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On the evening of Tuesday, the 26th ult., Mr. Blake acldresse.' his old constituenta in the Town Hall of Bowmanville. Mr, Blake bjgan by referring to the connection which liad subsisted between himself and his audi- ence for the six preceding years, and after recounting its story and expressing the feel- ings of alfection which he entertained to- wai'ds West Durhani,stated that he was that night before them for the purpose of bidding them farewell. Having spoken for some time npon these topics, Mr. Blake proceeded as follows : — I have come also for another purpose. I have come because I have been told, and I believe, that jit is my duty to say somewhat to my fellow countrymen on the great topic which is now agitating the public mind. I cannot hope to say much that is new, but what I do say shall at any rate be, according to my convic- tions, true. The subject is of such vast scope that I cannot hope to treai; it in one address, 1 shall therefore en- deavour to point out what I believe to be the true history of the matter up to a certain period, reserving for another time and pi .ce the detailed expression of my views '■a the later phases of the story. In order ruUj' to realise the situation, it is necessary th." b we should gi) back to the close of 1871. You will recollect that the Canadian Government which met Parliament in 18G7 with a very large majority — with a majority in the whole of about 75 votes, and a majority from the Provinces of Ontario and Quebec of some 47 votes— had during the four preceding years been engaged in building up its political strength by means which we condemned — by grants of the public monies, given in some cases almost openly, or in other cases in fact upon a consideration of the political opinions of the constituency or its member, and not solely, as we contended these grants should be giv«n, upon public grounds and with reference to the general interest. There can be no doubt, owing to the demoralization of public sentiment in various quarters from various political occurrences, that this atrocious doctrine received con- siderable countenr,nce, and that the prac- tice of it produced considerable elTect within the walls of Parliament and in several of the constituencies. The last session approached, and with it came the preparation for the general eldctiona — that great trial the verdict in which would estab- lish M'licther or not the Government retained the confidence of the country. Some of the priujijjal preparations •of the Government were these: — They determined to play the part of Conservatives as to the Election Law; to insist on retaining that law, which was vicious in two important particulars. First, in that it gave to the Government the power of determining the order in which the ^lec- tion should be held, a circumstance by no means insignilicant in its effect on the geaeral result; because, as we ail know, the eii'ect of carrying twenty or thirty constituencies at the commencement of a general election may be very great. It is calculated to excite the hopes and animate the exertions of the win- ning party, to damp the spirits and depress the energies of those who are losing, and to transfer from their ranks to those of their adversaries that too large body of weak-knee'd and faint-hearted voters whose con- victions of the right are too feeble to with- stand their fondness for the winning side. Thr Government determined to retain to it- sel the advantage of tixing the order in wl ich the great trials to take place before tht people between the two parties should take place, and so to arrange the elections as to give themseh es every advantage, and to 'nflict on their adv ersaries all possible dis- couragement. But the second particular in which the Election Law was vicious is of in- finitely greater consequence. I refer to the machinery for the trial of controverted elec- tions. We knew well the evils of this law; we had experienced them for many years. So strong had been the popular feeling that remedies had been applied in several of the Provinces, but it was quite obvious that the advantages of undue influence and corrup- tion were too great to be thrown away by a Government which could procure means to exercise undue influence and to practice corruption, and so they determined to resist this great reform. The additional preparation which the Government made for the coming contest, was to arrange for the means cf influence and corruption. I need hardly tell j^ou that that preparation was the Pacific Hallway charter. That gigantic scheme was to be acoomplished after a fashion unexampled in modern times, and calculated to give to the Government powers and facd- it'os for influence and corruption of a most extraordinary character, The Government determined that two private oompamea who applied for incorporation, should be chartered 01 precisely the same conditions. But they stated that in order that the] country might not be at the mercy of either of these companies or both, in case there should be a combination, fhay would ensure competition by taking unto themselvespower to, charter another company. They also de- termined to take to thcmseh-es power to afree upon all the terms and stipulations of the contract, with the excoptiin of some very general provisions which weie contained in the Act of Parliament — provisions so gen- eral as to give an extremely Avide discretion ,19 to the disposal of the money and land sub- sidies. They took the power of making the company as they cliose. They assumed the coLtrol of the .$.30,000,000 and 50,000,000 acres of land, and the large additional acre- age for the two It is difficult for appreliend tlie niajmitude $30,000,000 is a national 50,000,000 acres you can dependent States, limits of the afl'air. brancli lines. the mind to of these figures. treasure ; from carve several in- But these were not the The national control over another 50,000.000 acres, the power of dealing with tiiat iiun ense additional area, was also demanded lor themselves by the Government. They went further still. By this extraordinary Act, it was provided that the order of the Privy Council should over- ride the order of Parliament, the provi- sioES which Parliament had, during the same session, deliberately determined to be wise and ue«.dful in the public interest, This enactment, ceding to the Executive the control, utichcckcd by Parliament, of transactions of iuch enormous magni- tude, gave a means of exercising undue in- fluence, and of acquiring funds for improper purposes, altogether beyond the means* which had been in the possession of any Government of Canada at any pre^ ious time. Now, sir, these were the views with which the Government were preparing for the struggle. There was another body also preparing for that memorable meeting — the whole army of speculators. They saw before them in the prospect of this great railway no ordinary contract, no ord.inary job. The treasury ©f a nation, and the area of inde- pendent States, a predomina^it and command- ing position in the country, were all to be the prize of some fortunate ring of speculators, and they too were making preparations to influ- ence Government, Legislature, and people