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Mapa. platas, charts, ate may ba filmad at diffarant raduction ratios. Thoaa too larga to ba antiraly includad in ona axpoaura ara filmad baginning in tha uppar laft hand comar, laft to right and top to bottom, aa many framaa aa raquirad. Tha following diagrama illuatrata tha mathod: Laa cartas, planchas, tablaaux, ate, pauvant *tra film*s * das taux da reduction diff*rants. Lorsqua la documant ast trop grand pour fttra raproduit an un saul clich*, il ast film* * partir da i'angia sup*riaur gaucha. da gaucha * droita. at da haut an baa. an pranant la nombra d'imagaa n*cassaira. lias diagrammaa suivants illustrant la m*thoda. 1 2 3 32X 1 2 3 4 5 6 \' HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT H Fron A COMPLETE History of Connecticut CIVIL AND ECCLESIASTICAL 'mi From the Emigration of its First Planters, from England, in the Year 1630, to the Year 1764; and to the Close of the Indian Wars IN TWO VOLUMES BY BENJAMIN TRUMBULL, D.D. VOLUME I WITH AN APPENDIX Containing the Original Patent of New England i \ 5» K ■ H m. Published by H. D. Utley New London r::::::::^^:: 1898 V^ V^ ' I .. . f • i / 1 '• / . i^v, viivr *f, , t Is. * LIBRARY OF IH^ UNIVERSHTY jt OF ALBERTA Ii_i.^i.xT,miin ■■■■•■I SHTY I A. ■! . .\i ■'' .-v ., ., ;,■...- .v.^' ;',.'.■; .;. -..1 ' ■■'.'' . ' '.. .j'J '(■•> i ' ■, , .;.{ INTRODUCTION.- (I « - ,>J 4i .' ,.,..i i(U hhi^..'?, J •.• ui {^fi?^ '►i It is an open question whether a reprint of Dr. Benjamin Trum- bull's History of Connecticut should be modernized even by an introduction. It stands to-day, as it has stood for a century, the most careful, minute, and conscientious chronicle of the colonial history of the State which has ever been written; and it is safe to say that the future historian will, like his predecessors, make numerous citations from this old standard history, and will take the risk — always a dangerous one— of omitting some of the mi< nute details which its venerable author has so carefully recorded. At the request of the publisher, and under circumstances afford- ing but little time for a full and careful review of the subject, I have undertaken to preface the reprint with a few words of in- troduction and explanation, and have added an index, lacking in the original, in which an attempt has been made to give, as far as possible, full names in instances where the author only gives sur- names of persons ; and the present names of places by references from the original names which he uses in many instances. I have also undert?l:s, surprisingly few in a work of such minuteness, which have be^n noted by various historians and others in the course of a century of reading and criticism. No pretension is made either to completeness or editorship in doing this. It is quite possible that it will be a disappointment to some of the profounder students of history that this reprint is not edited in such a way as to modernize it completely, if that were possible. This would be a difficult, if not an impossible task. The author's chief aim is to give a fair and faithful recital of the events of this all-important period of the history of Connecticut. His own point of view, his personal opinion, rarely appear in the course of his work, and never in an obtrusive way. He is more of a chron- icler than historian. A modern writer with the same task before -J ^ Jm ^' 'v' V : -V 10" vi INTRODUCTION. him would, no doubt, employ diflferent methods and reach more numerous conclusions, varying widely from those of the author in the few instances where comparison could be made. It might be edifying, for example, to compare his statement that the propagation of religious liberty was one of the leading motives for the settlement of New England by the Puritans, with John Fiske's statement that " the notion that they came to New Eng- land for the purpose of establishing religious liberty in any sense in which we should understand such a phrase, is entirely incor- rect." But, after all, the grafting of new ideas on such a sturdy old trunk as Trumbull's Connecticut can hardly yield the best results; and it is doubtful if there is such a thing as hybridizing history successfully. For the reason that a reprint so edited would not form even a composite colonial history of the State, and that it might be the means of discouraging some historian who may have in view the much needed work of writing a complete his- tory covering the period of the Revolution and the Civil War, it is best that Trumbull's work should be left as we find it, with only the additions already mentioned. His expressed wish " to assist future historians " has already been partially fulfilled, as may be seen by reference to the "luminous page of Hollister," and others; but the complete history of the State still remains to be written, and a mine of unused information still remains in the work now reprinted. In addition to the corrections which the footnotes afford, a few words should be said regarding the autnor's mention of the sub- ject of witchcraft in Connecticut, or, rather, his explanation of his omission to record any executions for what was once known as that crime. It is, I believe, strictly true, as he says, " that no indictment of any person for that crime, nor any process relative to that affair, can be found." It must be confessed, however, that a careful study of the official colonial records of Connecticut and New Haven leaves no doubt that Goodwife Bassett was con- victed and hung at Stratford, for witchcraft in 1651, and Good- wife Knapp at Fairfield in 1653. It is also recorded in Win- throp's Journal, to the no small satisfaction of its editor, Savage, that " One of Windsor was arraigned and executed at Hartford for a v^ritch " in March, 1646-47, which, if it actually occurred, forms the first instance of an execution for witchcraft in New England. The quotation here given is the only known authority for the statement, and opens the question whether something probably recorded as hearsay in a journal may be taken as authoritative evK uni inst beir mai garc and INTRODUCTION. vii evidence of an occurrence. Professor Ferguson, who exhibits unusual diligence in searches of this kind, cites numerous other instances of executions, acquittals, pardons, and suspicions of being suspected, on various authorities.* The fact, however, re- mains, that the official records are, as our author says, silent re- garding the actual proceedings; and it is only by inference that it may be found from these records that the executions took place. There remains but little more to be said by way of introduction that has not already been said by the author in his own preface. It seems fitting, however, that a very brief sketch of his career and lineage should be given in closing. Benjamin Trumbull was born in Hebron, Conn. December 19, 1735. He was the son of Benjamin Trumbull of Hebron (171 2 — ), grandson of Bcnoni Trumbull of Hebron (1684- 1770), great- grandson of Joseph Trumbull of SufHeld, Conn. (1647-84), and great-great-grandson of John Trumbull, who appears on record at Roxbury, Mass. in 1639, and Rowley, Mass. in 1640, having emi- grated from Newcastle-on-Tyne, England, in 1639, and not from the West of Wales, as Sprague erroneously states in his " An- nals of the American Pulpit." Among his most distinguished family connections were Governor Jonathan Trumbull, to whom he refers in his preface, a first cousin once removed; Colonel John Trumbull, the artist, and his brothers Jonathan and Joseph, who were his first cousins ; and Dr. John Trumbull, the lawyer- poet, author of " McFingal," also a first cousin. His most dis- tinguished lineal descendant was his grandson, the Hon. Lyman Trumbull, U. S. Senator from Illinois, and afterwards distin- guished as a lawyer and jurist. His career as a clerg>man is remarkable, even for the times of long pastorates in which he lived. He was the pastor of the North Haven Congregational Church for sixty years of con- tinuous service, interrupted only for six months by his services as chaplain in the Fifth Battalion of Wadsworth's Brigade, during which time he was with this battalion in the important period cov- ering the battle of Long Island and the retreat from New York. This service is officially recorded as extending from June 24 to December 25, 1776. Eye-witnesses have told us that, at the battle of White Plains, his patriotism would not allow him to remain in clerical garb among the non-combatants, but that he shouldered ' Essays in American History, pp. 73-77. .. H m ST vin INTRODUCTION. his musket, and loaded and fired with coolness and the utmost precision of which he was capable. Immediately on his return to North Haven, January 5, 1777, his martial spirit again so asserted itself that he temporarily exchanged the word for the sword, and was chosen captain of a company of sixty volunteers of that town. He was alsj to be found at the post of danger at the time of Tryon's invasion of New Haven, July 4, 1779. All accounts agree that he was a man of wonderful vigor and activity even up to the time of his death, at the advanced age of eighty-five. But nine days before that time he preached his last sermon. He died on the 2d of February, 1820. He is also de- scribed as a man of courteous demeanor and quick intelligence. The fullest account of his career which is known to me is in Sheldon B. Thorpe's " North Haven Annals." Sprague's " An- nals of the American Pulpit " devotes five pages to him, and gives personal reminiscences of contemporaries. For the most part, his career of steady, untiring clerical and literary labor would re- veal but little to interest the reader of to-day. A large part of his long, busy, useful life was devoted to collecting the material for this History of Connecticut, a work prosecuted under disadvan- tages which he bravely and persistently overcame, many of which would not be encountered in these days of printed records and quick and easy communication. ^ Jonathan Trumbull. Norwich, Conn., Much i, 1898. V CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION, i ; the diicovery of North-America and New-England, a ; captain Smith's ditcovery, 3 ; the coun- try ii named New- England, 3 ; New- Plymouth settled, 3; the great patent of New-England, and patent of Massachu- setts, 3, 4 ; the settlement of Salem, Charlestown, Boston, and other towns in Massachusetts, 5 ; Mr. Warham, Mr. Phillips and Mr. Hooker, with others of the Arst planters of Connecticut, arrive, 6 ; and make settlements at Dorchester, Watertown, and Newtown, 7; their churches are formed and they are or- dained 9. CHAPTER II. The patent of Connecticut, 9; the situ- ation, extent, boundaries and area of the settled part of the colony, 10, ix ; the dis- covery of Connecticut river, la ; a descrip- tion of it, and the signification of Its name, 13 ; the colony derives its name from the river, 14 ; description of other rivers, 14 ; Plymouth and Dutch houses, 16; pros- pects of trade upon the river, 17. CHAPTER III. The state of the country of Connecti- cut when the settlement of the colony began, 19; its trees and fruits, 19; its animals, ao; number, situation, genius, manners, arms, utensils and wars of the Indians, 31-35. CHAPTER IV. The people at Dorchester, Water- town, and Newtown, finding themselves straitened in the Massachusetts, deter- mine to remove to Connecticut, 37 ; de- bates in Massachusetts relative to their removal, 38 ; the general court at first prohibited it, but afterwards gave its con- sent, 38 ; the people removed and settled the towns of Windsor, Hartford and Weathersfield, 39 ; hardships and losses of the first winters, 41. „ CHAPTER V. The war with the Pequots, 47 ; the origin of it. The murder of Captains Stone and Norton, of Mr. Oldham and others, 47 ; Mr. Endicot's expedition against them, 50 ; the Pequots kill a num- ber of the garrison at the mouth of the river, and besiege the fort, 53 ; captain Mason is sent down from Connecticut with a reinforcement, 54 ; the enemy make a descent on Weathersfield, torture and mock the English, 54 ; the court at Connecticut declares war against them, 56 ; Captain Mason takes Mistic fort, 61 ; Sassncus destroys his royal fortress and floes to the westward, 64 ; a second expe- dition is undertaken against the Pequots conjointly, by Massachusetts and Con- necticut, 65 ; the great swamp fight, 65 ; the Pequots subdued, 67 ; Sassacus flying to the Mohawks was beheaded, 67 ; the captivated and surviving Pequots, after the war, were given to the Moheagans and Narraeansets, and their name extin- guished, 68. CHAPTER VI. Effects of the war, 69 ; great scarcity In Connecticut, and means taken to re- lieve the necessities of the people, 69 ; set- tlement of New-Haven, 70 ; plantation covenant, 73 ; means for the defence of the colony, 73 ; captain Mason made major general, 70 ; civil constitution of Connec- ticut, formed by voluntary compact, 75 ; first general election at Connecticut, 77 ; governors and magistrates, 77 ; general rights of the people, and principal laws of the colony, 77 ; constitution and laws of New-Haven, 78 ; purchase and settle- ment of several towns in Connecticut and New-Haven, 83. CHAPTER VII. The progress of purchase, settlement, and law in the colonies of Connecticut and New-Haven, 89 ; the effect of the con- quest of the Pequots on the natives, and the manner in which they were treated, 89 ; purchases of them, 90 ; towns settled, 90 ; divisions at Weathersfield occasion the settlement of Stamford, 93 ; troubles with the Dutch and Indians, 94 ; capital laws of Connecticut, 95 ; the confederation of the united colonies, 98 ; further troubles with the Indians, loi ; victory of Uncas over the Narragansets, and capture of their sachem, 103 ; the advice of the commis- sioners respecting Miantonimoh, 104 ; his execution, 106 ; precautions of the colo- nies to prevent war, 107 ; the Dutch, har- assed by an Indian war, apply to New- Haven for assistance, 109. ; n • f ,V,I .1 'ill m , ''It 'm CONTENTS. li'l CHAPTER VIII. Public fasts appointed, iii ; Indians continue hostile, and commit murder, III ; acts of tlie commissioners respecting them, 113 ; Branford settled, 113; towns in Connecticut, 113 ; message of the com- missioners to the Narraeansets, 114; their agreement respecting Uncas, 115; Long- Island Indians taken under the protection of the united colonies, 115; Massachu- setts claim part of the Pequot country and Waranoke, 116 ; determination of the commissioners respecting said claim, 116 ; agreement with Mr. Fenwick relative to Saybrook fort and the adjacent coun- try, 117; fortifications advanced, 119; extraordinary meeting of the commission- ers to suppress the outrages of the Nar- ragansets, X19; war proclaimed and troops sent against them, 130 ; they treat and prevent war, 12a; Fairfield object to a jury of six, 133 ; controversy with the Dutch, 134 ; the Indians plot against the life of governor Hopkins and other prin- cipal gentlemen at Hartford, 136; dam- ages at Windsor, 137 ; battle between the Dutch and Indians, 139 ; losses of New- Haven, 139; dispute with Massachusetts relative to the impost at Saybrook, 133 ; Mr. Winthrop's claim of the Nehantick country, 134 ; settlement of accounts be- tween the colonies, 135. CHAPTER IX. Settlement of New-I.ondon, 136 ; sala- ries first granted to civil officers, 137 ; troubles with the Narraganset Indians, 137 ; Rhode-Island petitions to be united with the colonies in confederation, 138 ; the Massachusetts resume the affair of the impost, 139 ; Mr. Westerhouse com- plains of the seizure of his vessel by the Dutch, in the harbour of New-Haven, 141 ; murders committed by the Indians, 14a ; resolutions respecting the murder- ers, 145 ; body of laws compiled, 143 ; debates relative to the settlement of Del- aware, 144 ; the Pequots revolt from Uncas, and petition the English, 146 ; resolution respecting them, 147 ; Mr. Westerhouse petitions to ni^ke reprisals from the Dutch, 147 ; letter to the Dutch governor, 147 ; further altercation respect- ing the impost, 148 ; final issue of that affair, 149; the conduct of the Massachu- setts upon its decision, and the declara- tion of the commissioners respecting it, 149 ; their treatment of Connecticut re- specting the line between the colonies, 151 ; the court at Connocticul determine to avenge the death of John Whitmore, 151 ; and detach men to take the mur- derer, 151. CHAPTER X. Court of election at Hartford, 153 ; grants to captain Mason, 153 ; the com- missioners meet, 15a ; and dispatch cap- tain Atherton to the Narragansets, 152 ; their message to Ninigrate, 153 ; the Dutch Governor arrives at Hartford, 153 ; and refers the differences between him and the colonies to arbitrators, 153 ; their determination, 155 ; and the line is fixed between the English and Dutch planta- tions, 156 ; agreements with Mr. Fenwick occasion general uneasiness, 157 ; com- mittees are appointed to explain and as- certain them, 158 ; towns are invited to attend the committees, by their deputies, at Saybrook, 158 ; an act for the encour- agement of Mr. Winthrop in seeking and improving mines, 158 ; Norwalk and Mat- tabeseck settled and made towns, 159; the colony of New-Haven make another attempt to settle at Delaware, 159 ; the Dutch Governor seizes the company and frustrates the design, 160 ; he pursues his former line of conduct toward the colo- nies, 160 ; the resolutions of the commis- sioners relative to his conduct, 161 ; to the settlement of Delaware, 161 ; and the tribute to be paid by the Pequots, 161 ; French commissioners from Canadt^ i6a ; their proposals, 162 ; reply to them, 163 ; the Dutch governor and Indians concert a plan to extirpate the colonies, 165 ; the commissioners meet, and dispatch agents to the Dutch governor, t66 ; they deter- mine upon war, unless he should manifest his innocence, 166 ; and redress the griev- ances of the colonies, 166 ; they determine on the number of men to be raised, and draw a declaration of the reasons of the war, 167 ; the agents return unsuccessful, 167; the commissioners meet again, and determine to make war upon the Dutch and Narraganset Indians, 168 ; the gen- eral court of Massachusetts refuses to raise men, and prevents the war, 168 ; al- tercations between that general court and the commissioners, and between that and the general courts of Connecticut and New-Haven, 169 ; the alarm and distress of the plantations in these colonies, 173; their general courts protest against the court of Massachusetts, as violators of the articles of confederation ; and write to Cromwell and the parliament for assist- ance, 173 ; the tumultuous state of the inhabitants in several of the towns, 175. CHAPTER XI. The death and character of Governor Haynes, 176; the freemen of Connecticut meet and appoint a moderator, 177 ; Mr. Ludlow removes to Virginia, 178 ; the spirited conduct of the pecple at Milford, in recovering Manning's vessel, 178 ; the freemen add to the fundamental articles, 179 ; fleet arrives at Boston for the re- duction of the Dutch, 179 ; the colonies agree to raise men to assist the armament from England, 180; peace prevents the expedition, 180 ; the general court at New-Haven, charge the Massachusetts with a breach of the confederation, 181 ; they refuse to joifi in a war against Nini- grate, and oblige Connecticut and New- Haven to provide for the defence of them- selves and their allies, 181 ; Ninigrate continuing his hostile measures, the com- missioners send messengers to him, 183 ; his answer to them, 182 ; they declare war, and send an army against him, 183 ; the art Majo dition and tl 184; protec his h( Long- measi and tl New- 1 186; protec move "Mil CONTENTS. XI J ': art of Massachusetts and the deceit of Major Willard, defeat the designed expe- dition, 183; the number of rateable polls, and the amount of the list of Connecticut, 184 ; the Pequots are taken under their protection, 184; Ninigrate persisting in (lis hostilities against the Indians upon Long-Island, the general court adopt measures for the defence of the Indians and the English inhabitants there, 185 ; New-Haven perfect and print their laws, 186; the answer of New- Haven to the protector's invitation, that they would re- move to Jamaica, 187 ; reply of the com- missioners to the Dutch governor, 188 ; Uncas embroils the country, 188 ; deaths and characters of Governors Eaton and Hopkins, 190 ; settlement of Stonington, 193 ; Mr. Winthrop chosen governor, 194 ; the third fundamental article is altered by the freemen, 194 ; Mr. Fitch and his church and people remove to Norwich, 195 ; final settlement of accounts with the heirs of Mr. Fenwick, 195 ; deputy gov- ernor Mason resigns the Moheagan lands to the colony, 196. CHAPTER XII. The general court of Connecticut de- clare their loyalty and submission to the king, 197 ; determine to address his maj- esty, and apply for charter privileges, 197 ; a petition '.o his majesty is prepared, 197 ; and a letter addressed to lord Say and Seal, 198 ; Governor Winthrop is ap- pointed the colony's agent, to present their petition, and solicit a patent, 199 ; regicides condemned, 199 ; Whalley and Goffe arrive at Boston, 199; escape to New-Haven, and are kindly entertained, and kept from their pursuers, 199 ; New- Haven falls into great trouble and danger on that account, 202 ; New-Haven excuse themselves, 303; decline sending an agent, 304; but join with Massachusetts in supporting one, 204; the king pro- claimed, 304 ; Governor Winthrop obtains the charter of Connecticut, 305 ; first gov- ernor and council under the charter, 305 ; representation of the constitution it or- dains, and the privileges it conveys, 305 ; difficulties of the colony of New-Haven ; Governor Leet's address, ao6 ; charter of Connecticut arrives, 307 ; proceedings of Connecticut in consequence of the char- ter, 207; they extend their jurisdiction to all places within the limits of their patent, 808 ; and challenge New-Haven colony, as under their jurisdiction, 308 ; contro- versy between the two colonies, 209 ; set- tlement of Killingworth, 216; patent of the duke of Vork, 321 ; colonel Nichols and commissioners arrive, 321 ; reduce all the Dutch settlements, 223 ; their ex- traordinary powers, 225 ; important crisis of Connecticut, 226 ; the general court make a present to the commissioners, 236 ; answer to the propositions from his majesty, and reply to the duke of Hamil- ton's claim and petition, 229; boundaries between Connecticut and New- York, 237 ; union of Connecticut and New-Haven, 330. CHAPTER XIII. A view of the churches of Connecticut and New-Haven, from their first settle- ment, until their union, in 1665, 231 ; their ministers, 233 ; the character of the minis- ters and first planters, 233 ; their religious and political sentiments, 333 ; gathering of the churches of New-Haven and Mil- ford, 236; installation of Mr. Davenport and Mr. Prudden, 236; church formed at Guilford, 236 ; number of ministers in Connecticut and New-Haven before the union, 238 ; proportion of ministers to the people, before, and at the union, 239 ; harmony between the civil rulers and the clergy, 239 ; influence of the clergy, and the reasons of it, 340 ; their opposition to Antinomianism, 240 ; assisted in the com- pilation of Cambridge Platform, 240 ; ec- clesiastical laws, 241 ; care to diffuse gen- eral knowledge : its happy influence, 243 ; attempts to found a college at New-Ha- ven, 242 ; no sectaries in Connecticut nor New-Haven, until after the union, 243 ; and for twenty years the churches gener- ally enjoyed great peace, 244 ; deaths and characters of several of the first ministers, 344; great dissensions in the church at Hartford soon after Mr. Hooker's death, 247 ; dissensions and controversies in the colony and churches in general, relative to baptism, church-membership, and the rights of the brethren, 347 ; a new gener- ation arises, who had not all imbibed the spirit of their fathers, 347 ; grievances presented to the general court of Connect- icut, on the account of the strictness of the churches, and that sober people were denied communion with them, and bap- tism for their children, 349 ; the court of Connecticut send to the other general courts for advice, 349 ; laws against the Quakers, 349; Massachusetts and Con- necticut agree in appointing a synod at Boston, 250 ; general court at New-Haven oppose the meeting of a synod, and de- cline sending their elders, 251 ; questions proposed for discussion, 353 ; the synod meet and answer them, 353 ; but it had no good effect on the churches : they would not comply with their decisions, 354 ; dis- sensions continued at Hartford, 354 ; acts of the general court respecting them, 354 ; councils from Massachusetts, 356 ; diffi- culties in some measure composed, 257 ; divisions and animosities at Weathers- field, 358 ; act of the general court re- specting the church there, 358 ; Mr. Rus- sell and others remove from Weathersfield and Hartford and settle Hadley, 258 ; Mr. Stow dismissed from the ministry at Mid- dletown, by a committee of the general court, 259 ; synod at Boston. 259 ; its de- termination relative to baptism, and the consociation of churches, 259 ; division in the synod and in the churches relative to those points, 259 ; the court at Connecti- cut send no elders to the council, nor take any part in the controversy, until some time afterwards, 260. CHAPTER XIV. Conduct of the king's commissioners, 262 ; counties and County Courts regu- +;»*' J xii CONTENTS. lated, 264 ; Governor WInthrop's estate freed from taxation, 364 ; towns settled, 364 ; controversy with Rliode-Island, 366 ; the grounds of it, 366 ; courts appointed in the Narraganset country, 366 ; laws re- vised and printed, 369; war with the Dutch, 370 ; claims and conduct of major Edmund Andross, governor of New- York, 374 ; protest against him, 375 ; conduct of capt. Thomas Bull, 376 ; proclamation respecting the insult received from major Andross, 377 ; Philip's war, 278 ; Captains Hutchinson and Lothrop surprised and slain, 379 : treachery of the Springfield Indians, 380; Hadley attacked by the enemy, sSi ; the assembly make provision for the defence of Connecticut, 281 ; ex- pedition against the Narraganset Indians, a8a ; the reasons of it, aSa ; the great swamp fight, 384 ; loss of men, 3S5 ; courage ex- hibited and hardships endured, 385 ; Cap- tain Pierce and his party cut off, 387 ; Nanunttenoo taken, 388 ; success of cap- tains Denison and Avery, 389; Captain Wadsworth and his party slain, 388 ; death and character of governor Winthrop, 390 ; success of Major Talcott, 391 ; attack upon Hadley, 391 ; the enemy beaten and begin to scatter, 393 ; they are pursued to Housatonick, 393 ; sachem of Quabaug and Philip killed, 393 ; number of the en- emy before the war, 394 ; their destruc- tion, 394 ; loss of the colonies, 394 ; Con- necticut preserves its own towns and assists its neighbours, 395. ) CHAPTER XV. Measures adopted to discharge the public debt, and settle the country in peace, 296 ; the reasons of the colony's claim to Narraganset, 396; the former settlers and owners of land there apply to Connecticut for protection, 097 ; major Treat goes to the upper towns upon Con- necticut river, to treat with the Indians, S98 ; fasts appointed through New-Eng- land, 398 ; act concerning the conquered lands in Narraganset, 398 ; navigation act grievous to the colonies, 399 ; gover- nor Leet takes the oath respecting trade and navigation, 399 ; answers to queries from the lords of trade and plantations, 999; protest against Sir Edmund An- dross'^ claim to Fisher's Island, 300 ; character of governor Leet, 300; commis- sioners appointed by his majesty, to ex- amine and make report concerning all claims to the Narraganset country, or king's province, 300 ; they report in fa- vour of Connecticut, 301 ; answers to the renewed claim of the duke of Hamilton, and opinions on the case, 303 ; Connecti- cut congratulates the arrival of colonel Dungan, governor of New-York, and agree with him respecting the boundary line between that colony and Connecti- cut, 306; petition to king James II., 308; settlement of Waterbury, 309 ; quo-war- rantos against the colony, 310 ; the assem- bly petition his majesty to continue their charter privileges, 309 ; Sir Edmund An- dross made governor of New-England, 313 ; arrives at Hartford : takes the gov- ernment by order of his majesty, 313 ; the oppression and cruelty of his admin- istration, 314 ; distressed and sorrowful state of the people, 315. CHAPTER XVI. Revolution in New - England, 316 ; Connecticut resume their government, 3ijr ; address to king William, 317 ; troops raised for the defence of the eastern set- tlements in New Hampshire and the prov- ince of Maine, 318 ; French and Indian war, 319; Schenectady destroyed, 319; Connecticut dispatch a reinforcement to Albany, 331 ; expedition against Canada, 331 ; die land army retreats, and the en- terprise proves unsuccessful, 333; Leis- ler s abuse of major-general Winthrop, 334 ; the assembly of Connecticut approve the general's conduct, 334 ; thanks are re- turned to Mr. Mather, agent Whiting, and Mr. Porter, 335 ; opinions respecting the charter, and the legality of Connecticut's assuming their government, 336; Wind- ham settled, 337 ; the Mohawk castles are surprised, and the country alarmed, 337 ; Connecticut send troops to Albany, 338 ; Colonel Fletcher, governor of New-York, demands the command of the militia of Connecticut, 339; the colony petition king William on the subject, 339 ; Colonel Fletcher comes to Hartford, and, in per- son, demands that the legislature submit the militia to his command, but they re- fuse, 331 ; Captain Wadsworth prevents the reading or his commission ; and the colonel judges it expedient to leave the colony, 331 ; the case of Connecticut rela- tive to the militia stated, 333 ; his nujeitv determines in favour of the colony, 333 ; committees are appointed to settle tn« boundary line between Connecticut and Massachinsetts, 333 ; General Winthrop returns, and receives public thanks, 334 ; congratulations of the Earl of Bellemont, appointed governor of New-York and Massachusetts, 334 ; dispute with Rhode- Island continues, 335 ; committee to settle the boundaries, 335 ; expenses of the war, TI5 ; vexatious conduct of governor Fletcher, 335 ; peace, joy, and thanksgiv- ing, 336. CHAPTER XVII. General Winthrop is elected govern- or, 336 ; the assembly divide and form into two houses, 336 ; purchase and set- tlement of several towns, 337 ; the boun- dary line between Connecticut and New- York surveyed and fixed, 338 ; attempts for running and establishing the line be- tween Massachusetts and Connecticut, 339 ; Owaneco and the Moheagans claim Colchester and other tracts in the colony, 340 ; attempts to compose all differences with them, 340; grant to the volunteers, 340 ; the assembly enacts, that the session in October, shall, for the future, be in New-Haven, 341 ; an Act enlarging the boundaries of New- London, 343 ; and acts relative to towns and patents, 34a ; meas- ures adopted for the defence of the col- ony, 343 ; appointment of king's attorneys. CONTENTS. • • • xin govern- ind form and set- he boun- nd New- attempts line be- necticut, ns claim colony, 'erences unteers, session , be in ing the and acts ; meas- the col- torneys, 344 ; attempt to despoil Connecticut of its charter, 344 ; bill for re-uniting the char- ter governments to the crown, 345 ; Sir Henry Ashurst petitions against, 345 ; and prevents the passing of the bill, 345 ; Gov- ernor Dudley, Lord Cornbury, and other enemies conspire against the colony, 346 ; they exhibit erievous complaints against it, 347 ; Sir Henry Ashurst defends the colony, and defeats their attempts, 350; Quakers petition^ 355 ; Moheagan case, 3S6 ; survey and bounds of the pretended Moheagan country, 356 ; Dudley's court at Stonington, 357; the colony protest against it, 357 ; Dudley's treatment of the colony, 358 ; judgment against it, ^8 ; petition to her majesty on the subject, 360 ; new commissions are granted, 361 ; act in favor of the clergy, 362 ; state of the colony, 363. CHAPTER XVIII. The country is alarmed, 363 ; means of defence, 364 ; the assembly decline the af- fording of any assistance in the expedition against Port Royal, 364 ; grant assistance to the frontier towns, 364 ; new townships eranted and settled, 364 ; the Rev. Gur- don Saltonstall chosen governor, 365; act empowering the freemen to choose the governor from among themselves at large, 366 ; acts relative to the settlement of the tMundary line with Massachusetts, 366; garrisons erected in the towns on the frontiers, 367 ; expedition against Canada, 367 ; first emission of paper money, 368 ; address to her majesty, 369 ; loss of the colony at Wood Creek, 370 ; ex- pedition against Port Royal, 371 ; expedi- tion against Canada, under the command of Admiral Walker and general Nichol- son, 373 ; fleet cast away, and the enter- prise defeated, 374; the colony petition ber majesty, and send the only pilot from Connecticut, to England, to represent to her majesty the loss of the fleet truly as it. was, 376; acts respecting the superior court, 377; settlement of the boundary line between Massachusetts and Connect- icut, 378; reasons why the colony con- sented to such a settlement, 379 ; return of peace, 381 ; the colony happy in the preservation of their frontiers, 381 ; towns settled under Massachusetts, 383 ; state of the colony, 38a ; observations, 386. CHAPTER XIX. A view of the churches of Connecticut, from 1665 to 1714, continued from chapter XIII., 386 ; the general assembly appoint a synod to determine points of religious controversy, 386; the ministers decline meeting under the name of a synod, 387 ; the assembly alter the name, and require them to meet as a general assembly of the ministers and churches of Connecticut, 387 ; seventeen questions were proposed to the assembly, to be discussed and an- swered, 387 ; the assembly of ministers meet and discuss the questions, 387 ; the legislature declare, that thev had not been decided, and give intimations that they did not desire, that the ministers and churches of Connecticut should report their opinion upon them, 388 ; they ex- press their desires of a larger council from Massachusetts, and New-Plymouth, 389 ; the Rev, Mr. Davenport removes to Bos- ton, 380 ; dissension at Windsor, 390 ; Mr. Bufkley and Mr. Fitch are appointed by the assembly to devise some way in which the churches might walk together, notwithstanding their different opinions relative to the subjects of baptism, church communion, and the mode of church dis- cipline, 391 ; the church at Hartford divides, and Mr. Whiting and his adhe- rents are allowed to practice upon congre- tational principles, 391 ; the church at tratford allowed to divide and hold dis- tinct meetings, 393 ; Mr. Walker and hit hearers, upon advice, remove and settle the town of Woodburv, 394 ; deaths and characters of the Rev. Messrs. John Dav- enport and John Warham, 394 ; general attempts for a reformation of manners, 396 ; religious state of the colony in 1680, 397; attempts for the instruction and christianizing of the Indians in Connecti- cut, 397 ; act of the legislature respecting Windsor, 399 ; the people there required peaceably to settle and support Mr. Mather, 399 ; owning or subscnbing the covenant introduced at Hartford, 400 ; college founded, and trustees incorporat- ed, 401 ; worship according to the mode of the church of England, performed in this colony, first at Stratford, 405 ; Epis- copal church gathered there, 405 ; act of assembly requiring the mmisters and churches of Connecticut to meet and form a religious constitution, 409; they meet and compile the Saybrook Platform, 410 ; articles of discipline, 41X ; act of the legis- lature adopting the Platform, 414 ; asso- ciations, 415 ; consociations, 415 ; general association, 415 ; its recommendations relative to the examination of candidates for the ministry, and of pastors elect pre- vious to their ordination, 416 ; ministers, churches, and ecclesiastical societies in Connecticut, in 1713, 418 ; degrree of in- struction, 418 ; the whole number of min- isters in the colony from its first settle- ment, to that period, 418. APPENDIX. Containing various documents referred to in this Tolume, with the great original Patent of New-England, 433. m M i •if- PREFACE. AUTHENTIC history is of great utility ; especially, to the countries and people whose afltkirs it relates. It teaches human nature, politics and morals ; forms the head and heart for usefulness, and is an important part of the instruction and litera- ture of states and nations, while it instructs, it affords an exalted pleasure. No man of genius and curiosity can read accounts of the origin of nations, the discovery, settle- ment, and progress of new countries, without a high degree of entertainment. But in the settlement of his own country, in the lives ot his ancestors, in their adventures, morals, jurisprudence and heroism, he feels himself particularly interested. He at once becomes a party in their affairs, and travels and converses with them, with a kind of filial delight While he beholds them braving the horrors of the desert, the terrors of the savage, the distresses of famine and war, he admires their courage, and is pleased with all their escapes from danger, and all their progress in settlement, population, opulence, literature and happiness. While he contemplates their self-denial and per- severance in surmounting all dangers and enduring all hardships, to form new churches, and lay the foundations of new colonies and empires, and the immenselv happy conse- quences of their conduct in turning the wilderness into gardens and fruitful fields, and in transmitting liberty and religion to posterity, he is struck with a pleasmg astonish- ment. The pious man views a divine hand conducting the whole, gives thanks, adores and loves. No history is better calculated to produce these happy effects, than that of New-England and Connecticut Connecticut, originally consisting of two colonies, replete with Indians, and con- nected as it was with the neighboring colonies, affords much interesting matter for historv. An authentic and impartial account of the affairs of the colony had long been an object of the wishes of the legislature, and of many gentlemen of principal character both m church and commonweiSth. In these views the writer, many years since, determined to attempt the compilation of the history which is presented to the public in the following sheets. He wished for the improvement which such a work might afford him, and for the pleasure of contribut- ing his mite to the service of the community in which he received his birth and educa- tion, and has enjoyed such distinguished liberty and immunities. In pursuance of his design, he collected all books and manuscripts from which he could expect assistance. He read the records of Connecticut, New-Haven and the United Colonies ; and extracted whatever he judged important He made a journey to Boston, examined the collection of the Rev. Mr. Prince, and minuted every thing which he could find relative to Connecticut To him, at the time he was about writing the Chronological History of New-England, the ancient ministers, and other principal gentlemen in Connecticut, had transmitted accounts of the settlement of the towns and churches to which they respectively belonged. In this collection, important informa- tion was found, which could have been obtained from no other source. The author visited most of the principal towns, and places of burial, and obtained from records, monuments, and men of intelligence, whatever they could communicate on the subject. The ministers and clerks of the respective towns, and other gentlemen of character, assisted him in his researches. The honorable legislature, having been made acquainted with his design, passed a generous resolve, which gave him access to their records and papers on file. His excellency governor Trumbull, than whom no man had a more thorough ac- quaintance with the history of the colony, employed his influence and friendship for his assistance, and furnished him with many important papers. In a letter to him on the subject, he expresses himself in this manner — " I wish you success, and to afford you all the assistance in my power. I imagine the earliest times of the colony will be attended with the most difficulty, to collect the facts with sufficient certainty — wherein the great excellencjr of a history consists. Such an one I have long desired to see. It must be a work of time and indefatigable labour and industry, since it has been so long neglected, and the materials, many of them, almost lost, and others scattered, and all need so much care in collecting, time in comparing, and judgment in compiling. " The truth of these observations, the author hath fully experienced ; how far he hath acted upon them must be determined by the public opinion. The honorable George Wyllys, Esq. late secretary of the state, was second to none in the assistance and encouragement which he afforded. From these various sources, the author, in 1774, found himself possessed of an ample and important collection ; and determined to write the first volume of the history, as soon as might be, with conven- ience. But before he had entered upon the work, the war commenced between Great- Britain and her colonies, and the universal attention was turned to a very different ob- ject. It was conceived to be dangerous for any of the public papers to be kept so near the sea coast as the place of his residence. A great number of papers, therefore, which i'''l l\ XV f.'l 11 ilii I: ! XVI PREFACE. he had received from governor Trumbull, and others which had been taken out of the office at Hartford, were returned to their respective offices. For a number of years after the war, the state of the country was altogether unfavor- able for publications of this kind. It was nevertheless still hoped that an opportunity would present for the publication of luch a work to advantage, and the design of writ- ing was not wholly given up. However, before the writer had entered upon the work, he was invited, by a vote of the General Association of the state, to compile a different history. Manv objections presented themselves to his mind against engaging in the work proposed by that ven- erable body. But after these had been fully communicated, the solicitation was re- newed. In consequence of which, and the opinion and advice of some principal gentle- men of the legislature, he was induced to undertake thewritingof a general history of the United States of America, from the first discovery of this northern continent until the year 1799, including three complete centuries. In making collections for this, and in the compilation of it, all the leisure hours which he could possibly redeem, by early rising and an indefatigable attention to business, from the stated labours o< his office, have been, for nearly ten years, employed. In the progress or this work it became necessary to have frequent recourse to his former collections, which, by this time, had been in a manner forgotten. By this means the ideas of the ample materials which had been prepared, for the history of Connecti- cut, were revived in his mind. When he contemplated the pains and expense at which they had been collected, the countenance which he had received from the legislature, and the general expectations which had been entertained with respect to a history of Connectfeut, it appeared to him not very consistent with that respectful and generous treatment which he owed more particularly to his own state, to publish a large history of the United States, while he neglected theirs. It also appeared to be a duty, which he owed to himself and family, as well as the public, not to suffer all his former pains and expense, in his collections for the history of Connecticut, to be lost. Upon a mature view of the case, and the advice of a number of his brethren in the ministry, he determined to suspend the writing of the history of the United States, until he should publish one volume, at least, of the history of Connecticut. If this should meet the public approbation, it might assist him in introducing a lareer work, and render it more extensively useful. If the history of Connecticut should be unpopular, it would give him a profitable admonition, and prevent a greater misfortune, by a larger and more expensive publication. About the middle of December, 1796, he began to look over and arrange his papers and to compile the following history. Since that time he hath examined me papers on file in the secretary's office, and taken out such as were necessary, composed ana copied off with his own hands the history now published, besides preaching twice on every Lord's day, lectures on proper occasions, and attending the other duties of his office. The death of that truly worthy gentleman, the honorable George Wyllys, the former secretary, considerably retarded the work, as more time has been employed in examin- ing the files than otherwise would have been necessary. In compiling the history, great pains have been taken to exhibit the state of the country when the first settlements commenced, to present every important transaction in a candid and clear view, and to make such an arrangement of the whole, as that every preceding chapter might prepare the way for the next, and add perspicuity to the story. As this is the first history of the colony, and as time effaces ancient records and papers, and eradicates from the mind of man the remembrance of former transactions, the compiler judged it expedient to make it more full and particular, than otherwise might have been necessary or proper. He imagined, that no person would, probably, hereafter have the same advantages which he nas had, nor take the same pains which he has taken, to examine the ancient records, histoiies and manuscripts of tne country. He wished to assist future historians, and that nothing useful and important, respecting church or state, might be lost. As he has aimed at information and usefulness, he has avoided all circumlocutions, reasonings and opinions of his own, and attempted to fill every page with history. The florid and pompous style has been avoided, as unnatural and improper in historic writings, and the easy and familiar has been attempted. The compiler has judged his time too precious, and .the field of usefulness before him too extensive, to busy himself in rounding periods, and guarding against every little matter which might afford business for the critic. He has, however, aimpd at authenticity, pro- priety and perspicuity. He has wished to avoid the dull and dry manner, and to write with a becoming deference to the public. The account which has been given of the sources whence the compiler has obtained his information, the quotations in the body of the work, the references made in the mar- ginal notes to authors, records, and manuscripts, with the appendix, it is imagined, will be abundantly sufficient to authenticate what has been written. Indeed, very little has been taken upon tradition. Had the history been written more leisurely and with fewer avocations it might have been more perfect ; but as it was desired to make as short a pause as possible in writ- ing the history of the United States, it was judged inexpedient to employ more time upon it The author is under great disadvantages for historic writing. He can command no time for himself. The work of the ministry, which is his chosen and beloved employ- PREFACE. xvu ment, after all his application, so engrosses liis time, tliat sometimes for weeks and months, after all his application, be cannot find a single day for the compilation of his- tory. When he has attempted it, he has been able scarcely to write a page without in- terruption. Often he has been so fatigued with other studies, as to be in circumstances not the most favorable for compositioa It may, possibly, be thought a great neglect, or matter of partiality, that no account is given of witchcraft in Connecticut. The only reason is, that after the most careful researches, no indictment of any person for that crime, nor any process relative to that affair, can be found. The minnte in GofTs journal, published by governor Hutchinson, .'elative to the execution of Ann Coles, and an obscure tradition that one or two per- sons were executed at Stratford, is all the information to be found relative to that un- happy affair. The countenance and assistance which the honorable legislature have given the writer, by allowing him a free access to the public records and papers, is most respect- fully acknowledged. The attention and complaisance with which he has been treated by the secretaries of the state, and their respective families, while he has had occasion to examine the public records and papers, challenge the warmest expressions of his gratitude. To his brethren in the ministry, the gentlemen of the bar, and the towns who have so generously encouraged and supported the subscription, he returns his grateful ac- knowledgments. The labor of collecting the materials for the history and compilement, has been al- most incredible. The expense of publication will be great However, should it meet a favorable reception, assist the leijislator or divine, the gentlemen of the bench or of the bar ; should it afford instruction and pleasure to the sons and daughters of the state, and in any degree advance its morals or literature, it will be an ample compensation. ptii fl ■ '■ '^iW 1 ■ t i M 4i '■m w m y. i;i '' THE HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. CHAPTER I. THE settlement of New-England, purely for the purposes of Religion, and the propagation of civil and religious liberty, is an event which has no parallel in the history of modem ages. The piety, self-denial, sufferings, patience, perseverance and magna- nimity of the first settlers of the country are without a rival. The happy and extensive consequences of the settlements which they made, and of the sentiments which they were careful to propagate, to their posterity, to the church and to the world, admit of no de- scription. They are still increasing, spreading wider and wider, and appear more and more important. The planters of Connecticut were among the illustrious charac- ters, who first settled New-England, and twice made settlements, first in Massachusetts, and then in Connecticut on bare creation. In an age when the light of freedom was but just dawning, they, by voluntary compact, formed one of the most free and happy constitutions of government which mankind have ever adopted. Connecticut has ever been distinguished by the free spirit of its government, the mildr/ess of its laws, and the general diffusion of knowledge, among all classes of its inhabitants. They have been no less distinguished by their industry, economy, purity of man- ners, population and spirit of enterprise. For more than a century and half, they have had no rival, as to the steadiness of their gov- ernment, their internal peace and harmony, their love and high enjoyment of domestic, civil and religious order and happiness. They have ever stood among the most illuminated, first and bold- est defenders of the civil and religious rights of mankind. The history of such a people must be curious, entertaining and important. It will exhibit the fairest models of civil government, of religious order, purity and human happiness. It is the design of the present work to lay this history before the public. As the planters of Connecticut were among the first settlers of New-England, and interested in the first patents and settle- ,. ^ 'M HlB 111 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [149* II 111 ments, sketches of the discovery of the country, of the patents by which it was conveyed and divided to the different colonies, and of the first settlements, will be necessary to illustrate the his- tory of Connecticut and be a natural preliminary to this work. Christopher Columbus, a Genoese, on October 12, 1492, dis- covered the western isles, and first communicated to Europe the intelligence of a new world: but the Cabots had the honor of discovering the great continent of North- America. John Cabot, a Venetian, bom in England, in 1494 discovered Newfoundland and the island of St. Johns. In consequence of this discovery, king Henry the seventh of England, in whose ser- vice he was employed, conferred on him the honor of knighthood ; and gave him and his sons a commission to make further discov- eries in the new world. John Cabot died soon after he received this commission. His son Sebastian, in 1497, sailed with the fleet, which had been preparing for his father, and directing his course by his journals, proceeded to the 67th degree of north latitude, and, returning to the southward, fell in with the continent in the 56th degree of north latitude; and thence explored the coast as far south as the Floridas. From these discoveries originated the claims of England to these parts of the northern continent. i In 1602, Bartholomew Gosnuld discovered some part of New- England. He first touched on its eastern coast, in about 43 de- grees of north latitude; and, sailing to the southward, landed on the Elizabeth Islands. He made some discoveries of the adja- cent parts, and gave the name to Cape Cod and Marthas Vineyard. Captain Henry Hudson,^ commissioned by king James I. in 1608, sailed, in the employment of several London merchants, to North-America. He came upon the coast in about 40 degrees of north latitude, and made a discovery of Long-Island and Hud- son's river. He proceeded up the river as far as the latitude of 43, and called it by his own name. About two years after he made a second voyage to the river, in the service of a number of Dutch merchants; and, some time after, made sale of his right to the Dutch. The right to the coun- try, however, was antecedently in king James, by virtue of the discovery which Hudson had made under his commission. The English protested against the sale; but the Dutch, in 1614, under the Amsterdam West-India company, built a fort nearly on the same ground where the city of Albany now is, which they called fort Aurania. Sir Thomas Dale, governor of Virginia, directly after dispatched captain Argall to dispossess the Dutch, and they ' The Hudson river was discovered a year later, viz., September 4, 1609, at a time when Hudson's expedition in the yacht " Half Moon," was under the auspices of the Dutch East India Company. The discoveries made at this time formed the basis for a claim by the Dutch to the whole territory from the Delaware river to Cape Cod, which points were the limits of Hudson's cruise on our coast at this time. 