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To i iaaccustonie( ^ion of add igent an the ^l^sarily be n .#1, however, liember of tli l|ice, and itt ^ represent! t;ome an ini s Union, tr 4 enabled, fc ilcasion. iThe propoi ^listed for ye tfB undeniabl lith ihnse in :| have ncquK 'ioug;ht prop (ess of the I treaty by sary under — Is itpoli the exij^en ink it disc nld be ad 4tt I can per jl de. ying^tl ltd, or the ri (tl I perceivt ilferests of th joimended b Conseqiiem rtte, we do xu !|5, or one Sc. Honoi ereTly on Jf we were ain^n who 1 'l^h all its cal i^dopted. 1 stion. Is sue this CO ion of our 1 is seems to ed; but n( ere we t the prese sibility of uld be liabl >d venture a rtiii ri't. .' *siL J '^A i-* t'y -£.'-■-■. l-.r- m Wi.-a < iPEECH OF MR. HOUSTON, OF TEXAS, 7 ■ ■ T = ..-Jv ON THE ;■>,■■' V ;: '■■ OREGON QUESTION. DELIVERED IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, APRIL, 1846. ^ Mr. HOUSTON said: ,jMr. President: T nm rot insensible to tlie pe- aliarity of the position in wliich I now find myself ■Ifred. To any one, nnd more especially to 0j)e iBaccustonied lo participate in its debates, the oc- il^ion ofaddressing a body so influential and inlel- igent ns the Senate of the United States, must ne- ^l^sarily be attended with much embarrassment. I , however, now about to be called on to act, ns a mberofthis body, on a subject of high impor- ce, and it therefore becomes my duty, as one of s representatives of a State which has recently t;ome an integral part of tlie great confederacy of s Union, to present my reasons, so far as I may 1^ enabled, for the vote which I shall give on this licasion. iThe proposition to abrogate a treaty which has ^listed for years with i^^ngland is in accordance with Up; undeniable right of this government. I believe lith those in favor of the resolution, and opposed to ^ have acquiesced in that right. The Executive has lought proper, in his annual message to the Con- fess of the Union, to recommend the abrogation of treaty by giving the twelve months' notice, ne- sary under its provisions. The question, then, ari- — Is it politic, and is it wise, to exercise this right? the exigencies of the country require its exerciser ink it discreet and necessary that such a course l^uld be adopted and carried out, for the reason ^t I can perceive no rational ground for hope, ihst yf de, yingthe measure, its necessity will be obvi- Itd, or the rights of the country vindicated. Nor fill 1 perceive the possibility of any detriment to the i^erests of the country by giving the notice as rec- jOimended by the Executive. Consequences may grow out of it which, at this nfte, we do not anticipate; but that it is a war meas- rte, or one likely to produce war, I cannot be- SVe. Honorable and distinguished senators think ifereTly on this subject. ^f we were disposed to admit the opinions of gen- ""ngn who have spoken on this question, war, h all its calamities, is inevitable, if this measure dopted. But this does not seem to me to be the stion. Is it wise policy in this govirnment to i sue this course? Is it necessary for the pre.ser- iiin of our rights that the notice should be given? is seems to me to be the question properly pre- ted; but not whether war is likely to result. iVere we to be restrained from action in a crisis e the present by any considerations as to the isibility of war, or the reverse, the public interest uld be liable to suffer deeply. If we never dare tdveature action, we ctin achieve nothing. It is 1 true I am not in favor of precipitate action, but for a ' calm, deliberate, and firm course of procedure. I No 1pr3 than twenty-eight years have rolled round witluiut producing a satisfactory result. Negotiations, though ofien attempted, have failed in effecting a settlement of the controversy. Repeated overtures to England, direct and favorable as the ' United States supposed, from a strong desire to pre- I serve peace between the two countries, have been I made, yet they have not been met in a correspond- I ing pjiirit on the part of that government. I Tliey have been declined or rejected, again and again. The last proposition made by our Execu- I tive, it appears, was, according to the representa- j tions of the English premier, decided upon by the minister resident here as inadmissible, and not transmitted to his government. This, to my mind, is conclusive evidence that his government would not have considered it more favorably than he did himself. No minister to a foreign court would as- sume so important a decision, unless well aware that it was in harmony and keeping with the policy and opinions of those who had delegatcl a mist to him. Nor have we any intimation from the gov- ernment of England that it would have been other- wise considered by the ministry. I think it is idle to anticipate an agreeable termination to our nego- tiations with England upon the subject of Oregon, unless it is brought about by giving this notice. England may dt'sire to gain time, and she may- have a desire to amuse the United Sta'.es as long as possible. It may be that Enrrland at this time is not prepared for war, and th' i.-fort does not wish to bring things to an issue with us upon this subject; for if she contemplated any sue. basis for negotia- tion as that offered by this i,ovani lent, and rejected by her envoy, she has had, and yet has, an opportu- nity to r^ new it. Does delay on her part arise from the fact that the resolutions now under consideration have been introduced into the Congress of the Uni- ted States in accordance with the recommendations of the Executive in his annual message? Can it arise from the fact, that England considers herself insulted, because the Executive assumed our right to the whole of Oregon in that state paper? Can she allege this as a satisfactory reason to this govern* mcnt for not stenping forward and making such an offer, if she real' y had it in contemplation? To be sure, honorable senators have suggested that the measure recommended by the Executive would be regarded by England as held in terrortm over her. and that she cannot, consistently with her national honor and di(;.