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Un des symboles suivants apparaitra sur la dernlAre image de cheque microfiche, selon Ie ces: Ie symbole — »* signifie "A SUIVME", Ie synibois V signifie "FIN". Maps, plates, cherts, etc., may be filmed at different reduction retios. Those too lerge to be entirely included in one exposure ere filmed beginning in the upper left hend corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames es required. The following diagrams illustrste the method: Les certes, plenches, tableaux, etc., peuvent Atre f !lm*s ik des taux de reduction diff6rents. Lorsque ie document est trop grand pour Atre reproduit en un seul clichA, 11 est film6 A partir de I'angle supArieur gauche, de gauche A droits, et de haut en bes, en prenant Ie nombre d'Imeges nAcesssire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mAthode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 O] EG , Printed T JI E • OBJECTIONS T O T H E TAXATION OF oun American CohONiES J BY THE Legislatvkz of Great Bnyam, Briefly Confider'd. THE SECOND EDITION. ^ LONDON: Printed for J. Wilkie, in St. Paul's Church . Yard. 1765. [ Price Six-pence, ] •V i. f () i I o \ {•• ..n ! 'T on h pedu prefe indif have takei THE OBJECTIONS TO THE TAXATION . OF OUR American Colonies, ^c. THE Right of the Legiflature of Great Britain to impofe Taxes on her American Colonies, and the Ex- pediency of exerting that Right in the prefent Conjundure, are Propofitions ib indifputably clear, that I fhould never have thought it neceffary to have under- taken their Defence, had not many Ar- A 2 guments an Ar pui tha bul be ons tax f 4 1 gumcnts been lately flung out both in Papers and Converfation, which with Infolencc equal to their Abfurdity deny them both. As thefe are ulually mixt up with feveral patriotic and favorite Words, fuch as Liberty, Property, Eng- lijhmen^ &c. which are apt to make ftrong Impreflions on that more nume- rous Part of Mankind, who have Ears > Inc but no Underftanding, it will not, 1 1 be think, be improper to give them fome i Pei Anfwers : To this therefore I fhall fingly I tha confine myfelf, and do it in as few* out : Words as poflible, being fenfible that the | the feweft will give lead Trouble to myfelf oth and probably moft Information to myi the ; Reader. * ,n>Mi .- v • . . i wh ac'^? ^"T^^ ^*"->v- ! :'>f'^- * \Hr^J ■^■■'*k' 1 ht>^. The great capital Argument, which' der I find on this Subjeft, and which, like! upc A hiVd ani . both in ch with ity deny lly mixt favorite ty, Eng- ;o make e nume- ive Ears I not, I^ ;;m fbme ^ ill fingly i as few' ; that the \ o myfelf n to myi i :, which * ich, like] I an ! 5 ] an Elephant at the Head of a Nabob's Army, being once overthrown, muft put the whole into Confufion, is this ; that no Englijhman is, or can be taxed, but by his own Confent : by which muft be meant one of thefe three Propofiti- ons ; either that no Englijhman can be taxed without his own Confent as an Individual ; or that no Englijhman can be taxed without the Confent of the Perfons he chufes to reprefent him ; or that no Englijhman can be taxed with- out the Confent of the Majority of all thofe, who are eledled by himfelf and others of his Fellow Subjeds to reprefent them. Now let us impartially confider, whether any one of thefe Propofitions are in Fad: true : if not, then this won- derful Strudure which has been ereded upon them, falls at once to the Ground, and t 6 3 and like another Babel^ periflies by a Confufion of Words, which the Builders themfelves are unable to underftand. Firft then, that no E^'^gUJhtnan is or can be taxed but by his own Confent as an Individual : this is fo far from being true, that it is the very Reverfe of Truth ; for no Man that I know of is taxed by his own Confent ; and an Eng- lipman^ I believe, is as little likely to be fo taxed, as any Man in the World. > ■ e-.r I -/;{>f)/ riff \\n')^ jftvn;/^-.'!'' t-)h •?%...