Hon. EDWARD BLAKE on the Irish Question. 
 A MASTERLY SPEECH. 
 
 S"Cr^^X-B^./£B2:TT. 
 
 SPEECH OF THE HON. EDWARD BLAKE. ?«if go^r"'"^"'' *'''''V\''°'''^^* ^"^"f-,''' "^"^"^ ^«*'»" " 
 
 body of Irubuieu ; and I pass by, as alike UDuecessaiy and 
 
 iuipossible to be dealt with in the time, much which it would 
 
 be easy to state and upon whifh we should heartily agree. 
 
 I believe we have at this moment arrived at a verj- critical 
 period in the great struggle in which we are engaged. I believe 
 that the great majority of our peojjie have an absolute and clear 
 comprehension of the pohtical situation and of the character of 
 the struggle ; are discerning, ar. resolute are patient, are hope- 
 ful. But some there are, no doubt— and I don't complain; it 
 is not unnatural- it takes all sorts of people to make a world, 
 all sorts of people to make a nation— some few there are, no 
 doubt, who are restless, nervous and despondent. 
 
 THIS decline: IK POPULATION. 
 
 It may do us good, then, to take stock of the situation, to sef 
 how we have stood, how we stand, how we expect io stand, and 
 by what route we propose to march. 'Ihen let me first brin^. 
 before you, ere I touch on the late movement, some great gen- 
 eral facts which ought to aflfect our estimate of the situation anu 
 our view of our duty for the future. 
 
 We must never forget the condition of Ireland at proved bv 
 the experience of the lust half century. It must be borne in 
 though w ith sadness and sorrow, upon th ) mind of every lover of 
 our country, that for the last half century her population has 
 b- en diminishing with a rapidity and a steadiness unexampled 
 and appalling Half a centurv ago, in 1841, there were 8,17. ,0(H' 
 people in the Island ; in iSill there were only 4, <( 0,00(l— aloss of 
 nearly 3, 00,1100 absolutely, independent altogether of the 
 natural iucre,ise of the population. lu the last censua decade, 
 from IS.tl to 18',iO, there were 7 0,000 emigrants from Ireland] 
 of whom no less than 61.'i.0tK) found new homes in the United 
 StatJ^s of Americp Meantime, while this unprecedented depop- 
 ulation of our isiiiud was taking place, the population of Great 
 Britain was rapidly and steadily increasing ; and the result is 
 a great absolute and a still greater relative reduction of o.ir 
 strength, measuring that strength for the moment by popula- 
 tion only as compared with Great Britain. And it must not be 
 forgotten that our losses were largely of the flower of our peo- 
 ple, of those in the greatest vigor of youth and strength What 
 is the net result? In 1841 Ireland contiined one third of the 
 population of the United Kingdom, while to-day she contains 
 about one-eiKhth. 
 
 THE DKCLINE IN MATBRIAt. KKSOVRCKS. 
 
 Turn to other resourc's not quite so important as men and 
 women, but still important — to the question of material re- 
 sources. Our material resources, counted man for man, may 
 have increased. Hut they hav" increased, even counted man 
 for man, at a much lower rate than those of Great Britain ; and 
 of course, it you consider the diminished as contrasted with the 
 increasing population in the islands, the di£Fereuce in this re- 
 spect is even more appalling It was estimated in 188H that the 
 taxable income of Ireland was about one-tifty-thirds part of 
 that of (treat Britain. Depopulated, misgoverned, over-rented, 
 over-taxed, evicted, desolated Ireland could not be expected to 
 make, and she has not made, progress commensurate with that 
 of the happier neighboiing island. 
 
 HUPiJ-LKSSaiESS OF AM AltNRD STRVGGLB. 
 
 Let me say one word with reference to those who, at perhaps 
 the most inopportune moment at which it ever could have been 
 suggested, seem disposfd- 1 believe they are but a mere insig- 
 nificant fraction of the lovers of In-lsud- -to despair of the con- 
 stitutional movement and to suggest a recurrence to physical 
 force. Let me remind them of another obvious change in that 
 half centurv', which it, that the power of organized military 
 forces, as compared with the resources of the undisciplined 
 strength of a p«ople, have enormously increased ; that the in- 
 vention of long distance Kuns of precision, and the methods of 
 modern tactics, and the facilitiea of tiansport, have altogether 
 changed the conditions of a tie;bt between armies and • p«op]« 
 slruggUsg ta be free. 
 
 A COMPENSATION ABROAD. 
 
 Well, now, at first sight, and from one point of Tiew, for th» 
 hopes ol Ireland, what 1 have siiid might have looked but ill. 
 Yet 1 contiiiently believe, after all, that. c»ii and aorrowful a« U 
 th* Xm1» whiuh 1 have told ia th«M few vocda, aU i* k> woak Iw 
 
 At the great Home Bnie demotstration held under the auspices 
 of the Ni w- York City Council of the Irish National Federation 
 of Amiriia, at the Lenox Lycvum, Wednesday, October 17th. 
 lf<!M, Mr. .lohu F. Walsh, president of the Municijial Council, 
 introduced Chief-Justice Daly, of the Court of Common Pleas, 
 as ('hairmau of the meeting. 
 
 Hou. Joseph F. Daly, who was received with applause, said : 
 Ladies and gentlemen — Calleil U|X)U at the last moment to jire- 
 side over what will be one of the most interesting and iustruct- 
 ive occasions at which I am certain we ever assisted, it will not 
 be expected of me that I can contribute anything in the way of 
 elotjueuce to the proceeiUngs this evening. .\ll I cau say is, 
 that this is a Home llule meeting, and you and I are here, and 
 tnat means that we take the greatest interest in the cause. 
 
 Our distinquished guest is here to tell us the condition of the 
 Home Rule movement in Englaud and Ireland to-day. We are 
 always auxious, and now are particularly anxious, to hear from 
 one who, being on the spot and coming from it freshly, is able 
 to give us the facts. But a siugle word concerning our distin- 
 guished guest. Mr. Blake before he crossed the sea to take part 
 in this great movement had already ach'eved a distinction in his 
 native Canada which might well have satisfied the ambition of 
 an ordinary man. Twenty-seven years ago, or, rather, thirty 
 years ago, he was Queen's Counsel and a leader ut the Canadian 
 bar; in 181)7, a member of Parliament; in 1871, Premier of 
 yuebec ; and in 187:>, a meirlier of the Cabinet, and siuce then 
 leader of the Liberal Party m Canada. He is now devoted heart 
 and soul to the cause of securing parliamentary independence 
 for Ireland, and a more able, devoted, sincere and zealous 
 advocate no cause ever had (applause). I therefore bespeak for 
 him a welcome worthy of New Y'ork and of the cause which he 
 represents. I have the honor to introduce 
 
 THE HOim'. EUWAUD BLAKE, M. P., FOR MOUTH 
 LONGFOUD. 
 
 Hon. Edward Blake, who was received with prolonged ap- 
 plause, addressed the meeting as follows : Mr. Chairman, 
 lailies aud gentlemen It gives me [leculiar pleasure to have at 
 last the opportunity of addressing a body of fellow Irishmen 
 and women assembled in this City ot New iork. which contains, 
 I believe, the largest aggregate of those claiming descent from 
 Ireland of any place in the world, men who hive always proved 
 theuisjlves in connection with the Irish strntigle keen ap|)re- 
 cijitors aud warm encouragers of the cause of Irish self-govern- 
 ment I own, however, that that pleasure is tempered by a 
 aense of the difficulty, serious to any mim, and overwhelming to 
 myself, of the task which I have set for myself this evening. 
 Itwould tax a practiced orator to do what I am about to attempt, 
 and I do not set up to be an orator. I am but a plain man, 
 capable, at most, of saying plain things in a plain way to plain 
 people like myself, and yet what I am to try do is to bring 
 before yon in one short evening a general view embracing some 
 thing of the past, something of the present and something of 
 the future of our movement. 
 
 I shall then abstain from much which I would otherwise like 
 to say. Yon must not expect of me under these circnmstances 
 that I should enter into the discnssji n of many detail' ; that I 
 should aSord you many illustrations ; that I should engage in 
 the work of ginng you much information upon pninta which 
 would be of interest elsewhere, aud to which I have no doubt 
 even you would listen— needless thoueh it might be to enter 
 intn such details to an audience of Irish- AmehcnD i. Speaking, 
 ae I have been often speaking, in tireat Britain, I have found it 
 necessary, even at this day, to enter into details with reference 
 to the iiiisnovmenieut of Ir-laud— the wrongs she h»a sufferetl, 
 t]^ diffictilLiaii she haa endured, her need of aad xigbt to 
 
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SUPPLEMENT. 
 
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 the b«(!t. For in Go-I'i providence there has bepn growing np ! 
 during tho«« fifty yenm n greater Irelnnd t)eyonrt her shores, a 
 grenter Irelnnd pUntinR her sons in Greiit riritain itself, in the , 
 United Stat^ii, in C»nad», in Kouth America, in Australia, in | 
 New Zealand, in Africa- in what comer of the world will joji 
 not find them? Ci'heeis). There has been growing up all the : 
 world over a greater Ireland beyond seas, whose vigorous loyalty, I 
 whose datertnioeci and steadfast attachment to the laud from 
 which they went, or from which they sprung, have given hope 
 and courage and help and confidence to thine who, enfeebled 
 and diminished in num>)erB. remain within the four seas, and 
 are carrying on there uniler its new phase and its nlterefl aspects 
 the battle for self-government (Applause). 
 
 UKIVIi:K!>ALIT%' UF MOUAL, SYMPATHY. 
 
 In taese times also, m Gods providence, it has occurred that 
 the facilities of intercomujunication nil the world over have 
 enormously increased. The knowledge men may and do get of 
 the affairs of neighboring and of distant states, the knowledge 
 absent friends may gain of the con<:erns of the country from 
 which they spring, has been expanded. The teltgmph, the rail- 
 way, the steamboat, the post-otfice, the printing press, each one 
 of these inventions has been an ally ia the new struggle ; each 
 one has enabled us more and more to make common knowledge 
 to the world of the condition of our cause, and to enlist the 
 sympathy of our scattered sons and of civilized mankind. .Vs 
 a poet of' this country has said — it is a i|uotjition of which I am 
 so fond that I often make it, 
 
 "For niaukiiiil are one in Hpirit. and au itirttiuct bears aloiij^ 
 Round tin* «'arlh'f» electric circle ilu- wuift rtawh I'f riRtjt and wr«in^' ; 
 Wbettier coDHcioUK or uuct>UKciour«. yet tiuiuuuity'H va^t frame 
 ThrnUKli tier <H;ean-MUudered currents feels tlic pulise of .joy or hhame: 
 In ttie gain or lona of o:>e ra<'e all the rest have equal claim." 
 
 !«VHPATH%' OF THK BRITISH DK.nUCUACV. 
 
 In God's providence it occurreil also in these latter years that 
 there was a great spread of freedom and enlightenment ; that 
 the masses, the democracy of Ireland and of Britain, obtained 
 an infinitely increased share of political power; that the masses 
 of (ireat liritaiu at the saiue time, and in part by virtue of 
 those agencies to which I have referred, got fortunately for us, 
 knowle ige with their power; and that the British democracy — 
 which, as all Irish leaders have agreed, is to a large extent 
 blameless for the wrongs which the governing classes did in evil 
 days gone by intlict upon Ireland : tbat the masses of Britiin 
 began to learn the truth about Irelnnil : and. as they learned, 
 naturally began to sympathize with the masses of the sister 
 island (applause! and tended, los I have hnd reiison to know, 
 having, as I have said, gone a go<xl deal through Eugb.nd and 
 met many intelligent men in conversation before and after 
 meetings! tended, long before the leaders of parties tooK up 
 the cause of Home Kule in Great Britain, to the conviction that 
 the Irish were a wronged people, and that they ought to be 
 allowed to manage their own concerns. i.Vpplaus.^). 
 