-*'»y, accede to any proposition, nor make one, until after Congress has adjourned. Such opinions are advocated in and out of Con- iuyuD grem, and honoiable gentlemen may really enter* tain them. But 1 apprehend thev will nnd that England has other reasons, and that those which they render to themselves are fallacious. It has been said, that the President could have withheld this recommenJation to Congress, and thus relieved this body from unpleasant embarrass- ments produced by no agency of (heirs. I cannot conceive how that omission could have been proper- ly made. In my estimation he was bound to a^:- Bume his present position. The decision of the American people, in his elevation to the presidency, left him no alternative. The question of Oregon was one of the leading subjects in the last presiden- tial canvass, by which he wrs called to his present station. If the President had not assumed a claim to the whole of Oregon — if he had not declared that our right to it was unquestionable — that it belonged to us, (as I Yoive no doubt he believed to be the fact,) certainly he would have fallen far short of the dis- charge of his duty. The question had been mooted end canvassed before the American people. It was a thing not done in a corner. The popular voice was conclusive upon this subject. Enlightened Statesmen now entertuin opinions in unison with the recommendations of the Executive. Although the State from which I come was not at that tim'j an integral part of the Union, neverthe- less, there was no subject of importance in the United States, of political agitation and excite- ment, which did not command attention, and some degree of feeling, in our country. We were ob- servant of all that passed here, i again repeat, that the Executive was bour.d to brini^ this subject be- fore Congress, as he has done. Could he have act- ed otherwise, and yet taken his measures in accord- ance with the principles upon which he was elected? Had the President claimed the country only as far as forty-nine, do you not believe that many who now denounce his extended assumption of our claim to the whole territory, would have been found ready to denounce him for compromising the honor and in- terest of the country, and as guilty of a shameless abandonment of American rights? Had he renewed the proposition made by Mr. Gallatin, what would have been the ^-.nnsequence? Would it not now be said here is collision? The joint navigation of the Columbia river will at once destroy all harmony between the two countries. His object must be to throw in contact men of dif- ferent political interests — the subjects of govern- ments of opposite character. War, in that case, would have been inevitable; and the policy would, indeed, have been energetically denounced. Cir- cumstances precluded the President from taking such a course. That functionary assumed a propo- sition that all Oregon belonged to us; and whether it is correct or erroneous I will not now undertake to determine; for it is not, in my apprehension, a C|uestion necetisarily connected with the investiga- tion of the subject now before the Senate, which, as I understand it, is the propriety or impropriety, the necessity or want of necessity, of giving the pro- posed notice. If England designs to negotiate, the notice will not exclude her from that privilege. The way to negotiation is as open to her as it ever was. But what indication has she given that she is ready to negotiate? England has proposed arbitration — she has not talked of oeeotiation; and are we wait for tiM aodsaadbeeki ofEnglshd to determine our own policy or property, or to what point our privilei extend? If we wait for the convenience of Ei»"?« tbat if, land — if we wait for intimations from her or |» United Stal ministry to regulate our policy, we may uf of"thegrea an indefinite period. I do not conceive it iniei nations be the duty of thu representatives of the Ani«"^'t'e8 of nl ii^an people, or the head of this government, y^ cannot dwait. the intimatiom of what England may or nwch id inher not uo. We have (o inquire of ourselves. Is f»''S^y was aii. j.uion o'' this measure necpssary to the preserWd of the il tiori and well-being of this Union ? Is it necessA/'e departed to the furtherance of our interests and the esiabli#'eathed to ment and upbuilding of our nation that a ceriW"''"? o"' ^ measuro should be adopted, or a certain policy p^^ of peace fued? If these questions can be answered affiriift'ld be borne tively, then we have only to march forward in ^springs of highway to the destiny which is before us. ws and polic; are not to falter in a decisive act because Eng!f**l to ascerta may frown or smile on >iny particular line of i"* b'lt to sea policy. We are now called on to adopt a cert 'with his fel measure, and to pursue it with resolute and unfal'^^'on. The ing firmness. We can only judge of the course tf«d for the England intends to pursue, and the sentiment [Vy have feeli her government entertains at this time towards % and sym from the tone of her journals. We may have jiusceptibie i course to her newspapers, but not to opinions of If w^hich onl; ministry, in order to as>:eriain with any degree* are but < certainty the views and designs which t>re enterti4 as Iceland ed hy her Mnjesty's government on this questil'b'e in their ( The British ministry have given only evasive i% is done to mations in reference to the proposition rejected Oingfor the their envoy here; and judging from the less obscl^ns. Thinh and uncertain evpressions in the English news^pa'hy with pers, we have 'ittle to apprehend from their favc^slaughteret ble dispnsitio:: towards our interests. • with the w Honorable senators have spoken of " comw shiighter mine." I abhor the term. It sounds like " tenri as 'hese an rize." It implies thit something unreasonable isMP- Nay, it i manded by one of the parties, and tliat the otl^mpromise through over anxiety, is prepared or required make a sacrifice of rights. " Temporize^^ implies il insincerity and duplicity are to pass current for o] professions, when it is nothing more than the o cculment of that candor which it w<^nld be honi^i ble to express. These terms shouta be expuni from the political as well as social vocabularies romise ne\ ountry; arii which ha; ubtedly che d States — t minion, incerely dci the world. «"? Will it Mr. President, I preferthe term "adjustment,"ifo fester in t I am decidedly in favor of an adjustment of A*^ you not t controversy. The term implies everything desirn^ed to some in the present phase of this question. We ktii l^now that t there is diversity of opinion, and we should all gl^.at rest, ar in favor of doing what is right — of arriving at tn ^^js agitating and carrying out the objects, which alone can*"9".' ^ an done by an adjustment rather than comprom *P'"'on> ho We need ask nothing but what is right. We shope co-ordini be satisfied that justice is on our side; and when t'®*? ^ ■ ■■ isfied of that, \ve should scrupulously contend 5? '"® spint : our rights without reference to consequences, "jbeen tranqu should say, This is our right; we will maintaif '" i"^ Unit and abide the wors*. * Much as I might deprecate war, which is ful*'"^ suhyect desolation and calamity to all orders of societ*^/''' '"'gbt i anxious as I would be to eschew it by all mean?