IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) // ^ A 1.0 I.I S lis i2.0 If 1^ U L25 ii^iy^ — 6" V] 71 7: 4W .% ^ Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WiST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) •72-4503 CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series.^ CiHM/ICIVIH Collection de microfiches. Canadian (nstitute for Historical IVIicroreproductions / Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiquas Technical and Bibliographic Notas/Notos tachniquaa at bibliographiquaa Tha Inatituta has anamptad to obtain tha bast original copy avaiiabia for filming! Faaturas of this copy which may ba bibliographically uniqua. which may altar any of tha imagaa in tha raproduction. or which may aignificantly changa tha usual mathod of filming, ara chackad balow. □ Colourad covara/ Couvartura da coulaur 1^ — I Covara damagad/ D D D D n Couvartura andommagAs Covara rastorad and/or laminatad/ Couvartura raataurAa at/ou palliculAa □ Covar titia miaaing/ La titra da couvartura manqua I — I Coiourad mapa/ Cartaa gtegraphiquas it coulaur Coiourad Init (i.a. othar than blua or biacic)/ Encra da coulaur (i.a. autra qua blaua ou noira) □ Coiourad plataa and/or illuatrations/ Planchaa at/ou illustrationa 1% coulaur Bound with othar matarial/ Rail* avac d'autras documants Tight binding may cauaa shadows or diatortion along intarior margin/ Lareiiura sarria paut cauaar da I'ombra ou da la diatorsion la long da la marga intiriaura Blanic laavas addad during rastoration may apoaar within tha taxt. Whanavar possibla. thasa hava baan omittad from filming/ II sa paut qua cartainaa pagaa blanches ajoutia* lors d'una raatauration apparaiaaant dana la ta.*^a, mais. iorsqua cala itait possibla, cas pagaa n'ont paa «t* fiim^aa. Additional comments:/ Commantairas suppiimantairas: L'Inatitut a microfilm* la maiiiaur axamplaira qu'il lui a *ti possibla da sa procurer. Las ditails da cet exempiaire qui sont paut-Atre uniques du point de vue bibiiographiqua. qui pauvent modifier une image raproduite. ou qui pauvent exiger une modification dana la mAthode normele de filmaga sont indiquAs ci-dessous. D D Coloured pages/ Pagae de couleur rri Pagaa damaged/ Pagaa andommegtea Pages restored and/ci Pagaa rastaurias at/ou peiliculies Pagaa discoloured, stained or foxe< Pagaa dicolorias. tacheties ou piquias Pagaa detached/ Pages dAtachAas Showthrough/ Tranaparence Quality of prin Qualiti inAgaia da I'impression Includes supplementary matarii Comprend du metAriel supplAmentaire Only edition available/ Seule idition disponible pn Pages restored and/cr laminated/ r~y] Pagaa discoloured, stained or foxed/ I I Pagaa detached/ I ~y\ Showthrough/ I I Quality of print varies/ rn Includes supplementary material/ I — I Only edition available/ Pagaa wholly or partially obscured by errata slips, tissues, etc.. have been refiimed to ensure the best possible image/ Lea pages totaiement ou partiellement obscurcies par un fauillet d'errata, une pelura. etc.. ont M filmies A nouveau da fapon A obtenir la meilleure image possible. This item is filmed at the reduction ratio checked below/ Ce document est fiimA au taux de reduction indiquA ci-dessous. 10X 14X 18X 22X 26X 30X >/| 12X 16X aox 24X 28X 32X Th« copy fllm«d hw has b««n rsproduesd thanks to tha ganarosity of: Naw Brantwiek Muimim Saint John L'axamplalra film* f ut raprodult grioa A la g4n4rosltA da: Naw Brunswick MuMum Saint John Tha imagaa appaaring hara ara tha baat quality possibia eonaldaring tha condition and laglbliity of tha original copy and In kaaping with tha filming contract spaclficatlona. Original coplaa in printad papar covers ara flimad baginning with tha front cover and anding on tha laat paga with a printad or iilustratad impraa« sion. or tha back eovar whan appropriate. All othar original ooplas ara flimad beginning on the first pege with a printad or illuatratad impree- sion, and anding on the leat page with e printed or iilustratad impraaaion. Tha laat recorded frame on eech microfiche shaH contain the symbol — ^' (meaning "CON- TINUED"), or the symbol ▼ (meaning "END"), whichever appHae. Lee Imeges suhrantae ont AtA reproduites avac la plua grand sdn. compta tenu do la condition at do la netteti de I'exempielre filmA. et en conformity evec lee condMona du contrat da filmage. Lee aKamplairee origifiaux dont la couvarture en pepier eet imprim4e sent flimte en commen9ant par la premier plot et en terminant solt psr la damlAre page qui comporte une empreinte dimpreesion ou dlllustration. soit par la second plat, salon la caa. Toua lee eutraa axempiairae originaux sont flimAe en commen^ent par la pramlAre pege qui comporte une empreinte dimpreaalon ou dliiuatration et an terminant par la darnlAre paga qui comporte une telle empreinte. Un dee symbdee suh/snts apparaltra sur la demMre image de clieque microfiche, selon le caa: la symbola -^ signlfle "A 8UIVRE". le symbols ▼ signlfle "FIN". IMeps. plates, charts, etc., mey be filmed at different reduction ratloa. Thoae too ierge to be entirely included in one exposure ara filmed beginning in the upper left hand comer, left to right and top to bottom, aa many framae aa required. The foilo¥vlng diagrama illustrate the method: Lea cartaa. pianciiae, tableaux, etc.. peuvent Atre fllmAe A dee taux da riduetion diff Arents. l.orsque le document est trop grand pour Atre reproduK en un seul clictiA. 11 est fiimA A partir da i'engle supArieur gauche, de gauche A droite. et de haut en baa. en prenant le nombre d'lmeges nAcessaire. Las diagrammes suivants iilustrant la mAtlKMia. 1 2 3 r 2 3 : •: ' 4 5 6 V ■^. >w.. •*LETfl THE RIGHT lORABLG v*^ li* /' p..- :/''*- .'*- ^*'^' ^*'V' !^c. &e. oce. V /.-■^ ON THE RIGHT OF TO BE ■•■' : GOVERNED^I^Y THE PRINC^jglLES % "Of TH JBBITISH C0N|VITUT10?r«r- Sf ;ft -.^ <* Xtfoj^on Mis P^ii%^ on <.■• '■i^*v.^,^i -^^ *1 ;"^' J 1^ ("> ' ■>» ■NJ^^S!' a^ >- 3#* # \' >» jjfi^ij vm ^'U M. ''»>■ I - ■ ♦ ,«S'-. ' ^^^ ■**■. t " % '^^^\ ,u .rtv.'- ># .•«■ 1^* i> :j*^-!^.- ^fei- ^? ^^ LETTER I. •.(! ^^'^' Halifax, Nova Scotia, Sept. 18, 1839. My Lord, 1 BEO your Lordship to believe th«t no anxiety to seek for notoriety beyoad the limited sphere in which Providence has placed me, tempts rac to address these letters to you. Born in a small and distant Province of the Empire, and contented with the range of occupation kthat it affords, and the moderate degree of influence which the con- fidence of some portion of its populution confers, I should never have thought of intruding upon your Lordship, had not the occupations ^of my past life, and the devotion to them of many days of toil and nights lof anxious enquiry — led me to entertain strong opinions upon a' sub- [ject which your Lordship has undertaken recently to discuss, and which, while it deeply concerns the honor and the interests of the Empire, appears to be, by Her Majesty's present Ministers, but iittle understood. Whether or not the Anglo-American population, upholding the British flag on this side of the Atlantic, shall possess the right of influencing through their representatives the Govern- ments under which they live, in all matters touching their internal affairs, (of which their fellow subjects living elsewhere know nothing, and with which they have no right to interfere,) is a question, my Lord, that involves their happiness and freedom. To every Nova-Scotian it is no light matter, that the country of his birth — in wliose bosom the bones of a hardy and loyal ancestry repose, and whose surface is possessed by a population inferior in none of the physical or moral or mental attributes which distinguish his race, to any branch of the great British family—should be free and happy. I share with my countrymen their solicitude on this subject — I and my children will share their deep disgrace if the doctrines recently attributed to your Lordship are to prevail, to the utter exclusion of us all from the blessings and advantages of responsible Government, based upon the principles of that Constitution which your Lordship's forefathers labored to establish, and ours have taught us to revere. To the con- sciousness of social and political degradation which must be my portion, if the future government of North America is arranged upon the priuciples recently avowed by the ministry, I am reluctant (hat the reflection should be added that the Colonists were themselves to blame, in permitting a great question, without ample discussion and remonsirance, to be decided upon grounds which they knew to be \l untenable and untrue. In addressing your Lordchip on such a topic, it is gratifying to reflect, that your past life is a guarantee that the moment you arc satisfied that a greater amount of freedom and hap- piness can be conferred on any portion of your fellow subjects than they now enjoy, without endangering the welfare of the whole — When once convinced that the great principles of the British Consti- tution can be more widely extended, without peril to the integrity of the Empire, you will not hesitate to lend the influence of your grea* name and distinguished talents to the good old cause " for which Hampden died in the field and Sidney on the scaffold," Lord Durham's Report upon the affairs of British North America appears to have produced much excitement in England. The posi- tion which his Lord.ship occupies as a politician, at home, naturally draws attention to whatever he says and does — and the disclosures made in the Report must appear so strange to many, and the reme- dies suggested so bold and original to many more, that I am not surprised at the notice bestowed by friends and foes on this very important document. From what I have seen, however, it is evident that his Lordship is paying the penalty of party connexion, and that his opinions on Canadian afluirs, instead of being tried upon their merits, are in many cases applauded or opposed, as his views of British and Irish politics happen to be relished or condemned. It is almost too much to expect that my feeble voice will be beard amidst the storm of praise and censure that this Report has raised ; and yet there may be some, who, disliking this mode of estimating a state papex, or distrusting the means of judging possessed by many who express opinions, but whose practical experience of the working of Colonial Constitutions has been but slight, if indeed they have had any, may feel disposed to ask, what is thought of the Report in the Colonies ? are its leading features recognized as true to na- ture and experience there ? are the remedies suggested approved by the people whose future destinies they are to influence and control ? The Report has circulated for ^ome months in the Colonies, and I feet it a duty to state the grounds of my belief, that the attribution by hi? Lordship of many if not all of our Colonial evils and disputes to the absence of responsibility in our rulers to those whom they are called to govern, is entirely warranted by the knowledge of every in- telligent Colonist — that the remedy pointed out, while it possesses the merits of being extremely simple and eminently British, the making them so responsible — is the only cure for those evils short of arrant quackery — the only secure foundation upon which the power of the Crown can be established on this Continent, so as to defy internal machination and foreign assault. It appears to me that a very absurd opinion has long prevailed among many worthy people on both sides of the Atlantic, that the selection of an Executive Council, who, upon most points of domestic policy, will differ with the great body of the inhabitants, and the ma- jority of their Representatives, is iudispensible to the very existence of Colonial Institutions ; and that if it were otherwise, the Colony would fly off. by the operation of t»ome latent principle of mischief. Ii America The posi- naturally Jisclosures the reme- i I am not 1 this very is evident I, and that ipon their views of mned. It be beard as raised ; timating a d by many le working they have he Report true tona- pproved by id control ? onies, and attribution id disputes n they are )f every in- tssesses I he he making t of arrant >wer of the y internal 3; prevailed c, that the )f domestic nd the ma- ' existence he Colony ' mischief. '■ ^i which I have never seen very clearly defined. By those who enter- I tain this view, it is assumed that Great Britain is indebted, for the [preservation of her Colonies, not to the natural affection of their [inhabitants— to their pride in her history— to their participation in [the benefit of her warlike, scientific and literary achievements, but 'to the disinterested patriotism of a dozen or two of persons, whose names are scarcely known in England, except by t^e Clerks in I Downing Street, — who are remarkable for nothing above their I neighbors in the Colony, except perhaps the enjoyment of offices too [richly endowed ; or their zealous efforts to annoy, by the distribii- Ition of patronage and the management of public affairs, the greaA [body of the Inhabitants vvhose sentiments they cannot change. I I have ever held, my Lord, and still hold to the belief, that ther population of British North America, (the French Canadians, since [the late insurrections, of course excepted,) are sincerely attached to the Parent State ; that they are proud of their origin — deeply inter- [ested in theintegrity of the Empire— and not anxious for theestablish- Iment of any other form of Government here than that which you en- tjoy at home — which, while it has stood the test of ages, and purified litself by successive peaceful revolutions, has so developed the intel- lectual, moral and natural resources of two small Islands, as to enable a People, once comparatively far behind their neighbors in influence ' ||and improvement, to combine and wield the energies of a dominion {more vast in extent and complicated in all its relations, than any lother in ancient or modern times. Why should we desire a sever- lance of old ties that are more honorable than any new ones we can form ? Why should we covet Institutions more perfect than those which have worked so well, and produced such admirable ; results ? Until it can be shown that there are forms of Government Icombining stronger executive power with more of individual liberty- offering nobler excitements to honorable ambition, and more security to unaspiring ease and humble industry, why should it -'^ taken for • [granted, either by our friends in England, or our enemies (tsewhere, that we are panting for new experiments, or disposed to repudiate and cast aside the principles of that excellent Constitution, elemented by the blood and the long experience of our fathers, and upon which the vigorous energies of our brethren, driven to apply new principles !to a field of boundless resources, have failed to improve? This sus- picion is a libel upon the Colonist, and upon the Constitution he f claims as his inheritance — and whose principles he believes to be as applicable to all the exigencies of the country in which he resides^ as they have proved to be to those of the fortunate Islands in which they were first developed. If the conviction of this fact were once acknowledged by the intel- ligent and influential men of all parties in Britain, Colonial misrule would speedily end, and the reign of order indeed commence. This is not a party question — I can readily understand how the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel may differ with your Lordship or the Earl of Durham, as to whether measures should be carried which they believe will impair, and you feel will renovate, the Constitution ; .