%. ,, Secondly, that no EngUpjman is, or can be taxed, but by the Confent of thofc Perfons, whom he has chofe to re- prefent him ; for the Truth of this I fhall appeal only to the candid Repre- fentatives of thcfe unfortunate Counties which produce Cyder, and fliall willing- ly acquicfce under their Determination. C 7 ] s by a luilders nd. n IS or ifent as 1 being ?rfe of w of is ti Eng- y to be .rid. I IS, or Pent of : to re- ' this I Repre- lounties villing- nation. Laftly, that no Englijhman is, or can be taxed, without the Confent of the Majority of thofe, who arc elected by himfelf, and others of his Fellow Sub- jects, to reprefent them. This is cer- tainly as falfe as the other two ; for every Eng/i/jman is taxed, and not one in twenty reprefented : Copyh jidcrs, Leafeholders, and all Men poffi flld ol perfonal Property only, chufe no Repre- fentatives ; Manchefter^ Birmingham^ and many more of our richeft and moft \ flourifliing trading Towns fend no Mem- bers to Parliament, confequently cannot confent by their Reprefentatives, becaufe they chufe none to r-prefent them ; yet are they not Epglifhmen P or are they not taxed? . -' . -, . ^ .....;. Uil'ioi nil ei^onJ io E^vij-^rrJ r fiu ' ^ ^ ^^^ v.it|LrU one fTji'jyv >i; J 'ooifj njiiiv/ [8 ] I am well aware, that I fhall hear Lockf Sidney^ Selden^ and many other great Names quoted, to prove that every Englijhmany whether he has a Right to vote for a Reprefentative, or not, is ft ill reprefented in the Britijh Parliament ; in which Opinion they all agree : on what Principle of common Senfe this Opinion is founded I comprehend not, but on the Authority of fuch refpeda- ble Names I fliall acknowledge its Truth ; but then I will afk one Queftion, and on that I will reft the whole Merits of theCaufe : Why does not this imaginary Reprefentation extend to America as well as over the whole Ifland of Great Britain ? If it can travel three hundred Miles, why not three thoufand ? if it can jump over Rivers and Mountains, why .. ' - '- cannot can Toi fenc are wh) Boft femi jeds they fori Tax try ( I B by ti Gov( jgifla lilonc Privi Vhic 1 hear other t every ight to is dill Linent ; zc : on nfe this tid not, sfpe£la- Truth; )n, and lerits of laginary Ttca as f Great lundred if it can US, why cannot [ 9 ] cannot it fail over the Ocean ? If the Towns of Manchejler and Birmingham fending no Reprefentatives to ParHament are notwithftanding there reprefented, why are not the Cities of Albany and Boflon equally reprefented in that Af- fembly ? Are they not alike Britijh Sub- jedls? are they not En^lijhmen? or arc they only Englipmeny when they follicit for Protedion, but not Englijhme7ty when Taxes are required to enable this Coun- try to protect them? if ' >/v •,, - J But It is urged, that the Colonies are by their Charters placed under diftindt Governments, each of which has a Le- jgiflative Power within itfelf, by which ^lone it ought to be taxed ; that if this privilege is once given up, that Liberty Which every Englijhman has a Right to, B is [ lo ] is torn from them, .they are all Slaves, and all is loft. ' ■ The Liberty of an EitgUJhinan is a Phrafe o\. fo various a Signification, ha- ving within thefe few Years been ufed as a fynonymous Term for Blafphemy, Bawdy, Treafon, Libels, Strong Beer, and Cyder, that I fliall not here prefume to define its meaning 5 but I fliall venture to affert what it cannot mean ; that is, an Exemption from Taxes impofed by the Authority of the Parliament of Great Britain^ nor is there any Charter, that ever pretended to grant fuch a Pri- vilege to any Colony in America \ and had they granted it, it could have had no Force ; their Charters being derived | from the Crown, and no Charter from \ the Crown can poffibly fuperfede the 4 * Right I \ I I Ri Ch the po^ Du Pol Au of cifi exp othi An Pre this oth tho im no slaves. m IS a ; Dn, ha- 5 rn ufed ■ phemy, | y Beer, J )re(ume | venture that is, 1 ofed by I nent of I Charter, \ :h a Pri- ! :a ; and j lave had | derived ter from | ide the! Right [ " ] Right of the v^^hole Legiflature : Their Charters are undoubtedly no more than thofe of all Corporations, which im- power them to make Bye Laws, and raife Duties for the Purpofes of their own Police, for ever fubje^a to the fuperior Authority of Parliament ; and in fome of their Charters, the Manner of exer- cifing thefe Powers is fpecifyed in thefe exprefs Words, according to the Courfeof other Corporations in Great Britain : And therefore they can have no more Pretence to plead an Exemption from this parliamentary Authority, than any other Corporation in England. , .