 It was just during this time, just fifteen years ago. that there 
 was formed an Irish National I'arliaiiientary Tarty upon a rj-or- 
 gauized basis, on a basis designed to use the luachinery of the 
 constitution tor the purpose of agitation, for the purjiose of re- 
 form, for the purpose of the redress of Irish grievances. So 
 long as British leaders and British political partif >-, largely con- 
 trolled by the classes, remained deaf to our appeals to their 
 reason, remained united against us, but ooe line of constitu- 
 tional agitation seemed open, and that line was vigorously and 
 relentlessly pursued by the great Irish leader of that day— 
 A voice— Of this day. 
 Another voice— Parnell (applause). 
 
 Mr. Blake — Yes, Parnell ; and I should be sorry that the day 
 should ever come when at any meeting addressed by me Par- 
 nell's name should not be received with acclamation (ajiplause) 
 But, he pursued that line as a means, not as nn end— as a means 
 to an end. The object was to reach those deaf ears, to convince 
 the people and the pnrties and the politicians that the Irish 
 qneelion must be faced And in the accomplishment of ;i,iit 
 end the solidarity, the unity, the nmjestic march ot the Irish 
 peoi^Ie and of the Irish party soon produced its great effect ; and 
 the Irish claims were recognized in If'Sii by the great British 
 statesman of that day and of this century— Vjy Mr. Gladstone 
 (loud applause). The great Irish statesman saw his opportunity 
 and seized it, and he effected an alliance with the British Li- 
 beral party on terms honorable to both partiea - 
 A voice— Three cheers for Parnell (applause). 
 Mr. Blake— On terms honorable to both parties, and emi- 
 nently calculated to achieve the object for which he had com- 
 menced and was prosecuting his agitation. And in pursuance 
 of that allionoe liie Irish Parliamentary Party in l8*M) turned 
 oat the Tory (kjremment, and they put in Mr. tiiadstone and 
 the Liberals ; and they sustained Mr. Gladstone and bis Libirml 
 Home Role Oovemment until the day came when tbat Govem- 
 m«nt tell by an adverse vote in the House of Commons apon 
 tha qoMtion of Home Bale. The allied parties then weat to 
 
 the country, as was necessary ; but they were badly beaten. 
 There was a majority of '2i li against the Liberals in England ; 
 there was an adverse majority of 120 all over the United King- 
 dom, notwithstanding the great Irish majority on the other side, 
 and the result was that the Tories resumed oflice, which they 
 held for six years. 
 
 THK ALI.IANCE IVITH THE LIBERALS. 
 
 The alliance between the British Liberal Party and the Irish 
 Parliameuta'y Paity continued in luU force and vigor. For 
 what purpose? To put out our Tory foes? Yes, in part. To 
 put in our Liberal friends? Y'es, in part. To keep out the 
 Tories and to keep in the Liberals? Yes, in part. But, still, 
 each and all only as a means to an end. Because the one object 
 for which we interested ourselves in these questions of putting 
 one party out and another party in, and keeping one party out 
 and keeping another party in, was to advance the cause of 
 Home Rule for Ireland and the redress of Irish grievances. 
 
 Those tactics of Mr. Parnell were good ; and they hold good 
 so long, and so long only, as the Liberals are true and as the 
 Tories remain hostile ; so long as the Liberals keep as they have 
 pledged themselves to keep. Home Rule in the front ot their 
 legislative and electoral platform. And the Irish have always 
 been, and are recognized as always having been, and as being 
 to-day, free to vote as the interests of their country require and 
 to make any other alliances which they find will better serve 
 their country than the alliance which at present exists i applause). 
 During that six years neither the Irish Nationalist party in 
 Parliament nor the Liberals proposed again any Home Itule 
 Bill. Why ? Because it would have been useless, and a waste 
 of time, It would not have been good tactics to do so. They 
 showed a higher tactical quality. They faced the Tories who 
 had a great majority, and who insisted that the union, as they 
 called it, must be preserved, and that Ireland niusi continue to 
 be governed from Westminster. They faced the Tories with 
 the problems of Irish government from Westminster. They 
 faced the Tories with these problems, and with Irish determina- 
 tion they presented them ; and they faced also with e((nal 
 solidity and sternness and iletermination the effort to establish 
 in Ireland what the tories called "resolute government " from 
 London. 
 
 Meantime was the cause of Home Rule stnading still ? No '. 
 It was l)eing advanced in the only wa^ in which uuder a con- 
 stitutional system and upon constitutional lines it could at the 
 moment be advanced -by a diligent process of enlightening the 
 masses, by constant appeals to them, by speech, by the printing 
 press, by the leaflet, by the newspaper These efforts were 
 1 eing made with reference ♦o that to which politicians must 
 always look great deal — to the next appeal to the people, to the 
 general election which took nlace at last in 1892. 
 
 The efforts were such as were demanded in order to secure a 
 good verdict at that time. The Liberals— our Liberal allies - 
 offered to the democracy of the United Kingdom Home Rule as 
 I the first and prominent plank in their platform. But the^ 
 I offered also other democratic reforms, in some of which the 
 I people of both countries were interested, in some of which the 
 I British people or sections of them were interested, many of 
 ] which were of a home rule character and type. This policy of 
 offering to the people popular and democratic reforms was ap- 
 proved of by the Irish Nationalist party ; indeed, like many 
 other things, it was forerhadowed by Mr. Parnell himself, who 
 at an early period suggested an alliance between the democrncies 
 of the two countries upon that very basis ; that ' le Irish should 
 help in the promotion of democratic reforms in which the 
 British masses were interested, and that the British democracy 
 .should help the Ir h in reference to their democratic demands. 
 I don't think I need, before Irish-Americans, I don t think I 
 need, before men versed in the play of politics, and of parties 
 and of constitutional movements, wnste— for it would be to 
 waste- a single word in expounding the wisdom of a policv like 
 that, 
 
 THE SPLIT IN THE IRISH PARTY. 
 
 A great and attractive programme was presented, and high 
 water mark was almost reai bed, when that tragic event occurred 
 which culminated in the split, which for the moment parahzed 
 the Irish party and largely depressed the prospects of the cause. 
 A. great rally was made— the best rally that could be made — but 
 there were heavy losses, due to that sad event. One hundred 
 majority was not merely possible, but, I believe, almost certain; 
 and, with that hundred majority. Home Enle would now be law. 
 But all we got was forty majority ; and even that was a great 
 triumph; for an adverse majority of two hundred in England 
 was reduced to an adverse majority of seventy only, and in the 
 other parts of the United Kingdom, as I t>ball show ytiti, Ibjge 
 majonties were reached. 
 
 The analysis of tJnat majority is curious and it is cheering to 
 Imhmen. As we came back from tl'e general election fought 
 nnder those adverse circumstances, there was a Home Role 
 majority of four to one from Ireland. Tbtre was a Home Kule 
 
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SUPPLEMENT. 
 
 miijorify of two to one from Scotland. (^Applause). There was 
 u Home Rule majority of about fourteen to one from Wales. 
 ^Loud applause). lu England the people at the pulln were 
 almost equally divided. Ot about 3,30ii,wiO voters tbere were 
 only about VU.UO) votes more polled ai^ainst than for Home 
 Kule. (ipplause). But the majority in Parlinmtut wa.s th^re as 
 elsewhere disproportionate to the slrenijth evinced at tbe polls. 
 Siill. even in England there were about three returned for Home 
 Rule to every four against. So that the lesult was that of the 
 four great divisions of the United Kiugduni, in three we got not 
 merely ni«j'>rities, but large, decisive, overwhelming miijoritit-s 
 in favor of Home Kule ; while the people of the greatest division 
 of all, Fuglund, were almost «qi ally divided, and the return 
 tbere was, after all, three for to four against. 
 
 THE CLAIMS OF SCOTL.AKD AND WALKS. 
 
 The nationalists of WiUes and the nalionalists of Scotland 
 have their home rule aspirutions, too ; they have demanded, and 
 in part, in Scotland at any rate, have through our aid attained 
 some measure of recognition of those demands ; and Wales, 
 above all, which has been our most steadfast friend, » hich has 
 supported us from early days in this struggle, and which, as I 
 have told you, sends twenty eiglit to two men to support Home 
 Kule to-day, has imerests of her own which it would be the 
 blackest ingratitude on our part and t' e greatest, folly to over- 
 look and not to foster, (^.^pplause) " He who wuuld have 
 friends," the Book s.iys, " must show himself friendly." If you 
 expect sympathy yon uiust show that you have a heart to sym- 
 pathize. And when those who under great difficultins are fight- 
 ing your bittle say to you, "Takeahaud in for ours," if jou 
 don't choose to lift your hand, you are not good Irishmen, you 
 are not good friends, you are not good politicians, and you don't 
 deserve the support in the future of the men whom jou neglect 
 in the present. ^.\pplause). 
 
 Well, gentlemen, Ireland under this plan of constitutional 
 agitatica which had led with such extraordinary rapidity, to 
 such great results, took before the world an entirely new, ele- 
 vated and advanced position. She enlisted at once during these 
 years the sympathies of many all over the world who had been 
 deterred by the other and more violent methods to which in 
 times past resort had occasionally been made. She enlisted the 
 sympathies of many who were moved to hope that the plans of 
 recouciliiitiou which ilr. I'arnell and Mr. Gladstone fore- 
 shadowed and proposed to the democracies of Great Britain and 
 of Ireland might prevail , and they were roused- quiet men and 
 women, peaceable men and women, even timid men iiid women, 
 were roused to eucouragemert, to excitement, to assistance, all 
 the world over, when they saw such a march on such lines 
 towards such a goal. 
 
 A GREAT MORAL. STRUGGLE. 
 
 Well, what had the contest become':' The contest had be- 
 come, and now is, no longer one of force, but one of reason. 
 It is no longer as it was a contest of Ireland as^aiast Gieat 
 Britaiu and against both liei- great political parties, hut is a con- 
 tent ill which large iiiajorilies in Iielaml, in Wales, in Scotland, 
 and nearly one-half of England are opposed by small minorities 
 in Irnland, in Wales and Scotland, and by the other halt of Eng- 
 land. It is a contest in which the public opinion of the United 
 Kingdom, taken as a whole, lias deiuoiistrated itself in favor of 
 the iiisl] cause, and in which the present adiniuistration, elected 
 and vvoikiiig up ii a Home Kule basis, is in ottice, sustained by a 
 popular nnijorily tVoui ine v hole kingdom, between ihree and four 
 limes as large as that which Lord .^alii-buiy got in l8.~(), and 
 upon which he lived an I worked vigorously against Ireland for 
 six long years (applausei. 
 
 It is true, that owin/i t'.ose accidents which our imperfect 
 
 system ot pailianiei.I«. nl-jtiou allows, that popular ma- 
 
 j«nily tliougli thiee or ii is large, has pioduced a parlia- 
 
 meiiiaiy majority only ■■. s large as Lord Salisbury had; 
 
 and it is true that we fe, jt'ortune and the weakness inci- 
 
 dental to liiat circumstanc t. after all, in these Uay^, ladies 
 
 anil gentlemen, we don't i so much to the question of the 
 
 chances and the accidental i nis which an imperfect system of 
 representation may produce in a particular d;s'iict as to the popu- 
 lar voice demonsirated t>y the strength of the people at the polls 
 W e look to the poll books, we count up the numbers, when we 
 ccusider the fate and progiess of a great cause. And is it not en- 
 couraging that we should know there was in 18!hJ a majority over 
 the whole United Kuigd'-m in favor of Home Kule. reversing the 
 policy of the Tories, and turning out their government, a uiajoriiy 
 three or four times as large as sufficed to put the Tories in iu 
 lrirf6 and to keep iheiu in for si* years 1 (Applause.) 
 