in favour of their particular views, and in fur- therance oi their private and personal objects. You knov/ I do not state this from repute merely or froni rumour. You know it frori what has been published of the correspond- ence of these gentrJ^ Let us look for a moment at what they wrote. Let us listen to the utterances of these birds of ill omen. They saw before them a mighty carcase, and where the carcase is the eagles- -but I will not so degrade the name of the noble bird — no, the cormorants and vultures (applause) were gathered together ready and anxious to batten on their country's vitals. What says James Beaty, junior • — "I had some conhdential communication with a member of the Government, when in Ottawa, of great importance to us. I want to profit by it. We must be prei>arcd for a f:£;ht, and now is the lime to Icgin. There has been — as you are no doubt aware — a ne\T Government formed in Ontario, the Oppo- sition element preponderating in it, although a friend of the Ottawa Government is a mem- ber, and I may say to you he went in on the advice of Sir John. The result may be that this Local Government will eventually be driven from power, and that the entire party will side to a certain extent with the Ottawa Government, or it may eventually go iu di- rect opposition tothcTn, especially at the next elections this year. Our Bill and arrange- ments'must tlierefore be made this session to be safe under all circumstances. 1 am in that position to advise a united effort in co-opera- tion with the Government to carry thistliiHg successfully. To do this money will l)e neces- sary, and a considerable sum. I therefore write to say that I ought to be supplied at once with §50,000, and another $50,000 when the session opens, and I think tliat will do it. I will give an account for the v/hole of it, and I think I can guarantee a satisfactory charter. Of course, this is not to be wliispercd this side of the line, and on your side only as far as necessary to obtain it. It would play havoc with us if it were known that any money was in liand connected with it. I see now the best use to make of it, where prompt action is necessary. A letter of credit to Patterson & Beaty, or Bank of Montreal, or Bank of British North America — I prefer the Bank of British North America for various reasons. It is unpolitical, &c., and the same notice would not be takei: of it there as in the Bank of Montreal. Of coiii«e, I always understand you M'^ere prepared to come to the requirements of the case when necessary, and I therefore write in this way. I I is novj iieressary to redeem myself, to sa- tisfy parties that must be satisfied, and to ask no questions at present. Kersteman does not know of this. It must not be known, and will be the more effectual the less it is known." Hf, 'k again : — " I have had about three months' corre»- pondeice both by letter and personal inter- >iew8 of the first importance to the Go\rern- ment, and all this with the ultimate object on my part of settling the Pacific. The pro- ject had more of direct reference to the elec- tions, and I always understood you to say that some thousands of dollars would be no object in reference to our common object." Again,— "The Government have now taken the matter in hand, and will have, it is expected, $100,000 subscribed in a few day? to promote their influence in the conntry, which might have been done under one direct control and with special reference to one scheme." What were these unhallowed myateriea between the Canadian Government and James Beaty? But let us not waste our time, let u.s turn from this minor villain (hear, hear, and laughter), and listen to the utterances of a bigger and still baser man. In the same month Sir Hugh Allan (laughter and groans for Sir Hugh) writes: — "Dear Sir, — It seems pretty certain that, in addition to money payments, the folio iring stock will >aveto be distributed: — '«* a r u le n (naming various snins and pa'-ties to amount of $850,000. ) To meet this I propose that we give up of our etook as follows: — C. M, Smith, $250,000; G. W. McMullen, ?250,000; Hugh Allan, §3,10,000; total ^'SoCOOO. (Cheers and laugh to..) He goes on to sa^' ; — " Please say if this is agreeable to you ? I do not think we can do wth I ss, and may have to givfj mere. I do not think we will require more than $100,000 in cash, but I airi not cure as yet. Who am I to draw on for money when it is wanted, and what pmof ol pajTnent will be required ? You are aware I cannot get receipts. Our Legislature meets on the nth of Ajiril, and 1 am already deep in preparation for tlie yame. Evijry day brings up some new difiiculty to be encoun- tered, but I hope to meet them all success- fully. Write to me immediately. "Yours truly, "Hu<;u Allan." And then comes the postscript. (Laugh- ter. ) Like the ladles' letters, the most im- portant part is in the postscript, — " I think you will have to go it blind in the matter of money — cash payments. (Laughter.) I li.,ve already paid .*8,500 and have not a voucher, and cannot get one." (Laughter.) There, Mr. Chairman, is the language of this gang, working their work in darkness, because their deeds were evil. (Cheers and laughter. ) Urging the necessity of silence, pointing out the impossibility of getting vouchers or receipts, and saying, each inhis own language, that their correspondents must ask no ques- tions,but go it blind in the matter of money. I think, considering the difference in situa- tion, in standing, and in every attribute of the two men, that there is a wonderful family likeness in them notwithstanding (cheers and laughter) ; and I suppose it is only to be accounted for by the fact that they were of the same class — engaged about the eame dirty business, proposing the same dirty meaas, and so revealing in private that baseness of heart which no scruples of conscience, but their dread of the public wrath, caused them to conceal from the public mind. (Cheers.) The discovery of these letters has disgraced their writers in the sight of every honest man. (Cheers.) Now you have had a glimpse at the preparations of the speculators ; you have heard a short extract from the language of the prince of bribers (cheers), and of his humble follower, Beaty (laughter) ; and 1 shall next direct your attention to the preparations which were being made by another body in the State, The Liberal party was making ready tc foil the devices of these corrupters of public morality, the Government and the speculators. It was proponing to offer to the consideration of Parliament and the country, additional grounds for reposing confidence in its policy and for reversing in 1872 th^ verdict given for th« Government in 18C7. (Loud cheers.) We proposed measures which, Lad they been received by the Gov- ernment — had they been heeded by Parlia- ment — would have obviated the very great scandal which has since arisen, and saved the countrv from deP''-cndin'e powerful the PaciHu Kaihvuy scheme would be than the Intercolonial, the .enterprise being inlinitely more gigantic, and the mode upon which it is being carried out inttnitely better adapted to give unlimited power to the Executive of the day. When that measure was proposed we contended that a constitutional principle was involved, Wc were told in reply that the powers of the Executive would ))e used on cou.