, p. 75 ; Jo. V. 47, p. 888. [la] R. 1860, p. 25 ; R. 1865, p. 61 ; Jo., V. 47, p. 888. [2] Jo., V. 47, pp. 8, 9, 17, 85, 285, 272, 882-8 ; K M8S., V. 8, ^p. 168, 171-2. [3] R. 1859, p. 75. [4] M.P. 1859, pp. 178-81. [6] M.F. 1869, pp. 198-6 ; M.F. 1860, pp. 109-11 ; Jo., V. 47, p. 411. [6] M.F. 1860, pp. 146-6. [7] M.P. 1869, pp. 198-9 ; M.F. 1860, pp. 109-11, 184-5 ; Jo., V. 48, p. 53. [81 Jo., V. 47, p. 832 ; R. 1869, p. 76; M.F. 1868, p. 216. [0] R. 1860, p. 92. [10] M.F. 1859, pp. 169-72. El] M.F. 1860, pp. 26-9; R. 1861, pp. 108-4 ; R. 1862, p. 90; R. 1865, p. 69. [12] See ists in R, 1860-5. [13] K MSB., V. 1, p. 24. [14] Jo., V. 48, pp. 824-5 ; M.F. 1808, p. 96. ?L5] R. 1866, p. 62. [16] R. 1862, pp. 90-1; R. 1868-4, p. 56; R. 1865, p. 60; Q.F., uly 1862, p. 8 : see also Jo., V. 48, p. 866 ; M.P. 1868, p. 190. [17] R. 1868, p. 65. 8] R. 1867, p. 61. [19] K MS8., V. 1, p. 48 ; Jo., V. 48, p. 825 : see also p. 856, and 10 •P. 1868, p. 190. [20] R. 1868, pp. 56-7 ; M.F. 1868, pp. 6-8 ; R. 1864, p. 64. [21] R. 1867, pp. 51-4 ; Q.P., Aug. 1868; M.F. 1868, pp. 137-8. [22] M.P. 1868, pp. 272-7 ; R. 1869, p. 47 ; R. 1870, pp. 40-1 : see aho L. of Government Commissioner Spiout, June 18, 1878 ; M.F. 1879, p. 162. [23] R. 1871, p. 80 ; R, 1872, p. 22. [24] R. 1871, p. 81. '26] R. 1878, pp. 28-4 ; R. 1874, p. 112; M.P. 1874, pp. 227-9. [25a] R. 1868, p. 44. 26] R. 1877, pp. 7&-9. [27] M.P. 1868, p. 218. [28] Standing Committee Minutes, 7. 45, p. 189 ; do., V. 46, p. 258. [29] R. 1881, pp. 188-9. [29a] Applications Committee Report, 1879, p. 21 ; Jo., V. 58, p. 267 ; Jo., V. 64, pp. 81, 84 ; Standing Conunittee Minutes, V. 48, n. 178; do., V. 44, p. 40. [80] M.P. 1884, pp. 805-12; R. 1884, p. 94 ; R. 1888, p. 127 ; R. leOl, pp. 147-9. [31] K M8S., V. 1, pp. 276, 877, 417, 420, 424, 436 ; do., V. 2, pp. 11, 16. [32] R. 1880, p. 104. [83] Jo., V. 68, p. 261 ; K MSS., V. 2, p. 96. 34] K M88., V. 1, p. 891 ; Standing Committee Book, V. 42, p. 79. [86] R. 1884, p. 95. '36] R. 1885, pp. 102-4. [37] R. 1886, p. 103. [38] K M8S., V. 1, p. 446. [89] R. 1885, pp. 101-2; R. 1886, p. 108; R. 1887, p. 118. JM] K M8S., V, 1, p. 486. [41] K MSS., V. 1, pp. 464-5. [42] R. 1889, pp. 126-7; K MSS., V. 1, pp. 518-14 ; do., V. 2, pp. 218, 320, 298. [43]^ R. 1889, pp. 12&-7. [44] K MSS., V. 1, pp. 619-21, 631. [46] R. 1891, p. 161. [46] R. 1891, pp. 160-1. % ■ s' i i 1 192 TABLE HiLUSTBATINa THE WOBK OF THE SOCIETT IN to Tlie Field and Period NlWrOUMOLAVD (WITBl NOBTHKBil LaBBADOR) 170S-«, 173«-189> j Tax BmiiODAS 1823-70 i Norx SOOTIA, 1728-43, 1749-9S : Oafi Brbton, , 178«-18M: AKD Pbimcb^ Edward Island, 1819-1892 Kbw Bbuxbwick 178»-1892 LOWXK OR BUTBRir Cakada, QORBIO PBOVINCI, (mTH SOtrlHSRK I.ABRADOR) 17»»-«4, 1777-1892 (t) Bacet mlnUtered to, and their Rellfloni Ooloniata (OhrlitUn and Non-ObrUtUn) Bsqaimaax (Chrlatian and HMthen) NegroM (Heathen and Christian) .. Mixed or eolonted race* (Heathen and Ohristlan) Oolonista (Obriatian) Colonbta (Christian and Non-Christian) Indians: Mloknaoks ke. (Heathen and Christian) Negroes (Christian and Heathen) (S) Lanfnaves used by the Misslouaries (4) Mo. of onUiaed Misston- ■riMein- plored. (laro- rean and Ooloaial) 81 a« Bnfflish Irish Bnglish English EagUsh English (X)lonlsts (Christian and Non-C!hrlstlaB) | Indians: \ »g25S3«^ [(Christi«i.ndHeaU»n) { Carabons fto. I Negroes (Christian and Heathen) Cokmlstt "Jhristian and Non-Christian) Indians: ) Baqnlmaox j- (Heathen and Christian) Abenaguls ) Vppn OR WnrsBK Canada, < Ontario Provinob 1784-1893 Manitoba and Nortb-Wbbt Canada 1880-98: BnixraH CounniA 1869 -82 TOTAL I (Ohristlan dc Heathen) Colonists (Christian end Non-Christian) Iroqnois or Sis Nation \ Indians: Mohawks (ohMly) Tosoaroras Onondages, ftc OJibways ) Ottehwahs \ (Heathen and (Hiristlan) Pottawottamies ) Monnsees or Monoeyi ) (Heathen and Mlssnsaugoas t Ohristlan) Negroes ((Jhristian and Heathen) Colonists (Christian) HaM-breeds (Christian and Heathen) Indians: Orees Slonz Blaokfeet Asslnlboines Saroers (Heathen and Christian) Colonists (Christian) Indians (Heathen and (}hristian) : Thompson Cowiohan (or Cowitchen) Songes (or Tsaa-miss) Bill Bellas \ Cogholds I Hydahs f" Sttckeeni ; Shee 3hats (or Shee Bhaks) Tslmsheans (or Zlmsheans) Chinese (Heathen and (Christian) . BngUsh Oennan French Brae Oaelio Mlotanack Bnglish English Danish Mohawk Mlokmaok Bnglish Bnglish Oerman English Mohawk Ojlbway BngUsh Bnglish English 6 Boropean-Colonial raoes, 27 Indian tribes, also Negroes, mixed races, and Chinese English Nitlakapamnk Cowiohan and Chinhook* Tsamos and Ohinhook* (}Unhook* Shee Shak and Ohinhook* Zlmshaan OhinsM 17 194 12 280 218 294 S81 Si 12i 1,4451 8! • Ohinhook is a jargon S After allowing for r<" used as a common medium of oommunioation among the Indiau. "ctitions and transfers. 193 194 IS S80 sie 394 S81 l» BRITISH NORTH AMERICA (1703-1892) , AND ITS RESULTS . f8) aoclcty'a Bxpendituro (7) Comparative Statement of the Anglican Cliurch generallr <5) No, of <;eiitral Stations aasistcd 1701 1892 Cburch Mem- bers Clergy Dio- ceses Local Mis- sionarjr Effort Church Members Clergy Dioceses Local Missionary Kffort .73 \ £1,736,183 f •500 1 — 69,000 45 (43 S,P,0,) 1 \ 9 — ?1 — 10,637 5 (1 S,P.O,) 1 ■98 — — — 71,066 105 (17 S.P,0,) 101 — — — 43,095 ?3 (41 S,P,0,) 1 163 — — — 75,338 164 (30 S.P,0.) 3 Domestii? Ml^sionH amongrtlio Indians and Chinese in 178 — — — 386,999 46/)18 607 (16 S.P,G,) 6 Canada, direct Foreign Missiou ' Work in Japan, and snpport < ( the S.P.a, and CM.s, Missions in Asia and Africa, «8 — 131 (43 S.P.G.) 8 37 — — — 83,600 1 40 (U &P.Q,) 3 836 £1.786,185 •600 [»]a 728,733 1060 (313 s,P,a) 121 > Approximate estimat*. t *» p, 703. -t ,1 If I 194 SOCIETY FOn THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. CHAPTER XX THE WEST INDIES, CENTBAL AND SOUTH AMERICA {INTRODUCTION). Tear The Society found the West Indies generally in possession of a Ohurch Establishment which, though insufficient, yet for a long period afforded better provision for the ordinances of religion than existed in other parts of the Mission field. There were, however, certain calls and claims from this quarter which could not be disregarded. Beginning by aiding clergymen with books or passage money, between 1703 and 1710, the Society in the latter year became permanently connected with the West Indies by accepting the Trusteeship of the Codrington Estates in Barbados. The exercise of this trust was quoted by the Bishop of Barbados in 1861 as " a noble exception " at a time (ex- tending over a century) " when the African race " (in the West Indies) " were even by members of the Church, almost entirely neglected " [1]. Extensions were made by the Society to the Bahamas in 1781 and to the Mosquito Shore in 1748. As early as 1715 the Society also sought to establish two Bishoprics in the West Indies, but its representations on the subject were not successful until 1824, when the Sees of Jamaica and Barbados were founded. [See pp. 201, 229, 744, 752.] In urging this measure and the appointment of two Airchdeacons in the previous year the Society laid stress on the claims of the slaves, which were obtaining some recognition in the House of Commons, and at the invitation of the Government it recoram ended "a further supply of not less than forty Clergymen . . . with an adequate body of Catechists and Schoolmasters," as " the smallest number that might produce any beneficial results " among " the negro population of more than 800,000 souls " [2]. By the abolition of slavery, which was accomplished during the next ten years, an immense field for Missions was opened in the West Indies and Guiana. Statements received by the Society in the autumn of 1884 showed "that an increased desire for religious instruction had been manifested by the emancipated negroes ; that additional facilities for satisfying that desire were loudly called for; that the spiritual necessities of the people were already pressing heavily upon the means which the Clergy had at their command, and that those means were utterly insufficient to enable them to take advantage of the disposition which existed both among the proprietors and the working people, to receive from them the benefit of a Christian education for their children." Under these circumstances, " a great and immediate effort " was made in behalf of the coloured population in the West Indies, &c. A negro education fund was opened, and between 1886-60 the Society, aided by a King's Letter, Parliamentary grants., the S.P.C.K., the : 1836 1836 1837 1838 1839 1840 1841 1843 1843 1844 184& 1846 1817 1848 1849 ISfiO Add Fui C b I s t: £ u a C a D tl tl V £ £ It ' THE WEST INDIES, CENIBAL AMD SOUTH AMERICA. 195 Society for the Conversion of the Negroes [or the Christian Faith Society], and liberal contributions from persons connected with the West Indies, expended £171,777 on the erection of churches and schools, and the maintenance of clergymen, schoolmasters, and catechists. STATEMENT OF THE NEGRO EDUCATION FUND. RECEIPTS PAYMENTS 7eor Donations Parliament- ary Grant Total Expenses MUsionaries Chnrches and Schools Teachers TcUI £ i.d. £ (. d. £ s. d. £ i. d. £ t. d. £ (. d. £ t. d. £ 1. d. I83tS 13,684 6 7,600 30,184 6 532 3 11 673 10 8,668 263 5,136 13 11 1U»6 6,042 I 11 7,160 13,203 1 11 66 11 6 2,263 14 4 6,861 6 9 3,096 18 3 10,267 9 10 1837 736 16 6,000 0,786 16 , , 3,704 7 1 9,079 7 3,440 8 8 16,224 8 4 1838 7,000 7,000 3,974 16 8 18,890 8 3,194 8 4 21,059 13 1839 7,000 7,000 8,941 3 7,638 11 11 4,828 18 1 16,308 12 184U 7,000 7,000 3,463 6 9 6,686 19 3 7,216 14 11 16,364 19 10 1841 6,000 7,000 12,000 3,796 13 8 6,699 IS 4 8,214 3 4 17,700 8 4 1843 6,600 5,600 3,677 13 1 4,228 6 8 9,291 1 17,091 18 lU 1843 4,125 4,126 3,671 11 10 1,626 13 1 7,696 8 7 12,994 IS 6 1844 3,736 14 2,736 14 4,073 18 9 1,916 18 4 6,701 16 1 11,691 8 2 184S 1,368 7 1,363 7 4,092 11 316 13 4 4,746 8 4 9,165 13 8 1846 3,738 7 6 836 1,737 11 1 6,806 18 7 1847 3,762 14 6 160 , , 8,913 14 6 1848 3,067 86 ,, 3,093 10 1849 2,909 3 7 ,. 313 10 8,131 13 7 18fiU 3,348 16 •• 613 10 3,861 S 24,463 3 11 63,386 1 86,848 4 11 698 16 6 63,019 3 8 60,006 11 7 68,163 14 4 171,777 14 Add Grant! froi Fund n General ) 84,929 9 1 Orand Total . 171,777 14 With the exception of :£7,282 allotted to Mauritius and the Sey- chelles, this sum of ^£171,777 (less i!598 expenses) was applied for the benefit of the coloured population in the West Indies,* Guiana,* and Bermuda.* The assistance thus rendered drew out a vast amount of local support, it being a condition that at least one-half of the salaries of the Missionaries and lay teachers should from the first be provided from other sources, and that eventually the entire charge should be undertaken by the Colonies [3]. Few Missionary efforts have produced such great results in so short a time as were effected by this movement. From some of the Colonies it was possible for the Society to withdraw all assistance at an early date, without injury to the work ; in others it has been necessary to continue and renew aid from time to time, both in order to sustain Churches which otherwise must have sunk under disendow- * Exclusive of Codrington Estates (£61,624) the total expenditure of the Society in these fields during the years 18S5-S0 was £172,068, which was distributed as follows : — Windward IslandB (Barbados. £29,291; Tobago, £4,926; the other islands, £9,869) = £49,G06; Leeward Islands, £20,202; Jamaica, £49,918; Bahamas, £8,168; Trinidad, £9,100; British aniana, £88,609 ; Bermuda, £7,411. [For details tee B. 1886-61, State- ments of Account.] o2 'iv'y ■ ■ ■ ■ fl ■ I if w 196 BOCIBTT FOR THB PROPAOATION OF THE OOSPBL. ment,* and to extend Missions among the native races and coolie immigrants from China and India. An account of the Society's work in each colony &c. now follows. References (Chapter XXni.)~[l] R- 1861, p. 113. [2] Jo., V. 84, pp. 110, lia-10, 141-2, 145-8. [3] References to subject of Negro Education :— R. 1884-5, pp. 49-60 ; R. 1861, pp. 45-6, 118 ; Jo., V. 48, pp. 819, 847, 857, 423-4, 480, 448 ; Jo., V. 44, pp. 6-6, 18, 14, 82, 88, 44-5, 54-5, 74, 125-6, 151, 164-5, 171-2, 176, 186-7, 198-4, 200-1, 220-1, 225-6, 249, 287, 302, 808, 825, 842-3, 847-8, 362, 888, 891, 413 ; Jo., V. 45, pp. 5, 85, 41-2, 62-8, 84, 103, 125, 187, 144-9, 166-7, 172-4, 208-9, 267-9, 288-9, 298; Jo., V. 46, pp. 82, 176, 180 ; H MS8., V. 4, pp. 21-81, 87-48, 45-8, 68-72, 76-88, 102, 166, 168, 172, 174, 188, 186, 188, 195, 221-2, 257, 259, 261, 284-7, 340; H MSS., V. 5, pp. 16, 20, 29, 86-7, 69 ; H MSS., V. 6, pp. 85, 41, 44-5, 62, 77, 82, 92, 118, 118, 121, 180, 139-40, 144, 169, 168-4, 106, 171, 203-4, 206, 222, 239-11, a .J-7, 278, 280. I '.I II ! ' CHAPTER XXIV. THE WINDWARD ISLANDS. The WikdwaRD Islands embrace the southern group of the West Indies, viz., Barbados (which was made a distinct Government in 1885), St. Lucia, St. Vincent, the Greneidines, and Grenada. Tobago, formerly reckoned as one of the group, has since January 1889 been united with the Government of Trinidad. Babbasos (area, 166 square miles). — Some doubt exists as to when this island was discovered. The Portuguese are credited with being the first visitors, but their connec- tion with " Los Barbados " as they called it (from its bearded fig-trees) was little more than nominal. In 1605 the crew o : the Olive took possession of it in the name of " James King of England " ; but the island continued, as they found it, almost uninhabited, until 1625, when a settlement was formed by Sir W. Courteen, a London merchant, acting under the Earl of Marlborough, to whom James had granted it. The first chaplain was the Rev. Nicholas Leverton, of Exeter College, Oxford, but the discord and profligacy of the settlers moved him to throw up his charge in despair. The granting of all the Caribbee Islands to the Earl of Carlisle by Charles I. in 1627 led to the Earl of Marl- borough relinquishing his claims for a consideration, and in 1628 a second party of colonists settled in Barbados. lu the patent to the Earl of Carlisle the first ground assigned for the grant is " a laudable and pious design " on his part " of propagating the Christian religion " as well as " of enlarging his Majesty's dominions." By 1629 six parishes had been established ; five more were added in 1645 ; and strict conformity with the Cburuh of England was enjoined, neglect of family prayer or of attendance at church being made punishable by fines. Again, in 1661 an Act was passed " for the encouragement of all faithful ministers in the Pastoral Charge within the Island." All these provisions were to a great extent neutralised by the misgovernment of the Puochial Vestries. So tyrannical was their control that in 1680 only five clergymen remained in the island. Baptisms, marriages, churchings, and burials were " either totally omitted or else performed by the overseers, in a kind of prophane merriment, and derision ... of the ordinances." By endeavouring to instruct the negroes the Clergy themselves were exposed to " most barbarous usuage " and the slaves to worse treat- ment than before, t St. Lucia (area, 248 square miles) was discovered by Columbus in 1502, when it was inhabited by Caribs, in whose possession it continued till 1685, when the King of France granted it to two of his subjects. The first English settlement, formed in 1689, was totally destroyed by the Cariba in 1640 ; the second lasted from 1664-7. Since that date, excepting for its neutrality 1728-44 and 1748-56, the island repeatedly changed hands between the French and English — the latter holding it for short periods only (1722-8, 1762-3, 1782-3, 1794-1801) until June 22, 1808, when it became permanently a British posseBsion. * The policy of disestablishment and disendowment was introduced into the West Indies at the end of 1869 ; but it has not extomled to the island of Barbados or to Guiana. t See The Negro's and Indian's Advocate suing for their Admission into th« Church, &c. by the Rev. Morgan Godwyn, 1680. THE WINDWARD ISLANDS. 