-^ ]e It has been moreover alledged, that, though Parliament may have Power to impofe Taxes on the Colonies, they have no Right to ufe it, becaufe it would be B 2 an [ 12 ] an unjuft Tax ; and no fupreme or le- giflative Power can have a Right to enad any Law in its Nature unjuft : To this, I fliall only make this fhort Reply, that if Parliament can impofc no Taxes but what are equitable, and the Perfons taxed are to be the Judges of that Fquity, they will in efFedl have no Power to lay any Ta^if at all. No Tax can be impofed exafftly equal on all ; and if it is not equal, it cannot be juft ; and if it is not juft, no Power whatever can impofe it ; by which fhort Syllogifm, all Taxation is at End ; but why it fhould not be ufed by Englijh^ men on this Side the Atlantic^ as well as by thofc o^ the othpr, I do not com- ybjsl ot fft';>ili i^gil^io oi T>q0 i< i O %i:^rlj no <<*iaio3ai ^ Thus 1 nov of 1 jeai is in 1: moi fron ffclvi I this ^ curi per . j Trai I rival Enc we 1 be r I banc w C 13 ] 'i Thus much for the Riffht. Let m now a little inquire into the Expediency of this Meafure ; to which Two Ob- jedions have been made ; that the Time is improper, and the Manner wrong. \ Thus As to the Firft, can any Time be more proper to require fome Afllftance from our Colonies, to preferve to them- felves their prefent Safety, than when this Country is almoft undone by pro- curing it ? Can any Time be more pro- per to impofe fome Tax upon their Trade, than when they are enabled to rival us in our Manufactures, by the Encouragement and Proted:ion which we have given them ? Can any Time be more proper to oblige them to fettle handfome Incomes on tlieii: Governors, than than when we find them unable to pro- cure a Subfiftence on any other Terms than thofe of breaking all their In- ftrudions, and betraying the Rights of their Sovereign ? Can there be a more proper Time to compel them to fix cer- tain Salaries on their Judges, than when we fee them fo dependent on the Hu- mours of their Affemblies, that they can obtain a Livelihood no longer than quam diu female gefferint? Can there be 'a more proper Time to force them to to maintain an Army at their Expence, than when that Army is neceflhry for their own Protedtion, and we are utterly tmabletofupportit? Laftly ; Can there be a more proper Time for this Mother Couhtry to leave off Feeding out of her iown Vitals, thefe Children whom fhe has nurfcd up, than wlien they are ar- riv( to I anc fon I up, pof Au har] bee: leaf min on trar the raifi the Par plij VVC1 ►iii(.lJi.Ji,y«i 4 nve( to pro- Terms eir In- Rights a more fix ccr- Q when heHu- [ley can ir than there be 'i them to I xpence, I Tary for | ^utterly ! m there I Mother | It of her I lom flie ' are ar- rived [ «s ] rived at fuch Strength and Maturity ^s to be well able to provide for themfelves^ and ought rather with filial Duty tb givq fome Affiftance to her DiftreiGfes. >.,, ,jf As to the Manner ; that is, the im-*- pofing Taxes on the Colonies by the Authority of Parliament, it is faid to be harfli and arbitrary ; and that it would been more confiflent with Juftice, at leaft with maternal Tendernefs, for Ad- miniftration here to have fettled Quptas on each of the Colonies, and have the^ tranfmitted them with Injundlions,.that the Sums allotted fliould be immediately raifed by their refpecflive Legiflatures, on the Penalty of their being irnpofed by Parliament, in Cafe of their Non-com- pliance ? But was this to be done, what would be the Confequence? Have their Afiemblie$ t ,^6 ) Aflemblies fliewn fo much Obedience t» the Orders of the Crown^ that we could reafona;bly exped:, that they would immediately tax themfelv^s on the arbitrary Command of a Minifter ? Would it be poflible here to fettle thofe Quotas with Jufticc, or would any one of the Colonies fubmit to them, were they ever fo juft? Should we not be compared to thole Roman Tyrants, who ufed to fend Orders to their Subjefts to murder themfelves within fo many Hours, moft obligingly leaving the Me- thod to their own Choice, but on their Difobedience threatening a more fevere Fate from the Hands of an Execution- er ? And fhould we not