'See Purchas's Pilgrim, also De LAet.— J. T. i6ao] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. submitted to the king of England, and under him to the governor of Virginia.^ The same year captain John Smith, who some years before had been governor of Virginia, made a voyage to this part of the con- tinent. He ranged the coast from Penobscot to Cape Cod ; made a discovery of the river Pascataqua, and the Massachusetts islands. On his return to England, he published a description of the coun- try, with a map of the sea coast, and gave it the name of New- England. In 1620, a number of pious people, part of Mr. John Robinson's church and congregation, who, by the violence of persecution, had been driven from their pleasant seats and enjoyments in England, arrived on the coast; and, after braving every danger, and enduring almost every hardship and distress of which human nature is capable, effected a permanent settlement in this part of North-America. They gave it the name of New-Plymouth. By voluntary compact they formed themselves into a small com- monwealth, and had a succession of governors. They settled all that part of Massachusetts included in the county of Plymouth. By making permanent settlements, to which others might resort, on their first arrival in New-England, or afterwards in times of distress; by making treaties with the Indians, by which the peace of the country was preserved; by their knowledge of it, and the experience which they had gained, they were of peculiar ad- vantage to those who came over and made settlements after them. They were a pious, industrious people, and exhibited towards each other the most striking examples of fraternal affection. They continued a distinct colony for about seventy years, until their incorporation, by the charter of William and Mary, in 1691, with the colony of Massachusetts and the province of Maine. November 3d, 1620, just before the arrival of Mr. Robinson's people in New-England, king James the first, by letters patent, under the great seal of England, incorporated the duke of Lenox, the marquises of Buckingham and Hamilton, the earls of Arundel and Warwick, and others, to the number of forty noblemen, knights and gentlemen, by the name " of the council established at Plymouth in the county of Devon, for the planting, ruling and governing of New- England in America " — " and granted unto them, and their successors and assigns, all that part of America, lying and being in breadth from forty degrees of north latitude, from the equinoctial line, to the forty eighth degree of said north- erly latitude inclusively, and in length of, and within all the breadth aforesaid, throughout the main lands from sea to sea." The patent ordained that this tract of country should be called New-England in America, and by that name have continuance for ever. > Smith's history of New York, p. 3. §' ■\ HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [|6«8 This grant is the broad basis on which stand all the other grantii made to the colonies in New-England. This prepared the way for future grants and the immediate settlement of New-England. On the 19th of March, i6a8, the Plymouth company gi jnted unto Sir Henry Roswell, Sir John Young, knights, Thom«''« Southcoat, John Humphry, John Endicott and Simon Whitcomb, their heirs and assigns forever, all that part of New-England in America, which lies and extends between Merrimack river and Charles river, in the bottom of Massachusetts bay, and three miles to the north and south of every part of Charles river, and three miles south of the southernmost part of said bay, and three miles to the northward of every part of Merrimack river, and " all lands and hereditaments whatsoever lying within the limits aforesaid north and south, in latitude and breadth ; and in length and longi- tude, of and within all the breadth aforesaid throughout the main lands there, from the Atlantic sea and ocean on the east part, to the south sea on the west part." On the 4th of March, 1629, king Charles the first confirmed this patent under the great seal of England. This was the patent of Massachusetts bay, under which the settlement of that colony immediately commenced. At this time, liberty of conscience could not be enjoyed in the parent country. No indulgence was granted even to the most pious, loyal, and conscientious people, who would not strictly conform to the habits, ceremonies, and worship of the church of England. All non-conformists were exposed to fines, impris- onments, the ruin of their families, fortunes, and every thing which ought to be dear to men. The most learned, pious, ortho- dox, and inoffensive people, who did not conform to the church of England, were treated, by the king and his bishops, with far greater severity, than drunkards, sabbath breakers, or even the most notorious debauchees. They were condemned, in the spirit- ual courts, without juries; without having the witnesses against them brought into court, to depose face to face; and, sometimes, without knowing the crime alleged against them, or who were the witnesses by whom it was to be proved. Many of the pious people in England, were so harassed and persecuted for their non-con- formity, that they determined, if possible, rather to make settle- ments in a dreary wilderness, at the distance of three thousand miles from their native country, than endure the persecution and sufferings, to which they were constantly exposed from the hands of those who ought to have cherished and defended them. This cruel treatment of our venerable ancestors, was the cause of the settlement of the New-England colonies and churches. It will ever be the distinguishing glory of these colonies, that they were not originally formed for the advantages of trade and worldly emolument, but for the noble purposes of religion, the enjoyment I630J HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. S of liberty of conscience in the worship and ordinances of God. The pious fathers of these colonics wished to enjoy the uncor- rupted gospel, administered in all its ordinances in purity and power, and to transmit the invaluable blessings of civil and relig- ious Uberty to their remotest posterity. With these views they left their native country, their pleasant seats and enjoyments in Europe, and made settlements in the wilds of America. The same year in which the patent of Massachusetts received the royal confirmation, Mr. John Endicott was sfiil over, with about three hundred people, by the patentees, to prepare Ihe way for the settlement of a permanent colony in that part of New-Eng- land. They arrived at Naumkeak on June 34th, and began a set- tlement, which they named Salem. This was the first town in Massachusetts, and the second in New- England. About a hundred of the planters who came over with Mr. Endi- cott, removed very soon to Mishawam, and began a plantation at that place. Here they erected a very spacious house, and made other preparations for the accommodation of those who were ex- pected from England the next year. They called their settlement Charlestown. At a meeting of the company for the planting of the Massa- chusetts, in England, August 29th, it was voted, that the patent and government of the plantation be transferred to New-Eng- land.* The next year, therefore, seventeen ships were prepared, with all necessaries for the settlement of a colony. Eleven or twelve of these ships made a safe arrival in New-England by the middle of July, and they all arrived before the close of the year." In these came over governor Winthrop, and the magistrates of the colony, who had been previously chosen in England. With them also came a number of ministers, to illuminate the infant churches, and preach in the wilderness the glad tidings of salvation. On the loth or 12th of July, governor Winthrop arrived at Charlestown, with about fifteen hundred people. They encamped in cottages, booths, and tents, upon Charlestown hill. Their place of public worship was under a large spreading tree. Here Messrs. Wilson and Phillips preached their first sermons to these pious pilgrims." In the ships which arrived this year, there came over about seventeen hundred people. In this and the last year, there came into New-England two thousand planters. These settled about nine or ten towns or villages. A considerable number set- tled at Boston and Charlestown. Many of the pr c'pal charac- ters fixed their abode in these towns. Governor Winthrop lived in the great house, which had been erected the preceding year at Charlestown. Mr. Isaac Johnston, who married the lady Ara- bella, sister of the earl of Lincoln, and who had the best estate ' Prince'* Chron. p. 19a. ' Ibid, port ii. p. la ' Ibid. p. 240 lit "Ij'- HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1630 of any of the company, fixed his residence at Boston. He was the great promoter of the settlement of the capital of the Massachu- setts.^ Sir Richard Saltonstall, who was another of the magis- trates, with his company, settled at Watertown. They made choice of Mr. Phillips for their pastor. Mr. Pyncheon, and an- other company, began a settlement at Roxbury, and the famous Mr. John Elliot and Mr. Weld, who came into New-England the next year, were elected their ministers. Other companies settled Medford and Weymouth. Boston and Charlestown, the first year, considered themselves as one company, and chose Mr. Wilson for their pastor. In one of the first ships which arrived this year, came over the Rev. Mr. John Warham, Mr. John Maverick, Mr. Rossiter, Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Henry Wolcott. and others of Mr. Warham's church and congregation, who first settled the town of Windsor, in Con- necticut. Mr. Rossiter and Mr. Ludlow were magistrates. Mr. Wolcott had a fine estate, and was a man of superior abilities. This was an honourable company. Mr. Warham had been a fa- mous minister in Exeter, the capital of the county of Devonshire. The people who came with him, were from the three counties of Devonshire, Dorsetshire, and Somersetshire. Some time before the 20th of March, just as they were about to embark for New-England, upon a day of solemn fasting and prayer, they were formed into a congregational church, in the new hospital at Plymouth, in England. They then made choice of Mr. Warham and Mr. Maverick to be their pastor and teacher, and they were ordained, or re-installed to the care of this par- ticular church. The famous Mr. White, of Dorchester, preached and assisted on this occasion.' They sailed from Plymouth, in England, on the 20th of March, in the ship Mary and John, of 400 tons, and arrived at Nantasket on the Lord's day, May 30th. The next day, captain Squeb, mas- ter of the ship, put them and their goods on shore, at Nantasket point, and, in this situation, left them to shift for themselves.' But, by the assistance of some of the old planters, they obtained a boat, and proceeded up Charles river, to the place since called Watertown. Here they landed their goods, and erected a shelter to cover them; but as they had .nany cattle, and found a neck of land at Mattapan, affording good accommodations for them, they soon removed and began a settlement there. They named their town Dorchester. Sir Richard Saltonstall's people, who settled at Watertown, were the first settlers of Weathersfield, in Connecticut. Mr. Phil- lips, who was elected their pastor, at Watertown, had been min- • Prince's "/iron, part ii. sect. 2, p. 2. ' Ibid. p. 200. * Ibid. p. 207. Captain Squeb was, afterwards, obliged to pay damages for this conduct. 1630] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 1 200. lages for ister at Boxford, in the county of Essex. Most of them were, probably, the people of his former charge, and from the same county. The emigrants who came into New-England with Mr. Endicott and governor Winthrop, soon after their arrival, were visited with imcommon sickness and mortality. Of the company who came with Mr. Endicott the last y« > , eighty were in their graves before governor Winthrop arrived. He found the colony in very mis- erable circumstances. Many of those who were yet living, were in a weak and sickly condition. The people had scarcely a suffi- ciency of provisions for their subsistence fourteen days. Besides, they had sustained a capital loss in their servants. They brought over with them a hundred and eighty. These cost them more than three thousand pounds sterling. But they were so strait- ened for provisions, that they were necessitated to give all those who survived the sickness, their liberty, that they might shift for themselves.* Many of the ships which arrived this year, had a long passage of seventeen or eighteen weeks; in consequence of which, num- bers had the scurvy, and came on shore in a sickly condition. By reason of wet lodgings, in cottages and miserable huts, for the want of fresh food and other conveniences, this sickness increased. Other diseases also, soon attacked them with violence; so that, in a fortnight or three weeks, the sickness became general. In a short time, so many fell sick, that the well were not sufficient properly to attend them, and bury the dead. Great numbers died, and were buried on Charlestown hill.' The sickness and mortal- ity greatly retarded the necessary labours and affairs of the col- ony; so that many of the people were obliged to lie in tents, or miserable huts, during the winter. By the next spring, a hundred and twenty, or more, were among the dead. Of this number were Mr. Johnson and Mr. Rossiter. The charming lady Arabella, celebrated for her many virtues, died before her husband. She was sister to the earl of Lincoln; and, for the sake of religion, came from a paradise of ease, plenty, and delight, in the house of a renowned earl, into a wilderness of toil, disaster, and misery. About a hundred of the people were discouraged, and returned to England; two hundred were dead, and some went to Piscat- aqua. About seventeen hundred remained; a little more than a hundred and eighty persons, or thirty families, on an average, to each town. The greatest numbers fixed themselves at Boston and Watertown. In these towns, there were, probably, nearly sixty families: in Charlestown and Dorchester, about forty; and in the other towns, not more than fifteen or twenty families.' In addition to all the other calamities, with which these planta- ■ M ' Prince's Chron. p. 209, 210. * Ibid, part ii. p. i and 31. * Ibid. p. 342. -h!'ii!. : :l f^\ mm P'Mi 8 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1630 tions had been visited, they, this year, experienced the distress of famine. By the beginning of February, bread failed in every house, except the governor's, and even in this the family were reduced to the last loaves. Such were the necessities of the people, that they fed on clams, muscles, ground-nuts, and acorns. In- deed, in the winter season, it was with great difficulty that the people procured these poor articles of subsistence. The gover- nors foreseeing, in the fall, that they should want provisions, dis- patched a ship to Ireland to procure them a supply. Her happy arrival on the 5th of February, prevented their perishing with famine. The return of health in the spring, the arrival of ofher vessels, with provisions, afterwards, and a plenteous harvest, g.ve the affairs of the colony a more prosperous appearance. While affairs were thus transacting in the colony, the violent persecution of the puritans in England made great numbers look towards America as the only safe retreat from the impending storm. This, annually, occasioned a large accession of new plant- ers to the settlements in New-England. In 1630, the Rev. Mr. Thomas Hooker, a gentleman of great abilities, and a famous preacher, at Chelmsford, in the county of Essex, was silenced for non-conformity. To escape fines and imprisonment, he fled into Holland. He was held in such high and universal esteem among his acquaintance, that forty-seven ministers, in his vicinity, petitioned the bishop of London in his favour. These were all conformists, and witnessed for Mr. Hooker, that they esteemed him, and knew him " to be, for doc- trine orthodox, for life and conversation honest, for disposition peaceable, and no wise turbulent or factious." However, as he was a non-conformist, no personal or acquired excellencies, no testimonials of his good conduct, nor prayers of his friends, could save him from prosecutions and deposition. He was so esteemed as a preacher, that not only his own people, but others, from all parts of the county of Essex, flocked to hear him. The noble earl of Warwick, though he resided at 'a great distance from Chelmsford, was so delighted with his public per- formances, that he frequently attended them. Great numbers not only attended his ministry, but experienced its salutary effects, and found themselves willing to emigrate into any part of the world, to enjoy the happiness of such a pastor. No sooner, there- fore, was he driven from them, than they turned their eyes towards New-England. They hoped that, if comfortable settlements could be made in this part of America, they might obtain him for their pastor. Therefore, in 1632, a large body of them came over and settled at Newtown, since called Cambridge, in Massachusetts. Numbers of them, it seems, came over at an earlier period, and began to settle at Weymouth, but, this year, the> all removed to Newtown. They had expressed their earnest desires to Mr. [1630 i633l HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. Hooker, that he would come over into New-England, and take the pastoral charge of them. At their desire he left Holland, and having obtained Mr. Samuel Stone, a lecturer at Torcester, in Northamptonshire, for an as- sistant in the ministry, took his passage for America in the Griffin, a ship of 300 tons, and arrived at Boston, September 4th, 1633. With him came over the famous Mr. John Cotton, Mr. John Haynes, afterwards governor of Connecticut, Mr. Goflf, and two hundred other passengers, of importance to the colony. Mr. Hooker, soon after his arrival at Boston, proceeded to Newtown, where, finding himself in the midst of a joyful and affectionate people, he was filled with joy himself. He embraced them with open arms, saying, in the language of the apostle, " Now I live, if ye stand fast in the Lord." ^ These were the pious people who afterwards settled the town of Hartford. Soon after Mr. Hooker's arrival, he was chosen pastor, and Mr. Stone teacher of the people at Newtown. On the nth of Oc- tober, 1633, the church was gathered, and, after solemn fasting and prayer, the pastor and teacher were ordained to their respec- tive offices. The church at Watertown, had been gathered before, on the 27th of August, 1630, and Mr. Phillips ordained pastor. Thus, the three churches of Windsor, Hartford, and Weathers- field, were gathered antecedently to their settlement in Connecti- cut, and it does not appear that they were ever re-gathered after- wards. m ■ H'll ■ ''J CHAPTER II. lusetts. )d, and imoved I to Mr. THE great Plymouth company wished to make grants of their lands as fast as they could find purchasers; and conformity was so pressed, and the times grew so difficult in England, that men of quality, as well as others, were anxious to provide, for them- selves and their friends, a retreat in America. Another patent, therefore, containing a large tract of country in New-England, soon succeeded that of Massachusetts. On the 19th of March, 1631, Robert, earl of Warwick, president of the council of Plymouth, under his hand and seal, did grant and confirm unto the honourable William Viscount Say and Seal, Robert Lord Brooks, Robert Lord Rich, Charles Fiennes, Esq. Sir Nathaniel Rich, Sir Richard Saltonstall, and others, to the number of eleven, and to their heirs, assigns, and associates, for ever, " All that part of New-England, in America, which lies and extends itself from a river there, called Narraganset river, the ■ Magnalia B. III. The Life of Hooker. |. 10 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. ri63t m ''i! space of forty leagues upon a straight line near the sea shore, towards the south-west, west and by south, or west as the coast lieth towards Virginia, accounting three English miles to the league, and all and singular the lands and hereditaments what- soever, lying and being within the bounds aforesaid, north and south in latitude and breadth, and in length and longitude of, and within all the breadth aforesaid, throughout all the main lands there, from the western ocean to the south seas; and all lands, grounds, soil, wood and wood lands, ground, havens, ports, creeks and rivers, waters, fishings and hereditaments whatsoever, lying within the said space, and every part and parcel thereof; and also, all islands lying in America aforesaid, in the said seas, or either of them, on the western or eastern coasts, or parts of the said tracts of land, by these presents to be given or granted." ^ The council of Plymouth, the preceding year, 1630, granted this whole tract to the earl of Warwick, and it had been confirmed to him by a patent from king Charles the first. This is the original patent of Connecticut.* The settlers of the two colonies of Connecticut and New-Haven were the patentees of Viscount Say and Seal, lord Brook, and their associates, to whom the patent was originally given. President Clap describes the extent of the tract, conveyed by this patent, in the words following: " All that part of New-Eng- land which lies west from Narraganset river, a hundred and twenty miles on the sea coast; and from thence, in latitude and breadth aforesaid, to the south sea. This grant extends from Point Judith, to New- York; and from thence, in a west line to the south sea: and if we take Narraganset river in its whole length, this tract will extend as far north as Worcester: it com- prehends the whole of the colony of Connecticut, and much more." " Neal, Douglass, Hutchinson,* and all ancient historians and writers, have represented all the New-England grants as ex- tending west from the Atlantic ocean to the south sea. Indeed the words of the patent are most express, declaring its extent to be south west or west, towards Virginia, to be in length and longi- tude throughout all the main lands to the south sea. The colony of the Massachusetts, and the commissioners of the ' See this natent in the Appendix, No. i, ' The foundation of the earl of Warwick's claim to this territory is as Johnston remarks, "mythical." The grant to Lord Say and Seal and others shows no title on the part of the grantor, and is merely a quit-claim. The same terrirory was granted by the Plymouth Company in 1635 to the Marquis of Hamilton, whose claim was set up in opposition to the charter in 1662, but was barred by prescrip- tion. The fact that the agreement with Fenwick in 1644 provides that he shall arrange that this same territory shall " fall in under the jurisdiction of Connecticut, if it come into his power," indicates that the court of the colony was by no means sure of its jurisdiction. — J. T. * Manuscripts of president Clap. * Neal's history N. £. vol. i. p. 148. Douglass, vol. ii. p. 90 and 160 ; and Hutchinson vol. i. p. 64 and vol. ii. p. 303. [1631 1631I HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. II I rs of the Johnston frs no title irory was on, whose 1 prescrip- : he shall inecticut, no means i 160 ; and united colonies of New-England, understood the patents in this light, and hence extended their claims to the westward of the Dutch settlements. The Massachusetts, in the year 1659, made a grant of lands, opposite to fort Aurania, upon Hudson's river, to a number of principal merchants, in the colony, who were plan- ning to make settlements in those parts.* The same year, the commissioners of the united colonies asserted their claim of all the western lands to the south sea. In a letter to the Dutch gov- ernor, September 1st, 1659, they write, " We presume you have heard from your people of the fort of Aurania, that some of our people, the English, have been lately in those parts, upon dis- covery of some meet places for plantations, within the bounds of the patent of the Massachusetts colony; which from the lati- tude of 42 degrees and a half, or 42 degrees and 33 and a half minutes, and so northerly, extends itself from east to west, in longitude through the main land of America, from the Atlantic ocean to the south or west sea." The patents to Virginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia, have ever been understood to have the same westerly extension. In the same light have they always been viewed, by the British kings, and have been pleaded and acted upon, in treaties, between the court of Great-Britain, and the French and Spanish monarchs. By virtue of this construction of patents and charters of the Amer- ican colonies, it was, that all the western territories, as far as Mississippi, were, in the late peace with Great-Britain, ceded to the states of America. From the same construction of the patents, congress have taken a formal surrender of the unappropriated western lands from particular states, and from Connecticut no less than from others. The situation of the settled part of Connecticut is chiefly from 41 to 42 degrees of north latitude, and from 72 to 73 degrees and 45 minutes west longitude. It is bounded south by the sea shore about 90 miles, from Byram river, in the latitude of 40 degrees and 58 minutes, and longitude 72 degrees and 25 minutes, to Paw- cat uck river, in latitude 41 degrees and 17 minutes, and in longi- tude y2 degrees and 25 minutes; east on the colony of Rhode- Island 45 miles; north on Massachusetts 72 miles, the line run- ning nearly in the latitude of 42 degrees ; and west on New- York about 73 miles. It contains 4,730 square miles, and 3,020,000 acres. One twentieth part of the colony is water and highways." Exclusive of these there are 2,869,000 acres. Of this about 2,640,000 are estimated improvable. The land is excellently watered, and liberal to the husbandman. Though, in some places, ' Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 159. * To find the quantity of water and highways, an accurate computation was made of the proportion of water and highways in a particular town, which was supposed to contain an average with the towns in general. J •♦IV;! a m m^t ii: iiliiii ^1 'iiiii fi HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1631 it is mountainous and broken, yet the greatest part of this is profit- able either for wood or grazing. There are some thin lands, but these are profitable with proper manuring and cultivation. The present population is more than fifty souls to every square mile, including land and water. It is about one person to every ten or twelve acres of land. The first discoveries made of this part of New-England were of its principal river and the fine meadows lying upon its bank. Whether the Dutch at New-Netherlands, or the people of New- Plymouth, were the first discoverers of the river is not certain. Both the English and Dutch claimed to be the first discoverers, and both purchased and made a settlement of the lands upon it nearly at the same time. In 1631, Wahquimacut, a sachem upon the river Connecticut, made a journey to Plymouth and Boston, earnestly soliciting the governors of each of the colonies to send men to make settlements upon the river. He represented the exceeding fruitfulness of the country, and promised that he would supply the English, if they would make a settlement there, with corn annually, and give them eighty beaver skins. He urged that two men might be sent to view the country. Had this invitation been accepted it might have prevented the Dutch claim to any part of the lands upon the river, and opened an extensive trade, in hemp, furs, and deer skins, with all the Indians upon it, and far into Canada. The governor of Massachusetts treated the sachem and his company with generosity, but paid no further attention to his proposal. Mr. Winslow, the governor of Plymouth, judged it worthy of more attention. It seems, that soon after he went to Connecticut, and discovered the river and the adjacent parts. The commissioners of the united colonies, in their declaration against the Dutch, in 1653, say, " Mr. Winslow, one of the commissioners for Plymouth, discovered the fresh river when the Dutch had neither trading house nor any pretence to a foot of land there." ^ It very soon appeared that the earnestness, with which the Indian sachem solicited the English to make settlements on the river, originated in the distressed state of the river Indians. Pekoath, at that time, the great sachem of the Pequims, or Pequots, was conquering them, and driving their sachems from that part of the country. The Indian king imagined that, if he could persuade the English to make settlements there, they would defend him from his too powerful enemies.' The nt' !: vear, the people of New-Plymouth made more par- ticular irscoveries, upon the river, and found a place near the mouth of the little river, in Windsor, at which they judged a trad- ing house might be erected, which would be advantageous to the colony. Records of the United Colonies. ' Winthrop's Journal, p. 25 163a] cano abou O miles river and on tl Co tains exten of its ; i!niji 163a] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 13 '»■ .1 The Indians represented that the river Connecticut extended so far north, and so near the great lake, that they passed their canoes from the lake into it; and that from the great swamps about the lake came most of the beaver in which they traded. One of the branches of Onion river, in Vermont, is within ten miles of Connecticut river. This was anciently called the French river. The French and Indians from Canada came by this river, and from this into Connecticut, when they made their attacks on the northern frontiers of New-England and Connecticut. Connecticut river has its source in that grand ridge of moun- tains which divides the waters of New-England and Canada, and extends north-easterly to the gulf of St. Lawrence. The source of its highest branch is in about 45 degrees and a half, or 46 de- grees of north latitude. Where it enters New-England, in 45 de- grees of north latitude, it is ten rods in breadth, and in running sixty miles further, it becomes twenty-four rods wide. It forms the boundary line btween New-Hampshire and Vermont about two hundred miles. Thence running through the states of Massa- chusetts and Connecticut, it disembogues its waters into Long- Island sound, between Saybrook and Lyme. It runs with a gentle flow, as its course is, between three and four hundred miles. Its breadth through Connecticut, as a medium, is between a hundred rods and half a mile. In the high spring floods it overflows its banks, and in some places is nearly two miles in breadth. As its banks are generally low, it forms and fertilizes a vast tract of the finest meadow; feasible, fertile, and in which a stone is scarcely to he found. The general course of this beautiful river, above, and between the states of New-Hampshire and Vermont, is nearly south west; thence it turns and runs but a few degrees west of south to its mouth. At a small distance from its mouth is a bar of sand, apparently formed by the conilux of the river and tide. Upon this there is but ten feet of water at full tide. The bar is at such a distance from the mouth of the river, that the greatest floods do not increase the depth of the water. This is some ob- struction to navigation, but any vessel, which can pass the bar, may proceed without obstruction as far as Middletown, thirty miles from the sound ; and vessels of eighty, and a hundred tons, go up to Hartford, fifty miles from the river's mouth. By means of locks and cuts, at the falls, it is now navigable, for boats, more than three hundred miles. In Connecticut, there is one exception to the lowness of the river's banks. About three miles below Middletown the river makes its way through two mountains, by which its breadth is contracted to about forty rods. This occasions the waters, some- times, in the spring floods, to rise, even at Hartford, twenty feet above the common surface of the river. This, for the length of its course, its gentle flow, its excellent waters, the rich and ex- , ,r,ii 14 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [163a i '11 I : '1 riHI! IM tensive meadows which it forms, and the immense quantities of fish, with which it abounds, is one of the finest rivers in NeW' England. None of the ancient adventurers, who discovered the great con- tinent of North-America, or New-England, made any discovery of this river. It does not appear that it was known to any civilized nation, until some years after the settlement of the English and Dutch, at Plymouth and New-Netherlands. From this fine river, which the Indians called Quonehtacut, or Connecticut, (in English, the long river,) the colony, originally took its name. Indeed this is one principal source of its wealth and convenience. The Housatonick and the little or Farmington river, westward of it, and Pequot river, now called the Thames, on the east, are also considerable sources of its opulence and prosperity. The Housatonick, now commonly called Stratford river, has two prin- cipal branches. One rises in Lanesborough, and the other in Windsor, in the county of Berkshire, in Massachusetts. Where it enters Connecticut, between Salisbury and Canaan, it is about fifty rods wide, and running through the whole length of the colony, it empties into the sound between Milford and Stratford. It is navigable twelve miles to Derby. Between Milford and Stratford it is about eighty rods wide, and there is about four fathoms of water. Were it not obstructed, by a bar of shells, at the mouth, it would admit large ships. Between Salisbury and Canaan is a cataract where the water of the whole river falls per- pendicularly sixty feet. The fall produces a perfectly white sheet of water, and a mist in which various floating rainbows are ex- hibited, forming a scene exquisitely grand and beautiful. The Naugatuck, or Waterbury river, is another considerable branch of the Housatonick. Its source is in Torrington, and run- ning through Harwinton, Plymouth and Waterbury, it empties itself into said river at Derby. The little, or Farmington river, rises in Becket, in Massachu- setts, crosses the boundary line between the colonies at Hartland, and passing through Barkhempsted and New-Hartford, runs south considerably below the centre of Farmington first society; then, making a remarkable turn, it runs back nearly a north course, twelve or fourteen miles into Simsbury; where it turns easterly, and running into Windsor, discharges its waters into Connecticut river ,^ nearly in the centre of the town. This formerly was replenished with all kinds of fish in as great a profusion as Connecticut. The numerous dams, which more lately have been erected upon it, have very greatly obstructed their passage. Pequot river, or the Thames, empties into the sound at New- • The Connecticut river was doubtless explored by Adrian Block in 1614, who, ac- cording to De Laet, sailed as far as the present site of Hartford. — J. T. 1; New- irho, ac- I i .3 1633] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. •I London. It is navigable fourteen miles, to Norwich landing. Here it loses its name, and branches into Shetucket on the east, and Norwich or little river on the west. About a mile from the mouth of the little river, is a remarkable romantic cataract. A perpendicular rock, about twelve feet high, extends itself across the whole channel: over this the river pitches, in one entire sheet, on to a bed of rocks: here it is compressed by a very narrow and crooked passage, between two craggy cliffs, and for fifteen or twenty rods, forces its way over numerous pointed rocks, with the most violent agitation; thence it flows into a large basin, which spreads itself for its reception. The long and constant falling of the waters, have excavated the rocks, even to admiration. In some, cavities are made, of a circular form, not less than five or six feet deep. The smooth and gentle flow of the river above the fall, the regularity and beauty of its descent, the roughness and foam of the waters below, and the rugged, tow- ering cliff impending the whole, presents the spectator with a scene majestic and pleasing beyond description. The Shetucket, which name it bears as far only as the southern boundary of Windham, is formed by the Willamantick and Queni- baug rivers. The Willamantick has its source in Massachusetts, enters Connecticut at Stafford, and is the boundary line between Tolland and Willington, Coventry and Mansfield, and passing by Windham, loses itself in the Shetucket. Quenibaug rises in Brim- field, in Massachusetts, and passing through Sturbridge and Dudley, crosses the line between that state and Connecticut, at Thompson; and dividing Pomfret from Killingly, Canterbury from Plainfield, and Lisbon from Preston, flows into the She- tucket. The colony is watered and fertilized by numerous other rivers, of less extent and utility. As the people at Plymouth had explored Connecticut river, and fixed upon a place convenient for building and commerce, and found the original proprietors of the soil desirous of their making settlements among them, they judged it an affair worthy of pub- lic, and immediate attention. In July, 1633, Mr. Winslow and Mr. Bradford therefore made a journey to Boston, to confer with governor Winthrop and his council, on the subject. Governor Winslow and Mr. Bradford proposed it to them, to join with Plymouth, in a trade to Connecti- cut, for hemp and beaver, and to erect a house for the purposes of commerce. It was represented as necessary, to prevent the Dutch from taking possession of that fine country, who, it was reported, were about to build upon the river: but governor Win- throp declined the motion: he objected that it was not proper to make a plantation there, because there were three or four thou- sand warlike Indians upon the river; and because the bar at the I •: ^'3 Ml. i ■ ) I Si i' u ■nil ! II . (i,:.:"ii :i||'( HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1633 mouth of it was such, that small pinnaces only could enter it at high water; and because that, seven months in the year, no ves- sels could go into it, by reason of the ice, and the violence of the stream. The Plymouth people therefore determined to undertake the enterprise at their own risk. Preparations were made for erecting a trading house, and establishing a small company upon the river. In the mean time, the master of a vessel from Massachusetts, who was trading at New-Netherlands, shewed to Walter Van Twiller, the Dutch governor, the commission which the English had to trade and settle in New-England; and that his majesty, the king of England, had granted all these parts to his own subjects. He therefore desired that the Dutch would not build at Connecticut. This appears to have been done at the direction of governor Win- throp; for, in consequence of it, the Dutch governor wrote a very complaisant letter to him, in which he represented, that the lords, the Stat.'i General, had granted the same country to the West- India company. He requested therefore, that the English would made no settlements at Connecticut, until the affair should be determined between the court of England, and the States General.^ This appears to have been a piece of policy in the Dutch governor, to keep the English still, until the Dutch had got a firm footing upon the river. Several vessels, this year, went into Connecticut river to trade. John Oldham, from Dorchester,' and three men with him, also travelled through the wilderness to Connecticut, to view the coun- try, and trade with the Indians. The sachem upon the river made him most welcome, and gave him a present in beaver. He found that the Indian hemp grew spontaneously in the meadows, in great abundance: he purchased a quantity of it; and, upon trial, it appeared much to exceed the hemp which grew in England. William Holmes, of Plymouth, with his company, having pre- pared the frame of a house, with boards and materials for covering it immediately, put them on board a vessel, and sailed for Con- necticut. Holmes had a commission from the governor of Ply- mouth, and a chosen company to accomplish his design. When he came into the river, he found that the Dutch had got in before him, made a light fort, and planted two pieces of cannon: this was erected at the place since called Hartford. The Dutch forbid Holmes' going up the river, stood by their cannon, ordered him to strike his colours, or they would fire upon him: but he v/as a man of spirit, assured them that he had a commission from the governor of Plymouth to go up the river, and that he must obey ' VVinthrop's Journal, p. 55. * In the Colony Records, Oldham is mentioned as a member of the assembly of May 8, 1632, "for Watertown." From this Savage draws the inference that he could not have been from Dorchester at this time, September, 1633. — J. T. ii' 163J] HISTORY OF CONN liCTIO^* «r his orders: they poured out their thiats, but W proceeded, and landing on the west side of the river, erected bis house a little below the mouth of the little river, in Windsor.* The house was covered with the utmost dispatch, and fortified with palisadoes. The sachems, who were the original owners of the soil, had been driven from this part of the country, by the Pequots; and were now carried home on board Holmes* vessel. Of them the Ply- mouth people purchased the land, on which they erected their house.* This, governor Wolcott says, was the first house erected in Connecticut.* The Dutch, about the same time, erected a trad- ing house at Hartford, which they called the Hirse of good hope.* It was with great difficulty that Holmes and his company erected and fortified their house, and kept it afterwards. The Indians were offended at their bringing home the original proprietors, and lords of the country, and the Dutch that they had settled there, and were about to rival them in trade, and in the possession of those excellent lands upon the river : they were obliged therefore to combat both, and to keep a constant watch upon them. The Dutch, before the Plymouth people took possession of the river, had invited them, in an amicable manner, to trade at Con- necticut; but when they were apprised that they were making preparations for a settlement there, they repented of the invita- tion, and spared no exertions to prevent them. On the 8th of June, the Dutch had sent Jacob Van Curter, to purchase lands upon the Connecticut. He made a purchase of about twenty acres at Hartford, of Nepuquash, a Pequot captain. Of this the Dutch took possession in October, and on the 25th of the month, Curter protested against William Holmes, the builder of the Plymouth house. Some time afterwards, the Dutch gov- ernor, Walter Van Twiller, of fort Amsterdam, dispatched a re- inforcement to Connecticut, designing to drive Holmes and his company from the river. A band of seventy men, under arms, with banners displayed, assaulted the Plymouth house, but they found It so well fortified, and the men who kept it so vigilant and determined, that it could not be taken without bloodshed: they therefore came to a parley, and finally returned in peace. The Dutch were always mere intruders." They had no right to any part of this country. The English ever denied their right, and when the Dutch placed a governor at New-Netherlands, and ' Manuscripts of governor Wolcott. ^ Prince's Chron. part ii. sec. 2, p. 94, 95, 96. 3 In his manuscripts. * Smith represents this house as built ten years before it was. Hist, of New- York, p. 2. ' This is disputed by Savage, who accuses Trumbull of partisan feeling, and re- fers to the N. A. Review, 8 : 85, for a fair statement of the claims of the Dutch. The fact that Trumbull erroneously supposed Hudson to be under control of the English at the time of the discovery of the Hudson river, probably had much to do with Trumbull's entire view of the claims of the Dutch. — J. T. r, ;1 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. (1634 the court of England made complaint of it to the States General, they disowned the affair, and said it was only a private under- taking of an Amsterdam West-India company. King James the first commissioned Edward Langdon to be governor, at New- Netherlands, and named the country New-Albion The Dutch submitted to the English government, until the tn ables in Eng- land, under the administrations of king Charles the first and the long parliament.^ Taking the advantage of the distraction of those times, they again usurped and established their government, until they were reduced by king Charles the second, in 1664. They gave great trouble to both the colonies of Connecticut and New-Haven. The people of New-Plymouth had carried on a trade upon Cott- necticut river for nearly two years before they erected a trading house. They found the country to be excellent and the trade profitable; but that, were there a house and company to receive the commodities which were brought down from the inland coun- try, the profits would be much greater. The country abounded with beaver. The Dutch purchased not less than ten thousand skins annually. Plymouth and Massachusetts people sometimes sent, in a single ship, for England, a thousand pounds sterling worth of otter and beaver skins. The extent of Connecticut river, the numerous Indians upon it, and the easy communication which they had with the lakes, and natives of Canada, gave an extensive opening for a trade in furs, skins, corn, hemp and all kinds of commodities which the country afforded. This was a year of great sickness at Plymouth. They lost twenty of their people. Some of them were their principal and most useful inhabitants. It was a dreadful year to the Indians in the Massachusetts. Two sachems with a great part of their Indians died. The small pox, which spread among them, was the occasion of the mortality. The people of Massachusetts shewed them great kindness in their distress. Several towns received their children to prevent their taking the infection, and to nurse and save them if they had taken it; but the most of them died, notwithstanding all the care and pains which could be exercised towards them. When their own people forsook them, the English, who lived near them, went to their wigwams and ministered to them. Some families spent al- most their whole time with them. One Englishman buried thirty of their dead in one day." ' Dong. vol. ii. p. 222. Winthrop'i Journal, p. 59. i633l HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 19 III ' 'I Itl CHAPTER III. WHEN the English became first acquainted with that tract comprised within the settled part of Connecticut, it was a vast wilderness. There were no pleasant fields, nor gardens, no public roads, nor cleared plats. Except in places where the timber had been destroyed, and its growth prevented by frequent fires, the groves were thick and lofty. The Indians so often burned the country, to take deer and other wild game, that in many parts of the plain, dry parts of it, there was but little small timber. Where lands were thus burned there grew bent grass, or as some called it, thatch, two, three and four feet high, according to the strength of the land. This, with other combustible matter, which the fields and groves produced, when dry, in the spring and fall, burned with violence and killed all the small trees. The large ones es- caped, a>33 !•: i':' ii I 'h'';i'!:!!i ■''■■'i'li Hi! pally situated upon the Podunk, from the northern boundary of Hartford, to its mouth, where it empties into Connecticut river. Totanimo, their first sachem with whom the English had any acquaintance, commanded two hundred bowmen. These were called the Podunk Indians. At Mattabesick, now Middletown, was the great sachem Sow- heag. His fort, or castle, was on the high ground, facing the river, and the adjacent country, on both sides of the river, was h^s sachemdom. This was extensive, comprehending the ancient boundaries of Weathersfield, then called Pyquaug, as well as Mid- dletown. Sequin was sagamore at Pyquaug, under Sowheag, when the English began their settlements. On the east side of the river, in the tract since called Chatham, was a considerable clan, called the Wongung Indians. At Machemoodus, now called East-Haddam, was a numerous tribe, famous for their pawaws, and worshipping of evil spirits.