>■',- mi-f: but surely nnno of these (listint^uislicd men would wish to deny the Constitution itself to Inrgc bodies of British subjects on this aido the water, who hnvc not got it — who arc anxious to secure its advantages to themselves and their children — and who, while they have no ultc< riot designs that can by any possibility make the concession dangerous, can > never be expected to bo contented with a system the very reverse of that they admire — and in view of the proml satis* faction with which, amidst all their manly struggles for power, their brethren at home survey the simple machinery of a government which we believe to be, like the unerring principles of science, as applicable to one side of the Atlantic as to the other, but which wo are nevertheless denied. ; )/' Many persons, not familiar with the facts, may wonder how ttiis occurs — and be disposed to doubt the correctness of my asser> tion. It seems strange that those who live within ho British Empire should be governed by other principles than those of the British Constitution, and yet it is true notwithstanding. Let mo illustrate the fact by a few references to British and Colonial affairs. In England the Government is invariably entrusted to men whoso principles and policy the mass of those who possess the elective fran- chise approve, and who are sustained by a majority in the House of Commons. The sovereign may be personally hostile to them — a ma- jority of the house of Lords may oppose them in that august assembly, and yet they govern the country, until, from a deficiency of talent, or conduct, or from ill fortune, tliey find their representative majority diminished, and some rival combination of able and inlluential men in condition to displace them. If satisfied that the Commons truly reflect the opinions of the constituency, they resign — if there is any doubt a dissolution is tried, and the verdict of the country decides to which party its destinies are to be confided. You, in common with every Englishmen living at home, are so familiar with the ope- ration of the system, and so engrossed with *a. participation in the ardent intellectual competition it occasions, that perhaps you seldom pause to admire what attracts as little attention as the air yon breathe. The Cabman who drives past St. Paul's a dozen times a day, seldom gazes at its ample outline or excellent proportions; and yet they im- press the Colonist with awe and wonder, and make him regret that he has left no such edifice n the west. As a politician then your Lordship's only care is to place or retain your party in the ascendant in the House of Commons, You never doubt for an instant that if they are so they must influence the policy and dispense the patronage of the Government. 'J'his simple and admirable principle of letting the majority govern, you carry out in all your Corporations, Clubs, and public Companies and Associations, and no more suspect that there is danger in it, or that the.minority are injured when compBlled to submit, than you see injustice in awarding a cup at Epsom or Doncaster to the horse that has won rather than to the animal which has lost the race. The eflects of this system are perceptible every where. A Peer of France, under the old re^rime, if he lost the smiles of the Court, suffered a sort of jolilical and social anniliilation— a Peer of E»sland, if unjustly lliijiited by the Sovereign, retires to liis estate, not to mourn over in irreparable stroke of fortune, but to devote iiPs hours to study, to [ally his friends, to connect himself with some great interest in tiio State, whose accumulating; strength may bear him into the counsels >f his Sovereign, without any sacrifice of principle or diminution of kelfrespect. A commoner feels, in England, not as commoners used to feel in France, that honors and influence are only to be attained by an mtire prostration of spirit — thefouldst adulation — the most nttersub- jrviency to boundless prerogatives, arbitrarily exercised — but that ley are to be won, in open arenas, by the exercise of those manly Jualities which command respect, and by the exhibition of the ri* )ened fruits of assiduous intellectual cultivation, in the presence of m admiring nation, whose decision ensures success. Hence there B a self poised and vigorous independence in the Briton's character, »y v/hich he strangely contrasts with all his European neighbors, flis descendants in the Colonies, notwithstanding the dilBculties of ^heir position, still bear to John Bull, in this respect, a strong rcsem- >lance — but it must fade if the system be not changed ; and our children, instead of exhibiting the bold front and manly bearing of ^le Briton, must be stamped with the lineaments of low cunning id sneaking servility, which the practical operation of Colonial Go* ^ernment has a direct tendency to engender. -' .;;' From some rather close observation of what has occurred in Nova- Scotia, and the adjoining Colonies, I am justified in the assertion that the English rule is completely reversed on this side the Atlantic. \dmiiting that in Lower Canada, in consequence of the state >f society which Lord Durham has so well depicted, such a jolicy may have been necessary, surely there is no reason rhy the people of Upper Canada, Nova-Scotia, New*'Brunswick, [Prince Edward Island and Newfoundland, should, on that account, DO deprived of the application of a principle, which is the corner Btone of the British Constitution — the fruitful source of responsibi- lity in the Government, and of honorable characteristics in the Pco- |ple. If the Frenchmen in one Province do not understand or can- jnot be entrusted with this valuable privilege, why should we, who [are all Britons, or of British descent, be deprived of what we do lunderstand, and feel that we can never be prosperous or happy with- out ? Year Lordship asks me for proofs. They shall be given. Looking at all the British North American Colonies, with one single cxceptiouir bo far as my memory extends, although it has sometimes happened that the local administration has secured a majority in the Lower House, I never knew an instance in which a hostile majority could displace an Executive Council whose measures itdisapproved,or could, in fact, change the policy or exercise the slightest influence upon the administrative operations of the Government. The case which forms the exception was that ofthe Province of New-Brunswick — but there the struggle lasted as long as the Trojan war, through the cxistenee ©f several iiuuses of Assembly, and was at length conclu- 8 lied by an arrnn^cincnt with the auUiorities at home, after repeated ap|)eul8, and two todious and costly Oelcffations to England. But the remedy applied, even in that case, tliongh satisfactory for the time, can have no application to future difficulties or diflerences of opinion. Let us suppose that a General Election takes place in (hat Province next year, and that the great body of the People are dis* satisfied with the mode in which the patronage of the Government has been distributed, and the general bearing of the internal policy of its rulers. If that Colony were an English Incorporated Town, the people would have the remedy in their own hands ; if they were entrusted with the powers which as British Subjects of riffht belongs to them, they would only have to return a majority of their own way of thinking, a few men would change places, the wishes of the majority would be carried out, and by no possibility could any thing occur to set the People and their Rulers into such a state of collision as was exhibited in that fine Province for a long period of years. But under the existing system, if a hostile majority is returned, what can they do t Squabble and contend with an Executive whom they cannot influence — see the patronage and favour of Government lavished upon the minority who annoy but never .outvote them— andj finally, at the expiration of a further period of ten years, appeal by Delegation to England, running the hazard of a reference to a clerk or a Secretary, whose knowledge of the various points at issue, is extremely limited — who has no interest in them, and who, however favourably disposed, may be displaced by some change in the position of parties at home before the negociations are brought to a close.- In 1836 a General Election took place in Nova-Scotia, and when the Legislature .met for the despatch of business, it was found that the Local Government had two thirds of the members of the Repre- sentative Branch against them. A fair minded Englishman would naturally conclude that the Local Cabinet, by a few official changes and a modification of its policy, would at once defer to the views and opinions of so large a majority of the popular branch. Did it do so ? No. After a fierce struggle with the local authorities, in which the Revenue Bills, and the appropriations* of the year, were nearly lost, the House forwarded a strong address to the foot of the Thro/Te, appealing to the Crown for the redress of inveterate grie- vances, the very existence of which our Colonial Rulers denied, or which they refused to remove. To give your Lordship an idea of the absurd anomalies, and ridi- culous wretchedness of our system up to that time, it is only neces- sary to state, that a Council of twelve persons administered the Government, and at the same time formed the Upper , Branch of the Legislature, sitting invariably with closed doors. Only five of these twelve gentlemen were partners in one private Bank — 'five of them were relations — two of them were heads of Departments— -and one was the Chief Justice, who in one capacity had to administer the law he had assisted to make, and then in a third to advise the Gover- nor as to its execution. To heighten the absurdity of the whole affair it is hardly necessary to add^^ that only nine of these twelve '^Ihe netl )n8. Inra nfy repealed nd. But f for the fences of ce in (hat e are dis* rernment lal policy d Town, ihey were It belongs own way es of the any thing »f collision rears. But , what can horn they svernment lem — andi appeal by I to a clerk t issue, is , however he position a closer and when found that the Repre- tnan would al changes the views ;h. Did it lorities, in year, were foot of the terate grie- denied, or IS, and ridi* inly ncccs- listered the inch of the ive of these ve of them I— and one linister the the Gover- f the whole hese twelve were members of a particular Church, which, however useful or res ? actable, only embraced one iif\h of the whole population of the Vovince. To the passage of certain measures for the regulation of our Currency, the derangement of which was supposed to be profita- ble to those who dealt in money, the Bankers wero said to have opposed their influence. Any attempt at reduction of the expense of the Kevenue Dopartments, the heads of which sat at the Board, was not likely to prevail, — while the patronage of the government was of course distributed by the nine Churchmen in a way not very satisfactory to the four flflhs of the |)eople who did not happen to belong to that Communion. Such a combination as this never could have grown up in any Colony where the English principle of res- ponsibility had been in operation. Indeed there was something so abhorrent to British feeling and justice in the whole affair, that Lord Glenelg at once decided that it was " too bad," and while in er Majesty's name he thanked the Commons for the representation hey had made, he directed the Governor to dissolve the old Council ^|,and form two new ones, free from the objections which the Assembly ' had urged. Had the instructions given been fairly followed out, there is little onbt that in Nova-Scotiu, as in New-Brunswick, the People and their epresentatives would have been contented for a time, and would ave felt that, in extreme cases, an appeal from their local rulers td he Colonial Secretary would be effectual. The existing machinery f Government might have been supposed to be adequate to the ne- essities of the country, with perhaps an entire revision and repair, at he hands of the master workmen at home, once in ten years, or when- ver the blunders of subordinates in the Colony had completely clog- ged its operations. But mark the result. The Governor was instructed to call into ihe new Councils those who " possessed the confidence of the coun- y." Now you in England are simple enough to believe, that when e Whigs have, in a house of 658 members, a majority of eight or ten, ey possess the confidence of the country; and if their majority should ppen to be double that number, would think it droll enough if ey were entirely excluded from political influence, and if the new ireations of Peers, and selections for the Cabinet, should all be made m the ranks of their opponents. This would be absurd at home, d yet it is the height of wisdom in the Colonies. At the time ese commands were sent out, the party who were pressing rtain economical and other Reforms in Nova-Scotia, were repre- nted by two thirds of the members of the Popular Branch. The lative numbers have occasionally varied during the past three ssions : at times, as on the recent division upon a Delegation, e Reformers have numbered 33 to 1 1 in a House of 46— on some estions the minority has been larger, but two thiirds of the whole ay be fairly* taken as the numerical superiority, on all Political ques- ns, of the Reformers over their opponents. It will scarcely be be- ved then, in England, that in the new appointments, by which a given to the Councils, six gentle- lop^- popular char actef wai 2 10 men were taken from the minoritjr, and but two flrom the ranks o^ the majority. So that those who had been thanked for making repre- sentations to the Clueen, and who were premising a change of policy, were all passed over but two, while those who had resisted and opr posed every representation, were honored by appointments, and placed in situations to render any such change utterly hopeless. The Exr ecutive Council — the local Cabinet,or Ministry — therefore, contained one or two persons of moderate views, not selected ifrom the Houses one from the majority, and eight or ten others to render his voice very like that of the " man crying in the wilderness." He held his seat about half a year, and then resigned, feeling that while he was sworn to secrecy, and compromised by policy he did not ap- prove, ho ha^ no influence on the deliberations of the Cabinet or th<3 distribution of patronage. . Things were managed just as much in accordance with the Royal Instructiohs with respect to the Legislative Cctuncil. The pack was shuffled, the game was to remain the same. The members of the majority, as I have said before, were all omitted in the new creation of Peers, but one ; while, both from the House and beyond it, some of the most determined supporters of old abuses were selected ; and, among them, a young Lawyer who had shown a most chivalrous desire to oppose every thing Her Majesty s6 graciously approved ; and who, in the excess of his ultra zeal, had, upon the final passage of ihe address to the Crown, when almost all his friends deserted him^ voted againiit thl3 mieasure in a minority of four. Here then your Lordship has a practical illustration of the correct- ness of Lord Durham's observations ; and may judge of the chance the present system offers .of good Colonial Government, even when the People have the Queen and the Colonial Secretary on their side. Such policy would wither all hope in the Novascotians, if they did not confide in the good sense and justice of their brethren with- ip the four seas. We do not believe that the Parliament, Press and People of England, when rightly informed, will allow our local autho- rities " to play such tricks before high Heaven," or force us to live tinder a system so absurd — so Anti-British-^so dlestructive of every manly and honorable principle of action in political affairs. The House of Assembly, as a last resort, after ample deliberation, deter- mined to send two members of that body, as Delegates to England, to claim the rights of Englishmen fur the people of this country. Your Lordship's declaration tells me that on this point they will be unsuccessful — but patient perseverance is a political characteristic of the stock from which we spring. You ask me for the remedy. Lord Durham has stated it distinct- ly — the Colonial Governors must be commanded to govern by the aid of those who possess the confidence of the People, and are sup- ported by a majority of the Representative Branch. Wheris is the danger ? Of what consequence is it to the people of England, whe- ther half a dozen persons, in whom that majority have confidence, but of whom they know nothing and care less, manage our local affairs ; or the same number, selected from the minority, and whose 11 BoUcy the bulk of the population distrust ? Suppose there was at this moment a majority in our Executive Council who think with the Assembly, what effect would it have upon the fundti ?