* "ave ariser my power, consistently with honor and integr'^'^'" Perogati yet we should be willing to encounter it rather tP" "•"'" '" yield an inch in. the maintenance of any ascertai| right, either inherent or resulting. But let me ' ask, are we certain that concession even would cure peace with England? What nation is tl that has ever grown or prospered, and become gi without^ encountering war? It would, indeed, ed or deno 3 at once ci is sujJi ;ien y into a w tion — I me e man. I Twenty 3 nt our privilei , , . . . ... ... ,, venience of Ei*"S« t''** •'i "* '"* present condition of the world rom we her or f United States could remain so distinguished as may \(f of the great rival powers of the earth, an object t conceive it Wtei national envy, and yet escape the common es of the Arn»""'"es of ntitiorts. • eovcrnment,'^^ cannot always expect to be free from war, and may or rrfjch id inherent in the condition of nations. So ourselves Is 0"l?'y was this conviction impressed upon the to tiie preseriwl of the illustrious Father of our country, that Is it necess'/ic departed he left, as n portion of the legacy eatlicd to his countrymen, the admonition ing out of his wisdom and experience — "in of peace prepare for war." Thi.s warning Id be borne in mind. Washington knew well 1 forward in -springs of human action. He l{new the pa.3- before us. ^s and policy of nations, and that when it is de- because Eno-li*'! '" ascertain their character and objects, you ;ular line of ("* ''"' '" scan man in his social state in connex- i adopt a cert "With his fellow-man. There you obtain the elu- ►lute and unfal^'""- '^^^ passions of men are always em- of the course if ^il '^o'' '^^ benefit or detriment of each other, e sentiment t*y have feelings and sympathies; passions to in- time towards % *"'^ sympathies to relieve. But nations are /e may have Susceptible of the refined sensibilities of our na- ind the establij n that a ceri^l jrtain policy pjj ns'vered atfiri)( to opinions of *j which only exist in the 80ci;»l relations. Na- or required? orize''^ implies f s current for o3 ore than the c\ jvr>\\\d be honiif 3Uia be expunj \\ vocabularies J th any degree* """e but corporations on a magnificent scale — lioh nre enterl^* "'* Iceland in their calculations; heartless as on this questi'*'^ '" '^heir conclusions. In their cabinets e very- only evasive !■% is done to procure certain results. They care sition rejected hi"? for the calamities they may entail on other n the less obsc'!^"^ Think you that the British ministry feel English newsiP'^'hy with the millions of India whom they 'rom their favcifi'lttUahtered or enslaved? Have they tears to „g t with the widows and orphans of the Sikhs, so ken of " comt^y^ shughtered in their battles? No. Yet acts nds like " lemf ''s'heae are evidences of the sympathies of na- nreasonable isMP- Nay, it is evidence of their ministerial spirit d that the otl^'^P''""^'^^" ^ trust, however, it is a spirit of romise never to be extended by England to ountry; and yet the same love of uggrandij:e- which has directed her policy in india will ubledly characterize her measures towards the d States — the increase of power and extension minion. incerely desire peace; but how are we to se- j it? Will it be attained by permitting this ques- ' 'adjustment "'f'' f'S"'^'"'" the public mind of both countries? I Ijustment of A^ Y"" "•'t that the popular mind of England is j ervihing desirn^cd to some extent? Can she be calm at heart ? j ition. We kt^l^'^'w that the public mind in this country can-, we should all ^ *t rest, and is it therefore wise in us to per- 1 f arriving at tri'^'^'^S'tating subject to .remain in its present! ich alone can''™''**" ' ^ answer no, Mr. President. I venture I han comprom ^P'"'*^"' however erroneous it may be, thati rieht. We she ^^ co-ordinate branches of the government co- j ide- and when 1*1'®^ with the Executive with the promptitude, | ou'slv contend f> 'he spirit in which he acted, to-day everything! nsequences. '|been tranquil, England quiet, and the public! will maintain i" the United States calm, serene, and unex- i dt. I r which is ful*the subject of our having acted in accr -dance ders of sociel**'"'" ""'Sht in giving the notice, no question' it by all mean!* have arisen. England knows it is our right, '■ lor and integr^"'" perogaiive to exercise it. But when Great nter it rather iW" ^'"''' ''"'' the policy of the Executive is! ed or denounced by American statesmen, herj s at once change their tone. This very oppo- is suj'iioient to inspirit England to beard this y into a war — to embarrass the Executive of tion — I meati the measures of the Executive, e man. I do not know that he can be embar* 4K> Twenty years since 1 was associated with •f any ascertar Outlet me" n even would t nation is tl and betome gi ould, indeed, him in the counseld of this nation. Sines then, it is true, time has silvered his locks, and left an impress upon his brow. But I believe he yet retains unim> paired all the faculties which he «ivcr possessed. Once I knew his perceptions were C'enr, his views comprehensive, his mind vigorous, s political pur- poses patriotic; and he was decid / energetic in the accomplishment of his designs. He is, I trust, yet all that he e. vras; and by the efficient co-operation of the co-ordinate depart- ments of government, I doubt not but that he will be enabled to bring this matter to a happy consum- mation, and thus avert the evils of war, so much deprecated in this chamber. If war is not averted, it has been sug;ge8ted that preparations are necessa- ry. I grant it true. Our situation is not one of preparation. We should always be in a defensible position. Within more than a half century, when have we been in a proper situation for defence? Are we now making preparations for war? Will we ever be prepared unfit it comes upon us? Never. It is not in the genius of this people. They are bold, daring, and confident; and until the shock of danger comes, every American is proud of the national character; and, glorying in his individual liberty, each feels that he is indeed a freeman, and therefoie cannot be conquered. They cannot realize the ne- cessity of concert and preparation. It is this uni- versal feeling that prevents the national defences from as:4uming In time of peace that formidable character which such a nation as Great Britain at all times presents. To place this country in a sfa^e of defence would require on land numerous fortifications and the con- struction of a great naval armament, which can only be accomplished by an expenditure of many mif- lions. in time of peace this is impossible. The American people have a horror of taxation. No public man who would vote for unusual taxation in time of peace could maintain his position before the people, no