^ South of these, in the eastern- most part of Lyme, were the western Nehanticks. These were confederate with the Pequots. South and east of them, from Connecticut river to the eastern boundary line of the colony, and north-east or north, to its northern boundary line, lay the Pequot and Moheagan country. This tract was nearly thirty miles square, including the counties of New-London, Windham, and the prin- cipal part of the county of Tolland.* Historians have treated of the Pequots and Moheagans, as two distinct tribes, and have described the Pequot country, as lying principally within the three towns of New-London, Groton, and Stonington. All the tract above this, as far north and east as has been described, they have represented as the Moheagan country. Most of the towns in this tract, if not all of them, hold their lands by virtue of deeds from Uncas, or his successors, the Moheagan sachems. It is, however, much to be doubted, whether the Mo- heagans were a distinct nation from the Pequots. They appear to have been a part of the same nation, named from the place of their situation. Uncas was evidently of the royal line of the Pequots, both by his father and mother; and his wife was daugh- ter of Tatobam, one of the Pequot sachems.^ He appears to have been a captain, or petty sachem, under Sassacus, the great p'ince of the nation. When the English first came to Connecticut, he was in a state of rebellion against him, in consequence of some misunderstanding between them; and of little power or conse- quence among the Indians. The Pequots were, by far, the most warlike nation in Connecti- cut, or even in New-England. The tradition is, that they were, ' Manuscripts of the Rev. Mr. Hosmer. ' President Clap's manuscripts, and Chandler's map of the Moheagan country. ' Preface to Capt. Mason's history, and genealogy of Uncas, upon the records of Connecticut. 1633] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. a^ originally, an inland tribe; but, by their prowess, came down and settled themselves, in that fine country along the sea coast, from Nehantick to Narraganset bay. When the English began their settlements at Connecticut, Sassacus had twenty-six sachems, or principal war captains, under him. The next to himself, in dig- nity, was Mononottoh. The chief seat of these Indians, was at New-London and Groton. New-London was their principal har- bor, and called Pequot harbor. They had another small harbor at the mouth of Mystic river. Their principal fort was on a com- manding and most beautiful eminence, in the town of Gro- ton, a few miles south-easterly from fort Griswold. It com- manded one of the finest prospects of the sound and the adjacent country, which is to be found upon the coast. This was the royal fortress, where the chief sachem had his residence. He had an- other fort near Mystic river, a few miles to the eastward of this, called Mystic fort. This was also erected upon a beautiful hill, or eminence, gradually descending towards the south and south- east. The Pequots, Moheagans, and Nehanticks, could, doubt- less, muster a thousand bowmen. The Pequots only were esti- mated at seven hundred warriors. Upon the lowest computation we therefore find at least three thousand warriors on the river Connecticut, and in the eastern part of the colony. If we reckon every third person a bowman, as some have imagined, then the whole number of Indians, in the town and tract mentioned, would be nine thousand; but if there were but one to four or five, as is most probable, then there were twelve or fifteen thousand. West of Connecticut river and the towns upon it, there were not only scattering families in almost every part, but, in several places, great bodies of Indians. At Simsbury and New-Hartford, they were numerous; and upon those fine meadows, formed by the meanders of the little river, at Tunxis, now Farmington, and the lands adjacent, was another very large clan. There was a small tribe at Guilford, under the sachem squaw, or queen, of Menunkatuck. At Branford and East-Haven there was another. They had a famous burying ground at East-Haven, which they visited and kept up, with much ceremony, for many years after the settlement of New-Haven. At Milford, Derby, Stratford, Norwalk, Stamford, and Green- wich, their numbers were formidable. At Milford, the Indian name of which was Wopowage, there were great numbers; not only in the centre of the town, but south of it, at Milford point. In the fields there, the shells brought on by the original inhabitants are said to be so deep, that they never have been ploughed, or dug through, even to this day. On the west part of the town was another party. They had a strong fortress, with flankers at the four corners, about half a mile north of Stratford ferry. This was built as a defence against the Mo- 11! '>■.' ml }':A ■H'i ;i:;il 24 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1633 ' m ■'■liii I " "ill I., ::!!'" ■liiii :':iil|:i ,:^.l!!li nil !"1 III'; |i!l! hawks. At Turkey hill, in the north-west part of Milford, there was another large settlement. In Derby, there were two large clans. There was one at Pau- gusset. This clan erected a strong fort against the Mohawks, situated on the bank of the river, nearly a mile above Derby ferry. At the falls of Naugatuck river, four or live miles above, was another tribe. At Stratford, the Indians were equally, if not more numerous. In that part of the town only, which is comprised within the limits of Huntington, their warriors, after the English had knowledge of them, were estimated at three hundred ; and, before this time, they had been much wasted by the Mohawks. The Indians at Stamford and Greenwich, and in that vicinity, probably, were not inferior in numbers to those at Stratford. There were two or three tribes of Indians in Stamford, when the English began the settlement of the town. In Norwalk were two petty sachemdoms ; so that within these towns, there was a large and dangerous body of savages. These, with the natives between them and Hudson's river, gave extreme trouble to the Dutch. The Norwalk and Stamford Indians gave great alarm, and occa- sioned much expense to the English, after they made settlements in that part of the colony. In the town of Woodbury, there were also great numbers of Indians. The most numerous body of them was in that part of the town, since named South-Britain. It would doubtless be a moderate computation, to reckon all these different clans at a thousand warriors, or four or five thou- sand people. There must therefore have been sixteen, and it may be, twenty thousand Indians in Connecticut, when the settlement of it commenced. East of Connecticut were the Narraganset Indians: these were a numerous and powerful body. When the English settled Plymouth, their fighting men were reckoned at three or four thousand.^ Fifty years after this time, they were estimated at two thousand. The Pequots and Narragansets maintained perpetual war, and kept up an implacable animosity between them. The Narragansets were the only Indians in the vicinity of the Pequots, which they had not conquered. To these their very name was dreadful. They said Sassacus was " all one God; no man could kill him." ^ On the northeasterly and northern part of the colony, were the Nipmuck Indians. Their principal seat was about the great ponds in Oxford, in Massachusetts, but their territory extended southward into Connecticut, more than twenty miles. This was called the Wabbequasset and Whetstone country; and some- ' Prince's Chron. p. 116, ' Major Mason's history of the Pequot war. i633l HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 25 times, the Moheagan conquered country, as Uncas had conquered and added it to his sachemdom.* The Connecticut, and indeed all the New-England Indians, were large, straight, well proportioned men. Their bodies were firm and active, capable of enduring the greatest fatigues and hardships. Their passive courage was almost incredible. When tortured in the most cruel manner; though flayed alive, though burnt with fire, cut or torn limb from limb, they would not groan, nor show any signs of distress. Nay, in some instances they would glory over their tormentors, saying that their hearts would never be soft until they were cold, and representing their torments as sweet as Englishmen's sugar.* When travelling in summer, or winter, they regarded neither heat nor cold. They were ex- ceedingly light of foot, and would travel or run a very great distance in a day. Mr. Williams says, " I have known them run between eighty and a hundred miles in a summer's day and back again within two days." As they were accustomed to the woods, they ran in them nearly as well as on plain ground. They were exceedingly quick sighted, to discover their enemy, or their game, and equally artful to conceal themselves. Their features were tolerably regular. Their faces are generally full as broad as those of the English, but flatter; they have a small, dark coloured good eye, coarse black hair, and a fine white set of teeth. The Indian children, when born, are nearly as white as the EngHsh children; but as they grow up their skin grows darker and becomes nearly of a copper colour. The shapes both of the men and women, es- pecially the latter, are excellent. A crooked Indian is rarely if ever to be seen. The Indians in general were quick of apprehension, ingenious, and when pleased, nothing could exceed their courtesy and friendship. Gravity and eloquence distinguished them in council, address and bravery in war. They were not more easily provoked than the EngHsh; but when once they had received an injury, it was never forgotten. In anger they were not, Hke the English, talkative and boisterous, but sullen and revengeful. Indeed, when they were exasperated, nothing could exceed their revenge and cruelty. When they have fallen into the power of an enemy, they have not been known to beg for life, nor even to accept it when offered them. They have seemed rather to court death.' They were exceedingly improvident. If they had a supply for the present, they gave themselves no trouble for the future. The men declined all labor, and spent their time in hunting, fishing, shooting, and warlike exercises. They were excellent marksmen, and rarely missed their game, whether running or flying. ' President Clap's manuscripts, and Chandler's map of the Moheagan country. - Hubbard's Narrative, p. 130 and 172. Jefferson's notes, p. 108, 109, and Hubbard's Narrative, p. 130, 172. ^i 'ts 'Hi M ''I I ^1 I il I m^ 40 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1633 They imposed all the drudgery upon their women. They gath- ered and brought home their wood, planted, dressed and gathered in their corn. They carried home the venison, fish and fowl, which the men took in hunting. When they travelled, the women carried the children, packs and provisions. The Indian women submitted patiently to such treatment, considering it as the hard lot of the woman. This ungenerous usage of their haughty lords, they repaid with smiles and good humour. It has been common among all heathen nations, to treat their women as slaves, and their children, in infancy, with little tender- ness. The Indian men cared little for their children when young, and were supposed at certain times, to sacrifice them to the devil. Christianity only provides for that tender and honorable treat- ment of the woman, which is due to the sex formed of man. This alone provides for the tender care, nursing and education of her offspring, and is most favorable to domestic happiness, to the life and dignity of man. The Indian women were strong and masculine; and as they were more inured to exercise and hardship than the men, were even more firm and capable of fatigue and suflfering than they. They endured the pains of child-bearing without a groan. It was not uncommon for ibem, soon after labor, to take their children upon their backs and travel as they had done before.* The clothing of the Indians in New-England, was the skins of wild beasts. The men threw a light mantle of skins over them, and wore a small flap which was called Indian breeches. They were not very careful, however, to conceal their nakedness. The women were much more modest. They wore a coat of skins, girt about their loins, which reached down to their hams. — ^They never put this oflf in company. If the husband chose to sell his wife's beaver petticoat, she could not be persuaded to part with it, until he had provided another of some sort. In the winter, their blanket of skins, which hung loose in the summer, was tied or wrapped more closely about them. The old men in the severe seasons also wore a sort of trowsers made of skins and fastened to their girdles. They wore shoes without heels, which they called mockasins. These were made generally of moose hide, but sometimes of buck skin. They were shaped entirely to the foot, gathered at the toes and round the ankles, and made fast with strings. Their ornaments were pendants in their ears and nose, carved of bone, shells and stone. These were in the form of birds, beasts and fishes. They also wore belts of wampompeag upon their arms, over their shoulders and about their loins. They cut their hair into various antic forms and stuck them with feathers. They ' Wood's prospect of New-England, Neal and Hutchinson, Neal's Hist. N. E. vol. i. p. 45. Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 462 to 467, ■ l*^! i633] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 37 .^ also, by incisions into which they conveyed a black or blue, un- changeable ink, made on their cheeks, arms, and other parts of their bodies, the figures of moose, deer, bears, wolves, hawks, eagles and all such living creatures as were most agreeable to their fancies. These pictures were indelible, and lasted during life. The sachems, on great days, when they designed to show themselves in the full splendor of majesty, not only covered them- selves with mantles of moose, or deer skins, with various em- broideries of white beads, and with paintings of different kinds; but they wore the skin of a bear, wild cat or some terrible creature upon their shoulders and arms. They had also necklaces of fish bones, and painting themselves in a frightful manner, made a most ferocious and horrible appearance. The warriors who, on public occasions, dressed themselves in the most wild and terrific forms, were considered as the best men. The Indian houses or wigwams, were, at best, but poor smoky cells. They were constructed generally like arbours, of small young trees, bent and twisted together, and so curiously covered with mats or bark, that they were tolerably dry and warm. The Indians made their fire in the centre of the house, and there was an opening at the top, which emitted the smoke. For the con- venience of wood and water, these huts were commonly erected in groves, near some river, brook or living spring. When the wood failed, the family removed to another place. They lived in a poor low manner: their food was coarse and simple, without any kind of seasoning: they had neither spice, salt, nor bread: they had neither butter, cheese, nor milk: they drank nothing better than the water which ran in the brook, or spouted from the sprinr: * >ey fed on the flesh and entrails of moose, deer, bears, and iii kinds of wild beasts and fowls; on fish, eels, and creeping things: they had good stomachs, and nothing came amiss. In the hunting and fishing seasons, they had venison, moose, fat bears, racoons, geese, turkeys, ducks, and fish of all kinds. In the summer, they had green corn, beans, squashes, and the various fruits which the country naturally pro- duced. In the winter they subsisted on corn, beans, fish, nuts, groundnuts, acorns, and the very gleanings of the grove. They had no set meals, but like other wild creatures, ate when they were hungry, and could find any thing to satisfy the cravings of nature. Some times they had little or nothing for several days; but when they had provisions, they feasted. If they fasted for some time, they were sure at the next meal to make up for all they had lost before. They had but little food from the earth, except what it spontaneously produced. Indian com, beans and squashes, were the only eatables for which the natives in New- England labored. The earth was both their seat and their table. With trenchers, knives, and napkins, they had no acquaintance. P ( ^ If' ■■'II W i h ;' ■ SI :;■; ; . (■' m m 38 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1633 Their household furniture was of small value. Their best bed was a mat or skin : they had neither chair nor stool. They ever sat upon the ground, commonly with their elbows upon their knees : this is the manner in which their great warriors and coun- cillors now sit, even in the most public treaties with the English. A few wooden and stone vessels and instruments, serve all the purposes of domestic life. They had no steel nor iron instrument. Their knife was a sharp stone, shell, or kind of reed, which they sharpened in such a manner, as to cut their hair, make their bows and arrows, and served for all the purposes of a knife. They made them axes of stone: these they shaped somewhat similar to our axes; but with this difference, that they were made with a neck, instead of an eye, and fastened with a withe, like a blacksmith's chisel. They had mortars, and stone pestles, and chisels: great numbers of these have been found in the country, and kept by the people, as curiosities. They dressed their corn with a clam- shell, or with a stick, made flat and sharp at one end. These were all the utensils which they had, either for domestic use, or for husbandry. Their arts and manufactures were confined to a very narrow compass. Their only weapons were bows and arrows, the toma- hawk and the wooden sword or spear. Their bows were of the common construction : their bowstrings were made of the sinews of deer, or of the Indian hemp. Their arrows were constructed of young elder sticks, or of other straight sticks and reeds : these were headed with a sharp flinty stone, or with bones. The arrovvT was cleft at one end, and the stone or bone was put in and fastened with a small cord. The tomahawk was a stick of two or three feet in lengfth, with a knob at one end. Some times it was a stone hatchet, or a stick, with a piece of deer's horn at one end, in the form of a pick axe. Their spear was a straight piece of wood, sharpened at one end, and hardened in the lire, or headed with bone or stone. With respect to navigation, they had made no improvements beyond the construction and management of the hollow trough or canoe. They made their canoes of the chestnut, whitewood, and pine trees. As these grew straight to a great length, and were exceedingly large as well as tall, they constructed some, which would carry sixty or eighty men : ^ these were first rates ; but commonly they were not more than twenty feet in length, and two in breadth. The Pequots had many of these, in which they passed over to the Islands, and warred against, and plundered the Islanders. The Indians upon Long-Island had a great num- ber of canoes, of the largest kind. The construction of these, with such miserable tools as the Indians possessed, was a great curiosity. The manner was this: ' Winthrop's Journal, p. 54. ill 1633] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. ag when they had found a tree to their purpose, to fell it they made a fire at the root, and kept burning it and cutting it with their stone axe, until it fell: then they kindled a fire at such a distance from the butt as they chose, and burned it off again. By burning and working with their axe, and scraping with sharp stones and shells, they made it hollow and smooth. In the same manner they shaped the ends, and finished it to their wishes. They constructed nets, twenty and thirty feet in length, for fish- ing; especially for the purpose of catching sturgeon: these were wrought with cords of Indian hemp, twisted by the hands of the women. They had also hooks, made of flexible bones, which they used for fishing. With respect to religion and morals, the Indians in New-Eng- land were in the most deplorable condition. They believed that there was a great Spirit, or God, whom they called Kitchtan. They imagined that he dwelt far away in the southwest, and that he was a good God. But they worshipped a great variety of gods. They paid homage to the fire and water, thunder and lightning, and to whatever they imagined to be superior to themselves, or capable of doing them an injury.* They paid their principal homage to Hobbamocko. They imagined that he was an evil spirit and did them mischief; and so, from fear, they worshipped him, to keep him in good humour. They ap- peared to have no idea of a sabbath, and not to regard any par- ticular day more than another. But in times of uncommon dis- tress, by reason of pestilence, war, or famine, and upon occasion of great victories and triumph, and after the ingathering of the fruits, they assembled in great numbers, for the celebration of their superstitious rites.' The whole country, men, women and children, came together upon these solemnities. The manner of their devotion was, to kindle large fires in their wigwams, or more commonly in the open fields, and to sing and dance round them in a wild and violent manner. Sometimes they would all shout aloud, with the most antic and hideous notes. They made rattles of shells, which they shook, in a wild and violent manner, to fill up the confused noise. After the English settled in Con- necticut, and they could purchase kettles of brass, they used to strain skins over them, and beat upon them, to augment their wretched music. They often continued these wild and tumultu- ous exercises incessantly, for four or five hours, until they were worn down and spent with fatigue. Their priests, or powaws, led in these exercises. They were dressed in the most odd and sur- prising manner, with skins of odious and frightful creatures about their heads, faces, arms, and bodies. They painted themselves in the most ugly forms which could be devised. They sometimes sang, and then broke forth into strong invocations, with starts, ' Magnolia, b. iii. p. 192. '' Ibid. ''¥'m m i 11 «,- ■mi 1 1 I 'ff'i ^! ■ 11- M, 30 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 11633 iiii and strange motions and passions. When these paused, the other Indians groaned, making wild and doleful sounds. At these times, they sacrificed their skins, Indian money, and the best of their treasures. These .vere taken by the powaws, and all cast into the fires and consum^i together. After the English came into the country, and they had hatchets and kettles, they sacri- ficed these in the same manner. The English were also per- suaded, that they, sometimes, sacrificed their children, as well as their most valuable commodities. No Indians in Connecticut were more noted for these superstitions than those of Wo- powage and Machemoodus. Milford people observing an Indian child, nearly at one of these times of their devotion, dressed in an extraordinary manner, with all kinds of Indian finery, had the curiosity to inquire what could be the reason. The Indians an- swered, that it was to be sacrificed, and the people supposed that it was given to the devil. The evil spirit, which the New-Eng- land Indians called Hobbamocko, the Virginia Indians called Okee. So deluded were these unhappy people, that they be- lieved these barbarous sacrifices to be absolutely necessary. They imagined that, unless they appeased and conciliated their gods in this manner, they would neither suffer them to have peace, nor harvests, fish, venison, fat bears, nor turkeys; but would visit them with a general destruction. With respect to morals, they were indeed miserably depraved. Mr. Williams and Mr. Callender, who, at an early period, were acquainted with the Indians in Rhode-Island, Mr. Hooker. :md others, have represented them as sunk into the lowest stote of moral turpitude, and as the very dregs of human nature.^ Though the character which they gave them was, in some respects, exag- gerated and absurd, yet it cannot be denied, that they were wor- shippers of evil spirits, liars, thieves, and murderers. They cer- tainly were insidious and revengeful, almost without a parallel; and they wallowed in all the filth of wantonness. Great pains were taken with the Narraganset and Connecticut Indians, to civilize them, and teach them Christianity; but the sachems re- jected the gospel with indignation and contempt. They would not suffer it to be preached to their subjects. Indeed, both made it a public interest to oppose its propagation among them. Their policy, religion, and manners, were directly opposed to its pure doctrines and morals. The manner of their courtship and marriages manifested their impurity. When a young Indian wished for marriage, he pre- sented the girl with whom he was enamoured, with bracelets, belts, and chains of wampum. If she received his presents, they cohabited together for a time, upon trial. If they pleased each other, they w^ere joined in marriage; but if, after a few weeks, ' Williams' manuscripts, and Mr, Callender's sermon. W'-m- i633l HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 11 they were not suited, the man, leaving his presents, quitted the girl, and sought another mistress, and she another lover.^ In this manner they courted, until two met who were agreeable to each other. Before marriage the consent of the sachem was obtained, and he always joined the hands of the young pair in wedlock. The Indians in general kept many concubines, and never thought they had too many women.' This especially was the case with their sachems. They chose their concubines agreeably to their fancy, and put them away at pleasure. When a sachem grew weary of any of his women, he bestowed them upon some of his favourites, or chief men. The Indians, however, had one wife, who was the governess of the family, and whom they generally kept during life. In cases of adultery, the husband either put away the guilty wife, or satisfied himself by the infliction of some severe punishment. . lusbands and wivos, parents and children, lived together in the same wigwams, without any different apart- ment, and made no great privacy of such actions as the chaster animals keep from open view. The Indian government, generally, was absolute monarchy. The will of the sachem was his law. The lives and interests of his subjects were at his disposal. But in all-important affairs, he con- sulted his counsellors. When they had given their opinions, they deferred the decision of every matter to him. Whatever his de- terminations were, they applauded his wisdom, and without hesi- tation obeyed his commands. In council, the deportment of the sachems was grave and majestic to admiration. They appeared to be men of great discernment and policy. Their speeches were cautious and politic. The conduct of their counsellors and ser- vants was profoundly respectful and submissive. The counsellors of the Indian kings in New-England, were termed the paniese. These were not only the wisest, but largest and bravest men to be found among their subjects. They were the immediate guard of their respective sachems, who made neither war nor peace, nor attempted any weighty affair, without their advice. In war, and all great enterprises, dangers, and suf- ferings, these discovered a boldness and firmness of mind exceed- ing all the other warriors. To preserve this order among the Indians, great pains were taken. The stoutest and most promising boys were chosen, and trained up with peculiar care, in the observation of certain Indian rites and customs. They were kept from all delicious meats, trained to coarse fare, and made to drink the juice of bitter herbs, until it occasioned violent vomitings. They were beaten over their legs and shins with sticks, and made to run through bram- bles and thickets, to make them hardy, and, as the Indians said, to render them more acceptable to Hobbamocko. • Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 461, 462. * Ncal's Hist. N. E. p. 38, 39, ■h"\ iil MM ; I m M 32 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1633 These paniesc, or ministers of state, were in league with the priests, or powaws. To keep the people in awe, they pretended, as well as the priests, to have converse with the invisible world, and that Hobbamocko often appeared to them. Among the Connecticut Indians, and among all the Indians in New-England, the crown was hereditary, always descending to the eldest son. When there was no male issue, the crown de- scended to the female. The blood royal was held in such venera- tion, that no one was considered as heir to the crown, but such as were royally descended on both sides. When a female acceded to the crown, she was called the sunk squaw, or queen squaw. There were many petty sachems, tributary to other princes, on whom they were dependent for protection, and without whose consent they m^ide neither peace, war, nor alliances with other nations. The revenues of the crown consisted in the contributions of the people. They carried corn, and the first fruits of their harvest of all kinds, beans, squashes, roots, berries, and nuts, and pre- sented them to their sachem. They made him presents of flesh, fish, fowl, moose, bear, deer, beaver and other skins. One of the paniese was commonly appointed to receive the tribute. When the Indians brought it, he gave notice to his sachem, who went out to them, and by good words and some small gifts, expressed his gratitude. By these contributions, his table was supplied; so that he kept open house for all strangers and travellers. Besides, the prince claimed an absolute sovereignty over the seas within his dominion. Whatever was stranded on the coast, all wrecks and whales floating on the sea, and taken, were his.^ In war, the spoils of the enemy, and all the women and royalties of the prince conquered, belonged to him who made the conquest. The sachem was not only examiner, judge, and executioner, in all criminal cases, but in all matters of justice between one man and another. In cases of dishonesty, the Indians proportioned the punishment to the number of times in which the delinquent had been found guilty. For the first oflfence, he was reproached for his villainy in the most disgraceful manner; for the second, he was beaten with a cudgel upon his naked back. If he still per- sisted in his dishonest practices, and was found guilty a third time, he was sure, besides a sound drubbing, to have his nose slit, that all men might know and avoid him. Murder was, in all cases, punished with death. The sachem whipped the delinquent, and slit his nose, in cases which required these punishments; and he killed the murderer, unless he were at a great distance. In this case, in which execution could not be done with his own hands, he sent his knife, by which it was effected. The Indians would not receive any punishment which was not capital, from the hands ' Magnalia, B. VI. p. 51. :1 lip I lit • l633l HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 33 of any except their sachems. They would neither be beaten, whipped, nor slit by an officer: but their prince might inflict these punishments to the greatest extremity, and they would neither run, cry, nor flinch. Indeed, neither the crimes nor the punishments are esteemed so infamous, among the Indians, as to groan or shrink under suffering. The sachems were so absolute in their government, that they contemned the limited authority of the English governors. The Indians had no kind of coin; but they had a sort of money, which they called wampum, or wampunipeag. It consisted of small beads, most curiously wrought out of shells, and perforated in the centre, so that they might be strung on belts, in chains and bracelets. These were of several sorts. The Indians in Connecti- cut, and in New-England in general, made black, blue and white wampum. Six of the white beads passed for a penny, and three of the black or blue ones for the same. The five nations made another sort, which were of a purple colour. The white beads were wrought out of the inside of the great conchs, and the purple out of the inside of the muscle shell. They were made perfectly smooth, and the perforation was done in the neatest manner. In- deed, considering that the Indians had neither knife, drill, nor any steel or iron instrument, the workmanship was admirable. After the English settled in Connecticut, the Indians strung these beads on belts of cloth, in a very curious manner. The squaws made caps of cloth, rising to a peak over the top of the head, and the fore part was beautified with wampum, curiously wrought up- on them. The six nations now weave and string them in broad belts, which they give in their treaties, as a confirmation of their speeches and the seals of their friendship.^ The Indians of Connecticut and New-England, although con- sisting of a great number of different nations and clans, appear all to have spoken radically the same language. From Piscataqua to Connecticut, it was so nearly the same, that the different tribes could coi erse tolerably together." The Moheagan or Pequot lan- guage was essentially that of all the Indians in New-England, and of a great part of the Indians in the United States.' The word Moheagans, is a corruption of Muhhekaneew, in the singular, or of Muhhekaneok in the plural number. Not only the natives of New-England, but the Penobscots, bordering on Nova-Scotia, the Indians of St. Francis, in Canada, the Delawares, in Pennsyl- vania, the Shawanese, on the Ohio, and the Chippewaus, at the westward of lake Huron, all spoke the same radical language. The same appears evident a o with respect to the Ottowaus, Nanticooks, Munsees, Menoni )nees, Missifaugas, Saukies, Otta- ' Colden's history, vol. i. p. 3, 4, 71, 72. ' Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 479. ' Dr. Edwards' observations on the language of the Muhhekaneew Indians. ' IM •I )'i 4 ,, 1 : 'i t ' 1; II .. ] 34 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1633 « il;/ I' Ji! gaumies, Killistinoes, Nipegons, Algonkins, Winnebagoes and other Indians. The various tribes, who evidently spoke the same original language, had different dialects; yet, perhaps, they dif- fered little more from each other, than the style of a Londoner now does from that of his great grandfather. The want of letters and of a sufficient correspondence between the several nations may well account for all the variations to be found among the natives in New-England, and between them and the other tribes which have been mentioned. All the New-England Indians ex- pressed the pronouns both substantive and adjective by prefixes and suffixes, or by letters or syllables added at the beginnings or ends of their nouns.* In this respect there is a remarkable coin- cidence between this and the Hebrew language, in an instance in which the Hebrew entirely differs from all the ancient and modern languages of Europe. From this affinity of the Indian language, with the Hebrew, from their anointing their heads with oil, their dancing in their devotions, their excessive bowlings and mourning for their dead, their computing time by nights and moons, their gplving dowries to their wives, and causing their women at certain seasons to dwell by themselves, and some other circumstances, the famous Mr. John Eliot, the Indian apostle, was led to imagine that the American Indians were the posterity of the dispersed Israelites.^ They used many figures and parables in their discourses, and some have reported that, at certain seasons, they used no knives, and never brake the bones of the creatures which they ate. It has also been reported, that in some of their songs the word Hallelujah might be distinguished.' The Indian language abounds with gutturals and strong aspira- tions, and their words are generally of a great length,* which re i. ler it peculiarly bold and sonorous. The Indian speeches, like those of the eastern nations, generally were adorned with the most bold and striking figures, and have not been inferior to any which either the English or French have been able to make to them. The Indians in general, throughout the continent, were much given to speech making. As eloquence and war were, with them, the foundations of all consequence, the whole force of their genius was directed to these acquisitions. In council, their opin- ions were always given in set speeches; and to persons whom they highly respected, it was not unusual, on meeting and parting, or on matters of more than common importance, to address their ' Dr. Edwards' observations on the Indian language. * Magnalia, b. iik p. 192, 193. ' Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 478. * Nummatchekodtantamoonganunonasb was a single word, which in English, signifies, Our lusts. Noowomantamtnoonkanunnonnash was another, signifying, Our loves. Kummogkodonattoottummooctiteaongannunnonash was another, e.\> pressing no more than, Our question. Magnalia, b. iii. p. 193. Ilili i633] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 31 compliments and opinions in formal harangues. The Indians commonly spake with an unusual animation and vehemence. The Indians in New-England, rarely if ever admitted the letters L and R into their dialect; but the Mohawks, whose language was entirely different, used them both. Some of the western Ind- ians, who speak the same language radically, with the Mohea- gans, use the L. The Moheagan language abounds with labials, but the Mohawk differs entirely from this, and perhaps from every other, in this respect, that it is wholly destitute of labials. The Mohawks esteemed it a laughable matter indeed, for men to shut their mouths that they might speak.^ The Indians in Connecticut, and in all parts of New-England, made great lamentations at the burial of their dead. Their man- ner of burial was to dig holes in the ground with stakes, which were made broad and sharpened at one end. Sticks were laid across the bottom, and the corpse, which was previously wrapped in skins and mats, was let down upon them. The arms, treasures, utensils, paint and ornaments of the dead, were buried with them, and a mound of earth was raised upon the whole. In some in- stances the Indians appear to have used a kind of embalming, by wrapping the corpse in large quantities of a strong scented red powder.' In some parts of New-England, the dead were buried in a sitting posture with their faces towards the east. The women on these occasions painted their faces with oil and charcoal, and while the burial was performing, they, with the relatives of the dead, made the most hideous shrieks, bowlings and lamentations. Their mourning continued, by turns, at night and in the morning, for several days. During this term all the relatives united in be- wailing the dead. When the English began the settlement of Connecticut, all the Indians both east and west of Connecticut river, were tributaries, except the Pequots, and some few tribes which were in alliance with them. The Pequots had spread their conquests over all that part of the state east of the river. They had also subjugated the Indians on the sea coast, as far westward as Guilford. Uncas therefore, after the Pequots were conquered, extended his claims as far as Hammonasset, in the eastern part of that township.* The Indians in these parts were therefore tributaries to the Pequots. The Mohawks had not only carried their conquests as far southward as Virginia, but eastward, as far as Connecticut river. The Indians therefore, in the western parts of Connecticut, were their tributaries. Two old Mohawks, every year or two, might be seen issuing their orders and collecting their tribute, with as much authority and haughtiness as a Roman dictator. ' Golden's history, vol. i. p. i6. ' Neal's history N. E. vol. i. p. 39. ' Manuscripts of Mr. Ruggles. ■..h'-.f/il N!,' ^m.'- M 36 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1633 HI m K' m It is indeed difficult to describe the fear of this terrible nation, which had fallen on all the Indians in the western parts of Con- necticut. If they neglected to pay their tribute, the Mohawks would come down against them, plunder, destroy, and carry them captive at pleasure. When they made their appearance in the country, the Connecticut Indians would instantly raise a cry from hill to hill, a Mohawk! a Mohawk 1 and fly like sheep before wolves, without attempting the least resistance.^ The Mohawks would cry out, in the most terrible manner, in their language, im- porting " We are come, we are come, to suck your blood." ^ When the Connecticut Indians could not escape to their forts, they would immediately flee to the English houses for shelter, and sometimes the Mohawks would pursue them so closely as to enter with them, and kill them in the presence of the family. If there was time to shut the doors they never entered by force, nor did they, upon any occasion, do the least injury to the English. When they came into this part of the country for war, they used their utmost art to keep themselves undiscovered. They would conceal themselves in swamps a"d thickets, watching their opportunity, and all on a sudden, rise n -v. their enemy and kill or captivate them, before they had tin ■ ike any resistance. About the time when the settlen > ji New-Haven com- menced, or not many years after, they came into Connecticut, and surprised the Indian fort at Paugusset. To prevent the Connec- ticut Indians from discovering them, and that not so much as a track of them might be seen, they marched in the most secret manner, and when they came near the fort travelled wholly in the river. Secreting themselves near the fort, they watched their op- portunity, and suddenly attacking it, with their dreadful yellings and violence, they soon took it by force, and killed and captivated whom they pleased. Having plundered and destroyed, at their pleasure, they returned to their castles, west of Albany. As the Indians in Connecticut were slaughtered and oppressed, either by the Pequots or Mohawks, they were generally friendly to the settlement of the English among them. They expected, by their means, to be defended against their terrible and cruel op- pressors. They also found themselves benefited by trading with them. They furnished themselves with knives, hatchets, axes, hoes, kettles and various instruments and utensils which highly contributed to their convenience. They could, with these, per- form more labor in one hour or day, than they could in many days without them. Besides, they found that they could exchange an old beaver coat, or blanket, for two or three new ones of English manufacture. They found a much better market for their furs, com, peltry, and all their vendible commodities. ' Colden't history, vo!. i. p. 3. • Wood's prospect of N, England. i634] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 37 The English were also careful to treat them with justice and humanity, and to make such presents to their sachems and great captains, as should please and keep them in good humor. By these means, the English lived in tolerable peace with all the Indians in Connecticut, and New-England, except the Pe- quots, for about forty years. The Indians, at their first settlement, performed many acts of kindness towards them. They instructed them in the manner of planting and dressing the Indian corn. They carried them upon their backs, through rivers and waters; and, as occasion required, served them instead of boats and bridges. They gave them much useful information respecting the country, and when the English or their children were lost in the woods, and were in danger of perishing with hunger or cold, they conducted them to their wig- wams, fed them, and restored them to their families and parents. By selling them corn, when pinched with famine, they relieved their distresses and prevented their perishing in a strange land and uncultivated wilderness. CHAPTER IV. SUCH numbers were constantly emigrating to New-England, in consequence of the persecution of the puritans, that the people at Dorchester, Watertown and Newtown, began to be much straitened, by the accession of new planters. By those who had been at Connecticut, they had received intelligence of the excel- lent meadows upon the river: they therefore determined to re- move, and once more brave the dangers and hardships of making settlements in a dreary wilderness. Upon application to the general court in May, 1634, for the enlargement of their boundaries, or for liberty to remove, they, at first, obtained consent for the latter. However, when it was after- wards discovered, that their determination was to plant a new colony at Connecticut, there arose a strong opposition; so that when the court convened in September, there was a warm debate on the subject, and a great division between the houses. Indeed, the whole colony was affected with the dispute. Mr. Hooker, who was more engaged in the enterprise than the other ministers, took up the affair and pleaded for the people. He urged, that they were so straitened for accommodations for their cattle, that they could not support the ministry, neither receive, nor assist any more of their friends, who might come over to them. He insisted that the planting of towns so near together was a fundamental error in their policy. He pleaded the fertility and ,1"! *%r: : h HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1634 happy accommodations of Connecticut: That settlements upon the river were necessary to prevent the Dutch and others from pos- sessing themselves of so fruitful and important a part of the coun- try; and that the minds of the people were strongly inclined to plant themselves there, in preference to every other place, which had come to their knowledge. On the other side it was insisted, That in ooint of conscience they ought not to depart, as they were united to the Massachusetts as one body, and bound by oath to seek the good of that common- wealth: and that on principles of policy it could not, by any means, be granted. It was pleaded, that as the settlements in the Massachusetts were new and weak, they were in danger of an as- sault from their enemies: That the departure of Mr. Hooker and the people of those towns, would not only draw off many from the Massachusetts^ but prevent others from settling in the colony. Besides, it was said, that the removing of a candlestick was a great judgment: That by suffering it they should expose their brethren to great danger, both from the Dutch and Indians. Indeed, it was affirmed that they might be accommodated by the enlargements offered them by the other towns. After a long and warm debate, the governor, two assistants, and a majority of the representatives, were for granting liberty for Mr. Hooker and the people to transplant themselves to Connect- icut. The deputy-governor however and six of the assistants were in the negative, and so no vote could be obtained.^ This made a considerable ferment, not only in the general court, but in the colony, so that Mr. Cotton was desired to preach on the subject to quiet the court and the people of the colony. This also retarded the commencement of the settlements upon the river. Individuals, however, were determined to prosecute the business, and made preparations effectually to carry it into execu- tion. It appears, that some of the Watertown people came this year to Connecticut, and erected a few huts at Pyquag, now Weathers- field, in which a small number of men made a shift to winter.' While the colonists were thus prosecuting the business of set- tlement, in New-England, the right honourable James, Marquis of Hamilton, obtained a grant from the council of Plymouth, April 20th, 1635, of all that tract of country which lies between Connecticut river and Narraganset river and harbour, and from the mouths of each of said rivers northward sixty miles into the country. However, by reason of its interference with the grant to the lord Say and Seal, lord Brook, &c. or for some other reason, the deed was never executed. The Marquis made no settlement upon the land and the claim became obsolete. • Winthrop's Journal, p. 70. ° This is the tradition, and the Rev. Mr. Meeks of Weathersfield in hit msnif scripts says, Weathersfield is the oldest town on the river. x635] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 39 The next May, the Newtown people, determining to settle at Connecticut, renewed their application to the general court, and obtained liberty to remove to any place which they should choose, with this proviso, that they should continue under the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts.^ A number of Mr. Warham's people came this summer into Connecticut, and made preparations to bring their families, and make a permanent settlement on the river. The Watertown people gradually removed, and prosecuted their settlement at Weathersfield. At the same time, the planters at Newtown began to make preparations for removing to Hartford the next spring. Meanwhile, twenty men arrived in Massachusetts, sent over by Sir Richard Saltonstall, to take possession of a great quantity of land in Connecticut, and to make settlements under the patent of lord Say and Seal, with whom he was a principal associate. The vessel in which they came over, on her return to England, in the fall, was cast away on the isle Sable.' As the Dorchester men had now set down at Connecticut, near the Plymouth trading house, governor Bradford wrote to them, complaining of their conduct, as injurious to the people of Ply- mouth, who had made a fair purchase of the Indians, and taken a prior possession." The Dutch also, alarmed by the settlements making in Con- necticut, wrote to Holland for instructions and aid, to drive the English from their settlements upon the river.* The people at Connecticut having made such preparations as were judged necessary to eflfect a permanent settlement, began to remove their families and property. On the fifteenth of October, about sixty men, women, and children, with their horses, cattle, and swine, commenced their journey from the Massachusetts, through the wilderness, to Connecticut river. After a tedious and difficult journey, through swamps and rivers, over mountains and rough ground, which were passed with g^eat difficulty and fa- tigue, they arrived safely at the places of their respective destina- tion. They were so long on their journey, and so much time and pains were spent in passing the river, and in getting over their cattle, that, after all their exertions, winter came upon them before they were prepared. This was an occasion of great distress and damage to the plantations. Nearly at the same time, Mr. John Winthrop, son of governor Winthrop, of Massachusetts, arrived at Boston, with a commis- sion from lord Say and Seal, lord Brook, and other noblemen and gentlemen interested in the Connecticut patent, to er«ct a fort at the mouth of Connecticut river. Their lordships sen! over men, ■4M !» .' ' Winthrop's Journal, p. 82. ' Winthrop's Journal, p. 86. ' Winthrop's Journal, p. 83 and 89. * The same, p. 86. 40 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1635 ordnance, ammunition, and 2000 pounds sterling, for the accom- plishment of their design.