%titu- tional principles, and that no harm would re- sult. I hit we contended that a violation of sound principle would produce unsound prac- tice, rraotice is simply the reduction of principles into action ; and to i>e sound in practice you must be s»mui in principle also. ( Hear, hear. ) Now, sir, the principle which was violated was this, that in free Cousti- ■tutions the Executive power must 'oe guarded, limited, and restrained, and must not be permitted to encroach on the rights of the people aiid their representatives. Executive power it is which has at all times boon the gi-eat foe of liberty. The name nndor which this power ia exer- cised ia 'vholly immaterial. Whether it • bo a King, President, or Cabinet which wields the Executive power, the constant tendency of those possessed of such power, is to invade the domain of the other branches ©f the Government, and to enlarge their own jurisdiction. In tUe great struggle whichsub- sisted for so many years in England, out of which the liberties you now hold were grad- ually evolved, this was the main principle. This lesson was graven on the hearts of the British people, and we muat never for an instant forget it. 1 warn you to beware lest the length of time since that struggle ended should make you heedless of the prizj which it secured. iJy gradual steps, here a little and there a little, the liberties of a peoplemayV>e invaded, and results accomplished by degrees which, had they been proposed as one operation, would have been rejected as monstrous. It is then the duty of every representative of tlie people narrowly to watch any i>ropo3al which may tend to give larger authority to the Executive than it has, according to the Mell-establishedprincipleaof the Constitution. These piinciijles were violated when wo gave the Executive power to conclude irrevocjildy, and without the assent of Parliament, sucli a gigantic contract as that for the construction of the Pacific Kailway. Ar. ordinary steam- ])ackct contract is submitted to Parliament for approval. There have been two contracts made in the last year with Sir Hugh — one the contract for carryingmails across tiie ocean for a short period, and an amount, too large, in- deed, but still insignificant comimred with the Pacific. That comparatively trilling af- fair was i)roperly submitted to Parliament; but the otiier and enormous contract made with Sir llugh for the Pacific liailway, wa.s left in the hands of tlic Executive without any power being reserved to Parliament. Can these things be reconciled ? But argument was vain ; the Government prevailed, and certiinly at the close of the session it seemed as if they had won the battle. They had maintained the bad elec- tion law which gave them facilitic- for bri- ber}'^ and corruption, and they had obtained power to make the mighty contract which was to give them unlimited influence and funds for corruption. In the meantime the bribers had been at work. We know that Sir Hugh received some §40,000 during the session from his American associates for the secret purpose referred to in the latterpart of Ihe let- ter I read. He spent the money, he tells us, in polluting the press, the bar, the pulpit, and, 1 suppose, he entered the legislative halls as well. To him no place was sacred; in his eyes overy man had his price; and in his mind the only questions were, how cheap he could be bought and whether he was worth the money. There has arisen in these days, through the extension of the press, a means of influenc- ing public opinion more potent than any known to our ancestors. You know there have been no speeches on recent develop- ment? in this great scandal, but you are familiar with the arguments on both tildes because you read the papers. But what con- fidence can you place in those utterances, if you are told by the man who is said to be the representative man of Canada, commer- cially, that he bought and subsidised the newspapers and so polluted public opinion at its source? He undoubtedly gathered around him a very strong influence. He combined certain local interests in Quebec with the great scheme he had in hand. There was a very strong desire to promote a railway from Montreal to Ottawa, and thence westward. This he took hold of and identified it with the Pacific Railway scheme. He told those locally interested that both should stand or fall together — that if he obtained the con- tract for the Pacific Railway their anticipa- any lere jlop- are Lidea coa- Icipa- tions would be more than realiznl. And hav- ing so gained their confidence he took his Btand. He stoml a gigantic figure in the path of the < Jovemment, and dominated the situation. The Liberal party in the mean while was preparing to light the l>attlo on the gror.i da wnich it had indicated during the preceding session, confident that it wa« sustained by tlie public voice, and, Sir, this confidence was not misplaced. The arrangements which liad been made for the earlier seriously contested elections to Guit the convenience and wishes of the (iov- trnment turned out most propitious to the Ijberal party. Seat after seat was wrestet, or a charge to the con- trary — and sometimes there had l)cen charges — he had investigated the matter^to the bottom, and sometimes they miglit have seen that Min- isters had disappeared from his Government." A curious statement this ! The cliarges which had been made against nienibcrs of his Government were true then, and the gentle- man told the public tliat he ha* llugli Allan's political feelings — that he was an ardent ConserA'ativo and subscribcon tlio hustings or in the witness box, but in the face of all thv se letters and telegrams, and in the face of these admissions, it is utterly impossible to believe any such statement. It is utte-rly impossible to find any means of escape from the conviction that "those hands" are un- clean, indeed. It is utterly impossible to find means to escape "from the conviction that the enormous powers entinisted to them in reference to this contract were used for the purpose of procuring influence and cash from the contractor to whom they agreed to give the contract. What, sir, was the result of this profuse expenditure " I have said that the Government majority in On- tario and Quebec had been forty-seven, and e\en after this expenditure that ma- jority was turned into a minority of nine in these tv/o Provinces. (Clieers) The disgraceful conduct in reference to the seats for South Renfrew and ^Vest Peterboro' took two of those votes away, making four on a division. (Hisses.) There was, therefore, on the whole a change ia the two Provinces of old Canada from a majority of forty-seven for the(jiovonimenttoamajorityof live aflainst it. (Cheers.) Now, with such ovei whelming ovideuccb of the change in public opinion, what would have l>een the result if $.')S0,000 of the Pacific money had not been put into the scales? I venture to h.