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 (^yyoxt/uvest 
 CoUectio/v 
 
 
 IT 
 
SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 MR. ALLEN G. THURMAN, OF OHIO, 
 
 ON 
 
 THE OREGON QUESTION. 
 
 'It 
 
 H 
 
 Delivered in the House of Representatives, U. S., January 28, 1846. 
 
 WASHINGTON: 
 
 /. 4b G. S. GIDEON, PRINTERS. 
 1846. 
 
%0? 
 
SPEECH 
 
 Til" House \'t\nc: in Committfe of the Whole on tlic stntc of ih^ Union, nT.fl tho rrsiilution 
 rfjpfiited i)y tiic Coinniiuec mi Foreign Ilekiluni.s, providnii; for in" !ii»rni;iiiio)i, liy ;i Moticf to 
 Greai Britain, (pf til': ''oiiveiit'oii (jf Aujrnst (iiii, 1"^•J7. lietwii'ii CJrtv\t Biiiaiii and the U.-iitfd 
 Stotos, l.iciiiir, tdjrcthf-r witii ilie proposed ;inio:idmcnt.-; to s;iiJ i-(.'.-">iji;on, luuivr consideration — 
 
 Mr.THURMAX -md: 
 
 Mr. Cn.Mu.'MAx: Tlie Uniiod States claim exclusive doniiuioii over llie 
 whole of the country known by the name of (heoon, exteiiihno- from (he 
 Rocky mountains to ijie Pacific in k)n<rit.i(le, and from the foiiy-second to 
 llie fifty-fourth degree and fortietli minute of jiorih huitude. Great Britain, 
 on the other hand, a>:?erts for herself, if not an absolute ownershij) of the 
 same country, an assumed right, at least, to colonize and forever retaia 
 such vacant ])ori ions of it as she may see fit to occu])y. These dillerent 
 claims, obviously altogether irreconcilable with each other, have been a 
 su'oject of negotiation between the two governments for now nearly thirty- 
 years. The residt of the negotiations has been the formation of two trea- 
 ties, neither of which settled the controversy, or in any manner allected die 
 question of title. By the third article of die lirst o? thejo treaties!, (the 
 convention of ISIS.") it was ajireed: 
 
 '• That any country that may be claimed by either piuty on the north- 
 west coast of America, vv'estward of the .Stony mountains, shall, together 
 with its harbors, bays, and creeks, and the navigation of all rivers within 
 the same, be free and open, for the term of ten years from die date of the 
 signature of the present convention, to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of 
 llie two powers; it being well understood that this agreement i.> not to be 
 construed to the ])rejudice of any claim which either of the two high con- 
 tracting parties may have to any part of the said country; nor shall it be 
 taken to allect (he claims of any other power or slate to any part of the 
 said country; the only object of the high contracting parties, in (his re- 
 spect, being to j^revent disputes and dilferences amongst themselv<'s." 
 
 These provisions were, b\' the second treaty, (the conventioti of August 
 6, 1S2T,) "'indefinitely extended and continued in force,'' with the fol- 
 lowing stipulation, however, for their abrogation, at the o})tioii of either 
 party : 
 
 ''Art. 2. It shall be competent, however, to eidier of die contiacting 
 parlies, in case either should think fit, at any time after the 20lh of Octo- 
 ber, 182S, on giving due notice of twelve months to (he odier contracting 
 party, (o annul and abroga(e this convention; and it shall, in such case, be 
 accordingly annulled and abrogated, after die expiration of the said term of 
 notice.''' 
 
 T'he President, in his late annual message, after reciting these facts, and 
 staling the rejection by (he British minister of (he proposition formerly 
 made, and recently renewed, to divide the country in dispute by die forty- 
 ninth parallel of latitude, giving to Great Britain ail nortii, and to the 
 United Slates all soudi, of that dejjree. savs: 
 
'' Tlic rxiraonliniiry ;iri(l wholly inruJinissiblo demands of tlie British 
 (j(»v<;riiin<'iii., and ilic r()»'(i,i()i» (jf ilir proposititjri nmdtj iii deference alone 
 to vvliiil. Iiud \)i'A\i\ doni', hy my predecessors, and tlie implied obligation 
 wliicli tlieir acis acemrd to impose, aflbrd satisfactory evidence that tio 
 coinpnnnisf ivkir.h ttui ('nitfii Stales ought to accept can be effected. ^^ 
 
 And iliat: 
 
 "All ntit'nipis at rom|)romise liavinj^ failed, it becomes the duty of Con- 
 gress to considn w liat m(!asures it may be proper to adopt for the security 
 and proleciion of wv ciiizens now inhabiting, or who may hereafter in- 
 habit, Oregon, and for the maintenance of our just title tc that territory. 
 In ndopling measures for this purpose, care should be taken that nothing 
 Im; done (o violate die stipiilaUons of the convention of 1827, which is still 
 in font', 'i'lir faiili of (rraiies, in their letter and spirit, has ever been, 
 and, I trust, will ever be, scrupulously observed by the United States. 
 Under that convention, a year's notice is required to be given by either 
 party to the o*' <r before the joint occupancy sh; II terminate, and before 
 either ran I ightliilly assert or exercise exclusive jurisdiction over any por- 
 tion <tf the territory. 'I'liis notice it would, in my judgment, be proper to 
 gi\e; and I recommend that provision be made by law for giving it ac- 
 rordini^lv , and terminating, in this maimer, the convention of the 6th of 
 Angus(,"|S:>7." 
 
 A ma|ority of the ('ommittee on Foreign Relations of this House has 
 reN|tondid allirinatively to this recommeiulation of the President, and re- 
 poiied a r«'solulion directiuii ihe notice to be criven. The minoritv of that 
 comiuiitee, waiving a discussion of the question whether notice ought to 
 be given, contents itself with asserting that the power to annul the treaty, 
 by means of the notice, belongs exclusively to the Executive, (that is, to 
 the I're.-jident alone.") or to the tre;ity-making power, (the President and 
 the Senate,) and thai , consequently , Conirress has no authority to pass a 
 mandatory act providing that the notice *//</// be given. The gentleman 
 from y\labama, (}\\ . IIii.i.i \hi>,) objecting to the resolution reported by 
 the committee because of the positive nature of its requirements, proposes 
 to amend it by striking out the j)art that makes it obligatory on the Presi- 
 dent to fcMthwiih eive tluMiolice, anil inserting, in lieu thereof, a clause 
 merelv emp(»wering him to give it, "whenever, in his judgment, the pub- 
 lic well'are may n'qiiire it."' 
 
 Such, Mr. <'hairnian, are the main facts, independent of the evidence3 
 of title, and such the pending tjuesiions upon which we have to decide. 
 