^ Mr. Winthrop was directed, by his commission, immediately on his arrival, to repair to Connecticut, with fifty able men, and to erect the fortifications, and to build houses for the garrison, and for gentlemen who might come over into Connecticut. They were first to build houses for their then present accommodation, and after that, such as should be suitable for the reception of men of quality. The latter were to be erected within the fort. It was required that the planters, at the beginning, should settle them- selves near the mouth of the river, and set down in bodies, that they might be in a situation for entrenching and defending them- selves. The commission made provision for the reservation of a thousand or fifteen hundred acres of good land, for the mainte- nance of the fort, as nearly adjoining to it as might be with con- venience." Mr. Winthrop, having intelligence that the Dutch were ^-repar- ing to take possession of the mouth of the river, as soon as he could engage twenty men, and furnish them with provisions, dis- patched them on November 9th, in a small vessel, of about thirty tons, to prevent their getting the command of the river, and to ac- complish the service to which he had been appointed. But a few days after the party, sent by Mr. Winthrop, arrived at the mouth of the river, a Dutch vessel appeared off the harbor, from New-Netherlands, sent on purpose to take possession of the entrance of the river, and to erect fortifications. The English had, by this time, mounted two pieces of cannon, and prevented their landing.* Thus, providentially, was this fine tract of country pre- served for our venerable ancestors, and their posterity. Mr. Winthrop was appointed governor of the river Connecticut, and the parts adjacent, for the term of one year. He erected a fort, built houses, and made a settlement, according to his instructions. One David Gardiner,* an expert engineer, assisted in the work, planned the fortifications, and was appointed lieutenant of the fort. Mr. Davenport and others, who afterwards settled New-Haven, were active in this affair, and hired Gardiner, in behalf of their lordships, to come into New-England, and assist in this business." As the settlement of the three towns on Connecticut river was begun before the arrival of Mr. Winthrop, r.'..ci the design of their lordships to make plantations upon it was known, it was agreed, that the settlers on the river should either remove, upon full satis- > Winthrop's Journal, p. 88. * Appendix, No. II. * Winthrop's Journal, p. 90, 9I. * This was evidently Lion Gardiner, as appears by his own narrative. His son David was bom at Saybrook on the 29th of April, 1636, and appears to have been the first Gardiner of that name bom in this country.— J. T. * Manuscripts of Gardiner. i635l HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 41 faction made, by their lordships, or else sufficient room should be found for them and their companies at some other place.^ The winter set in this year much sooner than usual, and the weather was stormy and severe. By the isth of November, Con- necticut river was frozen over, and the snow was so deep, and the season so tempestuous, that a considerable number of the cattle, which had been driven on from the Massachusetts, could not be brought across the river. The people had so little time to prepare their huts and houses, and to erect sheds and shelters for their cattle, that the suflferings of man and beast were extreme. In- deed, the hardships and distresses of the first planters of Con- necticut scarcely admit of a description. To carry much provision or furniture through a pathless wilderness, was impracticable. Their principal provisions and household furniture were, there- fore, put on board several small vessels, which, by reason of delays and the tempestuousness of the season, were either cast away or did not arrive. Several vessels were wrecked on the coasts of New- England, by the violence of the storms. Two shallops laden with goods, from Boston to Connecticut, in October, were cast away on Brown's island, near the Gurnet's nose; and the men, with every thing on board, were lost.* A vessel, with six of the Connecticut people on board, which sailed from the river for Bos- ton, early in November, was, about the middle of the month, cast away in Manamet bay. The men got on shore, and, after wander- ing ten days in deep snow and a severe season, without meeting with any human being, arrived, nearly spent with cold and fatigue, at New-Plymouth. By the last of November, or beginning of December, provisions {generally failed in the settlements on the river, and famine and death looked the inhabitants sternly in the face. Some of them, driven by hunger, attempted their way, in this severe season, through the wilderness, from Connecticut to Massachusetts. Of thirteen, in one company, who made this attempt, one, in passing the rivers, fell through the ice, and was drowned. The other twelve were ten days on their journey, and would all have per- ished, had it not been for the assistance of the Indians. Indeed, such was the distress in general that, by the 3d and 4th of December, a considerable part of the new settlers were obliged to abandon their habitations. Seventy persons, men, women, and children, were necessitated, in the extremity of winter, to go down to the mouth of the river, to meet thei provisions, as the only ex- pedient to preserve their lives. Not meeting with the vessels which they expected, they all went on board the Rebecca, a vessel of about 60 tons. This, two days before, was frozen in twenty miles up the river; but by the falling of a small rain and the influ- ence of the tide, the ice became so broken and was so far removed, ' Winthrop's Journa], p. 88. ' The same, p. 87. 1 ■ 1>",;JI J.:i; I •il 43 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1636 Hi if I! r ■iii': 'A': I that she made a shift to get out. She ran, however, upon the bar, and the people were forced to unlade her, to get her off. She was reladen, and, in five days, reached Boston. Had it not been for these providential circumstances, the people must have perished with famine. The people who kept their stations on the river suffered in an extreme degree. After all the help they were able to obtain, by hunting, and from the Indians, they were obliged to subsist on acorns, malt and grains.^ Numbers of the cattle, which could not be got over the river before winter, lived through without any thing but what they found in the woods and meadows. They wintered as well, or bet- ter, than those which were brought over, and for which all the provision was made, and pains taken, of which the owners were capable. However, a great number of cattle perished. The Dorchester, or Windsor people lost, in this single article, about two hundred pounds sterling. Their other losses were very con- siderable. It is difficult to describe, or even to conceive, the apprehensions and distresses of a people, in the circumstances of our venerable ancestors, during this doleful winter. All the horrors of a dreary wilderness spread themselves around them. They were encom- passed with numerous, fierce and cruel tribes of wild and savage men, who could have swallowed up parents and children, at pleas- ure, in their feeble and distressed condition. They had neither bread for themselves, nor children; neither habitations nor cloth- ing convenient for them. Whatever emergency might happen, they were cut oflf, both by land and water, from any succour or re- treat. What self-denial, firmness, and magnanimity are necessary for such enterprises! How distressful, in the beginning, was the condition of those now fair and opulent towns on Connecticut river! For a few years after the settlements on the river commenced, they bore the same name with the towns in the Massachusetts, whence the first settlers came. The Connecticut planters, at first settled under the general government of the Massachusetts, but they held courts of their own, which consisted of two principal men from each rown; and, on great and extraordinary occasions, these were joined with committees, as they were called, consisting of three men from each town. These courts had power to transact all the common affairs of the colony, and with their committees, had the power of making war and peace, and treaties of alliance and friendship with the natives within the colony. The first court in Connecticut, was holden at Newtown, April 26th, 1636. It consisted of Roger Ludlow, Esq., Mr. John Steel, ' Winthrop's Journal, p. 90, 91, to 98. 1636] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 43 Mr. William Swain, Mr. William Phelps, Mr. William Westwood, and Mr. Andrew Ward. Mr. Ludlow had been one of the magis- trates of Massachusetts in 1630, and in 163 1 had been chosen lieu- tenant-governor of that colony. At this court it was ordered, that the inhabitants should not sell arms nor ammunition to the Ind- ians. Various other affairs were also transacted relative to the good order, settlement, and defence of these infant towns.^ Several of the principal gentlemen interested in the settlement of Connecticut, Mr. John Haynes, who at this time was governor of Massachusetts, Mr. Henry Wolcott, Mr. Wells, the miiiisters of the churches, and others had not yet removed into the colony. As soon as the spring advanced, and the travelling would admit, the hardy men began to return from the Massachusetts, to their habitations on the river. No sooner were buds, leaves and grass so grown, that cattle could live in the woods, and obstructions removed from the river, so that vessels could go up with provis- ions and furniture, than the people began to return in large com- panies, ♦o Connecticut. Many, who had not removed the last year, prepared, v, 'h all convenient dispatch, for a journey to the new settlements upoi. ♦be river. About the beginning of June, Mr. Hooker, Mr. Stone, and about a hundred men, won^en and children, took their departure from Cambridge, and travelled more than a hundred miles, through a hideous and trackless wilderness, to Hartford. They had no guide but their compass; made their way over mountain^, through swamps, thickets, and rivers, which were not passable but with great difficulty. They had no cover but the heavens, nor any lodgings but those which simple nature afforded them. They drove with them a hundred and sixty head of cattle, and by the way, subsisted on the milk of their cows. Mrs. Hooker v/as borne through the wilderness upon a litter. The people geneially carried their packs, arms, and some utensils. They were nearly a fortnight on their journey. This adventure was the more remarkable, as many of this com- pany were persons of figure, who had lived, in England, in honor, affluence and delicacy, and were entire strangers to fatigue and danger. The famous Mr. Thomas Shepard, who, with his people, came into New-England the last summer, succeeded Mr. Hooker at Cambridge. The people of his congregation purchased the lands which Mr. Hooker and his company had previously possessed. The removal of Dorchester people to Windsor is said to have been disagreeable to their ministers, but, as their whole church and congregation removed, it was necessary .hat they should go with them. However, Mr. Maverick died in March, before prep- arations were made for his removal. He expired in the 60th ' Records of Connecticut. ii ^*m ZZj -i 44 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. I1C36 i!' year of his age. He was characterized as a man of great meek- ness, and as laborious and faithful in promoting the welfare both of the church and commonwealth. Mr. Warham removed to Windsor in September, but he did not judge it expedient to bring his family until better accommodations could be made for their reception. Soon after the removal of Mr. Warham from Dorchester, a new church was gathered in that town, and Mr. Mather was ordained their pastor. Mr. Phillips, pastor of the church at Watertown, did not re- move to Weathersfield. Whether it was against his inclination, or whether the people did not invite him, does not appear. They chose Mr. Henry Smith for their minister, who came from Eng- land in ofRce. The colony of New-Plymouth professed themselves to be greatly aggrieved at the conduct of the Dorchester people, in settling on the lands, where they had made a purchase, and where they had defended themselves and that part of the country against the Dutch. They represented that it had been a hard matter that the Dutch and Indians had given them so much trouble as they had done, but that it was still more grievous to be supplanted by their professed friends. Mr. Winslow of Plymouth, made a jour- ney to Boston, in the spring, before governor Haynes and some other principal characters removed to Connecticut, with a view to obtain compensation for the injury done to the Plymouth men, who had built the trading house upon the river. The Plymouth people demanded a sixteenth part of the lands and 100 pounds as a compensation; but the Dorchester people would not comply with their demands.^ There however appeared to be so much justice, in making them some compensation, for the purchase they had made, and the good services which they had done, that some time after, the freeholders of Windsor gave them fifty pounds, forty acres of meadow, and a large tract of upland for their satisfaction.' At a court holden at Dorchester, June 7th, it was ordered, that every town should keep a watch, and be well supplied with ammu- nition. The constables were directed to warn the watches in their turns, and to make it their care that they should be kept according to the direction of the court. They also were required to take care, that the inhabitants were well furnished with arms and am- munition, and kept in a constant state of defence. As these infant settlements were filled and surrounded with numerous savages, the people conceived themselves in danger when they lay down and when they rose up, when they went out and when they came in. Their circumstances were such, that it was judged necessary for every man to be a soldier. • Winthrop'i Journal, p. 96. ' Governor Wolcott's manutcripti compared with governor Winthrop'i journal. 1636] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 45 At a third court, therefore, holden at Watertown, September I St, an order was given, that the inhabitants of the several towns should train once a month, and the officers wrre authorized to train those who appeared very unskilful more frequently, as cir- cumstances should require. The courts were holden at each town by rotation, according to its turn. A settlement was made, this year, at Springfield, by Mr. Pyn- cheon and his company from Roxbury. This for about two years was united in government with the towns in Connecticut. In No- vember, Mr. Pyncheon for the first time appears among the mem- bers of the court. All the powers of government, for nearly three years, seem to have been in the magistrates, of whom two were appointed in each town. These gave all orders, and directed all the affairs of the plantation. The freemen appear to have had no voice in mak- ing the laws, or in any part of the government, except in some in- stances of general and uncommon concern. Tn these instances, committees were sent from the several towns. Juries were em- ployed in jury cases, from the first settlement of the colony. This was a summer and year of great and various labors, de- manding the utmost exertion and diligence. Many of the planters had to remove themselves and eflfects from a distant colony. At the same time, it was absolutely necessary, that they should turn the wilderness into gardens and fields, that they should plant and cultivate the earth, and obtain some tolerable harvest, unless they would again experience the distresses and losses of the preceding year. These were too great, and too fresh in their memories, not to rouse all their exertion and forethought. It was necessary to erect and fortify their houses, and to make better preparations for the feeding and covering of their cattle. It was of equal impor- tance to the planters, not only to make roads for their particular convenience, but from town to town; that, on any emergency, they might fly immediately to each other's reUef. It was with great difficulty that these purposes could be at first accomplished. The planters had not been accustomed to felling the groves, to clearing and cultivating new lands. They were strangers in the country, and knew not what kinds of grain would be most con- genial with the soil, and produce the greatest profits, nor had they any experience how the ground must be cultivated, that it might yield a plentiful crop. They had few oxen, or instruments for husbandry. Every thing was to be prepared, or brought from a great distance, and procured at a dear rate. Besides all these labors and difficulties, much time was taken up in constant watch- ings, trainings, and preparations for the defence of themselves and children. The Pequots had, already, murdered a number of the English; some of the Indians, in Connecticut, were their allies; and they had maintained a great influence over them all. They V 1 : t ! > i I 3 S: i|:i tp :ti \'^ li'l I. 11- if tl *i i! HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1636 were a treacherous and designing people; so that there could be no safety, but in a constant preparation for any emergency. Some of the principal characters, who undertook this great work of settling Connecticut, and were the civil and religious fathers of the colony, were Mr. Haynes, Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Hooker, Mr. Warham, Mr. Hopkins, Mr. Wells, Mr. Willis, Mr. Whiting, Mr. Wolcott, Mr. Phelps, Mr. Webster, and captain Mason. These, were of the first class of settlers, and all, except the min- isters, were chosen magistrates or governors of the colony. Mr. Swain, Mr. Talcott, Mr. Steel, Mr. Mitchell, and others, were capital men, Mr. John Haynes, Mr. Hooker, Mr. Hopkins, Mr. Stone, Mr. George Wyllys, Mr. Wells, Mr. Whiting, Mr. Thomas Webster, and Mr. John Talcott, were all of Hartford. Mr. Lud- low, Mr. Henry Wolcott, Mr. Warham, Mr. William Phelps, and captain John Mason, were some of the principal planters of Wind- sor. Mr. William Swain, Mr. Thurston Rayner, Mr. Henry Smith, Mr. Andrew Ward, Mr. Mitchell, and Mr. John Deming, were some of the chief men, who settled the town of Weathersfield. These were the civil and religious fathers of the colony. They formed its free and happy constitution, were its legislators, and some of the chief pillars of the church and commonwealth. They, with many others of the same excellent character, employed their abilities and their estates for the prosperity of the colony. While the three plantations on the river were making the ut- most exertions for a permanent settlement, Mr. Winthrop was no less active, in erecting fortifications and convenient buildings at its entrance. Though he had, the last year, sent on one company after another, yet the season was so far advanced, and the winter set in so early, and with such severity, that little more could be done than just to keep the station. When the spring advanced, the works were, therefore, pressed on with engagedness. Mr. Winthrop and his people were induced, not only in faithfulness to their trust, but from fears of a visit from the Dutch, and from the state of that warlike people, the Pequots in the vicinity, to hasten and complete them, with the utmost dispatch. A good fort was erected, and a number of houses were built. Some cattle were brought from the Massachusetts, for the use of the garrison. Small parcels of ground were improved, and preparations made for a comfortable subsistence, and good defence. There were, at the close of this year, about two hundred and fifty men in the three towns on the river, and there were twenty men in the garrison, at the entrance of it, under the command of lieutenant Gardiner. The whole consisted, probably, of about eight hundred persons, or of a hundred and sixty or seventy families. I634J HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 47 CHAPTER V. THE Indians in general, were ever jealous of the English, from the first settlement of New-England, and wished to drive them from the country. Various circumstances however, combined to frustrate their designs. The English, on their first settlement at New-Plymouth, entered into such friendly treaties with some of the principal tribes, and conducted themselves with such justice, prudence and magnanimity towards them and the Indians in gen- eral, as had the most happ, influence to preserve the peace of the country. The animosities rf the Indians among themselves, and their imp' cabl . hatred of each other, with their various separate interests, (ontrituted tj the same purpose. Some of them wished for the friendsh-o anf' neighbourhood of the English, to guard them from one enemy, and others f them to protect them from another. All wishec ior the t < .^efit of their trade; and it is proba- ble, that they had no apprehe . ons, at first, that a handful of peo- ple would ever overrun, hid fill the country. It was therefore nearly sixteen year *>e'ore they com' iced open hostilities upon their English neig'.bou'-s. But no sooner had they begun to trade and make settleme its ai Connecticut, than thai <»rf?t, spirited, and warlike nation, the Pequots, began to murder t au plunder them, and to wound and kill their cattle. In 1634, a number of Indians, who were not native Pequots, but in confederacy with them, murdered captain Stone and cap- tain Norton, with tiieir whole crew, consisting of eight men: they then plundered and sunk the vessel. Captain Stone was from St. Christopher's, in the West-Indies, and came into Con- necticut river, with a view of trading at the Dutch house. After he had entered the river, he engaged a number of Indians to pilot two of his men up the river, to the Dutch : but night coming on, they ?nt to sleep, and were both murdered by their Indian guide- "he vessel, at night, was laid up to the shore. Twelve of those Indians, who had several times before been trading with the captain, apparently in an amicable manner, were on board. V'atching their opportunity, when he was asleep, and several of he crew on shore, they murdered him secretly in his cabin, and cast a covering over him, to conceal it from his men : they then fell upon them, and soon killed the whole company, except cap- tain Norton. He had taken the cook room, and for a long time made a most brave and resolute defence. That he might load and fire with the greatest expedition, he had placed powder in an open vessel, just at hand, which, in the hurry of the action, took fire, and so burned and blinded him, that he could make no further resistance. Thus, after all his gallantry, he fell witi ' ^ hapless ' I .' 'T I t ^*:^i ' i\ ! i I : ' ri. i.,.j;".- 48 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1635 'r.' companions. Part of the plunder was received by the Pequots, and another part by the eastern Nehanticks. Sassacus and Nini- gret, the sachems of those Indians, were both privy to the affair, and shared in the goods and articles taken from the vessel. It was supposed that the Indians had pre-concerted this massacre.^ The November following, the Pequots sent a messenger to Bos- ton, to desire peace with the English. He made an oflfer of a great quantity of beaver skins and wampumpeag, to persuade the governor to enter into a league with them. The governor an- swered the messenger, that the Pequots must send men of greater quality than he was; and that he would then treat with them. The Pequots then sent two messengers to the governor, carrying a present, and earnestly soliciting peace. The governor assured them, that the English were willing to be at peace with them; but insisted, that, as they had murdered captain Stone and his men, they must deHver up the murderers, and make full compensation. The messengers pretended, that captain Stone had used the Ind- ians ill, and provoked them to kill him : that their sachem, who was concerned in the affair, had been killed by the Dutch, and that the Indians who perpetrated the murder, were all dead but two ; and that, if they were guilty, they would desire their sachem to deliver them up to justice. They offered to concede all their right at Connecticut river, if the English should desire to settle there; and engaged to assist them as far as was in their power, in making their settlements. They also promised that they would give the English four hundred fathoms of wampum, forty beaver, and thirty otter skins. After long and mature deliberation, the governor and his council entered into a treaty with them, on the conditions which they had proposed. The English were to send a vessel with cloths, to trade with them fairly, as with friends and allies.' The reasons of their so earnestly soliciting peace, at this time, were, that the Narragansets were making war furiously upon them; and the P ch, to revenge the injuries done them, had killed one of the achems, with several of their men, and capti- vated a number more. They wished not, at this critical time, to increase the number of their enemies. They artfully suggested to their new allies, the governor and council of Massachusetts, their desire, that they would be mediators betv een them and the Narra- gansets. They also intimated their willingness, that part of the present which they were to send, might be given to them, for the purpose of obtaining a reconciliation. Such was the pride ard stoutness 01 their spirits, and so much did they stand upon a point of honour, that though they wished for peace with their enemy, yet they would not directly offer any thing for that pur- ' Mason's history, and Hubbard's narrative. ' Winthiop's Journal, p. 75, compared with Hubbard's narrative, p. 15, l6^ tj. i636] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 40 pose. This treaty was signed by the parties, but hostages were not taken to secure the performance of the articles, and the Pe- quots never performed one of them. Whatever their designs were at that time, they afterwards became more and more mischievous, hostile and bloody. The next year, John Oldham, who had been fairly trading at Connecticut, was murdered near Block Island. He had with him only two boys and two Narraganset Indians. These were taken and carried oflf. One John Gallup, as he was going from Connecticut to Boston, discovered Mr. Oldham's vessel full of Indians, and he saw a canoe, having Indians on board, go from her, laden with goods. Suspecting that they had murdered Mr. Oldham, he hailed them, but received no answer. Gallup was a I)old man, and though he had with him but one man and two boys, he immediately bore down upon them, and fired duck shot so thick among them, that he soon cleared the deck. The Indians all got under the hatches. He then stood off, and running down upon her quarter with a brisk gale, nearly overset her; and so frightened the Indians, that six of them leaped into the sea, and were drowned. He then steered oflf again, and running down upon her a second time, bored her with his anchor, and raked her fore and aft with his shot. But the Indians kept themselves so close, that he got loose from her; and running down a third time upon the vessel, he gave her such a shock, that five more leaped overboard, and perished, as the former had done. He then boarded the vessel, and took two of the Indians, and bound them. Two or three others, armed with swords, in a little room below, could not be driven from their retreat. Mr. Oldham's corpse was found on board ; the head split, and the body mangled in a bar- barous manner. He was a Dorchester man, one of Mr. Warham's congregation.^ In these circumstances, Gallup, fearing that the Indians whom he had taken might get loose, especially if they were kept together, and having no place where he could keep them apart, threw one of them overboard. Gallup and his com- pany then, as decently as circumstances would permit, put the corpse into the sea. They stripped the vessel, and took her rig- ging, and the goods which had not been carried oflf, on board their own. She was then taken in tow, with a view to carry her in; but the night coming on, and the wind rising, Gallup was obliged to let her go adrift, and she was lost. The Indians who perpetrated the murder were principally the Block-Islanders, with a number of the Narragansets, to whom these Indians, at this time, were subject. Several of the Narraganset sachems were in the plot, and it was supposed that the Indians whom Oldham had with him, were in the conspiracy. Several of the murderers fled to the Pequots, and were protected by them. They were, there- fore, considered as abettors of the murder. ' See note, p. i6.— J. T. V ti it< 'A I I 3 lir^ ,m \< I . .■I ■ it: 50 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [X636 iif">'^ <>• ifif up The governor and council of Massachusetts, therefore, the next year, dispatched captain Endicott, with ninety volunteers, td^ avenge these murders, unless the Indians should deliver up the murderers, and make reparation for the injuries which they had done. The Narraganset sachems sent home Mr. Oldham's two boys, and made such satisfaction, and gave such assurances of their good conduct, for the future, as the English accepted; but the other Indians made no compensation. Captain Endicott was, therefore, instructed to proceed to Block-Island, put the men to the sword, and take possession of the island. The women and children were to be spared. Thence he was to sail to the Pequot country, and demand of the Pequots the murderers of captains Stone and Norton, and of the other Englishmen who were of their company. He was also to demand a thousand fathoms of wampum for damages, and a number of their children for host- ages, until the murderers should be delivered, and satisfaction made. If they refused to comply with these terms, he was directed to take it by force of arms. He had under him captains John Underbill and Nathaniel Turner. They sailed from Boston on the 25th of August. When he arrived at Block-Island, forty or fifty Indians appeared on the shore, and opposed his landing; but his men soon landed, and, after a little skirmishing, the Indians fled to the woods. The Indians secreted themselves in swamps, thickets, and fastnesses, where they could not be found. There were two plantations on the island, containing about sixty wig- wams, some of which were very large and fair. The Indians had, also, about two hundred acres of corn. After the English had spent two days on the island, burning the wigwams, destroying their corn, and staving their canoes, they sailed for the Pequot country. When they had arrived in Pequot harbour, captain En- dicott acquainted the Pequots with the design of his coming, de- manded satisfaction for the murders which they had committed against the English, and compensation for the damages which they had done them. In a few hours, nearly three hundred of the Pequots collected upon the shore; but soon after they were fully informed of his business, they began to withdraw into the woods, and, instead of treating, answered him with their arrows, from the adjacent rocks and fastnesses. He landed his men on both sides of the harbour, burnt their wigwams, and destroyed their canoes, but made no spirited attack upon them, nor pursuit after them. As their corn was standing, no pains were taken for its destruc- tion. They killed an Indian or two, and then returned to Boston. They all arrived on the 14th of September, unharmed either by sickness or the sword.^ Enough, indeed, had been done to exas- perate, but nothing to si . ue a haughty and warlike enemy. Sassacus and his cap «>'*'9 were men of great and independent ' Winthrop's Journal, p. 105, 106, 107. I636] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. If spirits; they had conquered and governed the nations around them without control. They viewer! the English as strangers and mere intruders, who had no right to the country, nor to control its original proprietors, independent princes and sovereigfns. They had made settlements in Connecticut without their consent, and brought home the Indian kings whom they had conquered, and restored to them their authority and lands. They had built a fort, and were making a settlement, without their approbation, in their very neighbourhood. Indeed, they had now proceeded to attack and ravage their country. They were now, therefore, all kindled into resentment and rage; they determined upon, and breathed nothing but war and revenge. They determined to ex- tirpate, or drive all the English from New-England. For this purpose, they conceived the plan of uniting the Indians generally against them. They spared no art nor pains to make peace with the Narragansets, and to engage them in the war against the English. They represented, that the English, who were merely foreigfners, were overspreading the country, and depriving the original inhabitants of their ancient rights and possessions: that, unless effectual measures were immedi- ately taken to prevent it, they would soon entirely dispossess the original proprietors, and become the lords of the continent. They insisted, that, by a general combination, they could either destroy, or drive them from the country. With great advantage did they represent the facility with which it might be effected. They said there would be no necessity of coming to open battles: that, by killing their cattle, firing their houses, laying ambushes on the roads, in the fields, and wherever they could surprise and destroy them, they might accomplish their wishes. They represented, that, if the English should effect the destruction of the Pequots, they would also soon destroy the Nar- ragansets. So just and politic were these representations, that nothing but that thirst for revenge which inflames the savage heart, could have resisted their influence. Indeed, it is said, that, for a time, the Narragansets hesitated. The governor of Mar ,.. husetts, to prevent an union between these savage nations, a '1 to strengthen the peace between the Narraganset Indians and the colony, sent for Miantonimoh, their chief sachem, inviting him to come to Boston. Upon this, Mian- tonimoh, with another of the Narraganset sachems, two of the sons of Canonicus, with a number of their men, went to Boston, and entered into the following treaty. That there should be a firm peace between them and the Eng- lish, and their posterity: That neither party should make peace with the Pequots, without the consent of the other: That they should not harbor the Pequots, and that they should return all fugitive servants, and deliver over to the English, or put to death, «l'- ! m I i 3 1. .MA^.X . 1 J- Mt;V tV ■■ ''11 '0 m *! 1 A 11 L 52 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1636 all murderers. The English were to give them notice, when they went out against the Pequots, and they were to furnish them with guides. It was also stipulated, that a free trade should be main- tained between the parties. Captain Underbill and twenty men,^ appointed to reinforce the garrison at Saybrook, lying wind bound off Pequot harbor, after Mr. Endicott's departure, a party of them went on shore to plunder the Pequots, and bring off their corn. After they had plundered a short time, and brought off some quantity of corn, the Pequots attacked them, and they fought a considerable part of the afternoon. At length, the enemy retired, and they returned to their boats. They had one man wounded, and imagined they killed and wounded several of the Indians. About the beginning of October, the enemy, concealing them- selves in the high grass, in the meadows, surprised five of the gar- rison at Saybrook, as they were carrying home their hay. One Butterfield was taken and tortured to death. The rest made their escape; but one of them had five arrows shot into him. From this disaster, the place received the name of Butterfield's meadow. Eight or ten days after, Joseph Tilly, a master of a small vessel, was captivated by the enemy, as he was going down Connecticut river. He came to anchor two or three miles above the fort, and taking a canoe, and one man with him, went a fowling. No sooner had he discharged his piece, than a large number of Pe- quots, arising from their concealment, took him, and killed his companion. Tilly was a man of great spirit and understanding, and determined to show himself a man. The Indians used him in the most barbarous manner, first cutting off his hands, and then his feet, and so gradually torturing him to death. But as all their cruelties could not effect a groan, they pronounced him a stout man. The enemy now kept up a constant watch upon the river, and upon the people at Saybrook. A house had been erected, about two miles from the fort, and six of the garrison were sent to keep it. As three of them were fowling, at a small distance from the house, they were suddenly attacked, by nearly a hundred Pequots. Two of them were taken. The other cut his way through them, sword in hand, and made his escape; but he was wounded with two arrows.* Before winter, the garrison were so pressed by the enemy, that they were obliged to keep almost wholly within the reach of their guns. The Pequots razed all the out-houses, burnt the stacks of hay, and destroyed almost every thing, which was not within the ' Underhill's narrative makes no mention of this affair. It is a mistake to sup- pose that he was engaged in it. The twenty men were evidently those furnished by Lieutenant Gardiner at Saybrook, as appears by his narrative. — J. T. ' Hubbard's Narrative, Winthrop's Journal, and Mason's History of the Pequot war. m i; 1637] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. S3 \ command of the fort. The cattle which belonged to the garrison, were killed and wounded. Some of them came home, with the arrows of the enemy sticking in them. Indeed, the fort was but little better than in a state of siege, a great part of the winter. The enemy so encompassed it about, and watched all the motions of the garrison, that it was dangerous, at any time, to go out of the reach of the cannon. When the spring came on, they became still more mischievous and troublesome. They kept such a constant watch upon the river, that men could not pass up and down, with any safety, with- out a strong guard. They waylaid the roads and fields, and kept Connecticut in a state of constant fear and alarm. In March, 1637,* lieutenant Gardiner, who commanded the fort at Saybrook, going out with ten or twelve men, to burn the marshes, was waylaid by a narrow neck of land, and as soon as he had passed the narrow part of the neck, the enemy rose upon him, and killed three of his men. The rest made their escape to the fort; but one of them was mortally wounded, so that he died the next day. The lieutenant did not escape without a slight wound. The enemy pursued them in great numbers, to the very fort, and compassed it on all sides. They challenged the English to come out and fight, and mocked them, in the groans, pious in- vocations, and dying language of their friends, whom they had captivated, when they were torturing them to death. They boasted. That they could kill English men " all one flies." The cannon loaded with grape shot were fired upon them, and they retired. Some time after, the enemy, in a number of canoes, beset a shallop, which was going down the river, with three men on board. The men fought bravely, but were overpowered with numbers. The enemy shot one through the head with an arroWj and he fell overboard; the other two were taken. The Indians ripped them up, from the bottom of their bellies to their throats, and cleft them down their backs : they then hung them up by their necks upon trees, by Ihe side of the river, that as the English passed by, they might see those miserable objects of their vengeance. The Pequots tortured the captives to death in the most cruel manner. In some, they cut large gashes in their flesh, and then poured embers and live coals into the wounds. When, in their distress, they groaned, and in a pious manner committed their de- parting spirits to their Redeemer, these barbarians would mock and insult them in their dying agonies and prayers. On the 2ist of February, the court met at Newtown, and letters were written to the governor of Massachusetts, representing the dissatisfaction of the court with Mr. Endicott's expedition, the ' The exact date of this affair appears to have been the «2d of February, as shown by Winthrop's Journal, and Lion Gardiner's narrative — J. T. ill- Mi ,1 ,i; rS '^ri ; ' H ■■' 54 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1637 ii )il. ii!i- consequences of which had been so distressful to Connecticut. The court expressed their desires that the colony of Massachusetts would more effectually prosecute the war with the Pequots.^ It was also represented to be the design of Connecticut to send a force against them. At this court it was decreed, that the plantation called New- town, should be named Hartford; and that Watertown should be called Weathersfield. It was soon after decreed, that Dorchester should be called Windsor. Hartford was named in honor to Mr. Stone, who was born at Hartford, in England. Captain Mason was soon after dispatched with twenty men, to reinforce the garrison at Saybrook, and to keep the enemy at a greater distance. After his arrival at the fort, the enemy made no further attacks upon it, but appeared very much to withdraw from that quarter. A party of them took a different route, and, in April, waylaid the people at Weathersfield, as they were going into their fields to labour, and killed six men and three women. Two maids were taken captive: besides, they killed twenty cows, and did other damages to the inhabitants. Soon after this, captain Underbill, who had been appointed, in the fall preceding, to keep garrison at Saybrook, was sent from the Massachusetts, with twenty men, to reinforce the garrison. Upon their arrival at Saybrook, captain Mason and his men im- mediately returned to Hartford. The affairs of Connecticut, at this time wore a most gloomy aspect. They had sustained great losses in cattle and goods in the preceding years, and even this year they were unfortunate with respect to their cattle. They had no hay but what they cut from the spontaneous productions of an uncultivated country. To make good English meadow, was a work of time. The wild, coarse grass, which the people cut, was often mowed too late, and but poorly made. They did not always cut a sufficient quantity, even of this poor hay. They had no corn, or provender, with which they could feed them: and, amidst the multiplicity of af- fairs, which, at their first settlement, demanded their attention, they could not provide such shelters for them, as were necessary during the long and severe winters of this northern climate. From an union of these circumstances, some of their cattle were lost, ami those which lived through winter, were commonly poor, and many of the cows lost their young. Notwithstanding all the exertions the people had made the preceding summer, they had not been able, in the multiplicity of their affairs, and under their incon- veniences, to raise a sufficiency of provisions. Their provisions were not only very coarse, but very dear, and scanty. The people were not only inexperienced in the husbandry of the country, but ' Winthrop's journal, p. 123. i637] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 55 ssary 'rom t, and many rtions been they had but few oxen or ploughs.^ They perfonned almost the whole culture of the earth with their hoes. This rendered it both exceedingly slow and laborious. Every article bore a high price. Valuable as money was, at that day, a good cow could not be purchased under thirty pounds; a pair of bulls or oxen not under forty pounds. A mare from Eng- land or Flanders, sold at thirty pounds; and Indian corn at about five shillings a bushel: labour, and other articles bore a propor- tionable price. In addition to all these difficulties, a most insidious and dread- ful enemy were now destroying the lives and property of the col- onists, attempting to raise the numerous Indian tribes of the country against them, and threatened the utter ruin of the whole colony. The inhabitants were in a feeble state, and few in number. They wanted all their men at home, to prosecute the necessary business of the plantations. They had not a sufficiency of pro- visions for themselves : there would therefore be the greatest dif- ficulty in furnishi." a small army with provisions abroad. They could neither hunt, lish, nor cultivate their fields, nor travel at home, or abroad, but at the peril of their lives. They were obliged to keep a constant watch by night and day; to go armed to their daily labours, and to the public worship. They were obliged to keep a constant watch and guard at their houses of worship, on the Lord's day, and at other seasons, whenever they convened for the public worship. They lay down and rose up in fear and danger. If they should raise a party of men and send them to fight the enemy on their own ground, it would render the settlements proportionably weak at home, in case of an assault from the enemy. Every thing indeed appeared dark and threaten- ing. But nothing could discourage men, who had an unshaken confidence in the divine government, and were determined to sacrifice every other consideration, for the enjoyment of the un- corrupted gospel, and the propagation of religion and liberty in America. In this important crisis, a court was summoned, at Hartford, on Monday the ist of May. As they were to deliberate on matters in which the lives of the subjects and the very existence of the colony were concerned, the towns for the first time, sent com- mittees. The spirited measures adopted by this court, render the names of the members worthy of perpetuation. The magistrates were Roger Ludlow, Esq. Mr. Welles, Mr. Swain, Mr. Steel, Mr. Phelps and Mr. Ward. The committees were Mr. Whiting, Mr. Webster, Mr. Williams, Mr. Hull, Mr. Chaplin, Mr. Talcott, Mr. Geffords, Mr. Mitchel and Mr. Sherman. I It seems, that at this period there were but thirty ploughs in the whole colony of Massachusetts. Winthrop's Journal, p. 1 14. It is not probable that there were ten, perhaps not five, in Connecticut, i»h! f m '. .11' 56 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1637 !:« f,|l i^ 11 J;.:iia, The court, on mature deliberation, considering that the Pe- quots had killed nearly thirty of the English; that they had tort- ured and insulted their captives, in the most horrible manner; that they were attempting to engage all the Indians to unite for the purpose of extirpating the English ; and the danger the whole colony was in, unless some capital blow could be immediately given their enemies, determined, that an offensive war should be carried on against them, by the three towns of Windsor, Hartford and Weathersfield. They voted, that 90 men should be raised forthwith; 42 from Hartford, 30 from Windsor, and 18 from Weathersfield. Notwithstanding the necessities and poverty of the people, all necessary supplies were voted for this little army.^ No sooner was this resolution adopted, than the people prosecuted the most vigorous measures, to carry it into immediate and ef- fectual execution. The report of the slaughter and horrid cruelties practised by the Pequots, against the people of Connecticut, roused the other colonies to harmonious and spirited exertions against the common enemy. Massachusetts determined to send 200, and Plymouth 40 men, to assist Connecticut in prosecuting the war. Captain Patrick with 40 men was sent forward, before the other troops, from Massachusetts and Plymouth, -:ould be ready to march, with a view, that he might seasonably form a junction with the party from Connecticut. On Wednesday, the loth of May, the troops from Connecticut fell down the river, for the fort at Saybrook. They consisted of 90 Englishmen and about 70 Moheagan and river Indians. They embarked on board a pink, a pinnace and a shallop. The Indians were commanded by Uncas, sachem of the Moheagans. The whole was commanded by captain John Mason, who had been bred a soldier in the old countries. The Rev. Mr. Stone of Hart- ford went their chaplain. On Monday the isth, the troops ar- rived at Saybrook fort. As the water was low, this little fleet several times ran aground. The Indians, impatient of delays, de- sired to be set on shore, promising to join the English at Say- brook. The captain therefore granted their request. On their march, they fell in with about forty of the enemy, near the fort, killed seven and took one prisoner. The prisoner had been a perfidious villain. He had lived in the fort, some time before, and could speak English well. But after the Pequots commenced hostilities against the English, he be- came a constant spy upon the garrison, and acquainted Sassacus with every thing he could discover. He had been present at the slaughter of all the English who had been killed at Saybrook. Uncas and his men insisted upon executing him according to the manner of their ancestors; and the English, in the circumstances ' Records of Connecticut. 