-v that I am speak- ing far within bounds Wi m I say that twenty constituencies in Ontario and Quebec have been purchased by that expenditure, and that instead of the Op))osition being in a majority of five in both Provinces, they wouM, if that money had not been used, have been ui a majority of 4.5. (Cheers.) The situation of the Government was desperate, they bad taken these desperate means to remedy it, and ' yet when Parliament met, their power depended upon the men fro the Maritime Provinces, the majority of v iom had bel«)nged to the old Liberal parties in those Provinces, and were by no means strenuous supporters of the Govern- ment. Thgy were able to obtain a majority on the first vote, and having done so they obtained temporarily the control of the House, but by no certain tenure. There was no moment at which their position was easy during the session. The people of the outlying provinces did not feel satisfied with the course they were taking in supporting a Government which had only a limited share of their confidence, and which had lost its hold on Ontario and Quebec, while what strength it had was obtained by the corrupt means to which 1 have referred. Some of tiio friends of the Government rrgo that they are less bb.meworthy than if they had pocketed this money themselves ; and seem to wish a verdict of not guilty on that "round. They were not charged with having pocketed the money; but I declare to you that I conceive that would l)e a crime less grave than the one with which they vjere charged. It would certainly have been 'a more sordid, a meaner crime — a crime wiiich would expose the perpetrators to greater con- tempt, but by no means to greater indignation. In the case supposed it is the disgrace of the Minister alone, whilst in the actual case it is the disgrace of the whole countiy. In the case supi)osed you can easily punish the criminal Minister, ]>ut in the actual case how are you to vindicate public justice ? $350,000 have • been scattered broadcast throughout the country in corrupting thou- sands of electors. Sad experience has shown that those who have been once bought are more likely to make merchandise of their votes hereafter. Thus not one but thousands of crimes have been committed, and the moral sense of the community has been sen- sibly lowered. You may indeed punish the Minister, but how shall you punish these un- worthy voters— how shall you restore the purity and independence which has been bought away? Again, remember that by what has been done, a majority has been purchased. The free voice of the people has been overborne, and these men ruie, not because the free voice of the people has so decided, but iu spite of the utt'^rances of that voice. I deny that my rights or your rights are to be sub- ject to the control of those who sell their votes. That is not the theory of popular Oovernmcnt, and in practice would be fonnd intolerable tyranny. Snch a House Khould be purged at an early day, and if it were found continuously that the unbiassed vote of the country were crushed by the purchased vote of some unworthy men, the time would have arrived for such a change in the system of Government as would render it tolerablj by free men ; and 1 havef|no doubt that in that evil day you would bo found ready for the exertions and sacrifices to which you might be called, as yuur ancestors were ready when the day came for tlio vindication of liberty against tyranny. liut it would be in truth an evil day ; and it is because I am so fully sensible of its horrors that I am inclined to describe as the moat heinous of public crimes such a betrayal of your liberties aa would result in your being forced to rise in their defence. Shortly before the session be- gan the Government made the great charter contract. I shall not enter into its details to-day. You are familiar, I suppose, with its provisions, which have been the subject of discussion in the press. They have not yet been the subject of an exhaustive discuh- sion in Parliament. We saw be- fore the session was far advanced that there was a prior question. Before we ] came to discuss the charter we had to discuss the charterers; we had to discuss the parties, and the considerations moving them, before we came to the terms of the document itself. A word or two 1 may say with reference to the composition of the Company. I have seen it stated that while Sir Hugh Allan is only President of the Company, the other corporators are respect- able gentlemen, wi!:h the great majority of whom he has but little connection. I am willing to admit that some of those gentle- men are very respectable, otliers are less so. The subscription shows that they have aa a rule taken up .$7oO,0(X) each and paid down .*7">,000 each, and we well know that there are very few of these gentle- men who coald pay the 10 per cent. Xot a single man, except Sir Hugh Allan, could pay the $750,000. It has been seriously pre- tended that these subscriptions and payments were made bona Me, but respecting some of them at any rate there can be but little doubt. (Hear, hear.) The payments of some of these gentlemen were, I believe, advanced for them, others subscribed upon an under- standing that they should not be called on to assume any continued responsibility, and it is said that one of the corporators was not aware of his situation till after the formation of the company ; and on the whole it is impos- sible to describe what has been done as a bona fide subscription and security for SIO,- 000,000. The cash it seems has been an anged for, so that it is to remain undrawn at the various banks at 5 percent., under the deposit receipts of •* e banks. These have been accepted by the G rnment upon the same terms, so that unless Parliament should otherwise order, the money is not to be drawn out of the banks in which it is said to have been deposited. You understand Avhat that means. (Hear, hear.) It means that the so-called payments were in some ins\ance8, at any rate, made through the banks, nomi' nal payments i-nresenting merely tr&asac- tiona of accommoilation. and not cash at all. Now, sir, it ia said that this Comjpany is not to stand or fall by Sir Hugh Allan; but 1 say that the memorandum of Sir John A. Macdonald upon the contract shows that Sir Hugh is the great controlling spirit of the concern. (Hear, hear. ) }le is the head of this Company, and if no honest man is to bo found— and for the lionour of my Jcountry I hope no man will be found— to vindicate Sir Hugh Allan, whatever may be the result to the (Jovernment of the groat cause now so long pending, it is utterly impossible that we can entrust to a man, tiio author of a cor- respondence the most scandalous and profli- gate of modern times, the asserter of his own disgrace, that influence and position M'liich is to be looked for and must bo tlie property oi hiiu who is to be the President of the Canadian Pacific Railway Company. (lioud cheers.) The honourable gentleman then intimated that ho had arrived at that stage of his nar- rative at which he proposed to close his more detailed remarks, and that he would endea- vour, in a very few words, to [jive a cursory account of the subsequent transactions in this connection. Neither their patience nor his strength would permit him to deal with the whole subject just now as he desired or as its importance deserved. He then re- ' viewed the subsequent events, referring, amongst other matters, to the constitution of the Royal Commission, and pointed out that it was not to be