matter what the emergency might be, short of actual war. Therefore you cannot induce our population to submit to taxation for defence in time of actual peace. T less— « desert waste. England is too politic to has- "■■'■■■■W ard war for such paltry cotisidcrationB. She wars for empires; the gold and dominion of the Indies are the stakes for which she now plays. It is not the policy of this country to seek war. Its policy has been peaceful, and it should so con- tinue. The annexation of Texas to the United States — an event of too recent occurrence to require explanation — is a practical commentary upon the Eolicy of this government. Eight years after Texas ad beconv-. an independent nation, the United States thought proper to take action upon an appli- cation which Texas had made to them for ndmia- sion soon after the declaration of her independence. This presented a fair opportunity for the United States to have extended her dominion by acquisi- tion, had her policy been that of national agi^ran- dizement and dominion. On the contrary, Texas was permitted to remain under embarrassed circum- stances for eight years before action was taken m ( n her application, and ten ere annexation was con- summated. I Permit me, Mr. President, in this connexion, to read an extract from a late number of the London i Sun, a journal, I believe, of much respectability; j and, though not strictly the official organ, it may be i justly regarded as a pretty fair index to ministerial ! and popular sentiment in England. In this way, I imagine, we may be enob ">' to ob- tain a significant and instructive view of the feelings entertained towards popular governments on that | side of the water, if nothing more. The editorial to which I allude, bearing date March the 4th, last, reads thus: "From the depression of the funds, caused by the intelli- gence from America, and the surprise with which it whs re- ceived by certain parties in the city, one would imagine that the rejection, by the President of the United States, of the only mode left open to settle the Oregon (juestion, was wholly unexpected, and that the most sanguine hopes were entertained that his excellency would Veccdo from his haughty claims announced in his message to Congress. But these persons could have no grounds for any such sup- position. The announcement in that document that Ameri- ca claimed the whole of the territory, W!is evidently made not without due consideration, and with good party reasons for maintainiug the point; and whatever has occurred since in Congress, so far from weakening his authority in that re- spect, or providing some amicable means of settlement, has ail been in the contrary direction. Vinlent war speeches have been made by Cass, and others, in the Senate, usually calm, disposed to peace, and inclined to check rather than encourage popu la? excitement; and even the most moderate speakers in that assembly ventured to adduce no arguments in opposition to Mr. PoUi's views, but seemed r.ither to con- tent themselves with expressing a wish to preserve peace, and not extend the frontier till the States had acquired more strength. There was no real objection to the principle. The time for action was the only q"^^^ion." From this w^ should infer, Mr. President, that England imagines that her rights have not received the full advocacy in this honorable body to which they were entitled: and the inference is clear, that the Senate, to maintain its peaceful character in her estimation, should have rendered a decided opposi- tion to the recommendations of the Executive. In corroboration of this, the article proceeds to say: "In the House of Representatives a similar spirit pre- vailed, and no meetings out of doors were held for the pur- Iiose of checking the warlike policy of Polk, or giving the east encouragement to those who wished lor peace." If England should expect popular meetings to be held in this country for the purpose of encouraging the abandonment of our national rights, or with- holding a proper support from the Executive in his recomraenaations in vindication of the national in- tereau aitd character, she may reat assured that she Ith the exc i»h newspii r. Preside land aKva dide. A ni fail of sue ciple, we has formed an unfair estimate of the populai ment of America. I read further: -, , ,,. UCe 80 loudly '•From the commencement of thiii utifortunute buslnpiferess, f care we have bni n I'nilv convinci'd that I'olk and the war oh By the Anieii had maile up llicir minds fur extremities, llot Irom a liu j it would In.* view of thf question, but from the entire system of guvca tU iii tlie La ment, now unfortunately so popului in iliat country, ittcacu. and nu tension of territory seems to be I'le ruling passion of ^ti then, must present race. The inhabitants adjoining the lakes and tills of I'hc Suti Uritlbh territories on the noithLa->t have for many yi- kept a longing eye on Canada, and only bide their time, the South aggression is the older of the day, Letause Mexicans cannot deletid themselves. '1 he tide is flow in that quarter with fearful rapidity, and nothing but enterference of K.uropean ]iowers, so aboniiiiaterl by Polk, can prevent the whole of that lich country from ,. lug swalloweil up by the Anglo-Saxon race In the ^^(ii,)|l' pf gj.,-|(i the same spirit ))revails, an .V '"^ plete.'' tfnl, Will vir It is true, sir, that such an opinion ia entertained *^''ve our ii many enlightened statesmen of the present day, w*" '"^ .'*'*'"> '^ think that such acquisitions are necessary to 'Wessing us United States, for the purpose of carrying out firofessing destiny, and securing the peace of the contiriff ^^y "''^^'' Her enterprise, with the character of her popi.t*"^^"^^. 9^'' titm, and that of her institutions, would unite in 1'^'' P"l"ical extension of liuman happiness, by reclaiming el cannot con improving those wilderness regions to the domina^iioii, tliat t of agriculture und the arts. iritish with the lun i From this, sir, it would appear that, in their o:, ion, the President is quite excusable for his preJ system of policy — not that he is himself to de advantage from it, as suggested by the wr but that he is acting in accordance with "the ch of the restless and encroaching multitude." In this CO intry the President is considered as^L"'".' ^" representative of "the multitude." He is the ora^""'' P^° of the nation. The mea'sures recommended by W , : .^^^ '^ ^ are supposed to derive their character from p'Srant ^^?^ opinion and from the peculiar relations which!