1 637] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 57 in which they then were, did not judge it prudent to interpose. The Indians, kindling a large fire, violently tore him limb from limb. Barbarously cutting his flesh in pieces, they handed it round from one to another, eating it, singing and dancing round the fire, in their violent and tumultuous manner. The bones and such parts of their captive, as were not consumed in this dreadful repast, were committed to the flames and burnt to ashes. This success was matter oi joy, not only as it was a check upon the enemy, but as it was an evidence of the fidelity of Uncas and his Indians, of which the English had been before in doubt. There were other circumstances, however, which more than counterbal- anced this joy. The army lay wind bound until Friday, and cap- tain Mason and his officers were entirely divided in opinion, with respect to the manner of prosecuting their enterprise. The court, by the commission and instructions which it had given, enjoined the landing of the men at Pequot harbour, and that from thence they should advance upon the enemy. The captain was for pass- ing by them, and sailing to the Narraganset country. He was fixed in this opinion, because he found that, expecting the army at Pequot harbour, they kept watch upon the river night and day. Their number of men greatly exceeded his. He was informed, at Saybrook, that they had sixteen fire arms, with powder and shot. The harbour was compassed with rocks and thickets, af- fording the enemy every advantage. They were upon the land, and exceedingly light of foot. He was therefore of the opinion, that they would render it very difficult and dangerous to land, and that he might sustain such loss, as would discourage his men and frustrate the design of the expedition. If they should make good their landing, he was sure that, while they directed their march through the country, to the enemy's forts, they would waylay and attack them, with their whole force, at every difficult pass. Be- side, if they should find, on trial, that they were not able to defeat the English, they would run off to swamps and fastnesses, where they could not be found ; and they should not be able to efifect any thing capital against them. He was not without hopes that, by going to Narraganset, he might surprise them. There was also some prospect, that the Narragansets would join him in the ex- pedition, and that he might fall in with some part of the troops from Massachusetts. His officers and men in general were for attending their in- structions, and going at all hazards directly to the forts. The necessity of their affairs at home, the danger of the Indians at- tacking their families and settlements, in their absence, made them wish, at once to dispatch the business, on which they had been sent. They did not relish a long march through the wilder- ness. They also imagined that they might be discovered, even should they determine to march from Narraganset to the attack of t ' ' I i i '.Ml III m \ i > 2 I I'li.tlll 111 u m H I Ir 5s: 5« HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. I1637 the enemy. In this division of opinion, Mr. Stone was desired by the officers most importunately to pray for them, That their way might be directed, and that, notwithstanding the present embar- rassment, the enterprise might be crowned with success. Mr. Stone spent most of Thursday night in prayer, and the next morning visiting captain Mason, assured him, that he had done as he was desired ; adding, that he was entirely satisfied with his plan. The council was again called, and, upon a full view of all the reasons, unanimously agreed to proceed to Narraganset. It was also determined, that twenty men should be sent back to Con- necticut, to strengthen the infant settlements, while the rest of the troops were employed in service against the enemy; and, that captain Underbill, with nineteen men from the garrison at Say- brook fort, should supply their places. On Friday, May 19th, the captain sailed for Narraganset bay, and arrived on Saturday at the desired port. On Mond.iy, captain Mason and captain Underbill marched with a guard to tlie planta- tion of Cancnicus, and acquainted him with the design of their coming. A messenger was immediately dispatched to Mianton- imoh, the chief sachem of the Narragansets, to acquaint him also with the expedition. The next day Miaiitonimoh met them, with his chief counsel ors and warriors, consisting of about 200 men. Captain Mason certified him, that the occasion of his coming with armed men, into his country, was to avenge the intolerable inju- ries which the Pequots, his as well as their enemies, had done the English: and, that he desired a free passage to the Pequot forts. After a solemn consultation in the Indian manner, Miantonimoh answered. That he highly approved of the expedition, and that he would send men. He observed, however, that the English were not sufficient in number to fight with the enemy. He said the Pequots were great captains, skilled in war, and rather slighted the English. Captain Mason landed his men, and marched just at night to the plantation of Canonicus, which was appointed to be the place of general rendezvous. That night there arrived an Ind- ian runner in the camp, with a letter from captain Patrick, who had arrived with his party at Mr. Williams' plantation in Providence. Captain Patrick signified his desire, that captain Mason would wait until he could join him. Upon deliberation it was determined not to wait, though a junction was greatly desired. The men had already been detained much longer than was agreeable to their wishes. When they had absolutely resolved the preceding day to march the next morning, the Indians insisted that they were but in jest; that Englishmen talked much, but would not fight. It was therefore feared, that any delay would have a bad effect upon them. It was also suspected that, if they did not proceed imme- diately, they should be discovered, as there were a number of squaws who maintained an intercourse between the Pequot and 1037J HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 59 Narraganset Indians. The army therefore, consisting of yj Eng- lishmen, 60 Moheagan and river Indians, and about 200 Narra- gansets, marched on Wednesday morning, and that day reached the eastern Nihaiitick, about eighteen or twenty miles from the place of rendezvous the night before. This was a frontier to the Pcquots, and was the seat of one of the Narraganset sachems. Here the army halted, at the close of the day. But the sachem and his Indians conducted themselves in a haughty manner toward the English, and would not suffer them to enter within their fort. Captain Mason therefore placed a strong guard round the fort; and as the Indians would not suffer him to enter it, he determined that none of them should come out. Knowing the perfidy of the Ind- ians, and that it was customary among them to suffer the nearest relatives of their greatest enemies to reside with them, he jud;:^cd it necessary, to prevent their discovering him to the enemy. In the morning, a considerable number of Miantonimoh's men came on and joined the English. This encouraged many of the Nihanticks also to join them. They soon formed a circle, and made protestations, how gallantly they would light, and what numbers they would kill. When the army marched, the next morning, the captain had with him nearly 500 Indians. He marched twelve miles, to the ford in Pawcatuck river. The day was very hot, and the men, through the great heat, and a scarcity of provision, began to faint. The army, therefore, made a con- siderable halt, and refreshed themselves. Here the Narraganset Indians began to manifest their dread of the Pequots, and to en- (juire of captain Mason, with great anxiety, what were his real designs. He assured them, that it was his design to attack the Pequots in their forts. At this, they appeared to be panic-struck, and filled with amazement. Many of them drew off, and returned to Narraganset. The army marched on about three miles, and came to Indian corn fields; and the captain, imagining that he drew near the enemy, made a halt : he called his guides and coun- cil, and demanded of the Indians how far it was to the forts. They represented, that it was twelve miles to Sassacus's fort, and that both forts were in a manner impregnable. Wequosh, a Pequot captain or petty sachem, who had revolted from Sassacus to the Narragansets, was the principal guide, and he proved faithful. He gave such information, respecting the distance of the forts from each other, and the distance which they were then at, from the chief sachem's, as determined him and his officers to alter the re- solution which they had before adopted, of attacking them both at once; and to make a united attack upon that at Mistic. He found his men so fatigued, in marching through a pathless wilder- ness, with their provisions, arms, and ammunition, and so affected with the heat, that this resolution appeared to be absolutely neces- sary. One of captain Underbill's men became lame, at the same > 1 it i ',t>, - \ i 6o HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1637 1637] m'' iv time, and began to fail. The army, therefore, proceeded directly to Mistic, and continuing their march, came to a small swamp between two hills, just at the disappearing of the day light. The officers, supposing that they were now near the fort, pitched their little camp, between or near two large rocks, in Groton, since called Porter's rocks. The men were faint and weary, and though the rocks were their pillows, their rest was sweet. The guards and sentinels were considerably advanced, in the front of the army, and heard the enemy singing, at the fort, who continued their re- joicings even until midnight. They had seen the vessels pass the harbor, some days before, and had concluded, that the English were afraid, and had not courage to attack them. They were, therefore, rejoicing, singing, dancing, insulting them, and weary- ing themselves, on this account. The night was serene, and, towards morning, the moon shone clear. The important crisis was now come, when the very exist- ence of Connecticut, under providence, was to be determined by the sword, in a single action; and to be decided by the good con- duct of less than eighty brave men. The Indians who remained, were now sorely dismayed, and though, at first, they had led the van, and boasted of great feats, yet were now all fallen back in the rear. About two hours before day, the men were roused with all ex- pedition, and briefly commending themselves and their cause to God, advanced immediately towards the fort. After a march of about two miles, they came to the foot of a large hill, where a fine country opened before them. The captain, supposing that the fort could not be far distant, sent for the Indians in the rear, to come up. Uncas and Wequosh, at length, appeared. He de- manded of them where the fort was. They answered, on the top of the hill. He demanded of them where were the other Indians. They answered, that they were much afraid. The captain sent to them not to fly, but to surround the fort, at any distance they pleased, and see whether Englishmen would fight. The day was nearly dawning, and no time was now to be lost. The men pressed on, in two divisions, captain Mason to the north-eastern, and cap- tain Underbill to the western entrance. As the object which they had been so long seeking, came into view, and while they re- flected they were to fight not only for themselves, but their par- ents, wives, children, and the whole colony, the martial spirit kindled in their bosoms, and they were wonderfully animated and assisted. As captain Mason advanced within a rod or two of the fort, a dog barked, and an Indian roared out, Owanux! Owanux! That is. Englishmen ! Englishmen! The troops pressed on, and as the Indians were rallying, poured in upon them, through the pal- lisadoes, a general discharge of their muskets, and then wheeling off to the principal entrance, entered the fort sword in hand. Not- withstandi of their ar Captain M towards tli forced the them, that themselvej of every and his m many Indi hands upo could defe flict, in wh lish killed, suspense, of breath, j they had n to a succe BURN THE^ put it into fire instant ian houses increased, on every s gansets as English, ar emy were flames, froi mark for tl were instar Others, dei shot, or cut that they v Great numi The grea the flashini men, wonv Indians wii grand and work of de and five or in the flam the evenin] forth agair ' Captain '. of Wigwams, destroyed. [•637 1637] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 6i withstanding the suddenness of the attack, the blaze and thunder of their arms, the enemy made a manly and desperate resistance. Captain Mason and his party, drove the Indians in the main street towards the west part of the fort, where some bold men, who had forced their way, met them, and made such slaughter among them, that the street was soon clear of the enemy. They secreted themselves in and behmd their wigwams, and taking atlvantage of every covert, maintained an obstinate defence. The captain and his men entered the wigwams, where they were beset with many Indians, who took every advantage to shoot them, and lay hands upon them, so that it was with great difHculty that they could defend themselves with their swords. After a severe con- flict, in which many of the Indians were slain, some of the Eng- lish killed, and others sorely wounded, the victory still hung in suspense. The captain finding himself much exhausted, and out of breath, as well as his men, by the extraordinary exertions which they had made; in this critical state of the action, had recourse to a successful expedient. He cries out to his men, We must BURN THEM. He, immediately entering a wigwam, took fire, and put it into the mats, with which the wigwams were covered. The fire instantly kindling, spread with such violence that all the Ind- ian houses were soon wrapped in one general flame. As the fire increased, the English retired without the fort, and compassed it on every side. Uncas and his Indians, with such of the Narra- gansets as yet remained, took courage, from the example of the English, and formed another circle in the rear of them. The en- emy were now seized with astonishment, and forced, by the flames, from their lurking places, into open light, became a fair mark for die English soldiers. Some climbed the pallisadoes, and were instantly brought down by the fire of the English muskets. Others, desperately sallying forth from their burning cells, were shot, or cut in pieces with the sword. Such terror fell upon them, that they would run back from the English, into the very flames. Great numbers perished in the conflagration. The greatness and violence of the fire, the reflection of the light, the flashing and roar of the arms, the shrieks and yellings of the men, women and children, in the fort, and the shoutings of the Indians without, just at the dawning of the morning, exhibited a grand and awful scene. In a little more than an hour this whole work of destruction was finished. Seventy wig^vams were burnt, and five or six hundred Indians perished, either by the sword, or in the flames.^ A hundred and fifty warriors had been sent on, the evening before, who, that very morning, were to have gone forth against the English. Of these, and all who belonged to the ' Captain Mason, in his history, says six or seven hundred. From the number of Wigwams, and the reinforcement, tlie probability is, that about six hundred were destroyed. > "'''HP •1 '' 1 1 ■( '] .!;■ 1 l| •r^ ii SL i 1 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. I1637 pS fort, ^even only escaped, and seven were made prisoners. It had been previously concluded not to bum the fort, but to destroy the enemy, and take the plunder; but the captain afterwards found it the only expedient to obtain the victory, and save his men. Thus parents and children, the sannup and squaw, the old man and the babe, perished in promiscuous ruin. Though the victory was complete, yet the army were in great danger and distress. The men had been exceedingly fatigued, by the heat, and long marches through rough and difficult places ; and by that constant watch and guard which they had been obliged to keop. They had now been greatly exhausted, by the sharpness of the action, and the exertions which they had been necessitated to make. Their loss was very considerable. Two men were killed, and nearly twenty wounded. This was more than one quarter of the English. Numbers fainted by reason of fatigue, the heat, and want of necessaries. The surgeon, their provisions, and the articles necessary for the wounded, were on board the vessels, which had been ordered to sail from the Narra- ganset bay, the n.^^ht before, for Pequot harbour; but there was no appearance of them in the sound. They were sensible that, by the burning of the fort, and the noise of war, they had alarmed the country; and therefore were in constant expectation of an attack, by a fresh and numerous enemy from the other fortress, and from every quarter whence the Pequots might be collected. A number of the friendly Indians had been wounded, and they were so distracted with fear, that it was difficult even to speak with their guide and interpreter, or to know any thing what they designed. The English were in an enemy's country, and entire strangers to the way in which they must return. The enemy were far more numerous than themselves, and enraged to the highest degree. Another circumstance renderv-^d their situation still more dangerous, their provisions and ammunition were nearly ex- pended. Four or five men were so wounded that it was necessary to carry them, and they were also obliged to bear about twenty fire arms, so that not more than forty men could be spared for action. After an interval of about an hour, while the officers were in consultation what course they should take, their vessels, as though guided by the hand of providence, to serve the necessi- ties of these brave men, came full in view; and, under a fair gale, were steering directly into the harbour. This, in the situation of the army at that time, was a most joyful sight. Immediately, upon the discovery of the vessels, aboui'. three hundred Indians came on from the other fort. Captain Mason, perceiving their approach, led out a chosen party to engage them, and try their temper. He gave them such a warm reception, as soon checked and put them to a stand. This gave him great en- '•iiA Aii i637] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 63 couragement, and he ordered the army to march for Pequot har- bour. The enemy, upon this, immediately advanced to the hill, where the fort stood ; and viewing the destruction which had been made, stamped and tore their hair from their heads. After a short pause, and blowing themselves up to the highest transport of passion, they leaped down the hill after the army, in the most \Iolent manner, as though they were about to run over the Eng- lish. Captain Underbill, who, with a number of the best men, was ordered to defend the rear, soon checked the eagerness of their pursuit, and taught them to keep at a more respectful dis- tance. The friendly Indians who had not deserted, now kept close to the English, and it was believed that, after the enemy came on, they were afraid to leave them. The enemy pursued the army nearly six miles, sometimes shooting at a distance, from be- hind rocks and trees, and at other times, pressing on more vio- lently, and desperately hazarding themselves in the open field. That the English might all be enabled to iight, captain Mason soon hired the Indians to carry the wounded men and their arms. The English killed several of the enemy while they pursued them, but sustained no loss themselves. When they killed a Pequot, the other Indians would shout, run and fetch his head. At length, the enemy finding that they could make no impression upon the army, and that wounds and death attended their attempts, gave over the pursuit. The army then marched to the harbor, with their colors flying, and were received on board the vessels, with great mutual joy and congratulation. In about three weeks from the time the men embarked at Hart- ford, they returned again to their respective habitations. They were received with the greatest exultation. As the people had been deeply affected with their danger, and full of anxiety for their friends, while nearly half the eflfective men in the colony were in service, upon so hazardous an enterprise, so sudden a change, in the great victory obtained, and in the safe return of so many of their children and neighbors, filled them with exceeding joy and thankfulness. Every family, and every worshipping assembly, spake the language of praise and thanksgiving. Several circumstances attending this enterprise, were muci: noticed by the soldiers themselves, and especially by all the pious people. It was considered as very providential, that the army should march nearly forty miles, and a considerable part of it in the enemy's country, and not be discovered until the moment they were ready to commence the attack. I« ^^?as judged remarkable, that the vessels should come into the harbour at the very hour in which they were most needed. The life of captain Mason was very signally preserved. As he entered a wigwam for fire to burn the fort, an Indian was drawing an arrow to the very head, and ffel li <'c ■J i ^'WIH f il ■ •I 5 Uh n^ ^ m HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1637 1637] li W would have killed him instantly; but Davis,^ one of his sergeants, cut the bow string with his cutlass, and prevented the fatal shot." Lieutenant Bull received an arrow into a hard piece of cheese, which he had in his clothes, and by it was saved harmless. Two soldiers, John Dyer and Thomas Stiles, both servants of one man, were shot in the knots of their neckcloths, and by them preserved from instant death.^ Few enterprises have ever been achieved with more personal ijravery or good conduct. In few hrve so great a proportion of the effective men of a whole colony, state, or nation been put to so great and immediate danger. In few, have a people been so deeply and immediately interested, as the whole colony of Con- necticut was in this, in that uncommon crisis. In these respects, even the great armaments and battles of Europe are, compara- tively, of little importance. In this, under the divine conduct, by seventy-seven brave men, Connecticut was saved, and the most warlike and terrible Indian nation in New-England, defeated and ruined. The body of the Pcquots, returning from the pursuit of captain Mason, repaired to Sassacus, at the royal fortress, and related the doleful story of their misfortunes. They charged them all to his haughtiness and misconduct, and threatened him, and his, with immediate destruction. His friends and chief counsellors inter- ceded for him; and, at their intreaty, his men spared his life. Then, upon consultation, they concluded, that they could not, with safety, remain any longer in the country. They were, indeed, so panic struck, that, burning their wigwams and destroying their fort, they fled and scattered into various parts of the country. Sassacus, Mononotto, and seventy or eighty of their chief coun- sellors and warriors, took their route towards Hudson's river. Just before captain Mason went out upon the expedition against the Pequots, the Dutch performed a very neighbourly office for Connecticut. The two maids, who had been captivated at Weath- ersfield, had, through the humanity and mediation of Mononotto's squaw, been spared from death, and kindly treated. The Dutch governor, receiving intelligence of their circumstances, deter- mined to redeem them at any rate, and dispatched a sloop to Pe- quot harbour for that purpose. Upon its arrival, the Dutch made large ofters for their redemption, but the Pequots would not ac- cept them. Finally, as the Dutch had a number of Pequots on board, whom they had taken, and finding that they could do no ' Stiles, in his Ancient Windsor, ist ed., p, 40, insists that William Hayden, of Hartford, cut the bowstring, and cites tradition. He also uses the dubious argu- ment that Davis, being in the attackint; party on the opposite side of the fort, cuuld not have been the man, though it is difficult to see why he might not have been, if only the fact that he had previously entered the other side of the fort is cited as proving the act of Davis impossible, — J. T. ' Hubbard's Narrative. ' Mason's History, better, the; maids.^ T women at rived. Of enemy. An Indl soon carri< Pequots, his council sent forwa manded b) was sent hi This pai By the as: captain St swamp. 1 were worn killed, but promised t were spare June 26 should be against th( The tro( under the < low, with ( with the 2 adopted in sultation, i to the wesi covered th several rer it appears children w; obliged to as they af! as they sc whom the; they were had spared on their n from whic done, bear three day; sailed aloi • Wii »Hu i637l HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 65 better, they offered the Pequots six of their own men for the two maids.^ These they accepted, and the Dutch delivered the young women at Saybrook, just before captain Mason and his party ar- rived. Of them he received particular information respecting the enemy. An Indian runner, dispatched by Mr. Williams, at Providence, soon carried the news of the success of Connecticut against the Pequots, to the governor of Massachusetts. The governor and his council, judging that the Pequots had received a capital blow, sent forward but a hundred and twenty men. These were com- manded by Mr. Stoughton, and the Rev. Mr. Wilson, of Boston, was sent his chaplain. This party arrived at Pequot harbour the latter part of June. By the assistance of the Narraganset Indians, the party under captain Stoughton surrounded a large body of Pequots in a swamp. They took eighty captives. Thirty were men; the rest were women and children. The men, except two sachems, were killed, but the women and children were saved.^ The sachems promised to conduct the English to Sassacus, and for that purpose were spared for the present. June 26th, the court at Connecticut ordered that forty men should be raised forthwith for the further prosecution of the war against the Pequots, to be commanded by captain Mason. The troops from Connecticut made a junction with the party under the command of captain Stoughton, at Pequot. Mr. Lud- low, with other principal gentlemen from Connecticut, went also with the army, to advise with respect to the measures to be adopted in the further prosecution of the war. Upon general con- sultation, it was concluded to pursue the Pequots, who had fled to the westward. The army marched immediately, and soon dis- covered the places, where the enemy had rendezvoused, at their several removes. As these were not far distant from each other, it appeared that they moved slowly, having their women and children with them. They also were without provisions, and were obliged to dig for clams, and to range the groves for such articles as they afforded. The English found some scattering Pequots, as they scoured the country, whom r.^ey captivated, and from whom they obtained intelligence relative to the Pequots whom they were pursuing. But finding, that the sachems, whom they had spared, would give tl.em no information, they beheaded them, on their march, at a place called Menunkatuck, since Guilford; from which circumstance, the spot on which the £xecution was done, bears the name of sachem's head to the present time. In three days they arrived at New-Haven harbour. The vessels sailed along the shore while the troops marched by land. At • Winthrop's Journal, p. 128. ' Hubbard's Narrative, p. 34, and Winthrop's Journal, p. 130, 133. ft) I ! r n > > i i p. ^1 !■'■■ Mi 66 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 1 1637 New-Haven, then called Quinnipiack, a great smoke, at a small distance, was discovered in the woods. The officers supposing, that they had now discovered the enemy, ordered the army im- mediately to advance upon them; but were soon informed that they were not in that vicinity. The Connecticut Indians nad kindled the fires whence the smoke arose. The troops soon em- barked on board the vessels. After staying several days at New- Haven, the officers received intelligence from a Pequot, whom they had previously sent to make discovery, that the enemy were at a considerable distance, in a great swamp, to the westward. Upon this information, the army marched with all possible dis- patch to a great swamp, in Fairfield, where were eighty or a hun- dred Pequot warriors, and nearly two hundred other Indians. The swamp was such a thicket, so deep and boggy, that it was difficult to enter it, or make any movement without sinking in the mire. Lieutenant Davenport and others, rushing eagerly into it, were sorely wounded, and several were soon so deep in the mud, that they could not get out without assistance. The enemy pressed them so hard, that they were just ready to seize them by the hair of their head. A number of brave men were obliged to rescue them sword in hand. Some of the Indians were slain, and the men were drawn out of the mire. The swamp was surrounded, and after a considerable skirmish the Indians desired a parley. As the officers were not willing to make a promiscuous destruc- tion of men, women and children, and as the sachem and Indians of the vicinity had fled into the swamp, though they had done the colonies no injury, a parley was granted. Thomas Stanton, a man well acquainted with the manners and language of the Ind- ians, was sent to treat with them. He was authorized to oflfer life to all the Indians who had shed no English blood. Upon this oflfer, the sachem of the place came out to the English, and one company of old men, women and children after another, to the number of about two hundred. The sachem of the place declared for himself and his Indians, that they had neither shed the blood of the English nor done them any harm. But the Pequot war- riors had too great a spirit to accept of the offer of life, declaring, that they would fight it out. They shot their arrows at Stanton, and pressed so hard upon him, that the soldiers were obliged to fly to his rescue.* The fight was then renewed, the soldiers firing upon them whenever an opportunity presented. But by reason of an unhappy division among the officers, a great part of the enemy escaped. Some were for forcing the swamp immediately, but this was opposed, as too dangerous. Others were for cutting it down, as they had taken many hatchets, with which they were of the opinion it might be effected. Some others were for making a pallisado and hedge round it, but neither of these measures ' Hubbard's Narrative, p. 38. 1637] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. <57 "'), could be adopted.^ As night came on, the English cut through a narrow part of it, by which the circumference was greatly les- sened; so that the soldiers, at twelve feet distance from each other, were able completely to compass the enemy. In this manner they enclosed and watched them until it was nearly morning. A thick fog arose just before day, and it became exceedingly dark. At this juncture, the Indians took the opportunity to break through the English. They made their first attempt upon captain Patrick's quarters, yelling in their hideous manner and pressing on with violence, but they were several times driven back. As the noise and tumult of war increased, captain Mason sent a party to assist captain Patrick. Captain Trask also marched to reinforce him. As the battle greatly increased, the siege broke up. Captain Ma- son marched to give assistance in the action. Advancing to the turn of the swamp, he found that the enemy were pressing out upon him ; but he gave them so warm a reception, that they were soon glad to retire. While he was expecting that they would make another attempt upon him, they faced about, and falling vio- lently on captain Patrick, broke through his quarters and fled. These were their bravest warriors, six' or seventy of whom made their escape. About twenty were killed, and one hundred and eighty were taken prisoners. The English also took hatchets, wampum, kettles, trays and other Indian utensils. The Pequot womenand children, who had been captivated, were divided among the troops. Some were carried to Connecticut, and others to the Massachusetts. The people of Massachusetts sent a number of the women and boys to the West-Indies, and sold them for slaves. It was supposed that abou*; seven hundred Pequots were destroyed. The women who were captivated, re- ported, that thirteen sachems had been slain, and that thirteen yet survived. Among the latter were Sassacus and Mononotto, the two chief sachems. These with about twenty of their best men fled to the Mohawks. They carried oflf with them wampum to the amount of 500 pounds,'' The Mohawks surprised and slew them all, except Mononotto. They wounded him, but he made his es- cape. The scalp of Sassacus was sent to Connecticut in the fall, and Mr. Ludlow and several other gentlemen, going into Massa- chusetts, in September, carried a lock of it to Boston, as a rare sight, and a sure demonstration of the death of their mortal enemy.' Among the Pequot captives were the wife and children of Mononotto. She was particularly noticed, by the English, for her great modesty, humanity and good sense. She made it as her only request, that she might not be injured either as to her offspring or personal honor. As a requital of her kindness to the captivated ' Masom's Hittory. » Winthrop's Journal, p. 136, ' Winthrop's Journal, p. 134, 135, 136. his < 1 ■ H m 68 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1638 i*' maids, her life and the lives of her children were not only spared, but they were particularly recommended to the care of governor Winthrop. He gave charge for their protection and kind treat- ment. After the swamp fight, the Pequots became so weak and scat- tered, that the Narragansets and Moheagans constantly killed them, and brought in their heads to Windsor and Hartford. Those who survived were so hunted and harassed, that a num- ber of their chief men repaired to the English, at Hartford, for re- lief. They offered, if their lives might be spared, that they would become the servants of the English and be disposed of at their pleasure. This was granted, and the court interposed for their protection. Uncas and Miantonimoh, with the Pequots, by the direction of the magistrates of Connecticut, met at Hartford; and it was demanded by them, how many of the Pequots were yet living? they answered, about two hundred, besides women and children. The magistrates then entered into a firm covenant with them, to the following effect: that there should be perpetual peace between Miantonimoh and Uncas, and their respective Indians; and that all past injuries should be remitted, and for ever buried: that if any injuries should be done, in future, by one party to the other, that they should not immediately revenge it, but appeal to the English to do them justice. It was stipulated, that they should submit to their determination, and that if either par ' should be obstinate, that then they might enforce submission to their de- cisions. It was further agreed, that neither the Moheagans, nor Narragansets should conceal, or entertain any of their enemies; but deliver up or destroy all such Indians as had murdered any English man or woman. The English then gave the Pequot Ind- ians to the Narragansets and Moheagans; eighty to Miantoni- moh, twenty to Ninnigret, and the other hundred to Uncas; to be received and treated as their men. It was also covenanted, that the Pequots should never more inhabit their native country, nor be called Pequots, but Narragansets and Moheagans. It was also further stipulated, That neither the Narragansets nor Moheagans should possess any part of the Pequot country without the con- sent of the English. The Pequots were to pay a tribute, at Con- necticut annually, of a fathom of wampumpeag for every Sannop, of half a fathom for every young man, and of a hand for every male papoose. On these conditions the magistrates, in behalf ot the colony, stipulated a firm peace with all the Indians.* The conquest of the Pequots struck all the Indians in New- England with terror, and they were possessed with such fear of the displeasure and arms of the English, that they had no open war with them for nearly forty years. Records of G>nnecticut. 1638] This hs public th; New-Eng Him, wh( dwell safe THOU nated, yet The cons' state of tl every arti( and the p from theii employed the provis ure propo commonl; The court great wan dred bush ians, and ; tants weri certain pr the purch send a ves But notwi ity becam twelve sh committe* since Dee Indians a one time, this as a i the finest icut, were selves and In this ' The tni somi;itimes, t together, flal » Recordi ' Mason'j to eighteen c ' Mason'i 1638] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 69 This happy event gave great joy to the colonies. A day of public thanksgiving was appointed; and, in all the churches of New-England, devout and animated praises were addressed to Him, who giveth his people the victory, and causeth them to dwell safely. CHAPTER VI. THOUGH the war with the Pequots was now happily termi- nated, yet the effects of it were severely felt by the inhabitants. The consequences were, scarcity and a debt, which, in the low state of the colony, it was exceedingly difKcult to pay. Almost every article of food or clothing was purchased at the dearest rate : and the planters had not yet reaped any considerable advantage from their farms. Such a proportion of their labourers had been employed in the war, and the country was so uncultivated, that all the provision which had been raised, or imported, was in no meas- ure proportionate to the wants of the people. The winter was un- commonly severe, which increased the distress of the colony.^ The court at Connecticut foreseeing that the people would be in great want of bread, contracted with Mr. Pyncheon for five hun- dred bushels of Indian corn, which he was to purchase of the Ind- ians, and a greater quantity, if it could be obtained. The inhabi- tants were prohibited to bargain for it privately, and limited to certain prices, lest it should raise the price, while he was making the purchase. A committee was also appointed by the court, to send a vessel to Narraganset, to buy of the natives in that quarter.* But notwithstanding every precaution which was taken, the scarc- ity became such, that corn rose to the extraordinary price of twelve shillings by the bushel.' In this distressful situation a committee was sent to an Indian settlement called Pocomtock, since Deerfield, where they purchased such quantities, that the Indians came down to Windsor and Hartford, with fifty canoes at one time, laden with Indian corn.* The good people considered this as a great deliverance. Those, who, in England, had fed on the finest of the wheat, in the beginning of affairs in Connect- icut, were thankful for such coarse fare as Indian bread, for them- selves and children. In this low state of the colony, the court found it necessary to ' The snow lay from the 4th of November until the 23d of March. It was, at somi»timet, three and four feet deep. Once in the winter it snowed for two hours together, flakes as big as English shillings. Winthrop's Journal, p. 154. ' Records of Connecticut. ^ Mason's history. Twelve shillings sterling at that time, was doubtless equal to eighteen or twenty shillings lawful money. * Mason's History. J ■: 1 I r t¥:\i ;o HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1638 1638] mil; order the towns immediately to furnish themselves with magazines of powder, lead and shot, and every man to be completely armed, and furnished with ammunition. The court were also obliged to impose a tax of 550 pounds, to be collected immediately, to defray the expenses of the war. This appears to have been the first pub- lic tax in Connecticut. Agawam, since named Springfield, though it sent no men to the war, yet bore its proportion of the expense.^ The first secretary and treasurer appears to have been Mr. Clem- ent Chaplin. He was authorised to issue his warrants for gather- ing the tax which had been imposed. Captain John Mason was appointed major-general of the mi- ''tia of Connecticut. The reverend Mr. Hooker was desired to de- liver him the military staff. This he doubtless performed with that propriety and dignity which was peculiar to himself, and best adapted to the occasion. The general was directed to call out the militia of each town, ten times in a year, to instruct them in mili- tary discipline. He received out of the public treasury 40 pounds annually, for his services. As it was of the highest importance to the colony to cultivate peace, and a good understanding with the Indians, laws were enacted to prevent all persons from offering them the least private insult or abuse. While the planters of Connecticut were thus exerting them- selves in prosecuting and regulating the affairs of that colony, an- other was projected and settled at Quinnipiack,* afterwards called New-Haven. On the 26th of July,' 1637, Mr. John Davenport, Mr. Samuel Eaton, Theophilus Eaton and Edward Hopkins, Esquires, Mr. Thomas Gregson, and many others of good char- acters and fortunes, arrived at Boston. Mr. Davenport had been a famous minister in the city of London, and was a distinguished character for piety, learning, and good conduct. Many of his congregation, on account of the esteem which they had for his person and ministry, followed him into New-England. Mr. Eaton and Mr. Hopkins had been merchants in London, possessed great estates, and were men of eminence for their abilities and integrity. The fame of Mr. Davenport, the reputation and good estates of the principal gentlemen of this company, made the people of the Massachusetts exceedingly desirous of their settlement in that commonwealth. Great pains were taken, not only by particular persons and towns, but by the general ccurt, to fix them in the colony. Charlestown made them large offtrs; and Newbury pro- posed to give up the whole town to them. The general court of- ' The tax was laid on the towns in the proportior s following : Agawam, 86 pounds : i6 : o. Windsor, 158 pounds : 2 : o. Hartford 251 pounds : 2 : o. And Weathersfield, 124 pounds : o : o. * This is sometimes spelt Quillipiack, and Qinnepioke. » Should be June. Savage's Winthrop, x ; 254.— J. T. fered then determine quots to t fine tract s several ha uated for i jected a s( In the f pany, ma< harbours the place a few mer On the Samuel £ of their c< a fortnigl April, the sembled preached tations of direction! state of hi day. One of their remi out of th( land, who tions. W the contn sent, does the great being at and religi had been reformati world, it could not design ol possible t men, wh( In laying bility, thi common^ 1 Winth « This ii his historici the 15th, w 16381 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 71 fered them any place which they should choose.^ But they were determined to plant a distinct colony. By the pursuit of the Pe- quots to the westward, the English became acquainted with that fine tract along the shore, from Saybrook to Fairfield, and with its several harbours. It was represented as fruitful, and happily sit- uated for navigation and commerce. The company therefore pro- jected a settlement in that part of the country. In the fall of 1637, Mr. Eaton, and others, who were of the com- pany, made a journey to Connecticut, to explore the lands and harbours on the sea coast. They pitched upon Quinnipiack for the place of their settlement. They erected a poor hut, in which a few men subsisted through the winter. On the 30th of March, 1638, Mr. Davenport, Mr. Prudden, Mr. Samuel Eaton, and Theophilus Eaton, Esquire, with the people of their company, sailed from Boston for Quinnipiack. In about a fortnight they arrived at their desired port. On the i8th of April, they kept their first sabbath in the place." The people as- sembled under a large spreading oak, and Mr. Davenport preached to them from Matthew vi. i. He insisted on the temp- tations of the wilderness, made such observations, and gave such directions and exhortations as were pertinent to the then present state of his hearers. He left this remark. That he enjoyed a good day. One of the principal reasons which these colonists assigned for their removing from Massachusetts, was, that they should be more out of the way and trouble of a general governor of New-Eng- land, who, at this time, was an object of great fear in all the planta- tions. What foundation there was for the hope of exemption from the control of a general governor, by this removal, had one been sent, does not appear. It is probable, that the motive which had the greatest influence with the principal men, was the desire of being at the head of a new government, modelled, both in civil and religious matters, agreeably to their own apprehensions. It had been an observation of Mr. Davenport's, That whenever a reformation had been effected in the church, in any part of the world, it had rested where it had been left by the reformers. It could not be advanced another step. He was now embarked in a design of forming a civil and religious ccz'.'. tion, as near as possible to scripture precept and example. The principal gentle- men, who had followed him into America, had the same views. In laying the foundations of a new colony, there was a fair proba- bility, that they might accommodate all matters of church and commonwealth to their own feelings and sentiments. But in the > Winthrop's Journal, p. 151. * This is impossible, as the i8th of April, 1638, wa« Wednesday. Kingsley, in his historical discourse, p. 78, suggests that the 1 8th was mistakenly substituted for the isth, which was Sunday. — J. T. < ' ' i Sr HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. I1638 ill Massachti setts, the principal men were fixed in the chief seats of government, which they were likely to keep, and their civil and religicuft ijolity was already formed. Besides, the antinomian con- troversy Hiid sentiments, which hail taken such root at Boston, were exceedingly disagreeable to Mr. Davenport, and the princi- pal gentlemen of his company. He had taken a decided, though prudent part, against them. He, with his leading men, might judge, that the people who came with them would be mucli more out of danger of the corruption, and that they should be more entirely free from the trouLlo of those sentiments, in a new planta- tion, than in the Massacliusetts. These !?ught all unite their in- fluence with Mr. Davenpori and others, to determine them to re- move and begin a new colony. Soon after they arrived at Quinnipiack, in the close of a day of fasting and prayer, they entered into what they termed a planta- tion covenant. In this they solemnly bound themselves, " That, as in matters that concern the gathering and ordering of a church, so also in all public offices, which concern civil order, as choice of magistrates and officers, making and repealing laws, dividing al- lotments of inheritance, and all things of like nature, they would, all of them, be ordered by the rules which the sc nture held forth to them." This was adopted as a general agreement, until there should be time for the people to become more intimately ac- quainted with each other's religious views, sentiments, and moral conduct; which was supposed to be necessary to prepare the way for their covenanting together, as christians, in church state. The aspects of Providence on the country, about this time, were very gloomy, and especially unfavourable to new plantations. The spring, after a long and severe winter, was unusually back- ward. Scarcely any t hing grew, for several weeks. The planting season was so cold that the coi ii rot;:ed in the g^round, and the peo- ple were obHged to replant two or three times.^ This distressed man and beast, and retarded all the affairs of the plantations. It rendered the gloom and horrors of the wilderness still more hor- rible. The colonists had terrible apprehensions of scarcity and famine. But at length the warm season came on, and vegetation exceeded all their expectations. On the 1st of June, between the hours of three and four in the afternoon, there was a great and memorable earthquake through- out New-England. It came with a report like continued thunder, or the rattling of numerous coaches upon a paved street. The shock was so great that, in many places, the tops of the chimneys were thrown down, and the pewter fell from the shelves. It shook the waters and ships in the harbours, and all the adjacent islands. The duration of the sound and tremor was about four minutes. The earth, at turns, was unquiet for nearly twenty days. The ' Winthrop's Journal, p. 155. Ibid. See also Morton and Autchinson. weather wa quake from The plan settlement ; friendship v tion to th( might most On the Davenport, with Moni£ counsellors to this efTec That Mot absolute po quence of tl the Pequoti interest to a ties and ap; Eaton, Joh ever. He c rify, nor 'ii< terests; but them. The Eng ians, when and that th' plant on, u Saybrook f thankful re council anc chymy spo< twelve porr This agr g^in and h: Tohn Dave; terpreter, d acquainted answers. In Decer tract, whicl towese, sor ten miles in ' The Ind bered the hea' fear of them, 1 Bjr these pow< * This was ' Records X6381 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. n I'M, I weather was clear, the wind westerly, and the course of the earth- quake from west to east. The planters at Quinnipiack determined to make an extensive settlement; and, if possible, to maintain perpetual peace and friendship with the Indians. They, therefore, paid an early atten- tion to the making of such purchases and amicable treaties, as might most effectually answer their designs. On the 24th of November, 1638, Theophilus Eaton, Esq. Mr. Davenport, and other English planters, entered into an agreement with Momauguin, sachem of that part of the country, and his counsellors, respecting the lands. The articles of agreement are to this eflFect: That Momauguin is the sole sachem of Quinnipiack, and had an absolute power to aliene and dispose of the same: That, in conse- quence of the protection which he had tasted, by the English, from the Pequots and Mohawks,* he yielded up all his right, title, and interest to all the lanf' rivers, ponds, and trees, with all the liber- ties and appurtenances belonging to the same, unto Theophilus Eaton, John Davenport, and others, their heirs and assigns, for ever. He covenanted, that neither he, nor his Indians, would ter- rify, nor listurb the English, nor injure them in any of their in- terests ; but that, in every respect, they would keep true faith with them. The English covenanted to protect Momauguin and his Ind- ians, when unreasonably assaulted and lerrified by other Indians; and that they should always have a suflficient quantity of land to plant on, upon the east side of the harbour,* between that and Saybrook fort. They also covenanted, that by way of free and thankful retribution, they gave unto the said sachem, and his council and company, twelve coats of English cloth, twelve al* chymy spoons, twelve hatchets, twelve hoes, two dozen of knives, twelve porringers, and four cases of French knives and scissors.* This agreement was signed and legally executed, by Momau- guin and his council on the one part, and Theophilus Eaton and Tohn Davenport on the other. Thomas Stanton, who was the in- terpreter, declared in the presence of God, that he had faithfully acquainted the Indians with the said articles, and returned their answers. In December following, they made another purchase of a large tract, which lay principally north of the former. This was of Mon- towese, son of the great sachem at Mattabeseck. This tract wa? ten miles in length, north and south, and thirteen miles in breadth. ■ The Indians of Quinniphick, in this treaty, declared, that they still remem bered the heavy taxes of the Pequots and Mohawks ; and that, by reason of thei*^ fear of them, they could not stay in their own country, but had been obliged to flee. By these powerful enemies, they had been reduced to about forty men. * This was in the present town of East- Haven. ' Records of New-Haven. !l \" I'll I m ■ i- if' IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 5* A /^^"^. '- ^M^ #^^ % 1.0 1.1 11.25 Hi 1^ 112.0 ll!J4 m V] .^ ^>. y •^-^^ J V/A Photographic Sciences Corporation 33 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14S80 (716) 873-4503 -^J 74 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [163? 'M It extended eight miles east of the river Quinnipiack, and five miles west of it towards Hudson's river. It included all the lands within the ancient limits of the old towns of New-Haven, Bran- ford, and Wallingford, and almost the whole contained in the present limits of those towns, and of the towns of East-Haven, Woodbridge, Cheshire, Hamden, and North-Haven.