^-would the stocks fall? Would England be weaker — less prosperous or less respected, because the People of Nova.-Scotia were satisfied and happy ?' But, it ia said, a Colony being part of a great Empire, must be governed by different principles from the Metropolitan State. That, unless it be handed over to the minority, it cannot be governed at all ! That the majority, when they have things their own way, will be dis- contented and disloyal ! That the very fact of their having nothing to complain of will make them desire to break the political compact, and disturb the peace of the Empire I Let us fancy that this rea- soning were applied to Glasgow, or Aberdeen, or any other town in Britain, which you allow to, govern itself. And what else is a Pro* vince like Nova-Scotia, but a small community, too feeble to inter- fere with the general commercial and military arrangements of the Government, but deeply interested in a number of minor matters, which the People to be affected by thnm only can wisely manage, which the Ministry can never ftnd- leisure to attend to, and involve in inextricable confusion when they meddle with ? You allow a million of people to, gOTern. themselves in the very capital of the Kingdom, and yet Her Majesty lives in the midst of them without any apprehension of danger, and feels the more secure, the more satisfaction and tranquility they exhibit. Of course, if the Lord Mayor were to declare War upon France, or the Board of Aldermen were to resolve that, the dnties upon Brandy should no longer be col- lected by the general Revenue officers of the Kingdom, every body would laugh, but no one would apprehend any great danger. Should we, if Lord Durham's principle be adopted, do any thing equally outr^, check us, for you have the power; but until we do, for your Qwn sakes, for you areas much interested as we are — for the honour of the British name, too oflen tarnished by these squabbles — let us manage our own affairs, pay our own officers, and distribute a patro- nage altogether beneath your notice, among those who comriaand Qur est<^em. The Assembly of Nova-Scotia asked, in 1837, for an Elective Le- gislative Council, or such other reconstruction of the Loca) Govern- ment as would ensure responsibility. After a struggle of three years we have not got either. The demand for an Elective Upper Branch, was made under the impression, that two Houses chosen by the Peo- ple, would sufficiently check an Executive exempt from all direct Colonial accountability. From what has occurred in the Canadas — from the natural repugnance which the House of Peers may be sup- posed' to entertain upon this pomt — and from a strong desire to preserve, in ^11 our Institutions, the closest resemblance to those of our Mother Country, a responsible executive Council, as recommend- ed by Lord Durham, would be preferred. Into the practicability of his Lordship's plan of a union of all the Colonies under one govern- n>ent, I do not intend to enter— , ;•!■ <;i i Y Lord, I HAVE read the speech delivered by your Lordship, on the 3d ot une, as reported in the Morning Ghroqicle, several times ; and beg our Lordship's attention to what I conceive to be the rational solu-*. n of the* difficulties raised in that speech, to the concession oC e principle of local responsibility. Had your Lordship been more, miliar with the practica} working of the existing Colonial Consti- tions, and with the feelings of the people who smart under the ischiefs they produce, you would not perhaps have fallen into, me errors by which that speech is disfigured ; nor have argued the uestion as one in which the obvious, manifold, and vital interests f the Colonists, were to be sacrificed to some vague and indefinite jury that might be sustained by Imperial interests, if Executive. weV were taken from the ignorant and given to the well informed; if. it passed from the hands of officers to whom but a nominal res- nsibility can attach, into those of men subject to constant scrutiny, d, whenever they fail in their duty, liable to exposure and disgrace. Lord Durham recommends that the English rule, by which those, ho conduct public affairs resign when they have lost the confi-. nee of the Commons, should be applied to the Executive Coun- illors in North America. Your Lordship denies the existence ot e analogies upon which Lord Durham's views are based : '' It does not appear to me that you can subject the Execu-* tive Council of Canada to the responsibility which is fairly demands, ed of the miristersofthcj Executive power in this country. In the first place, there is an obvious difference in matterof form with re- gard to the instructions under which the governor of the colony acts. The Sovereign in this country receives the advice of th& ministers, and acts by the advice of those ministers, and indeed there is no important act of the crown for which there is not some individual minister responsible. There responsibility begins and *f there it ends. But the Governor of Canada is acting, not in that ^ high and unassailable position in which the Sovereign of thiscoun- ' try is placed. He is a governor receiving instructions from the Crown on the responsibility of a Secretary of Stale. Here then at once is an obvious and complete difference between the Executive of this country and the Executive of a Colony." Now, my Lord, let me beg your Lordship's attention to a few of e reasons why I conceive that such an argument as this ought not stand in. the way of the permanent peace, prosperity and happi- ess, of a million and a half of human, beings. " The Sovereign in ngiand receives the advice of the ministers, and acts by the advice if those ministers" — but are there not limits assigned by law within hich those advisers are bound to keep ? and is not the Sovereign und to know and to apprize the country when they overstep them? » i'W u M . K l^hat if the question at Issue now between Whigs ant] Tories? is it., not, whether, according to the spirit and practice of the Constitntion, Sir Robert Peel had or had not a right to advise the changes in Her Majesty's household, upon which he insisted, before he would con- «ent to form an administration ? Suppose the present Cabinet were to advise Her Majesty to cut off Sir Robert's ears, or to bombard the Gity of London^ would she. obey I or would' she not say, gentlemen, you are exceeding your powers, and unless you conduct yourselves with more discretion you must resign ? It is plain, therefore, that there are bounds, beyond, which, even in the mother country, neither the advisers nor the monarch can pass; and none who seek Colonial responsibility are so mad as to require, that corresponding restrictions shall not be binding here — that there shall not be a limit beyond, which no Executive Councillor can pass, and over which no repre* sentative of Majesty will consent to be driven. These bounds must Ue clearly defined in the Act of Parliament whiqh establishes the. new system, or in the instructions sent to the Governors, to be com- muiiicated to the Legislatures, and which th^y may, if they see fit, embody in a Bill, that, so long as it exists, shalj be to all intents, and purposes, the Constitution of the Colony. > But your Lordship says :r~" The Governor is acting, not in that< high and unassailable position in which the Sovereign of this coun-, try is placed." \^hy should he not occupy a position nearly as in- dependant^ and be perfectly unassailable, so long as he does not. interfere (as the Sovereign) Mrould i|pt dare to do) with matters for. which others are responsible — nor allovv himself or his Council to. overstep those' boundaries \yhich British sijbjects. pn, both sides of the. Atlantic, for the protection of their mutual rights, and interests, have established, and for a jealous recognitipn of which he, in case bad advice be given him, is alone responsible. The Queen's position is unassailable onjy so long, as she does no act which the Constitution does not permit to be dope — the Governor, if assailed, would, in like raiai^ner, turn to the Constitution of the Colony committed to his care, ar^d show that, on thp one hand, he had neither trenched upon the rights esseiitial to the security of Colonial liberty, nor, on the other, timorously yielded, aught which the laws for the protection of Impc* rial interests had m,a||e iVcrin^in^r to yield. Yoijr Lordship is inistaken, therefore, in supposing, that the Sove- reign is divested of all responsibility — although I admit it is much more difficult to call him or her to. an account than it would be the! Governor of a Colony. If the Queen were to deprive Sir Robert Peel of his ears, or open a few batteries upon London, an ^meute or a revolution would be the only remedy; but a Governor, if he consented to an act which shut out British manufactures, or was tempted to levy war upon a friendly state, could be called to account without uifficaUy or delay — and hence, I argue, that the facility and certainty of inflicting punishment for offences of thi? sort, would pre- i^ent their commission, and operate as a sufficient guard to the Impe- rial interests, which your Lordship seems so anxious to protect. If it l^esakl that the People in a Colony may sustain Councillors who give 15 dn^nsiltutional advice, my answer is, that the lame thing niajr occur in England. When it does,^ peaceful modification of the Con- stitotion, or a revolution, follows — but these cases are not so itequenl as to excite alarm, nor is there any reason to believe that they will be more so, in the Colonies, whose power to enforce improper demandi is so questionable. " He is a Governor receiving instructions from the Crown, on tho responsibility of a Secretary of State." This passage suggests soma reflections, which I feel it my duty respectfully to press upon your Lordship's attention. One of the evils of the existing system, or rather hap-hazard mode of Government, devoid of all system, is the various readings given to the medley oflaw.«i, usages, and Colonial Of^ fice Despatches, by which we are at present ruled. An excellent illus- tration of the difficulty of obtaining au interpretation of these, about which there can be no mistake— which he who runs may read-— - may be furnished, by contrasting the views put forth by your Lord- ship with those acted upon by Sir Francis Head ; and which, after i bloody rebellion, brought on to prove the value of his theory, he still avows in every succeeding edition of his Narrative, with s consistency and complacency worthy of all praise. " The responsi- bility," says your Lordship, " rests on the Secretary of Slate." "The responsibility," says Sir Francis Head, in every act of his Govern- ment and every page of his book, " rests on me." Fr6m this iiioment of his entering into Upper Canada he threw overb6ard all the in- slruCtiond from the Colonial Secretary^ (who, according to your Lordship ought to have been obeyed, for he was alone responsible) he struck out a course of policy entirely new — commenced " putting the padlock on the mind,"* to be followed by some hundreds of handcuffs on the wrists and padlocks on the body ; his language to Lord Glen** elg throughout was " you must support me" — " the fear is that / will not be supported at the Colonial office." In fact, firom first to last, Sir Francis gave instructions to, instead of receiving them from, the Secretary of State ; and finding that Lord Glenelg would tiot permit hitn to try his experiments in Government, and combat the fiery dragon of democracy in the bosom of a British Province, at the cost of a good deal of blood and treasure, and the prospects of i foreign war, without occasionally offering a little advice, the worthy Baronet resigned, and has ever since been publishing his complaints to the world, and claiming its sympathy, as a sufferer fot conscience sake, in upholding the only correct reading of Colonial Constitutions; and which the Secretary of State, and theWhig Government of Which he was a member, did not understand. The Doctors in this case differed— the patient was left prostrate, mangled, bleeding and ex- hausted, listening to their altercations, but suffering from every gash made to conviuce each other at her expense — and there she lay, until recently, when, beginning to suspect that both had been talking nonsense and trying absurd experiments, she lifted her languid head, stretched out her wounded limbs, and began to fix her eyes upon ihi^^ only remedy by which health can be restored. - - -.-'-'^ji^ '— — . '. ,' :.,. '.'■"•', • , ^* * Vide the Baronet'i •' Narrative." -« 1 I« Let us, in order to convince ourselves that the conclusion to which tipper Canada is coming after all .her sufibrings, is a sound one, examine the tvvo prescriptions and modes of treatment, and ascertain whether either contains any thing which ought to rescue it from the oblivion that invariably closes over the nostrums by which the sei- . ence of politics, like the science of medicine, is often disfigured for a time. A Colony where the Governor is alone responsible, is Sir Francis Head's interpretation of the system under which we live. It is one very much affected by Colonial Governors every where. Unlimited power, within a wide Province, is a beautiful idea for an individual to indulge ; especially when it is attended with but little risk and only nominal responsibility. Of all the British Colonial Governors, who have wielded this vast authority — plumed themselves < upon the possession of these plenary powers,— rand, in the exercise of them, vexed, distracted and excited to disaffection, one Province aAer another — how many have been tried or punished ? How many have met with even a reprimand from the Ministry, or a cold look from the Sovereign whose authority they had abused 1 I leave your Lordship, whose historical reading has been much more extensive than mine, to point ouf the instances — 1 have searched for them in vain. It is true that debates in Parliament occasionally arise upon such subjects, but these, judging by their practical effect, can hardly be taken into account. A Governor knows well that, so long as he holds office, the Ministry by whom he was appointed will defend him — that their majority in the Commons precludes the possibility ofa vote of censure being passed against himj-^while the Duke, under whom he probably served, having a majority in the Upper House, he is perfectly safe, so long as he commits no act so flagrant as to out- rage the feelings of the nation, and which, coming home to the heart of every man and woman in England, would make it unsafe for any parliamentary combination to attempt to protect him. Thus fenced in during hia administration, what are his perils when he retires ? The Colonists, too happy when rid of the nuisance to be vindictive, and hoping better things from a successor of whom they are unwilling to suspect any evil, cease to complain-^His Excellency id removed to another Province, with a larger salary, to act the same farce over there— or,^retires to his estates in the mother country, to form one of that numerous body of ex-Governors, who live upon the consciousness of having, once within their lives at least, wielded powers, within a wide space, and over the destinies of many thou- sands of their fellow beings, that are never permitted to be wielded by any individual, however