197 St. Vimcemt (area, 140 square miles) was discovered by Columbus in 1408. Nominal posBession was assumed by tne English in 1827, but in reality the island was left solely In the hands of the native inhabitants — the Caribs — till the next century, sometimes by arranKement with the French. It was assigned to the Duke of Montague by George I. in 1722, declared neutral in 1748, taken by the English in 1762, to whom it was ceded in 1768, and again in 1768, having been surrendered to the French in 1779. During the French Revolution the Caribs, excited by the French, revolted, and after ravaging the colony were removed in 1797, to the number of 6,080, to the Island of Rattan in the Bay of Honduras. Obenaca (area, 183 square miles) was discovered by Columbus in 1498, it being then inhabited by Caribs. The French, who began to colonise it about 1660, extirpated the natives. The island was surrendered to the English in 1762, recovered by the French 1770, and restored to Great Britain in 1788. The Grenadines are small islands lying between Grenada and St. Vincent, the chief being Carriacou and Bequia. Within two years of its establishment the Society was nominally brought into connection with Barbados by the will of General Codrington, dated Feb. 22, 1708, of which the following is a verbatim extract, now published for the first time by the Society : — " I Christopher Codrington of Doddington in the County of Gloucester Esq. and Chief Governor of her Majesty's Leeward Islands in America do make and declare this to be my last Will and Testament. I recommend my Soul to the good God who gave it, hopeing for salvation thro' his mercy, and the merits of his Son ; my worldly Estate I thus dispose of. . . . " I give and bequeath my two plantations in the Island of Barbadoes to the Society for the Propagation of the Christian Beligion in Foreign Parts erected and established by my late good Master King William the third and my desire is to have the plantations continued intire and 300 negroes at least always kept thereon, and a convenient number of Professors and scholars maintained there all of them to be under vows of poverty and chastity and obedience who shall be obliged to study and practise Phisick and Chirugery as well as Divinity, that by the apparent nsefulness of the former to all mankind they may both endear themselves to the people and have the better opportunities of doing good to men's souls whilst they are taking care of their bodys, but the particulars of the constitutions I leave to th6 Society composed of wise and good men " [1]. In addition to these two estates, called " Gonsett's and Codring- ton's," a part of his estate in the Island of Barbuda was bequeathed to the Society. [See p. 212.] General Codrington died in Barbados on Good Friday, April 7, 1710. His body rested in St. Michael's Church in that island until 1716, when it was removed to the Chapel of All Souls College, Oxford, of which college he had been Fellow, and to which he bequeathed his books and a considerable sum of money [21. According to the Rev. W. Gordon of Barbados, who was selected tc preach the funeral sermon, which was dedicated to the Society, "The Design of the Bequest was the maintenance of Monks and Missionarys to be employed in the Conversion of Negroes and Indians, which design he took from his conversation with a Learned Jesuite of St. Christophers, between whom and him, there passed several Letters about the antiquity, usefulness and excellency of a monastic life : bat these with some other Bules and Directions oi his which he communicated to me whilst alive are not now to be found. Of the Missionarys he proposed that there shou'd be constantly kept abroad three Visitors, who shou'd be obliged to travel from Colony to Colony, and from country to country, to transmit to the Society a large Historical Account of the State of Christianity, in each countrey, of the genius of the people, and what means were most probable to advance religion and piety" [3]. [L., Rev. W. Gordon, 25 July 1710.] The will was announced on Aug. 18, 1710, but the Society *' laboured under some uncommon difficulties in obtaining possession of .11:' I , J i 198 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAOATIOM OF THE GOSPEL. their right in the two Plantations," the value of which, or of the yearly crops, was then estimated "to amount to upwards of £2,000 per annum clear of all charges " [4]. The " difficulties," which arose from the claims of the executor, Lieut.-Colonel William Codrington, were aggravated hy the injudicious zeal of the Governor of Barbados. The Society's attorneys had been in treaty with Colonel Codrington, and were in hopes of getting possession of the estates, but in August 1711, on waiting on him, " they found him in custody by a writ of Ne exeat Insulani, contrary to thoir or any of their Council's knowledge ; which greatly exasperated the Colonel : upon which they applyed to the Governor who told 'em that he had heard the Society's pretonsions slighted and ridiculed before his face by Bomo of the Colonel's friends and that he look't on all his offers to be meer amuzements and therefore he had taken that method and would answer the same to the Society." In so doing (Aug. 20, 1711), Governor Lowther stated that but for the writ the Colonel would " have gone ofif the Island and kept the Society long out of possession," a statement not borne out by subse- quent events. While complaining to the Society, Colonel Codrington promised not to retaliate, but to "contribute ever ihing towards the preservation of the estate [5]. An amicable h Hement was effected by which the Society obtained actual possession . ' ^he estates on Feb. 22, 1712, and Colonel Codrington was afterv». ">; described by the Society as, next to his kinsman, "our prime bene ••tor " [6]. It is due to Governor Low>..'ier to say that in 1711 Queen Anne had been moved to send him a letter in the Society's interests. It is no less due to Colonel Codrington to record that in 1720 the Society " order'd that Bcl^rt Lowther Esq. late Govemour of Barbados be dismist from being a Member rl ftL? So jiety upon the Account of his having in a most notorious manner vih'fl&d (.1.^) Society, and having never paid any part of his annual Bubscription to i'ho F^ociety, and being under censure of the Government for great misbehaviours ..v his late publick station of Govemour of Barbados " [7]. In 1713 the Society " resolved forthwith to begin the buUding a College in Barbados pursuant to the directions and for the purposes mentioned " by General Codrington, but owing to the lack of requisite funds it was not possible to complete and open a building for educational purposes until 1745 [8]. An account of the institution is given on p. 782. A " dreadful hurricane " in 1780 did so much damage in the island that it was judged " proper to assist the Barbados Estates in their . . . distress from the General Fund of the Society." This help proved insufficient, and " as the best measure " that could be adopted " to prevent an absolute bankruptcy " a lease was granted in 1788 to Mr. John Brathwaite, who undertook " the care of the Estates upon the most Uberal and disinterested principle, at a certain rent of £500 a year, but with a design to expend whatever further produce " might arise " by a more successful management, to the discharge of the debts," and to the benefit of the trust property [9]. By the new management the Society benefited in the next ten years to jhe amount of £12,769, 19s. 8^d. currency, exclusive of the annual rent, amounting to £5,000 sterling. " Bound in the strongest sense of gratitude to express their obligations " for this " large sum," which they regarded " in the light of a benefaction," Mr. Brathwaite vfAB *' desired to as a more perm esteem " [10]. *' consigned, foi Society became the resources of population" [11 The estates then on a sma £84,000 Three for the receptioi by a hurricane £17,000 in 18£ received in 18J estates [12] ; bu that the funded experiment of I proved so unsa sale were authc the island " indi and work them management of been consideral depression in t collegiate build obtained posses negroes thereon " The Society, Missionary, and n approv'd of, as to '. in Physic and S Catcchist ; undei Missionary, he is ohildren, within tt and maimed Negn £30 " being suppl; The preache wood of St. Asa every Island in alone must ne principle by dir " particularly h themselves; ac the Lord's Day succession of ^ records that tl been brought t( seventy Christi training of som * Mostly clergy generally united wi THE WIKDWABD ISLANDS. 199 vras " desired to accept a piece of plate of one hundred guineas value, as a more permanent and public mark of the Society's gratitude and esteem " [10]. Subsequently through Mr. Forster Clarke, to whom was *' consigned, for many years the direction of the plantations," the Society became " indebted for the continued improvement, not only of the resources of the trust, but of the condition and increase of the negro population" [11]. The estates being prosperous and the College expenditure being then on a small scale, the trust funds by 1829 were increased to i?34,000 Three per Cent. Consols ; but the cost of preparing the College for the reception of academical students and repairing damage caused by a hurricane in 1831 reduced this sum to iJlO.OOO in 1833 and i.17,000 in 1886. On the aboUtion of slavery £8,823. 8s. Od. was received in 1836 as compensation money for the slaves on the estates [12] ; but in the next few years expenditure so exceeded income that the funded capital in 1846 amounted to only ^£14,725 [18]. The experiment of leasing the estates, again tried for certain periods [l^J, proved so unsatisfactory that in March 1876 negotiations for their sale were authorised ; but a few months later the " unsettled state of the island " induced the Society to retain the estates " fov the present," and work them by means of an agent [15J. Since 1876, under the management of an able attorney, Mr. G. A. Sealy, the property has been considerably improved, in spite of periods of great commercial depression in the West Indies [15a]. Although the erection of the collegiate buildings was long delayed, the Society had no sooner obtained possession of the estates than it began a Mission to the negroes thereon. The Report for 1712 says : — " The Society, in discharge of this trust, have sought out this year for a suitable Missionary, and made choice, of the Reverend Mr. Joseph Holt, who being well approv'd of, as to life and morals, and appearing with due testimonials of his skill in Physic and Surgery, has been dispatch'd to Barbados ac Chaplain and Catcchist ; under which denominations, besides the ordinary duties of a Missionary, he is to instruct in the Christian religion, the Negroes, and their children, within the Society's Plantations in Barbados, and to supervise the sick and maimed Negroes and Servant^; . . . a chest of medicines ... to the ^aluo of £'30 " being supplied him [16J. is The preacher of the Anniversary Sermon in 1711, Bishop Fleet- wood of St. Asaph, laid it down •' that if all the slaves in America, and every Island in those seas, were to continue infidels for ever, yet ours alone must needs be Christians"; and the Society acted on this principle by directing the agents in Barbados that the negroes should " particularly have a liberty on Saturdays in the afterisoon to work for themselves ; and that they may have time to attend mstructions on the Lord's Day " [17]. Mr. Holt returned to England in 1714, but a succession of Missionaries* was maintained, and the Report for 1740 records that through their labours " some hundreds of negroes have been brought to our Holy Religion ; and there are now not less than seventy Christian negroes on those Plantations." In that year the training of some of them as schoolmasters was ordered [18]. It was * Mostly clergymen, but called ."caiechista" up to 1818. From 1748 the office was generally united with that ot ushor at the Grammar School on