 The question then arose, What should our tact'cs he? Our ta - 
 tics should always he directed to one object — lo secure Hitme Ride, 
 to secure 8elf->|juvernnient for Ireland. What should i ur tectics 
 be, that being our object f At the beginning there could be no 
 question. They were to see that an efficient Home Kule hill 
 should be introduced early and pressed vigorously to au issue 
 with the utmost power of the Parliamentary Party. Such a hill. 
 
 more satisfactory and efficient than the bill of 1886. which bad 
 been universally accepted, was so intrmluced, and was pressed bjr 
 the venerable statesman who led the House ot Commons with s 
 vigor, an euergv. a persistence, a cheerfulness, a vigilance, a d»- 
 te>-mination which no man who tlid not see him there, tlio 
 youngest apparently ill spirit, the most fervent in anlor, though 
 ihe oldest in years, could ever realize or believe (applause). It 
 was pressed for nearly six months. During that time, with th« 
 iiecessaiy intervals, we labored at it; and in the end we were 
 obliged to resort to drastic nie:hods lo reach any C' nclusion. be- 
 cause it hail become p rfeitly plain that tbe game of the Turiea 
 was by the use of obstruction to prevent any coticlusiou. We 
 reached that conclusion after unprecedented debate. 
 
 THE ACTION OT THE SF.COND CHAMBER. 
 
 The House of Lords, an irresponsible body, owing their power 
 lo thwart the people's will, speaking of them as a bmly, not to 
 I heir own merits, to any position created by tlieniaelvea individu- 
 ally, but 111 the accident that they were the sons of their 
 I'alheis. or the grandsons of their graniU'atliers, or the great- 
 grandsons oV their greatgrandfathers — (loud laughter) — I don't 
 care to go further back or search more deeply into the accidents 
 of birth — (laughter) — the House of Lonls. that irresponsible as- 
 semltly, by a Uiajority of ten to one, in four days' lime threw out 
 our bill ; partly on the ground that these high and exalted critics, 
 looking down upon t'.ie dust and sweat an ' toil slid turmoil of six 
 months in the House of Comuions. said we hodn't taken time 
 enough to consider the question, and partly because they saiii 
 ''The people have been deceived, and we insist that theie shall be 
 a new election before this measure passes into law " These Were 
 their main reasons. 
 
 The enemy's aim and game and tactics were to force us to the 
 polls at once. 'J hey thought that if they could do that they could 
 say throughout Great Britain, "Look at these men. Wh»n they 
 came before you to will your suffrages they told you if you gave 
 them power they would pass such and such dem' cratic and popu- 
 lar measures ; and now they come before yon again empty- 
 handed, not having made a single effort to pass one of the mt>as- 
 ures which they said they would give you. We would not object 
 to the«e measures Our ol'jectioi.s are to Home Kule — not to 
 English popular and democrati'^ measures." They bope<l, thus 
 to put our Liberal allies iu a false position which would have 
 tended to the prejudice of our cause and given the Tories the vic- 
 tory. Thi^y hoped that the Irish would insist upon an immediate 
 dissolution ; they said so. I quoted a while ago iu another place 
 a speech of Lord Kandolph Ohurcliiirs, in which he announced 
 that the Irish would insist upon an immediate dissolution, because 
 they coultt not stand the strain of a continuance in Parliament; 
 they were too poor, and they could not afford it ; they were too 
 impatient, and they could not lestiain themselves; they would 
 force a dissolution upon Sir. Gladstone and his party iu spite of 
 himself and then the Tories would come in. 
 
 TAKING A LESSON FRIISI THE ENEHV. 
 
 Well, gentlemen, I suppose you know enough about politics— 
 I shall not insult you by supposing you don't know enough about 
 politics to be aware that it is useful som-times to be taught by 
 your adversary ; but when you find your politiial opponents pro- 
 posing to you to do thus and so. I aporelienil ilial you don't ordi- 
 narily f»ll into iheirtrap. and do exactly what iliey would have 
 you to do. W hal pilitiial chief, what general in ihe conduct of a 
 war could ever win a bntlle who should allow his adversary to 
 dictiiie his plan of cmnpaign. Eur my f>art I suspe- 1 anv (ifana 
 which my adversaiies iniiV propose to me for adop.ion; I prefer 
 lo tuake my own plans; and they are not generally those vhich 
 my advei-saiies would like. (Applause). 
 
 "■> we considered that was the reason of the case, and we deci- 
 ded that since Home Kule could not become law after the declara- 
 tion of the LiU'ds until Ihere was a popular verdict afiesti In its 
 favor, it was to the coinnion interest of oni*seIve« and our allies, 
 to do those things and to submit to thi>s.' short delaiswl.ich 
 inigbl be necessary and leHsonable to enable us to go to the con- 
 stiineiicies, to which we look for strength, on the most favorable 
 terms, so as to produce a good verdict Our all es said, and they 
 said with force. *'If we proceeit to dissolve at once we shall be 
 charged wi ii ha> in}.< biokeii our iiUdges; we shall be charged 
 wiili having neglected oui duly.'' We shall he told, " It is true, 
 you have failed lo carry Home Kule ihrough the Lords, but you 
 carried it by the popular vote ihrough ihe Commons. There are 
 oilier things which you might carry throngli both the Houses, in 
 which We are deeply interested, niid we want them. And if these 
 people are so impatient that they force you to dissolve without 
 even an effort to do those things which come close to our doora, 
 which are of our daily needs, to whii'li you pledged yourselvts, 
 how long do (ou think our sympalliy will remain at high-water 
 mark, and how favoiHblv do you suppose Home Kule will be 
 considered t" They added this, that the Tories slnuld he put 
 face to fnce with lliiHs other popular nnd deirocralic niessures at 
 to which they wanted to avoid the odium of rejecting them. Par- 
 ticularly the Liberal'Uniuuists, who still masquerade to so|ne ax- 
 
 / 
 
SUPPLEMENT. 
 
 t«nt in tlif guim of Librralii, wmnt to ovoid being put fare tu face 
 with otlitT fmpular and di-niocralir nn-amri-", anil l*iiig ob iged 
 t'< nay ' ym" or " IK) " Ici il»-ni; ni>(\ timt in oiih of I lit- reammH 
 th<-T Wfrv anxioiiK for tl»- diHHolu iofi 
 
 'the Iriiib Natioiialii>lM of (irrat Hritiin, iban Hboni llcre 18 no 
 mori- intrlli)<rht and iiatrinllc body, no body drtfrniinrd to do 
 iuatictf to lr»-)%nd. no body ntore kt^n to (H^rcfivi* tbf tai'tien and 
 cour*<* tiv Ktiich jiiHticf may bt* Wfit done; ihe Irit^h NationaliHtH 
 of Ornaf Itritain, mixing hk tli<-y did witb ibfir Biitixli allipn 
 i^Wfry ilay, and Ht/iitiog ibeir ballKw tiigctber, wtre tli*'nii*fIvHH 
 fnlly convimcd of tbe nrit-HKity and impo lanif of pultiiiir Ibf 
 TorlfB faw to fac-f wilb ibcw popular and democratic rffomiD, and 
 of t'ontinning tbf Parliamfnlary conleBl to tbat end. 
 
 Tberf waB anolbrr rraiioii. .luct la\v» are wanted for tile ele<"- 
 ti inn. Tbe battle ia to be foimlit at tbe polln wilhin a few moiithi*. 
 and lawit are reqiiireil in order tbKl we may get a Juki verdict at 
 tbone poltH. Tbene biwrt we oiii:bt to pa^H ibruu^b }'arlianieni if 
 viv fan, anil if no* lltr<>iigb ibe wbole ParliamenT, id any rate 
 through the popular b "ly. and throw the odium of rejeflion on 
 the llotiHe of Lordrt, wbii-b han (*tood between us ami our deartat 
 aopiratioiiK (applausei. 
 
 TOI<IK<« I.BAK>' THV. AKT OF OB<>TRrCTiON. 
 
 Well, gentb'men, tbe government proi-eeded, and »hey plui-ed 
 before the lltiuHe of C.'onimoni* popular an*' dt-UHn-ratie nieasures. 
 lunne affecting boUi coiu'trieH. Home atfectiug Ireland, aonie atleet- 
 inu lirilain. The Toyie- in the C'onunonx have pnrxued a oouii-e 
 ofpeixixtent oliKirui'iion. Their plan is that unlesM tbe nnijority 
 give w»*y to the nuiiority, and emanctdate nieat^ures, cut tiiem and 
 curve them tt> suit the minority, ibe minority shall take up so 
 nnich time in so calietl discussion that the (ioveinmeiit shall only 
 tie able, witb ibe irreatesi ditticully. to pass a sini^le measure oi" 
 HO, and stiall l>e obliged to throw aside all tbe renniinitig measures. 
 And to H considerable extent that policy of obstruction has pre- 
 vaileil in point t)f delay, siui more lim* Iihs beeti taken 'ban was 
 at first e.xpected. The L*irds have tised their lei;ii.|ative pu.ver 
 to mutilate and murder : they have taken the good out of some 
 measures, and otlu'rs they have altogether desti'oyed. .Still much 
 Hritish and Irish business has been dealt with in one "hape <u- 
 atiotlier. A gi>o<l deal has been pushed forward. Ttiere has been 
 much House of C'ontmons' decisioti, and I point your attention to 
 thai a* no uidmportant circumstance. It is the fact that no tirst- 
 rale measure keenly exciting poliiical feeling has ever parsed the 
 House of Conunons by a fair and good majority which ultimat'ly 
 tailed to get on tbe statute book ; the consummation may l)e post- 
 ponecl, but tile result so far as precedent goes ia inevi able. And 
 tbe circumstance, with reference to Irish measures, that those to 
 which 1 Hhall pi>iiit have pufae<l their House of Commons' stageH 
 by majorities always beyond the normal, sometimes twice as 
 great, once half as great again, and once considerably in excess 
 of the normal (iovernment maj<<rity, is pregnant with good for- 
 tune and goo<l omen for the ultimate triumph of thoee measures 
 (cheers), 
 
 WISDOM OF THE IRISH PROGRAMME. 
 
 Meantime I waiit to know whether the position of Ireland, and 
 of Irish claims and of the Irish members as the representatives of 
 those claims, was not being improved by our course t Time and 
 again have the most responsible statesmen in office and out of 
 office gravelv and publicly acknowledged the debt of thankfulness 
 which the Itrilish democracy owes to the Irish Parliamentary 
 Party for its self-sacriHcing and aasiduous attendance in pressing 
 forward tlie objects of that democracy. Do you suppose that that 
 is not advancing the cause of Home Kule? Do y< u suppose that 
 to ac<'Utnulate claim af>er claim upon the good feeling, up< ' the 
 attachment, upon the respect, upon the confidetice, up<tn the fidel- 
 ity tit our Liberal allies, is not to forge link after link in an inex- 
 orable chbin, an irrefragihie chain, which shall draw and keep 
 our own uueslions to the front in proper time and season, and 
 which shall prevent the possibility of a capture or of a desertion 
 in reference to our claimsf (applause ) The Liberal debt to Ire- 
 land, great early in the struggle, has been iuoreasiiig every day. 
 And this is a debt which we dcm'l count out in dollars and cents, 
 in respect of which there is no boml or mortgage; but it is a debt 
 of honor, it is a debt of good faith, it is a debt of sympathy, it is a 
 debt of kimlness, wliicli is always repaid, not, indeed, with 
 usurious or counted interest, but with measure heape<l up and 
 running over by those who are worthy of the name of men 
 (cheera). 
 