high his rank^ or widely extended his influence, without full and ample responsibility, within the British Islands themselves. These men, whether they go into Parliament or not, always sympathize with Governors abroad, acting tipon their darling theory: and, as they are often CGusalted by niink-- ters who know perhaps a little less than themselves, they are always ' at hand to stifle the complaints of the Colonists, when appeals are made to England. It Y blares our Lordship will perceive, therefore, that when a Governor tie* 9S, as did Sir Francis Head, that the responsibility rests oh him, he merely means, that he is about to assume extensive powers, for three or four, perhaps for eight or ten years, without the shadow of a chance of his ever being called to account for any thing he may do or leave Undone. To enable you to form 8ome idea of the peace, prosperity, and satisfaction, likely to be diffused over a Province, by a Governor acting Upon this principle %nd exercising these powerj, let me request your Lordship to imagine that, after twenty or thirty years of military service, by whibh I have became disciplined in- to a contempt for civil business, and a fractious impatience of the opinions of all beneath me in rank, Her Majesty has the tight, and graciously deigns to exercise it, of making me Mayor of Liverpool. Fancy that up to the moment when the information is conveyed to me, though I have heard the name of that City several times, and have some vague notion that Liverpool is a large commer- cial port in England, yet that I neither know on what river nor at which side of the Island it is situated — nor have the least knowledge of its extent, popuUtion, requirements, or resources — the feelings, interests, prejudices or rights, of its inhabitants. Within a month, having had bafely sufficient time to trace out the situation of the place upon the map, read a book or two about it — hear an under Secretary talk an hour or two of what neither he nor I understand, receive a packet of Instructions, of which half a dozen different headings maybe given, and become thoroughly inflated with my own consequence, I find myself in Liverpool, andfeel that I amthegreat pivot upon which all its civil administration — its order and defence —its external relations with the rest of the Empire and the rest of the world, turns— the fountain from which its internal patronage is to flow ; and to which all, for a long period of years, must look, for social and political ascendancy, if they have no merit — and, if thejr have, for a fair consideration of their claims^ « Your Lordship will readily believe, that a riian thus whisked away from the pursuits which have occupied his thoughts for years, and plunged into a new scene — surrounded by human beings, not one of whose faces he ever saw before — called to the consideration of a thousand topics, with almost any one of which the assiduous devo- tion of half a life would be required to make him familiar ; and hav- ing to watch over vast interests-<-balance conflicting claims — decide on the capacity of hundreds, of whose characters, talents and influence, he is ignorant, to fill offices of the duties of whibh he has not the slightest conception— that a man so situated, must be either very vai0 or very able, if he is not appalled at the ex- tent of the responsibility he has assumed ; and must be an Angel of Light indeed, if he does not throw the good City of Liverpool into confusion. This, my Lord, is no fancy sketch — no picture, highly colored to produce affect, but wliich, on close examination, an artist would cast aside as Qut of drawing — it is a faithful representation of what occurs in some British Colony almost every year. But it may be saif all this is granted, and yet there is the Legis- 18 I f lature to influence and instruct. Liverpool shall still serve (or iliut* tratiou, and we will presently see to what extent the Representative Branch operates on the conduct of a gentleman, who assumes the responsibility, and is placed in the circumstances described. Let us suppose that the City Charter gives me for my advisers, from the moment I am sworn in, ten or a dozen individuals, some of them the heads of departments, enjoying large salaries and much patron- age-^othera, perhaps, discarded members of the popular branch, and not a few selected by no rule which the people can clearly under^ stand, but because they happened to flatter the vanity of one or other of my predecessors, or to be connected with the families, or favourable to the views or interests, of some of those by whom they were advised. This body, be it observed, by usage never departed from, hold their situations as Councillors for life : the people have no control over them, neither have I — they are sworn not to inform upon each other, nor is it necessary jthey should, because, as I have assumed the responsibility, and they fur their own interest favor the theory, if any thing goes wrong they can lay the blame on me. This body then, which owes no allegiance to the people of Liverpool — which often, in fact, has an interest the very reverse of theirs — which', suspected of usurpation and improper influence, pays back the im- putation with unmeasured contempt ; and hardly one fifth of whose number could, by any possibility, be thus honored if their seats de<^ peudedoR popular selection — this body I am compelled to call around roe in order that my administration may commence, for without some fuch assistance 1 am unable to take a single step. They come — and there sit, at the first Council Board, the responsibleMay or, who knows nothing and nobody, and his irresponsible advisers, who, if they do not know every thing, and they are seldom greater witches than their neighbors, know their friends, a lean minority of the citizens,—- from their enemies, the great majority ; and are quite aware that, for their interest, it is necessary that 1 should be taught, as soon as pos- sible, to despise the latter, and throw myself into the arms of the for- mer. Will any sensible man, calmly viewing the relative situations, opportunities and powers of the parties, believe that any act of admi- nistration done, or any appointment made, for the first six months, is my act or my appointment? I may choose between any two or three persons whose names are artfully set before me, when an oQice is to be filled, and if determined to show my independence may select the worst ; but I must choose from the relatives and friends of iny Advisers, or from the small minority who support them in the hopes of preferment, for to that section of the whole the city patron- age must be religiously confined ; and it is of course so managed, that ' J. scarcely know or have confidence in any body else. Can your I^ordship believe that such a state of things would give satisfaction to the citizens? Would they not uegiu to grumble and coraplain-T-to warn— to remonstrate — and to expose the machinations and manceuvres ofnhe monopolists? It would be very odd, and they -would be very un-English Englishmen, if they did not. But, as I have come to Liverpool to demonstrate the beauties of this system of Id City Government, which I highly approve— as I have assumed th« whole redponsibilily, and become inflated with the consciousness "of my extensive powers— and, above all, as I am taught by my advisers to look upon every complaint of the system as a libel upon my judg- ment, and an insult to my administration, I very soon begin to dislike those who complain — to speak and write contemptuously of them in private and public — to denounce any who have the hardihood to suggest that some alterations are required, by which the opinions aiid^'rights of the majority shall be respected, as men dangerous to the peace of the City, and disaffected towards Her Majesty's person and Government ; until, in fact, Liverpool becomes very like a town, in the olden time, in which the inhabitants generally being hostile to their rulers, the latter retire to the Citadel, from which they project every description of missile and give every species of annoyance. By and bye the time arrives for the Legislative branches of the City Government to assemble :-r-pne of these, being elected at short period:), under a low franchise, which includes the great body of the independent citizens, may betaken as a fair reflexion of all their great interests, their varied knowledge, passions and prejudices. The other is a body of life Legislators, selected by my advisers from among their own relatives and friends, with a lew others, of a more independent character, to save appearances ; but in which they always have a majority of faithful and determined partizans. The business commences'-the great majority of members in the Representative Branch, speaking the matured opinionsofthe people, complain of the system, and of tne advisers it has plabed around me, expressing.' the fullest confidence in me, whom they cannot suspect of wishing to do them harm, but asking my co-operation towards the introduction of changes without which they assure tne the city never can prosper. But my advisers, having a few of their adherents also in this body, they are instructed to declare any change unnecessary — ^to throw every obstruction in the way — to bully and defame the more conspi- cuous of those who expose the evils of the existing system, and to .denounce them all as a dangerous combination, who, with some covert design, are pressing, for factious objects, a series of frivolous complaints. Of course, as the minority speak the sctltiments which I have imbibed, and put themselves forward as my personal cham- pions on all occasions, they rise in my esteem exactly in the same proportion as the other party are depressed, until they become especial p3t3; and, from their ranks, as opportunities occur, all vacancies are supplied, either in the list of irresponsible advisers who in my name carry on the government, or in the number of life Legislators who do their bidding in the Upper Branch. I respectfully beg your Lordship to ponder over these passages, whi^h I assure you are true to nature and experience — and ask yourself, after bringing home such a state of things to the bosom of any British City, how long it would be uncomplainingly endured ? or how long any Ministry, duly informed of the facts, would allow it to continue ? Look back, my Lord, and you will find in every Ni \n I V-'S' JO ■'l!r''' V i rotten Corporation, swept away by the immortal Act of which your Lordship was ono of the ablest defenders, a resemblance to our Co- lonial Governments, as they at present stand, too strong to be mista* ken — and, let me venture to hope, that the man who did not spare corruption ho near the national centre of vitality, who did not hesi- tate to combat these hydra headed minorities, who, swarming, over England, every where asserted their right to* govern the majorities, will not shrink from applying his own principles — the great princi- ples of the Constitution— to these more distant but not less impor- tant porticfis of the Empire. Your Lordship will, perhaps, urge, that Sir Francis Head succeeded in pleasing the people, and getting the majority on his side. Admitting the full force which the worthy Baronet gives to this case, it is, aRer all, but the exception to the general rule. The true history of events in Upper Canada, 1 believe to have been this : a small, but desperate minority, had determined oa a violent revolution ; this party might have contained some men 80 wicked, that a love of mischief and desire for plunder were the governing principles, and others, moved by attachment to Republican Institutions— but, small as it was, the greater number of those found in its ranks, had been driven there by the acts of another equally small and equally desperate minority, who had long monopolized, and, under the present system, may and will monopolize, for a century to come, the whole power and patronage of the Government, dividing among them the revenues of the country. The great mass of the people of Upper Canada belcfhged to neither of these band? of desperadoes. They were equally determined, with the one, to uphold British connexion, and aseqijally determined, wiihthe other, to getrid of a wretched system of irresponsible local administration, under the continuance of which they well knew the Province could never prosper. When Sir Francis Head arrived, he entered the Colony, if we are to believe his own account of the matter, almost as igno- rant as my imaginary Mayor of Liverpool. Sir Francis admits his ignorance, but denies the consequences that must be deduced from it — that he was led and influenced, in the first acts of his adminis- tration, until the Compact found him ripe for their own purposes, and embroiled even with the moderate men on the other c^ide. Then commenced that extraordinary flight of proclamations, addresses and declamatory appeals, which, winged with the ready pens of a profes- sional author, and shot from the long bow of the Family Compact, cre- ated so much false excitement, and carried so much misrepresentation into every corner of the Province. In these the great question at issue in Upper Canada, which was one between the interests of the family compact and the principles of the British Constitution, was winked out of sight ; and the people, not only of that but of the surrounding Cok)nies, were made to believe that they were to choose between British and Republican InstUutioris — that Sir Francis and the fa- mdy compact (Archdeacon Btrachan, with the Clergy Reserves, one seventh of the Province ; and Attorney General Hagerman, with the corrupt patronage and influence of administration, under their arms) 21 repreiented the furmer — nnd McKenzieand hi« band of denperadoci the latter. Thus appealed to, the British populntiuii every where, as the cunning men at Sir F''anci8' elbow well knew they would, said with one vo'\ce-*^if that is the question, then we are for the British Constitution, and hurrah I for Sir Francis Head. McKcnzio was an outlaw in a week ; his small band of denperadoes was scatter- ed by the energy of the people, the great mass of whom never dream- ed of breaking the connexion with the Mother Country. Then came the period in which the compact glorified themselves and Sir Francis — the fever of loyal excitement — in which the miserable mino- rity of officials, feeling strong in the success^f their mnnceiivres, and still stronger in the strength of British thousands profuxely spent — Regiments of militia to be officered, equipped, and paid—- began to wreak their vengeance upon every man who had been known to be hostile to their monopoly ; and to identify opinions, not more ex- treme, when thoroughly understood, than those held by the most moderate section of the Whigs in England, with "privy conspiracy and rebellion." But the period was fast approaching when this un- natural excitement was to subside — when hundreds of thousands of British subjectn, looking steadily through the mists that had been raised around them, were to ask of each other, has this case been de- cided upon the true issue? teas that the question ? For evidence of the solemnity with which this enquiry has ueen put, and the all per- vading unanimity with which it has been answered, I refer your Lord- ship to the meetings which have been held in every section of the Province — to the opinions boldly expressed by every Newspaper, with a few, chiefly venal exceptions, printed in Upper Canada — to the bold and determined stand taken by many of the bravest and ablest men who crushed JMcKenzie's rebellion, and beat back the sympa- thizers upon the frontier — to the extraordinary union of Orangemen and Catholics, Methodists, Baptists, Churchmen and Presbyterians, whose watchwords are British connexion and Britib'h responsibility, and down with the Compact, and the absurd idea cherished by Sir Francis Head, of a government in which the whole responsibility rests upon the Governor. If your Lordship doubts the utter explosion of your theory even in this Province, where, for a time, I admit it seemed to flourish, the approaching general elections will furnish evidence enough — and even Sir Francis, if he were to come out again with another sheaf of Proclamations and Addresses, to preach this unitarian doctrine of responsibility, would no longer be listened to by the Upper Canadians, who have embraced a higher and purer faith. x Having, as I conceive, then, shown your Lordship that the idea of a Coloriy in which nobody is responsible but the Governor, while his responsibility is only nominal, however delightful it ft»n^ appear in the eyes of those who have been or hope to be Governors, is one that never can be a favorite with the Colonists, and has been repudiated and rejected by those of them among whom, for a limited period, and under a system of delusion, it seemed to flourish—let me turn your Lordship's attention for a few moments to the doctrine main- 83 !