^ * . ^° ' bear to the nations of the world. If the Execi;^,,^V, ^' rightly apprehends public sentiment, it will be f" What ^"^t ' that the energies of this nation, if once comL:^ ^'"^ ^ and not distracted by opposition, will sustain -;^ there'wk in carrying^ out his policy to ita full consummai*J[„j, I quote further: jf ,„^ , ^ T (B we have '■Polk is carried with the stream; and all that Kniriild not tliei has to do is to look to her o ,vn interests, and take caruKjonorable her rights and possessions are not destroyed by the inu^j • tion. Hitherto she has displayed the utmost modenSP , "^S prote and forbearance, whether wo look to the governmenlM|d as to the legislature, or the press." Ollld be giver That England will look to her own interestsOlt caution, t should entertain no doubt. She never ceases tc fevor of proi gard her rights. She does not permit ihem to b'ubts the poll stroyed by inundation; and it is our duty to see«Mon over ih« inundation on her part should not deluge our rii^ceive how That she "has displayed the utmost moderationtfp personal forbearance," I have no doubt 'ler advocates uphold politii pose, and also that it would be no assumptioiJ her to claim whatever she desires. Her moder and forbearance have already, I trust, secured 1 sufficiency. In the conclusion of this article, the writer aajl anal protec ^ers now sti jimbia rivei id by bribe ' of that I' bide their time. le (iny, letausu 1 he tide is ilow rid nothini; but aboiiiiiiated by rh country from le popular 8en*(*'ith the excuption of a very few hMty artlclei in the .^inh newspiiper*, provolied possibly by that tone of de- ace 90 louilty procliiimed by members in both houses of fortunate buslnfifcress, scarcely oim gtoiiiid of provocation cau be ura- .and Ih** war I)h|K the Aniericati government. In tlie hi«tory of maii- L-s, ilot Irom a iiu|( it would be; impobsilile to point out a uuiiua more niix- j Rybtem of govcj^ th lu ilie Lugliiili are ot the I'losent moment to remain iliat country, itjeace, and morn esiieci.iUy wiib America Ifthelastre- iling passion of 'S; then, must lie assented to. we have here, as on the ng the lakes and xiks of die Sutlej, right on our aide." ive for many yf x, . , . . , ~ , • • . 'r. President, it has been a fortunate thing with land always to act as thouijh she had right on side. A nation acting on this principle will sei- fail of success. If we will now act on the same iple, we cannot fail to maintain our rights, racn 1" the Uj^ioii of sentiment and co-o|ierdtion with the Ex- ke tli'e L'nion"c.^''^^' ^V ^''^ co-ordinate departments of govern- epnt, will vindicate our national ciiaracter, and 1 ia entertained *^''^^ ""'' ''"^''^'*'^" I'l'cir preservation will not present day w**^ '"^ **'• '^ ^"o''^"'^ '•'^ "f'' mor'^ desirous of dis- necessarv to "Wessing us of what is ours tiian a nation should carrvin" out f l^'o'^issing such modtration. I sincerely hope of the "continff '^^y "''^'*''' *"cmpt, on thi.s continent, to enttct ter of her popi.'t'"^^"^^ °^ ''^^ Sutlej, oc giTC a similar exhibition would unite in f'='" P"''"'^^^ "i"^*^'"'*'"''*; Y reclaiming tl cannot concur with a di.stiii^juiahed senator in the 13 to the dominlpiion, that the public sentiment is changing, and riming day by day more favorable to the tstablioh- Ifit of the 4Uth parallel as the boundary between on is oncourage(^,f^,x^^^iblish her dominion. Tf nnrP rnml '^^^' ^"^^^ «'' P°'''^y ^«"l^ '' ^^> «3 suggested, to will Biist-1 •P"''''S« o'"" people to remove to Oregon, and re- uU coiisummal*?r r ^'^ without assurance of s .ty, surrounded uli coiisummav.j„j,jj„g ^i^j^^ g^j^^^,^ control.' It has been said we have induced them to go there. If so, .nd all that EngAild not their situation claim our peculiar regard.' 'rived bt^Uiell.'ilf?"'""'''^'^ ^'"^'°'* ^""^ ^'*'''' '^^ Would be in favor ■ utmost moder;,4'/'"S protection (o our settlers, but he is unde- the government W|u 63 to the manner in which that protection ould be given. He says it should be done with own interestsett caution, and accomplished gradually. He is never ceases t fevor of protectinj^ their personal rights, but he rmit ihem to b'up's the policy ot' extending our politieal juris- lur duty to see«|ion over the territory. For my part, I cannot t deluge our risl^eive how the United Stales could extend to 1 personal protection, and, at the same time, hold political protection; for without political, »nal protection cannot be extended to them. As ers now stand, they cannot settle north of the mbia river. If they attempt it, they are se- by bribery or driven by menaces to remove of that river. England, if need be, will , under present security for a t%vb' jy Webster and hat, in theif o'j ble for his pre 3 himself to de d by the wr i with "the ch iltitude." ! considered as! He is the or] jmmended by racier from pi elations which 9at moderation er advocates no assumptio Her mode Irust, secuied , th« writer Ba$ strengthen herself in Oregon. She hns troops there, armed and disciplined, if she has i ot an agricultu- ral population such as ours. In the mean time, what course has been recommended ' j us by thcdis- tingiiished senator.' To encourage uur people to go into the territory until by-ami- by tli'i whole country shall fall into our possession. Ami thin ' inn vX3m« plificalion of the policy of i/inciiuilw If tiuir's, would it not be filching their territory.' Would Unot be obtaining by indirection that which we dare not claim as a just right.' Why, pir, if we have no right to it now, we would have no right to it then. If it is their\i by occupation or discovery, it vvinilJ still be their'a by the same* right. If we have rights at all to the territory, th( y are sutistantive, and do not depend u;H.n anything short of a just assumption of them. 8ir, we should act with such policy as to enal>le us to.s«!Cure our r'ghts in question as occasion may re(|uiru, and to that end I would recommend a f.iir and just, but ut the same time a fim and decided course. I trust in my opiiiions upon thi^ subject, I am actuated by no tinworthy prejudices against Eng- land, or iti favor of our own country. To Great Hritain I do not intend the slighiist reproach or disrespect. On the contrary, in many respects I much admire the glory of her character. I approve many of her institutions. I admire the character of the English people, for they are ticnsrous and mag- nanimous. I admire their loyalty to their govern- ment, and I admire the gentlcniiinly bearing of their representatives abroad. For tliesi' reasons 1 can entertain no improper prejudice, imr desire a colli- sion between the two nations. \/ere it in my power, I would not impose injustic upon England. 