^ These have since been made out of the three old towns. The New-Haven adventurers were the most opulent company which came into New-England, and they designed to plant a capi- tal colony. They laid out their town plat in squares, designing it for a great and elegant city. In the centre was a large, beautiful square. This was encompassed with others, making nine in the whole. The first principal settlers were Theophilus Eaton, Esq. Mr. Davenport, Mr. Samuel Eaton, Mr. Thomas Gregson, Mr. Robert Newman, Mr. Matthew Gilbert, Mr. Nathaniel Turner, Mr. Thomas Fugill, Mr. Francis Newman, Mr. Stephen Goodyear, and Mr. Joshua Atwater. Mr. Eaton had been deputy-governor of the East India com- pany, and was three years himself in the East Indies. He served the company so well, that he received from them presents of great value. He had been on an embassy from the court of England to the king of Denmark. He was a London merchant, who had, for many years, traded to the East Indies, had obtained a great estate, and brought over a large sum of money into New-England.' Others were merchants of fair estates, and they designed to have been a great trading city. There appears no act of civil, military, or ecclesiastical author- ity, during the first year; nor is there any appearance, that this colony was ever straitened for bread, as the other colonies had been. Mr. Prudden, and his company, who came with Mr. Davenport, continued the first summer at Quinnipiack, and were making preparations for the settlement of another township. When Mr. Davenport removed to Quinnipiack, Mr. Hopkins came to Hartford, and soon after incorporated with the settlers of Connecticut. The inhabitants of the three towns upon Connecticut river, finding themselves without the limits of the Massachusetts patent, conceived the plan of forming themselves, by voluntary compact, into a distinct commonwealth. ■ For this last tract of ten milei north and south, and thirteen east and west, the English gare thirteen coats, and allowed the Indians ground to plant, and lib- erty to hunt within the lands. Records of New-Haven. * The tradition is, that he brought to New-Haven a very great estate, in plate and money. The East India company made his wife a present of a bason ard ewer, double gilt, and curiously wrought with gold, weighing more than sixty pounds. X638I 1638] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 75 On the 14th of January, 1639,* ^U the free planters convened at Hartford, and, on mature deliberation, adopted a constitution of government They introduce their constitution, with a declara- tion to this effect. That for the establishment of order and govern- ment, they associated, and conjoined themselves to be one public state or commonwealth; and did, for themselves and successors, and such as should be, at any time, joined to them, confederate together, to maintain the liberty and purity of the gospel, which they proifessed, and the discipline of the churches, according to its institution; and in all civil affairs, to be governed according to such laws, as should be made agreeably to the constitution, which they were then about to adopt. The constitution, which then follows, ordains. That there shall be, annually, two gener?.l courts, or assemblies; one on the second Thursday in April, and the other on the second Thursday in Sep- tember: That the first, shall be the court of election^ in which shall be annually chosen, at least, six magistrates, and all other public officers. It ordains, that a governor should be chosen, dis- tinct from the six magistrates, for one year, and until another should be chosen and sworn: and that the governor and magis- trates should be sworn to a faithful execution of the laws of the colony, and in cases in which there was no express law established, to be governed by the divine word. Agreeably to the constitu- tion, the choice of these officers was to be made by the whole body of the freemen, convened in general election. It provided, that all persons, who had been received as members of the several towns, by a majority of the inhabitants, and had taken the oath of fidel- ity to the commonwealth, should be admitted freemen of the col- ony. It required, that the governor and magistrates should be elected by ballot; the governor by the greatest number of votes, and the magistrates by a majority. However, it provided, that if it should so happen, at any time, that six should not have a major- ity, that in such case, those who had the greatest number of suf- frages, should stand as duly elected for that year. No person might be governor, unless he were a member of some regular church, and had previously been a magistrate in the colony. Nor could any man be elected to the office, more than once in two years. No one could be chosen into the magistracy who was not a freeman of the colony, and had been nominated, either by the freemen, or the general court. The assembly were authorised to nominate, in cases in which they judged it expedient. Neither the governor, nor magistrates, might execute any part of their office until they had been publicly sworn, in the face of the Gen- eral Assembly. > This stands on the records of the colony, January 14th, 1638, which is oifing to th** ait..iner of dating at that time. The first settlers of the colony, began their year or; '.he 25th of March ; and until this time, they dated 1638 ; but it was most evidently 1639, as the December preceding, was 1638, and the April following, 1639 M H m :' ; \w\ ■11 , T l^; i fV. ' : !)■ u ,(' ¥■■ i,. .{■^■if-' % i. .-i '.p. ■. ' i - 1 f. ':{■■■ ■■ m< ii! '■ ■■ m. '■ ' l( m 1" ' 1 il P W' '''•' ■ ':>"' H' ^ 1 ' fjffl'i i;iV.> tilii IIB''' iff II ||; ;§;: m' 111!! 76 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1639 The constitution also ordained, that the several towns should send their respective deputies to the election: and that when it was finished, they should proceed to do any public service, as at any other courts: and, that the assembly, in September, should be for the enacting of laws, and other public services. It authorised the governor, either by himself or his secretary, to issue his war- rants for calling the assemblies, one month at least, before the time of their appointed meetings. Upon particular emergencies, he might convene them in seventeen days, or even upon shorter notice, stating the reasons in his warrant. Upon the reception of the governor's warrants, in April and September, the constables of the respective towns were obliged to warn all the freemen to elect and send their deputies. The constitution ordained, that the three towns of Windsor, Hartford and Weathersfield, should each of them send four dep- uties to every general court; and, that the other towns, which should be added to the colony in future, should send such a num- ber as the court should determine, proportionate to the body of their freemen. The constitution declared the deputies to be vested with the whole power of the respective towns which thpy repre- sented. It authorised them to meet separately, and determine their own elections, to fine any person who should obtrude himself upon them, when he had not been duly chosen, and to fine any of their members for disorderly conduct, when they were assembled. Further, the constitution provided, that in case the governor and the major part of the magistrates should, upon any urgent occasion, neglect or refuse to call an assembly, the freemen should petition them to summon one; and, if, upon the petition of a ma- jor part of the freemen in the colony, they still refused or neg- lected, then the constables of the several towns should, upon the petition of the major part of the freemen, convoke an assembly. It also ordained, that when this assembly was convened, it should have power of choosing a moderator; and when it was thus formed, should exercise all the powers of any other general as- sembly. Particularly it was authorised to call any court, magis- trate, or any other person before it, and to displace, or inflict penalties according to the nature of the offence. All general assemblies, called by the governor, were to consist of the governor, four magistrates, and the major part of the depu- ties. When there was an equal vote, the governor had a casting voice. The constitution also provided, that no general court should be adjourned or dissolved, without the consent of a major part of the members: and that, whenever a tax was laid upon the inhabitants, the sum to be paid by each town should be deter- mined by a committee, consisting of an equal number from each of the respective towns. The form of oaths to be administered to the governor and mag- 1639I x639l HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. n istrates was also adopted in the general convention of the free planters. This, for substance, was the original constitution of Connecticut.^ With such wisdom did our venerable ancestors provide for the freedom and liberties of themselves and their posterity. Thus happily did they guard against every encroachment on the rights of the subject This, probably, is one of the most free and happy constitutions of civil government which has ever been formed. The formation of it, at so early a period, when the light of liberty was wholly darkened in most parts of the earth, and the rights of men were so little understood in others, does great honor to their ability, integrity, and love to mankind. To posterity indeed, it exhibited a most benevolent regard. It has continued, with little alteration, to the present time. The happy consequences of it, which, for more than a century and half, the people of Connecti- cut have experienced, are without description.' Agreeably to the constitution, the freemen convened at Hart- ford, on the second Thursday in April, and elected their officers for the year ensuing. John Haynes, Esq. was chosen governor, and Roger Ludlow, George Wyllys, Edward Hopkins, Thomas Wells, John Webster and William Phelps, Esquires, were chosen magistrates. Mr. Ludlow, the first of the six magistrates, was deputy governor. Mr. Hopkins was chosen secretary, and Mr. Wells treasurer. The deputies sent to this first general assembly, in Connect- icut, were Mr. John Steele, Mr. Spencer, Mr. John Pratt, Mr. Edward Stebbins, Mr. Gaylord, Mr. Henry Wolcott, Mr. Stough- ton, Mr. Ford, Mr. Thurston Rayner, Mr. James Boosy, Mr. George Hubbard, and Mr. Richard Crab. The general assembly proceded as they had leisure, and as oc- casion required, to enact a system of laws. The laws at first were few, and time was taken to consider and digest them. The first statute in the Connecticut code is a kind of declaration, or bill of rights. It ordains, that no man's life shall be taken away; no man's honor or good name be stained, no man's person shall be arrested, restrained, banished, dismembered, nor any wise pun- ished: That no man shall be deprived of his wife or children; no man's goods or estate shall be taken away from him, nor any wise endamaged, under colour of law, or countenance of authority, un- less it should be by the virtue of some express law of the colony > Appendix, No. III. * For the influence of Thomas Hooker in esUblithiog the fundamental prin> ciples of this constitution, see Walker's Thomas Hooker, pp. 122-128, also John- ston's Connecticut, p. 71, in both of which it is shown that Hooker, not only in his letter to Winthrop, but more particularly in a sermon preached at an adjourned ses- sion of the General Court of AprU, 1638, laid down the principles which govern this constitution. The notes of this sermon were discovered and deciphered [7 the late J. Hammond Trumbull, and first published in the Collections of the Conn. His- torical Society, p. 19.— J. T. ' ',f, m% mmrmm^am-' 78 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1639 n m m ' I: '. h warranting the same, established by the general court, and suffi- ciently published; or in case of the defect of such law, in any par- ticular case, by some clear and plain rule of the word of God, in which the whole court shall concur.* It was also ordained that all persons in the colony, whether inhabitants or not, should enjoy the same law and justice without partiality or delay. These gen- eral precepts bore the same aspect, and breathed the same spirit of liberty and safety, with respect to the subjects universally, which is exhibited in the constitution. The planters of Quinnipiack continued more than a year with- out any civil or religious constitution, or compact, further than had been expressed in their plantation covenant. Meanwhile, Mr. Henry Whitfield, William Leet, Esq. Samuel Desborough, Robert Kitchel, William Chittenden and others, who were part of Dr. Davenport's and Mr. Eaton's company, ar- rived to assist them in their new settlement. These were princi- pally from Kent and Surrey, in the vicinity of London. Mr. Whitfield's people, like Mr. Davenport's, followed him into New- England. There were now three ministers, with many of the membeis of their former churches and congregations, collected in this infant colony, and combined in the same general agreement. On the 4th of June, all the free planters at Quinnipiack con- vened in a large barn of Mr. Newman's, and, in a very formal and solemn manner, proceeded to lay the foundations of their civil and religious polity. Mr. Davenport introduced the business, by a sermon from the words of the royal preacher, " Wisdom hath builded her house, she hath hewn out her seven pillars." His design was to show, that the church, the house of God, should be formed of seven pil- lars, or principal brethren, to whom all the other members of the church should bie added. After a solemn invocation of the Divine Majesty, he proceeded to represent to the planters, that they were met to consult respecting the settlement of civil government ac- cording to the will of God, and for the nomination of persons, who, by universal consent, were, in all respects the best qualified for the foundation work of a church. He enlarged on the great importance of the transactions before them, and desired, that no man would give his voice, in any matter, until he fully understood it; and, that all would act, without respect to any man, but give their vote in the fear of God. He then proposed a number of questions in consequence of which the following resolutions were passed. I. " That the scriptures hold forth a perfect rule for the direc- tion and government of all men in all duties which they are to perform to God and men, as well in families and commonwealth, as in matters of the church." > Old code of Connecticut. »-■ i639l HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 79 II. " That as in matters which concerned the gathering and or- dering of a church, so likewise in all public offices which concern civil order, as the choice of magistrates and officers, making and repealing laws, dividing allotments of inheritance, and all things of like nature, they would all be governed by those rules, which the scripture held forth to them." III. " That all those who had desired to be received as free planters, had settled in the plantation, with a purpose, resolution and desire, that they might be admitted into church fellowship ac- cording to Christ." IV. " That all the free planters held themselves bound to estab- lish such civil order as might best conduce to the securing of the purity and peace of the ordinance to themselves and their poster- ity according to God." When these resolutions had been passed and the people had bound themselves to settle civil government according to the di- vine word, Mr. Davenport proceeded to represent unto them what men they must choose for civil rulers according to the divine word, and that they might most effectually secure to them and their posterity a just, free and peaceable government. Time was then given to discuss and deliberate upon what he had proposed. After full discussion and deliberation it was determined — V. " That church members only should be free burgesses; and that they only should choose magistrates among themselves, to have power of transacting all the public civil affairs of the planta- tion: Of making and repealing laws, dividing inheritances, de- ciding of differences that may arise, and doing all things and businesses of like nature." That civil officers might be chosen and government proceed according to these resolutions, it was necessary that a church should be formed. Without this there could be neither freemen nor magistrates. Mr. Davenport therefore proceeded to make proposals relative to the formation of it, in such a manner, that no blemish might be left on the " beginnings of church work." It was then resolved to this effect, VI. " That twelve men should be chosen, that their fitness for the foundation work might be tried, and that it should be in the power of those twelve men, to choose seven to begin the church." It was agreed that if seven men could not be found among the twelve qualified for the foundation work, that such other persons should be taken into the number, upon trial,^ as should be judged most suitable.* The form of a solemn charge, or oath, was drawn up and agreed upon at this meeting to be given to all the freemen. > Appendix No. IV. * Tne twelve persons chosen for trial, out of whom the seven pillars of the house were chosen, were Theophilus Eaton, John Davenport, Robert Newman, Matthew Gilbert, Richard Malbon, Nathaniel Turner, Ezekiel Gievers, Thomas Fugill, John Punderson, William iGidrews and Jeremiah Dixon. ' . ^1 '■■•11 M .■ft ;.i ' i 1 1 1 1 f 'i HHh i:, B 1 1? HHHn 1 ^^■* J k? i I. '5 I a. 80 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1630 Further, it was ordered, that all persons, who should be re- ceived as free planters of that corporation, should submit to the fundamental agreement above related, and in testimony of their submission should subscribe their names among the freemen/ After a proper term of trial, Theophilus Eaton, Esq. Mr. John Davenport, Robert Newman, Matthew Gilbert, Thomas Fugill, John Fuuderson and Jeremiah Dixon, were chosen for the seven pillars of the church. October asth, 1639, the court, as it is termed, consisting of these seven persons only, convened, and after a solemn address to the Supreme Majesty, they proceeded to form the body of freemen and to elect their civil officers. The manner was indeed singular and curious. In the first place, all former trust, for managing the public af- fairs of the plantation, was declared to cease, and be utterly abro- gated. Then all those who had been admitted to the church after the gathering of it, in the choice of the seven pillars, and all the members of other approved churches, who desired it, and offered themselves, were admitted members of the court. A solemn charge was then publicly given them, to the same effect as the freemen's charge, or oath, which they had previously adopted. The purport of this was nearly the same with the oath of fidelity, and with the freemen's administered at the present time. Mr. Davenport expounded several scriptures to them, describing the character of civil magistrates given in the sacred oracles. To this succeeded the election of officers. Theophilus Eaton, Esq. was chosen governor, Mr. Robert Newman, Mr. Matthew Gilbert, Mr. Nathaniel Turner, and Mr. Thomas Fugill, were chosen magis- trates. Mr. Fugill was also chosen secretary, and Robert Seely, marshal. Mr. Davenport gave governor Eaton a charge in open court, from Deut. i. 16, 17. " And I charged your judges at that time, saying. Hear the causes between your brethren, and judge right- eously between every man and his brother, and the stranger that is with him. Ye shall not respect persons in judgment, but ye shall hear the small as well as the great; ye shall not be afraid of the face of man; for the judgment is God's: and the cause that is too hard for you, bring it unto me, and I will hear it." It was decreed, by the freemen, that there should be a general court annually, in the plantation, on the last week in October. This was ordained a court of election in which all the officers of the colony were to be chosen. This court determined, that the word of God should be the only rule for ordering the affairs of government in that commonwealth. This was the original, fundamental constitution of the govern- * Sixty-Uiree labwribed on the 4th day of June, and there were added toon after about fif^ other names. 1639I [i63«) 1639] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 81 ment of New-Haven. All government was originally in the church, and the members of the church elected the governor, magistrates, and all other officers. The magistrates, at first, were no more than assistants of the governor, they might not act in any sentence or determination of the court.^ No deputy gov- ernor was chosen, nor were any laws enacted except the general resolutions which have been noticed; but as the plantation en- larged, and new towns were settled, new orders were given; the general court received a new form, laws were enacted, and the civil polity of this jurisdiction gradually advanced, in its essential parts, to a near resemblance of the government of Connecticut. While these affairs were transacted at Quinnipiack, plantations commenced at Wopowage and Menunkatuck. Wopowage was purchased February 12th, 1639,' and Menunkatuck the Septem- ber following. Both were settled this year. The churches of Mr. Prudden and Mr. Whitfield were both formed upon the plan of Mr. Davenport's; each consisting of seven principal men, or pil- lars. They appear to have been gathered at the same time. The planters were in the original agreement made in Mr. Newman's barn, on the 4th of June. The principal men, or pillars in the town of Wopowage, were Mr. Peter Prudden, William Fowler, Edmund Tapp, Zechariah Whitman, Thomas Buckingham, Thomas Welch, and John Astwood. The principal planters of Menunkatuck, were Henry Whitfield, Robert Kitchel, William Leet, Samuel Desborough, William Chittenden, John Bishop, and Jfohn Caffinge. The lands in Milford and Guilford, as well as in New-Haven, were purchased by these principal men, in trust, for all the inhabitants of the respective towns. Every planter, after paying his proportionable part of the expenses, arising from laying out and settling the plantation, drew a lot or lots of land, in proportion to the money or estate which he had expended in the general purchase, and to the number of heads in his family . These principal men were judges in the respective towns, com- posing a court, to judge between man and man, divide inheri- tances and punish offences according to the written word, until a body of laws should be established. Most of the principal settlers of Milford were from Weathers- field.'' They first purchased of the Indians all that tract which lies between New-Haven and Stratford river, and between the sound on the south, and a stream called two mile brook on the north, which is the boundary line between Milford and Derby. This tract comprised all the lands within the old town of Milford, and a small part of the town of Woodbridge. The planters made * Records of the colony of New-Haven. * On the records it wu 1638, but according to the present mode of dating 1639. * Mr. Prudden it seems preached at Weatnersiield, the summer before the peo- ple removed to Milford. f; ■' m\ 83 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1639 1639] k ;!»'' lilt? |l, 1 I" ! Other purchaies which included a large tract on the west side of Stratford river, principally in the town of Huntington. In the first town meeting in Milford, the number of free planters, or of church members, was forty four. The Indians were so numerous in this plantation, that the Eng- lish judged it necessary for their own safety, to compass the whole town plat, including nearly a mile square, with a fortification. It was so closely inclosed with strong pallisadoes, as entirely to ex- clude the Indians, from that part of the town. The purchasers of Guilford agreed with the Indians, that they should move off from the lands, which they had purchased. According to agreement they soon all removed from the plan- tation. The number of the first free planters appears to have been about forty. They were all husbandmen. There was not a merchant, nor scarcely a mechanic among them. It was at great expense and trouble that they obtained even a blacksmith to settle in the plantation. As they were from Surry and Kent, they took much pains to find a tract of land resembling that from which they had removed. They therefore finally pitched upon Guilford, which, toward the sea, where they made the principal settlement, was low, moist, rich land, liberal indeed to the husbandman. Espe- cially the great plain south of the town. This had been already cleared and enriched by the natives. The vast quantities of shells and manure, which, in a course of ages, they had brought upon it from the sea, had contributed much to the natural richness of the soil. There were also nearly adjoining to this, several necks, or points of land, near the sea, clear, rich and fertile, prepared for immediate improvement. These, with the industry of the in- habitants, soon afforded them a comfortable subsistence.^ At the same time when these settlements commenced, two new ones were made under the jurisdiction of Connecticut. Mr. Ludlow, who went with the troops in pursuit of the Pe- quots, to Sasco,' the great swamp in Fairfield, was so pleased with that fine tract of country, that he soon projected the scheme of a settlement in that part of the colony. This year, he, with a number of others, began a plantation at Unquowa, which was the Indian name of the town. At first there were but about eight or ten families. These, probably, removed from Windsor, with Mr. Ludlow, who was the principal planter. Very soon after, another company came from Watertown and united with Mr. Ludlow and the people from Windsor. A third company removed into the plantation from Concord; so that the inhabitants soon became numerous, and formed themselves into a distinct town- ' Manuacripts of Mr. Ru|ti;les. * It hu also been called Pequot (wamp, on the account of the memorable bat- tle fought in this place with the Pequots. i639l HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. •S ship, under the jurisdiction of Connecticut. The first adventurers purchased a large tract of land of the natives, and soon after Con- necticut obtained charter privileges, the general assembly gave them a patent. The township comprises the four parishes of Fair- field, Green's farms, Greenfield and Reading; and part of the parish of Stratfield. The lands in this tract are excellent, and at an early period the town became wealthy and respectable. Settlements commenced the same year at Cupheag and Pugh- quonnuck, since named Stratford. That part which contains the town plat, and lies upon the river, was called Cupheag, and the western part, bordering on Fairfield, Pughquonnuck. It appears that settlements were made in both these places at the same time. Mr. Fairchild, who was a principal planter, and the first gentle- man in the town vested with civil authority, came direcuy from England. Mr. John and Mr. William Curtiss and Mr. Samuel Hawley were from Roxbury, and Mr. Joseph Judson and Mr. Timothy Wilcoxson from Concord, in Massachusetts. These were the first principal gentlemen in the town and church of Stratford. A few years after the settlement commenced, Mr. John Birdseye removed from Milford, and became a man of eminence both in the town and church. There were also several of the chief planters from Boston, and Mr. Samuel Wells, with his three sons, John, Thomas and Samuel, from Weathersfield. Mr. Adam Blackman, who had been episcopally ordained in England, and a preacher of some note, first at Leicester, and afterwards in Derbyshire, was their minister, and one of the first planters. It is said, that he was followed by a number of the faithful into this country, to whom he was so dear, that they said to him, in the language of Ruth, " Intreat us not to leave thee, for whither thou goest we will go; thy people shall be our people, and thy God our God." These, doubtless, collected about him in this infant settlement. The whole township was purchased of the natives; but, at first, Cupheag and Pughquonnuck only, where the settlements began. The purchase was not completed until 1672. There was a reser- vation of good lands at Pughquonnuck, Golden hill, and another place, called Coram, for the improvement of the Indians. The town is bounded upon the east by the Housatonick, or Stratford river; on the south by the Sound; by Fairfield on the west; and Newtown on the north. It comprises these four par- ishes, Stratford, Ripton, North-Stratford and New-Stratford, and a considerable part of Stratfield. The lands in this town, like those in Fairfield, are good, and its situation is exceedingly beau- tiful and agreeable. While these plantations were forming in the south-western part of Connecticut, another commenced on the west side of the mouth of Connecticut river. A fort had been built here in 1635 and li'il I II ''I I'll 'M .'*i '*^ ^'4 > » I Ud m II''' '1 ■Ay 1" ' |: u II--,-, ''•. Hr ■i'l :!.' i M i I'*' liU I ALJ. i .lS ! !JUk i . l .i.. i JJA#-k Ji gqg'WgWI^W"!B*W"!!qB»WI^'WWWWii . 'WII" ".f. i * i IBA ■ 94 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1643 At this court, the magistrates were desired to write to the Dutch, and, as far as possible, to prevent their vending arms and ammunition to the natives, and to settle all disputes between them and the colony with respect to claims. But notwithstanding all their endeavours, the Dutch behaved with great insolence, and did much damage to both the English colonies. The Dutch, at Hartford, gave entertainment to fugitives from the English; helped them when confined to file off their irons; and persuaded servants to run from their masters and then gave them entertainment. They purchased goods which had been stolen from the English, and would not return them. They also assisted criminals in breaking gaol. Besides these misdemeanors, at Hartford, the Dutch governor, William Kieft, caused the English settlements on Long-Island, which had now advanced, on the lands purchased by captain Howe, as far as Oyster bay, to be broken up. Some of the Eng- lish planters were forcibly seized and imprisoned, and others driven from their settlements. These were injuries done to Con- necticut. To the colony of New-Haven the Dutch were still more hostile and injurious. Notwithstanding the fair purchases which that colony had made, by their agents at Delaware, governor Kieft, without any legal protest or warning, dispatched an armed force, and with great hostility, burned the English trading houses, vio- lently seized and for a time detained their goods, and would not give them time to take an inventory of them. The Dutch also took the company's boat, and a number of the English planters, and kept them as prisoners. The damages done the English at Delaware, were estimated at a thousand pounds sterling.^ The same year the Swedish governor ' and Dutch agent uniting in a crafty design against Mr. Lamberton, a principal gentleman of New-Haven, made an injurious attempt upon his life. They accused him of having joined in a plot with the Indians to cut off the Swedes and Dutch. They attempted, by giving his men strong drink, and by threatenings and allurements, to influence them to bear testimony against him. They proceeded so far as to imprison and try him for treason. When, notwithstanding these unfair means, and that they were both his accusers and judges, they could not find any evidence against him, they arbi- trarily imposed a fine upon him, for trading at Delaware, though within the limits of the purchase and jurisdiction of New-Haven. At another time, when Mr. Lamberton was occasionally at Manhatoes, in the capacity of an agent for New-Haven, the Dutch > Records of the united colonies, and Smith's history of New- York, p. 4. * John Printz. The plot against Lamberton must have been in 1643, a year later than our author places it. See deposition of John Thickpenny, in New-Haven Col- onial Records, i : 97. From this it appears that the Dutch agent was not an accom- plice in this plot. — J. T. 1643] 164a] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 9S governor, Kieft, by force and threatenings, compelled him to give an account of all his beaver, within the limits of New-Haven, at Delaware, and to pay an impost upon the whole. The Dutch did other damages, and insulted the English in various other in- stances. Both Connecticut and New-Haven, from year to year, complained and remonstrated against them, but could obtain no redress. While the colonies were increasing in numbers and settlements, progress in law and jurisprudence, in the regular establishment of courts and the times of their sessions, was also necessary, for the advancement, order and happiness of the respective jurisdic- tions. This, so far as the numerous affairs of the colonies would per- mit, was an object of special attention. The capital laws of Con- necticut were, this year, nearly completed, and put upon record. The several passages of scripture on which they were founded were particularly noticed in the statute. They were twelve in number, and to the following effect. If any man or woman shall have or worship any God, but the tnie God, he shall be put to death. Deut. xiii. 6. xvii. 21. Ex- odus xxii. 2. If any person in this colony shall blaspheme the name of God the Father, Son or Holy Ghost, with direct, express, presump- tuous or high-handed blasphemy, or shall curse in like manner, he shall be put to death. Levit. xxiv. 15, 16. If any man or woman be a witch, that is, hath or consulteth with a familiar spirit, they shall be put to death. Exodus xxii. 18. Levit. XX. 22. Deut. xviii. 10, ii. If any person shall commit wilful murder, upon malice, hatred or cruelty, not in a man's own defence, nor by casualty against his will, he shall be put to death. Exodus xxi. 12, 13, 14. Numb. XXXV. 30, 31. If any person shall slay another through guile, either by poison- ing, or other such devilish practices, he shall be put to death. Exodus xxi. 14. If any man or woman shall lie with any beast or brute creature, by carnal copulation, they shall surely be put to death, and the beast shall be slain and buried. Leviticus xx. 15, 16. If any man lieth with mankind, as he lieth with a woman, both of them have committed abomination ; they both shall surely be put to death, except it appear that one of the parties was forced, or under fifteen years of age. Levit. xx. 13. If any man lie with his mother, or father's wife, or wife's mother, his daughter, or daughter in law, having carnal copulation with them, both of them have committed abomination ; they shall be put to death, except it appear, that the woman was forced, or under fourteen years of age. Levit. xx. 11, 12, 14, and xviii. 7, 8. >l::m ^ • i.i . ' .! ill HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [164a If any man shall forcibly ravish any maid, or woman, by carnal copulation, against her consent, he shall be put to death, provided prosecution and complaint be made forthwith upon the rape. Deut. xxii. 25. If any man steal a man, or mankind, and selleth him, or he be found in his hand, he shall be put to death. Exodus xxi. 16. If any person rise up by false witness, wittingly, and of pur- pose, to take away man's life, he or she shall be put to death. Deut. xix. 16, 18, 19, It was also enacted, that if any person should conspire against the commonwealth, attempt an insurrection, invasion, or rebellion against it, he should be put to death. Wilful arson, the cursing and smiting of father or mother, and notorious stubbornness in children, after a certain age, were, soon after, made capital offences, by the laws of the colony, and added to the list of the capital laws.^ Before this time, unchastity between single persons, and wan- ton behaviour, had been punished with whipping at the tail of the cart, by fining, or obliging the delinquents to marry, at the discretion of the particular courts. The general court approved of what the particular courts had done, in these cases, and authorised them, in future, to punish such delinquents by fines, by committing them to the house of correction, or by corporal punishment, at the discretion of the court. As some loose persons deserted the English settlements, and lived in a profane, heathenish manner, a law was enacted, that all persons who should be convicted of this crime, should be pun- ished with three years imprisonmen*-, at least, in the house of correction, with fine, or corporal punishment, as the particular court should direct.' At a general court in New-Haven, April 5, 1643, considerable progress was made in the laws and government of that colony. Deputies were admitted to the court, and an addition was made to the number of magistrates. Stamford, for the first time, sent captain John Underbill, and Mr. Richard Gildersleve, to represent the town. Mr. Mitchel and Mr. Rayner were nominated for mag- istrates in Stamford. Mr. Rayner was appointed by the court. Captain Underbill, Mr. Mitchel, Mr. Andrew Ward, and Mr. Rob- ert Coe were appointed assistant judges to Mr. Rayner. This court was vested with the same powers as the court at New- Haven, and was the first instituted in Stamford. Mr. William Leet and Mr. Desborough were admitted magistrates for Menun- katuck, and that plantation was named Guilford. ' Records of Connecticut, and the old Connecticut code. ' Records of Connecticut. When the Connecticut laws were printed, in 1672, this law was altered, and the term reduced from three, to one years imprisonment. J643] i643] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 97 This year John Haynes, Esq. was elected governor, and Mr. Hopkins deputy governor. Mr. Wolcott and Mr. Swain were chosen magistrates; and Mr. Phelps and Mr. William Hopkins' were not elected.^ Mr. Whiting was chosen treasurer and Mr. Wells secretary. It appears to have been customary, for a num- ber of years, to choose the secretary and treasurer among the magistrates. Juries appear to have attended the particular courts, in Con- necticut, from their first institution. They seem to have been regularly enrolled about the year 1641, or 1643. But the partic- ular courts found great difficulties with respect to their proceed- ings. There were no printed laws for the inhabitants to study, and many of the common people had attended very little to law and evidence. The jury therefore, very often, would be so di- vided, that they could not agree upon any verdict; and when they were agreed, it did not always appear to the court that they brought in a just one. A pretty extraordinary law therefore passed this court, regulating the juries. The court decreed, that the jury should attend diligently to the case, and to the evidence, and if they could not all agree in a verdict, they should offer their reasons upon the case to the court, and the court should answer them, and send out the jury again. If, after deliberating upon the case, they could not bring in a joint verdict, it was decreed; that it should be determined by a major vote; and that this should, to all intents and purposes, be deemed a full and sufficient ver- dict; upon which judgment should be entered, and execution, and all other proceedings should be as though there had been a joint verdict of the jury. It was also provided, that if the jury should be equally divided, six and six, they should represent the case to the court, with their reasons, and a special verdict should be drawn, and a major vote of the court, or magistrates, should determine the cause, and all matters respecting it should be as though there had been a joint verdict of the jury." At this court, it was ordained, that a grand jury of twelve men should attend the particular courts, annually, in May and Sep- tember, and as often as the governor and court should judge ex- pedient. It was also enacted, that the grand jury should be warned to give their attendance. This is the first notice of a grand jury, at any court. A general confederation of the New-England colonies, had been proposed, and in agitation for several years. In 1638, ar- ticles of union, for amity, offence and defence, mutual advice and assistance, upon all necessary occasions, were drawn, and for 1 Mr. Phelps, I suppoM, was now dead, as he appears no more upon the rec- ords. He was one of the principal planters of Windsor, and chosen into the mag- istracy from the first settlement of Connecticut. He appears to have been the an- cestor of the Fhelpses in this state. ' Records of Connecticut. •'I i§ I ill 9 Lh, ■ \ :/!' ■:.r = * , :■:!«' ■ a ;i 4i,' N' PI V f J- I PI ill f1 % -i 98 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1643 further consideration, referred to 1639. Connecticut and Mr. Fenwick agreed to confederate for these purposes. From this time, Connecticut had annually appointed some of her principal men, to go into the Massachusetts, to complete the designed con- federacy. Governor Haynes and Mr. Hooker, in 1639, were nearly a month in Massachusetts, laboring to carry it into effect. New-Haven paid equal attention to an affair so important to the colonies. The circumstances of the English nation, and the state of the colonies in New-England, at this time, made it a matter of urgent necessity. For the accommodation of particular com- panies, the colonies had extended their settlements upon the rivers and sea coasts much farther, and had made them in a more scattering manner, than was at first designed. No aid could be expected from the parent country, let emergencies be ever so pressing. The Dutch had so extended their claims, and were so powerful and hostile, as to afford a just ground of general alarm. All the plantations were compassed with numerous tribes of sav- age men. The Narragansets appeared hostile, and there were the appearances of a general combination, among the Indians, in New-England, to extirpate the English colonies. There were, notwithstanding, impediments in the way of effecting even so nec- essary and important an union. The Massachusetts was much more numerous and powerful, than the other colonies. It was in various respects more respectable and important. It was, therefore, a matter of difficulty, to form an union upon equal terms. The other colonies were not willing to unite upon such as were unequal. There were also disputes between Connecticut and Massachusetts. The colony of Massachusetts claimed part of the Pequot country, on the account of the assistance which they afforded in the Pequot war. There was also a difference with respect to the boundary Hne between Massachusetts and Connecticut. Both colonies claimed the towns of Springfield and Westfield. These difficulties retarded the union. However, Connecticut, New-Haven, and Plymouth, all dis- patched commissioners to Boston, in May, at the time of the session of the General Court. The commissioners from Connecti- cut were. Governor Haynes and Mr. Hopkins; Mr. Fenwick, from Saybrook; Governor Eaton and Mr. Gregson, from New- Haven; Mr. Winslow and Mr. Collier, from Plymouth. The general court of Massachusetts appointed Governor Winthrop, Mr. Dudley, and Mr. Bradstreet, of the magistrates, and of the deputies, Mr. Hawthorne, Mr. Gibbons, and Mr. Tyng. There appeared, at this time, a spirit of harmony and mutual conde- scension among the commissioners, and on the 19th of May, 1643, the articles were completed and signed. The commissioners were unanimous in adopting them ; but those from Plymouth did not sign them, as they had not been authorised by the court. At the 16431 1643] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 99 meeting of the commissioners m September, tliey came vested with plenary powers, and signed the*"- The commissioners, in the introductory part, deckre, with re- spect to the four colonies of Mas ^rhusetts, Clymouth, Connecti- cut, and New-Haven, and the plamations under their respective jurisdictions, that, as they all came intt/ these parts of America with one and the same end and aim, to advance the kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ, and enjoy the liberties of the gospel in purity and peace, they conceived it their bounden duty to enter into a present confederation among themselves, for mutual help and strength in all future concernments; that, as in nation and religion, so in other respects they be and continue one, and hence- forth be called by the name of The United Colonies of New- England. They declare, that the said united colonies, for themselves and their posterity, did, jointly and severally, enter into a firm and per- petual league of friendship and amity, of offence and defence, mu- tual aid and succour, upon all just occasions, both for preserving and propagating the truth and liberty of the gospel, and for their own mutual safety and welfare. The articles reserved to each colony an entire and distinct juris- diction. By them, no two colonies might be united in one, nor any other colony be received into the confederacy, without the consent of the whole. Each colony was authorised to send two commissioners an- nually, always to be church members, to meet on the first Monday in September, first at Boston, then at Hartford, New-Haven, and Plymouth. This was to be the annual order, except that two meetings successively were always to be at Boston. The commissioners, when met, were authorised to choose a president from among themselves, for the preservation of order. They were vested with plenary powers for making war and peace, laws and rules of a civil nature and of general concern. Espe- cially, to regulate the conduct of the inhabitants towards the Ind- ians, towards fugitives, for the general defence of the country, and for the encouragement and support of religion. The expense of all wars, offensive or defensive, was to be borne in proportion to the number of the male inhabitants in each col- ony, between sixteen and sixty years of age. Upon notice from three magistrates of any of the colonies of an invasion, the colonies were immediately to send assistance, the Massachusetts a hundred, and each of the other colonies forty-five men. If a greater number was necessary, the commissioners were to meet and determine the number. All determinations of the commissioners, in which six were agreed, were binding upon the whole. If there were a majority, yet under six, the affair was to be referred to the general court ;a td' ^c 100 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1643 1643] 'li- ef each colony, and could not be obligatory, unless the courts unanimously concurred. No colony might engage in a war, without the consent of the whole union, unless upon some urgent and sudden occasion. Even in such case, it was to be avoided as far as possible, con- sistent with the general safety. If a meeting were summoned, upon any extraordinary occasion, and the whole number of commissioners did not attend, any four who were met, might, in cases which admitted of no delay, deter- mine upon a war, and send to each colony for its proportion of men. A number, however, less than six could not determine the justice of a war, nor have power to settle a bill of charges, nor make levies. If either of the confederates should break any article of the confederation, or injure one of the other colonies, the affair was to be determined by the commissioners of the three other con- federates. The articles also made provision, that all servants running from their masters, and criminals flying from justice, from one colony to another, should, upon demand, and proper evidence of their character, as fugitives, be returned to their masters, and to the colonies whence they had made their escape; that, in all cases, law and justice might have their course. This was an union of the highest consequence to the New-Eng- land colonies. It made them formidable to the Dutch and Ind- ians, and respectable among their French neighbours. It was happily adapted to maintain a general harmony among them- selves, and to secure the peace and rights of the country. It was one of the principal means of the preservation of the colonies, during the civil wars and unsettled state of affairs in England. It was the grand source of mutual defence in Philip's war, and of the most eminent service in civilizing the Indians, and propagat- ing the gospel among them. The union subsisted more than forty years, until the abrogation of the charters of the New-England colonies, by king James the second. This union was very seasonable. The Indians were so tu- multuous and hostile, that its whole influence was necessary to prevent a general war. The troubles originated in the ambitious and perfidious conduct of Miantonimoh, chief sachem of the Nar- ragansets. After the Pequot war, he attempted to set himself up as universal sachem over all the Indians in New-England. The old grudge and hatred which had subsisted between him and the Pcquots, lie now suffered to embitter and inflame his rancorous heart against Uncas and the Moheagans. Without any regard to the league made between him, the English, and the Moheagans, at Hartford, in 1638, when the Pequots were divided between him and Uncas, he practised murder and war against him. At the i643l HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. lOI same time, he used all the arts of which he was master, by pres- ents and intrigue, to inflame the Indians, and excite a general in- surrection against the English plantations. The Indians, through his influence, had been collecting arms and ammunition. There appeared among them a general preparation for war. The colo- nists were obHged to keep guards and watch every night, from the setting to the rising of the sun, and to guard their inhabitants from town to town, and from one place to another. Connecticut was for making war immediately, and sent press- ing letters to the court at Boston, urging that a hundred men might be sent to Saybrook fort, to assist against the enemy, as circumstances might require. But the court of Massachusetts pretended to doubt of the facts alleged, and would not consent. In the mean time Miantonimoh, in prosecution of his bloody designs, hired a Pequot, one of Uncas's men, to kill him. He made an attempt, in the spring, and shot Uncas through his arm. He then ran off to the Narragansets, reporting, through the Ind- ian towns, that he had killed Uncas. But when it was known that Uncas was not dead, though wounded, Miantonimoh and the Pequot contrived together, and reported that Uncas had cut through his arm with a flint, and then charged the Pequot with shooting him. However, Miantonimoh soon after going to Bos- ton, in company with the Pequot who had wounded Uncas, the governor and magistrates, upon examination, found clear evi- dence, that the Pequot was guilty of the crime, with which he had been charged. They had designs of apprehending him and sending him to Uncas, that he might be punished; but Miantoni- moh pleaded, that he might be suffered to return with him, and promised that he would send him to Uncas. Indeed, he so ex- culpated himself, and made such fair promises, that they gave up their designs, and permitted them to depart in peace. About two days after, Miantonimoh murdered the Pequot, on his re- turn, that he might make no further discovery of his treacherous conduct. About the same time much trouble arose from Sequassen, a sachem upon Connecticut river. Several of his men killed a prin- cipal Indian belonging to Uncas. He, or some of his warriors, liad also waylaid Uncas himself, as he was going down the said river, and shot several arrows at him. Uncas made complaint to the governor and court at Connecticut, of these outrages. Gov- ernor Haynes and the court took great pains to make peace be- tween Uncas and Sequassen. Upon hearing their several stories it appeared, that Uncas required, that six of Sequassen's men should be delivered to him, for the murder of his man, because he was a great man. Governor Haynes and the court laboured to dissuade Uncas from his demand of six men for one; and urged him to be satisfied upon Sequassen's delivering up the mur- ' ' I ' ' 1 1 ',1 i' I il I 102 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1643 derer. At length, with much persuasion and difficulty, Uncas consented to accept of the murderer only. But Sequassen would not agree to deliver him. He was nearly allied to Miantonimoh, and one of his peculiar favorites. Sequassen chose rather to fight, than to make Uncas any compensation, expressing, at the same time, his dependence on Miantonimoh for assistance. It is not improbable, that it was through the influence of Miantonimoh, that he came to this resolution. Uncas and Sequassen fought. Sequassen was overcome. Uncas killed a number of his men and burned his wigwams. Miantonimoh, without consulting the English, according to agreement, without proclaiming war, or giving Uncas the least information, raised an army of nine hundred, or a thousand men, and marched against him. Uncas's spies discovered the army at some distance and gave him intelligence. He was unprepared, but rallying between four and five hundred of his bravest men,* he told them they must by no means suffer Miantonimoh to come into their town; but must go and fight him on his way. Having marched three or four miles, the armies met upon a large plain. When they had advanced within fair bow shot of each other, Un- cas had recourse to a stratagem, with which he had previously acquainted his warriors. He desired a parley, and both armies halted in the face of each other. Uncas, gallantly advancing in the front of his men, addressed Miantonimoh to this eflfect, " You have a number of stout men with you, and so have I with me. It is a great pity that such brave warriors should be killed in a private quarrel between us only. Come like a man, as you profess to be, and let us fight it out. If you kill me, my men shall be yours; but if I kill you, your men shall be mine." Miantonimoh replied, " My men came to fight, and they shall fight." Uncas falling instantly upon the ground, his men discharged a shower of arrows upon the Narragansets ; and, without a moment's interval, rushing upon them, in the most furious manner, with their hid- eous Indian yell, put them immediately to flight. The Moheagans pursued the enemy with the same fury and eagerness with which they commenced the action. The Narragansets were driven down rocks and precipices, and chaser* like a doe by the huntsman. Among others, Miantonimoh was exceedingly pressed. Some of Uncas's bravest men, who were most light of foot, coming up with him, twitched him back, impeding his flight, and passed him, that Uncas might take him. Uncas was a stout man, and rushing forward, like a lion greedy of his prey, seized him by his shoulder. He knew Uncas, and saw that he was now in the power of the ' Miss Caulkins, in her history of Norwich, insists that this is a large overesti- mate of the forces on both sides, and that an inquiry into the effective force of each tribe will show that one-half the number named above would be more nearly cor- rect. Winthrop is the authority followed by Trumbull and others; and no other authority seems available. — J. T. 1643I i643l HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. lOj man whom he had hated, and by all means attempted to destroy; but he sat down sullen and spake not a word. Uncas gave the Indian whoop and called up his men, who were behind, to his assistance. The victory was complete. About thirty of the Nar- ragansets were slain, and a much greater number wounded. Among the latter was a brother of Miantonimoh and two sons of Canonicus, a chief sachem of the Narraganset Indians. The brother of Miantonimoh was not only wounded, but armed with a coat of mail, both which retarded his flight. Two of Miantoni- moh's captains, who formerly were Uncas's men, but had treach- erously deserted him, discovering his situation, took him and carried him to Uncas, expecting in this way to reconcile them-< selves to their sachem. But Uncas and his men slew them. Mi- antonimoh made no request, either for himself or his men; but continued in the same sullen, speechless mood. Uncas, therefore, demanded of him why he would not speak. Said he, " Had you taken me, I should have besought you for my life." Uncas, for the present, spared his life, though he would not ask it, and re- turned with great triumph to Moheagan, carrying the Narragan- set Sachem, as an illustrious trophy of his victory.