 Tbi- iir.<i ol' these questions that I pro|K>se to consider is that presented 
 bv ilic itpoit *>f the minority »tf the Citmmitiee on Foreign Relations, viz: 
 T«> which of the departments of tiovernment does the power belong to de- 
 ride that the treaty under consiileration shall be annulled, by giving the 
 no(ic«< therein provided f«)r ? 
 
 1 am aware that to tliscuss this tiucsiion may seem somewhat like a very 
 unnece>sary laltor, since the pitsitions assumed in the minority rejx)rt have 
 anpaienily luei with luit little favor, either in this House or elsewhere. 
 ^e\«M•th<«less. as tht>y come from th" S'Hirce and in the form they do. I 
 think them en!iiletl u> at least consideration, and am, therefore, dispoc^ed to 
 fuirly «'\amiiie ihem. 
 
 l>oes (he p«>\\er bel«»ug to the Mxecuiive ' If it does, it nuist be derived. 
 ol Ci)mse, fuMii some clause m the Coustituiion. Tliat that msirumeni cwi- 
 
lie British 
 nee alone 
 obligation 
 e that no 
 
 )t€d." 
 
 y of Con- 
 le security 
 rcafter in- 
 t territory, 
 it nothing 
 lich is still 
 ver been, 
 3d States. 
 1 by either 
 nd before 
 V any por- 
 proper to 
 ving it ac- 
 the 6th of 
 
 riouse has 
 :, and re- 
 ity of that 
 1 ought to 
 the treaty, 
 .hat is, to 
 ident and 
 to pass a 
 gentleman 
 ported by 
 , proposes 
 the Presi- 
 ', a clause 
 , the pub- 
 evidences 
 ecide. 
 presented 
 lions, viz: 
 L>ng to de- 
 riving the 
 
 ke a very 
 |X)ri have 
 [sow be re. 
 
 Hey do. I 
 isposed to 
 
 e derived . 
 lueni con- 
 
 tains no such grant in express words— that is, that there is no power therein 
 expressly conferred upon tlie President to annid a treaty — will be readily 
 admitted. It follows, that if he possess the power, it must be by virtue of 
 the general clause with which the second article of the Constitution begins, 
 to wit: ''The Executive power shall be vested in a President." .Now, 
 without discussing the mucli debated (piestion, whether this clause confera 
 on the President any powers beyond those specifically enumerated in said 
 second article, it is sulHcient to say, that it cannot include the power to annul 
 a treaty; for such a power is neither in its nature, nor in the contemplation 
 of the Constitution, an Executive power. A treaty. i)rovides the Constitu- 
 tion, "made under (he authority of the United Slates, shall be the .<?u/;;-t7«e 
 law of the layid^ The power to annul a treaty is, then, a power to annul 
 a law. But the Executive power, in its nature, is a power to execute the 
 laws, not to make or to abroijate them. And the Coiis-titution of the United 
 States has not extended this power in our (iovernmont beyond its strict na- 
 ture and design, except to confer on the Executive a (|ualilied veto, and to 
 give him an agency in \\\e formntioii of treaties; neither of which grants 
 authorizes him to abolish any treaty or law. 
 
 1 am not ignorant of the fact, Mr. Chairman, that the power in question 
 was once claimed, in elH'ct, for the President, by (Jen. namilton; but his 
 entire argument rested on a ground which cannot be maintained, and whi'-h 
 he. himself, had shewn, in the 75th .No. of the Federalir^t, to lie utterly un- 
 tenable, to wit, that the treaty-making jiower is in its nature an Executive 
 power. There were other posiiions in the argument perhaps equally un- 
 sound, but time is not afforded me to notice then,, nor is it necessary that I 
 should do so. The whole argument was fully answered by Mr. ^ladison, 
 and the judgment of the country has long since settled down, I l)elieve. into 
 a firm conviction that the doctrine of Gen. Hamilton was wrong. Certain- 
 ly, he who at this day asserts Uiat the Presiilent possesses the jiower to an- 
 nul at will what the Constitution declares shall be the supreme law of the 
 land, is bound to exhibit the clearest and most manifest proof of the exist- 
 ence of so transcendent a prerogative. This the minority of the (Jommit- 
 lee on Foreign Relations has not attempted to do. It intimates the exist- 
 ence of the power, but furnishes no arguments or evidence whatever to es- 
 tablish it. 
 
 Does the power belong to the President and Senate — they being invested 
 by the Constitution with the treaty-making function ? ^Phis is the next 
 (juestion. The only clause in the Constitution conferring powers on the 
 President and Senate, in this particular, is the followinc": 
 
 ''He {[he President) shall have power, by and with the advice and con- 
 sent of the Senate, to make treaties^ provided two-thirds of the Senators pre- 
 sent concur; and he shall no'.iinate, and, by and with the advice and con- 
 sent of the Senate, sliall apj)oint ambassadors, other ministers and consuls." 
 
 What is (he power here conferred on the President and two-thirds of t!ie 
 Senate? A power to make treaties, not to unmake them, excejit whore 
 their abolition is effected by new treaty sti[)ulaiions. Of course, a treaty 
 may be put an end to by thtj formation of another trejity; and when it^; .-ri- 
 nulhient is thus to be accomplished, the; treuiy-makin;:" jiowcr is oln imi-ly 
 the pow<?r to act. Bui the ])resent is idiogether a dillerent case. The (jiics- 
 tion is, sliall the coiuention of iS'iT Ite ahrogiited. not by a new treaiy. btit 
 bv the Molice ? That there is no aualouv beiween irivinL;- ihe notice and 
 
w 
 
 6 
 
 ninkinc a treaty, !;« too plain to 1)P donied. A treaty is a rontrart. F'artifv, 
 and tli(^ ai;rot'iiit!iit of ;li<' j);uli<'s. ;iro noco!<«arv lo its »'\ist(Mici'. Hut this 
 noiicf; rciiulrt'S no >*ucli ;i<4roeni<Mi(. 'i'lic srivinif it is tlic act ol one (iovorn- 
 nicnt alone, and needs no assent of the other ( Jovernnifiit to innke il etl'ec- 
 luul. Xo fniMtion <>l the treaty-making' power i.-> evened in liivinir it. That 
 power is a power to ne<;oiiait', lo siipnlate, to contract . Hut hen' no neiro- 
 tialion, no stij)nlaiion, no contract is nece'ssiuy. All that we have to do to 
 amnd the treaty, is simply to give the notice. 
 