tlio oRtatea. sr 'j i 1 ''"■* 200 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAOATION OF THE GOSPEL. the "earnest desire" of the Society "that particular care" shcald be taken "in the management and treatment of the Negroes, both alult and children, and more especially with regard to their religious instruction " ; and it gave the Society " very great satisfaction " to be assured, as it was repeatedly, that the slaves were " treated with the greatest humanity and tenderness in all respects " [19]. In 1797 directions were also given " that two white women should be hired, and maintained in the College to take care of and to teach the young negroes to read as preparatory to, and essentially connected with, religious instruction " [20]. The appointment of the Rev. J. H. Pindeb as Estates Chaplain ia 1R18 led to a reorganisation of the Mission. His reception by th& negroes and the subsequent progress of the work he thus described : — " There was a very numerous assemblage of them in the College hall, which was prepared for divine service, the chapel being under repair, and the seholarp on the foundation being absent for the Christmas vacation. They were very attentive during the prayers and sermon. After service they collected around me on th& green in front, and bade me welcome amongst them as their minister in a warm and encouraging manner. . . . The progress of the Schools gave me great cause for thankfulness and the kind disposition manifested towards me by all the negroes was truly gratifying." [In July 1819 a wooden chapel erected specially for the negroes, wps opened, but] "on the 13th of October the island was visited by a destructive hurricane, and the chapel perished among the awful effects of the gale. ... It was truly gratifying to mark the contented mannerin which the people boro their severe losses. Their own houses were materially injured in almost every instance, andin some utterly destroyed. But the remark of one to me was, — 'It was God's doing ; and if the house of God was not spared, how could they expect theirs?'" The building was replaced by a stone struiture in 1821, capable of containing 300 persons. At the opening on t. une 8 the school children had been so instructed " as to render the psalmody a very gratifying part of public worship." Mr. Finder's report continues : — " 1822. The power of religious instruction began now to be sensibly diflFused (through the medium of the Society's negroes,) among those of the neighbouring estates ; and several came to be regularly examined and prepared for admission to baptism, who have since been found faithful to their solemn engagements. I Imd the satisfaction also this year of establishing it as a rule for the women to return public thanks to Almighty God for their safe deliverance in child-birth. " In December the communicants were, white fifteen, and coloured t-"enty- twc ; and the Sunday school, independently of those receiving daily eduor'-' \, twenty-one. At the request of some of the coloured communicants, a coi, a at the nacrament began this year to be made, and with so willing a heart was the appeal answered, that from the joint offerings of white and coloured persons there was always at Christmas a little sum varying from hi<) to seven pounds. This was distributed among the aged, the infirm, and the orphans, who wetij observers of the Lord's day, and in other respects worthy." The " bchuvic"- ' of Mie slaves " at public worship is reverent and in many cases devout. Their desire for in- struction is manifest. . . . Ir seasonf of illness or distress, they are visited by th« Chaplain, at the hospital or at their own houses. . . . The Hospital is a new and very commodious building. . . . Tnc visits of the Apothecary are daily, and a nurse attends constantly on the sick. In ca'-^s of dangerous illness the very best medical or surgical aid is called in, without heb'tation and without regard to expense. . . . They 'cem to f»el rrpnt eonf.c'.cn''fi i". their Minister, and often seize opportunities r' haviug intercourse with hin. •. and tii"ir numerous little presents and sorrow at parting with l.ini showed their "t achn:ent in a most affecting jiiiinner. . . . The portion of lood allotted to them . . . is oo ob indant, that thef THE WINDWARD ISLANDS. 201 are enabled by the enperflnity to pay for making their clothes, to raise stock and to sell a pait at the town market." " 1824. Although the marriage of slaves was a point which I had at heart from the first and formed one of the early regulations still none could be prevailed spon to marry according to the rites of the Church " [21]. The offer of special privileges to married folk led to a mitigation of this evil, and by 1881 '' nearly one half of the heads of families " had been united in marriage [22]. In the meantime, viz. in 1824, the Society had succeeded in accomplishing an object to which its energies had been directed as early as 1713 — the foundation of a Bishopric in Barbados. [See pp. 744, 752.] The presence of Bishop Coleridge (cons. 1824) brought a blessing to the whole diocese. To the negroes in particular he proved a wise shepherd and true friend [22a]. Kespecting those on the Codrington Estates he reported in 1880 that marriages were " becoming more frequent." The people appeared " healthy and cheerful, and especially in the newly-built stone houses " were " very comfortably provided for," and he added : " If the Society and their opponents in the mother country could meet on the Estates and witness the scene . . . they would learn on enquiry, that the people were slaves and belonging to the Society, but they would behold an industrious and healthy body of labourers, supported entirely by the Estates, born almost to a man on it, never sold from it, but virttially attached to the soil ; with their village, chapel, hospital, and school — with an excellent minister moving about among them, and ready to instiuct their ignorance, and comfort them in sickness ; under discipline, but without severity— with many encouragements to do what is right^with the Sundays wholly unbroken in upon by the master or their necessities — with other days wholly at their own disposal — and with much,, which, if they availed themselves of their special privileges, would place very great comfort within their power " [23]. Previously to the receipt of this letter the Society, with a view to confirm and perpetuiite the improvements already made in the civil and religious condition of the negrc^s, had taken measures " for the gradual emancipation of the slaves." In publishing them in 1880 its position and conduct as trustres were justified in a report, of which the followhig is an extract : — "The Society . . . who feel as deeply as any part of the community, the duty incumbent upon a Chnstian p.'ople, t.o put an end not only to the odious traffic in slaves, by wiiicli this country was so long disgraced, but also to the great evil of slavery itself ; ha^ e of late been exposed to some obloquy us holders of West India Slaves ; and it cannot be denied that the Society are Trustees for the Codrington Estates in Barbados ; that those estates are cultivated by slaves, and that their produce is received hi the Society for the purposes of such trust, and expended, according to the provisions of General Codrington's will, in the support of Codrington College in that island. But surely the acceptance of a trust, which tool: place more than a century ugo, when the great question of Negro Slavery ^ad excited but li'tle attentioi: even in the more religious part of the community, is hardly to be brought fcirward as a charge against the present conductors of the Institution, who finding themselves in the chaiacter of Trustees of West Indian property for a specific object, and that a highly beneficial one to the interests of Christianity and the West India Colonies, cannot feel themselves at liberty to- abandon that trust, Hut are bound to make the wisest, best, and most Christian use of it. " Three different plans of proceeding suggest themselves to persons in such a situation : "1st. They may relinquish their trust;— but it is not diflicult to shew that the interests of humanity and religion would be rather impeded than promoted, by such a measure. .:!i:; '11 i-ii:. H 202 SOCIETY FOB THE PROPAQATION OF THE GOSPEL. " 2d. Or Beoondly, they may at once enfranchise the slaves ; — a step which they believe would be followed by more suffering and crime than have evor yet been witnessed under the most gidling bondage. "3d. Or lastly, they may make provision for their gradual emancipation ; and by the introduction of xree labour into the colonies, afford an example which may lead to the abolition of slavery without danger to life or property. *' The Society have adopted the last of these courses, and notwithstanding the odium which it has been attempted to cast upon them, they firmly believe that the circumstance of slave-property being held in trus^ by a great religious cor- poration may be made the means of conferring the most essential benefits upon the Negro population of the West Indies, and of promoting their ultimate en- franchisement. "For what is the true view of the case? A very iarg ■ V>- (iy of our fellow creatures are in a state of slavery. To emancipate tlDa j- ^'y and indiscri- minately would only be to injure the objects of our yr.i jn 1 t-v,. bis solicitude. The possession therefore of a trust which enables the &^ . ■!;„ -o take the lead in a systematic emancipation, and shew what preparatory sie^^L ough^ tc be taken, and Jiay be safely taken, is surely nothing of which, us men or as Christiana, th'> Society need be ashamed. If this estate had never been entrusted to their care, they might, as a religious body, have declared their opinion upon the duty of a christian nation towards its enslaved and unenlightened subjects ; but now they have it in their power to testify that opinion by their actions. They can shew that the Negro is capable of instruction, for they have instructed him. They can shew that he is susceptible of the same devotional feeling as ourselves, and may be brought under the controlling influence of the same divine laws. Again, on the important subject of marriage the Society might have felt and expressed them- selves strongly without any immediate connexion with the slave population ; but they are now able to combat the prejudices of the Negro on the spot, and are gradually overcoming them by the arguments of religion and the influence of temporal advantage. On the question of emancipation also the Society, as Trustees of the Codrington Estates, are able not only to suggest a course, biu to make the trial themselves, for the satisfaction of others ; ai^d to shew the . '•^ntoia how they may gradually enfranchise their Slaves without destruction to t- .r ; re perty." After detailing the chief provisions for the moral bi ' i improvement and for the emancipation of the slaves, ihis continues : — "Many of them, it should be remembered, are now in operation, and >'a,i Society are fully pledged to carry the whole of them into effect, and io adopt, horn time to time, such further measures as may be likely to accelerate the com- plete emancipation of the Slaves. They are willing to hope, that they may thus be made an instrument of extensive and permanent benefit to all classes of theh* West Indiau fellow subjects, both by the measures which they themselves adopt, and by the example afforded to others, of an honest endeavour to satisfy the claims of humanity and religion, and to qualify the Slave tor the great blessing of freedom, by lessons which '^-ay also prepare him for everlasting l^appiness in heaven. The Society are resolved to proceed in the discharge of i' - duty upon these principles and with these intentions, and look with humb' ;•■. ..I'lonce for the Divine blessing upon their honest endeavours " [24]. The enfranchisement of the Codrington negroes wag tL . already being accomplished when the Act of Parliament for the Abolition of Slavery in the West Indies was passed— n xneasure which relieved the fjooiety from much anxiety ari' ri'sponp bility. Allotments of land liad been given to the more lOSfcrvinr T he negroes, on condition that they sliould provide for I'i onineiv* •:. a.nci their families out of tho produce of the allotment, and iabonr on the estate during four days in each week, by way of rent for tho land. '* This was in fact an anticipation of the apprenticing system, and the Society's terms weie more favourable to the nojr'-cca ilmii those which were settled by Parhament " [25]. r\i-^.*». r^^:' THE WINDWARD ISLAKDS. 