 The Liberals, our allies, expect shortly to present to the people 
 a considerable programme, and to fortify our case against those 
 men in the gilded chamber who have for the moment liliglited our 
 hopes, t<i fortify our ease by the attitude which these n »n may 
 '.ake with reference to unsettled reforms. In that progranme the 
 very first and most prominent article must he, is to lie, is under- 
 stoo<l to fie, the concession of Home Kule to Ireland (Loud 
 applause). The concession of Home Rule to Ireland is to be 
 taken as the settled Lilieral policy, announceil in Ir^C, upon 
 which they then ran an election, upon which they were then de- 
 feated, announced again in IH9W, uiion which they again ran an 
 «lection, u mn which they were then successful, and on which 
 thay Mcpac. • deoiaive verdict uow ! 
 
 (At this point some smoke appearing in one of the boxes cause«l 
 con.motioii,) 
 
 Mr. Hf.AKK — Keep your seats. Don't be frightened by a puft' 
 of smoke. (Applause). 
 
 Now, our allies, like ourselves, are not all men of exactly the 
 same temperament, and don't view this (|>i>stioii from exactly the 
 same standpoint ; 1 have seen many of them ; I have adilressed 
 many scores of meetings and talked with many scores of the rank 
 and tile, besides njixing with the leading men of that party: and I 
 tiiink I have lieen able to form, as I have made it my busine-s to 
 form, some estimate of the general tone aiiii temper of the Liberal 
 parly with reference to Home Kule, The great bulk of them — 
 and the furlher you go anioiigst the masses and the more radical 
 and demiHialic you find the men, the stronger and wiiler is that 
 senlinieiit ; the great bulk of them are aideiit synipathi/.eis in 
 and believers in our right to Home Kule. (Applause). )iut there 
 are some who think though after all it is the best j-lan. yet it is 
 exjierimental and so doutitful ; and there are others who think it 
 inevitable, but who still, perhaps, might prefer some other way, 
 if it ciiuld be obtained, (ieiitlemen, everything is fish that <'omea 
 to my net. (Applause). I wou d rati er have an aideiit friend 
 than a cautious, temporizing, doubtful friend, and if I have a 
 cautious friend I will try tu turn him into an ardent friend. 
 (.\pplause,. 
 
 The vast mass of the Liberal party is as ardent, devoteil and 
 determined as you could e»pe(t; and for the rest, they are with 
 us, anil we expect to make ihem as ardent, devoted and deter- 
 inineil as the great majority of that party. 
 
 Then renieinfier tli.it we have c itiimon inleret-fs. We have 
 the interests of their parly, as of our own. to win. Political 
 parties want to wiu. It i» the interest of the British Liberal 
 party to win, it is the interest of the Iiish Kationalist party to 
 win: and I think ycm know enough of politics to appreciate that 
 that is not a httle thing. .\ min will do a great deal, and par- 
 ties will d » a great ileal to win. We have the interests of tbe 
 two demuc.acies against class jirivileges, against the abused 
 privileges of the House of Lords, against tbe continuance of un- 
 just conditioBR resjiecting the masses. Our cooperation has 
 engendered a better feeling between the two peoples ; and all 
 the time, most important for us, we have been still engaged, 
 not as assiduously as we aiight, as 1 shall later explain, but yet 
 we have been engaged in slid more enlightening and informing 
 the British masses, in still more settling their minds, as to the 
 treatment of this question as an absolutely settled business, 
 \.hich they are determined shall be disposed of, once and for all 
 and that right soon, by the concession of a substantial measure 
 of Home Rule to our country. 
 
 THK TASK BEFORE THE EKOLISH LIBERALS. 
 
 Now, our Liberal allies have .570 districts to deal witb : we 
 have ItXi in Ireland. They want to win ; and even if we differed 
 a good deal from their opinion as to the best tactics for them to 
 win by, I think you will agree with me that we should on this 
 head defer very greatly to their opinion, because they have 
 much better sources of knowledge, they know more about it, 
 as we know more of the feelings and wants of the people of 
 Irelard and of the secret springs of action in their own country ; 
 and when they say '• such and such are the tactics which we re- 
 quire to follow in order that we may fight our allied battle suc- 
 cessfully," we would be fools if we were lightly to reject their 
 advice and say " We Irishmen are wiser than you about English 
 public opinion, and we tell you you are mistaken, and you ottght 
 to act in a different way." We may tender our advice ; but, 
 after all, with reference to those who are responsible for .ITd 
 constituencies in which they want to win a majority, we must 
 let them to a considerable extent in point of tactics play their 
 game, as they must let us play our game (applause). 
 
 A general election, to be fair to the masses, demands more 
 legislation. We want a registration law. At the present time 
 there is an enormous transitory population in the country, and 
 the registration law is so cumbrous that at any general election 
 a very large portion of the population is practically disfranchised. 
 That is unjust, it is unfair, no matter what the poliiics of the 
 lUsfranchised are. But it bears infinitely harder on the popular 
 party than it does on the aristocratic and wealthy and stay-at- 
 home part of the population : and, therefore, justice and ex- 
 jiediency alike demand that we should prepare for a full and free 
 vote by amending the registration law. 
 
 We want every man to have one vote : but at the same time 
 we must see to it that no man shall have more than one vote 
 (applause). At present many men have many votes, and we 
 want that changed. We want the elections held on one day. 
 We v/ant the public expenses of the el x'tion, which at present 
 in that conntrj- which you will call benighted, are borne tiy the 
 candidates, to be borne by the public, that the constitution of 
 tbe great public machine tor public purposes should be accom- 
 plished, 8i> far as the public expenses of the sheriff and return- 
 ing officers are coucerned, at the public expense. And we want 
 
 «** 
 
 \ 
 
SUPPLEMENT. 
 
 ajHo that the members Khonld be piiid tbeir wages, 08 the}- are 
 here (apjilauKe). 
 
 In all these (juestions Irelaud ia as ilirectly interested as Great 
 Britain, and she is interested duubly, because she is interested 
 in their hettlement for Great Britain, since they will make the 
 popular party in Great Britain, her allies, much stronger than 
 ihey are to-day. These n easures » ill be proposed, I'liey will, 
 I trust, be passed through the House of Commons. Tliey may 
 be burked m the House ot Lords; but we shall ^et, any event, 
 either a gotMl law, which is the best thing, or a j{ixid argument 
 af^aiist that House which rejects the bills, which is the next 
 best thing (^appianse). We shall prove to the people that the 
 Lords are intolerable if they don't ^ive us these bills : and if 
 they do give as these bills we shall take the full benefit of the 
 biUs. 
 
 THK IHISH t.AKD ^VKl^TIOX. 
 
 Then there is the Irish laud question. The good intentions 
 of parliament as to the tenants have been thwarted ; and legisla 
 tiou is needed. The revision of jiidieial rents conimeuces next 
 year or thereabouts. It is highly imi'ortant that the )ireseiit 
 men, who are, relatively at any rate, just ami ecjuitable nilers, 
 should be in power when that levisiou of the judicial rents takes 
 place, and not the men who by their legislaticu, their eviction- 
 made easy notices, and by the adniinistrntii n if the law under 
 them Lave thwarted in favor of the lanulords the view of parlia- 
 ment. Then there is the Evicted Tenants' ijuestion, which is 
 also urgent. 
 
 All those things indicate that there is to be arother session 
 of parliament. We could wi.-h it othtrw.se. No mat more 
 ardent ly then my self , if I could consider my ptrsoiial inteiest 
 and feelii.gs. would wish that there should be no other session 
 of parliament, and that there should be an immediate election : 
 and so it is with my frienos. But another session there must 
 be in playing this great parliamentary ^ame. in dealing with 
 this constitutional refirm, if we intend to tight so »s to win. 
 No moie than one session. That, I take it. is an ultimatum. 
 1 belie\e it to be an absolute certainty that the next will be the 
 last session of this parliament ; and I observe that e respected 
 minister and a good friend to Ireland, Mr. Shaw Lefevre, stated 
 the other day at an Lnglish meeting that the election woiJd cer- 
 tainly take place by the end of the next year (applause). 
 
 the: URUKIi OV THK COMIKG BATTLE. 
 
 What, then, is to be the character if that election to which 
 we are now to look, with relereuce to which every political 
 move, every point of political tactics on the part of both parties 
 is necessarily and pioperly to be directed':' On what issues 
 shall the allied parties go to the people 'r Home Kule first. 
 (Applause). 1 place it before the House of Lords. 1 dec ine 
 for my part as an Iiishman to surrender lor an instant the tiist 
 place of Home Kule in the Liberal programme, in the pro- 
 gramme of the allies. (Loud applause). 1 hold that any waver- 
 mg note on that sul.jei.t would be fatal to the alliance, would be 
 an act of unparalelled treachery, and Uiight well induce the 
 friends of the liish cause to despair of further alliances or even 
 of further constitmicnal movemtnts. But there has been no 
 • such sign ; there will be, in my judgment, no such sign. 
 
 I believe that the leaders are right, and I believe that if the 
 leaders weie not right the masses whom they lead would keep 
 them right. (Applause). Home Kule is to be demanded by the 
 people, who will say that they voted for it by an ac'equate ma- 
 jority at the last election, that they eontiiiue of the same mind, 
 and who will insist that it shall be yielded by the Lords, and 
 that at their peril. 
 
 The Lords next, if you please. And how shall they be 
 treated 'i* Perhaps partly as they behave My opinion, as a 
 practical politician, is — well, it is my opinion of most things in 
 the world — if you give me the substance you may take the show. 
 (Laughter). I don't mind their keeping their coronets, and 
 their titles, and their gilded chamber, and their power of pro- 
 posing bills to us, and their power of suggesting aineudnieuts to 
 tis, provided always that we do away, once am! for ever, with 
 any suggestion that they have any right to thwart the deliber- 
 ately expressed opinion of the popular body. (Applause). 
 
 There will, I am afraid, be other popular measures. I am 
 afraid, because I believe the Lords are short-s'ghted enough to 
 decline some of these bhls, as they have declined others of 
 them ; and the question will be, "Are you going to vote for the 
 continuance of a body w hich refuses you these measures of re- 
 form which you have voted upon and carrie i, in additiin to 
 Home Eule ':"" We are making up a cumulative case agninst the 
 House of Lords. We want to make it just as strong as we can, 
 in order that we may get as strong an adverse verdict against 
 that chamber as possib e. 
 
 Meantime what is being done for Ireland ? Something; I may 
 say much. Not much in the way of completed legislation. 
 munly because of that body to which 1 have referred, and 
 
 partly because of obstruction. But public opinion, as I have 
 
 told you, is tipening on the questii n of Home Kule and on the 
 
 question of the land; and an E\icteil Tmai t»' Bill, a drastic 
 
 I Land Bill, a t'lHTcion Kclieal Bill, and a Land liiquiiies Com- 
 
 I miltee. with the most imiKjrtant rcsiilis, have all pa-sscd the 
 
 necessary sta^.< a in the House of Commons by far lucire than 
 
 i the normal majorities (cheers). There has been nduiinistrative 
 
 ! actic'U also, aijil not as tirni, as rapid and us vigorous as I should 
 
 . have liked, but still ameliorating, and very, veiy different from 
 
 ' anything we should have got under a Tory ailmiuistration. 
 