 IJnl it is contended, that althou^'h tht* givini; the noii<-elias no analogy to 
 the making of a treaty, yet the power to givi^ it is inr.ulrntul to tht; treaty- 
 making pcnver. This h'ads ns to in(|uire, what is an inrideiiial poWer .' It 
 is a i)ower, .«ays General iliimilion. to employ th<' 'ordinary means that are. 
 necessary and ))roj)er to carry the e.\pres.-ed power into elj'ect. Incidental 
 powei-s, according to Mr. Madison. --aie the means of aliaitiinsr the '>/>/>'•;; 
 of the general pov.er.'" What then is the "expressed," or "ifeneral," 
 power conferred on the President and Senate ? A power to 'tiutJcr treaties. 
 What is the ohject of that ])ower? 'IMie mnkin^oi treaties, not the general 
 and exclusive conii"! over oin* I'oreiun allairs. And what are the incidents 
 of the j)ower .' A t'ighi to use the ordinary means that are necess(uy and 
 pro])er to accompli h tUefor/fialion of treaties. But the measure now un- 
 der consideration is not a measure for the formati*)n of a treaty, hut is ex- 
 actly the reverse. Insleail of b»>ini:- the me;uis of makinu' a treaty, it is the 
 means of annulling one. Between it and tin; nt'gotiation of a treaty there 
 is no connection whatever, and the right to decitle on it cannot, therefore, 
 under the commonly received definition of incidental pow(/!s, he deemed to 
 belong to the treaty-nuiking pow»,T. Will it Ite said that this connn(jidy re- 
 ceived delhiition is too narrow; that implied powers are not restricteil to tl^e 
 use of the means necessary to \hc e.irciU ion. oi' the powers expressed ; hut 
 that, on the contrary, a grant of the power iodo an act involves a grant of 
 **>" 'iiht to 7/'//rAMi after it shall have be<'n accom|ili.-'hed; and that, there- 
 the President and Se;iate, beitii;: invested with the power to make 
 iit..des, are also invested with the ]iower to annul them? Shoidd this po- 
 sition be assumed, my answer is, that such a principle of construction, in 
 reference to the Constitution vi the I'nited Slates, is altosrother inadmissi- 
 sible; as an examination of that instrument will show. Thus, by the Con- 
 stitution, the appointina' power to oliice is vested in the J^resident and Se- 
 nate, (he nominating tinil a niajority of tlie latter contirming.) l)ut the pow- 
 er of removal from oliice does not follow as an incident. On the contrary, 
 it bi;longs to the l^residejit alonr , in virtue (jf the iluty imposed on him of 
 taking care ''that the laws be ihithfidly executed." Thus, the power of 
 making laws is conferred upon Congress, but the power of repeal is not 
 thence derived by i/nj)liritlio>/. So implication is necessary; for the grant 
 of the power to mtd<e laws is a substantive LM'ant of the power to repeal 
 them; since the repeal of a law may as well be tlic sui)iecf matter of ano- 
 ther law, as may any thing else. And thus the grant, lo the President and 
 Senate, of the power to make treaties, is. for a like reason, a substantive 
 grant of the jiower to annul them bi/ other tronties: but it is not an author- 
 ity, either express or implied, io abrogate them in any other manner. If 
 tlie treaty-making power can ai)olish treaties in other modes than the forma- 
 tion of new treaties, what are iho.S(^ modes, and where is the limit to its au- 
 thority ? Can it assume le'i'ishuive ftmctions, and repeal them by a legisla- 
 
f . Part ie? , 
 . \i\\\ this 
 nc (iovrrn- 
 ike il el}i;c- 
 irit. That 
 'c no iiejTo- 
 ve to do to 
 
 » analo<;y to 
 the treaty- 
 
 \W\\'OV ? It 
 
 WIS that art> 
 JiK.idental 
 •■i the (ihjcrt 
 '•ifnoral," 
 tkr tif-atit's. 
 the ijeiieral 
 ic iiicidetiis 
 ces.-^avy :inil 
 re now iin- 
 , biU is ex- 
 i!y . il is the 
 lienty ilieio 
 , thf'iefore, 
 ! deemed to 
 nnnonly re- 
 icteil to the 
 ressed ; hut 
 : a 2fiant of 
 that, there- 
 LT to hutkc 
 iihl this po- 
 truction, in 
 inadi)dssi- 
 )y the Con- 
 Mit and Se- 
 nt the pow- 
 le contrary, 
 I on liini of 
 le power of 
 leal is not 
 )r the arrant 
 er to repeal 
 ter of ano- 
 csident and 
 substantive 
 an anthor- 
 \;i liner. If 
 die f<M'i na- 
 il to its au- 
 iv a legisla- 
 
 tive act, or a derjarntion of war? It will hardly he pretended. T'nn ji derive 
 powers frotn the treaties themselves whiih are not conferred on it hy the 
 Constitution.' .No one will fis«ert it. How, then . can it act — how can it 
 accomplisii the ohject of annulling u treaty, except hy the neguiiation of a 
 new one ? I see no other mode. 
 
 The error into which the minority of the Committee on Foreiirn AtTiiir.'? 
 has fallen, ariso', I conceive, from a mistaken assumption that the Consti- 
 tution irives the entire control over each pariicidar sulijeci to a |);uiicular de- 
 partment of the (Jovcrnment. Such is not the fact. Take, for instance, 
 the sul)|ect of foreign relations. A treaty is negoliatt'd hy the Kxectitive, 
 confirmed hy the Senate, and the means for its execution, on our p;irt, 
 providtMl hy (..'oimress. War is declared hy ('onirress, is coiuhicted hy \\\*\ 
 Prt'sidenl, and peace is restored throu'jh ihe action <»f the tre;iiy-makiiii^ 
 power. Commerce and intercourse with foreiifii nations are rei^ulated hy 
 acts of Coiifjress. as well ashy treaties; and the (>xetution of l)olh the one 
 and the other helon<ifs to the Ivxecuiive. 'i'he?-e illustrations, out of a mul- 
 titude that miuht he given, are sullicient to show that the ry/^//r manage- 
 ment of our Ibreign aflairs is not entrusted to tl;' treaty-makin<jr ])ower. 
 Nor can any ari^ument in support of such a proposition he drawn from the 
 supposed confidential relations between the Presitlent and the Senate, and 
 the thorough information they are deemed to possess; on which the minori- 
 ty report places so imich reliance. Congress has the same right that he- 
 longs to the Senate of calling on the llxecutive for information; and before 
 a resolution or bill that passes this JIou>e can become a law, it must receive 
 the .sanction of both tlu; Senate.and the President. Assuredly, if the sup- 
 posed ignorance of this House, assumed by the minority report, is a sullici- 
 ent reason to forbid its taking part in the abrogaii'ju of a treaty, it fu rnishet? 
 a much stronger reason why it should have no agency in a declaraiion of 
 "war. To determine on the propriety of the laife certainly requires a know- 
 ledge as extensive as can ever be needed to decide upon the former. 
 