1 Hut at the same lime I assert that towards iter I would act without reference to the power she may possess. In this case we should iict inde[)eniJent of all apprehensions of that power. We should talfe measures for oi.ir.''elve8, tuid, |iursuing ju-itice, treat her as though she had not a fortress oa land, or a Hail on the ocean. If the fear of oflending England sliould dictate our policy, we would be driven, as I Imve befor;; re- marked, to concession after concession, until our boundaries would be curtailed, and we shoulu be reduced within the limits of the gnod old th: i.fd States. We might expect trench alter trench jpou the extent of our territory, until we would be driven in from every outpost of the republic. Whatever is justly here, attheexpenseofgreat national inconveni- ence, I would say let her have it, if wi :ould not oi tain it by the exchange of a faircquivakiH. We should always bow to the majesty of principle. Bi.t in this case, until the rights of Engliu d are cleary as- certained and defined, I should be in .lined to bTiieve that our right to the territory in que tion was b/ no means inferior to that which she has iissuined. I will not, Mr. President, attempt a discusoion of the subject of boundary, because I 'lonaider it un- necessary, if not improper. That question does not arise out of the resolution bir)re the Senate, but would necessarily be appropriuied tolhe(^()lo- matic action of the two government.^. Nor shall I now indicate what would be my course shoiud a> treaty be negotiated and submitted by the Preanlent. ( think any avowals beforehand W( uld tend, more or less, to increase the difficulties v hich at pr^ sent exist in relation to the adjustment <.f the diniculty. . Why? Because they tend but to make £n^ iand more wary. They are osculated to induce hwr to ••r """turn I abstain from prnpoffmls which she miKht otherwise make; and tnitjhi render Iier more haughty in her demands. If a t/euiy should be made, I would de- cide upon my v (e when it should be submitted to this body. I w il not cvc.i say for what boundary I may vote. If, by chance, .ipinionsrtre expressed in this body favorable to the irotensioi i of England, and in fur- therance of h«!r /iews, it < tight induce her to with- hold an ofl'er of jttiemenl vhicli she maybe ready to tender, nnd t us prcvci.l the very object which we desire. Sh ; will n ver be prepared to take less than we ar ■ prepareJ to concede; and opin- ions favorable to lier pretensions will not be likely to lessen lurdomam's. However, this I will say, that I nevrt could Ci. nsent to the proposition made by Mr. G llatin — to the boundary of the par- allel of 49^, wii I the na\i;i;ation of the Columbia river accorded t> England. Rather ihan vote for such a propositii'O, I would resign my place in the Senate. 1 am li (I lo this ilsterininution for the rea- sons already st' i;d. If the countr is to be divided by an ideal line, the sooner it i done thf better. But I apprehend if it should be d le the evil will he felt by our chil- dren's children; and I an fearful that whatever is now done to cfUct that cbject will be but patch- work of the ditli .ulty, ami will inevitably lead to a rupture at sonir ''iture day. I believe if th s controvt. ray ia susceptible of satis- factory adjustmnit, the prisent measure will attain that object; and lam free to confess that in giving my vole for th>^ notice I would prefer, if it could be done, to take i . in its most simple form without any qualification v/hatever. To what does the pro- viso amount? It is probably intended by some that it should be understood !)y Great Britain to mean 1)0 barrier to ne^^otiation. I would leave that to be inferred, though I think it manifest. 1 would not state it in ad vane of the njtice, as if it were placed there under the iiitluence oi' fear. Has England ever adopted such a cnurae? — or is America to set such an example? 1 would give tlie notice respectfully and with the utmost decorum, but I would leave its qcaliiicLiiioi), if uny, with the Executive. I would not trammel the President ; I would not have the head of this nation manacled; 1 would leave him free, because he is responsible to the American peo- ple, and his acts to the revision of this body. Let him be left free >j conduc the negotiation, for we have nothing to do with treaty making. We have the power of ratification or rejection. The Presi- dent alone is chcrged by the constitution with ncgo- tiatioiisand interiMtional correspondence. He knows the course and progress of each, foi they are con- ducted under hi? lirection. When he has perform- ed what he belie ,'s to be hij duly, the power then results to the S^iate to approve or dissent from his action. But we have no power to mould a treaty, or to direct the President on what terms he shall, or shall not, treaf. Therefore I would consider it disrespectful to him to attach any qualification to the notice. No co-ordinate branch of the govern- ment can take so clear and comprehensive a view of the whole ground as can tl;e Executive. The Con- gress is iti sessioi. temporarily; he is perpetually prfs- ent at the seat of government, ready to watch the public imeresta ns they change. We remain here but a few monthL and then return to private life; but the Executive is constantly present '.vatching every emergency. Wq should therefore leave him not •nly unetnbanaised, but uninfluenced. Allusion has been made to the iubject of the r.iF"?^" ,7"?J gotiations between the United States and Texd'g '^^^'. " and claiming some little identity with these transa j *".. tions, 1 may have a right to correct any errors th « ' i . ' ' may exist on this subject before they are rc<"-eived ^P) "r i' . history by the public mind. They were interestii" /'^'^, ' " ' then, and it may bo that they are so still. Thercfo^y ^'| I will endeavor here to give some account of t^t ''"^r. , i. " OKen f)f 111 K liO'eil, nnl projjress of events ns they ocrurred. The authorities of Texas in IS'Mi proposed """^^jTo'ipiiiTes' '\, tion to the Union of the United Slates. This wU'! „,•'"' ' , done in obedience to the express will of the P^o, • pr,, of that country, and after the fullest expression _.;„„• ' . *; " .1 » -11 1 1 1 mi ■.• naericaii pen that wil had been given. The proposition was r I „, • .'. .11 .1 • . 1 I .1 1 ■ 9 serioiiH i )ect> d by this government, though the ''•'""'^s anient lest Texas continued the application fur a consideraL j^^ dpHirna length of time; until, finding there was no ^i"pc li.p,] ptT,.(.f' admission, the executive of Texas ordered the wit _ ,„,„ „,;,'i' , , .' 1 ... . , .ifl was niaue drawal of the proposition for annexation. In tl^^^ ^ ^^^^^^^ mean time the independence of Texas had been r^ i ^^^^^^ ^j^^ cognised by the United States. In Decembejjjjgp^,j|.