 ABOUr THK EVICTKU TK.\AI«TS. 
 
 j About the Evicted Tenants' Bill, as to the issues lictwecn par 
 ! ties, I won't go into detail; I will shortly state them. We 
 i thought there ought to be somewhat more in the bid, but we 
 1 are satisfied. Those who knew most of the que-tion were satis- 
 I tied, that it it had jiassed even as it had sKaid, it would have 
 j practically settled the great bulk, almost the whole, of the im- 
 I portant cases. The Tories, however, said "no." They said, 
 I "It must be permiss\e; there must be no element of compul- 
 sion in it. It is just and expedient that soinciLiug slitmlil be 
 1 done; but it is not just or expedient that it should be <'om- 
 ptlled." Wes.iid, " We know our men. We know that there 
 are men, wealihy men, whose wealth hits largely grown out of 
 the life-blood and sufferings of their tenants; there are wealthy 
 men who ol a spirit of vengeance will decline to act upon any 
 permissive legislsti<m. We decline for ourselves to put ihei 
 tenants at the meicy <if the Lord Chinicatdes:" for thai is whatr 
 would be doue by permissive leyislaliou. They hinlt^d in effect, 
 as tar as I can iii.<lerstand in the storv of the talks, "Inlets 
 you yourself choose to withdraw the compulsory provisions, and 
 send the bill to the Lords, with the vtimiulsoiy pu.visicn taken 
 out, we won't do anything." (Jur opinion wa™. tLat it ihe Lords 
 waiited to lake out these compulsory provi.sioi-i. they shculd 
 lake the res| onsil.ilit. ; their busii.crs «as to iiuenii tLe bill 
 into the form in which they thought it cuj.ht to pass, and it was 
 our business to say whelhei we would take it so rather than 
 nothing. The bill was ultimately lost by its rejection in the 
 Lords. 
 
 On the land question, it has been demonstrated by the work 
 of that Land Committee that the law whi( b intended to give the 
 tenant an interest in the land equivalent to the vajUe of his ini- 
 piovemenis, to create a soi t of dual ownership, has been prac- 
 tically thwarted and perverted and whittl>-d away in such a 
 sense that the tenant has received but a mere fractii u ol the 
 benefit which Parliament intended to confer uj on him. And 
 this extiaordinary result ociurred — that, whereas in Ireland the 
 tenant was given this advantage, this just advantage, that he 
 wos made in effect a pint proprietor to the extent ( f his im- 
 provements: and whereas in Ireland there was the Land I^eague, 
 and the plan of campaign, and the biivcotting and the violence, 
 and the agitation, and the laws, yet tnere has been a less reduc- 
 tion in the rentals of Ireland than has occuried wiihont the 
 operation of any law at all in the rentals of England, whereas 
 the reductioLS ought to have been >erj much greater. Never- 
 theless the redu *ii ns in the rent amount to more ihan six mil- 
 lions of dollars u year; bnt ihe great fall in the values of agri- 
 cultural products Las swept away the beuetit which might other- 
 wise ha\e been derived from those rediiotions, and it is plain 
 that other steps, and clearer laws, and a more favorable and 
 equitable adniinistratiou of those laws are es.seutial to do that 
 justice which Parliament intended. 
 
 cumpi;l.sokv pukchasi!: a nkc ksm.ty. 
 
 For my own part 1 have long believed — and on this subject 
 also public opinion is. I am glad to say, rapidly ripening -T have 
 long believed that compulsory purchiise and the creation of a 
 peasant proprietary all through the country form the only true 
 soluiion of the Irish Laud questitm. (Applause;. All 1 want to 
 take care of is. that the tenants shall not be pei-suaded into pur- 
 chasing until we get a practical recognition of their right to 
 their improvements upon a pro| er basis, so that tlity may not 
 under the guise of purchasing the landlord's interest !« obliged 
 to pay for their own as well. (Applause). 
 
 THE PO!>ITION AH IT KTANDS. 
 
 Our desire, ladies and gentlemen, is to get that which in- 
 cludes all else, to get Irish self-governiuent (applause), and in 
 the meantime, as far as we can consistently with the progress of 
 the great measure upon which all else turns, and in comparison 
 to which all else, however imixirtant in itself, is insignificant, 
 to emhavor to ameliorate the situation. I don't expect — that 
 Home Kuler do?s expect -satisfactory government of Ireland 
 from England. I don't ex 't it even from a Uberal and favor- 
 able administration. We ii>me Kulers belie»e that it is impos- 
 si' le in the naure of things that Irehnd can be satisfactorily 
 governed by any other country. (Applatise). We believe tiist her 
 local affairs must be manage<l by her own people, and we believe 
 it would be better for those people to have the management i>f 
 
Id 
 
 SUPPLEMENT. 
 
 tliiwe iiffaint. ev.-u althoii^'h they should make some nusUkes 
 wliiih the KUperior wmilom of WeKtmiiihter tui^bt nut make: it 
 would lie iutiuitelv U-tler for Ireland to maiiBKe her owu affiiirs, 
 and to learn li.v her own errurx, and to rihe by her own efforts 
 duriiiK the few yrt«r» of trial au<l proliation than to be better 
 Koverii.d by h.iy othi-r country, if that were jioHBible (cheeia; 
 
 Hut we Ijelieve thnt the diflieulties lu piincijile, iimufierable ax 
 they are, of the (,'overnujeut of the local I'oi.cerlis of Ireland by 
 any oiher country are rendereil greater alUl by the unhappy 
 jiH-t, by the tradi'tiouh. by the Caatle policy, by the asreudaucy 
 polii'y, by the routiue. by the ceulializuliou. by the jHmer 
 whiih the hxal minority has no lou^ had, aoil which, if 1 had 
 but time. 1 would hliow you by sirikin/ iustanceh it htill retail s 
 thron^jli the rural parta of Ireland. We believe that there ii. 
 another diftii-ulty. (ireal and reinaikalile as tlie improvement 
 i.'., ill He.itiiueut'and iVililiK and eulinhteniiieiit. there jet re 
 miiinnufor.e it i-. idle lo deny ii ol pnjudiceand of iyuor- 
 ame. and a yreal lack of tmie in tireat Hntaiu to deal with Iris. 
 affairs. 
 
 That bein({ tliH state of things, how do we Htaiid / The Lib- 
 erals, our allies, ttrkiiortledne the imap.icity of Kiinland and 
 
 their own iuca|iacity to j,'overu us. and they iukiiowle<l lU' 
 
 capacity to tjovern ouiseKes. They say " We are pre .^^ 
 and we stake our tortiiues ujiou the policy of i.r.k uwlci' 
 yoir ciii>aeity and riK'ht and our incapaiity and want i' 
 we will do our be.st to .ti'hieve and attain that result." .i is 
 
 what tliey say. 
 
 What do the Tories say? They say •' We are capable : we, 
 the Tories, are lapalile of g<iverniiig Ireland, and you Irishmen 
 are incapable of ^overiiinK your own country : and what Ireland 
 wants, and what Ireland shall get from us if you put us in, is 
 twenty years of resolute government from London." That is 
 what the lories say. 
 
 Take your choice. Is there any choice ':• Is there for sensible 
 men at this momint in the world of politics any ch(.ice for tis ;' 
 There may be a policy for vengeance, if the caie for vengeance 
 arises. But so long as you have one great democratic party, 
 which certiiiuly i I lalter days has made sacrifiies for the faith 
 which ill common with oureeives they prolyss, and which favors 
 our cau.se. a id another party wbii h insists contemptuously, 
 eoutumeiiously, that we are unfit for self-government, and that | 
 they alone have some divine, God given right to misgovern us 
 in the future as they have misgoverned us iu the past, who but 
 fools, who but childreu, who but traitors cuuld lusitate for a 
 moment as to what is the proper course for the friends of Irish 
 libeity? (.\pplause.) 
 
 That is so, gentlemen, though as I have told you I don't ex- 
 pect satisfactory government in Ire and even trom the present 
 Liberal Gov rumeui. I don't saj' they have satisfied our wishes. 
 Not at all There are puiuts of admiuistrai'ou on which I think 
 they might, without danger to tue common cause and the com- 
 mon interest, have gone lurther and pros|iered. liut tliey haie 
 done someth'ug. For the first time, practiially, there has been 
 a 8 ibstautial though still inadequate ri-cognitiou of the right ol 
 the masses of the jieoplo of the country to some share of repre- 
 sentation on the bench of the magistracy of the country. (Ap- 
 plause). Much has been It ft unnone Still a good deal has 
 been ilone. and more will, 1 liope, still be done. There are 
 other questions as to which we wish more had been done. Take 
 the ipu-stious of eductitiou, and of amuesiy. There are ques- 
 tions upou which we wish quicker |irogress. But in politics, 
 you know, you cin't have e>erythii.g your own way. I'rac 
 tically, w hen we have but 711 or So out ot (J7() men in the House 
 of Commons, and when we ;ire working for a great all embracing 
 triumph, we mu-.t consider as factors in ihe situation, the feel- 
 ings of those wno are acting with us; we must consider even 
 their apprehensions ; we must consider more — »e must consider 
 that, in this process of conversion, masses of prejudice and 
 bigotrv and of ignorance have to be met and overcome, and we 
 must give them time, ami be patient. V/e must, above all 
 things, remember that it would be tUe height of folly to sacriti. e 
 the greater for the less, to refuse for oue instant to turn away 
 from the major and fasten our eyes upon some limited quesiiou. 
 however important it may be or however large tht; interests it 
 may attack. (Cheers). 
 
 THK SAFKST POLICY. 
 
 If we were to precipitate an election against the views and 
 convictions of our allies as t; the proper time aud circumstances 
 under which to go to the country, 1 have said and 1 believe that 
 ■we would be childreu or ftiols or traitors. If we did so where 
 would be the alliance'/ It is not ba.sed upon writing ; it is not 
 based upon forms : it is not based upou any documents which 
 can be eulorceil m a court of law. It is based upon the honor 
 and fidelity and commuuity of feeling whicli has been engen- 
 dered by agreements made and by common co-t peration for a 
 great public object : ami if we turned at this moment upon our 
 friends aud told them " We overrule your views aud we insist 
 
 upon your going to the connt.-y," where would be that which 
 alone makes the alliance valuable? If that alliance is to be 
 broken— which (rod forbid — I wuut that the fault shall not be 
 ours. If Ireland — whii'h God again forbid— is to be e> mpelled 
 to any other course. I want the friends of Ireland, I want the 
 whole world, to know that she was iu truth compelled to those 
 couiTies. I want to retain th<se synipaihies of the civilized 
 world which have been so va.uable lo us in our stiuggle, which 
 we possess to-day. aud upon which we have largely to dept'ud 
 for ultimate success, but there will be upon us no such com- 
 pulsion I Aly belief, as I have told you, is that our allies have 
 been, are. and will be true. 
 
 Now what of the result of the great ele<tion? The force)) 
 opj^Hised to us arc mighty : The forces of aristocracy, not 
 merely the House of Lords, but of almost the whole of the 
 aristocracy of the couutrj- : of the established church ; of 
 liquor; of the plutocrat y; of class ft eling ; of bigotiy, intoler- 
 ance, ascendancy ; of i rejudice and ignoiance ; of fear and hate ; 
 and the great force t>f Conseivati.~ni. 'J hese are the forces 
 which are iu airay against us ; and worse than these, there is a 
 f >'' e which need not have been irrayed against us the weaken- 
 •au^ed by some dissension in our own ranks. But these 
 „*, mighty though they ajipear to be, imposing though they 
 
 din, easily organized though they to be, are, after all, de- 
 caying forces. 
 