 1 have thus, Mr. Chairman, attempted to shew that the jjower in ([uestion 
 does not belong to the i^jxecutive department, or to the treaty-making jiower. 
 That it is not a judicial function is too obvious for armiment. It follows, 
 that it must l)e a legislative power, and therefore vested in (.'ongrcss. For 
 >ve caimot suppose that it is vested nowhere; ar.d if it is not possessed by 
 either the Executive, the treaty-making, or the Judicial {)ower, it must be- 
 long to the only remaining one — the legislative. And that there are grants 
 •of power in the Constitution to Congress, bixuul enough to include it, ap- 
 pears to me perfectly clear. Thi^ power to '"'provide for the common de- 
 fence and general welfare of the United States,"' to do which may require 
 that an end be put to the privileges enjoyed by (ireat Hriiain under the treaty 
 in question, is one of these grants; anotlier, is the power '-to regulate coin- 
 nierce with foreign nations, and among the several States, and with the In- 
 dian tribes,' by virtue of which Congress may, in my judgment, abrogate 
 this treaty in the manner proj)Osed; it i>eing a treaty of commercL', naviga- 
 tion, and trade alone. And the power -'to declare war'' would also seem 
 to include the power to annul a treaty which miuht inleriere with the ne- 
 cessary ])reparations l"or the dei'ence of the country. 
 
 1 have so far, .Mr. (.'hairman, aiuued this ijuestion without reference to 
 precedents. If we look to th.em, we will iind that Congress has passed a 
 multitude of acts allecting die treaty stipu'ations of the country. Thus, as 
 
6 
 
 early as 1798, a fretity of the most important character, between this country 
 and Fnuico, and on (he ohsorvance of which l)y us Frarjce strenuously in- 
 sisted, was ahioijatcd. out and out, by nn act of Congress. And since then, 
 liow often have uur treaty relations with foreign powers been changed by 
 our legi.slation ^ We have not acknowledged, by h>gii«lalive enactment, the 
 independence of a sinirle nation that has sprung irUo existence, since our own 
 commenced, and whose dominions were carved out of those of a power with 
 which we had treaty slipidations, wiihout aflecting those .stipidations by 
 our act of acknowledgment. Witness the South American rejniblics — Mex- 
 ico, l"'exas, and other Stales — whose independence has thus been recog- 
 nized. 
 
 And to refer to another familiar case, and one of very frequent occur- 
 rence. VVe make a treaty of commerce and navigation witli a foreign 
 power, and rcLndate, by it, the })recise terms on which its citizens may 
 tradt! with ours: but provide, also, that if at any time we shall accord more 
 favorable terms to the subjects of any Muer nation, its citizens shall also 
 enjoy su<h sn])eri<»r advantages. After this, we, by /«?/;, not by treaty, 
 grant Ix'tter terms to th. people of another c()Uiury,(md thereby (dter the 
 privileges and change the rights of those with whom we had treated. The 
 very last Presidential message mention? sevenil cases of this kind. 
 
 I pass.now..Mr. (.'hairman, to the consideration of the amendment oirered by 
 the gentleman Irom Alabama, lie |)rof)oses to vest the power of giving the 
 notice in the I'resident, to l>e exercised or not exercised at the discr«;tion of 
 that officer. In other words, he woidd give to the Executive the power to 
 amuil, at pleasure, what the Constitution declares shall be the supreme law 
 of the land. To those wlio knov/ me, Mr. Chairman, I need not say that 
 1 have, perhaps, as juuch conlidence in the President of the United States 
 as has any geiuleman on this floor. But I should, nevertheless, sir, nioct 
 deeply regret to have the alternative placed before me of being compelled 
 to adopt the proposition of the gentleman from Alabama, or see the notice 
 altogether fail. And although, under such circumstances, I would vote 
 for the proposition, I would do so with unfeigned regret that Congress had 
 thus,as I should feel, shrunk from performing a duty that properly devolved 
 vipon it, and set so dangerous an example of conliding legislative power to 
 Executive discretion. And here I nuist be allowed, Mr. Chairman, to say 
 that I have listened with astonishment to gentlemen, who, after torturing 
 their imaginations hour by hour, and day by day^ to depict the horrors that 
 will, in their judgments, ilow from giving this notice, after denouncing it^ 
 over and over again, as a war measure that must inevitably plunge the 
 country into a disastrous and disgraceful conflict of arms, have finally closed 
 their remarks by proposing to confer, without restriction, the authority to 
 give it on the President of the United States. And to whose hands is it, 
 Mr. Chairman, these gentlemen are willing to confide the war-making 
 power of the land— for the war-making power it is, and no less, if their 
 views are correct? Is it to a man who will not exercise the authority with 
 which they clothe him, a man who v/ill not give the notice, if the power- 
 to do so be conferred upon him? Is it to such a man, Mr. Chairman? 
 No, sir, not at all. The President desires peace, earnestly desires it; but 
 give this notice he will, and that right (juickly, too, if Congress enable 
 liiiu to do it. No one. who has carefully read his message, and knows the 
 firm and decided character of the man. can doubt for a moment on ihis 
 
n lliis country 
 reiiuously in- 
 u\ since then, 
 I ilmufjed by 
 nacUTicnt, tlie 
 since our own 
 
 n power with 
 ipiilations by 
 ublics — Mex- 
 
 beeu recog- 
 
 ■qucnt occur- 
 ill I a foreic^n 
 citizens may 
 I accord more 
 :n8 shall also 
 ol by treaty, 
 eby alter the 
 reated . The 
 iiid. 
 
 lentoirercd by 
 
 of giving tlic 
 
 discrc'tion of 
 
 the power to 
 
 supreme law 
 
 1 not say that 
 
 United States 
 
 [ess, sir, moat 
 
 ig compelled 
 
 ee (he notice 
 
 [ wotdd vote 
 
 I/'ongress had 
 
 erly devolved 
 
 ive power to 
 
 irnian, to say 
 
 fter torturing 
 
 3 horrors that 
 
 iuouncing it^ 
 
 r plunge the 
 
 finally closed 
 
 atuhority to 
 
 I hands is it, 
 
 war-making 
 
 less, if their 
 
 uthority with 
 
 if the power 
 
 , Chairman? 
 