■ I: IP I I: tainot) by Lord Glcuclg &gninst Sir Francii Ilcnd, nnd now pu( forlh by four T.ordsliiji in opimsiiion to the Earl of Durliain— Ihal the CoL. il > etart/ m niono responsible, and that the Governor ii mi a^ont govc.i! r2f ilio I'rovince Ly instruvimns/rnm him. Whatever now readings may yet be piven of our unwritten Con- "'itutioiis, this is tliu onn wliiuh always lias been and always will be fnvotiriie with Coioiiiul iSocrelaries and under Secretaries, and by wbicb every Clerk in Downing Street, even totlio third and fourth gent Uion yut lo come, wdl be prepared to take hiH stand. And why ? bec.i ise, to deprive them of this much talked of responsibility, which means nothing, would be to deprive them of the power to which they cling— ot the right of meddling inlerfcrenco with every petty question and every petty appointment, in 30 difTcrent Colonies. While things remain as they are— the very uncertainly which reigns over the whole Colonial system, invests the Secretary of State with a degree of power and influence, the dim and shadowy outline of which can scarcely bo measured by the eye, but which, from its al- most boutidless extent, and multiform and varied ramifications an'l relations, possesses a fascination which few men have been born with the patriotic moderation to reiiist. Though a Secretary of State may occasionally have to maintain, in a particular Province, a doubt* ful struggle, for the whole rcsponsibiliti/, and the whole of the power, with some refractory Governor, like Sir Francis Head, — yet even there he must exorcise a good deal of authority, and enjoy a fair share of influence ; while in all the others his word is law, and his influence almost supreme. A Judge, a Crown officer, a Secretary or a Land Surveyor, CB'iiiot be appointed without his consent — a silk gown cannot be p;ivcn to a Lawyer without his sanc- tion, while his word is required to confirm the nomination of Le> gislative Councillors for life, and irresponsible Executive Councillors, in every Province, before the Queen's mandamus is prepared. The very obscurity in which the real character of Colonial Constitutions is involved, of course magnifies the importance and increases the in- fluence of the gentleman who claims the right to expound them. Mpre thrnone half the Colonists who obtain audiences in Downing Street, are sent there by (he mystification in which the principles of the system are involved ; while the other half are applicant' 'or of^vcs which, nnder a system of local responj.bility, would be ii)lt*% and yet struggling with each other for their irnilei. The M'.h r Oointry would, it is true, hear loss of Colonial griev. nnc • . —I^ rii cut would save much time, now devoted to Colonial q'les' OP" -and the people of England would now and theu. save ti i.'W mdliuiiS sterling, which ore required to keep up tho existing sys* 1 n by force of arms. But these are small matters compared with the dignity of a Cocrelary of Stale. Here then, my Lord, you have tho reason why yotjr reading of our Constitutions is the favorite one in Downing Street — let us see nf>w whether it is more or less favourable to rational freedom, o d good government in tho Colonies, than that advocated by Sir Fran -is Jlead. Your authority and that of Lord Glenulg is with me in cou- domninghis; vi-hich I have done, ai deceptive and absurd ; he wifl probably join me in denouncing your's, as the most impraclicable that it eve. entered into the mind of a Statesman to conceive. Tho City of Liverpool shall again serve us for the purposes of illus- tration. Turn back to the passages in which I have described a Mayor, ignorant of every thing — surrounded by irresponsible but cun- nirvg advisers, who, for their own advantage, embroil him with the majority of the citizens — while his countenance, and the patronags created by the taxes levied upon the city, are monopolized by a mi- serable minority of the whole— und insulted and injured thousands, swelling with indignation, surround him on every side. After your Lordship has dwelt upon this scene of heartburning and discontent — of general dissatisfaction among the citizens, of miserable intriguer and chuckling triumph, indulged by tlie few who squander the re- nuurwCo and decide on the interests of the many, but laugh at their murmurs and never acknowledge their authority; let mebegofyouto reflect whether matters would be made better or worse, if the Mayor of Liverpool was b jund, in every im^jortant act of his administration, to ask the direction of and throw the responsibility on another indivi- dual, who never saw the City— who knows less about it even than himself— and who resides, not in London, at the distance of a day's coaching fronj him, but icross the Atlantic, in Halifax, Quebec, or Toronto, and wuhwhomit is impossible to communicate about any thing within a less period than a couple of months. Suppose that this gentleman in the distance possesses a veto upon every important ordinance by which the City i:i to be watched, lighted and improved -*~by which docks are to be formed, trade regulated, and one third of the Cit^ Revenues (drawn from sources beyond the control of the 24 i I fcJ :'■ '■3 t^opuiaf branch), dispensed — and suppose, that nearly all whdsti talents or ambition lead them to aspire to the higher offices ofth« place, are compelled to take, once or twice in their lives, a voy- age across the Atlantic, to pay their court to him — to solicit his patronage, and intrigue for the preferment, which, under a better system, would naturally result from manly competition and eminent services within the city itself. Your Lordship is too keen sighted, and T trust too frank, not to acknowledge, that no form of government could well be devised more ridicu* Ions than this — that under such no British City could be ex- pected to prosper ; and that with it no body of Iler Majesty's subjects, within the British Islands themselves,, would ever be contenti Yet this, my Lord, is an illustration of your own theory — this is the system propounded by Lord Normanby, as the best the present Ca- binet can devise,— and may I not respectfully demand why British subjects in Nova-Scotia, any more than their brethren in Liverpool, should be expected to prosper or be contented under it, when expe- rience has convinced them that it is miserably insufficient and de- ceptive— repugnant to the principles of the Constitution they'revere, and but a poor return for the steady loyalty which their forefathers and themselves have maintained on all occasions ? One of the greatest evils of the Colonial Constitution^ as interpret- ed by your Lordship, is, that it removes from a Province every des- cription of responsibility, and leaves all the higher functionaries at liberty to lay every kind of blame at the door of the Secretary of State. The Governor, if the Colonists complain, shrugs his shoul- ders, and replies, that he will explain the difficulty in his next des- patch, but in the mean time his orders must be obeyed— the Execu- tive Councillors, who under no circumstances are responsible for any thing, often lead the way in Qoncentrating the ire of the people, upon the Colonial Secretary, who is the only person they admit their right to blame. It is no uncommon thing to hear them^ in Nova-Sco- tia, sneering at him in public debate— and in Canada they are accused of standing by while Lords Glenelg and Melbourne were hanged in effigy and burned, in the capital, encouraging the populace to pay this mark of respect to men, who, if your Lordship's theory is to be enforced, these persons, at all events, should have the decency to pardon, if they cannot always defend. I trust, my Lord, that in this letter I have shown you that in con^ templatinga well defined and limited degree of responsibility to attach to Executive Councillors in North America, I have more strictly followed the analogies to be drawn from the Constitution, than has your Lordship, in supposing that those officers would neces- sarily overstep all' bounds— that, in divesting the Governor of a vague and deceptive description of responsibility, which is never enforced, and of a portion of authority which it is impossible for hirh wisely to exercise; and yet holding him to account for what does fall within the scope joi his character as Her Majesty's Hepresentative, the constitutional analogy is still preserved— hie dignity left unimpaired, and the difficulties of his position removed. I trust also that I have ■■•■ ;:i'. -',"■''>.■'::■ ''f ■■' ^5 proved 10 your Lordship that the Colonial Constitutions, as they at present stand, arc but a medley of uncertainty and confusion — that those by whoni they are administered do not understand them — and lastly, that whether Sir Francis Head's interpretation or your own be adopted, neither offer security for good government, — the contest between them merely involving a diiference of opinion as to who is to wield powers that neither Gnvernors nor Secretaries can usefully assume, and which of these officers is nominally to bear the blame of blund'Srs that both are certain to commit. 1 have the honor to be, &c. &c. &.C ' LETTER III. My Lord, The next passage of the Speech of the 3d of June, which I am bound to notice, is that in which you say : — " The Governor might ask the Executive Council to propose acer- ** tain measure. They might say they could not propose it unless the *' members of the house of Assei^ibly would adopt it, but the Governor " might reply that he had received instructions from home command* *• ing him to propose that measure. How, in that case, is he to pro- " ceed? Either one power or the other must be set aside. Either ** the Governor or the House of Assembly, or else the Governor must *' become a mere cypher in the hands of the Assembly, and not at- " tempt to carry into effect the measures which he is commanded by ** the home government to do." This objection is based upon the assumption that the interests of the Mother Country and those of the Colonies are not the same — that they must be continually in a state of conflict — and that there must be some course of policy necessary for the Imperial Govern- ment to enforce, the reasons for which cannot be understood in the Colonies, nor its necessity rccoijnized. This may have been the case formerly in the West indies, where the conflict vva»one between the ideas engendered by a state of slavery and a state of freedom, but it is not true of the North American Provinces, to the condition and claims of whicii my observations are cliiefly confined. Of all the questions which have agitated or are likely to agitate Nova Sco- tia, New-Brunswick, or Prince Edward Island, how few, when rightly understood, can be said to involve any imperial interest, or trench upon any principle dear to our brethren at home, or the con- cession of which could disturb the peace of the Empire? Have any of these Colonies claimed a right to regulate the foreign trade or foreign policy of the Empire ? have they ever interfered, except to 4 26 entry out the views of Iler Majesty's Government, with any of the Mi- litary or Naval operations ? have they exposed a grievance, the con- tinued existence of which is indispensible to the Vill heingofthe British Islands ; or demanded a right, the concession of which would not be serviceable to themselves without doing the least injury to the people of Britain ? For what have they asked ? for the control of their own revenues, and the means of influencing the appointment and acts of the men who are to dispense them : and who are, be- sides, to distribute hundreds of petty offices, and discharge functions manifold and various, within the Colony itself. Thepeoplp of Eng- land have no knowledge of these matters, nor any interest in them, to give them the right to interfere — interference does much mischief to the Colonists, and can do no good to their brethren across the water. If British Statesmen would let these things alone, and it is over these only that toe claim to enforce responsibility, and confine themselves to those general arrangements afiecling the whole Empire, of which we admit them to be the best judges, and in the conduct of which we riever ask to take a part, it would be impossible to conceive how such a case could arise, as tfiat supposed by your liordsliip — or how the Governor could be charged with " a measure*' which his Executive Council would not dare "to propose?" Ad- mitting th it there might bn some subjects, requiring discussion in the Provinces, but which the Colonists were not prepared to adopt, surely an Executive Councillor could be got, even if he were opposed to the views of Ministers, to submit the measure and explain those views to i!!e popular Branch — or might there not be "open ques- tions" in-t he Colonies as at home ? The conclusion at which my mind arrives, then, after the best attention tltat I can e repeated, at least for a century to con>e. Let us suppose the case to have occurred in New-Brunswick : that the Executive Coun- cil, l>eing responsible, had advised Sir John Harvey to proceed hos- tilcly — and that, on his declining, they had levied war. In the first place, as all the regular troops were at Sir John's dispo^ sal, as Commander in Ciiief within the Province, and not merely as Civil Governor, they not only could not have moved a .soldier, but would have had the whole military force of that and the adjoining Provinces against them. As the Governor's order to the Colonels and oHiccrs commanding the Militia is iudispensibic, before a single step can be taken, under the laws by which that force is embodied, of course no hostile order would have been given, nor could those laws have been modified or changed without Sir John's assent. And if it be urged, that volunteers would hi»vo flocked to the aid of the Executive Council, may I not enquire where they would have obtained arms and ammunition, when all the military nuuiitions and stores were, deposited in military warehouses, under the care of Commisaarres, and Officers of Ordnance, responsible only to the Crown? Oh! no, my Lord, whatever effect such imaginary cases as these may have upon men at a distance, unacipiainted with 29 the slate of society in liritisli America, and the general intelligence which prevails, — here they are laughed at, as the creations of a fertile imagination, taxed to combat political improvements that were feared without being understood. If, even under the federative Govern- ment of the United States, in which each State is much more inde- dependenl of the central authority than any Colony would be under the system I contemplate, this right of private war has only been once asserted, by a single State, in more than half a century, and then was scouted all ovei; the Continent, is it to be supposed that British subjects will pay less respect to the authority of their Ctueen, than do llepubllcan Americans to that of their President ? Theie is one bare possibility, which your Lordship has not suggest- ed, in opposition to the new system, and yet it is scarcely more ridi- culous than some that have been urged — that the Colonial Coun- cillors might claim the control of the squadron upon the North Ame- can coast, as well as of the land forces, in their anxiety to engage in foreign wars. The danger in this case would be nearly as great as in the other — for, in modern warfare, a fleet is nearly as neces- sary as an army ; and yet, it is certain that the Admiral upon the station would know how to treat such a claim, should it be preferred by a Council, who, in the wanton exercise of authority, were dispoaeU to transgress all bounds? The next objection which I am bound to notice, is thus given in the Report : — *' Let us suppose that an officer of Militia in Upper " Canada, afier an action, was to order that the persons taken in that " action should be put to death on the field. 