* The famous Samuel Gorton and his company had purchased lands of Miantonimoh, under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts and Plymouth; and expected to be vindicated in their claims, by him, against those colonies, and against the Massachusetts and Plymouth sachems, who were the original proprietors. There- fore, when the news of Uncas' victory, and of the capture of Mian- tonimoh, arrived at Providence, they sent to Uncas to deliver Miantonimoh, threatening him that the power of the English should be employed against him, if he refused a compliance. Un- cas, therefore, carried his prisoner to Hartford, to advise with the governor and magistrates, with respect to' his conduct in such a situation. / The governor and magistrates were of the opinion that, as there was no open war between them and the Narragansets, it was not prudent for them to intermeddle with the quarrel; but advised, that the whole affair should be referred to the commis- sioners of the united colonies at their meeting in September. How long Miantonimoh continued speechless, does not appear; but it is certain, that when he came to Hartford, his mouth was opened. He most earnestly pleaded to be left in the custody of the English. He probably expected more safety and better treat- ment with them, than with Uncas. Uncas consented to leave him ' This account is taken from a manuscript of Mr. Hyde, of Norwich, from gov- ernor Winthrop's Journal, and from the records of the united colonies, in one or other of which, all the facts are ascertained. The manuscript represents Mianto- nimoh as having 900, and Uncas 6o3 men. The records of the united colonies rep- resent, that Miantonimoh had 900, or 1000 men, and that Uncas h&d not half so many. Governor Winthrop's account is essentially the same. ■'I hi- J I i t i\ p'l 104 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1643 at Hartford, but insisted that he should be kept as his prisoner. He was, therefore, kept under guard at Hartford, until the meet- ing of the commissioners. On the 7th of September, the commissioners met at Boston. Governor Winthrop and Thomas Dudley, Esquires, were com- missioners for Massachusetts; George Fenwick and Edward Hopkins, Esquires, for Connecticut; and Theophilus Eaton and Thomas Gregson, Esquires, for New-Haven.* Governor Win- throp was chosen President. The whole affair of Uncas and Miantonimoh was laid before the commissioners, and the facts already related were, in their opinion, fully proved; not only his attempts upon the life of Uncas, but that he had been the principal author of inflaming and stirring up the Indians to a general con- federacy against all the English plantations. It also appeared that, instead of delivering the Pequot, who had shot Uncas, as he promised in open court, he had murdered him on the road from Boston to Narraganset. It was also affirmed to the commission- ers, that the Narragansets had sent for the Mohawks, and that they were come within a day's journey of the English settlements, and were kept back only by the capture of Miantonimoh: That they were waiting for his release, and then would prosecute their designs against the English, or Uncas, or against both, as the Indians should determine. The commissioners, having fully con- sidered the premises, laid the affair before five or six of the' prin- cipal ministers in Massachusetts, and took their advice relative to the lawfulness and justice of putting him to death. They gave it as their opinion, that he ought to be put to death. The com- missioners finally resolved, " That as it was evident that Uncas could not be safe, while Miantonimoh lived; but that, either by secret treachery or open force, his life would be continually in danger, he might justly put such a false and blood-thirsty en- emy to death." They determined Uncas should not do it in any of the English plantations, but in his own jurisdiction. At the same time, they advised, that no torture or cruelty, but all mercy and moderation be exercised in the manner of his exe- cution. The commissioners also determined, that if the Narragansets, or any other Indians, should unjustly assault Uncas, on the '\c- count of the execution of Miantonimoh, the English should, upon his desire, assist him against such violence.' Governor Winthrop writes, " It was clearly discovered to us, that there was a general conspiracy among the Indians, to cut off all the English; and that Miantonimoh was the head and contriver of it: That he was of a turbulent and proud spirit, and ' The commissioners for Plymouth are not upon record this year. It is probable that they did not arrive until after the commissioners had formed. * Records of the united colonies. 1643I l643l HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 105 would never be at rest: and that he had killed the Pequot con- trary to his promise.^ The commissioners had received intimations, that the Narra- gansets had it in contemplation to capture one or more of them, with a view to the redemption of Miantonimoh. Their determina- tion respecting his execution, was therefore kept as a profound secret, until after the return of the commissioners of Connecticut and New-Haven, lest it should inflame and engage them, in ear- nest, to make the attempt. Previously to the meeting of the commissioners, the Dutch governor had written a letter to governor Winthrop, containing high congratulations on the union of the colonies, and at the same time making grievous complaints of Connecticut and New-Haven, as having committed unsuf¥erable injuries against the Dutch, and as having given misinformation respecting them to tlieir agent in Europe. He desired a categorical answer from governor Win- throp, whether he would aid or desert them, that he might know who were his friends, and who were his enemies. The governor, after consulting with some few of his council, who were at hand, wrote an answer, in part, to the Dutch governor, reserving to himself one more full, at the session of the general court. He represented his sorrow for the differences which had arisen be- tween the Dutch and his brethren at Hartford, suggesting that they might be settled by arbitrators, either in England, Holland, or America. He observed, that by the articles of confederation, each colony was obliged to seek the safety and welfare of the other colonies, no less than its own. He hoped however, that this would not interrupt the friendship which had subsisted between them and the Dutch. The governor observed, that the controversy at Hartford was for a small piece of land only, which, in so vast a continent as this, was of too little value to make a breach between protestants so related in profession and religion, as the Dutch and English were. He therefore earnestly desired, that each party would carefully avoid all injuries, until the differences between them should be amicably accommodated, by an impartial hearing and adjudication, either in Europe or America.* The affair was now brought before the commissioners. Gov- ernor Eaton and Mr. Gregson complained of the outrages which the Dutch had committed against the persons and property of the English, within the limits of New-Haven, at Delaware, and in other places, and made proof of the injuries of which they com- plained. The conduct of the Dutch towards Connecticut was also laid before the commissioners, by governor Hopkins and Mr. Fenwick. Upon which the president was directed to write a letter, in the name of the commissioners, to the Dutch governor, stating • Winthrop's Journal, p. 305, 306. ' Ibid., p 303, 304, 303. tin "»t« « r^.m ■|l; r M' io6 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. t>643 the particular injuries which the Dutch had done the English colonies, and to demand satisfaction. It was also directed, that, as governor Winthrop had, in part answered the Dutch govern- or's letter respecting Connecticut, he would now, in further answer to it, particularize the injuries done, both to Connecticut and New-Haven, and demand an answer. He was also author- ised to assure the Dutch, that as they would not wrong others, so neither would they desert their confederates in a just cause.* The Indians, at this period were beginning to acquire the use of fire arms. The French, Dutch and others, for the sake of gain, were vending them arms and ammunition. The Indians were in such a tumultuous and hostile state, as had the appearance of a general war. The commissioners therefore gave orders, that the militia, in the several colonies, should be frequently trained, and completely furnished with arms and ammunition. All the companies were to be mustered and reviewed four times in a year. It was ordered, that all the towns should prepare magazines, in proportion to the number of their militia. The commissioners, having given the necessary directions for the execution of Miantonimoh, and for the general safety of the country, dispersed and returned to their respective colonies. Immediately, upon the return of the commissioners of Con- necticut and New-Haven, Uncas, with a competent number of his most trusty men, was ordered to repair forthwith to Hartford. He was made acquainted with the determination of the commis- sioners, and, receiving his prisoner, marched with him to the spot where he had been taken. At the instant they arrived on the ground, one of Uncas's men, who marched behind Miantonimoh, split his head with a hatchet, killing him at a single stroke. He was probably unacquainted with his fate, and knew not by what means he fell. Uncas cut out a large piece of his shoulder, and ate it in savage triumph. He said, " it was the sweetest meat he ever ate, it made his heart strong." The Moheagans, by the order of Uncas, buried him at the place of his execution, and erected a great heap, or pillar, upon his grave. This memorable event gave the place the name of Sa- chem's Plain.* Two Englishmen were sent with Uncas, to wit- ness that the execution was done, and to prevent all torture and cruelty in the manner of its performance. Connecticut and New- Haven, agreeably to the direction of the commissioners, sent a party of soldiers to Moheagan, to defend Uncas against any cs- ' Records of the united colonies. ' Manuscript of Mr. Hyde. This plain is in the eastern part of the town of Norwich. NoTR. — ^The manuscript of Richard Hyde here and previously referred to is dated October 9, 1769, and therefore is presumably a record of traditions which had existed 126 years rrgardine incidents which would naturally gather dramatic features durint; such a period. It appears incredible to Miss Caulkins that the execution should have taken place here, Winthrop's Journal places it between Hartford and Windsor.— J. T. 1643I t'i^- i64Sl HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. lor sault which might be made upon him by the Narragansets, in consequence of the execution of their sachem. Governor Winthrop, at the same time, according to the orders which he had received from the commissioners, dispatched mes- sengers to Canonicus, the Narraganset sachem, and the Narra- ganset Indians, to certify them, that the English had noticed their perfidy, in violating the league between them and the English, from time to time, notwithstanding the English had treated them with love and integrity. They assured them, that they had dis- covered their mischievous plots, in joining with Miantonimoh, in purchasing aid of the Indians, and, by gifts, threats, and allure- ments, exciting them to a confederacy to root out the whole body of the English. They represented to them their treachery in wag- ing war with Uncas, contrary to their express covenant with him, and with the English. They justified the execution of Miantoni- moh, by Uncas, as he was his lawful captive, and as he had prac- tised treachery and murder against him and his subjects. They insisted, that it was both just and agreeable to the practice of the Indians in similar cases. It was declared to be necessary for the safety of Uncas, the peace of the country, and even of the Narra- gansets themselves. While they firmly and fully represented these facts to them, they, in the name of the united colonies, ten- dered them peace and safety. They assured them, that they would defend Uncas and all their allies, whether English or Indians, in their just rights: that if they desired peace, they would exercise equal care and friendship towards them.* The commissioners gave orders, that Connecticut should pro- vide for the defence of Uncas against any assault or fury of the Narragansets, or any other Indians. Upon the general election at New-Haven in October, governor Eaton and Mr. Stephen Goodyear, were re-elected governor and deputy-governor. Mr. William Fowler and Mr. Edward Tapp were elected magistrates for Milford, and Thurston Rayner for Stamford, This year, for the first time, the general court at New- Haven, are distinctly recorded and distinguished by the names of governor, deputy-governor, magistrates, and deputies. It appears that the plantation at Yennycock had not fully at- tended to the fundamental article of admitting none to be free burgesses, but members of the church. It was, therefore, at this general court, decreed, " That none should be admitted free bur- gesses in any of the plantations, but such as were members of some approved church in New-En*gland : that such only should have any vote in elections; and that no power for ordering any civil affairs, should be put into the hands of any but such." It was enacted, that each town in the jurisdiction should choose their own judges, in ordinary cases. They were authorised to ' Records of the United Colonies. ■;'^P £ i| W V'^ w r . r «« io8 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1643 judge in civil cases, not exceeding twenty shillings, and in crim- inal cases, in which the punishment did not exceed setting the delinquent in the stocks, whipping him, or fining not exceeding five pounds. If there were a magistrate, or magistrates, in the towns in which these town courts were holden, uien the magis- trate, or magistrates, were to sit in the court, and judgment was to be given with a due respect to their advice. From these courts, there was liberty of appeal to the court of magistrates. It was granted, that all the free burgesses in the plantations, should vote in the choice of governors, magistrates, secretary, and treasurer. It was also granted, that each town should have a magistrate, if they desired it, chosen from among their own free burgesses. At this general court, a court of magistrates was appointed, consisting of all the magistrates in the jurisdiction. They were to meet twice, annually, at New-Haven, on the Mondays preced- ing the general courts in April and October. This court was authorised to receive appeals from the plantation courts, and to try all important causes, civil and criminal. Every magistrate was obliged, on penalty of a fine, to give his attendance. Four magis- trates constituted a quorum. AH judgments of the court were to be determined by a major vote. All trials were decided by the bench. It does not appear that juries were ever used in the colony of New-Haven. The court enacted, that there should be two general courts for this colony, to meet at New-Haven, on the first Wednesday in April, and the last in October, annually. It was decreed, that the general court should consist of a deputy-governor, magistrates, and two deputies from each town. In the last of these general courts, a governor, deputy-governor, magistrates, secretary, treasurer, and marshal, or high sheriff, were to be annually chosen. The governor, or, in his absence, the deputy-governor, had power to call a general court, upon pressing emergencies, and whenever it might be necessary. AH the members were obliged to attend, upon penalty of twenty shillings fine, in case of default. It was ordained, that in this court should subsist the supreme power of the commonwealth. It was particularly ordained that the general court should, with all care and diligence, endeavour to maintain the purity of relig- ion, and to suppress all irreligion, according to the best light they could obtain from the divine oracles, and by the advice of the elders and churches in the jurisdiction, so far as it might concern the civil power.^ The Dutch were this year exceedingly harassed and distressed by the Indians, and made application to governor Eaton and the general court, soliciting that a hundred men might be raised in Records of New-Haven, fol. vol. i. p. 73, 74, 75. 1643! i643l HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 109 the plantations, for their assistance against such barbarous en- emies. The war between the Dutch and Indians began in this manner. A drunken Indian, in his intoxication, killed a Dutchman. The Dutch demanded the murderer, but he was not to be found. They then made application to their governor to avenge the mur- der. He, judging it would be unjust or unsafe, considering the numbers of the Indians, and the weak and scattered state of the Dutch settlements, neglected to comply with their repeated solici- tations. In the mean time the Mohawks, as the report was, ex- cited by the Dutch, fell suddenly on the Indians, in the vicinity of the Dutch settlements, and killed nearly thirty of them. Others fled to the Dutch for protection. One Marine, a Dutch captain, getting intelligence of their state, made application to the Dutch governor, and obtained a commission to kill as many of them as it should be in his power. Collecting a company of armed men, he fell suddenly upon the Indians, while they were unapprehen- sive of danger, and made a promiscuous slaughter of men, women and children, to the number of seventy or eighty. This instantly roused the Indians, in that part of the country, to a furious, ob- stinate and bloody war. In the spring, and beginning of the sum- mer, they burnt the Dutch out-houses; and driving their cattle into their barns, they burned the barns and cattle together. They killed twenty or more of the Dutch people, and pressed so hard upon them that they were obliged to take refuge in their fort, and to seek help of the English. The Indians upon Long-Island united in the war with those on the main, and burned the Dutch houses and bams. The Dutch governor in this situation, invited captain Underbill from Stamford to assist him in the war. Ma- rine, the Dutch captain, was so exasperated with this proceeding that he presented his pistol at the governor, and would have shot him, but was prevented by one who stood by him. Upon this one of Marine's tenants discharged his musket at the governor, and the ball but just missed him. The governor's sentinel shot the tenant and killed him on the spot. The Dutch, who at first were so forward for a war with the Indians, were now, when they experienced the loss and dangers of it, so irritated at the gov- ernor, for the orders which he had given, that he could not trust himself among them. He was obliged to keep a constant guard of fifty Englishmen about his person.* In the summer and fall the Indians killed fifteen more of the Dutch people, and drove in all the inhabitants of the English and Dutch settlements, west of Stamford. In prosecution of their works of destruction, they made a visit ' Brodhead, in his History of N. Y., citing documentary authorities, insists that this is an error of V^inthrop's, which Trumbull follows, and that these fifty Englishmen under Underhill were among the regularly enrolled forces for the de- fence of the Dutch — J. T. n n U .* t. f . t: .? mi m ii\ no HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. t»643 1644] 1 Bi to the neighbourhood where Mra. Hutchinson, who had been so famous, at Boston, for her Antinomian and familistical tenets, had made a settlement. The Indians, at first, appeared with the same friendship with which they used to frequent her house; but they murdered her and all her family, Mr. Collins, her son in law, and several other persons, belonging to other families in the neigh- bourhood. Eighteen persons were killed in the whole. The Ind- ians, with an implacable fury, prosecuted the destruction of the Dutch, and of their property, in all that part of the country. They killed and burned their cattle, horses and barns without resistance. Having destroyed the settlements in the country, they passed over to the Dutch plantations on Long-Island, doing all the mischief of which they were capable. The Dutch, who escaped, were con- fined to their fort, and were obliged to kill and eat their cattle, for their subsistence. Their case was truly distressing.* It de- manded succour as far as it could have been consistently given. Governor Eaton and the general court, having maturely con- sidered the purport of the Dutch governor's letter, rejected the proposal for raising men and assisting in the war against the Ind- ians. Their principal reasons were, that joining separately in war, was prohibited by the articles of confederation ; and that they were not satisfied that the Dutch war with the Indians was just. Nevertheless it was determined, that if the Dutch needed corn and provisions for men or cattle, by reason of the destruction which the Indians had made, the court would give them all the assistance in its power.^ The war continued several years, and was bloody and destruc- tive both to the Dutch and Indians. Captain Underbill had the principal management of it, and was of great service to the Dutch, He collected a flying army of a hundred and twenty, and some- times of a hundred and fifty men, English and Dutch, by which he preserved the Dutch settlements from total destruction. It was supposed, that, upon Long-Island and on the main, he killed between four and five hundred Indians.' The Indians at Stamford too much caught the spirit of the west- ern Indians in their vicinity, who were at war with the Dutch. They appeared so tumultuous and hostile, that the people at Stamford were in great fear, that they should soon share the fate of the settlements at the westward of them. They wrote to the general court at New-Haven, that in their apprehensions there were just grounds of a war with those Indians, and that if their houses should be burned, because the other plantations would not consent to war, they ought to bear the damage. The Narraganset Indians were enraged at the death of their sachem. The English were universally armed. The strictest • Winthrop's Journal, p. 272, 273 and ^08. ' Records of New-Haven. ^ Dr. Belknap's Hist vol. i. p. 50. i644l HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. Ill watch and guard was kept in all the plantations. In Connecticut, every family, in which there was a man capable of bearing arms, was obliged to send one complete in arms, every Lord's day, to defend the places of public worship. Indeed all places wore the aspect of a general war. I\ CHAPTER VIII. r?1 li''* THE affairs both of Old and New-England, wore so gloomy an aspect, at this time, that the pious people, in the colonies, judged extraordinary fasting and prayer to be their indispensable duty. The flames of civil discord were kindled in England, and the tumultuous and hostile state of the natives in the united col- onies, threatened them with a bloody and merciless Indian war. The general court of Connecticut therefore ordained a monthly fast, through the colony, to begin on Wednesday, the 6th of Jan- uary. New-Haven had before appointed a fast, at the same time, in all the plantations in that jurisdiction. Indeed, this was prac- tised, throughout the united colonies, during the civil wars in England. The colonists sympathized with their brethren, in their native country, and conformed to them in their days of humilia- tion and prayer. The freemen of Connecticut and New-Haven, exhibited a re- markable example of steadiness in the election of civil officers. Nearly the same persons were chosen annually into places of prin- cipal trust as long as they lived. This year Edward Hopkins, Esq. was chosen governor, and John Haynes, Esquire, deputy-gov- ernor. The other magistrates were the same as they had been the last year, except Mr. William Swain, who was chosen into the magistracy. Mr. Haynes and Mr. Hopkins were generally elected, alternately governor and deputy-governor, during their respec- tive lives. The reason of this annual change of them, from gov- ernor to deputy-governor, was because the constitution prohibited the choice of any man governor, more than once in two years. At New-Haven, governor Eaton was annually elected to the office of governor, during his life ; and Mr. Stephen Goodyear was generally chosen deputy-governor. The Indians were no more peaceable this year, than they were the last. Those in the western part of Connecticut, still conducted themselves in a hostile manner. In the spring, they murdered a man belonging to Massachusetts, between Fairfield and Stamford. About six or eight weeks after the murder was discovered, the Indians promised to deliver the murderer, at Uncoway, if Mr. Ludlow would appoint men to receive him. Mr. Ludlow sent ten men for that purpose; but as soon as the Indians came within •*^ i 113 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1644 sight of the town, they, by general consent, unbound the prisoner and suffered him to escape. The English were so exasperated at this insult, that they immediately seized on eight or ten of the Ind- ians, and committed them to prison. There was among them not less than one or two sachems. Upon this, the Indians arose in great numbers about the town, and exceedingly alarmed the peo- ple, both at Fairfield and Stamford. Mr. Ludlow wrote to New- Haven for advice. The court desired him to keep the Indians in durance, and assured him of immediate assistance, should it be necessary and desired. A party of twenty men were draughted forthwith, and prepared to march to Stamford upon the shortest notice. The Indians were held in custody, until four sachems, in those parts, appeared and interceded for them, promising, that if the English would release them, they would, within a month, de- liver the murderer to justice. Not more than a month after their release, an Indian went boldly into the town of Stamford, and made a murderous assault upon a woman, in her house. Finding no man at home, he took up a lathing hammer, and approached her as though he were about to put it into her hand; but, as she was stooping down to take her child from the cradle, he struck her upon the head. She fell instantly with the blow; he then struck her twice, with the sharp part of the hammer, which penetrated her skull. Supposing her to be dead, he plundered the house, and made his escape. Soon after, the woman so far recovered, as to describe the Indian, and his manner of dress. Her wounds, which at first appeared to be mortal, were finally healed ; but her brain was so affected, that she lost her reason. At the same time, the Indians rose in those parts, with the most tumultuous and hostile appearances. They refused to come to the English, or to have any treaty with them. They appeared, in a very alarming manner, about several of the plantations, firing their pieces, and exceedingly terrifying the inhabitants. They de- serted their wigwams, and neglected to weed their corn. The English had intelligence that the Indians designed to cut them off. Most of the English judged it unsafe to travel by land, and some of the plantations were obliged to keep a strong guard and watch, night and day. And as they had not numbers sufficient to defend themselves, they made application to Hartford and New-Haven for assistance. They both sent aid to the weaker parts of their respective colonies. New-Haven sent help to Fair- field and Stamford, as they were much nearer to them, than to Connecticut. After a great deal of alarm and trouble, the Indian, who had attempted the murder of the woman, was delivered up, and con- demned to death. He was executed at New-Haven. The execu- tioner cut off his head with a falchion: but it was cruelly done. 1644] i644l HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. Its He gave the Indian eight blows, before he effected the execution. The Indian sat erect and motionless, until his head was severed from his body.* Both the colonic" of Connecticut and New-Haven, were put to great expense, ais year, in defending themselves, and they were obliged to beur the whole charge, as the measures adopted for their defence, were taken by the order of their respective legislatures, and not by the direction of the commissioners. The unhappy divisions which continued at Weathersfield, occa- sioned another settlement under the jurisdiction of New-Haven. As Mr. Eaton, to whom Totoket had been granted, in 1640, had not performed the conditions of the grant, New-Haven, for the accommodation of a number of people at Weathersfield, made a sale of it to Mr. William Swain, and others of that town. They sold it at the price which it cost them, stipulating with Mr. Swain and his company, that they should unite with that colony, in all the fundamental articles of government. The settlement of the town immediately commenced. At the same time, Mr. Abraham Pierson, with a part of his church and congregation, from South- ampton, on Long-Island, removed and united with the people of Weathersfield, in the settlement of the town. A regular church was soon formed, and Mr. Pierson was chosen pastor. The towt; was named Branford. Mr. Swain was the principal planter, and, a few years after, was chosen one of the magistrates of the colony of New-Haven, as he had previously been of the colony of Con- necticut. The meeting of the commibctoners, September 5th, was at Hart- ford. Mr. Simon Bradstreet and Mr. William Hawthorne were commissioners from the Massachusetts; Mr. Edward Winslow and Mr. William Brown, from Plymouth ; Governor Hopkins and Mr. George Fenwick, for Connecticut ; and Governor Eaton and Mr. Thomas Gregson, from New-Haven. No sooner was the meeting opened, than a proposal was made by the commissioners from Massachusetts, directed by their gen- eral court, that the commissioners from that colony should always have preference to the commissioners of the other colonies, and be allowed to subscribe first, in the same order in which the ar- ticles of confederation had been signed. Upon consideration of the proposal, the commissioners were unanimously of the opinion, that no such thing had either been proposed, granted, or practised, by the commissioners of the other jurisdictions, in any of their former meetings, though the articles had been subscribed in the presence of the general court of the Massachusetts. They resolved, that the commission was free, and might not receive any thing, but what was expressed by the articles of confederation, as imposed by any general court. ■ Records of the colonies, and Winthrop's Journal, p. 352. h > m '4 > I > 3 . pi n 114 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [i64 Records of the united colonies. " Magnolia, b. iii. p. 95. I "1 H ? . ^'*if 'M\h^ kHMj j!i:' ii8 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1644 Boosy, for, and on the behalf of the jurisdiction of Connecticut river, on the other part, the 5th of December, 1644. " The said George Fenwick, Esq. doth make over to the use and behoof of the jurisdiction of Connecticut river, to be enjoyed by them forever, the fort at Saybrook, with the appurtenances: all the land upon the river Connecticut; and such lands as are yet undisposed of, shall be ordered and given out by a committee of five, whereof George Fenwick, Esq. is always to be one. The said George Fenwick doth also promise, that all the lands from Narra- ganset river, to the fort of Saybrook, mentioned in a patent granted by the earl of Warwick, to certain nobles, and gentlemen, shall fall in under the jurisdiction of Connecticut, if it come into his power." * On the part of Connecticut it was stipulated, " That the said George Fenwick, Esq. should enjoy all th.^; housing,'' belonging to the fort for the space of ten years. And that a certain duty on corn, biscuit, beaver and cattle, which should be exported from the river's mouth, should be paid to him during the said term." Upon the 4th of February, 1645, the general court of Connecti- cut confirmed this agreement with Mr, Fenwick, and passed an act imposing a duty of two pence per bushel upon all grain, six pence upon every hundred weight of biscuit, and a small duty upon all beaver exported from the mouth of the river, during the ■ About this time died George Wyllys, Esq. the venerable ancestor of the Wyl- lyses in Connecticut. He was possessed of a fair estate, at Knapton, in the county of Warwick, worth £S°^ * y^"- I"* *^3^> ^^ *^"* °^^'" William Gibbons, the steward of his house, with twenty men, to prepare him a seat at Hartford. They purchased, and took possession of a fine tract of land, erected buildings, and planted a garden upon that pleasant plat, which has ever since been the principal seat of the family. In 1638 he came over with his household ; and, at the election in 1639, was chosen into the magistracy, in which he continued about five years, until his death. In 1641, he was chosen deputy-governor, and in 1642, gov- ernor of the colony. It appears from the manuscripts of the family, that both he and Mrs, Wyllys were eminently pious, living with all the exactness of the Puritans of that day. From love to undefiled religion, and purity in divine ordinances and worfhip, they exchanged their pleasant seat and easy cir- cumstances in England, for the dangers and hardships of a wilderness in America. He left one son, Samuel, about twelve years of age. He was edu. Gated at Cambridge, where he was graduated 1653 ; and the next year was chosen one of the magistrates for Connecticut, at about twenty-two years of age. It appears by his manuscripts, that he became deeply impressed with the truths and importance of religion, at college, under the ministry of Mr. Shepard ; and the spirit of his pious parents descended upon him. He married a daughter of gov- ernor Haynes, who appeared equally to have imbibed the spirit of her Saviour. In his manuscripts, he describes the excellent examples which their parents had ex- hibited, and the pious pains they employed in their education ; teaching them, from childhood, to pray always in secret, private and public ; to venerate the sab- bath, and the divine word ; and to attend all christian institutions and duties. After bearing testimony to the great advantages of such an education, and to the comfort which they had experienced in the duties, in which they had been edu- cated, he warmly recommends them to his children, and their posterity. The family is ancient, and may be traced back to the reign of Edward the IV. more than three centuries. It has well supported its dignity to the present time. Some of the family have been magistrates or secretaries of the colony for more than a century and a half. May the descendants ever inherit its virtues and honors 1 ' An old word, meaning the quantity of inhabited buildings. > I645] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 119 term of ten years, from the first day of March ensuing. It was also enacted, that an entry should be made of all grain laden on board any vessel, of the number of bushels, and of the weight of biscuit, and that a note of the same be delivered to Mr. Fenwick, upon the penalty of forfeiting the one half of all such grain and biscuit as should be put on board and not thus certified. The col- ony, on the whole, paid Mr. Fenwick 1,600 pounds sterling, merely for the jurisdiction right, or for the old patent of Connecticut.* The general court, July 19th, ordered that a tax of two hundred pounds should be levied on the plantations in the colony, to de- fray the charge of advancing the fortifications at Saybrook fort. A committee was appointed, at the same time, to bargain with Mr. Griffin for that purpose, and to make provision for the im- mediate completion of the fortifications in view. A letter was also dispatched, from the court, to Mr. Fenwick, desiring him, if his circumstances would permit, to make a voyage to England, to obtain an enlargement of the patent, and to promote other in- terests of the colony. Notwithstanding the unwearied pains the commissioners of the colonies, and the colonies themselves, had taken to prevent hos- tilities among the Indians, and to preserve the peace of the coun- try, the perfidious Narragansets were continually waging war. Pessacus and the Narraganset Indians, in violation of all their treaties, had repeatedly invaded the Moheagan country and as- saulted Uncas in his fort. They had killed and taken numbers of his men, and so pressed him, that both Connecticut and New- Haven were obliged to dispatch parties of men to his assistance, to prevent the enemy from completely conquering him and his country. Governor Winthrop therefore called a special meeting of the commissioners, at Boston, on the 28th of June, 1645. Governor Winthrop and Mr. Herbert Pelham, were commissioners for Mas- sachusetts, Mr. Thomas Prince and Mr. John Brown for Plymouth, Edward Hopkins and George Fenwick, Esquires, for Connecticut, governor Eaton and Mr. Stephen Goodyear for New-Haven. Immediately on the meeting of the commissioners, they dis- patched messengers into the Narraganset and Moheagan coun- tries. They were charged to acquaint the sachems and Indians of the respective tribes, that if they would go to Boston, the com- missioners would impartially hear and determine all their differ- ences; and that, however the treaty might end, they should be allowed to go and return in safety. The sachems, at first, seemed to give some fair speeches; but finally determined, that they would ' No jurisdiction right or patent appears to have been obtained from Fenwick, although the agreement with him stipulates that he should obtain this right " if it come into his power." His failure to do this was evidently the basis for the claim against his heirs. See note, p. 196. — J. T. p. t' !•■ 120 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1645 ir^ neither go nor send to Boston. The Narragansets insulted and abused the messengers, and uttered haughty and threatening speeches against the EngHsh. One of the sachems declared, that he would kill their cattle and pile them in heaps; and that an Englishman should no sooner step out at his doors than the Ind- ians would kill him. He declared that, whoever began the war, he would continue it; and that nothing should satisfy him but the head of Uncas. On the whole, the messengers were obliged to return without effecting any good purpose. By them Mr. Will- iams wrote to the commissioners, assuring them that an Indian war vrould soon break out; and that, as a preparative, the Nar- ragansets had concluded a neutrality with Providence and the towns upon Aquidney island. These reports roused the English spirit. The commissioners, considering that the Narragansets had violated all their treaties, killed a number of the Moheagans, taken others captive, destroyed their corn, and, with great armies, besieged Uncas in his fort; and besides, that they had highly insulted the united colonies and abused their messengers, determined that an immediate war with them was both justifiable and necessary. However, as they wished to act with prudence as well as spirit, and to give general satisfaction in an affair of such moment, they desired the advice of the magistrates, elders, and a number of the principal military officers in the Massachusetts. These assembled, and were unanimously of the opinion, that their engagements obliged them to defend Uncas and the Moheagans : that the de- fence which they were obliged to give, according to the common acceptation of such engagements, extended not barely to the de- fence of Uncas and his men in their fort, but to his estate and liberties; and that the aid to be given must be immediate, or he would be totally ruined. It was therefore determined, that a war with the Indians was just, that the case should be stated in short, and war, with the reasons of it, be proclaimed. A day of fasting and prayer was appointed on the fourth of September. It was resolved. That three hundred men should be forthwith raised, and sent against the enemy. Massachusetts were to furnish 190, Plymouth and Cornecticut 40 each, and New-Haven 30. As the troops from Connecticut and New-Haven, who had assisted in defending Uncas, the former part of the summer, were about to return to their respective colonies, forty men were impressed in the Massa- chusetts, and marched in three days, completely armed and vict- ualled. These were commanded by Humphry Atherton. Or- ders were dispatched to the troops to be raised in Connecticut and New-Haven, to join them at Moheagan. A commission was forwarded to captain Mason to take the command of all the troops, until the whole army should form a junction. The chief com- l64S] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 121 mand of the army was given to major Edward Gibbons, of Massa- chusetts. He was instructed not only to defend Uncas, but to invade and distress the Narragansets and Nehanticks, with their confederates. He had instructions to ofler them peace. If tKey would receive it upon honorable terms, he, with his officers, had power to make a treaty with them. If the enemy should flee from the army, and would neither fight nor make peace, the command- er had orders to build forts in the Nehantick and Narraganset country; to which he might gather the enemy's corn and goods, as far as it should be in his power. The Narragansets had sent a present to governor Winthrop, of Boston, desiring that they might have peace with the English, but wage war with Uncas, and avenge the death of Miantonimoh. The governor refused to receive the present upon such terms; but the messengers, by whom it was carried, urging that they might leave it until they could consult their sachems, he suffered it to be left with him. The commissioners ordered, that it should be immediately returned. Captain Hurding, Mr. Wilbore, and Benedict Arnold, were sent into the Narraganset country, to re- turn the present, and to assure Pessacus, Canonicus, Janimo, and the other sachems of the Narraganset and Nehantick Indians, that they would neither receive their presents, nor give them peace, until they should make satisfaction for past injuries, and give security for their peaceable conduct for the future. They were to certify the Indians, that the English were ready for war; and that if war wa". their choice, they would direct their affairs for that purpose. At the same time, they had orders to assure them, that if they would make satisfaction for the damages which they had done, and give security for their peaceable conduct, in time to come, they should know, that the English were as desirous of the peace, and as tender of the blood of the Narragansets, as they had ever been. The messengers prosecuted their journey with great dispatch, and brought back word, that Pessacus, chief sachem of the Nar- ragansets, and others, were coming to Boston forthwith, vested with full powers to treat with the commissioners. The messen- gers, though sent on purpose to carry back the present, and to assure the Indians that the English would not receive it, returned with it to Boston. They also wrote to captain Mason, acquainting him that there were hopes of peace with the Indians. The commissioners, therefore, while they acknowledged the pains and expedition with which they had accomplished their journey, censured them, for not attending to their instructions. Especially, they judged them worthy of censure, for bringing back the present, and for writing to captain Mason. The latter, they imagined, could have no other effect than to retard his opera- tions. i I :& St 5 ■J I 1,' ! ii.' 122 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1645 ^1' The Indians, finding that an army was coming into the heart of their country, made naste to meet the commissioners, and ward off the impending blow. A few days after the return of their mes- sengers, Pessacus, Meeksamo, the eldest son of Canonicus, and Wytowash, three principal sachems of the Narragansets, and Awashequen, deputy of the Nehanticks, with a large train, arrived at Boston. . 1 hey, at first, denied and excused many particulars which the commissioners charged upon them. They insisted on the old story of the ransom, and proposed to make a truce with Uncas, until the next planting time, or for a year. The commissioners assured them, that matters were now come to a crisis, and that they would accept of no such terms. They charged the Indian sachems with their perfidious breach of treaties, with the injuries they had done to Uncas, with their insults of the linglisii, and with the great trouble and expense to which they had put them, to defend Uncas, and maintain the peace of the country. The Ind- ians, finally, though with great reluctance, acknowledged their breach of treaties. One of the sachems presented the commis- sioners with a stick, signifying, by that token, that he submitted the terms of war and peace into tfieir hands, and wished to know what they required of the Indians. The commissioners represented to them, that the charge and + rouble which they had brought on the colonies was very great, besides all the loss and damages which Uncas had sustained. They charged all these, upon their infraction of the treaties which they had made with the colonies, and with Uncas. They assured the Indians, that though two thousand fathom of white wampum would, by no means, be equal to the expense to which they had put the colonies, entirely by their violation of their treaties; yet, to show their moderation, they would accept of that sum for all past damages. It was required, that they should restore to Uncas all the captives and canoes which they had taken from him; that they should submit all matters of controversy, between them and Uncas, to the commissioners, at their next meeting; and that they should maintain perpetual peace with the English, and all their subjects and allies. Finally, hostages were demanded, as a secu- rity for the performance of the treaty.^ These, indeed, were hard terms. The Indians made many exceptions to them; but as they knew the English were gone into their country, and were fearful that hostilities would be commenced, even while the treaty was pending, they submitted to them. Some abatv'iment was made, as to the times of payment at first proposed, and it was agreed that Uncas should restore to the Narragansets all captives and canoes which he had taken from them. This gave the Narragansets and Nehanticks some ease; but it was with great reluctance, that they ' Records of the united colonies. i645] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 123 finally signed the articles. Nothing but the necessity of the case, could have been a sufficient inducement. On the 30th of August, the articles were signed, and the Indians left several of their number, as hostages, until the children, who had been agreed upon for a permanent security, should be deliv- ered. The troops which had been raised were disbanded, and the day appointed for a general fast was celebrated as a day of general thanksgiving. New-Haven, this year, appointed Mr. Gregson their agent to the parliament in England, to procure a patent for the colony. The court at New-Haven, voted, that it was a proper time to join with Connecticut, in procuring a patent from parliament, for these parts.