208 The conversion of the West Indian slave into a free and industrious Christian peasant was quickly effected on the Codrington Estates, and the Society was enabled to set an example with respect to the enfranchisement of the negroes not unworthy of what it had done for their intellectual, moral, and religious instruction. It was reported in 1840 " that while the labouring population on a great many estates " had "been wayward and refractory the people on the Society's estates " had been " steady manageable cheerful and industrious." The increasing numbers which filled the chapel, both for reUgious worship and instruction in the Sunday Schools, marked an increasing desire for moral improvement, and in the opinion of the Estates Manager the population clearly showed " the benefit which they have derived from the long care and attention of the Society to their moral and religious wants." TYiQ Codrington negroes now also " came for- ward wilhngly and cheerfully to assist their minister in the great work of religious instruction." " They are baptized " (added the Bishop), " they live together in marriage, they attend their Church and Pacraments, they send their children to School, they conduct themselves well in their several relations in life, they are industrious, honest, contented, and peaceable, useful in their generation, with hope through Christ of heaven ; and toiling while on earth for an object which is so intimately connected in its effects even with that verv heaven to which they are looking ; for they know, that though the produce of their labour be sent to England, it is not spent or squandered there, but returned to them for the high, and holy, and blessed purpose of training up in these lands, a faithful, laborious, and able ministry " [26]. Up to 1881 the Society's connection with the Windward Islands had been confined to the discharge of its responsibilities as trustee of the Codrington Estates, but a hurricane in th«>jt year led to a grant of £2,000 from its general fund towards the rebuilding of the chapels destroyed in Barbados — " an instance of timely succour never to be forgotten " [271. With the abolition of slavery commenced " a series of benefits of which it pleased God to make the Society an instrument " to the West Indies generally. The Windwards were among the first to share in the Negro Instruction Fund [28] [pp. 194-5], with results which were strikingly manifest when the day of emancipation (August 1, 1888) arrived. How that day was observed in Barbados has thus been told by Bishop Coleridge : — " In one day — in one moment —was this great measure carried into exeontion. Eight hundred thousand hum&n beings lay down at night an slaves, and rose in the morning as free as ourselves. It might have been expected that on such an occasion there would have been some outburst of public feeling. I was present but there was no gathering that affected the public peace. There was a gathering : but it was a gathering of young and old together, in the house of the common Father of all. It was my peculiar happiness on that ever memorable day, to address a congregation of nearly 4,000 persons, of whom more than 3,000 were negroes, just emancipated. And such was the order, such the deep attention and perfect silence, that . . . you might have heard a pin drop. Among this mass of people, of all colours, were thousands of my Airioan brethren, joining with their European brother, in offering up their prayers and thanksgivings to the Father, Redeemer, and Banctifier of all. To prepare the minds of a mass of persons, so peculiarly situated, for a change such as this, was a work requiring the exercise of great patience and altogether of a most arduous nature. And it was chiefly owin^ to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel that that day not only passed m peace, but was distinguished for the proper feeling that prevailed, and its perfect order " [29]. .te! ;:!;' I ,>i 204 SOCIETY FOB THE FROFAOATION OF THE GOSPEL. ,, li During the first five years of the operation of the Negro Instruction Fund the sittings in churches and chapels in Barbados were increased L'om 9,250 to over 21,000. Much of the good effected in this and other ways was due to the wise superintendence exercised by Bishop Coleridge. [See Address of Barbados Clergy on his resignation [80].] The Bishop's " own grateful sense of the important aid afforded by the Society to a Colonial Church and through the example and operation of such a Church to the heathen around " was thus stated &*ter his return to England : — " There is no Colonial Bishop, — I can speak for myself, after an experience •iToad of many years, — who does not feel that the Society is but the almoner of .,118 Church ; that she acts, and claims but to act in this capacity ; that his authority is safe in her hands ; and that there is no want of his diocese which he may not lay before the Society, in the full and comfortable assurance that it will receive every consideration, and be relieved to the utmost extent of the Society'^s pecuniary resources. The increase of those resources — such is the position which the Society holds within the Church, and such its mode of operation — is but another word for the extension, under the Divine blessing, of Religion itself " [31]. On Bishop Coleridge's resignation (1841) the Diocese of Barbados was reduced by the formation of Antigua and Guiana into separate Oees. His successor, Bishop T. Fabry, reported in 1845 " a daily increasing value of the Society generally in all its operations, as well as of gratitude for the almost incalculable benefits of which it has been made the favoured instrument, to ourselves in particular " [82]. Proof of this was seen in the ready efforts made by the people of Barbados both to support the Church in their midst and to extend it in foreign lands. A local association was formed in connection with the Society in 1844, and in its first year it contributed ^£100 to the Society in England and i'150 to the erection of three places of worship in Barbados [88]. Already in 1840 the three branches of the island Legislature had passed an Act in one day making provision for the better maintenance of the Clergy, and when it was announced that the Society's aid in this object would cease, another Act was passed assigning £150 per annum to each of six island curates from the Public Treasury [84]. The Society's grant for schoolmasters in the diocese (at one period nearly £8,000 per annum) had been gradually reduced, and ceased altogether in 1846. In Grenada and St. Vincent, in Trinidad and in Barbados the respective Legislatures promptly pro- vided funds to meet the withdrawal [35]. On the value of the Society's help during and after negro emanci- pation it may be well to recall Bishop Parry's words in 1846 : — " It may justly be said that the praise of this Society ' is in all the Churches ' of all the Colonies of the West Indies. ... We have many debts ... to the Imperial Government ... the different Colonial Legislatures— to private liberality and voluntary associations in the Colonies . . . to v?riouB other Societies . . . but the great channel through which we have received voluntary aid from England since the extirpntion of slavery has been that opened up to us by this excellent Society. This institution nas been to us, indeed, not one Society, but many : it has been to us a Church Missionary Society, by extending the limits of our Church ; a Church Building Society, by enlarging and multiplying our places of worship; an Education Society, by adding to and supporting our Schools ; a Pastoral-Aid Society, by supplying us with catechists and readers; an Additional Curates Society, by adding to the number of our Clergy. In every way that we needed its help, in every way, at least, »liat was practicable, it has come forward to our resistance, with a liberality limited only by the extent of its means. . . . Since TH£ WINDWARD ISLANDS. 206 1834 . . . within the diocese of Barbados alone the number of Clergy has increased from 42 to 67 ; of rectories endowed by the different Colonial Legislatures from 20 to 29; of curacies locally provided for from 5 to 31. . . . There has been also ... a proportionate increase in the number ol schools and Schoolhouses. . . . The great and characteristic benefit of this Society's co-operation is that it has been iastrumental in stimulating the Colonists to make this provision " [36]. The general Missionary operations of the Society in the Windward Islands were suspended in 1849. At that time the Diocese of Barbados, which then included Trinidad and Tobago, was more or less indebted to the Society for 45 of its 78 clergymen [87]. As a " suitable com- memoration of the Society's benefits" and in connection with its jubilee of 1851 an association was organised in Barbados foi the diffusion of Christianity in West Africa, through the agency of native Africans, with the declared purpose of making some amends to that country for the wrongs inflicted upon it by England and her Colonies. The Association has since been adopted generally in the West Indies, and an accoimt of its operations is given on pages 260-7 [38]. In 1854 Bishop Parry reported that " Churches, Chapels, and Schoolhouses, erected or enlarged throughout the Diocese, with . . . parsonages . . . the number of Clergy considerably increased, congregations augmented and multiplied, schools in many cases founded, in others improved, are the visible memorials of the Society's munificence during a time of great urgency and importance, and of almost equal difficulty . . . whilst in the management of the Codfington Trust, it has continued all along, only with increasing effect, to assist in the work of education and in the supply of candidates for Holy Orders to an extent and in a manner which otherwise, in all human probability, would have been found altogether impracticable " [39]. It was not anticipated that the Society would again be called upon to contribute towards the support of the Church in the Windward Islands otherwise than through Codrington College and the Estates Chaplaincy. But while State aid has been continued to Barbados, in the other islands the Church has been disestablished and partially or wholly disendowed. For these, imder their changed circumstances [which necessitated their organisation into a separate Diocese (named "the Windward Islands") in 1878], the Society since 1884 has made such provision as has served to prevent the abandonment of much good work [40j. At the present time the Society is taking measures for enlarging and improving the dwellings of the (negro) labourers on the Cod- rington Estates. Of the existence of serious evils produced by a system of overcrowding, the Society was kept in ignorance until 1891, when the Rev. F. Gilbertson, then appointed Chaplain, drew attention to the subject. Whatever may be the difficulties in introducing the necessary reforms in the island generally, the Society is determined at whatever cost to perform its duty as landlord, and in this respect, as in the emancipation of the negro, it is taking the lead in " a more excellent way " [41]. Statistics. — In the Windward Islands (area, 070 aq. miles), wkere the Society (171'2-1802) has aasiated in maintaining 74 MisBionaries and planting 24 Central Stations (as detailed on pp. 881-2), there are now 818,789 inhabitants, of whom 199,540 are Church Members, onder the care of 73 Clerg:ymen and a Bishop. ^~!ee p. 764 ; see alto the Table on pp. 252-3.] References (Chapter XXIV.)— {!] App. Jo., B 18, p. 141. [2] Bishop T. Parry's Account of Codrington College, 1847, p. 57. [3] A MS8., V. 6, p. 28. 14] R. 1710, pp. 39, W, R. 1711, pp. au-41 ; Jo., V. 1, Aug. 18, 1710; A M8S., V. 6, pp. lli-15. [6] Jo., V. 2, pp, 90-106. L8J H nia p. 68 ; R. 1714, p. 69. [7] Jo., V. 2, p. 7 ; V. 4, p. 181. [8] !■!■ ■;ii- ;i;5V t .'.■. 206 SOCIETY FOB THE PBOPAaAT!r>lI OF THE GOSPEL. R. 1718, p. 52; R. 1746, pp. 65-6. [9] R. 1780, pp. 46-7 ; R. 1781, pp. 52-8, 67 ; R. 1873, pp. 60-1, 66; R. 1788, p. 51. [10] Jo., V. 27, p. 29. [U] R. 1826, p. 154. [12] R. 1887, p. 82 ; Jo., V. 60, pp. 160-8. [13] S.P.G. Accounts, 1846, p. 6 ; Bp. Parry's " Codrington CoUege," pp. 44-5. [14] Jo., V. 48, p. 108 ; Jo., V. 62, pp. 826-7. [16] Jo., V. 52, pp. 76, 826-7, 878-4 ; Jo., V. 68, pp. 0, 8. [ISo] L MSS., V. 6, pp. 886-7 ; do., V. 6, pp. 57, 68 98, 127, 145, 166, 186, 215, 224, 281, 296-6, 803, 846. [16] R. 1712, pp. 67-8. (17J R 1712, p. 69. [18] R. 1740, p. 68. [10] R. 1768, pp. 67-8; R. 1769, p. 85. [20] R. 1797, p. 48. [21] R. 1822, pp. 20»-ll ; R. 1828, pp. 167-75. [22] R. 1881, p. 65. [22a] R. 1841, pp. 68-9. [23] R. 1880, pp. 165-7. [24] R. 1880, pp. 102-9. [25] R. 1833, pp. 61-2; R. 1834-5, p. 48 ; Jo., V. 48, pp. 819, 847, 857. [28] R. 1840, pp. 65-6. [27] B. 185' p. 71. [28] R. 1886-60 (StatementB of Aocoants) ; Jo., V. 44, pp. 5, 6, 88, 45, 66, 172, 19 8&S ; Jo., V. 46, pp. 86, 41-2, 62-8, 144, 146-7, 166-7, 269. [29] Q.P., Oct. 1841, p. 7. [30] R. 1841, pp. 68-9. [31] R. 1843, p. 105. [32] R. 1846, p. 68 [33] R. 1844, pp. 07-8 ; R. 1846, p. 57. [34] R. 1840, pp. 54-5 ; R. 1847, p. 71. [36] B. 1846, pp. 66-8. [36] Speech at the S.P.G. Meeting, Marylebone, JuneiJ5, 1846. [37] R. 1849, p. 87. [38] R. 1851, p. 72; R. 1855, p. 78 ; R. 1856, p. 76. [39] R. 1864, p. 66. [40] R. 1885, p. 109 ; Stand- ing Committee Book, V. 42, p. 869; do., V. 44, p. 268; do., V. 46, p. 250; M.F. 1889, pp.285, 249-52; R. 1891, p. 165. [41] R. 1891, p. 156 ; L MF , V. 7, pp. 70-3, 86, 89-103, 105-7, 114, 116, 118, 124-5, 180-4, 149-60, 165, 167, 180, 183 ^ ; do., V. 16, pp. 162, 167-8, 170-2, 178-9, 181, 186, 190-8, 196, 203, 205, 209-11 ; Standing Committee Book, V. 46, pp. 889, 421-2 ; do. V. 47, pp. 96-9, 241-2. CHAPTEE XXV. TOBAQO. !! th ToBAOO (area, 114 square miles) was discovered by Columbus in 1498, claimed by tho British in 1580, visited in 1625 by adventurers from Barbados (whose attempts at settlement were defeated by the natives — Caribs), granted to the Earl of Pembroke by Charles I. in 1628, but first settled in 1682 by the Dutch, who about 1634 were destroyed or expelled by the Indians and Spaniards from Trinidad. A second settlement was formed in 1642, under the Duke of Courland (the ruler of an independent State in the Baltic, to whom the island was assigned by Charles I. in 1641) ; a third in 1654 by the Dutch, who overpowered the Courianders in 1668. In 1662 Louis XIV granted it to Cornelius Lampsis ; but the Courland title was renewed by Charles II. in 1664 and by Louis about 1077, various changes of ownership having taken place meanwhile (1664-77) between the Dutch, English, and French. In 1681 the Duke assigned his title to a Company of London Merchants. By the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle the island was declared neutral in 1684 ; and by the Treaty of Paris in 1768 it was ceded to England ; but the French regained possession by conquest in 1781 and by treaty in 1788. Recaptured by the British in 1798, restored to the French by treaty in 1802, and re- taken in 1808, eventually " the land hod rest " by formal cession in perpetuity to the British Crown in 1814. Tobago was formerly reckoned as one of the Windward Islands; but in January 1889 it was united with the colony of Trinidad. In common \7iith the other islands formerly included in the Diocese of Barbados, Tobago began in 1885-6 to receive assistance from the Society's Negro Instruction Fund [1]. [See pp. 194-6.] The first clergy- man aided from this source in the island was the Rev. G. Mobbibon, and here as elsewhere the benefits of the fund were soon apparent. The Bishop of Barbados reported in 1848 that •' the bounty of the Society expended in Tobago " had " produced an abundant harvest." As an instance a grant of ^488 towards the erection of tit. Patrick's School Chapel drew from the liogislature of the island over ;£2,200 for the same object in 1848, and in the next year the island, which had formed one cure only, was divided into three parishes, of which St. Patrick's was constituted one [2]. Besides making provision from TOBAaO. 