wondered at that the head of the judiciaryof Ontario should have (as it wa^ publicly stated he had donej repelled the approaches made to him on the subject of his becoming a Commissioner, and this on the ground that the proceeding was unconstitu- tional. The hon. gentleman took his seat amid loud and oft-renewed applause, having spoken upwards of two hour.?. ♦«-<•>-»«- MR. B LAKE AT LONDON. The following is a full report of the speech delivered by Mr. Blake, at London, on the evening of Thursday, the 1 7th ult. Having been formally introduced by tlio Chairman, who brieHy explained that the f ibject of the address would be the political Situation, Mr. Blakf. said : — Mr. Chain lan. Ladles, and Gentlemen — Deeply conscious, as I am, of my incapacity properly to handle the great que&tion to which you, sir, have alluded, I did not feel free to decline the invitation ex- tended to me by my political friends in thus city, considering that it was my duty at this great crisis to contribute my f, .»ta, however small, to the defence of the common weal. The subject is so large, rnd involves so many con- ;ca )cech tlio ^ ''f aideratiuns of a hssturical as woll aa of an argumentative charac^ter, that I shouid not attempt even the most cursory Humnmry within the limitH of one addruHV. Ou a rv cent ocL'UHii»n 1 took the opportunity of diu- cusKing some of tlie earlier evuntM 'ovaring on the pituation of lo-day. Trusting to youi acquaintance with public aS'airs, I shall not now review those events in detail, (The speaker proceeded to autnmarize the account given by him in h'm speech at MownianvilU;, already reported in our columns, and con- tinued as follows) : — Permit nio, then, to commence my detailed remarks by adverting to some of the inci- dents of the late session. In accordance with a promise contained in the speach from the Throne a law for the trial of electionn was brought forward, and then was seen thu hoUowuesa of the protoncos on which, only u few months before, when a similar law liud been proposed, it was kicked out of I'arlia- ineut by the very men who now iatroduoe«l it. All the ditiiculties which they had an nonnced anterior to tho elections had van- ished when tho elections were over. The steed had been stolen, and the stable door waj about to be locked. (Laughter.) But not just yet; there was yet a steed to steal. (Renewed laughter.) Some elections were expected shortly. Some vacancies there were already in the Cabinet, and further changes were known to be imminent. Although it was acknowledged now, so late, that this was a good law, which it was in the interest of the country to pass; yet even at this lato moment the Government resolved to post- Eone its oporatipn until tho month of Novem- ernext, leuvmg the intermediate elections to be held under the provisions of the old and abandoned law. This action ou the part of the Government was utterly indefensible, but it wan necessary for the completion of Ministerial ai rangements. South Ontario must Cistain tlie bad pre-eminence it has of late years acquired amongst the constituencies of this country, Mr, Gibbs must become a Minister, and Mr, Gibbs must not be deprived of the only means by which he ever had represented or ever couhl represent that unhr.ppy TUding; and so for a whde longer tho powers of dark- ness were to prevail. The Minister who hits so long ruled this country with a cyni- cal disregard of consistency and prip'-'nle, perhaps the moat remarkable feature a a remark.ablc career, was now to give one ore example of this characteristic. That good and groat i.ian, the echoes of whoso speeches against the bill were, still liuqering around tho hall, was now to pi-opose it.s atloption ; and hardened though he was, he felt the enibarras.suieut of the situation. He did not attempt to defend this change of policy. The measure was intnxluced in Hileuco; the second reading was moved in silence; ami it was in Committee of tho Whole, where the details alone are considered, that wo ob- tained the first opportunity for discussion. A single evening's debate proved so unsatis- factory to the Minister that, he j)ostponed the resumption of the subject until the very last days of the session, when it was impossi- ble to resist tho action of the Government. The bill is certainly an immense improvemout 1* on the existing law, but it is by no meiuis •« satisfactory aa it would liave been had tl» free will of the Houho been allowed toonnate upon it. It reijuires, and 1 hop<; will shortly receive, serious amendment. (Checis.) Now, .Sir, while tho strength of public; opinion, us evinced during the elcttimiH, wuh forcing the election biw upon Ministers, ruinoprs which had been current for a considerable period of on enormous jolt in connection with thi "'a oific Railway grailually assumed conHisteiKy and shape. .Many wlu» were uware of suspicious tran.sactions in times [lant, and l)elievcd that tlui°«) had lueii rorruption in connection with the distribution of public monies and public coutiiatH, were yet of opin- ion that even if thti lii:d been Home wrong (loiug as to the Pacilic, it would ho ns in lor mi r years, impossible to ascertain Uie tiiitli We kni.'W that, as a rule, those tiaiisu(;t.i>ri.i are coiuluctcd iiialltht- obscurity, surrouudtd by all the barriers, .niid doake)! by all the devices which can be planned ))V the ingenui ty of man, and that it is alwa\.s ditticult, und frequently impossible, to establish thein; nor do 1 wonder that even tliose who most ."(us- pscted Ministers of such improprieties, should have been very doubtful that they could be proved. But the transactions w'ero 80 large, the interests so numerous, the con- spirators so audacioiis, that the plans for concealment were batlled, and shortly after the commencement of the session, cirt inn- stances became known to Mr Huntington which warranted him in making, and since they warranted, bound him in the discharge ot his public duty, to in.ike the statement which has created so much diacussion. T need not repeat tho words; they are graven on the hearts of the people of Canada: but you will remember that he alleged his abil- ity to prove certain high crimes and niisde meanours against Ministers, and mentbeni of the House, and moved for a Selpot Cemmitteo to enquire into tlio iiiatt»^r. It was a mighty issue. Its determina- tion was to aflcctthe chaiaf+er of Canada and her institutions for long _ , ars to coin*;; fr.r It it be true that such guilt has invuded the land, and yet public sentiment shall peimit the culprits, adding crime to crime, io vio- late the Constitution in their flight from justice, and to escajio the just reward of their accumulated guilt, we shall have de gradtid ourselves in the eyes of the vorld, and shall ha\ e prfniounceil our.seixcM iiiiei|ual to the i>oiition of a heif governing people. How was the motion met? It was met by the Government with no word of ('eiiial, with no word of explanation, with no word of re- ply. AsMumiug ati attitude of injured itino- ceme and otl'ended dignity, they i.allcil upon their followers to vote it ihiwn, and tin ii- iol lowers Avere equal to the oceaaion. (Chfera. ) The stej) was a bold one, but in theii- desper- ate situation not unwise. Could they have maintained their ground it would have boon well taken; but thcj' could not maintain it The reaction was almost instivntiineouH, and witliin six hours it became olivious to those who had the opportunity of observing the turn of events and the dri^t of public opinion, aa evinced within the walls of Parliament, thpt a retreat must take place and an enquiry be conceded. 