1 can conceive it poa- " sible, in a state of exasperation and conflict with the people of the *' neighbouring state, tiiat the Assembly might applaud that conduct, " and might require that it should be the rule, and not the exception, "that all invaders of their territory should be treated in that manner, " and that the parties should be put to death without trial. Sup- " posing that to be the case, could the government of this country " adopt such a rule ? <^^ould the Secretary of State for the Colonies " sanction such a rule, and not decide, as my honorable friend the " Under Secretary has done, that the practice would meet with his " decided reprehension?" Now, my Lord, admitting that such a case might occur once in half a century under the new system, let me remind your Lordship that it has already occurred under the old. If it is to have any weight, the fact of its occurrence in a Province in which the Exe- cutive Council is irresponsible, and the Colonial Secretary in the exercise of his full [)owers. makes in favor of my argument ; while I have a right to deny, until proof is furnished, that it could occur, if matters were more wisely ordered, and a more rational system established, by which all temptations to foreigners to make inroads into British Provinces, speculating upon the disaffection of the peo- ple, would be removed. But, my Lord, life has been taken, under your system—" death" has been inflicted " without trial," illegally, as you infer — and has any punishment followed ? Have the laws been vindicated ? No !— then why not ? Simply, I presume, be- % m I do cause your beautiful mode of Government lins produced such a state of things in a British Province, that the Ministers of the Queen dare not bring the man charged with this high offence to trial. Un- der a systenv of responsibility, by which the population were left to manage their domestic affairs, I hold that no such violation of law would be likely lo occur ; and,-lhat if it did, investigation would be as safe, and punishment as certain, although a crime had been com- mitted in Middlesex or Surrey. I hfive thui disposed, my Lord.of thcf Military questions; and, as I have left Her Majesty and her Representatives in full command of the Army and Navy, and of the Militia force of British America, and have asserted no claim of the Colonists to interfere with foreign treaties, and diplomatic arrangements affecting the Empire at large, I thinU, if peace be not maintained with foreign states, and punish- ment, for offences strictly militari/, be not awarded, the blame will not rest with the Executive Councillors, who are to exercise no ju- risdiction over these matters, and cannot be responsible if others fail in their duty. Let me now turn to another class of objections, arising out of our Colonial and Foreign Trade. " Again," says your Lordship, " nei- " ther could this analogy be maintained with regard to trade between " Canada and the mother country, or Canada and any other " country ; how then can you adopt a principle from which such " large exceptions are to bo made ? If you were to do so, you " would be continually on the borders of dispute and conflict ; tho " Assembly and the Executive on the one hand requiring a certain *' course to be pursued, while the governor on the other hand would " be as constantly declaring that it was a course he could not adopt ; " 80 that, instead of furnishing matter of content and harmony in " these provinces, you would be affording new matter lor dispute and " discontent if ytiu were to act upon this supposed analogy." Now, my Lord, I feel it my duty to slate, that you may take from any part y^u please »o select, of England, Ireland, or Scotland, 200,000 persons, and among them you will not find a larger number than are to be found in Nova-Scotia, well informed as to tlie degree of authority in matters of Trudc, which, for the good of the whole Em- pire, and tho preservation of the advantages in which all are to par- ticipate, it is necessary to confide to the care of the Sovereign and the wisdom of the Imperial Parliament. The great Corporations of London, of Bristol, and of Liverpool, do not presume to interfere with these, except by petition and remonstrance, neither do we. Each of these Cities has the right to levy small duties within their own limits, for matters of internal regulation or to aid public im- provements, and these rights they exercise, in common with us, when' they do not contravene any British Statute, necessary for the protec- tion of the Trade of the Empire. But, if it can be shown that a law bears unequally upon London or Halifax, and that a flagrant case of hardship exists— or if the industry of any portion of the Peo- ple, either in England or the Colonies, is taxed, while no corres- ponding advanta^re is rea|)G.l by any .other portion,— or that, if 31 reaped, it is an unfair and illegitimate advantage, — an nppciil is made to Parliament : we have hitherto been contented, although not di- rectly represented in that Assembly, to abide the result of that appeal ; or to pass Bills, taking our chance of their heins; assented to in England. The same thing would occur, even if the Executive Council was responsible, for, upon this point, there is no part af our population prepared to set up absurd or irrational claims. If Par- liament should undertake to legislate directly against our interests — to cut up our commerce, and prevent the growth of domestic indus- try, and, after fair notice and ample proof of injury, were to persist in such a course, why then a state of things would arise which simi- lar policy produced elsewhere, in other times, and upon the results of which either responsible or irresponsible Councillors could exer- cise but little influence. But, as political economists, at home, are every day becoming convinced that the more liberty they aflford to the Colonist to conduct his commercial operations, the greater will be his demand for British manufactures, — and as, under the guidance of this enlightened policy, thelaws of Trade iind Navigation are an- nually becoming less restrictive, it is not probable that difficulties, which were never insuperable, will all of a sudden admit of no ra- tional remedy ; or that the boundaries of Colonial and Imperial authority, now so well understood, and the recognition of which is so easily enforced, will often be called in question on either side. If the Colonists assert rights which do not belong to them, and persist in their contumacy, disturbing solemn Treaties and setting Acts of Parliament at nought, why then they have broken the social com- pact, it is a case of rebellion, and they must be put down. Let us reduce the difficulty to practice, for the purpose of illustra- tion. Suppose that both Branches of the Legislature pass a Law by which a he:ivy duty is laid upon British broadcloths, and those from the United States are admitted duty free ; and that the Execu- tive Council, being responsible, advise the Lieutenant Governor to assent to it. Such an absurd piece of bad faith as this could never be attempted in the Lower Provinces — for public opinion, would never sanction any interference with the general laws, not intend- ed to remedy abuses, or that struck at Colonial wiihont promoting British prosperity ; nor would any changes be popular, which violated the fraternal comity, by which British subjects every where arc bound to encourage and protect each other. But I have supposed the law passed and presented : the Governor would say in this case, as he now invariably says — as your Lordship admits he must say, if urged to provoke a foreign war — Gentlemen, you are exceeding your powers ; to legislate for your own advantage is ome thing ; to legislate directly against your brethren at home, for the advan- tage of foreigners, is another ; this Bill must either be modified or rejected, or reserved for Her Majesty's assent before it can go into operation. If the parties urging it persisted, a dissolution might be tried, and an appeal to British subjects, in a case where the Governor wa« clearly right, and his advisers wrong, would never be made in vain ; particularly when aided by the Constitutional op- J32 il ^ If position, wliicli, under a system of rosponsibility and manly compe' titiun, would exist in every Colony. But if it failed — if such an almost impossible thing were upon the cards, as that a majority could be found in Nova-Scotia, to sustain such an act, or any thing bear- ing a resemblance to it, then a case would have occurred for iho interference of the Imperial authorities, who should say to us frankly, if you will come into unnatural and hostile collision, the weakest has the most to fear. Mad your Lordship been as familiar with the mode of dealing with such subjects as most Colonists are who have watched the pro- ceedings of Colonial Assemblies, you would have been satiiied that nu danger was be apprehended from violent collisions about matters of trade. When a new duty is proposed in Nova-Scotia, or a re- duction suggested, the first question asked on all sides is, will the proposition violate the letter, or does it even run counter to the spi- rit, of tlie Imperial Acts? If it dues, in eight cases out often, the person bringing the measure forward drops it, on being assured of the fact — in the ninth case, where a doubt exi.sts as to the policy and wisdom of Imperial legislation, it is found, on enquiry, that the clause which seemed to press upon us, originated in a wide view over the whole field of commerce, which British Statesmen, oflen better than others whose positions aflford fewer advantages, are enabled to take, and that its repeal would inflict an injury and not confer a be« nciit. The tenth case is perhaps one in which the Imperial Parlia- ment, either from haste, or prejudice, or insufficient information, has committed an error in political economy, or inflicted a wound upon Colonial without benefitting British industry. In this case, (and they only occur once in a great while) no one ever dreams, that, as your Lordship expresses it, the Imperial I^egislature is to be " overruled" by that of the Colony : we never doubt but that an ap- peal to the good sense and justice of our brethren over the water, will be successful. A Bill is passed, perhaps, to meet the difl!iculty ; and an explanation of the facts and reasoning in which it originated, is sent with it, in the form of an Address to the Throne, and in most cases is found to be successful. This is the mode at present : what reason is there to suppose that it would be much changed, if we had an Executive Council, whose powers and responsibilities did not extend to matters of general com- merce, already provided for by Imperial Legislation ? If we are so fond of violent conflict and factious opposition, what hinders us from indulging our propensities now 1 Sliall we be less considerate the more kindly we are treated ? Shall we have less respect for Impe- rial legislation, when we that see it leaves us the entire management of our domestic aflfairs, and only dqals with those great interests which transcend our authority and are beyond our control ? Suppose twelve Novascotiaus, who are not responsible to any authority under Heaven, are made accountable to the rest of their countrymen, shall we have a man the more for forcible resistance than we have now— or a gun, a pike, a bomb, or a barrel of powder ? 1 have thus, rny Lord, gone over the arguments urged by your 95 tiOrdsiiip in t1ic epeocli of tho 3d June. I have omitted none that appear to me to have the sli^rhtest bearing upon the great question at issue, and I tru.sit I have given to each a fair and 8ati»factr''v answer. I have written not only under a solemn sense of duty, » with the full assurance that sophistry, woven around this question, either on one side of the Atlantic or the other, would be torn to shreds in the conflict of acute and vigorous minds now engaged in its dis- cussion. Had your Lordship, in announcing tho decision of the Cabinet, forborne to state the reasons upon which that decision was founded, I might, like counsel at the bar under similar circum- stances, have felt myself compelled to acquiesce in a judgment, nei- ther the juBtlce nor the policy of which I could fathom. But when the arguments were stated, and when I saw a que'stion involving tho peace and security of six extensive Provinces, and the freedom and happiness of a million and a half of British subjects, disposed of by a mode of reasoning which I knew to be deceptive and unsound, — when I saw, in fact, that the parties claiming their rights were to be turned out of court, with all the argument and all the evidence upon their side, — I felt that to remain silent would be to deserve the so- cial and political degradation which this unjust decision waa tu entail on my countrymen and mysetf->-to earn the Helot mark of exclusion from the blessings of that Constitutional freedom, which our forefathers struggled to bequeathe ; and which we should never cease to demand, as a patrimony that runs with our blood, and cannot be rightfully severed from our name. .; ' ^ 1 have the honor to be, ' "'' " " ' '' .'.*", &-€* &/C. &.C. roii !i til- ,. i.'V "ft, V M.