80 the Colonial Treasury for a rector (;£820 per annum) and curate (£175 per annum), the Legislature assisted in maintaining the schools, and " otherwise aided Uberally in extending the Church Establishment to meet the demands of advancing civilisation " [8]. The people showed their appreciation of the provision thus made by flocking to the churches and joining "with great decorum and solem- nity" in the services [4]. The population of Tobago, though neither numerous nor wealthy, were in the habit of contributing "to the maintenance of its Church more in proportion than any other part of uhe Dioceso " of Barbados, Trinidad excepted; and this fact, coupled with the distress caused by a hurricane which dismantled half of the sugar estates on the island in 1848, was recognised by a continuance of the Society's aid to 1858 [5]. The withdrawal of State aid constituted a fresh claim on the Society, and from 1886 to the present time assistance has been renewed from year to year. Without this help the Church in Tobago must have collapsed ; and even with it, " the whole island with its twelve churches " remained for some time under the care of only three clergymen [6]. On the formation of the Diocese of the Windward Islands, Tobago was included in it, but in 1889 it was transferred to that of Trinidad [7]. Statistics. — In Tobago (area, 114 sq. miles), where the Society (1836-58, 188C-92) has assiated in maintaining Miasion'jjrieu and planting 2 Central Stations (as detailed on p. 882), there are now about 20,000 inhabitants, of whom 10,000 are Church Members, trnder the care of S Clergymen and the Bishop of Trinidad. [See p. 764 ; see alao the Table on pp. 262-8.] Beferencei (Chapter XXV.)— [1] B. 1887-60, Statements of Accotmts; Jo., V. 44, p. 418 ; and pp. 194-6 of this book. [2] R 1848, pp. 26-6 ; B. 1844, p. 66. [3] B. 1848, p. 84. [4] B. 1844. p. 65. [6] B. 1848, p. 84 ; B. 1854, p. 67 ; L M8S., V. 1, p. 270. [6] B. 1886, p. 108 ; E. 1887, p. 120 ; B. 1891, pp. 169-60. [7] L M3S., V. 6, pp. 818-0. li m J P I ' li ? i n » -'ij Iff r . I ! 1 ¥ 208 SOCIBTY FOB THE PBOPAaATIOM OF THE GOSPEL. CHAPTER XXVI. TRINIDAD. TRiNn'>A.D was discovered by Columbua on Trinity Sunday 1496— hence its name. Ita colonisation by Spain began about 1532, but little progress was made until 1788, when " foreigners of all nations " were offered unusual advantages to settle there, provided they professed the Roman Catholic religion. The result was a large increase of popula- tion, including many refugees from the French Revolution, driven from St. Domingo and other parts. During the war with Spain in 1797 Trinidad was taken by the British and held as a military conquest until 1802, when it was ceded to England by the Treaty of Amiens. Trinidad began to receive aid &om the Society's Negro Instruction Fund {see pp. 1 *-5] in 1886. At that time there was " only one clergyman besides the Garrison Chaplain for the whole island " [1]. In addition to grants for church and school buildings and lay teachers, clergymen* were assisted by the Society from time to time [2] until by 1855 it was possible to leave the work to be carried on by looal effort. The beneficent results of this expenditure are to a great extent indi- cated in the general description given under the Diocese of Barbados, of which imtil 1872 Trinidad formed a part. Beyond what is stated on pages 208-5 there is not much to record on this head. Mr. La Trobe, the Government Inspector, reported in 1889 that nearly all " that had been " effected hitherto towards the diffusion of religious education among the labouring population of ^* Trinidad " was to be " attributed tc the labours of the clergy and Mis- sionaries in connection with the Church of England and to the agency of the Mico Charity " [8]. The Bishop of Barbados in 1848 " was forcibly struck with the great results which had sprung from the comparatively small seeds sown by the Society." To four churches consecrated in that year the Society had contributed £200 in each instance, which had been met by nearly £7,000 from other sources [4]. " I expected much from Trinidad " (the Bishop added in 1844), " and have not been disappointed ; there is a noble spirit throughout all classes connected with our Church, from the Governor downwards, and a great desire ... to make the country . . . what it should be in a social point of view " [5]. In 1845 an ordinance was passed by the " Council of Government " for dividing the island into seventeen parishes, securing a stated provi- sion for the clergy already appointed, and for others as parishes were formed [6]. While this provision was being made a fresh call arose, on behalf of the coolies who were being introduced from India and China. The local Association of the Society in Trinidad led the way by appealing first to the inhabitants. "By immigration properly conducted," they said, " that is to say on Christian principles and in a Christian spirit — Trinidad may be a Missionary country an asylum as it were to multitudes from the darkness and misery of heathenism — a The first ware Rer. R. J. Bock, 1880, and Rev. J. Hamilton, 1888. IBINIDAD. 209 centre from which light may radiate apon them and from them perhaps be reflected npon their native lands " [7]. By 1862 there were about 15,000 natives of India and 1,000 Chinese in the island. The Bishop of Barbados joined in moving the clergy and laity to " regard the conversion of these heathen within their several parishes as part of the work which Divine Providence has given them to do." With this object a local " Missionary Association " was established, and the Society showed its " sympathy and good will " ... by a grant of £100 in 1862 [8]. The formation of Trinidad into a separate diocese in 1872 (towards the episcopal endowment of which the Society gave £500 in 1876 [9]), and the appointment of the Rev. R. Rawle, an old Missionary of the Society, as its first Bishop, led to in- creased exertions on behalf of the coolies. Funds for extending the work were offered by the Society in 1878 [10], but there was some delay in obtaining a Missionary acquainted with the native languages [11]. In 1878 baptisms of coolies were taking place " almost weekly," and the last month of that year showed a total of 66, including 18 adult Chinese and 89 adult Hindus [12]. The Rev. O. Flex of Chota Nagpore joined the Mission in 1884, and with his Indian experience did much to further the work [18]. " In rapid succession one place after another was occupied." On visiting a dep6t for Hindu convicts at Carreras (a separate island), to see an inquirer for baptism, the chief warder brought fifteen men " who all gave in their names for baptism," and it was soon understood that, every Hindu convict who came there joined the Missionary's class. The Carreras movement was instrumental in openiug the doors of tho central jail in Trinidad to Mr. Flex, and in <^. short time he had a class of from forty to fifty there. So far as it was .ot occupied by the Pres- byterians " the whole island " indeed was open to the Church for coolie- work [14]. In 1886 Mr. Flex and in 1888 Bishop Rawle retired firom failing health [15], but under the present Bishop (Dr. Hayes, cons. 1889) the work has been revived and extended with increased aid from the Society [16]. In reporting 13 Indian schools at work educating 1,100 children and more than 100 baptisms annually in the previous four years, the Bishop wrote in 1891 : " I look with the liveliest hope at what has been accomplished, under great difficulties, as a harbinger of rapid evangeUcal work now that we have your encouragement and substantial aid " [17].. Hitherto the chief difficulty has been lack of agents acquainted with the languages of the coolies. Towards supplying this want the West Indian Bishops, the S.P.C.K. and the S.P.G. co-operated in estabUsh- ing a Hindi Readership at Codrington College, Barbados, in 1891 [18.] Statistics.— In Ti-inidad (area, 1764 sq. mile8), where the Society (1886-03) has aBsinted in maintaining 10 MigBionarieB and planting 7 Central Stations (as detailed on p. 888), there are now 199,784 inhabitants, of whom 46,921 are Church Members, under the care of 17 Clergymen and a Bishop. [See p. 764 ; see also the Table on p. 252.] References (Chapter XXVI.)— [1] R. 1844, p. 66. [2] B. 1837-46 (SUtement.- of Accounts) ; Jo., V. 45, pp. 126, 296 ; Jo., V. 46, pp. 176, 180 ; and pp. 19^-6 of this book. [3] B. 1889, p. 89. [4] B. 1848, pp. 26, 40. [6] B. 1844, pp. 66-6 : lee also B. 1848, 210 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OP THE GOSPEL. V. 81. [61 R. 1846, p. BO. [7] R 1846, pp. 68, 69. [8] R. 1861, p. 114 ; R. 1862, pp. 9ft-7. R. 1868, p. 61. [9] Sto., V. 62, p. 889. |10] Jo., V. 62, pp. 17-18 ; M.F. 1890, pp. 461-8. nn R. 1881, p. 168. [12] R. 1878, p. 108. [13] R. 1888, p. 07. [14] M.F. 1884, pp. 281-2, ri6] Standing Committee Book, V. 48, pp. 87, 143; R. 1888, pp. 184-5. [16] Standing Committee Book, V. 45, p. 884 ; R. 1891, p. 150 ; L MSS., V. 11, pp. 40-1, 48 ; Standing Committee Book, V. 46, p. 256. HI?] L MSS., V. 11, p. 42, [18] L MSS., V. 7, p. 42 ; Standing Committee Book, V. 46, p. 220. CHAPTEE XXVn. THE LEEWARD ISLANDS. m I The Leewabd Islands, consisting of Antigua, Montserrat, St. Kitts (or St. Christ- opher's), Nevis, Dominica, Barbuda, Anguilla, and the Virgin Islands, were constituted a single Federal Colony in 1871. Antigua (area, 108 square miles) was discovered by Columbus in 1498, and first settled in 1682 by a few English families. By a grunt from the Crown, Lord Willoughby became the proprietor in 1068, and the colony was being enlarged when the French took possession. The restoration of the island to England in 1666 was followed by a revival of the settlement under Colonel Codrington (father of General Christopher Codrington {see p. 197] ), who arrived in 1672. MoNTSERBAT (area, 82 square miles) was discovered by Columbus in 1498, colonised by the English in J682, captured by the French in 1664, restored to England 1668, and again in 1784 after having capitulated to the French in 1782. St. Chuibtopuer's, or St. Kitts (area, 08 square miles) was discovered by Columbus in 1498, who gave it his own name. It was then peopled with Caribs. The French and English (the latter in 1623) formed settlements, and at first divided the island between them ; but each in turn more than once expelled the other. With the exception of a brief occupation by the French in 1782-3, the English since 1702 have had continuous possession of the whole island, which was formally ceded by the Peace of Utrecht in 1713. Nevis (area, 50 square miles) was discovered by Columbus in 1498, and first colonised in 1028 by the English. It has generoUy followed the fortunes of St. Kitts, from which island it is parted by a channel about two miles in breadth. Dominica (area, 291 square miles) was discovered by Columbus in 1493 on a Sunday — hence its name. It was granted to the Earl of Carlisle by the English Crown in 1027 ; but attempts to subject it failed. By the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1748 its neutralisation was agreed upon in iavour of the Caribs— the original proprietors ; but after the intrusion of French settlers the island was in 1756 taken by the English, to whom it was formally ceded by Franco in 1768. The French regained possession in 1771, and held it until 1788, since which time they have twice (in 1796 and 1805) attempted to retake it. Babbuda (15 miles long and 8 broad) was settled soon after St. Kitts, and by a party of English colonists from that island. Their stay proved a temporary one. Some time after, it was assigned by the Crown to General Codrington, who turned it to a profitable account as " a nursery of horses, cattle and sheep."* The proprietorship remained in the Codrington family up to about 1872. ANGUtLLA (area, 86 square miles) was discovered and colonised by the English in 1650, ar.d has always remained a British possession, despite the attacks of the French andpirates. The Vikoin IslaHdb were discovered by Columbus in 1498. They consist of a group of about 100 islands, islets, and rocks, the most easterly belonging to England and the central to Denmark, the westerly being claimed by Spain. The British posses- sions (area, 57 square miles) were acquired in 1606 by the enterprise of settlers from Anguilla the principal of these islands being Tortola, Virgin Gorda, and Anegada. THE LEEWARD ISLANDS. 