10 I The change was announced next v. *y, and sliortly afterwards the Minister himself moved tlio reference of Mr. Huntington's statements to a select Committee. By that motion, to which the House unanimously aasonted, the Minister acknowledged lirst, that Mr. Huntington had preferred these; charges in a proper manner and upon a proper statement, aud secondly, that he had proposed the prcper mode of investigation — that same trilmual which the Minister himself asked the House to ad(.pt far the purpose. In tlic discussion the Miuiatev aniiounced that the motion was ii substance an im- peachment. And iie was quite right. It was not, of cc urse, technically an impeach- ment, because in that Constitiition for which hki ii. chiefly lespousiblc, with wonderful pre- science, he was careful to make no provision for the establishment of a Court of Impeach- ment; but it was as he t-uid, substantially an impeachment, and that for a high politi- cal' otfences such as have always been dis- posed of exclusively Viy Parliament. In iiis motion he somewhat limited the en- quiry proposed by Mr. Huntington; and he added a clause giving the Committee power to sit if need be (mark the words "if need be") after the prorogation of Parliament— a thing impossible according to ordinary Parliamentary doctrine, which lays down that the House cannot give to any of its Committees a life longer than its own; but I suppose, justified to hiii^-.^lf by the Minister on the ground before alluded to, that this waa 10 the nature of an impeachment, since it is well settled tiiat not even dissolution, machless prorogation, abates aiiimpeachmer.t. That proposal was remarkable in another particular, in that it indicates that then, at any rate, the minister did not believe, or, if he did, that he chose to conceal his belief that the work of the Committee would necessarily be unfinislied in May or .Tune, the anticipated period of prorogation. TIic proposal was simply, that " if need be" the (.'ommittee should sii. after prorogation. Therefore the work would possibly be fi- nished, anA would, of course, be commenced before prorogation. It is obvious enough that he did not then intend the House to understand that it was out of the question for the Committee to examine a single wit- iu'38 before prorogation. The motion was carried, and the Committee was forthwith .•jtruck accordiug to the usual plan, by which each mem'oer gives a vote for one person as member of the Committee; and thus, of covrso, the (iovernment secured a majority; having three votes to two from the other side. Not long after the Committee had been organized it recommended, in acrd- anee witli suggestions thrown out by both sides, the passage of whac is knov/n as the Oathu iVill. The Minister professed doubts as to the power of the Canadian Parliament to pass it; but upon that (luestion he at any rate was committed. As leai which you — sir— are a distingu- iaiieii ori.ument — (loud applause) — the power of ii/. voted for the adjounmieui, did so conscientiously, I always agreed that tli<-ro were twosiy the pressure of his friends, and took the siat so lionourably provided fvir him. ^\'.■vs Mr Dorion, having so irome into I'arli;iHuiit, anantime une(jivoc;dly repeated my announcement, it servol the purpose of the Minister to allege tliat I too, as an aspirant for c.'Hce, was ineompctoit to sit on the Conmiittec. •Sir, I liad sat on Committees in \vhich Ministers wcvc deeply concerned l)eforo. 1 was the ('hairman of Sir G. Carticv's Elec- tion Committee, ••ind a mojulicr of the Com- mittee on the Allan MacISiab purcliase, and I appeal with conlidcnco to the part I took in tiiosc investigations a'; proof of my desire to act fairly towards Ministers, As to the other charge, that my speeches during tlie session on this Uxatter showed that the Go- vernment could not expect fair play from me, I shall not answer it save by a reference to the records; and 1 ehallcngo Sir John Mac- donald, his friends, folIoAvers, and satellites to point to a speech, a sentence, or a word of mine, while a member of that Conmiittee, which justilies tiie statement. But the truth is that at tliis time tiie (ited, and the earnest desire shown to avoid those disclosures, eonvineed ' me, tliough at that time I did not luiow the contents of those letters, that there must be something there very unfortunate for Minis- ters. The motion was carried, Mr, Starnes was summoned, and the package was marked and left in his hands. Then came the iast scene, in which the Government made an attempt, 1 think, of a most unfair character to place their adversaries in the position of being a])parcntly ungenerous to a departed fo^, or of being untrue to their political principles and opinions of many years standing, and untrue, also, to the belief which they had expressed, that the j)ending charges deserved serious attei;tion and searching investigation. (Cheers). The Government proposed that a jmblic fune.al should be given to Sir George Cartier,and tliat a monument should be erected at the publi 3 expense in honour of him whom they designated as a great statesman nnd an cxecllcnt man. One precedent there was for the prf>ceeding, but it was emphatically the exception Avhich proved the rule — the rule that no such honours should be conferred on political characters. The motion was pro- posed in a thin house, and upon the last day (if the fsession, and so these men carried a resolution decreeing a public monument to him on whose grave they are now engaged in heaping dirt. (Cheers.) The inion that the Committee could proceed. I'hc CouiuiiLt.c had been oonstitutod witiiout pov, or to take evidence under oatli, with instructions to en- (juirc into this charge. After the passing of the Oaths Bill, whicli authorized Com- mittees to take evidence under oath in cases in which the House should have rcsolvedtliat tliis was desin^blc, the Committee was instructed under the authority of tho Act to talcc evidence upon oath ; our ojiinion was that the instruction fell with tho Act, upon which it \\a8 based, (hear hoar). Our opinion also was that our major duty was the pursuit of the investi- gation, that what we were called upon to do was to make the enquiry by all lawful moans in our power, and that by so doing we should best fulfil the orders of the House and the ex- pectations of the country, (cheers). Thatview, however, was over-ruled, and the Committee adjourned Uiitil the 13th of August. AVe were offered a Boyal Commission, which we declined, for reasons stated in letters written at the time, by which reasons wo stand to- day. (GJheers). I will discuss them shortly. It had now become obvious that there was a change in the situation. During the sitting of Parliament, and wlicn the proposal av;is m%de that the Committee should irioet on the 2nd of July, a statement ham the Commons, to create some tri- bunal of their OAvn devising, and to prevent the