 What are the forces in our favor:' The difficulty is iu their 
 oigaiiization They are much harder to orginize than those of 
 our opponents. But once orgauizetl, ours are far mightier than 
 theiis. .\nd instead of decaying, our *orces are ever growing 
 and increasing. Thej are the justice of the cause, the e.\pantl- 
 iiig sphit of freedom, the public ojiinion of the world, the re- 
 cognition of their commi u interests by the masses the growing 
 sympathy aud gooii feeling, the jiroved uecessitity to both 
 countries, the jiroved rouveuience to both coiintrits of our plan, 
 the unanimity of our petiple in its approval, the conviction that 
 the safety anil the interests of the htate demand it, the forces 
 of hope and of reform reconciliation — these are forces which, 
 once orgaiii/td. are superior to those arrayed against us, and 
 which will insure the ultimate, and I believe also the speedy 
 triumph of our cause. (Applause). 
 
 What is neeileil to that su cess'/ Hard campaign work, a 
 proper propagautia in those quarters in which further enlighten- 
 ment is wanttjd. su -h a propaganda as existed between the year 
 l^i.st* and 1 ?>'.•(), when enormous good was done in Great Britain 
 in conver. iiig anil 'Ulighteuing and informing the masses, the 
 suppression sometimes of emotions of impatience, which may 
 burn all the stronger, but wh;ch the interests of the cause may 
 require us to keep sternly under restraint, the steady fixing of 
 our eyes on the great goal of our aspirations, and the avoidance 
 of all side issues which may distract us from our march. And, 
 above all, 
 
 VNITV IN UUK RAKKS. 
 
 Not merely nominal unity, though that is much, but if it maj* be 
 a reul and cordial uniiy, that we should make the best, and not 
 the worst, of each man who is striving accortliug to his own 
 lights for the good of Ireland (applause). That we should not 
 magtiify supposeti errors or differences of our co-workers or seek 
 any causes of offence; that we should try to make a correction 
 where necessary, with the least damage to the cause ; that we 
 should treat each man's reputation as a national asset, to be 
 made much of, ami uot to be destroyed. There have been and 
 are and I suppose will be minor differences ot opinion ; but they 
 are tew and small. I declare to you. and 1 have some means of 
 knowledge, th .t 1 have uot b en able to see on the great and 
 importaui luudameutal questions upou which we have had to 
 decide si' ce I jou.ed the party, any substantial difference or 
 cause if difference in the rank^ of the Irish Nationalist Party. 
 (Applau-e). Such diflereiices as have occurrtj have been on 
 mii.or and generally on incidental qnestums, not fundamental, 
 some of them, to my mind, factitious aud altogether inadequate 
 to the stir and i other that has been made about them. 
 
 You complain a good deal of these differeuc es. But you are 
 Irish-.^mericans. You are ciiizeus of New York. I don't know 
 much about New Y'ork politics, but since I came to town I have 
 been told that everything is not quite harmonious in some of the 
 political partie-> even here. (Laugliter). I always think that it 
 IS useful for criiics to look in a little upon themselves, and I hope 
 that beiore you render very severe judgment about us you wiU 
 think of No. 1. (Laughter). But I recognize, though I say 
 that much in deprecation of too harsh judgments, yet I fully 
 rtK;oguize with you, that our iieculiar position, the position of a 
 comparatively small and feeble country, whose national party is 
 engaged in a .-.Listitutioual straggle in which, after all, it num- 
 bers oulv 8(1 out of 07(1 membeis of Parliament, does demand a 
 greater degree of ui ity, a greater siicntice of individual opin- 
 ions and iireferences. a greater devotion, a greater spirit of 
 union, than i< rationally to be demanded of ordinary pohtical 
 parties, working iu a self-governing community liXe this. (Ap- 
 
 I 
 
SUPPLEMENT. 
 
 II 
 
 planse). I agree with that view ; I sympathize with it. I, mv- 
 Belf, am under the Irish pledge. I'si^ued no pledge. I'-ut' I 
 undemtood myself to be honorably Ixmnd by it. and I Imvc 
 acted under it. I would not have t<iken it in my own country. 
 I took it under the convirtiou that the Irish cause denumdcd 
 the large degree of sacriflce of private opinion which that pleilne 
 exacted, and by it, in spirit a» well us in letter, I iuttud to 
 abide. (Applaiue). 
 
 A great convention was held by the National party in Dublin, 
 in Novemlier, IHll'J. I have not troubled you with <iuotationK : 
 but I prefer on this important ([uestion of natiumil unity to give 
 you the words of men of greater weight and exiM-rieiice than lire 
 mine. True those words were aildressed in terms to Homtwlmt 
 diflerent conditions : but in the eiiLUmstances ami l!" princ'i>le 
 they apply to-day. At that convention our ablest , liauient- 
 arian and our moat elinjuent speaker, Mi'. Sexton Houd iipplausi- ;. 
 Npoke ttiUK : 
 
 "A united Irish people, a united Irish party, hiis been sub- 
 staulially restored. Great pnnciples. indispensalilc jmnciplo 
 of conduct and of action have been the subject of oiir strugj;|i-. 
 If those principles had been suppressed tlie Irish cause was lost 
 What were they ? Let ine recall them to yonr miiuls. and I a»k 
 you to fix them in your minds for ever. 'I'he first of them was. 
 that the Irish cause, the cause of Iri^h liberty, the foitnne of 
 the Irish people, is .supreme in its allegiance and in its claiiu 
 upon the life and the service of every Irishman, and that no 
 other cause and no other claim shall ever be brought into 
 rivalry or competition. The second principle is. that the repre- 
 sentatives of a people struggling to be tree must fiiuily acrt 
 together. They must ait together or they will not win. The 
 third principle is, that in order that they should act together 
 they must pledge themselves to discipline and obedieiu i . .\i:d 
 the fourth and linal prini;iple in this code of the fuiidan:entni 
 and indispensable principles of the Irish cause is this, that the 
 penalty for breach of the solemn pledge is exclusion from public 
 life. I say if these piinciples had been supprei-sed the Iri.sii 
 cause was lost. These jirinciples were chalhnged. Tiny weie 
 attacked. They were attacked, but they were defended. 'I hey 
 were defended and they have been maintained. Tlicy have 
 Imvii maintained and carried lo the front i f cjur public life, and 
 there they will remain for ever." (Loud applause i. 
 
 Now I read you a (piotation from a speech made at the same 
 cxiuvention by another able and prominent menilH>r of the Irish 
 I'arty. 
 
 "What, then, should be the spirit in which we .vpproaih this 
 <wcasion ? I say. in a spirit of n serve, in a spirit of recollection. 
 in a spirit of due solemnity. And I say that if there were pa- 
 triotic hearts in Irelan<l, I care not liow extreme they be, tiiat 
 to hail the coming of that day they should rejoice anil they 
 should be willing to work in unison with their brethren, no 
 matter what minor details have separated thciu. I decline the 
 invitation to make current controversy iu Ireland one long /««/ 
 iiiortetn examination. And if we fail by our dissensions, by our 
 divisions to achieve the purpose which we all assert, history will 
 not engage iu a discussion as to a nice apportionment of blame, 
 but will curse the folly of the men who in the last and declin- 
 ing years of a great statesman, whose life is dear and preciuus 
 to Ireland, spend the time in odious recrimination." 
 
 And again : 
 
 •' True it is they rate themselves very highly and adopt noble 
 maxims. Did jou ever know in the history of heresy and 
 schism one was ever started without maintaining that it alone 
 had the true deposit of faith? Did you ever know any creed to 
 be promulgateil in any country that there whs not son;ethi:ig to 
 be said in favor of ? .\ud accordiugly 1 t.-.ke my stand in regard 
 to all the questions of the future, in regard to the Home lUtle 
 bill or any other matter. I judge them by one fact, namely tl is-— 
 that they pledged themselves before conventions iind the coun- 
 try te abide the ru.e of the majority, and they have broken 
 their word. And why is it that they stand aloof from tin ir 
 countrymen? Is it a question of principle? — some question 
 about the land or the judiciary ? I say it has become the merest 
 personal question. Tnere are certain catures who vvruld rather 
 rule in hell than serve in heaven, wh • would rather be captain 
 of the Forty T' ieves than a private in the regulsr army. If 
 these nine statCismen came back within the bosom of their party 
 — for it is their party— and had but debated in the forum and 
 councils of that party with Mr. Sexton. Mr. John Dillon or Mr. 
 O'Brien on questions of Land or judiciary or of veto, I think 
 they would pretty soon find their level and their match." ('.\p- 
 platise). 
 
 That is an extract from the speech of Mr. Healy. True, its 
 appUcatioix was to the Kedmontiites : but its spirit and principle 
 ai-e eternal and inimitable ; and each of tis should take them to 
 his heart to-day. TApplanse). The National cause is indebtructi- 
 ble by its enemies ; but its friends have greater power for ill as 
 well as for good. We cannot be murdered, we may commit 
 ■nicide! • 
 
 Well, gentlemen, our enemies rely on these discords: they 
 make much of them Tliey make mi'icb of < ur l»tty »r.\ngl» 
 anJ they look for triumph iH'cause they believe that the Iriah 
 jieople will not remain steady and will not remain united. I'ls. 
 appoint their exi)e»'tation ! Do not refu.se to supi>ort the views 
 of the Irish Parliamentary Parly because of any diHerences 
 which you lieui-. Do you yourselves act up to tlie pledge as we 
 act lip "to the pledge. Help us to stistain the tinity and the 
 solidarity of the Irish Party 
 
 K voice — And we will. 
 
 Mb. Blakk Or else you, ynurselves, mav l>e to blame ■« 
 pledge breakers and promoters i«f schism. 
 
 THK FINAXCIAI.. HITt'ATIUX. 
 
 Now, geiilleiueu. I turn to the nuestnm of the siu«v>s <,f war. 
 Vi'U know that an anny in th" tield is said to march upm its 
 belly, because it mnst have fiKxl : and poliiical battles cannot 
 any more than battles in other tiel Is, be carried on without 
 11 fcvence to the question of nmuey. In lirsli n last .laiiuarv" I 
 gave a free and full and frank stiitemeiit of our liiiiiiii.-es. .^nd 
 on the basis of tliis year being the eli'Ction year, a basis which 
 has not bi en realized, but which is to 1h' realizeil next viar. I 
 •'stimated that »e need from olc source or another for tic- ordi- 
 nary exjieiises. for the evicted tenants, for the elcciioii fund, 
 and for tin puynieiit of lertain debts oc asioncd by the parulyi^s 
 of the split. *i40.IKXI. That estimate incluileil the < \pi uses of 
 the British projMigiinda. .•jl'd.tMiO : of the genejid election, *4."'.- 
 (MlO: for the debts. iJSl.OtMl; making on these thre»' heads alone, 
 
 $!m;,0(mi. 
 
 As to till" propaganda. We have not bi'en able to sp*'nd oii»* 
 doUiir of that .^I'Jo.tKMi, because we didn't get it. A few of us 
 who could IiiaLage to do so have travelled about the country, 
 and have held meetings at inr private ihart-'cs. Ihlt the wi.ik 
 which I explained then, and vvhiih I rejH-at to.iiight. I re;.aid 
 as most important for the suici ss of the next election, was left 
 undoiie tins year; and I do hope and trust that the friends of 
 the Irish cause will not permit it to be left undone in the next 
 and critical year, the last before the general election. 
 