receive Votes, Speeches, Refolutions, Petitions, and Remonftrances in abundance, inftead of Taxes ? la iliort, we either have a Right to jdiencc lat we they v^s on iiifter ? e thofe ny one I, were lot be ts, who jefts to I I many le Me- their ; fevere cution- Votes, , and lead of Right to [ '7 ] to tax the Colonies, or we have not : If Parliament is poflefled of this Right, why fliould it be cxercifed with more Delicacy in America^ than it has ever been even in Great Britain itfelf ? If on the other hand, they have no fuch Right, fiirc it is below the Dignity as well as Juftice of the Legiflature, to intimidate the Colonies with vain Threats, which they have really no Right to put in Execution. \ lU ^f't^ t'*' ♦ -if it 1.1: n s One Method indeed has been hinted at, and but one, that might render the Exercife of this Power in a Britijh Par- liament juft and legal, which is the In- trodudion of Reprefentatives from the everal Colonies into that Body ; but as this has never ferioufly been propoled, I fhall not here confider the Impradli- € cability [ i8 ] cability of this Method, nor the Effefts of it, if it could be pradifcd ; but only fay, that I have lately feen fo many Specimens of the great Powers of Speech, of which thrfc American Gen- tlemen are poffefled, that I fliould be much afraid, that the fudden Importa- tion fo much Eloquence at once, WDuld greatly endanger the Safety and Govern- ment of this Country ; or in Terms more fafhionable, though lefs under- ' flood, this our moft excellent Conftitu- tion. If we can avail ourfelves of thefe ' Taxes on no other Condition, I fhall never look upon it as a Meafure of Fru- gality; being perfectly fatisfyed, that in the End, it will be much cheaper for us to pay their Army, than their Orators, 4-" ■■•■»# Ai. «.« J. *jti^iJl ^ii J^ij.jji Ui tain for difobcying them, would they expend lefs Money in their feveral Go- vernments, or bring Home at their Return lefs Riches, to lay out in the Manufadories of their native Country ? cvei raif fina the: whi it is the fror intc the mam«- ricanff Coats, rcfent? ned to xafion i o( as ir legal 1 their !)r had fettled t&ions, ty ol> d they al Go- their in the ntry ? C " ] -'■ ^.•^' ?iiW- ^. ^^ od'// It has been Hkewiie aflerted, that every Shilling, which our Colonies can raife either by Cultivation or Commerce, finally centers in this Country ; and therefore it is argued, we can acquire nothing by their Taxation, fince wc can have no more than their All ; and whether this comes in by Taxes or by Trade, the Confequence is the fame. But allowing this Aflertion to be true, which it is not, yet the Reafoning upon it is glaringly falle : for furely it is not the fame, whether the Wealth derived from thefe Colonics flows immediately into the Coffers of the Public, or into the Pockets of Individuals, from whence it muft be fqueezed by various domtftic Taxes before it can be rendered of any Service to the Nation: Surely it is by no f 22 ] no means the fame, whether this Money brought in by Taxes enables us to dimi- nish Part of that enormous Debt con- tradled by the laft expenfive "War, or whether coming in by Trade it enables the Merchant, by augmenting his In- fluence together with his Wealth, to plunge us into new Wars and new Debts for his private Advantage. 'un J' From what has been here faid, I think that not only the Right of the Legiflature of Great Britain to impofe Taxes on her Colonies, not only the Expediency, but the abfolute Neceflity of exercifing that Right in the prefent Conjundlure, has been fo clearly, though concifely proved, that it is to be hoped, that in this great and important Queftion all Parties and Fadlions, or, in the more polity C n ] polite and fafliionable Term, all Con- nexions, will moft cordially unite; that every Member of the Brittjh Parlia- ment, whether in or out of Humour with Adminiftration, whether he has been turned out becaufe he has oppofed, or whether he oppofes, becaufe he has ' been turned out, will endeavour to the utmoft of his Power to fupport this Meafure. A Meafure which muft not only be approved by every Man, who has any Property or common Senfe, but which ought to be required by every Englijh Subjed: of an Englip Ad- miniilration. .'sit