|j.g,j 1838, when a. new administration came into P^we^^pj ^^^^^ j the Executive, in his inaugual address, ^iBnounci^jjiipg |.j tne measure of annexation, and it was not ""evivi^gg,^!." ^^^^ for three years, nor were any measures taken for ijLfthat Tes eflfectuation. During this time a treaty was negSt some ot tirtted between England and Texas, in which lhe'""Xmistancc3 proirered to give five millions of dollars to Englnijj|g. ^^^^ jj- ^ if she would eunrantee the recognition of the '"'Ijfcice to the 1 pendence of Texas by Mexico. England did r\'^ ^'^^ ^^' < succeed; but the misfortunes of Texas accutnulat(^]jj^j ^^J to an extent which I will not here describe. (Sjnited Sta In December, 1841, that administration expirei|k hj,j jjgco and a new one commenced. The first leading ^^ci Hj^j^gj^^g ^^ the new administration was to appoint a minister j^^ them to the government of the United States, with '"s'>'" •^ell calcula tions to sound it on ihe subject of annexation; and England in it met with a favorable reception, that negoliatioi^lig ^j^g^ ^ should be immediately opened. The minister (Mgj|j^g„(,p,j y, Riley) hastened to present the subject to the consi.^ found the eration of this government. It was received wii^_ The ins out any indications of favor; and though somewh-k'jfj^^uj ^^ importunate in the discharge of his duty (f citizens p the subject, he received no encouragement. ^je„ce bot little was he gratified with the reception of the pr^itlfcrnment n osition, that he asked, and obtained leave from li|ka(]. ^^ Ind ffovernment, to return. His successor, Mr. Vi^ 'ready to i Zandt, was then appointed, and referred to the ij^oard unde siructiona of his , jdecesaor, by whicn he was ay^r^iQfQy,. thorized to renew the proposition. He did r^^ jq jj^g i^^ new it, but soon ascertained from tho fespf" power and 1 with which it was met, that there was liti0nder thesf or no hope of success. Not long afterwards, a pr^^^ved for £ clamation was issued by the Execu'ive of Texas f^^m ^g^g ^j^^ an armistice between Texas and Mexico. The Bt^ ^ygg (-oni surance upon which it was founded was receivf^ ^nd more through her Majesty's charge d'affairca, resident tjdrrency cor Texas; nor did the Executive fail in that pr^ [yeen re.«t clamation to allude to the kind offices of Englar||isg({ from in the most friendly terms. Still, our minist^jy^ g^d jj, had been unable to make progress towards openir ind'our int negotiations whh the United States upon the Subje^ seaboard I of annexation, and so advised the government. 4 respected few weeks after the issuance of the proclamation ^gg in t^i Mr. Van Zandt was directed by the Secretary |i p^rt of th State of Texas to inform the government of tP ■ -- • United States that the proposition for annexatii) was suspended, and that the subject was no Ion open to discussion. In December then foliowini the Executive of Texas, in submitting his annui message, made no allusion to the subject of anne tion; but took car* to remark frankly upon ce: this Uniot for annexe y Texas, overture v er part as 4 towart I , 1 ; «. -f .K- .ilraeea committed by Am«Micaii citizens on the lubject of the r,^^,P^ ^^ „,p ^^^ j^(^g^ district, mid to the affmr •7u^lf , Col. Snively, whoso command had been captur- ilh ineseiransa ^^j ,,jj,,rr„ed within the 'orritory of Texas by ■' ""y ^'■'■."" '"*ps of tlic United States. iJciicvina:, ns the, Ex- ey are rfi<-«i veti .^^j ^.^ ^l^^j^ ^1^^^ il^^^ auliiret wna one luuhorizinj? a ' T^r The "f "'"'''' " '^"'" ''M^"""'"". '^« f';ltnoi»esitnncy in speak- )siiii. 1 re o , ^^^^ wfnn?. In llmsa.ne mp.s.siiije, France was e account ot l^j^^^ ^^^^^^ 1^1^^^, ^^^.^^^^^ ^^^j Enjitmiii m lermn more , liO'eil, no'l exiireiHsiny; n cniiruleitt belief ihat all proposed annex j^^l^,,„p^ woiiki be redeemed in Rood faith. It "if"' r (1 " ^'S* behevrd that Riich a courne taken by the Ex- all 01 ine peoj^jjy^ of Texas would have a tendcney to arouse the ;st expression — grir.an people, v.-hilc it would create new feeling.s oposition was r J g^,^j^ji^ npprchensinns on the part of the gov- =" the "<'«"es „pie|^j |pj,f iiie future rel.itionH of Texas mijcht "■ » considerubj ^^ d^jmble to the United Stales. It had the ' ^\"^ !'". I^^iired etTeof; for soon after these cvent.s, a proposi- orUerea the wit, ^ ^,„3„,„jn by the United States to trert for annex- lexation. In tl^jj^ — ^ mea.surr, wiiieh had been discountenanced xas haa been r^ ^^ jj^^^^ jI^^p r^.^^^^^ j^ ^^^^ manifest that so long as In ■J'^cembejjjjgg^.ji^^g,] g,-p,,t, nnxicty for annexation, she was Mime into powt^^.^ ^■^^^ i,„li(rercnce, and her application held in dress, denounci|^^„pg_ pj^.^^.^ ^ change of policy had become was not '■evivi^gg.^j.y^ ^^i^^j ^^^^.i^ ^ change iis would induce the ures taken tor ifcf i|,at Texas wa.s nl)out to firm new relations treaty was negjlj g^f^Q f^jj^^^ country. It wna from these in which the latl^j^j^g^jj^^pg that the chari^e of " corpietry" '""'■^ '^ ,*'-*"?'"[dle; and if the term was employed, it was in re- tion ot the ind^pp jp j^e United States, but n^t to Eneland. It hnglaiiU did r^, ^^^ applicable to the relations of Texas and 2Xas accumulattjjljj^j j,^^| ^ould but apply to our relations with lescribe. _ _ ^United States. stration expireij^ ^^^ become necessary to operate upon the ap- T^' '^^"'."^^^^'wiensions and jealousic? of the United States; to )int a minister ^g them to exertion; and no other course was es, with instru ^^n calculated to attain that oliject as to speak nnexation; andjEnglgn,} j„ jg^ms of commendation, [hat negouaiioii|i,g j^^^ existing administration of Texas had he minister (lVjj||j^g^j,p,j under the most unfavorable auspices, ect to the consi.^ found the country in a most lamentable condi- s received wit^_ -pi^g institutions of the country were in chaos hough somewh,|ij(]^„^,( means, without defences; hundreds of f his duly ouragement. ^# citizens prisoners in the dungeons of Mexico; k ■ ' r h "wdence between man and man destroyed; the )iion of the pro^P^^gPf ,,,„[ respected; nc sympathies from ^*^^ivi™"V'^*'^' '^" Indian war raging on our borders; Mex- ;essor, Mr. V;^! ,.g(jjy ^^ invade us from the Rio Grande; the ferred to the i^^o^^j undefended; the navy in foreign service; hicn he was a^^gi of our counties in civil war, and open resist- in. He diu Tq^ (q ^j^g laws; and without five hundred pounds m tho responpo^gr a„(j ig^j (^ defend our soil. there was litiunder these circumstances had application been fterwards, a pr^awed for admission into the Union. How dif- ive of Texas fij„( ^ere the circumstances under which annexa- lfi'*^°* ^^'tt was consummated! Texas had assumed a ded was receive^j, a^j ^^ore imposing attitude. She had realized iirca, resident tjorrency composed of the precious metals; peace !i" '" "'ij' P''^ been re.otored with the Indians; our citizens fices of ii'')glar^ged from prison; our internal condition was I, our ministJifiy^ ^nj ^^e law restored; at peace with Mexi- tnwards openir^ Ind o^r independence recognised by that power; upon the Subje^ seaboard free from invasion; Texas tranquil, government. 