*' U> "> '; -I' ^•i^.i ■■V- ^^s\ If! fp^g Oovemor. I htiTe shown, in the illustration drawn Trom the City of Liverpool, thnt most Governors come out to Colonie^ so ignorant of their geo- graphy and topography, climate, productions, commerce, rospurcei and wants— and above all, of the parties, passions and prejudices, which divide them — and the character, talents, and claims, of the men by whom the population are influenced and led, that for the first six or twelve months they aro like overgrown boys at school. It is equally clear that while the business ofGovernment must move on, and the administration commence from the day on which the new Governor arrives, the Schoolmasters, from whom all his facts are derived — hia views of internal aflfairs — and his impressions, not only of different par- ties, but of individuals of each party, gathered, are the irresponsible EzecutiveCouncillors, whom the present system calls around hmi— and who, possessed of such advantages, rarely fail, before he can by any possibility escape from their toils, to embroil him with the |)opular uranch of the Legislature, and the mass of the people by whom U is, sustained. Mow let us suppose, that when a Governor arrives in Nova>Scotia, he finds himself surrounded, not by this irresponsible Council, who represent nothing except the whims of his predecessors, and the in- terests of a few families, (so small in point ofnumbers, that but for tho influence which office and the distribution of patronage gives them, their relative weight in the country woula be ridiculously diminutive) — but by men, who say to him, " may it please your Bxccllency, there was a general Election in this Province last month, or last year, or the year before last, and an administration was formed upon the results of that Election — we, who compose the Council, have ever since been steadily sustained by a majority in the Commons, and have reason to believe that our conduct and policy have been satisfactory to the country at large." A Governor thus ad- dressed, would feel, that at all events he was surrounded by those who represented a majority of tho population — who possessed the confidence of an immense body of the electors, and who had been selected to give him advice by the people who had the deepest inter- est in the success of his administration. If he had doubts on this point — if[ he had reason to believe that any factious combination had obtained office improperly, and wished to take the opinions of the People— or if the Executive Council wished to drive him into measures not sanctioned by the Charter, or exhibited a degree of grasping selfishness which was ofTensive and injurious, — he could at once dissolve the Assembly, and appeal to the People, who here, as in England, would relieve him fromdoubtand difficulty; and, fighting out the battle on the hustings, rebuke the Councillors if they were wrong. This toauld be a most important noint gained in favour of the Governor-^for now he is the slave of an irresponsible Council, which he cannot shake ofT; and is bound to act by the advice of men, who, not being accountable for the advice they give^ and M r.f liaving oAcn raiic)i to gh'in and nothing to loie by giving bad advice, may get him into scrapes every month, and /av er»al interests committed to his care. , ,,. . . I- ... .... .','•(•.,■ • The Executive CounciL Executive Councillors now are either Heads of Departments — or Members of the two Branches who are generally favourable to the policy of these, and disposed to leave therr emoluments intact. One or two persons of more independent character, and slightly dif- fering with the others upon a few points, are sometimes admitted ; but a vast preponderance in favour of the views of the official com- gict, is always, as a matter of course, maintained. The Heads of epartments are always very well paid for their trouble in governing the country, by the enormous official salaries they re- ceive ; their colleagues either are look'mg to office, or have means of providing for their relatives and friends ; while, if it should so bappen, that such a thing as a Colonial Executive Councillor can be found, for any length of time in office, who has not served him- self or his friends, the title, and the consciousness of possessing for life the right to approach and advise every Governor, and give a vote upon every important act of administration, without a possibili- ty of being displaced, or called to account for any thing said or done, is no mean reward fur the small amount of labour and time bestow- ed. Formerly these people, in addition to other benetits, obtained for themselves and their friends immense tracts of Crown land. This resource is now cut off, by the substitution of sales for free grants — but, look ing at the Executive Council, or Cabinet, as it exists in any of the North American Provinces at present, we And a small knot of individuals, responsible neither to the Queen, the Secretary of Slate, the Governor nor the People — who owe their seats to nei- ther, but to their relatives und friends throui^h whose influence and intrigues they have been appointed — and who, while they possess Hmong them some of the best salaries and nearly all the patronage of the country, have a common interest in promoting extravagancf, 37 resiftliig economy, and keeping up the ayitein exactly at h itanrati«ns. This.fike all minor difficulties, might easily be pro- vided for ,' and I am siire that there are but few of those seeking to establish Responsible Government, who desire to overturn even a bad system in a spirit of heartless vindictiveness. -4 hfi The Legislative Council i''^i5-f|»i «H4/^"ii'^s5 -. t*he Colonies, having no hereditary Peerage, this Body has been constructed to take its place. From the difficulty of making it har- monize with the popular branch, some politicians in Lower Cana^ da, and it was said that the Earl of Durham at first inclined to the opinion, thought it might be abolished. 1 think there is no necessi- ty for this — first, because' it would destroy the close resemblance which it is desirable to maintain between our lustitutioos and those of the mother country, — and again, because a secori^ hgislative chamber, not entirely dependent upon popular favor, is useful to re- view measures, and check undue haste or corruption in the popular branch. Besides, I see no difficulty in maintaining its independence, and yet removing from it the character of annual conflict with the representative body, by which it has been every where distinguished. The main object of the Executive Council being the preservation of a system by whith they enjoy honors, office and patronage, un- controlled and uninfluenced by the people, — and they having the no- mination of Legislative 'Councillors, of course they have always se- lected a majority of^hose whose interests and opinions were their own, and* who could help them to wrestle irith andjight off the popular brunch. Hence the constant collision, and the general out- cry against the second chamber. The simple remedy for all this ap- pears to oe, to introduce the English practice : let the people be con- sulted in the formation of the Executive Council, and then the ap- pointmeats to the Legislative will be more in accordance with public sentiment, and the general interest, than they are now. I should have no objection to Legislative Councillors holding their seats for life, by whicli their independence of the Executive and of the People would be secured, provided they were chosen fairly by those to whom, from time to time, the constituency, as at home, en- trusted the privilege — and not as they are now selected, to serve a particular purpose, and expressly to 2»rangle, rather than to harmo- nise, with the popular branch. The House of Lords includes men selected by all the administrations which the People of Britain have called into power — the Houses of liOrds in the Colonies have been created by all the administrations which the Peojyle never could infuence or control. .F^^ ^ nl^r^^r- ■_. r-,v? ;*;.;;, ^4, v;«^.if upon the large ffcale on which the principle is applied at home, there is no great in- convenience felt, how much less have we to fenr where the popula- tion is not so dense — the competition not so active— nor the prises so gigantic. A ministry that in England lasts two or three years is supposed to fulfil its mission — and a quadrennial Bill i» considered : unnecessary, because Parliament, on the average, seldom, sits longer .; than three or four years. As, under a system of responsibility, the contest for power would be fought out here, as it is in England, chie0y on the hustings, an administration would therefore last in Nova-Scotia, until the Quadrennial Bill was passed, for six years , 'certain — two years more than the Perhaps the most cruel injury that the systerti inflicts upbti the Colonists, arises from the manner in which they are compelled to conduct their internal imprdvements. This has been noticed by Lord Durham ; but perhaps his Lordship did not fully comprehend the reasons which render the mode, however anomalous and injuria ious, in some degree acceptable to the constituency, in order that Other evils may be prevented, virhich might be a great deal worse. It will be perceived that the nine hundred offices, already referred to^ are generally distributed by the irresponsible official party in stich a way as to buy their peace, cr strengthen their influence in the country. Let us see how this operates in practice. Suppose a County sends to the Assembly four Representatives, all of whom sup- port the local Government — the patronage of that County is of course at their, disposal, to strengthen their hands, and keep down athopposition--^but should the whole be hostile to the Compact, then it is used4o foster opposition, and create a party to displace them, if there is a division of sentiment amorig the members, those who support, are always aided in mortifying and getting rid of, those who attack the Goveinment. Though but one of the four is an adherent of the Compact, every man in the County knows, that his influence is worth much more than that of the other three— that, while one can obtain any favour he wants for a friend or partizan, the others cannot, unless by the barter of a corrupt vote, or the sacrifice of principle, even obtain justice. Now, if besides these nine hun- dred offices, about five hundred comitiissions, for the expenditure of the Surplus Revenues of the Country upon roads, bridges and inter- nal improvements, were given over to be disposed of in the same way, the hands of the Compact would be so much strengthened, that it would be still more easy to create a party in a county, to endanger the seat of any member who ventured to give an independent vote. To obviate this risk, which was seen at an early period to menace the independence of the Commons, it was determined that the mAnbers from eaeh County should recommend the Commissioners for the e*» 42 petidiliire of monies within it, and this being acquiesced in by tUa Governors, for some time before its political bearing was much re- garded by the Compacts, has grown into usage, which they have not ventured openly to attack — although, as they still contend that the right of appointment is in the Executive, they seldom fail to show their power, and vent their feelings, by petty alterations almost every year. The advantages of this arrangement are, that the majority of the constituency, and jiot the minority, as in every other ease, distri* bate the patronage under this branch of expenditure — and, as the Members who name Commissioners have a great deal of local know- ledge, and are moreover responsible to the people, they can be called te account if they abuse this trust. Rut still, from the very nature of things, it is liable to abuse. Road Commissions may be multiplied, and sums unwisely expended, to secure vot^s at the next election, or to reward, not a good road maker but a zealous partizan. The Executive has not the control it would have if these men were select- ed by the Government — and the Legislative power, which should be used to unmask corruption, is sometimes abused to afford it shel- ter. The remedy which our Compact always suggest, like all their remedies fur political discrepehcies, aims at the extension of their own influence, and the firmer establishment of their own power. They are loud, upon all occasions, in denouncing the corruption of the road system — the minority in the Assembly are eloquent on the same theme; while, through the columns of some newspaper in their pay, they are always pouring forth complaints that the Roads arc wretchedly bad, and will never be better, until the erp^nditure is placed in their hands. It will be perceived, however, that to follow their advice, would be to make, what is admitted on all hands to have its evils, a great deal worse ; because, if these nominations are taken from tiiose who possess local information, and given to men who have little or none, who will not be advised by those who have, and who can be called to account by no power known to the Con- stitution, besides a great deal more of blundering being the result, the partial responsibility/, which now makes the system barely tole- rable, would be entirely removed. Political partisans would still be rewarded ; but, instead of all parties in the country eharing the pa- tronage (for members of the minority as well as of the majority make these appointments) it would be confined to those only who support- ed the Compact ; and who, however imbecile, ignorant or corrupt, would then be, as^ery other officer in the Colony is now, indepen- dent of any description of popular control. If any doubt could be entertained as to whether the public would lose or gain by the change, evidence enough might be gathered ; for some of the vilest jobs,"" and V most flagrant cases of mismanagement, that disgrace the history of the Road Service in Nova-Scotia, have been left as monuments of the ignorance or folly of the Compact, whenever they have taken these .matters into their own hands. Vl-jf^-? i Bul> make the Governor's advisers responsible to the Assembly, and the Representatives would at once resign to them the managc- meni of such affairs. It would then be the business of the Exocu- #' 43 tive, instead of leaving (lie Road service to the extemporaneous ze&l or corrupt management of individuals, to come prepared, at the com- mencement of each Session, with a general review, of the whole sys- tem ; and, supported hy its majority, to suggest and to carry a comprehensive and intelligible scheme, embracing the whole of this service — accounting for the previous year's expenditure and appoint- ments, and accepting the suggestions of Members as to the plans of the current year. We should then have an Executive to which every Commissioner would be directly accountable — to which he could apply for instructions from January to December; and which, being itself responsible, would be careful of its proceedings ; and yet, being more independent than individual members aro in dealing with their own constituents, would be more firm and unyielding where it was right. This is the simple, and 1 am satisfied the only safe remedy, for the abuses of the Road system. To take the distri- bution of commissions from iifly men, possessed of much local know- ledge, and partially responsible, to give it to twelve others, havinfg less information, and subject to no control, would be an act of mad- ness. Fortunately, in this as in all other cases, wo have no occa- sion to seek for new theories, or try unsafe experiments ; let us adopt the good old practices of our ancestors and of our brethren — let us "keep the old paths," in which, while there is much utility, theceis no danger. My Lord, there is an argument used against the introduc- tion of Executive responsibility, by Sir Francis Head, which it may he well to notice, because it has been caught up by shallow thinkers every where, and is often urged with an air of triumph, that, to those who look beyond the surface, is somewhat ridiculous. It is said, if this principle liad been in operation, Papineau and Mackenzie would have been ministers in the respective Provinces they disturbed I But, do those who urge this objection ever stay to ejiquire, whether, if there had been responsibility in the Canadas^ cither of these men could have assumed so much consequence, as to be able to obstruct the operations of government, and create a rebellion, in a British Pro- vince ? Nothing made a Dictator tolerable in ancient Rome, but a sense of common danger, arising out of some unusual and disastrous posture of affairs, which rendered it necessary to confide to an indi- vidual extraordinary powers — to raise one man far above all others ofhis own rank — to substitute his will for the«ordinary routine of administration, and to make the words of his mouth the law of the land. When the danger passed away, the Dictator passed away with it : power, no longer combined in one mighty stream, the eccentric violence of which, though useful might be destructive, was distri- buted over the surface of society, and flowed again through a thou- sand small but well established channels, every where stimulating and refreshing, but no where exciting alarm. In political warfare, this practice of the ancients has been followed by the moderns with good success. O'Connell in Ireland, and Papineau and Mackenzie in Canada, grew into importance, from the apparent necessity which 1 ■^' ■1; f J i'. f?, 44 existed for large masses of men to bestoAir upon individuals unlimit- ed confidence, and invest ftiem with extraordinary powers. 