211 The Bettlers in Antigua had the Bsrrioea of a clorgyman, the Rev. Gilbert Ramsay, as early aa 1684, and he continued officiating there up to 1694. Under Colonel Codrington'a government the island was divided into five parishes in 1681, the erection of a church in each was ordered, and provision was mode for the support of the respective Clergy by the payment of 16,000 lbs. of sugar and tobacco to them annually. The other Leeward Islands more or less followed the extuuple of Antigua. Generally, however, the " maintenance " was " jirecarioua and at the mercy of the people," BO that it was difficult for the Clergy to " do their duty without fear of disobliging 'em." Such was the statement of the Rev. Dr. F. Le Jau to the Society in 1705. Tliis gentle- man, afterwards a distinguished Missionary in South Carolina, being licensed by the Bishop of London, landed in Montserrat in March 1700, where there was then only one minister to serve the cure of four parishes. " Nevis and Antegoa being sickly places," the Governor appointed Dr. Le Jau to the windward side of St. Christopher's, with the care of three parishes. His maintenance was referred to the inhabitants, who gave him " a house built with wild canes, thatcht, but never finished ; they promised to allow him to the value of £60 stg. per an., but did not perform." " Everything there, particularly cloathing," woa "three times aa dear as in England; he and his family lived there 18 months at his own charge and paid his own passage thither " ; and but for the help of Colonel Codrington and a few others, " he must have perished through want." " He was thereupon obliged to leave the place and his groat discouragement was to see Clergymen leave their cure for want of maintenance." The negroes, of whom there were 2,000 in his three parishes, were " sensible and well disposed to learn " ; but were made stubborn by " the barbarity of their masters," " not only in not allowing them victuals and cloathes but cruelly beating 'em," so that "their common crime was stealing victuals to satisfy nature," If a minister proposed the negroes should be " instructed in the Christian faith, have neccssary.i " iC'c. the planters became angry and answered *'it would consume their profit." They also objected "that baptism makes negroes free " ; but Dr. Le Jau believed the true ground for their objection was that they would be " obliged to look upon 'em as Christian brethren and use 'em with humanity." "The French Papists before they wore drove out " had three parishes at either end of the island (which is oval in shape), and " allowed live or six Ministers " ; their negroes " were baptized and marryed in their churches, kept Sundays and holy days, had tlieir allowance appointed every week aforehand met at churches, had officers to hear and redress their grievances, and their Clergymen had their maintenance ascertained." In that part of St. Christopher's which was English at the time of which Dr. Le Jau wrote {viz. the middle), there were six parishes ; " one Mr. Burshal a good man " was minister of the three on the leeward side ; the throe others were served by Dr. Le Jau 3i yearp, and the inhabitants thereof " used to meet together in one church, but falling out about sitting in the church, separated." In Nevis there were five parishes and three ministers; in Antegoa, five or six parishes and two ministers ; in Montserrat, three parishes but nc minister ; in Anguilla, " one minister." By the local Act " the ministers' salarys " were " 16,000 lbs. of sugar yearly let the sugar rise or fall." In St. Christopher's there were one good new timber church, one old one, and two small buildings of wild cane, thatched, that served for churches. The French had two " stately stone churches." In " the other throe islands" the English had " decent churcli y. timber." "At the beginning of the war" there could be mustered "600 fightir. r- " in St. Christopher's, 900 in Antegoa, 1,200 in Nevis, and 500 in Montserrat. The iiu.iioer of negroes in the Leeward Islands Dr. Lo Jau eatimated to be about 80,000. In his throe parishes he had generally 15 and once 22 communicants. There wore no schoolmasters, " for want of encourage- ment " [2, 8]. Montserrat was the first of the Leeward Islands to claim the Society's attention. In 1702 a request was submitted from " one of the Principal inhabitants" of the island that the Society would be pleased "to recommend a minister to him," whom he was "willing to take with him and defray his passage and att his arival in those parts" to "procure him an allowance of ;glOO p. an." It was referred to the Committee "to find a fitt person," and in January 1703 £20 was voted for books for "Mr. Arbuthnot in Montserrat," and in the same year £20 " for the support of Mr. Gifi"ord and some others " whom the Bishop of London " was sending to Antegoa " [4]. Small grants followed— £5 for books for Mr." Croberman's " * parish- • Or "Tookorman." 11! I m [:. j|- pi: I! 5!l, !» 'i I: ■nh !S'f- m P3 II! 212 SOOIETT FOB THB PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. :i i ! ioners in 1705, and ;£10 for a Mission Library at St. Christopher's iu 1714 [5]. B/ the will of General Codrington the Society became entitled to a part of the island of Barbuda,* but the claims of the executor,. Lieut.-Col. William Codrington, led to a " dispute and trouble," and while the matter was being considered " the French made a descent " on the island in 1711, "took ofiF all the Negroes, being 154, most of the Stock, and demolished the Castle "t [7]. For several years subsequent to 1711 the Society used its efforts to obtain from the Crown a grant of the Church Lands which had been taken from the French in the island of St. Christopher, the proposal being "that the said lands and possessions be vested in the said Society and that so much of the revenues thereof as shall remain after the provision made foi' iicens'd and approved Ministers in that Island, be applied for or towards the maintenance of two Bishops, one to bo settled in the Islands and the other on the Conti ■'nt of His Majesty's- Dominions in America." Queen Anne stated iV \e " would be very glad to do anything " that might " be of advan i the Society " in regard to the lands ; but in her successor's time ii^o matter came to be dealt with by the "Lords of the Treasury," and from their dealing* the Society derived no benefit [8] It was not till 1824 that the Society was enabled to secure the establishment of the Episcopate in the West Indies. The Leeward Islands were then included in the See of Barbados. Up to 1834 little had been done for the evangelisation of the slaves. The Rev. James. Ourtin had been sent to Antigua by the Society for the Conversion of the Negroes in 1817-18, bilt the parochial Clergy supported by the colonists were few in number, and their ministrations " were almost exclusively confined to the white population " [9]^ The people of Antigua, however, led the way in freeing the slaves. The Eman- cipation Act passed in England in 1834 allowed an " apprenticeship " to precede the complete freedom of the slaves, but the Antigua Assembly had decreed six months before {i.e. on Feb. 13, 1834) that " From and after the first day of August 1834 slaver" shall be and is hereby utterly and for ever abolished and declared unlawful, within this colony and its dependencies " [9a]. Grants were made from the S.P.G. NegTO Instruction Fund for Church and School Buildings to the amount of £3,210 in 1835 [10], and within two years seven clergymen! were being supported by the Society in the Leeward Islands. Those islands continued to enjoy their " fair share " of the Negro Instruction * Extract from General Codrington's Will (dated February 22, 1708, and made known in 1711) : — " I give and bequeath to my said kinsman '' [Lieut.-Colonel William Codring- ton] ..." hall my Estate of Barbuda. ... I give and bequeath unto my Friends. Colonel Michael Lcmbort and Wm. Harman, one eighth part of my Island Barbuda the remaining part of my Estate in the said Island I give to the aforemention'd Society for the Propagation of the Xtian, neligion " [6]. In 1710 the island was estimated to be. «' worth about £1,200 p. an." [6a]. + From the existing recoriTs at Delahay Street, it does not appear that the Society •ctnallT obtained possession of its share in the Barbu:la Estate ; after the French raid it woald have been of little value, and this would have been taken into account in the Amicable settlement arrivv'id at with Lieut.-Colonel William Codrington. t Revs. .7. A. Bascojiib, Domini, .a, 1886 ; T. Clarke, Antigua, 1836 ; J. Hutson, Virgin Idftada, 1886; J. H. Nurse, St. Christopher's (or St. Kitts), 1836; H. N. Phillips, Mont- serrat, 1886 ; J. A. Qittens, Mor.tserrat, 1687 ; F. B. Grant, Antigua, 1887. THE LEEWARD ISLANDS. 213 Fund while it lasted [11], and gradually from 1840 the support of the work thus created was readily undertaken by the local Legislatures. In 1842 the Islands were formed into a separate diocese under the nat..e of Antigua. The first Bishop, Dr. Davis, arrived in 1843 to find his people sufifering from the effects of an " awful earthquake " which had caused great destruction to Church property. Notwithstanding this calamity one of the first acts of the Bishop was to commence an •organisod system of contributions to the Society— by forming district Associations — " not alone on the ground of the wide spread good the Society had done and was doing, but on the duty of evincing grati- tude for what it had done within the . . . diocese in increasing the accommodation in churches, in building schoolhouses and chapel- schools in furnishing ministers, catechists, schoolmasters and mis- tresses " [12], In the midst of the efforts to repair its own losses the diocese remitted nearly £50 ) the Society in 1845 [13]. In 1848 Bishop Davis, who had ministered in the West Indies since his ordination in 1812, declared that the change which he had seen during that time was " as light from darkness." He remembered " a condition of the grossest ignorance and deepest moral degradation. The slaves were, for the most part, left in a state of practical heathen- ism : — the baptism of their children wrs neglected, and marriage was actually forbidden among them." He, when a simple presbyter, was the first who dared to publish the banns of marriage between two negro bond- servants. Such was the state of public feeling at that time, " that indignation and alarm were almost universal," the authorities inter- fered, and " the marriage was prohibited." Mr. Davis appealed to Eng- land, the local decision was reversed, and just a year after the original publication of the banns he " had the happiness to perform the first marriage ever solemnized between slaves" there [14]. Satisfactory too was the progress made in the Danish Islands of St. Croix and St. Thomas. At his first visit there in 1844 the Bishop confirmed over 700 persons, and in the church there were 896 com- municants. The members of the English Church in the Danish Islands then numbered 7,938 — " a full third of the entire population " — and this, coupled with the fact that the English language was " exclusively taught in the schools," hastened the emancipation of the slaves [14a]. By an Ordinance of the King of Denmark about 1848 the English Church in these two islands was formally placed under the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Antigua, and at his visitation in that year — the first since the total abolition of slavery — the Bishop consecrated the Church of All Saints in St. Thomas. Few instances can be shown of a deeper interest in the cause of religion than was manifested in the erection of this church. In 1847 the con- gregation, mostly poor people, united in laying by each a sum of not less than ^d. and not exceeding Is. a week. In about a year's time j^2,000 were thus collected. A general appeal throughout the island brought ^4,500 more. The building was then begun. One of the vestrymen superintended its erection. Another friend furnished the stone at a cheap rate. It was brought down from the quarry upon the heads and shoulders of the negroes, " who to the number of 300 or 400 worked during the moonlight of the fine months." The masons and carpenters gave up a portion of their weekly wages, and " the women il: Hi i •!„ 1 -'( I.! ■r Ji ' 214 SOCIETY FOE THE PROPAGATION OP IHE GOSPEL. added their mite in carrying stone and mortar." The planters lent stock for the purpose of carting. In addition to other kinds of aid ;^8,000 were raised and expended [15]. The death of Bishop Davis on Oct. 25, 1857 [16] was soon followed by that of his successor, Dr. S. J. Rigaud (cons. 1858), who was carriefl off by yellow fever in 1859 [17] ; but the present Bishop, Dr. W. W. Jackson, has held office since 1860. [See pp. 215, 883.] Up to 18u8 the Diocese of Antig'-.a enjoyed " all the privileges of a fairly endowed Church " [18], the Society's aid having been so managed as to draw out increased local support. As an instance of this, a grant of £100 per annum to Montserrat in 1860 was met by a vote of £130 per annum from the Legislature, " and when three years and a half afterwards the Society's ollowance was reduced to £60 they had learned to feel the value " of the Missionary, "and the vote was raised to £180 " [19]. " The people of the island " (wrote the Kev. .T. Shervington in 18G1) "more than of any other that I know of entertain for the Church of England a deep- rooted afifection, and, in the majority of cases, this is of an intelligent typo. They are members of our Church, not because they are brought up in her communion so much as because they believe they are likely to receive more good from her ministrations than those of any other. " The negroes, in fact, often give this as a reason for their preference and attachment for our church. There is, therefore, much to encourage a minister labouring among ♦hem ; but there is also, from the nature of the case, much to discourage It is quite true, as we often hear, that the negro is impulsive. They are easily aHected by a sermon, and I have seen many of them in tears as they approach the altar on our Communion Sundays. Hence, I think, the large number of our communicants. One is thus tempted to hope that the good work is going on among them ; but there is the old truth, ' 'he devil cor.ieth and taketh away the word out of their heait:'. . . .' T'le negro is also said to ho superstition^^ ; and this, too, is in the main correct. The Id which the old superstitions of their fathers has upon tlioni can only be discovered by acquaintance with their charp.ater, and by great watchfulness on the part of their minister. The belief in cV.arms and Bpells, and in the power of the'"" enemies to injure, still influences them." This was written at a time of extreme distress in the island, yet '• notwithstanding