 esires it; but 
 
 igress enable 
 
 id knows the 
 
 neut on ihis 
 
 point. Why . has he not declared, in the most solemn manner, that our 
 title to Oregon is clear and un(|ucstionable? Did he not, when the j)ropo- 
 isition made by hiin, solely in deference to the action of his predecessors, 
 was rejected by the British minister, instantly withdraw it, and insist on 
 our right to the whole of the territory? Has he not told us, in his message, 
 that, in his judgment, (he notice ought to be given? And can any one 
 doubt, after all this, whether he would give it, were the power to do so 
 ploced in his hands? And if no one can so doubt, is it not strange that 
 gendemen who assure us of their belief that war, dishonorable, ruinous 
 war, will follow the notice, should yet be willing to enable the {'resident 
 to give it — give it at discretion? And is it not still more wonderful that the 
 gentlemen, who thus piojtose (o contide in the President, are not among 
 the number of his political friends; and (hat they who, a few months since, 
 were iiKjuiring, "Who is James K. Polk?" are now, so rapid has been 
 their accjuisition of knowledge, both ready and willing to entrust him with 
 what, if their judgments be correct, is the power to make war; are willing 
 and ready to place iti his hands a supreme law of the land, of vast import- 
 ance to the peace of the country, to be continued in force, or utttirly annul- 
 led, as his judgment or his will may dictate? Why, sir, I appeal to these 
 Whig ginitlemen, they whose party name iujplies opposition to prerogative 
 and a par(iali(y for the legislative branch of the Government; they who, for 
 the last lifteen years, have been crying p'oud against Executive power, and 
 denouncing Executive discretion, even when the exercise of that discretion 
 was warranted by the ConstitiUion; I appeal to them, to tell me how it is 
 that they can reconcile ii to their principles to vote for (he ametulment of 
 lh<; gentleman from Alabama, instead of voting directly for the no'ice itself? 
 
 Air. Chairman, if the power (o annul this treaty by means of the notice 
 is a legislative power, as I (rust 1 have shown it is, il ought to be exercised 
 by the legislature. The act for that purpose ought to be positive and ime- 
 quivocal. It is equally inconsistent with the dignity of (Joiigress, and with 
 the dictates of sound policy, for us to evade a responsibility that properly be- 
 longs to us, by seeking to throw it upon anoUier department. Besides, sir, 
 if war is to follow from giving this notice, a thing affirmed by gentlemen, 
 but which I wholly disbelieve, the country will be far more united if the 
 notice shall have been given by the positive direction of Congress, than if it 
 be an act of mere Executive judgment. Give it yourselves, and if a con- 
 flict ensue, we may hope to ])resent to the foe an undivided front; but 
 withdraw from it the support of your enactment, and make it the measure 
 of the President alone, and the voice of faction will soon be heard. Soon 
 will its notes of discord be raised — soon, very soon, will the charge be rung 
 through the land, that we have been ruthlessly and recklessly plunged into 
 a war by the weakness or the wickedness of a single man. 
 
 I come, lastly, Mr. Chairman, to the consideration of the main question: 
 Ought the notice to be given at all? T Uiink, sir, it ought. In my judg- 
 ment l>oth the honor and the interests of the country recjuire it. 1 shall not 
 detain llje comniittee to stale all the reasons that bring me to this conclusion, 
 nor is it material tliat I should do so. Most of them have been already 
 stated in the course of this debate, tor me to recapitulate thein would be 
 a useless trespass on your patience ; but were it otherwise, time is not left 
 mc in which to do it. I shall therefore content myself with calling atten- 
 lion 10 certain views of the sul-joct that seem to me lo be entitled to weight. 
 
10 
 
 In doing this, the first thing that I desire the committee to observe is, that 
 all, or very nearly all, who have taken part in tiii? discussion, appeared to 
 be convinced that attion is necessary in reference to Oregon. All, or nearly 
 ail, state their belief that our title to tliat country is belter than that of Eng- 
 land, and express their hope that we will ere lung possess the whole of it. 
 AH, or nearly all, are in favor of measures looking to a realization of that 
 hope. The recommendations of the President, other than that respecting 
 the notice, find almost universal favor. No one advocates the doctrine of 
 absolute inactivity; but on the coiunuy all, or nearly all, proclaim their 
 readiness to vote for the entire list of tiie Oregon propositions with the single 
 exception of the notice. The raising of troops, the building of forts, the 
 establishment of a mail, the creation of Indian agencies, tiie extension of 
 our laws, prospective and liberal grants of land — all these measures, having 
 for their object the encomagement of migration to Oregon, the protection 
 of the settlers when there, and the ultimate extension of American juris- 
 diction over the whole of tin? territory — all these substantial and efiective 
 measmcs find a cordial approval, it seen)s, from nearly every member on 
 this floor. Wherein then do we dill'er with each other? In this, that a 
 portion of us are in favor, not only of adopting these measures, l)ut also of 
 giving the notice — the rest advocaic the nu'asmes, l)ut object to tiie notice. 
 The measures, ;dl su)>port ; the nolice, a portion o])pose. And why oppose 
 it? Because, in their judgment, it will lead to war; ajid war, say they , 
 cannot gain, but, on the contrary, may lose for us the whole of Oregon. 
 
 Now, Mr. Chairman, which of these two courses of policy, the adoption 
 of the measures and the notice, or the passage of them withoiU the notice, 
 is the more likely to h^ad to war? Every one, without exception, agrees 
 that giving the notice would not, of itself, be a just cause of war, or even 
 be regarded by Great Britain as a sjround of ollVnce. What, then, would 
 make it an ofi'ensive measure? The answer is, the circumstances under 
 which it would be given. And what are those circumstances, pray, but 
 the adoption of the measures of which I have spoken, ami which all of us, 
 those opj)Osed to the notice, as well as those in favor of it, profess to approve 
 and sustain? Does any man believe that if you were to simply give the 
 notice, and abstain from adopting the measmes, war would be ihe conse- 
 quence? No one imagines any such thing. The notice is nothing with- 
 out the measures. I mean its practiual efi'ect would be nothing; certainly 
 nothing of which Great Britain would comjilain. Jt is the measures, then, 
 which are to follow the notice, that arc the things of substance. It is they 
 that will send thousands of emigrants to Oregon , iiuanled by your troops, 
 protected by your forts, under the panoply of your laws, to be rewarded by 
 your bounty, and ultimately to occupy tor you the entire territory; it is 
 these measures, pioduciive of these ellects, that will give cotu-ern to tiie 
 British Governtnent, and not the reception of youi notice to terminate a 
 tfeatv of mere navigation and trade. Forward the notiie, and vou add not 
 one jot or tittle to the amoimt of ollence these mea-ures will give; but 
 adopt the measures without the notice, and you furnish Great Britain the 
 only plausible ground of complaint she will have. Vou etiable her to say 
 that while professing a sacred regard for treaty eno-ageuients, you are iiuii- 
 diously employed in their systematic violation; aiul hrwever I'alse aiui un- 
 founiled the chargt? Uiay hi', it will lunertheless I^e certain to produce its 
 <jflect. The opinion ul that civilized voild,of which we have heard so 
 