1 wish that the two latter, instead of provoking the maddest rebeUions on 'record, had {)08ses8ed thb. sound sense and consummate prudence which have marked every important step of the former's extraordi* nary career: but, who believes, that if Ireland had had ^'justice/' in- stead of having it to seek, that ever such a political phenomenon as the great Agitator would have appeared, to challenge our admiration and smite the oppressors with dismay? And who dreams that, but for the wretched system upheld in all the Colonies,, and the entire absence of responsibility, by which faction or intrigue were made the only roads to power, either of the Canadian demagogues would ever have had an inducement, or been placed in a position, to disturb the public peace? I grant that even under the forms which I recommend, such men as Papineau and McKenzie might have existed — that they might have become conspicuous and influential, and that it is by no means improbable that they would have been Executive Councillors of their respective Provinces, advi-. sing the Governors, and presiding over the administration of their internal affairs. But suppose they had, would not even this have been better than two rebeUions — the scenes at Windsor, St. Charles, and St. Cusiache — the frontier attrocities — and the expenditure of three millions sterling, which will be the cost before the accounts are closed ? Does any man in his senses believe, that if McKen- zie or Bidwell could have guided the internal policy, and dispensed the local patronage, according to the British mode, that either of them would have been so mad as to dream of turning Upper Canada into a Republic, when, even if they succeeded, they could only hope to be Governors for a few years, with pewers very much more restricted, and salaries not more ample, than were their's for life, or as long as they preswed their majority. Possessed of honors and substantial power, (not made to feel that they who could most effectually serve the Crown,* were excluded by a false system from its favor, that others less richly endowed might rise upon their ruins,) would these men have madly rushed into rebellion, with the chance before them of expatriation, or an ignominious death ? You well know, my Lord, that rebels have become exceedingly scarce at home, since the system of letting the majority govern has become firmly established — and yet they were as plenty as black- berries, in the good jold times when the Sovereigns contended, as Sir Francis Head did lately, that they only were responsible. Turn back, and you will find (hat they began to disappear altogether, in England, about 1683, and that every political change, which makes the Executive more completely responsible to thq Legislature, antl the Legislature to the country at large, renders the prospects of a new growth " small by degrees and beautifully less." And yet, my Lord, who. can assure us, that if the Sovereigns had continued, as of old, alone responsible — if hundreds of able men, all running the same course of honorablo ambition, had not been encouraged to watch at^d control each other — and if the system of governing by the mi- ■^; 45 ienon as norily and not by the majority, and ofexcliiding from power all who did not admire the mode, and quarrelled with the Court, had existed down to the present day — who, I ask, will assure us, that Chatham and Fox, instead of being able ministers and loyal men, might not have been sturdy Rebels ? who can say that even your Lordship, possessed of the strung attachment to liberty which distinguishes your family, might not, despairing of all good government under such a system, instead of using your influence to extend, by peace- ful improvements, the happiness of the people, be at this moment in the field at their head, and struggling, sword in hand, to abate the power of the Crown? So long as the irresponsibility principle was maintained in Scotland, and Viceroys and a few Bishops and Cour* tiers engrossed the Administration, there were such men as Hume and Lindsay, and such things ps Assemblies in Glasgow, General Tables in Edinburgh, and arm^ J men in every part of that noble country, weakening the Government, and resisting the power of the . Crown ; and up to the period when Lord Normanby assumed the^ government of Ireland, and it became a principle of administration ' that the minority were no longer to control the majority, and shut 'them out from all the walks of honorable ambition, what was the at- titude in which Mr. O'Connell stood towards the Sovereign ? Was it not one of continual menace and hostility, by which the latter was degraded, and the former clothed with a dangerous importance ?— and what is his attitude now 1 Is it not that of a warm hearted supporter of a Queen, whose smiles are no longer confined to a faction but shed over n nation, every man of which feels that he is free to obtain, if be has ability and good fortune to deserve, the highest honors in her power to bestow ? Daniel O'Connell, (and Eerhaps it may be said that his tail suggested the comparison) is no )nger a political comet blazing towards the zenith, and filling the terror stricken beholders with apprehensions of danger, and a sense of coming change; but a brilliant planet, revolving in an orbit with the extent of which ad are familiar, and reflecting back to the source of light and honor the beams which it is proud to share. Who any longer believes that O'Connell is to shake the Empire and overturn the Throne ? And who doubts, had he denpaired of iuai'ice, but he too might have been a rebel— and that the continued application ta Ireland of the principle I denounce, would, ere long, have revived the scenes and the sufferings through which she passed in '98? If, my Lord, in every one of the three great Kingdoms from which the population of British America derive their origin, the evilsof which we complain were experienced, and continued until the principles we claim as our birthright became firmly established^ is it to be expected that we shall not endeavour to rid ourselves, by respectful argument and remonstrance, of what cost you open and violent resistance to put down ? Can an Englishman, an Irishman^ or a Scotchman, be made to believe, by passing a month upon the sea, that the most stirring periods of his history are but a cheat and a delusion— that the scenes which he has been accustomed to tread With deep emotion, are but mementoes of the folly, and not, as he -fe 4i5 ir.' ^', ' '^--i^. 0^. once foiidiy believci], of (he wisdom and cournge of liis nnceslors — that the principles of civil liberty, whieli from childhood he lins been taught to clicriah, and to protect by forms of stringent responsibility, must, with the new light breaking in -upon him on this side of the Atlantic, be cast aside as an useless incumbrance ? No, my liord, it is madness to suppose that these men, so remarkable for carrying their national characteristics into every part of t!ie world where they penetrate, shall lose the most honourable of them all, merely by passing from one portion of the Empire to the other. Nor is it to be supposed that Novascolians, Now Brunswickers, and Canadians — a race sprung from the generous admixture of the blood of tho three foremost nations of the world — proud of their parentage and not un- worthy of it, to whom every stirring period of British and Irish his- tory~-every great principle which they teach — every phrase of free- dom to be gleaned from them — are as familiar as household words, can be in haste to forget what they learnt upon their parents' knees, what those they loved and honored clung to with so much pride, and regarded as beyond all price. Those who expect them thus to belie their origin, or to disgrace it, may as soon hope to see the streams turn back upon their fountains. My Lord, my countrymen feel, as they have a right to feel, that the Atlantic, the great highway of communication with their brethren at hom-^, should i>e no barrier to chut out the civil privileges and political rights, which, more than nny thing else, make them proud of tho connexion — and they feel nlso, that there is nothing in their present position or their past con^- duct to warrant such exclusion. Whatever impression may have been made by the wholesome satire, wherewith one of my country- men has endeavoured to excite the others to still greater exertions, those who fancy that Novascotians are an inferior race to those who dwell upon the ancient homestead, or that they will be con- tented with a less degree of freedom, know little of them. A coun- try that a century ago was but a wilderness, and is now studded with towns and villages, and intersected with roads, even though more might Jiave been done under a better system, affords some evidence of in- dustry — Novascotian ships, bearing the British flag into every quarter of the globe, are some proofs of enterprise — and the success of the native author to whom I have alluded, in the wide field of intellec- tual competition, more than contradicts the humourous exaggeration, by which, while we are stimulated to higher efforts, others n>ay be for a moment misled. If then our right to inherit the Constitution he clear — if our capacity to maintain and enjoy it cannot be questioned — have we done any thing to justify the alienation of our birthright 1 Many of the original settlers of this Province emigrated from the old Colonies, when they were in a state of rebellion—not because they did not love freedom, but because they loved it under the old bannrr and the old forms; and many of their descendants have shed their blood, on land and sea, to defend the honour of the Crown and the integrity of the Empire. On some of the hardest fought fields of tha linsula. mv COUntrvmen died in the frnm rank u'ilh their my I try faces to the foe—the proudest naval trophy of the last American war, was brouglit by a Novascotioii into the harbour ofhiit iiattfe tovvti" and (he blood that flowed from Nels^oii's death wound in the cockpit of the Victory, mingled with that of a Novascotiaii stripling beside him, struck down in the same gloriojs fight. Am I not then justi- fied, my Lord, in claiming for my bonntrymen that Constitution, ' which can be withheld from them by u^ |iiea, but one unworthy of a British Statestnan, the tyrant's plea of power t 1 know that I am — and I feel also, that this is not the race that can be hood-winked with sophistry, or made to submit to injustice without complaint. All suspicion of (ilsloyalty we cast aside as the product of ignorance or cupidity — wo seek for nothing more than British subjects are entitled to, but will be contented with nothing less. My Lord, it his been said, that if this system of responsibility were established, it would lead to a constant struggle for office and in- fluence, which would be injurious to the habits of our population, and corrupt the integrity of public men. That it would lead to the former I admit — but that the latter would be a consequence, I must take leave to deny; until it can be shown, that in any of the other employ- ments of life fair competition has that effect. Let the Bar become the Bar only of the minority, and hnw long would there be honour and safety in the profession ? Let the rich prizes to be won in Com- merce and Finance be confined to a mere fragment, instead of being open to the whole popula'ibn, and I doubt whether the same benefits, the same integrity, or the same satisfaction, would grace the monopoly, that now spring from an open, fair, and manly compe- tition, by which, while individuals prosper, wealth and prosperity are gathered to the State. To be satisfied that this fair com- petition can with safety, and the greatest advantage, be carried into public as well as private affairs, it is only necessary to contrast the example of England with that of any Continental nation where the opposite system has been pursued. And if, in England, the struggle for influence and office has curbed corruption— and produced examples of consistency and an adherence to principle, extreme- ly rare in other countries — and in none more so than in the Colonies^ where the course pursued strikes at the very root of manly inde- pendence, why should we apprehend danger from its introduction, or shrink from the peaceful rivalry ft may occasion ? But, my Lord; there is another view that ought to be taken of this question. Ought not British Statesmen to ask themselves, is it wise to leave a million and a half of people, virtually excluded from all participation in the honorable prizes of public life ? There is not a weaver's apprentice or a parish orphan in Engjand, that does not feel that he may, if he has the talent, rise through every grade of oflice, municipal and na- tional, to hold the reins of government, and influence the destinies of a mighty Empire. The Queen may be hostile— the Lords may chafe— but neither can prevent that Weaver's Apprentice or that Pa- rish Orphan from becoming Prime Minister of England. Then look at the United States, in which the son of a Mechanic in the smallest town, of a Squatter in the wildeaj foresi, may contend, on equal terms. with the proudest, for anyoftice in twenty eight difierent Stales j and I M v*^. ^f /A^K i"^ n-i ;l^: having widi M many as oontenta liim, inty riM, through th« di- itotfal jMdM; to be President of the Unton. There are no familf Cl«ii^cts to exoludo these aspirants — n^iitJe knots of irresponsibAi and self elected Councillor, to whom it is neeessary )o sell their jtririciples, and bafore whom the miyriliatss of their nature must be proatratedt beforeih^ can advance. /But, in tlpe Coioniea, where thero a're no prizes so aplfndid as these, is it wise or Just to narrow the field, and confine to little cfiques of irresfionsible politicians, what l^re are ? No^ my Lord, it is neither just dor wise*— every poor boy in N[|ya;Scotia (for we have ttie feelings of pride and ambition com- ,gM>i|'1l our nature) knows that he has the same riglM^to the honors am) emolumentaof office, as he would hav4 if he lived in Britain, of tho Ijfnited States— and he feels, that while the great honfMl of the Empire are almost beyond his Teach, he ought to have a oliiife* of ^iapejpsiog the patronage and guiding the administration of iiis na*' live pountry, without any sacrifice of principle or diminution of self reifiect; ^ My lx>rd, t have done, tl what hatebeen w)^||U||i corrects any error into which your Lordship or othm may hftvo Mien, and conn muni^atea to some, either in Britain oi^th^. Qolonitti, informttion tupon a.stt|bJ9ct not generally understood,' 1 shall be amply repaid. Your Lordship will perhaps pardon me Ibr reminding you, that, in> thus eschewing the anonymous, and pMAting my name to an argu<<\ ment in favor of Executive Resposibi^ly for the North American Colones, I am acting under a sense ofdeep reiponaibdicy myself. I well know thaf there i? not a Press in the pay ofany nf .|bai Family Compacts, that will.not misrepresent my motives and I'lMsr vert my language— ^that there is not an overpaid and irrespooa^ble OfficiaL from Fuody to the Ottawa, whose inextinguishable hostility I shall l^)t hi^ve ^rned for the remainder of my 4ife. The example of your ]|^d(^||Kjli.l), however, help me to bear these burthens with pa- tience, "poa have lived and prospered, and done the State good service, antl yet thousands of corrja.pt fiorougbmongers and irres^ Sensible Corporators formerly .misrepresented ind«, bated you.— hould I Tim to see the principles for whfch 1 contend, operating |A beneficiatty over British North America, as those immortal Acts, w^h prpyoked your Lordship's enemies, do in the mother country, } eltajloe gratified by the reflection, that the patriotic and honora,-' ble men now cot^tending for the principles of the British ConstilU" tion, and by whose side, as an hun»ble auxiliary, I am proud to t^k^ my stand, whatever they may liave suffered in the struggle, did not labour in vain,. u:,^: J have the honor to be, . 11, With the highest respect, Your Lordship's humble admirer. And roost obedient -Servant, % JOSEPH HOWE, ■•?.ic:---*it»'' •v^- '■m fiimilf onsibhi thtir ust be a there >w the what Mr boy mcom- honore