the general depression the weekly offertory was still continued," and it does not appear to have "ever occurred to them that the offertory ought to be discontinued " [20], In the previous year the claims of the West Indian Mission to West Africa had been brought before them, and from distances of several miles, and under unfavourable circumstances, the people Hocked to th^ Missionary meeting. Not a single waite person was present, and £6 was collected from those who during their period of slavery " woro almost as badly oft' as their African brethren in respect of the means of grace " [21]. The same laudable spirit has been generally shown throi\c;hout the diocese. Poor at all times, the poverty of the people has been fre- quently intensified by earthquake and hurricane, and in 1868 they were called to make further sacrifices on behalf of their Church, then brought face to face with disendowment. The call was not unheeded, " but " (to quote Bishop Jackson's words) " in the first instance it would have been impossible in the impoverished condition of the Leeward Islands, to supply vacpncies ... if the venerable Society, to whose bounty some of these cures owed their original formatio::, liad not stept m and saved them from collapse " [22]. THE LEEWARD ISLANDS 215 The permanence of the Bishopric haa heen secured by the wisdom and self-denial of Bishop Jackson, who, when obliged by faihng health to retire from the active wcrk, secured in 1882 the services of a coadjutor. Bishop Branch., and de\'oted his remaining energies to raising an Endowment Fund, In the l)uilding-up of this fund [which now amounts to £20,000], the Society has assisted by grants amounting in all to £2,000 [23]. Bishop Branch is of opinion thut the " English Church is every year becoming more and more distinctly the Church of the Islands" [24]. The inhabi+anos of Barbuda, the finest specimens of the negro race in the Leeward Islands, numbered 800 in 1870, *' all with one exception, black, and aU . . . baptized in the Church and loyally attached to her, wit^ every man and woman over twenty confirmed, and a fom-th of the population communicants " [26]. Statistics. — Tu the Leeward Islan^Ja (area, C05 sq. miles), where (1885-92) the Society has assisted in maintaining 59 MiBBion.." was sufficient to in- duce Mr. Mitchel, the then teacher, to quit school and go " a priva- teering " with the Captain [6]. About 1784 Mr. Smith first visited " Islathera, a long, narrow Island inhabited by between 80 and 40 families," who were " generally very ignorant of their duty to God as having never had a Clergyman settled among them." At Harbour Island he found there 26 families and a large room for service, in which he ministered one Sunday ; " it was very full," and the people were " serious and attentive." Otherwise they could hardly have been with such a Missionary. Governor Fitz- william wrote of him in 1785 : " The abilities life and good behaviour of Mr. Smith . . . justly entitle him to the favour of all good men among us " [7]. Illness caused him to desire a northern Mission, but a short visit to England in 1780 enabled him to return to New Provi- dence in January 1787 [8]. The church at Nassau, a building "in a wooden frame, plaistered," I,: ' ! I % i 218 SOCIETY FOR THE PnOPAOATION OF THE OOSPEL. 4 1 I ! i became so ruinous that it was necessary to remove the pulpit and desk to the Town House in 1741— the ertiotion.of a new one having been hindered by fear of " an invasion from the Spaniards " [9]. Whites, Negroes, and Mulattoes were ministered to by Mr. Smith, but the hardships of visiting " Iluthera " and Harbour Island brought on an illness, and in his last letter, Oct. 26, 1741, after alluding to a fever at Providence " which had carried off everyone it had seized on," he concluded : " The Lord help us for he only knows where it will ter- minate." A few days after it pleased God to take " this diUgent and worthy Missionary to himself to receive the reward of his labours " [10]. His successor, the Bev. N. Hodges, died in 1748 soon after his arrival. During the vacancy caused by these deaths Governor Tinker made his Secretary, Mr. J. Snow, " read prayers and a sermon every Sunday in the Town House," and in 1746 sent him to England to be ordained. Besides officiating " as far as a layman could " Mr. Snow had largely contributed to the building of a church and to the estab- lishment of a free school for negroes and whites. Within two years of ordination he also died. In the meantime the Bev. B. St. John ministered for about a year (1746-7) to a " very ignorant " people, " scarce one in fifty being able to read," and baptized over 800 children in the three islands of the Mission [11]. The next Missionary, the Bev. B. Cabter, was privileged to labour 16 j'ears (1749-65) in the Mission, which he represented as >aing of "greater extent " and having "more pastoral duties to ^e performed in the several parts of it than any other under the Society's care." In 1768 he reported " all the natives" of the Bahamas "profess them- selves of the Church of England." About this time two Mission Schools were established ; that at Nassau was the only school in the island of Providence " except Women's Schools," which were also Church Schools. The Harbour Island School was built by <,he'people, of whom he wrote in 1764 that they " pay a strict regdid to the Lord's Day, and neither work tliemselves nor suffer their slaves to work on it, but allot them another day in every week " "to work for themselves." A similar rule was observed at Eleuthera, where his parishioners expressed " so strong a desire of improvement that even adults of both sexes " submitted " to be publickly catechized without reluctance." " The most sensible slaves in New Providence " expressed " an earnest desire of being baptized," a desire which he did his best to gratuy [12]. The Bev. G. Tizard carried on the work from 1767 to October 1708, when he died. Two years later it was reported that many people had been reformed by means of his widow [18]. In 1767 the Bev. B. Moss was stationedat Harbour Island, where a resident clergyman had long been "earnestly desired" [14]. He had at first " a cold reception from the people's apprehending that they were to contribute to his support "; when they found that not to be the case " they became fond of him," and " aU in the island to a man " attended public worship on Sundays. Indirectly they must have contributed, for the Bahamas Assembly hvd enacted a law dividing " Harbour IsWid and Eleutbera into a disi'nct parish named St. John's," and allowing "£160 current money out of the Harbour Island taxes towards building a Church in that Islaud," and^settUng £50 sterling per annum " for salary and house- THE BAHAMAS. 219 rent for the Minister." While the church* was building Mr. Moss, performed service " under the branches of some Tamarind trees." In 1769 he had thirty-eight communicants, all of whom lived " holy lives, unblameable in their conversation " [15]. Of Eleuthera he gave this " lamentable account " in 1769 : " That both men, women, and children, magistrates not excepted, are profane in their conversation ; even the children learn to curse their own parents as soon as they can speak plain, and many other sinful habits and heathenish practices are in use among them." One great obstruction to his reforming these people was the difficulty of visiting them, it being necessary to go first to Providence, where he might have to wait two or three weeks for a passage, which "consumed too much time " [16]. It was also difficult to find men of sufficient education to act as lay agents. The Rev. W. Gobdon, who visited Eleuthera in 1796, found that " a Justice of the Peace " at Wreck's Sound had been accustomed to read prayers and a sermon out of one of the Society's books to the inhabitants." He had •' the most learning in the place," yet was in such indifferent circumstances as to desire to be appointed " an assistant schoolmaster," not being qualified for the position of head schoolmaster [17]. At Savannah Sound only one man could read, and the greater part could " scarcely say the Lord's Prayer," yet they regarded baptism as " absolutely necessary to salvation." In March 1776 New Providence and other of the Bahamas were "thrown into a distracted state by being taken by a considerable armed force from America " (eight vessels and 550 men), '• which after dismantMng His Majesty's Forts and committing many outrages" — taking '• all the King's money," opening the prison doors and setting the prisoners free — " carried away the Governor, Secretary, and one or two other prisoners," and left the rest of the people " in a deplorable state. But they were disappointed of their chief aim— a considerable quantity of gunpowder, which had been prudently removed to a place of safety." In the midst of all this confusion the Bev. J. Hunt, the Society's Missionary at Providence, " continued to do duty in the church as usual," and his flock seemed " to make a progress in virtue " and gene -ally attended service. During the American Revolution the inhabitants of the Bahamas were for some years " almost reduced to a starving condition," as their chief dependence for provisions was on the continent. In 1779 " the best bread " that could be obtained in Harbour Island, " even for the blessed Sacrament," was " made of Tree Roots." For a long time the islands were " pestered with American vessels," the crews of which endeavoured to " corrupt the minds of the people, turning them from King George and all government," and passed their life " in dancing all night and gaming and drinking all day." On one occasion some of their captains attended the Harbour Island Church to hear Mr. Moss preach. "Hearing him pray for the King, and his discourse not favoring their proceeding, they had concluded to take him out of his own house by night and carry him away to America. But they were disappointed." The cause of their failure was probably owing to the fact, reported by the Missionary in 1778, that the inhabitants of Harbour Island and Eleuthera, numbering 1,891, " ail professed to be ♦ Opened for service on March 10, 1709 [18]. ;■! t,' m) SOCIETY FOR THE ^HOPAOATION OF THE GOSPEL. >|l| of the Church of England," and had " not a single Dissenter amongst them of any denomination." In Providence the loyalists were " threatened almost every day and insulted," and having " httle force to defend themselves," were " in continual danger " [19]. During the Spanish occupation [see p. 216] the Rev. J. Barker, the only Missionanr left in the Bahamas, withdrew (in 1782), and did not return [20]. The Rev. J. Seymour of Georgia, who was appointed to Providence, died on the voyage [21] ; and the next clergyman sent, the Rev. T. Robertson, was located at Harbour Island. On his arrival in 1786 he visited every family on the island, " a very poor hardworking industrious people ... serious and well disposed." Old and young to the number of 500 attended church regularly, and all expressed " great gratitude to the Society for their kind and generous arfitention " [22]. But in 1789 he reported that the " leading man " in the island was '• an utter enemy to all religion," and would " not suffer any of his negroes to receive any instruction whatever "; and it was with difficulty that the Missionary " prevailed on the people to let any of the negroes sit in the area of the church " [28]. F\uma next received a resident Missionary (the Rev. W. Twining) in 1787. The white settlers were mostly American Loyalists — about one third were old settlers. All seemed glad of the arrival of a clergy- man " and anxious to express their gratitude to the Society." Of the 700 inhabitants 600 were negroes. Those brought up among the English had been taught " little or nothing of religion," but did not seem at all " prepossessed against Christianity." The negroes who had been " lately imported from Africa ' ' showed ' ' no signs of religion ' ' [24 j . Still worse was the state of the white settlers at Long Island, as reported by the Rev. W. Gordon after ^i8iting it from Exuma in 1790. •" A few poor families from New Providence " began a settlement in Long Island in 1778. At the peace in 1782 " a few loyal Refugees" (presumably from the United States) settled there, and it proving " a good Island for raising cotton," many others followed, " besides some natives of New Providence." In 1790 the population consisted of about 2,000 people — over 1,500 being slaves. Tho negroes were " void of all principles of Christian religion owing to tbeir want of instruction." Most of the original settlers could scarcely read, and having been for many years deprived of Divine worship, they were " addicted to the vices of a seafaring life . . . swearing and neglect of religion." The refugees, though less ignorant, were not more attached to the faith. They resembled " very much those who may be seen in London." Not even two or three of them could be got together to partake of the Holy Communion. The " gentry " of the place employed their leisure hours •• in reading tli9 works of Mandeville, Gibbon, Voltaire, Rousseau and Hume, ' ly which some of them "acquired a great tincture of infidelity." Mr. Gordon on his visits held service in six parts of the island, and undertook that if a resident Missionary were sen' there he ■would visit those islands which had " never yet had (Christian public worship, viz., Turk's, Caicos, Crooked, WatUn's, Abacos and Andros." A more favourable account of Long Island was given by the Rev. P. Eraser. On his arrival there early in 1798 " he was waited upon by tlie principal Planters," who vied with one another •• in shewing him every mark of attention and respect. Instead of discovering Deistioal I THB BAHAMAS. 