 ofte 
 
 a r( 
 
 <:ou 
 
 tha 
 
 in 
 
 ult 
 
 cha 
 
 not 
 
 fol 
 
 are 
 
 an> 
 
 the 
 
 cm 
 
 bU 
 
 or 
 
 
11 
 
 ) observe is, that 
 ion , appeared to 
 
 All, or nearly 
 an that of Eng- 
 the whole of it. 
 ilization of that 
 that respecting- 
 4 the doctrine of 
 , pr^claini tiieir 
 with the single 
 ing of forts, the 
 he extension of 
 easures, having- 
 
 the protection 
 American juris- 
 1 and ellective 
 ery member on 
 In this, that a 
 ires, but also of 
 t to the notice, 
 nd why oppose 
 war, say they, 
 of Oregon. 
 v, the adoption 
 out the notice, 
 ception, agrees 
 f war, or even 
 t, then, would 
 iistances under 
 ices, pray, but 
 hich all of us, 
 •fcss to approve 
 imply give the 
 be the conse- 
 nothing with- 
 ling; certainly 
 easures, then, 
 e. It is they 
 y your troops, 
 e rewarded by 
 territory; it fs 
 jncern to tlu; 
 'J terminate a 
 fl you add not 
 ^■ill give; but 
 at Britain the 
 ble her to sav 
 you are i tun- 
 false ajid un- 
 L> produce its 
 UN e heard so 
 
 often, and heard so much, and to which we are invoked to pay so profound 
 a respect, will be arrayed on the side of yoiu" foe in condemnation of your 
 course. From all parts of Europe you will hear the stereoiyjicd phrase, 
 that vou arc '•' re-enacting the Texas drama again;" a dram^ that consists 
 in ])eoplin^ the territory of a power with which you are at peace, with the 
 ultimate desiirn of wresting it from the hands of its lawful possessor. The 
 charire was false as to Texas, it would be fulse as to Oregon; but that would 
 not prevent its being made, and extensively i)elieved, or {'ender it aught but 
 folly in us to needlessly provide its principal support. The United .States 
 fire powerful eiiouirh to pursue an open ami straight-forward policy; and 
 any other couise, allow me to say, would be as inimical to the ititerests of 
 (he republic, as it would l)e destructive of its character and dignity. C'on- 
 curriiiiT, then, in the general judgment, that inactivity is no longer possi- 
 ble; diat the time has arrived when we must take ste))s to occupy (Oregon, 
 or see it subjected ])ractically to the British power; believing the measures 
 ])ro])Osed to be demanded alike by tlie opinion of the country, and the ne- 
 cessities of the case; and regarding the passage of these measures, without 
 the notice, as moie likely to hazard the peace and honor of the nation than 
 would the adoption of both, I am in favor of the notice as well as the mea- 
 Gures, and will vole for the resolution re(|uiring it to be given. 
 
 And here, Mr. Chairman, I may as well remark that I do not l)elieve 
 that an immediate war is at all likely to take place, whatever may be our 
 action on the questions before us. That Cireat Britain will iro to war be- 
 fore she will surrender the whole of Oreiron, I shall certainly not undertake 
 to deny. My own opinion is that she will. xMany ])ersons of nmch more 
 exj)erience and al.)ility than I i-\\\\ lay claim to, thiidv she will not. But let 
 it be assumed that she will, and it l)y no means follows that an immediate 
 conllict will result from the, ado))tion of our measures. On the contrary, 
 r.othing a])pears to me more certain than that hostilities will not conuuence 
 until the alternative be brought pmcticdlly home to Great Britain, either to 
 yield up to our ])eo])le her possessions in the territory, or lo defend and main- 
 tain them by the force of arms. That ))oint will not, in my judgment, be 
 reached for seveial years to come, however ellective may be the Oregon 
 measures we adopt. It will not be reached until the preponderance of 
 American settlers in the territory shall endanger the peace and security of 
 Jiritish occupancy. Before that time, vexatious iticitlents may indeed oc- 
 cur — exciting cases may arise, from the assertion of adverse jurisdictions; 
 Init, in this age, instantaneous war does not tread on the heels of every 
 wronff. If it did, the. laie war would not have been postponed for years, 
 nor would events of latter days have passed as they have, and left the land 
 ill peace. But, come wliai may, Mr. Chiiirman, our duty is plain. Ore 
 gon is ours, and wh.at is ours we ought to possess. If with twenty millions 
 of jieople we do not maintain oin- riglits, the world, l)e assured, will not ac- 
 coi d them to us. We camiot hopt- to lie respected , while exhib ting a weakness 
 so disastrous and amazin<j. We owe it to our interests, we owe it to our honor, 
 we owe it to the cause of repulilicanG'overmnent,that form ut govermnentthat 
 is daily charge*! with inability to resist aggression . we owe it to all these, to act 
 with tirmness and decisioti. It is not by the abandoimient of our claims, 
 the surrender of our territory, the discrediting of republicanism, and the dis- 
 grace of our name, that we will secure to ourselves the blessings of peace. 
 And ureal, and bcnelicent, and desirable as those blessings are, it dues not 
 become us to si.'ok iheni at so ruinous a price. 
 
12 
 
 Mr. Chairman, I repeat, that we are in no danger of immediate war; but 
 were it otherwise, were war declared this day, it could not result in the loss 
 of Oregon. Gentlemen, who predict t^3at result, underrate our strength as 
 much as they exaggerate that of our adversary ; and they do both to a sin- 
 gular degree. Grant that Great Britain haa a powerful fleet in the Pacific, 
 will the war be waged on the coasts of Oregon alone ? Are there no British 
 provinces to invade ? Will there be no means of bringing home to her the 
 horrors of the conflict ? Will there be no battle-fields on which to settle the 
 strife, save the distant and almost tenantless shores of the Pacific ? The 
 whole of Oregon be lost ! The whole of Oregon i)e wrested from us by a 
 power whose strength lies beyond the Atlantic ! Incredible, sir. Such a 
 result could never be. What would be the result no man may be sagacious 
 enough to tell; but that a war would lose us the whole of Oregon is what 
 any man may safely deny. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, I am in favor of giving this notice because a refusal to 
 give it would, under existing circumstances, carry with it an implication 
 that we are willing to yield to Great Britain, not only a portion of Oregon, 
 but even a larger portion than we liave ever yet offered her. So would she 
 interpret our proceedings — so would the world interpret them. I do not 
 wisli to furnish grounds for such a belief. I do not wish such a belief to 
 exist. It would only serve to swell and jxjrpetuate the arrogance of her de- 
 mands, and increase the difliculties that already surround us. The sooner 
 we take a decided stand, the sooner we let our adversary know that Oregon 
 being ours we will never surrender it; that being ours, we intend to possess 
 it all; the sooner will she learn to respect our rights, the longer will she 
 pause before she resolve to infringe them. 
 