4 respected by other nations, he proclamation ^^a in this condition that she became an inte- ;he Secretary vernment of til for annexatiq :t was no lung then fol!awiii| itting his annua ibject of annei [ly upon certa^ part of the United States. She did not enter this Union as a suppliant. No. Tthe last over- \ for annexation was made by the United States, "by Texas. Texas was more coy than forward, overture was received with as much coyness lier part as the United States had previously ~6d towards her. I have said, Mr. President, that fihe was not a suppiinnt. She came into thin confederacy as a sovereign and intfejiendent State. She brought with her as warm attachments to re- publican institutions as those of any other State rep- re "ited in this clin iher. If she did not make her aii. lit with all the pririij 'lernulia ".f brid.'l array, she brnuglit a nation for hor dowry, and the heuits of Ireenien for her jew U. Ill the cour.se of mis delnto tlie si 'ijeet of war has been udver'ed to wiili its ilemornliz'i.g influence and desolating conseqiienres. It wa.s r maxitn of the veneral)le Macon that war was ner. ssary to such a i^overnmenl as ours at Icjst onre 'n every thirty years, i hope that condition of th- iga has run out with us, and that wisdom will obviate the necessity fur many years to come. Yet war may someiimes be productive of good; it may be a t leans of ridding a community of restless and turbult nt spirits whom nothing can govern but th», iron rod of military rule. It embodies 8u;;h men at hast, and places them in a situation where, if they are not kille submit to control, and are ixiidcie' law; and if they shovi'd sur-i of battle, tliey return better n. community. War lius it^ evil.s, bu 1 off, ihcy must auburdiiiate to i the dangers mbers of th" : not to the ex- tent, or of the character, iiriagined mid described by an honorable senator. The la.st Wi.r of the United States was not entirely productive of evil; on the contrary, it called forth tl n energie.' of the people, and advanced us in the m: rch of in provement at a rate unexampled in the hiutory of mankind. It was, no doubt, one of the agentfi employe] in developing the resources of American mind and enterprise. I am far, however, from advocaiii ,7; war as a prin- ciple of this government. I desires peace, where there is a prospect of its proving mere advantageous th.\n war. 1 would rather remain p little stationary than to run the hazards of war. But while i admit that peace ought to be pursued and cultivated, I hold another great principle of governmrnt, and that is, always to resi.st oppression. If, to maintain this principle, war should become necessary, 1 would endure it. War, wiih all the evil-- attendant in it.s train, is preferable to national degridation, or tlie loss of empire. What people ever remained free that did not pay a price fo" tiieir freedom.' The gov- ernment has to be supjiorti d at ev-.ry hazard; and if, in doing this, war should come u;jon us, we must meet it as a necessary evi'. As for the pernicious influence apprehended froia general ! who have suc- cessfully Jed the armies 01 their country, I can>iot assent to it. If admitted, it would je an argument against war under any circumstar ces. Men na pure and patriotic as any of those who have filled civil stations have achieved victorif ■', and secured liberty to mankind, and parsed off wiihout abuse of their power. The history of those who led the revolutionary armies of America aflford evidence of the truth of my assertion; for when they had c. nquered in the field they voluntarily laid down their command, and submitted to the civil aurliorities o!" the country. They co-operated '"ith th»jir influenco and power, to create and establiui.. i ut iiot to overturn, constitu- tional government. What did the military leaders, who have filled the presidential chair, 10 justify such apprehension? Whatever may be thought of the policy of the last greatly distinguished military leader who occupied that station, or whether that policy was right or wrong, it cannot be denied that after defending his country in war, he left it in peace, proaperous and happy. His wliotrt nlm and eflurt wan tlirough lifn Id oppone and put down whatever he believed injiiri«>UH to libtrty. nnd to uphold whatever, in his judflinicnt, wou: I promote the frprdomnnd HufiMy of hir I'.onniry. /■ miiii wIki litis SAcrificod most lo se- cure Lie trinry nnd iiMlppcndencn of him country r»-ed ruil If e:{' ludpil fruni n i'Hit;ci|>tiiion Intin civil '('vHnmiicf and hnn[iincsn wliich his vnlor nnd disci. i.ion have ;'f Mired to his fcilow-citizRriR. To the 8'' tiy and n. .v of tlir, country, do you in a grrut measjreowe l!i ■ iplitndid destiny which rriukcs you the er vy of the < < d World. What encouranement woul I it l)e 10 ni '11 to Innvc the front of bntlle where di\np' r lowers, iiiiii to cimrije through the serried rankf- of opposii.,' thousands, to expel the invader from your soil, id know that the moment he had achieved the vie^ory and sheathed his sword, he was t ir thoHo very deeds lo be jiroscribed from civil honoid and post.- of [irofit nnd distinction, and thai the h ive soldien who fought under his orderc and by h, . example, wore to be excluded from the low- est itMit'islrar.y ii. the land ! The dread of military chieftiina will ne/er induce me to avoid a war thai may )o necessary for the defence of my country's right.'-. I i.dmit free'/ that there are many would-be herocj who havi been the most pestifurous members of a civil comm iiiiiy, and the grc:iiest curses of their "ouniry. J would give to military men no epeci 1 advantaL'fs. I would let them enjoy like rightu and privile^^es with others, and no more. Tl)e dread of the miHchicvous Influence* to ariaa f war to civil liberty, in the United Siaten, would r er induce mc to volo fit licr for or ug.iinst the nt. i)OV pi ipo. el I (10 not L' !i3vo l! rtt 'lis r|UB8tir»n Una been irii duct ' All 1 aip viev to ip«ratip'j on the next pi Jenti:>. ele lio'.i.i. r vv'i'ii .. y iihrrTi'*.''ii.ii'.iiijeci; to secure the heiit intereNts nnd penre of tie conn, 1 trust in|[God the American people liave ihp pn';ity to select a man f'lr thcmseives wh.i 'vill ; mote the interests anr ugninut ttio lu ition liHs been ir 'J on ihi' next pr MMi't.-u.Muiiji'ci; enre of tl^c conn leople liiive ilip ifilvns wIm "vill (i ifi republic, nnil la view inimnsiN shoulil govern t< ; a mnaHure of s ver be diverted sen. Cfilainly, fnr.e me, ciihe: to f(irorati;ain8l , esiions prcsentc erila alone; on vor of the no:, »3ary to enabli in our forciain cd, i believe th| " sf rin^s from ital)le in any ovj will lie an ear a83 the Ex ecu while toilm» fo y of lu»cuuntrj ' X * «-' 'J !■ ' •