House from meeting for business this yeiii-; and so, tired of waiting, and taunted by the Ministerial press with having made baseless charges, Mr Huntington aiithorized the publication of a portion of the evidence — oidy a portion, however, as I happen to know. (Cheers.) That publication at once took possession of the public mind. It eoidd not be slighted, for it consisted of the letters of Sir Hugh Allan, confessed to bo au- thentic by that person, the chief witness for the Government, and the chief actor in the transaction; and it was hoped by some people, that the efl'cct produced by the publi- cation would lead the Government to change its views and adopt the policy I have indi- cated. But it is clear that the determination of the Government was ditto rent. The publica- tion of the telegrams and rcciuisitionsformoncy showed that further fatal secrets were to be di8clo3ed,and the desperate decision was cou- iirmcd to gag the Commons, to destroy the (Jommittee, and to set up that mockery of justice which is shortly to bo performed at Ottawa. It was announced that His Excel- lency would be absent from Ottawa, that a Commission had been issued for the purpose of proroguing Parliament, as thi. affair would be purely formal. But Sir, that !\nuounce- ment was ccmtradicted by the event. His I'^xccllency thought, and thought rightly, that his first and highest duty was to be personally present, and to assume, hi his own proper person, the responsibility of what- ever course he might determine upon under the cii'cumstances. He was there; 1^10 mem- bers were there as well (clieers) ; and of thj absentees a very groat majority were quite accessible. (Hear, hear.) All the repre- aontativcs from Mirnito'oa were there, and Bomo twenty members from the distant Pro- vinces ^f the Atlantic sea board ; and that the attendance was not stiU Irrgcr was due the fact that the Governuiont e physical — thi great distances and the fact of the alleged un- derstanding as to prorogation; but these Sir,are difficilties which extend only to tlie time of the call. They are not difficulties in the way of adjonrnment. They are not difLculties to be solved only by proroga- tion. They are simply objections, Avhich are to be met by fixing for tbo adjourned session a convenient time, having regard to the expressed views of all parties that the enquiry should be prosecuted at the earliest possible moment. An adjoiirn- ment might have taken place iiven to tlio day named by His Exccilency for the n«t, for there are so many nobU men in English history, bnt ono of the noblest of them all, was Sir John Eliot lie was the leader ])0|mlar party in rarlianiciifc evil (lays of the firat Charles. He in Parliament th;it the ('oiiuoil ami had conspired to trample under foot the liberties of the Riibject. (Ai)plause. ) TliiH charge, in general terms, another member of Varliamcnt has recently made. It is the es- sence of the charge made by Mr. iltintington lately, that tlie liberties of the subject had boon conspired agaii.st and trampled under foot l)y Ministers. (Prolonged cheering.) Well, Sir, Parliament was dissolved, and after dissolution an information vas laid in the King's Bench by the King's Attorney- (ieneral against this man fur tlie charge ho made. He pleaded to the jurisdiction, alleg- ing that in J'arliamcnt alone could his wordsbe noticed; and to show j'ou that I do not over- estimate the importance of the question, let ine recall the words in which tiie great his- torian, Hallam. describes tlic i^sue: — "This )>rought forward," says Ifallam, "the great (|iiestiou of privilege, on which the power of the Hou.sc of Commons, and coimequoiOy tin; character of the J'hvjUsh. ConxfiiiK'ton, seemed evidently to depend." The character of the English Constitution evidently depended upon whether a charge 'nade by a member in Parliament could be taken cognizance of by any other Court. Well, the King's judges deciiled for the King, and ordered that Sir John Eliot should pay a fine of £2,000, and be confined to j»rison until he made his submission to the King. He who had occu- pied the highest positions, who was the leader of the popular party in Parliament, and filled the important post of a ViceAdmiral was imprisoned in the Tower. Atany moment, on making his humble submission he would have been released by the King. Had a Parliament been called he would have been released by Parliament. In those bad days Parliament was not annually convoked, and was sometimes also very suddenly proiogued (laughter and cheers), and so, unable to ask redress from the people, or to obtain justice from the Crown, he lingered in the gaol. Let me read to you some affecting words in which during that close confinement which was wearing out his life, he describes to you his sufferings; "To be made poor and naked; " to be imprisoned and restrained; nay, not - " to be at all; not to have the proper use of " anything; not to have the knowledge of so- ^' ciety; not to have being or existence; his ' ' faculties confiscate; his friends debarred his " presence; himself deprive of the world; I " will not tell you all this, suffered in your "service, for you, your childi-en, and posterity, " to preserve your rights and liberties, that "as tliey were the inheritance of your fathers, ' ' from ycu they might descend to your sons. " ( Applause. )To wards the end of his life he wrote these lines to the famous John Hampden: — " My lodginjjs are removed, and I am now where candlelight may be suffered, but scarce fire. I hope you will think that this exchange of places makes not a change of mind. The same protection is still with me, and the same confidence, and these things can have end by Him that gives them being. None but my servajits, hardly my sons, have admittance to me. My friends I must de- sire for their own sakes to forbear coniiiig to the Tower." He was in tli(> prime of life, not yet 41 years ohl, but the close confinement brought on lonsnmptioii. His physicians advised that to remain was ody to be burieil in his Cornish home. The ruthless Let the body of be bnried in the church of that pari.sh wherein htj died," and he was l>uried in the Tower. Xo stone marks his grave, but it has been well said that " while freedom subsists in England he will not want a mon;.ment. " (Applause.) When next the necessities of the King drove him to call Parliament, one of the first Acts of the Commons was to declare the judgment against Eliot illegal, and a high breach of the privileges of Parliament. Subsequently, that judgment was brought up in the House of Lords, aid was by them, as the Supreme Court of Judi- cature, reversed as illegal and void (ap- plause).; and at a later day, at the day of the re-settlement of the British Constitution in our present charter, the Bill of Rights, an express declaration was inserted in these words "that the freedom of speech and debate or proceedings in Parliament ought not to be impeached or questioned in any Court or place out of Parliament." That solemn declaration had been af- firmed by many precedents ; it was sanctified by that martyr's blood, and it is this privilege and right, the violation of which you are now called upovi to sanction or condemn. (Applause.) Are we the worthy sons of such sires as