 ITien there are the general electiof expenses You know that 
 the pnblic cnsts of the retuniing olhcers are to 1* Iwime by th" 
 candidates. We hope in the near future to seiuie the redr<.ss 
 of that abuse. Hut we cam ot fell, we cannot be sure that a 
 measure so advantageous to us will be passed by our enemies, 
 and, therefore, we must prepare, as prudent men. lo meet tin- 
 necessary expenses of the election. 
 
 As to registration work, which was amongst my estimates. I 
 am glad to tell you that we have econoinizetl as much as it was 
 possible to economize: and. gentlemen, I may say that I have 
 known something luring the last two years of our receipts ami 
 our exiieiiditures. I have scrutinized them carefully : it has 
 been my not very enviable lot as one of the committee, to have 
 something to do wilh them, and I declare that so far as I can 
 judge yr.n may confidently rely upon the prudence, the upright- 
 ness and the economy with which these funds have betn admin- 
 istered. We have economized to the utmost, and in some ca-ses 
 we have obtaineil relief from unexpected local sources. We 
 have already spent this year in registiation alnint .*rrOi'(l and 
 expect to have to spend more. The result of our work has been 
 extraordinarily fortunate. So far the indications are that wi- 
 will obtain indiffeivnt quarters results lor which, when I left 
 the country, I hardly hoped : and that if oidy gi>od fortune, 
 unity, fair play and reason rule in our councils, if nothing 
 darkens the present prospect we shall come back to Parliament 
 a very much stronger Parliamentary I'arty iu nuiiiliers and 
 morale than we are to-day. 
 
 As to the debt.-, we were enabled to pay oixly one-- piart*! ot 
 my estimate. 
 
 As to the evicted tenants, the disbursements were cut down. 
 I regret to say necessarily cut down largely, and the funds are 
 now exbausteid. 
 
 But we have been able by these means, by ouiiMng some 
 things which were impoitant to onr cause, and by iLe circum- 
 stance of the postponement of the election, to keep the expenses 
 within the receipts. Had the election come on, however, we 
 would have been sadly, might have bf en fatally crippled. 
 
 As I have said, the election must come shortly after the close 
 of the next session. The sum I estimated last year is therefore 
 substantially req"ired. Of course if the Paiis funds are released 
 we will be free lor the year from the burden of the evicted 
 tenants : and that will be settled now in a few dayi. The only 
 question is whether an appeal is to be taken from the present 
 decision : and this we shall kntrw. I undersvtand. in the courn- 
 of the present week. If that appeal is not taken it m.iy 1 c 
 understood that a very considerable snia will be at cmr disposal 
 for the terants. If an a| peal is taken an indefinite pcf tpi ne- 
 1 ment of help from that quarter will result. 
 
 This country, the citizens of whose metropolitan city I am 
 
12 
 
 SUPPLEMENT. 
 
 •ddreMing, di<I for Ireland hardly anythiiiK lart year. The City 
 «>f B<wtou Kave ■♦'.((Od ; the City i if Chicago gave iJ.'ifXKI: both 
 after ine«'tiiig« wbii'li I had the houor of attending. From all 
 othi-r (juarterM (•aim- only if KiOO. Abimt $11,(HHI waa what th«' 
 Cni'txl Stut«H <if America M>nt last year. But I am not com- 
 plaining. I knim the circumHtanceH riylit well. \Vh did not 
 apiM'ul lo you ••xif|it in thime one or two ca»e« iu wbieh we were 
 awiurfd it »aH [Miiwilile to olitain a jiartial answer without great 
 iuiKuvcnieme \S'« made no general apjieal. We knew the 
 wvere and long protracted financial and commercial crinia to 
 which you liar I l«>en Hulijwted We knew of the Hilver crisis. 
 \Vc kuew of the tariil crmw. We knew it would not lie rejison- 
 able, or e\ en humane to suggest under these <:ir>'UmKtauces an 
 immediate ujipeal. I cannot ignore that there were other rea- 
 sons also. V*.. knew that the long continuance of the struggU- 
 had worn out the patience of .tome ; and that cont^nuerl dissen- 
 sious greatly miii^uitied, and largely or wholly needless, had 
 paraly2.ei| the ellorts <if others. 
 
 In these distressful conditions I am glad to siiy as a (."auadiau, 
 I imi proud to be able to sny us a <'unadian. that my country 
 i«uie forward, and tiiat t'uniula gave at tLe most critical jieriod, 
 when but for her the movement might have collapsed, .fl.l.Odd, 
 half as much iinaiii as these fnileU States. (.Applaate). 
 
 We coiUd not apiienl to Ireland till lately, becatise of ,he cur- 
 rency of the Kvicted Tenants' Fund. Had we appealed early, 
 the attempt to create a new fund, while the other subscription 
 was ;;oiug on, would have paruiyzed both funds Later we ap- 
 pealed with fair, though hardly ijrilliaul results. 
 
 Having made that brief statement I want to give you some 
 details ot receipts and expenditures. We have mlopted the plan 
 of liaving no secrets. We have let everyboily know all the 
 world, friends and foes what we get. where we get it, and how 
 we spend it. {Hear, hear). We believed you were entitled to 
 this information ; we believed it was the only way, after all, of 
 throwing upon the friends the responsibili'y of determining 
 whether they would permit the movciueut to fall or whether 
 they woidd assist its pro,;re»s I cannot give you the accounts 
 for the whole year, beciiu.se the year is not up ; it ends at the 
 close of this month. ISut in anticipation of this meeting I took 
 the precautiou of obtaining the rough accounts up to the close 
 of hist month, that is for the eleven mouths. 
 
 During that time we have had four funds- -the Kvicted Tenants' 
 Fund, the Home Kule Fund, the Irish I'arliaiiientary Fimd, and 
 the new I'arlinmentary Fund started in Ireland. 1 cut them in 
 two. I take the Evicted Ten.iuts' Fund, which is a se] arate 
 fund, by itself, and I troid)le you with a few figures which to 
 many might be uninteresting, but which I believe will be inter- 
 esting to the hearts of those who are anxiously looking to eth 
 result of the struggle. ()nr receipts and payments, in round 
 figures, including the balances from the previous year, were as 
 follows : 
 
 Kvn TED Tenants' Fund -Keceiits. 
 
 Balance Sl.K'jO tlO 
 
 From Ireland .5B,t)."i(l (Hi 
 
 •■ Itritain •i,8.'0 («) 
 
 " V. S. .\merica oO (H) 
 
 •• S .America 1,WK) 00 
 
 " .Australasia, Ac l.TUt) 00 
 
 Total $66,700 00 
 
 Payments— Treasurers Evicted Tenants' Committee, $63,550 00 
 Kxpeuses, office, conventions, printing, 
 advertising, stationery, Ac 2,950 00 
 
 Total $66,r,0il 00 
 
 Which makea the expenses and the receipts about hal.ince, 
 and leaves us at this peiiod of the year without a shilling in the 
 treasury for the evicted tenants. 
 
 I take the other three funds together— the Home liule. the 
 Irish rarliameutaiy. and the Parliamentary funds, as they are 
 all tor the same gen ral purposes. We receiveil — 
 
 Balances S400000 
 
 From Ireland '24,700 00 
 
 " Britain 4,0i 00 
 
 " U. S. .\merica 1 1.OiiO 00 
 
 •' Canada 15,250 00 
 
 " Austrdasia. 4<; 1,300 tO 
 
 Anonymous and uualloted. 2,850 00 
 
 ToTAi. Rkcbipis $63,150 00 
 
 We paid-- 
 
 To the Treasuiers of the Pailiameatary Com- 
 mittee for members' ollowanoee $41,200 00 
 
 Which pays them to the close of the year. 
 
 Irish National Feileration, to aid registration 
 
 expeiues 6,860 00 
 
 Brought forward $4.7050 <» 
 
 Repaid Mr. Curran. M. P., on ui count of his 
 
 loan at the last general oiectioi 7,750 OU 
 
 Election expenses, petitions, l»w i osts aud gj e- 
 
 cial granU 2,3:0 OtI 
 
 Expenses, offices, conventioun. ; tinting, "mn- 
 tisiug, stationery, Ac., iiic.i.ding $l.'i(M( ad- 
 vanced to Irish National Liigue of Great 
 Britain in connection with ti.tir operations, 5,25)) U)J 
 
 ToT„L $62,400 00 
 
 \h against $C;i, 150 receive!. 
 
 So that you see those funds are about exhausted. 
 
 In round figures, the funds at the disposal of the party for the 
 past eleven months, including balances, thus amounted to 
 $130,000, of which over $MH,tH» came trum Ireland (applausei 
 and under $42,000 from elsewhere. 
 
 The disbursements amounted to $12;»,0(ltl, of which $66,5)10 
 were applied to the evicted tenants' account, and ?41,'.tK) to the 
 members' allowances. So that you see that after all, Ireland 
 has not lost hope aud courage, and that, although she labors 
 under very ureat ditticullies, and has large local expenditures to 
 make, yet irrespective of those local exjenditures ' hich do not 
 go into the central accounts, she has given two-thirds uf the 
 whole central funds provided to carry on the struggle. 
 
 Our appeal has been always, as it is to-day, to our own peo- 
 ple Much painful discussion has lately arisen, in regard to an 
 unfortunately worded circular sent by error of some local 
 brunch officers to some British Liberals, including members of 
 GoveiDment, and responded to by many good friends of ours, 
 including our venerated friend, whose name will always be if - 
 ceived as it has been received this mght — Mr. Gladstone. (Ap- 
 plause). Of him I need not speak : his eulogy is written in 
 the heart of every trut Irishman. (Cheers) The response inclu- 
 ded also one of our firmest and staunchest friends, Lord T ' eed- 
 uionth, better known to the Irish people as Mr. Maijoribanks, 
 of whose fidelity to the cause of Ireland, of whose strenuous 
 devotion to her interests, of whose skill and ability in connec- 
 tion with the weary months' discussion of the Home Hule Bill 
 and the maintenance of the solidarity of the Homo llule party, 
 I can speak with confidence, because I know; I was there And 
 I can s.ny that the Irisli jjeople owe to him a doep debt of grati- 
 tude for unwavering lidelity, staunch devotion and most skillful 
 labor in their cause, (.\pplause). I could have wished that 
 friends and co''.eagues of the Chairman of the Irish National 
 Party had communicated with him privately before engaging 
 in public discussion on this suliject, and that if public discus- 
 sion were thought necessary another tone had been adopted in 
 that disiMission. 
 
 THE LIBERAL. LEADERS' SUBSCRIPTIOtliS. 
 
 You know Mr. .lustin McCarthy (loud applause). But you do 
 not know, uu one who has not mixed in intimate a.<>s(>ciati<>ii with 
 liini. who has not seen him, watched him, lived with him, heard 
 liim. observed hitii. as I and some others have for the last two 
 years, can know the virtues of his character. A more unselfish. 
 » mure selt'-abiiegatiiig man. a man mure mild, mole genial, more 
 ilesiioiiH to promote liarnioiiy — a man who ahiiig with all those 
 ijiialities retains a more unwavering grasp of great p'inciples. 
 and a more tenacious deterniiiiatiou th.it good shall he done, if it 
 can be done, fur Ireland, than Mr. Justin McCarthy I do not 
 know. (Applause). He has labored and s fFered fo" ycmr cause. 
 He has r tallied, at eiiunnous personal sacrifice of henlth, of 
 means, of comfort, of all that a man can wish for, the post of 
 cliairniau in the interests of the party, and to no man do we as a 
 IKiity owe mule than to him. (Cheers). 
 