 But it is said, Mr. Chairman, that we ought not to give the notice, be- 
 cause we are getting along under the treaty exceedingly well ; that time is 
 doing for us what arms could not; that migration and settlement will ^ecure 
 us Oregon if we have but the patience and wisdom to "let well alone" — 
 that we are about to play the part, of the hypochondriac, on whose tomb it 
 was inscribed, that "He was well, thought himself sick, took medicine, and 
 died." 
 
 I shall not repeat, Mr. Chairman, the answers that have been given to 
 this argument, and which conclusively shew that time and the treaty will 
 not do for us what gentlemen suppose. But I beg those who advance the 
 argument, and who believe it entitled to pre-eminent weight, to tell us how 
 it is, that , if the treaty is working such glorious results for the United States, 
 the British Government still permits it to exist. Why does not the notice 
 come from Britain, if the treaty is so prejudicial, so disastrous, to her? Are 
 her statesmen sagacious? All admit it. Are they well informed on this 
 subject? It cannot be denied. Do they guard her interests? Her history 
 will shew . Why then . I repeat , does not the notice come from her ? There 
 is but one answer to give, but one at least that is satisfactory, and that is, 
 that the treaty is beneficial to her and injurious to us. 
 
 In the next place it is said, Mr. Chairman, that we ought not to close the 
 door to negotiation. Close the door to negotiation, sir — how is the notice 
 to do that ? Unless war be produced by it, how is that to be its efiect? I 
 can conceive that ii might lea(' to negotiation, but how, without war, will 
 it Wud to prevent it ? And of what service, ^ir. lias the treaty been to us m 
 this respect ? Has it furthered the settlement of the o^ue:?tion in the slight- 
 
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 tlie 
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13 
 
 mmedlate war; but «fit depjree ? Has it abated one jot of Britisli pretension ? Are we not now, 
 ot result in the loss after iwen'y-eiorht years negotiating under it, farther from an agreement thaji 
 rale our strength as when we began? Has it not erected thirty British forts in Oregon, extend- 
 jy do both to a sin- ed over it a code of British laws, planted in it a powerful British force, and 
 fleet in the Pacific, extended her influence there a hundred fold? And have these things facilitated 
 re there no British negotiation? Have these things lessened British demands? Or htve they 
 ig home to her the not strengthened them, day by day, and year after year, till they have reach- 
 which to settle the «d their present preposterous height? 
 
 the Pacific ? The Mr. Chairman, I have no hopes, none whatever, from negotiation, 
 esfed from us by a Neither Government will offer what the other will accept. There is no use 
 lible,sir. Such a in concealing this fact from ourselves. There is no use in attempting to 
 I may l)e sagacious hide it. No American administration will dare to ofler more than has al- 
 of Oregon is what teady been offered, and no British ministry will ever accept what the Brit- 
 ish Government has four times rejected. I speak of what will be the course 
 3cause a refusal to of the Governments if they do nothing but negotiate. There is nothing to 
 it an implication be expected from negotiation; and our action ought not to be influenced by 
 portion of Oregon, a hope that is altogether vain and illusory. 
 
 er. So would she I proceed now to consider another objection that has been made to giving 
 t them. I do not the notice. Assuming that war. is to be its consequence, gentlemen say diat 
 sh such a belief to we are not prepared for such an emergency. I answer, in the first place, 
 rogance of her de- <hat the assumption is altogether groundless; and, in the next, that war will 
 I us. Tiie sooner never find us better prepared than we are at this moment. We do not 
 know that Oregon keep large standing armies in times of peace, nor do we expend hundreds 
 e intend to possess €>f millions in preparations on a mere contingency of war. Such is not, 
 ;ie longer will she «uch never has been, and such never will be, either our practice or policy. 
 The gentleman from Virginia, who addressed the connniitee yesterday, 
 ive the notice, be- (Mr. Bayly,) spoke of the miserc.ble state of our fortifications, their want 
 well; that time is Of repair, their lack of armament, and their general bad conr'ition ; and he 
 ement will oecure specified particularly the works within his own district. Wr.y, Mr. Chair- 
 let well alone" — man, did it never occur to the gentleman that, if we ought not to assert our 
 on whose tomb it rights until the Atlantic coast be foifified, we ought for the same reason to 
 )ok medicine, and delay their assertion until the rest of our frontier be similarly protected ? 
 And is any one here prepared to postpone this notice until a circumference 
 ve been given to of 8,000 miles shall be studded with forts, until all the frontier States shall 
 nd the treaty will thus be shielded from harm? Is the seaboard, Mr. Chairman, the only 
 who advance the Hne exposed to the enemy's attack? Do not Maine, New Hampshire, Ver- 
 ht, to tell us how Wiont, New York, Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin, and Iowa, 
 le United States, present a northern frontier still more exposed? And are we to wait, Mr. 
 'cs not the notice Chairman, till this long line, stretching from the Atlantic to the confines of 
 ous,toher? Are the "far West," be securely defended by military works, before we take 
 informed on this tteps to maintain our claims to Oregon? Do the people of these States ask 
 !its? Her history us to do it? Does Ohio, within whose limits not a dollar has been expend- 
 lomher? There «d for purposes of fortification, desire such delay? No, Mr. Chairman, 
 tory, and that is. no. The people of the United States are aware that their means of defence 
 and power of attack depend not on standing armies and fortified posts, and 
 It not to close the 'hey will never ask us to delay the assertion of national rights, or to fail to 
 low is the notice vindic.ite the national honor, in order to provide them with any such shield, 
 be its ellect? I Mr. Chairman. I will vote as cheerfully as any one here for hberal ap- 
 iiliout war, will propriations to provide for defence, but I am not willing to delay the adop- 
 aty been to us m t*on of the Oregon measures until miUions and tens of millions shall have 
 on in the slight- been expended on fortifications that may never be needed, or which, if 
 