221 Principles " the people appeared " to be all convinced of the great truths of the Christian Beligion" and attended Divine Service " with a serioasness and regularity truly exemplary." The need of additional Missionaries was further urged by the Rev. J. Bichabds of Providence, who, within six months of his arrival at Nassau " baptized 163 persons after examination." Nassau at that time (1791) con- tained between 2,000 and 8,000 inhabitants, most of the whites being of " Scotch extraction and many of them Dissenters, but moderate and conformable to the Church," and who treated him with " greai civihty." Owing, however, to " the political disputes concerning the Revenue Act in that country " he suffered from " the stopping of his [Government] salary for nearly a twelvemonth " [25]. From a report submitted by the Society to the English Government "+• this time (1791-2) we learn that the only islands of the Bahamas gi.oup which appeared to have any inhabitants at the beginning of 1784 were Providence, Long Island, Harbour Island, Exuma, Eleuthera, Turk's Island, and the Abacos — the whole not exceeding 1,760 whites and 2,800 blacks. On the close of the disputes with the " ancient colonists on the continent of America" and the evacuation of St. Augustine, the Bahamas " held out to the Royal Refugee subjects in the Southern Colonies a comfortable asylum for the present, and prospects of great advantages in future " ; the liberality of the British Government met their wishes and gave full scope to their plans of settlement. They were for a time supplied with provisions &c. from the Public Stores, " all doubtful title to possession was removed in a purchase by the Crown of the ancient claims of the Proprietors of the soil of those Islands, and the grants to these adventurers of the lands on which they were desirous of settlement, were unaccompanied with any illiberal or discouraging restrictions." Under these favourable circumstances settlement was considerably extended, " every cultivable spot " being " explored with great avidity." By the commencement of 1790 the white population had been doubled (=8,500) and the black trebled (=6,500 including coloured), in all 10,000, and about 18,000 acres of land were under cultivation. Of the whites, 127 were planters, 29 merchants, and 17 men of learned professions. Of the blacks, some 600 were free negroes, who by escapes and " other fortuitous cir- cumstances " were " disentangled from t.^e disgraceful shackles of slavery." Up ir^ Uiis time there were only three clergymen in the Bahamas, hu' v«ving to the Society's representations to the English Government the Bahamas Assembly (about 1795) established a fund " for thd building and repairing of Churches, providing Parsonage Houses and Globes miA for the better maintenance and support of Ministert and Schoul Masters " [2G]. Inconbequenoe of political disputes during Governor Lord Dunmore's administration the Clergy frequently had difficulty in realising the local provision to which they were entitled. Mr. Richards of New Providence reported in 1796 that "neither he nor any other person who has a saL^ry haf received any for above a year past." About this time Lord Dnnmore " possessed himself of the most antient burying ground " and a portion of the glebe in Harbour Island, the former of which he desecrated, and it became necessary for the Society to mako a representation to the Secretary of State for the restoration of the i: ^i! 1 n m 222 SOCIETY FOR THB PROPAaATION OF THE GOSPEL. property. There were other complaints against the Governor. He openly avowed " that the laws which forbid incestuous marriages in England" did "not take place in the Colonies" and he ignored a communication from the Bishop of London on the subject. He further countenanced " one Johnston, a strolling Methodist Preacher from America " who induced the black people at Providence to turn a negro schoolmaster out of his house " and convert it to a Meeting House for himself," and obtained from the Governor " a Licence to preach and perform other offices." This man " used to marry without licence or authority," but in a short time he was " put in prison for beating his wife ... in a merciless manner . . . and so all his followers left him. The respectable inhabitants indeed always opposed the progress of Methodism and remonstrated to Lord Dunmore against it " [27]. The years 1794-7 proved fatal to the Bevs. P. Fbaser, P. Dixon, and W. H. Moobe [28]. Another Missionary took more than two years to reach the station to which he had been appointed : the Bev. D. W. BosB of Dominica, Antigua, after several disappointments in obtaining a passage, left St. Nevis in December 1^96, but the ship being captured by a French privateer in the next month he was carried prisoner to Bochelle, and afterwards removed up the country to Angouleine, where he remained till the following July, when he was " exchanged by a cartel " and came to England. After receiving Priest's Orders and being detained six weeks in the Isle of Wight, he sailed for the West Indies in November 1797. Arriving at Nevis he was unable to get a passage to the Bahamas, though he went to Antigua and to St. Kitts several times for the purpose. He therefore " took a passage in a schooner bound to Norfolk in Virginia," whence he made his way to Nassau, but did not reach Long Island till February 1799 [29]. The Bev. H. Jenkins experienced a similar difficulty. In his voyage from England " he had the ill fortune to lose all his pap'^rs, by being obliged to throw them overboard upon coming in sight i^f a vessel, which was supposed to be a French one, but it turned out otherwise." He took the precaution to show the certificate of his ap- pointment (from the Society) to a fellow passenger, desiring him to read it with attention, that he might witness the contents of it to the Governor, and thereby remove any difficulty that might have arisen from his having no credentials.* He reached Nassau safely, but within a few days' sail of the Caicos the ship was captured by a French privateer and carried " to Cape St. Francois, from whence they were sent to Mole St. Nicholas to be exchanged." He arrived at the Caicos on October 16, 1797, ** in good health and spirits " [80]. Mr. Jenkins divided his time between the Caicos and Turk's Island, about eight leagues distant. On his first visit to the latter he remained a fortnight and ministered to " a large congregation at the Barracks," then " converted into a Church," but which a few years before had * The Governor, though Batisfied that Mr. Jenkins was " not an impostor," delayed his induction till " new credentials " should arrive from England, " and also a Degree from one of the Universities of England, Scotland, or Dublin as the Parochial Act of the Bahamas in this case directs." As Mr. Jenkins " would have been entitled to a Degree in the University of Cambridge " the Arclibiehop of Canterbury conferred on him the degree of M.A. ; but while this was being done the qualification was rendered " unneceisary " by " an alteration in the Bahamas Act " [90a]. ^ THE BAHAMAS. 228 been occupied by the military that were " stationed there in order to check the lawless and ungovernable temper of the people." The few gentlemen of Turk's Island had for some time adopted " the laudable plan of assembling there on Sundays when the Liturgy" was "used and a Sermon read out of some approved author " [81]. A supply of Bibles and Prayer Books from the Society proved very acceptable to " the poor people there," who " all faithfully promised to read them with attention," and one William Barrel, " a very decent and well disposed negro " opened a Sunday School and taught his country- men gratis [82]. In his first year's ministry in Long Island Mr. BosE baptized 14 Whites and 24 " Blacks, Mulattoes, Mustees and Dustees." The negroes there had been " misled by strange doctrines." They called themselves " Baptists, the followers of St. John," and were " not so happy and contented "as in other parts of the West Indies, though " every indulgence and humanity " were " exercised towards them by their Masters." Their preachers, black men, were " artful and designing making a merchandize of Beligion." One of them was " so impious " as to proclaim that he had " had a familiar conversation with the Almighty," and to point out the place where he had seen Him. At certain times in the year the black preachers used to " drive numbers of negroes into the sea and dip them by way of baptism," for which they extorted a dollar, or stolen goods [88]. Previously to Mr. Eose's arrival an attempt " to check their pro- ceedings" occasioned some of the slaves to "abscond and conceal themselves in the woods," and in covisequence " many of their masters . . . actually counteracted all }i's diligence and zeal ... for the promotion of religion and morals." At the very time that " superstition and fanaticism " appeared to be yielding to his teaching the " proceed- ings" of the blacks were "more abominable but more secretly con- ducted " [84]. " After various attempts ... to prevail on his parishioners to receive the Communion, he at last " on August 28, 1801, *' administered to three, exclusive of his own family " [85]. In the same year he visited Exuma at a time when the planters had assem- bled their negroes (about 400) at a pond for the purpose of raking salt. " A canopy was erected under which the gentlemen and ladies of the country took their seats and he preached to them." " He was highly gratified by the chearfulness with which" the negroes "went through their daily task." " In the ceJebration of the Sabbath they observed the utmost decorum, and seemed to hp very pious in th«»ir devo tion." " Upon seeing and contemplating their situation both in a tem- poral and spiritual hght " he ventured the opinion "that he would rather be a slave in the Bahamas than a poor free cotta^rer in Eng- land " [86]. In 1802 Mr. Bose removed his residence to Exuma, ana on Christ- mas Day df^dicated " the new Church." After having officiated »r long " in old, uninhabited houses in Long Island ... he felt, In the discharge of his duty under a consecrated house a renovation, as it were, of the clergyman." The inhabitants then consisted of 140 whites, 85 " free people," and 1,078 negro and other slaves. On hia first coming many of the negroes " called themselves the followers of Mahomet," but these, with other blacks, he baptized to the number of 08 adults and 41 infants in less than a year. He also formed some of ^1 1 m U 13; 224 80CIBTY FOB THB PROPAaATION OF THE GOSPEL. I ■ I the best negroes into a society, and twice a week many of them used to " meet in their huts to sing psalms and to offer up a few prayers after their daUy task " [87]- On a visit to Crooked Island in 1808 he "baptized without any compensation 160 negroes." His practice of refusing fees had the effect of opening the eyes of the poor negroes to the extortion of their black preachers. " When they saw him standing an hour or two exhorting uud inviting them to his mode of baptism without any charge " they wore persuaded "that he had no pecuniary views, but was only interested in their welfare, and by such a sacrifice of his emoluments even their Bishops submitted to the Bites and Ceremonies of the Church of England " [38]. " The iUiberality of the House of Assembly . . . not only in reduc- ing his salary, but in making laws and afterwards violating them, and the constant apprehension of piratical invaders " . . . " compelled " Mr. Bose to " abandon the Bahamas " in 1804. Spanish Picaroons were " infesting their coasts and plundering their vessels," and in ap- prehension of " a visit from the French " most of the women and children of New Providence were sent away. On one occasion Mr. Bose was " obliged to ride the whole night with his musket in his hand and cartouche box on his shoulder " [39]. By 1807 the number of the S.P.G. Missionaries was reduced* to one — the Bev. B. Bobebts of New Providence. After that year [40] none of the Bahamas Clergy appear to have been aided by the Society until 1835, when, as a part of the Diocese of Jamaica (founded 1824) the Islands began to participate in the Negro Education Fund [41]. [See pp. 194-6.] The Colonial Legislature co-operated with the Society, but at the end of eight yearst the supply of Clergy still remained inadequate. Of the fourteen parishes or rectories into which the islands were divided, only four were wholly and three partially endowed, and in some of the out-islands there was " not a single religious teacher of any class whatever " [42]. In New Providence the Bishop of Jamaica confirmed nearly 400 persons in 1846 [43]. Three years later he held what appears to be the first ordination in that part of his diocese, two priests and two deacons being ordained, and the number of Clergy thus raised to sixteen [44]. The labours of the Missionaries were very arduous, one of them having no less fk&n seven islands under his care. To visit these and to go from one station to another preaching and baptizing the children was " something like a shepherd setting his mark upon his sheep and then letting them go in the wilderness" [46]. In some remote districts the people retained a strong attachment to the Church of England, notwithstanding her long neglect of them. Many natives came forward and offered their services gratuitously as catechists [46] ; and in one island an old man of seventy " walked fifty miles in order to partake of the holy feast " [47]. The formation of the Bahamas into a separate see in 1861 was followed by the death of its first Bishop, Dr. Caulfield, within a few * Mr. Groombridge died in 1804 : Mr. Rose in 1804, and Mr. Jenkins in 1806, removed to Jamaica, and Mr. Richards to England about 1806 [40a]. t Tlie ClerKymen aided by the Society during this period (1880-44) were E. J. Rogers and C. Neale, 1880-44 ; P. S. Aldrich, 1840; F. T. Todrig, 1841-2; W. Gray, 1844. 1^ ilii THE BAHAMAS. 225 months of his consecration [48]. The thirteen years of the episcopate of Bishop Venables (his successor) were, for the most part, years of ■disendowment, destruction of Church property by hurricane, paralysis of trade, intense poverty, and considerable emigration. Yet the