 Well, our Chairman, who happened to be in London alone, 
 .■iuijposed that the two subsiriptions which were sent to him 
 direct — the subscriptions of Mr. Gladstone and Lord Tweed- 
 mouth — w ere spontaneous ; and that the reference contained in 
 Lord Tweedmouth's letter to a circular applied to some notice 
 which he might have seen in some newspaper, end not at all to 
 any applicati n which had been made to him. Our Chtirman 
 thougut it impossible to refuse Mr. Gladstone's testimoiial of 
 gixjd will, and difficult to return Lord Tweedmouth'5 check, 
 which was sent by Lord Tweedmouth in the letter covering 
 Mr. Ghuistone's. I will quote Mr. McCarthj's own words: "I 
 thought it a grateful actiou on the part of the Giind Old Man, 
 who is now out of public life, and I did not think I oould dis- 
 tinguish between the two offerings which came together under 
 the one authority." 
 
 Please remember that those subscriptions of one hundred 
 pounds apiece were b'ut a drop in the btffiket. Ireland bad given 
 about £M)00 at ^» time, and waa still atibecribing; asd two 
 hnndred pounds from these eoarces did not in the least degree 
 alter the national character of the tribute which was being paid 
 
 Mr. liMU» tpuck coutiuuid anj^g* ISofUoMX hxixjivii.vnx. 
 
 \ 
 
HOME RULE BULLETIN. 
 
 • 3 
 
 Mr. BUkt'i ipeaek eontinned frmii paqt I '2 of the Sopplemknt. 
 
 for the members of Farliatuent. Wo were at that tine, com- 
 paratively spenking, fltub of money : and more wa<i coming in : 
 and the fund, nutwitUhtauding tbi<He hubHrriptioiiN, wiis and re- 
 mained a national fund, an Irish fund, to which thetie Hunm 
 made no material pecuniary addition, although the sentiment 
 resulting in their spontaneous offer would bf valuAble to the 
 cause. (Applause;. 
 
 Still, after full consideration, and when it had become clear 
 tiiat these and some other subscriptions had been sent in re- 
 spouKe to the circular erroneously addr»««spd, the Chairman, 
 looking over the whole situation, thought it better to avoid all 
 risk of misconception by cauHiug all such subKcriptions, save 
 that of Mr. Gladstone, to be returned ; and this has l>een 
 done. So that in came and in form and in subhtaiice this ques- 
 tion remains as it was before that circular was issued. In tnoh. 
 and I can speak upon this subject with absolute confidence on 
 evidence by which I shall convince you, there never conld have 
 been any idea in the mind of Mr. McCarthy, or, for that matter, 
 as I know and as I shall prove to you, in the mind of Me.-srs. 
 Sexton, Dillon, O'Brien, or O'Connor, of asking for subsorip- 
 lions from those quarters for the Parliamentary Party fund. 
 
 I give yon my proof. Last spring, in our very darkest hoar, 
 when the session was going on, when the fate of the Home Kule 
 government and the Home Kule cause depended upon the Irish 
 vote being kept at Westminster, when the Canaaian subscrip- 
 tions were exhausted, wlien there was nothing from the States, 
 when it was absolutely impossible, for reasons conuectetl with 
 the evic'ed tenants' fund, which I have described, to make any 
 appeal • ■ Ireland, when we did not know where to turn, when 
 w^e were within measurable distance of collapse for want of 
 fuuds, I myself, as a person who was known to have had some 
 little success iu coUectmg fnnus on this continent. ^ as approached 
 by a generous friend, by a British Liberal, who was a staunch 
 ally of our cause, who had done much foi us politically, and who 
 did not want to see it fail in this miserable way. I was ap- 
 proached by him, aud he said to me, "I have done a little for 
 this cause. I have labored for it. I don't want it to fail in this 
 way. It ought not so to fail." And being a very wealthy n.ian, 
 he said to me, ' ' I am willing, and I offer as a testimony of my 
 continued interest in the cause, to give you in my own name or 
 anonymously, or any way you please, two t}-ou.saiid pounds 
 sterling," — $10.0(10 — "as a subscription to the Insh Parliament- 
 ary Fund." That, gentlemen, was tiord Tweedmouth. (Loud 
 applause). The offer was made in the handsomest spirit. It 
 was made in a spirit of respect for thoce to whom it was made. 
 I told Lord Tweedmouth that I did not believe it would be pos- 
 sible to accept tbnt offer ; but that I was not going, in the cir- 
 cumstances under which we stood, to take on my own shoulders 
 the responsibility of decision. I bad some private conversation, 
 not mentiouiug the name — for this is the first t me I have men- 
 tioned the name ; I have thought it due to Lord Tweedmouth, 
 under the circumstances, that it should now become known, and 
 I make it known to the world to-night. Without mentioning 
 the n,.me I told the offer to some friends, t') the gentlemen I 
 have named — Messrs. McCarthy, Sexton, T. P. O'Conuor, Dillon 
 and O'Brien. They one and all declared to me their opinion that 
 the money could not be accepted (applause), even although a 
 collapse of the movement were inevitable. They said, "Better 
 the movement should fail than that we should put ourselves in 
 the position of accepting such a subscription from a member of 
 the British Goverment." (Applause). 
 
 I felt that the party must have the opportunity of dealinf; with 
 the offer because the situation was loo serious, for the assumption 
 of individual responsibility ; and I named it at the meeting of the 
 party at which we were considering our financial ccndition. M e 
 had three meetings before we decided to make an appeal to Ir4 - 
 land. I conveyed the offer to the party at the first of these meet- 
 ings. But the party did not accept the - >fler ; they determined 
 instead to appeal to Ireland : and 1 communicated to Lord Tweed- 
 mouth that the Irish Parliamentary harty had decided on 'hat 
 course, not availing itself even in that crisis and that emergency, 
 of his handsome proposal. Now, gentlemen there is only one 
 single man of the Irish Parliamenlaty Party, whose name, if I 
 should give it, you would bear with great amazement— there is 
 only one single man whom I have at any time heard propose an 
 appeal to members of the British Government for aid. 
 
 I think you will agree that this incident, which recent circum- 
 stances have induced me to reveal to the whole world is honorable 
 alike to Lord Tweedmouth and the Irish Party, and proves that 
 our independence has remained intact under great trials and 
 difficulties. (Applause). 
 
 In truth, there never was a poorer party as to worldly means, 
 than the Irish Parliamentary Party. ou could not get a true 
 representation of Ireland, unless it wei i. largely composed of men 
 of the people; and the circumstances of that ceuntry as you know 
 
 have prt.cntcd the majority of its people from amas<ing wealth, 
 hut there was never a pariy »cting on *uch indc|>cndent pnnci 
 pies. \N hat i<i It to us. whether leaders or followris that Britii . 
 ministers or British panics alo'ild rise cr fall? (Hear, hear). 
 W e no offices. We take no sa'aries. We take no honors. 
 
 (C «,\ Our sole interest is to put in anc* to keep in the friirnds 
 of Ireland, to put out and keep out the foes of h eland ; and cur 
 sole object in puttii g in thr one and keepinj: out the other, and 
 in mingling in the play of parties, is to advance the sacred cause 
 of seif-govrrnment fcr lielai d (Applause) It :s to this that we 
 bend our energies ; and we count cnnfidently on onr people here 
 ^nd elsewhere to help us in our struggle by the exhibition of their 
 s)mpathy and by their material aid. 
 
 I think 1 have shown you plainly, freely, fully, frankly, first, 
 what our tactics are. and. secondly, what aie our necessities I 
 ask you by your voices and by your actions to show that you ap- 
 prove of our tactics, and that you are prepared to do what is 
 necessary to enable us to ptosetute this vreat and sacred cause to 
 a triumphant and, I hope, a speedy i-sue (Prolonged applause). 
 
 UR. WILLIAM B. WAIXATB, 
 
 who was cordially received, thtn addressed the meeting as follows : 
 Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen — Afier this very excellent 
 discourse that we have heaid this evening, after this latest meb- 
 sage from that b.>ttle in which we are so deeply interes'id, 1 may 
 say after the brushing away that y<u have e.iperienced of the 
 clouds that have overshaOowtd ihat field for ihc last year and a 
 half, it would ill become us to part to-night withr ut giving back 
 to those poor fellows who arc lighting this tight in Ireland seme 
 re-assurance that we are sliil «..h ihem 
 
 Let us just < nee consider >\hat 's it ihat is going on. Whose 
 fight is it that is goinfi on ? Is it iheirs? Ate these men whom 
 you have heard of to-iii^ ht gfing through ail the privations they 
 have been braving, are they fighting a fight for themselves — 
 
 A voice- -No. 
 
 Dr. Waliace — Or are they fighting a fight for our race? Is 
 there any man in this hall to-night that can say to himself that 
 the time has come uhen he can turn his back on this stru; gle 
 without a blush of shame i, his fact ? (Applause) I enter«:i it, 
 for one. when it was started, and 1 shall net lea\e it until ihe 
 cause triumphs (Appause). 
 
 Many of my countrymen are not of my way of thinkirg. It is 
 evident to you we are not all of the same mind in this question. 
 But 1 could not help thinking when I paid a short visit to Niagara 
 when I saw the waters coming along to that m ghty fall in the 
 Niagara Kiver so calmly majestical. and falling over that mighty 
 precipice in all i's majesty — i could no help thinking that calm 
 as that was, it w^-s not more powerful, net more giand. not more 
 determinea to reacti the place beyord the lower icrk than the 
 rapids which boiled and fought and struggled betwet.! the rocks 
 as they were passing ovtr them. And 1 am glad to say that there 
 are Irishmen of different views from our own in al. these ques- 
 tions. I like to see them differ, because only in that shaking will 
 come out the truth in the end, ard history will be erabled to 
 write, as it will justly write, the merits, the valor, the self-sacri- 
 fice of these men, one of whom has addressed you to-night. (Loud 
 applause). 
 
 Come, gentlemen, if you be Irishmen ; come, if you have any 
 spirit of pride of race ; come if yiu have not forgotten the blood 
 and ashes of those who iiave gloriously printed their names on 
 the pages of Irish history ; come and do your simple duty. It 
 must be done. It must be persevered in. 
 
 How can these men carry on this gigantic figtt ? '''ou know 
 they have ro resouices except whit their own people give them. 
 Are vou not of that people? What then are the resources you 
 have been giving within the last two years while these men have 
 been fighti gf There was a time when George Washington, 
 who has given all this g ory to this country, had to beg for food, 
 had to beg for clot"^ s, from the people for whcm he was fighting. 
 The snows in Jer -vere red with the blood of his soldi* rs' feet. 
 Irishmen there foc i because they loved liberty. The hearts of 
 these men in Irelat, 1 to-day. fighting ihat very same enemy, are 
 grieving because you Irishmen won't stand by them. 
 
 Come, gentlemen, I invite you to night Begin it now, be- 
 cause this cause is not done nor sleeping. It cannot sleep. Yon 
 cannot shirk your duty ; if you do. no name of \ours joins in the 
 i triumph that is about to come. Me ask you to-night to send 
 home a message, and I call on you here, gentlemen ; I don't care 
 how small you begin — with a dollar, with a half dollar, with a 
 quarter of a dollar ; it is a pledge that you will stick to your guns, 
 
 ] ask some gentleman to start here to-night a subscription that 
 we will ur del take shall irake the other iiiies of this Union blush — 
 somebody of spirit. Do not leave the talking to me Or, if you 
 will, let somebody talk more eloquently by standing up in this 
 hall and starting this collection. 
 
 The subscription was then started. 
 
 After Mr. John J, Walsh had addressed the meeting, tb« pio« 
 ceedin^ terminated.