14 
 
 needed, "will be out of repair again before war come. I say, out of r6paii 
 again before war come , for what does experience testify on this head ] 
 Whence arises the present sta'e of our military works ? How is it they 
 are found in a condition so deplorably bad ? Is there any answer to these 
 questions but one? And what is that, but that in time of peace you will 
 not burthen your treasury with even the costs of repair .' Millions are vo- 
 ted occasionally to construct such works, and when the money is gone the 
 works are but just begun. The expenditure nuide has but created a neces- 
 sity for further and greater expenditure. The ordinary revenue is insuffi- 
 cient to nieet if. The country is at peace, and Congress refuses cxtraordi 
 nary means. New appropriations to complete the works are consequently 
 denied. Sums suflicient to preserve them are not always voted. I)ila{)ida- 
 tion and decay follow of course, and it is not till war is reall'. at our door- 
 that preparations for resistance arc effectively commenced. So Jias it al- 
 ways been, and so will it always be; and it does therefore seem to me tlui' 
 it is idle to talk of postponing action on the subject of Oregon, imtil fortili 
 cations shall place us in a better state of defence. If either Coi/gress oi 
 the country entertained the belief that war will be the necessary and speed} 
 ell'ectof the jjassage of the measures we })rppose to adopt, there would b( 
 no hesitancy whatever in preparing to meet it. A])j>ro{)riations would bt 
 voted witliout a moment's delay — voted in no niggard siuns and with n< 
 reluctant hand, but liberally, freely, cheerfully voted. Neither the coun 
 try or Congress, however, entertains this belief, and not entertaining it 
 large military preparations will not be made. They are not reconnnendeo 
 by the President, or by the Secretary of the Navy or War; they are not pro 
 posed by any commiuee of this House, or of the other braudi of the Legis 
 lature; no member has introduced bills for that object, and none are likel\ 
 to be introduced; and even the bills that have been brought in, little as the} 
 would increase our regular force, and coinparati\ely small as would be tli' 
 appropriations their passage would exact, are yet, it is seen, destined to b< 
 vigorously opposed. To delay the Oregon measures in order to fortify,! 
 to postpone them to a time indefinitely remote. It is to give thebi the go 
 bye for years to come, and meet them with the same objections thei 
 that are urged against them now. Indeed, sir, we might almost a 
 well postpone them to the period indicated by the remarks of anothe 
 gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. BKuixciEu,) who told us that our coun 
 try is in a state of adolescence, a youth that is growing stronger day b 
 day ; tiiat John Bull, on the contrary, is an old gentleman, a sioui and 
 sturdy old man, it is true, but one in whose head the grey hairs begin t 
 appear; that after a while he must totter and fail, and then will be our tini 
 to effectively strike. 1 trust that no one is willing to set so late a day i. 
 that for the assertion of our rights. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, of all the strange reasons that this debate has given utte 
 ance to, anc, which have been urged to show that the notice should not 1 
 given, the most extraordinary was, doubtless, one advanced by the gen\lt 
 man from Virginia w4io sits on my right, (Sh. Pendleton,) and with 
 passing and very brief notice of it, I will have said all that it is my intei 
 tion to say. That gentleman told us, in effect, that we ought not to gh 
 the notice, which he considers a war measure, because Great Britain li 
 acted in a manner so just and honorable towards us. ''Have we an insul 
 a trespass, or even a menace to avenge ? Has our tlag been insullei 
 
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 Br 
 
 Vi 
 
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 vio 
 
 spe 
 
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 the 
 
 doi 
 
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 jur! 
 
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 er, i 
 
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 han 
 
 not I 
 
 coui 
 
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 ■\\li( 
 
 Brit 
 naii 
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16 
 
 )f peace you will 
 Millions are vo- 
 oiiey is gone the 
 L created a neces- 
 livenue is insuffi- 
 refuses extraordi 
 are consequently 
 koted. Dilapida- 
 ;alb. at our door- 
 
 av out of r6pair our soil invaded, or our honor impeached?" These were the gentleman's 
 on this head] questions, and I understood him also to ask: '* Has Great Britain ever in- 
 How is it they £=idted our ilag that she did not apologize or atone for the insult ?" Strange 
 answer to these questions these to be asked on the lloor of an American Congress, by a rep- 
 Tesentaiive of American citizens. Why. sir, British outrages on the rights, 
 Britisli insults to the tlag, and British impeachment of the honor of the 
 United .States, began with the very treaty that acknowledged our indepen- 
 dence,, and have continued in unbroken succession down to the present 
 time. Did she not withhold from us, year after year, our western posts, in 
 violation of that trijaty, and in despite of our complaints? Was not hert!-'g 
 seen to doat over American soil, where the banner of the Union should 
 alone have been foimd ? Arc the days of impressment already forgotten, 
 and iriust gentleuK'n be told that thousands, yes, thousands, of American 
 d So has it al- sea nen were torn from the decks of American ■«liips, taken from beneath 
 -i seem to me tha ^l^*^ American tlatr, and forced to fight the battles of Britain against the free- 
 etron until fortili- ^**'" ttf the world ? Has it already passed from the memories of men that 
 ■idler Coiio^ress oi an American frigale. in time of peace, suspecting no danger, and unpre- 
 essarv fi'id speed\ pared for defenct;, vithin the very waters of the United States, within the 
 U there would b( jurl ,'iction of Vii.nnia herself , was basely assailed by superior force, and 
 )ri'ations would \n comjielled to strike her dag to a British man-of-wai ? And to come down 
 ^mus and with nc ^^ later, yea, to recent times, has the gentleman never heard of British in- 
 \either the conn "^'i^icu of American soil, of British homicide of American citizens, of British 
 ot enterlainin" it insult to the American liag? Has he never heard tliat an American steam- 
 not reconmiendec *^' ? '" ^I'e dead hour of night, was lorn from her moorinirs at an American 
 • thev are not pro shore, her crew assassinated by a British force, the torch a})plied l)y a British 
 aiuhof the Legis^^'^'^^') '^iifl fl'<^ ^^''^ves niade to finish what the sabre liegan? Or, does he 
 Ind none are likeh ^^^^ know that apology has never been oilered for this, if, indeed, apology 
 htin little as the\ ct)uld atone for so transcendent a wrong .^ Does he not know that the offi- 
 l !is would be i\v ^^^' ^^"'^s knighted who conunanded the troops, and the troops were rewarded 
 en destined to b. "^^ho conmiitted the deed ? 
 
 order to fortify, i -^^''- Uhairman, whatever reasons there may ^ for withholding the notice;, 
 o-ive theln the ^q British justice towards the United States is not among them. From that 
 ^ obiectious thei DJ^ition we iiave heretofore received little else than aggression, and it maybe 
 miidit almost a "^^'^''1 f^*'" *'s to consider whether her line of conduct will ever be changed 
 emarks of anodie until American power shall be prompt to vindicate American rights, 
 us that our cour 
 J stronger day b;| 
 lan , a. stout and i| 
 rey hairs begin t 
 n will be our tiiu 
 et so late a day a 4| 
 
 ite has given uttei 
 jtice shoidd not 1. 
 ced by the gentlt 
 2T0N,) and with 
 that it is my inter 
 
 ought not to gi^ 
 
 (ireat Britain li. 
 Have we an insul 
 tias been insullei