these ? Have we brought to this sideof the world the true notions of Eng- lish liberty, or are we in these palmy days of freedom to forget what were the trials, what the expenditure of time and pains, of blood and treasure, by which our ancestors secured those jewels which we are now told are triflea to be flung away ? (Loud applause.) Sir, 1 recall to you the position in those days King replied, Sir John Eliot •33 of cild Lonretend for a moment that these lioyal Com- iniasionoradtHign to jiunish, or could punish Mr LLuutiiigtou fi>r the words he uttered in I'arliament, but I point out to you that the principle upon whiih the Commiai'ion is issued is utterly incompatible with his se- curity, or that of any other of your leprc- sentiitives. The princii)le viohitcd by tho Commiasion is that no tribunal can be con- stituted which shall take any cognizance, which shall know aupht of what transpires in I'arliament, that the House alone can deal with what its members say. If you allow the violation of that principle by the creation of !i triljiinul permitted, nay reiiuired, to lake Muh <;ogni/.auce, how shall yon fall back on iheoiii and sacred rule, when the dark days come, ur< come they surely will, if you permit the jewels of liberty to be wrested from you '' (Cheers.) But the Commission is, upon other grounds, in my judgment, il- legal and void. In the first place it is con- trary to the fundamental principles of justice, that either the accusers or the accused should have the creation or control of the tribunal which is to do any material thing in the trial. That commends itself to every man. Every- one jfeels that it would be monstrous that he should himself be tried, or that anything ijn- portant with reference to his trial, should be done by a body of men all chosen by his ac- cusers. Which of us, in any private conten- tion, would agree that the other party should name the persons who were to take and re- port on the evidence ? Would not each of us say "No, it is an unfair ad- vantage; let us agree; let one of us name one party, and the other name another, and let us or they agree upon L vjiird." I cannot agree that either of us should have the exclusive nomination of the I>ersons who rre to perform such an import- ant duty. But it is said that this is not a material thing ; it is said, to be simply a re- cording of evidence. Do not bo led away by any such fallacy as that. I tell 3'ou that the questiors which will arise before the tribu- nal, however and whenever constituted, as to the limitations of this enquiry, as to the order in 'vhich the witnesses shall be called, as to the mode in which they shall be examined, as to the character of the an- swers which shall be accepted as satisfactory, are of the essence of the great cau -e. (Great cheering ) I tell you, so strong is my con- viction on this point, that 1 decided, that if the Cca-.rnittcc cf wL'ch \ wr.r a zwixsj. er had boon turned by the Houso into a cloae Com- mittve, HO that I shouul not have had the protection of public opinion and tho light of iluy, to decline to sit upon it au hour long<>r. ((Ircat cheer* iiig, ) Tliat was n>t bocauao pub- licity alone woul-l be a sutlicieut pro> taction, but liecausc it would bu a partial guard, at any rate, against ex- treme injuatice being done by the majority to the minority. Jf there Was that risk of in- juatice with the Committee, where both sidi g were repreaentcd, timugh unequally, hi» the risk ceased with the Commiasion, which rejiresents one aide alone '! W hy, sir, tho whole foundation of our system of justice is subverted ; tlio jury system is subverted ; and the right of challenge is destroyed by allowing one of the parties to name the per- sons wlio shall be judges of the fact and of the law! What rouson, what justice is thero in it? Docs it not shock every honest mind tliat one of tiio parties to the cause should have the pfiwor of appointing tho Commission charged with tho trial and judgment of t!io cause ? The Commission ia given the same jiowcra a^ were proponed to tho Committee. We were told, v.liile that Committee w:\J going on, that we hud most important powers, that we were the judges, that some of ua were utterly unlit to sit there, and could not do our duty bocauso v,m were anxiou.-i to get office, forsooth ! (Laughter.) We were not told, however, that the chair- man waa untit because because he had happened to receive some of the money (laughter); but that was not generally known just then. However, Sir, those men who criticised our position as committee men asserted that our duty was very important, and by necessary consequence must admit that th s duty of the Commission is eSir ; these arc doctrines we cannot ali'urd to hear broached without denouncing thorn. We cannot per- mit the most tritii'ng encroachment, upon principles, the mvi(^lable pre.'iervati.ju of which is our only security for liberty. Let us agree that no object can justify our l)arting with the least of the securities of lib'jrty. (Cheers.) Let us agree that there is, as all history teaches, danger, the greatest dai.tj^er, in an evil precedent. I have seen it in my swn brief experience. I never saw a bad Act of Parliament passed but that it was urged, and often successfully, as a precedent for a very much worse act next session. Such is the invariable result. Give the pre- cedent, and it is always stretched and stretched in the wrong direction. The trifle of to-d .y becomes the monster of to-morrow. The cloud no bigger than a man's hand in the morning may become by night a deluge sweeping away the veiy landmarks of freedom. And let me say that you but ill repay the sufferings which that noble man, a part of whose story I have told, endured for you and j'our children, as he tells in the letter which I could not reaa, nor you hear with- out emotion, vrhen you permit one jot or one itttle of the sacr.a principles which his blood has sanctified, which his maityrdom has enshrined, and which form, to-day the corner stone of British liberty, to be impugned or infringed by even the highest and mightiest with the best and purest intentions, far, far less by in- criminated Ministers, seeking through strata- gem to escape from justice ! No situation ia so secure but that the people's negligence may make it dangerous. No situation is so desperate but that the people's vigilance may work out their salvation. Upon that vigi- lance depends the preservation of your liber- ties to-day. That vigilance I expect you to exercise. Awake, then, to the magnitude of the issue. The feeling of the people will be the feeling of rarliament next session. What you, M-hat the intelligent people of Canada shUl have determined in the meet- ings out of Parliament, is what Parliament itself will shortly do in Parliament. Awake, I Hay again, to the issue ! Let your voice and weight be felt. By one stern lesson teach a corrupt and audacious Ministry that they miiy not, unpunished, trifle with your dearest rights; and plant once more on foundations broad and deep, on the foundations of public virtue and constitutional liberty, the fair fabric which your rulers are now shaking to its base. (The honourable gentleman resumed hia seat amidst thunders of ap- plause, which were repeated several times. )