^ It appears, that both Connecticut and New-Haven, at this time, had it in contemplation to obtain charters from parliament, for their respective jurisdictions; but Mr. Fenwick, who had been desired to undertake a voyage, for this purpose, in behalf of Con- necticut, did not accept the appointment, and Mr, Gregson was lost at sea. In consequence of these circumstances, and the state of affairs in England afterwards, the business rested until after the restoration. This year Tunxis was named Farmington. At this time, there were in the colony of Connecticut eight taxable towns; Hartford, Windsor, Weathersfield, Stratford, Fairfield, Saybrook, South- Hampton and Farmington. In the colony of New-Haven were six; New-Haven, Milford, Guilford, Southhold, Stamford and Branford. In 1646 there was an alteration in the act respecting juries. In 1644, an act passed authorizing the court of magistrates to in- crease or mitigate the damages given by verdict of the jury. It was now enacted, that whatever alterations should be made of this kind, at any time, should be made in open court, in the presence both of the plaintiff and defendant, or upon affidavit made, that they had been summoned to appear. At this court the town of Fairfield made objections to that part of the act passed in 1644, which admitted of a jury of six. They insisted on twelve jurymen in all cases triable by a jury; but con- sented, that eight out of twelve should bring in a verdict. It does not appear, that a jury of six was ever empanelled, after this time. The laws were soon after revised, and ordained a jury of twelve in all cases which required a jury. Tl^e commissioners of the united colonies met, this year, at New-Haven. The Dutch continuing their injurious conduct against the English, complaints were made to the commissioners, of the recent and repeated insults and damages which they had received from them. Instead of making them the least satisfac- > Records of New-Haven, "■I tl U^ I ^ 1* ( ii m 124 IITSTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1646 lion for pp.st injuries, they proceeded to new instances of insolence and abuse. Kieft wrote a most imperious letter to governor Eaton, charging him, and inc people at Ncw-Ilaven, with an unsatiable desire of possessing that which belonged to the Dutch nation. He affirmed, that contrary to ancient leagues, between the kings of England and ihc States General, contrary to the law of nations, and his protestations, they had, indirectly, entered upon the limits of New-Netherlands. He therefore protested against them, as breakers of the peace and disturbers of the public tranquillity. Indeed he proceeded so far as to threaten, that if the English, at New-Haven, did not restore the places which they had usurped, and repair the losses which the Dutch had sustained, that they would, b> such means as God should afford, recover them. He affirmed, that the Dutch would not view it as inconsistent with the public peace, but should impute all the evils, which might en- sue, to the English.* Governor Eaton replied to this letter, that th*: colony under his government had never entered upon any land, to which the Dutch had any known title: That, notwithstanding all the injuries re- ceived from the Dutch, and the very unsatisfying answers which their governor had given, from time to time, the colony, in his apprehensions, had done nothing inconsistent with the law of God, the law of nations, nor with the ancient leagues subsisting between England and Holland. He therefore assured him, that the colony would cheerfully submit all differences, between them and the Dutch, to an impartial hearing and adjudication, either in Europe or America. The Dutch, at Hartford, maintained a distinct and independent government. Th-^y resisted the laws of the colony, and counter- acted the natural rights of men. They inveigled an Indian woman who, having been liable to public punishment, fled from her mas- ter. It was supposed, that the Dutch kept her for the purpose of wantonness. Though her master demanded her, as his property, and the magistrates, as a criminal, on whom the law ought to have its course, yet they would not restore her. The Dutch agent at Hartford, in the height of disorder, resisted the guard. He drew his rapier upon the soldiers, and broke it upon their arms. He then escaped to the fort, and there defended himself with im- punity. The commiss'.oners of Connecticut and New-Haven made com- plaint of these insults and misdemeanors to the commissioners of the united colonies, and laid open the whole conduct of the Dutch towards them. They represented, that in answer to their com- plaints of past injuries, they had, instead of satisfaction, received nothing but injury and abuse. The commissioners, upon a deliberate view of the case, wrote ' Kieft's letter to gorernor Eaton, on the records of the united colonies. 1646J I646J HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 125 to the Dutch governor, stating how they had written to him from time to time; and, in consideration of the great worth of peace, had attempted to compromise the dififercnccs which had so long subsisted between the Dutch and their confederates. They ob- served to the governor, that he had returned nothing but an igno- ramus, with an offensive addition, which they left to his review and better consideration. They stated the affair at Hartford, and observed, that had the Dutch agent been slain, in the haughty affront which he had given, his blood would have been upon his own head. They assured him, that his agent and the company at Hartford, had proceeded to an intolerable state of conduct: that they had forcibly taken away their cattle from authority, and made an assault upon a man, who had legally sought justice for damages which he had sustained: that they struck him, and, in a hostile manner, took his team and loading from him. The com- missioners noticed the letter of the Dutch governor to the colony of New-Haven, and manifested their approbation of the answer which governor Eaton had given. They expressed their hopes, that it would give satisfaction. They concluded by observing, that, to prevent all inconveniences which might arise from any part of the premises, they had sent an express, by whom they wished to .eceive such an answer as might satisfy them of his concurrence with them, to embrace and pursue righteousness and peace. Several of the English whr had traded with the Dutch, had not been able to recover their just debts, and governor Kieft would not afford them that assistance which was necessary for the ob- taining of justice. Mr. Whiting, of Connecticut, complained, that an action had been carried against him at Manhatoes, in his ab- sence, and when he had no agent to exhibit his evidence, or plead his cause. He also made complaint, that, upon demanding a just debt, long since due from the Dutch, the governor neglected to give him that assistance which was necessary for the recovery of his right. The commissioners wrote also to governor Kieft on this sub- ject. They desired him to grant Mr. Whiting a review in the case specified, and proper assistance in the recovery of his debts from the Dutch. They assured him, that all the colonies would grant similar favours to the Dutch in all their courts. By their express, the commissioners received two letters from the Dutch governor, in answer to what they had written, expressed in the same haughty and offensive strain, as his former letters. He denied that the woman, who had been detained by the Dutch at "Hartford, was a servant, with many other facts which had been stated by the commissioners. Instead of submitting the affairs in dispute to a legal decision, either in Europe or America, he still threatened to avenge the injuries of which he complained, by 'Id ^V u: ' ! u^ / n >> s. 1 ' i' 2 ■^ J. IP u It 126 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1646 1646J force of arnis. With respect to other matters of special impor- tance, he passed them without the least notice. He compared the commissioners to eagles which soar aloft, and always despise the little fly; but he assured them, that the Dutch, by their arms, would manfully pursue their rights. He then finished his letters in this remarkable manner: — " We protest against all you com- missioners, met at the red mount, ^ as against breakers of the com- mon league, and, also, infringers of the rights of the lords, the states, our superiors, in that you have dared, without our express and special consent, to hold your general meeting within the limits of New Netherlands." The commissioners made a short reply, assuring the Dutch governor, that they could prove the facts which they had stated to him in their letters ; and that the woman whom the Dutch had detained, was a servant, and an important part of her master's property: that she had fled from civil justice, and, by the confes- sion of Mr. David Provost, Dutch agent at Hartford, had been defiled. They insisted, that the conduct of the Dutch at Hartford, was intolerable, and complained, that he had given no orders to redress the grievances which they had mentioned. They also complained, that he had made no reply to so many important ar- ticles, concerning which they had written to him. With respect to the protest, with which he had closed his letter, they observed, that, though it was offensive, yet it agreed with the general strain of his writing; and that he had no more reason to protest against their boldness in holding their session at New-Haven, than they had to protest against his boldness in the protest which he had sent them. After all the insult which the commissioners received from the Dutch governor, their replies were cool and without threatening.' This year a horrid plot was concerted among the Indians, for the destruction of a number of the principal inhabitants of Hart- ford. Sequassen, a petty sachem upon the river, hired one of the Waranoke Indians to kill governor Hopkins and governor Haynes, with Mr. Whiting, one of the magistrates. Sequassen's hatred of Uncas was insatiable, and, probably, was directed against these gentlemen, on account of the just and faithful protection which they had afforded him. The plan was, that the Waranoke Indian should kill them, and charge the murder upon Uncas, and by that means engage the English against him to his ruin. After the massacre of these gentlemen, Sequassen and the murderer were to make their escape to the Mohawks. Watohibrough, the Indian hired to perpetrate the murder, after he had received sev- eral girdles of wampum, as part of his reward, considering how I The Dutch called New-Haven the Red Mount, and the Red Hills, from the appearance of the rocks west and north of the town. '' Records of the United Colonies. m\' I 1646] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. V 127 Bushhcag, the Indian who attempted to kill the woman at Stam- ford, had been apprehended and executed at New-Haven, con- ceived that it would be dangerous to murder English sachems. He also revolved in his mind, that if the English should not ap- prehend and kill him, he should always be afra*d of them, and have no comfort in his life. He also recollected, that the English gave a reward to the Indians who discovered and brought in Uush- heag. He therefore determined, it would be better to discover the plot, than to be guilty of so bloody and dangerous an action. In this mind he came to Hartford, a few days after he had received the girdles, and made known the plot. Nearly at the same time the Waranoke Indians did much damage to the people at Wind- sor, burning up their tar and turpentine, and destroying their tools and instruments, to the value of a hundred pounds or more. The magistrates at Hartford issued a warrant, and apprehended the Indian whom they supposed to be guilty; but the Indians rose and made an assault upon the officers, and rescued the crim- inal from justice. Upon complaint and evidence of these misdemeanors, the com- missioners sent messengers to Sequassen, demanding his appear- ance at New-Haven, and they ordered, that if he would not vol- untarily appear, all means, consistent with the preservation of his life, should be used to take him. Messengers were also sent to Waranoke, to the Indians who had done the mischief at Windsor, with orders to seize the delinquents, and bring them off, if they judged they could do it with safety. Sequassen had art enough to keep out of their hands, and those who had done the damage could not be found. The messengers were insulted at Waranoke. The Indians boasted of their arms, primed and cocked their pieces in their presence, and threatened that if a man should be carried away, the Indians would generally rise and fight. The commissioners, on the whole, judged it not expedient, in the state in which the Indians then were, to proce- H any further than to resolve, that if any Indian or Indians, of whut plantation soever, should do any damage to the English colonies, or to any of their inhabitants, that, upon due proof of it, they would, in a peaceable manner, demand satisfaction. But if any sagamore, or plantation of Indians, should hide, convey away, entertain, or protect such offender or offenders, that then the English would demand satisfaction of such Indian sagamore or plantation, and do themselves justice, as they might, upon all such offenders. At the same time, they declared, that they would keep peace and amity with all other Indians. This resolution was to be made known to the Waranoke Indians in particular. The Indians, at particular times, were very mischievous, and gave much trouble to all the plantations. Sometime after the set- tlement of Milford, the Indians there set all the adjacent country :»■ ! i ■r ':i| Iv, 128 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1646 on fire. It was supposed that their design was to bum the town: but the inhabitants were so fortunate as to stop the fires at the swamps and brooks which surround it on the west and north. By this means the town was preserved. The Mohawks, though not hostile to the English, by coming down and murdering the Connecticut Indians, put the plantations in fear, and gave them not a little trouble. Some years after the settlement of Milford, they came into the town, and secretti them- selves in a swamp,^ about half a mile east of Stratford ferry, with a view to surprise the Indians at the fort. The English acciden- tally discovering them, gave notice of it to the Milford Indians. They at once set up the war whoop, and collected such numbers that they ventured to attack them. The Mohawks were overpow- ered, and several of them taken. One stout captive, the Milford Indians determined to kill, by famine and torture. They stripped him naked and tied him up in the salt meadows for the mosquitoes to eat and torment to death. An Englishman, one Hine, finding him in this piteous condition, loosed and fed him, and enabled him to make his escape. This very much conciliated the Mo- hawks towards the English, and especially towards the family of the Hines, whom, it is said, they ever afterwards particularly noticed, and treated with uncommon friendship. The Narraganset and Nehantick Indians neglected to perform any part of the treaty which they had made the last year. They neither paid the wampum stipulated, nor met the commissioners, at New-Haven, to settle the differences between them and Uncas. They neither restored the captives nor canoes taken from him, nor made him any compensation for the damages which they had done him. They had attempted to deceive the English with re- spect to the hostages. Instead of the children of their ''achems and chief men, whom they agreed to deliver, they made an at- tempt to impose upon them children of the lowest rank. Even to this time, they had not brought those whom they had promised. They were still intriguing with the Mohawks; and, by presents and various arts, attempting to engage them against the English colonies. The commissioners judged, that they had just occasion to avenge the injuries which they had received, and to seek a recompence by force of arms. However, that they might show their love of peace, and their forbearance towards these barba- rians, they dispatched another message to them. In this a full representation was made of these particulars. They were assured, that the commissioners were apprised of their intrigues, and that, in the eyes of all the colonies, they had rendered themselves a perfidious people. The war between the Dutch and Indians continuing, a great and general battle was fought between them in that part of Horse- > This is known by the name of Mohawk swamp to the present time. 1647] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 129 neck commonly known Tiy the name of Strickland's plain. The action was long and severe, both parties fighting with firmness and obstinacy. The Dutch, with much difficulty, kept the field, and the Indians withdrew. Great numbers were slain on both sides, and the graves of the dead, for a century or more, appeared like a number of small hills.^ New-Haven having been exceedingly disappointed in trade, and sustained great damages at Delaware, and the large estates which they brought into New-England rapidly declining, this year, made uncommon exertions, as far as possible, to retrieve their former losses. Combining their money and labors, they built a ship, at Rhode-Island, of 150 tons; and freighted her, for England, with the best part of their commercial estates. Mr. Gregson, captain Turner, Mr. Lamberton and five or six of their principal men embarked on board. They sailed from New-Haven in January, 1647. They were obliged to cut through the ice to get out of the harbour. The ship foundered at sea, and was never heard of after she sailed. The loss of this ship, with the former losses which the company had sustained, broke up all their ex- pectations with respect to trade, and as they conceived themselves disadvantageously situated for husbandry, they adopted the de- sign of leaving the country. They were invited to Jamaica, in the West-Indies. They had also an invitation to Ireland. It seems they entered into treaties for the city of Galloway, which they designed to have settled, as a small province for themselves.* Nevertheless they were disappointed with respect to all these de- signs. Their posterity, who they feared would be reduced to beggary, made respectable farmers, and flourished, with respect to worldly circumstances, no less than their neighbours. At the election, this year, at Hartford, nine magistrates were chosen. Mr. Cosmore and Mr. Howe were elected for the first time. The other magistrates were the same as in the preceding years. At this session of the general court, an explanation or addition was made to the tenth fundamental article. By this article, as it stood, it was the opinion of some, that no particular court could be holden, unless the governor and four magistrates were present. It was therefore decreed," that the governor, or deputy governor, with two magistrates, should have power to keep a particular court, according to the laws established ; and, that in case neither the governor, nor deputy governor should be present, or able to sit, if three magistrates should meet, and choose one of themselves moderator, they might keep a particular court, which to all in- tents and purposes, should be deemed as legal, as if the governor ' Manuscripts of the Rev. Stephen Monson. ' Mi^alia, B, I. p. 2$, 26. ^ The enacting style, before the charter, was, It is ordered, sentenced, and de- creed. Sometimes one of the words only was used. 3»2 ';!■;:; ^4H ■imm I i V ;,'(}i. ■'' t. 130 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1647 or deputy governor were present. All orders contrary to this were repealed.* As tobacco, about this titne, was coming into use, in the colony, a very curious law was made for its regulation, or suppression. It was ordered, that no person under twenty years of age, nor any other, who had not already accustomed himself to the use of it, should take any tobacco until he had obtained a certificate from under the hand of an approved physician, that it was useful for him, and until he had also obtained a license from the court. All others, who had addicted themselves to the use of it, were prohibited from taking it, in any company, or at their labors, or in travelling, unless ten miles, at least, from any company; and though not in company, not more than once a day, upon pain of a fine of sixpence for every such offence. One substantial wit- ness was to be a sufficient proof of the crime. The constables of the several towns were to make presentment to the particular courts, and it was ordered, that the fine should be paid without gainsaying.* At a court in June, it was ordered, that the fort and guns at Say- brook, should be delivered to captain John Mason, and that he should give Mr. Fenwick a receipt for the premises. At the de- sire of the people there, captain Mason was appointed to the chief command of the fort; and was authorized to govern all the sol- diers and inhabitants of the town; to call them forth and put them in such array as might be necessary for the general defence of the country. Orders were given, that the fortifications should be repaired, and that the country rate of Saybrook should be appro- priated to that purpose. This court granted to the soldiers of the respective train bands in the colony, the privilege of choosing their own officers, to be commissioned by the court. The conduct of the Narraganset and Nehantick Indians was so treacherous and hostile that, in midsummer, an extraordinary meeting of the commissioners was called at Boston. The com- missioners were, Thomas Dudley and John Endicot, Esquires, from Massachusetts; Mr. William Bradford and Mr. John Brown, from Plymouth; governor Hopkins and captain John Mason, from Connecticut; governor Eaton and Mr. Goodyear, from New- Haven. Thomas Dudley was chosen president. The Narraganset and Nehantick Indians, had not only neg- lected the performance of every part of their treaties with the Eng- lish, but were, by all their arts, plotting against them. By their wampum they were hiring all the Indian nations round about them to combine against the colonies. They had sent messengers and presents to the Mohawks, to engage them in the general con- ' Records of Connecticut, folio, wl. i. p. 163, 163. * Records of Connecticut. 1647] ; is- i ^' ;w- ers jti- 1647] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 131 federacy. As this faithless conduct was the occasion of the meet- ing, the commissioners immediately dispatched messengers to Pessacus, Ninigrate, Webetomaug, and all their confederates, to declare to them their breach of covenant, and to demand their attendance at Boston. The messengers were instructed to assure them, that if they did not appear, they would send to them no more. Pessacus owned, that he had broken covenant, and said it was the constant grief of his spirit. He pretended he would gladly go to Boston, but he was unwell, and could not travel. This was a mere pretence, as there was no appearance of indispo- sition upon him. He excused himself for not keeping the treaty, because he was frighted into it by the sight of the English army, which was about to invade his country. He represented, that he was in fear, if he did not make it, the English would follow him home and kill him. He declared, however, that he would send his whole mind by Ninigrate, and that he would abide by what- ever he should transact in the aflfair. On the 3d of August, Ninigrate, with two of Pessacus's men, and a it mber of the Nehantick Indians, arrived at Boston. When Nin,. ' ime before the commissioners, he pretended great ig- nora:: -<' «. f .he treaties between the English and the Indians. He declared, that he knew no cause why the Narragansets should pay so much wampum. He said they owed nothing to the English. The commissioners acquainted him, that it was on account of their breach of treaty, and the great charge which, by that means, they had brought on the colonies, that the Narragansets engaged to pay such a quantity. Well knowing his deceit, they charged him as being the very man, who had been the principal cause of all their trouble and expense, relative to the Indians. They declared to him, that he was the sachem who had threatened to pile their cattle in heaps, and to kill every Englishman who should step out at his doors. At so home a charge, which he could not deny, he was not a little chagrined. However, he excused the matter with as much art as possible. With respect to the wampum, he de- clared, that the Narragansets had not a sufficiency to pay the sum required. The commissioners knew that the Narragansets were a great nation, and that they could, at any time, upon short notice, pay a greater amount than they demanded. They considered the demand, not only as their just due, but as matter of policy, as far as was consistent with justice, to strip them of their wampum, to prevent their hiring the Mohawks, and other Indians, to join with them, in a general war against the colonies. They, therefore, insisted that the whole sum should be paid. They declared to him, that they were not satisfied with his answers. Ninigrate, after he had taken time to consult with his council, the other deputies, who were with him, answered, that he was determined to give the colonies full satisfaction. He desired ten days to send mes- *.v •hi: . .'f h'i 132 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1647 sengers to Narraganset, to collect the wampum due, and offered himself as hostage until their return. The messengers returned with no more than two hundred fathoms. Ninigrate imputed this to his absence. He desired liberty to return, promising, that if the whole sum should not be paid by the next spring, the com- missioners might take his head, and seize his country. The com- missioners agreed with him, that if within twenty days, he would deliver a thousand fathoms of wampum, and the remainder which was due by the next planting time, they would dismiss him. They also, for his encouragement, acquainted him, that although they might justly put the hostages to death, for their delays and breach of covenant, yet they would forthwith deliver them to him; and if they should find him punctual to his engagements, they would charge former defects to Pessacus. These terms he gladly ac- cepted. The commissioners from Connecticut, the last year, made com- plaint, that Mr. Pyncheon and the inhabitants at Springfield, re- fused to pay the impost which had been imposed by Connecticut for the maintenance of the fort at Saybrook. The commissioners judged, that the fort was of great consequence to the towns on the river; but, as the affair of the impost had not been laid before the general court of Massachusetts, and as the commissioners of that colony had no instructions respecting it, a full hearing had been deferred to this meeting. Meanwhile, the general court of the Massachusetts had taken up the affair, and passed a number of resolutions respecting the impost. These are a curiosity, exhibiting a lively picture of hu- man nature, and, in the course of conduct consequent upon them, will afford a general specimen of the manner in which the Massa- chusetts anciently treated her sister colonies. The resolutions were, at this meeting, laid before the commissioners, and were to the following effect. 1. That the jurisdiction at Hartford had not a legal power to force any inhabitant of another jurisdiction, to purchase any fort or lands out of their jurisdiction. 2. That it was injurious to require custom for the maintenance of a fort which is not useful to those of whom it was demanded. 3. That it was unequal for Connecticut to impose a custom upon their friends and confederates, who have no more bene'it of the river, by the exporting or importing of goods, than strangers of another nation, who, though they lived in Hartford, paid none. 4. That the propounding and standing upon an imposition of custom, to be paid at the river's mouth, by such as were of our jurisdiction, hindered our confederation ten years, and there was never any paid to this day; and that now to impose it upon them, after their confederation, would put them upon new thoughts. 5. That it appeared to them very hard, that any of their juris- 1647] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. V 133 diction should be forced to such a disadvantage, as would neces- sarily enslave their posterity, by imposing such rates and customs, as v/ould either constrain them to depart from their habitations, or weaken their estates; especially as they were with the first who took possession of the river, and were at great charge of building, &c. which if they had foreseen, they would not have made a plan- tation at ; at place. 6. If Hartford jurisdiction shall make use of their power over any of ours, we have the same' power to imitate them in the like kind, which they desired might be forborne on both sides. These resolutions were signed by the secretary of the colony. Mr. Hopkins replied, in behalf of Connecticut, that the first article laboured under a great mistake : that the imposition was neither to buy lands nor the fort. He observed also, that it was not material to what purpose an impost was applied, if it were lawful in itself, and did not exceed the bounds of moderation. With respect to the second article, he said, that it impeached all states and nations of injustice, no less than Connecticut : that their practice, in all similar cases, warranted the impost. He urged, that, for twelve years, the fort at Saybrook had been of special service to Springfield; and that it was so still, and might be for a number of years to come. He therefore insisted, that it was strictly just, that the inhabitants of that town should pay the im- post. He said he was willing to risk the case, and have it decided on the principles of strict justice. The third article, he observed, was a mere presumption, and had no just foundation; besides, if it were founded, he argued, that the comparison was not equal. The whole of the fourth article, he said, was a mistake : that the confederation was completed in about five years from the first mentioning of it, and that it was not retarded by the means sug- gested, nor were they ever mentioned. With reference to the fifth article, he replied, that all taxes weakened estates, and if this were a ground of objection against the impost, then no tax or im- post could ever be laid. He insisted, that the impost was just and moderate, and, therefore, could not enslave the inhabitants of Springfield. The towns in Connecticut, he observed, were set- tled before Springfield, and that town had been at no expense in making settlements, more than the towns in Connecticut. He said, if Connecticut, at any time, should become exorbitant in its impositions upon any of the colonies, they would find a remedy in the confederation. With reference to the last article, he de- clared his willingness, in all similar cases, to submit to the like imposition. The commissioners, upon a full hearing, determined, that it was of weighty consideration to all the plantations upon the river, that the mouth of it should be secured, and a safe passage for goods, up and down the river, be maintained, though at some ^a ■ir un il' \\r' ml r ! 134 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1647 expense; and, that as Springfield enjoyed the benefit, the inhabi- tants should pay the impost of two pence per bushel for corn, and a penny on the pound for beaver, or twenty shillings upon every hogshead. Nevertheless, out of respect and tenderness to the Massachusetts, it was resolved, that Springfield, or the general court, might have the liberty of exhibiting further reasons against the impost, if any should occur. At this meeting, Mr. John Winthrop, of Pequot, laid claim to the whole country of the western Nehanticks, including a consid- erable part of the town of Lyme. He represented, that he obtained the title to this large tract partly by purchase, and partly by deed of gift, before the Pequot war. He petitioned the commissioners to this effect : " Whereas I had the land at Nehantick by deed of gift and purchase from the sachem, before the Pequot war, I de- sire the commissioners would confirm it unto me, and clear it of all claims of English and Indians, according to the equity of the case." As he had no deed nor writing respecting the land, he produced the testimony of three Nehantick Indians. They testi- fied, that before the Pequot war, Sashions, their sachem, called all his men together, and told them, that he was determined to give his country to the governor's son, who lived at Pattaquasset,^ and that his men gave their consent: that afterwards he went to Mr. Winthrop, at Pattaquasset, and when he came back, said that he had granted all his country to the governor's son; and also, that he had received coats for it, which they saw him bring home. Three Englishmen also testified, that they had heard the Indians report the same concerning the grant of the Nehantick * country to Mr. Winthrop. Thomas Stanton deposed, that he remembered Sashions, sachem of the Nehanticks, did give his country to Mr. John Winthrop, before the Pequot war, and that he was inter- preter in that business. The commissioners of Connecticut pleaded against the claim of Mr. Winthrop, that his purchase bore no date; that the tract pretended to be purchased or given, was not circumscribed within any limits ; and that it did not appear, that the Indian, who granted the lands, had any right in them: that the grant was verbal, and, at most, could be but a vague business. They also urged, that it did not appear, but that Mr. Winthrop purchased the lands for the noblemen and gentlemen, in whose service he was, at that time, employed; and that, as the lands had been conquered, at the hazard and expense of Connecticut, before Mr. Winthrop made known his claim, whatever it was, it was then dormant, and of no validity. They further insisted, that, as they were not prepared to give a full answer, no decision might be made, 1 This is sometimes spelt Pamaquasset, and was, I suppose, the Indian name of Saybrook. ^ Some spelt it Neanticut. X647] i647l HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 135 should be fully heard with respect to the until Connecticut premises. The commissioners declined any decision of the controversy; but it does not appear that Mr. Winthrop ever after prosecuted his claim. As it seems Mr. Winthrop, about this time, had a de- sign of purchasing Long-Island, the commissioners took occa- sion to premonish him, that the Island was already under engage- ments for considerable sums of money, to a number of persons in Connecticut and New-Haven. They represented to him, that any title which might be derived from Mr. Cope, would be very precarious, as he had confessed a short time before his death.^ The commissioners, this year, brought in the number of polls in the several colonies, and made a settlement of their accounts. The whole expenditure of the confederates was 1043 pounds: 10 : o. There was due to Connecticut, 155 pounds: 17 : 7, wh'.ch the colony had expendec in the general defence, more than its proportion. New-Haven had expended 7 pounds : 0:0 more than its proportion. This was exclusive of all the expense which these two colonies had borne in defending themselves against the Indians at Stamford and its vicinity, and in attempting to bring the murderers of the English to condign punishment. Massachu- setts and Plymouth paid the balance to Connecticut and New- Haven. On the 27th of May, Peter Stuyvesant, who, the last year, had been appointed governor of New-Netherlands, arrived at Man- hadoes, and commenced his government of the Dutch settlements. The commissioners wrote him a long letter of congratulation. They complained also, that the Dutch sold arms and ammunition to the Indians, and even in the English plantations. They desired that an immediate stop might be put to 30 dangerous a trade. They made complaint also, that the Dutch had laid so severe an impost upon all goods, as greatly discouraged trading with them, while all the harbors in the united colonies were open and free to them. As the Dutch also imposed heavy fines or forfeitures for misentries, or defect in commissions, the commissioners de- sired to be made j/articularly acquainted with their customs. This winter, the fort and buildings at Saybrook unaccountably took fire. ai"\, with some goods, were destroyed. Captain Mason, with his wife and child, narrowly escaped the conflagration. The damage was estimated at more than a thousand pounds. ' Records of the united colonies. 1^ S 3 a i 5 ..■I :j t. f': 'ko' 136 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1648 CHAPTER IX. THE last year several persons began settlements at Pequot harbour. Lots were laid out to them, but part of them were soon discouraged, and left the plantation, lliis year Mr. Richard Blinman,^ who had been a minister in England, removed from Gloucester to this new settlement; in consequence of which a con- siderable addition was made to the number who had kept their station. By the next year, 1648, there was such an accession, that the inhabitants consisted of more than forty families. Some of the principal men were John Winthrop, Esq. the Rev. Mr. Blin- man, Thomas Minot, Samuel Lothrop, Robert AUyn and James Avery. For their encouragement, the general court granted them a three years exemption from all colonial taxation. Mr. Winthrop was authorized to superintend the affairs of the plantation. The next year a court was appointed for the trial of small causes. The judges were Mr. Winthrop, Thomas Minot and Samuel Lothrop. The Indian name of the place was Nameaug, alias Towawog. In 1654, the whole tract, now comprised within the towns of New- London and Groton, was called Pequot, from the name of the harbour and original inhabitants. By this it was known for about four years. On the 24th of March, 1658, the assembly passed an act respecting it, which is so curious, and expressive of the feelings of our ancestors towards their native country, as to render it worthy of publication. " Whereas, it hath been the commendable practice of the in- habitants of all the colonies of these parts, that as this country hath its denomination from our dear native country of England, and thence is called New-England; so the planters, in their first settling of most new plantations, have given names to those plan- tations of some cities and towns in England, thereby intending to keep up, and leave to postc-rivy, the memorial of several places of note there, as Boston, Hartford, Windsor, York, Ipswich, Braintree, Exeter; this court considering, that there hath yet no place in any of the colonies been named in memory of the city of London, there being a new plantation within this jurisdiction of Connecticut, settled upon that fair river Moheagan, in the Pequot country, being an excellent harbour and a fit and conven- ient place for future trade, it being also the only place which the > Mr. Blinman or Blynmon is first mentioned in MissCaulkins' History of New- London as being at that town in 1650. There is no evidence to show that Richard Blinman was established at New London until 1650, which is the date of the first recorded grant made to him. Miss Caulkins says, "A comparison of the records of Gloucester with those of New London show that he did not remove till 1650." — J. T. 1: lil; 1648] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 137 English in these parts have possessed by conquest, and that upon a very just war, upon that great and warlike people, the Pequots, we therefore that we might thereby leave to posterity that we memory of that renowned city of London, from whence we had our transportation, have thought fit, in honor to that famous city, to call the said plantation New-London." The name of the river was also changed and called the Thames.^ Until this time the governors and magistrates appear to have served the people for the honor of it, and the public good. The general court took the affair in' o their consideration, and granted the governor 30 pounds annua ly. The same sum was also voted for the deputy governor, who had presided the preceding year. These appear to have been the first salaries given to any civil officers in the colony, and to have been a compensation for the expense of the office, rather than for the service performed.' Upon the election at Hartford, May i8th, Mr. Hopkins was chosen governor, and Mr. Ludlow deputy governor. Mr. Haynes sup- plied the vacancy made by the advancement of Mi. Ludlow, and Mr. CuUick was elected magistrate and secretary in ^he place of Mr. Whiting. In September the commissioners of the united colonies con- vened at Plymouth. They were John Endicot and Simon Brad- street, from Massachusetts; William Bradford and John Brown from Plymouth; governor Hopkins and Roger Ludlow, from Connecticut; governor Eaton and John Astwood, from New- Haven. The Indians, both in the Nehantick and Narraganset country, and in the Western parts of Connecticut, had been more perfidious and outrageous this year than at any time since the Pequot war. The Narragansets and Nehanticks, instead of performing the fair promises which they had made, the last year, and of paying the wampum, which had been so long due, hired the Mohawk and Pocomtock Indians to unite with them in an expedition for the total destruction of Uncas and the Moheagans. The Pocomtocks made preparations and assembled for the purpose. They waited several days for the arrival of the Mohawks, who were to have joined them at that place. The Narragansets and Nehanticks re- moved their old men, women and children into swamps and fast- nesses, and prepared an army of 800 men, who were to form a junction with the Mohawk and Pocomtock Indians, in Connecti- cut, near the Moheagans. The governor and council, apprised of their designs, dispatched Thomas Stanton, their interpreter, and others to Pocomtock. ' Records of Connecticut and New London. ' On November 9, 1641, or seven years before this, the General Court voted to grant to the governor 160 bushels of com (about £24) ; and September 11, 1645, it was voted that "30/ in wheat and pease be paid to the Gou', and Indean com." Colonial Records, i : 69, 131.— J. T. 1 -fj 1 1 1 f! J ' ►>*., '*«ll 1.1 K4 -in ■ ■)'■ ' ' ■ >' (; r:: ■ til ■*>»'-' I> ■ I? :. :i r: 138 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1648 1648] They found the Pocomtocks actually met in arms, and waiting for the arrival of the Mohawks. It was represented that the Mo- hawks had four hundred fire arms, and a plenty of ammunition. The Pocomtocks acknowledged that they had been hired by the Narragansets. Such a confederacy was alarming to the colony. What such an army of savages might effect could not be deter- mined. It was dangerous to suffer them to march through the colony, and form a junction near the plantations. Several happy circumstances united their influence to frustrate this formidable combination. The early discovery of the designs of the enemy, by the people of Connecticut, and the precautions which were taken, had a great effect. The Pocomtocks and Mohawks were assured, that the English would defend Uncas against all his enemies, and would avenge all injuries which they should do him. The Mohawks had one or two of their sachems and a number of their men killed by the French. They therefore did not come on. The Pocomtock Indians did not choose to march without them; and the Narragansets, thus deserted, were afraid to pro- ceed. Thus the expedition failed. The Narragansets not only plotted against the united colonies, but committed many outrages against the people of Rhode- Island. They made forcible entries into their houses, struck and abused the owners, stole and purloined their goods. At Warwick especially, they were exceedingly troublesome. They killed, in that plantation, about a hundred cattle, exclusive of other in- juries which they did to the inhabitants. Indeed, the Rhode- Islanders were so harassed, that they made application, by their representatives, to the commissioners, to be admitted to the con- federation of the united colonies. The commissioners replied, that they found their present state to be full of confusion and danger, and that they were desirous of giving them both advice and help. They however observed, that as the plantation made at Rhode-Island, fell within the limits of the ancient patent granted to the colony of New-Plymouth, they could not receive them as a distinct confederate. They repre- sented, that it was the design of the honourable committee of parliament, that the limits of that colony should not be abridged or infringed. They proposed, that if the Rhode-Islanders would acknowledge themselves to be within the limits of Plymouth col- ony, they would advise how they might be received on equitable terms, with a tender regard for their convenience; and that they would afford them the same advice and protection, which they did the other plantations within the united colonies. The commissioners sent messengers again to the Narraganset and Nehantick Indians, to charge their treachery upon them, remonstrate against their conduct, and demand the arrearages of wampum which were yet unpaid. Their outrages against the in- fir " ;* !V:. 1648] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 139 habitants of Rhode-Island were particularly noticed, and the sa- chems were peremptorily charged to keep their men under better government. The colonies wished to exhibit all forbearance towards the Indians, and, if possible, to preserve the peace of the country. They chose rather to restrain the natives by policy and the arts of peace, than by the swords The general court of Massachusetts was, by no means, pleased with the determination of the commissioners, the last year, rela- tive to the impost to be paid at Skybrook. A committee was, there- fore, appointed to draft an answer to the observations and plead- ings of governor Hopkins before the commissioners, at their former sessions. The committee introduced their answer with a number of ques- tions relative to the articles of confederation. Some were calcu- lated to make nothing of them, and exhibit them in a point of light entirely contemptible. Others related to the power of the commissioners, and to the degree in which obedience was due to their determinations. They inquired whether a non-compliance with the orders of the commissioners would be a breach of the articles of confederation? They complained, that they had not a greater number of commissioners, as Massachusetts was much larger than the other colonies. They proposed, that they should have the privilege of sending three commissioners, and that the meetings of the confederates should be triennial. They then pro- ceeded to a large reply to the arguments of governor Hopkins; and attempted to vindicate the reasons which they had given be- fore against the impost. In addition to what they had formerly offered, they endeavoured to show, that if Springfield was bene- fitted by the fort at Saybrook, and ought to pay the impost on that account, that New-Haven, Stamford, and all the towns on that side of the river, ought to pay it no less ; because they had been already benefitted, and might be hereafter. Since this was the case, as they pleaded, they objected against the commissioners of New-Haven, as disqualified to judge in the case. They, also, objected against the decision of the commissioners, because it was made, as they said, without a sight of the Connecticut patent. They insisted, that if the patent had been produced, there might have been some clause which would have helped their case. The committee pleaded a priority of possession. They affirmed, that the first possession of Saybrook fort was taken by Mr. John Win- throp, in November, 1635; ^"^ o"'" possession was before that: for those who went from Watertown, Cambridge, Roxbury, and Dorchester, the summer before, took possession in our name and right; and had a commission of government from us, and some ordnance for their defence. And in this state they remained a good space. In fine they urged, that if the impost were lawful, it was not expedient; that they could view it in no other light i!|! at :) I ' '0 h 'iV MO HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1648 1648] !* i'- than as a bone of contention, to interrupt their happy union and brotherly love. Indeed, they represented, that it laid them under temptations to help themselves in some other way. This was adopted by the general court. GovvTnor Hopkins and Mr. Ludlow insisted on the answers which had been given the last year, to the arguments of the gen- eral court of the Massachusetts. They attempted to show, that, notwithstanding all which had been urged, the arguments in fa- vour of the impost remained unanswered, and in their full force. They observed, that whatever propositions might have been made by the Massachusetts, in 1638, with respect to the exemption of plantations under their government from an impost, nothing was ever granted upon that head: that affairs were now in a very different state from what they were at the time of the confedera- tion. They urged, that now the charge of the fort and garrison at Saybrook, lay upon the colony; which was not the case at that time; and that nothing could be fairly pleaded from the cir- cumstances in which the colonies confederated. With respect to priority of right, and the commission which had been mentioned, they observed, that the commission of gov- ernment was taken, salvo jure, of the interest of the gentlemen who had the patent of Connecticut, this commission taking rise from the desire of the people that removed, who judged it inex- pedient to go away without any frame of government, not from any claim of the Massachusetts jurisdiction over them by virtue of patent. With reference to the decision of the commissioners, without seeing the Connecticut patent, they observed, that a copy of it was exhibited at the time of the confederation; that it had been well known to many; and that the Massachusetts in particular knew, that it had recently been owned by the honourable com- mittee of parliament; and that equal respect and power had been given by it to all within its limits, as had been either to Massachusetts or Plymouth, within the limits of their respective patents. As to the inexpediency of the impost, as tending to disturb the peace and brotherly love subsisting between the colonies, they replied, that it was their hope and earnest desire, that in all the proceedings of the confederation, truth and peace might embrace euch other. But they insisted, that pleading for truth and right- eousness ought, by no means, to disturb peace or brotherly affec- tion. Indeed, they maintained, that things which were rational, and consistent with truth and righteousness, should never be an occasion of oflfence to any. The commissioners of Connecticut, at this time, produced an authentic copy of their patent, and governor Hopkins offered to attest it upon oath. As this was the third year since the affair Pit ml i&tS] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 141 of the impost had been litigated before the commissioners, it was urged, that it might have a final issue, agreeable to truth and righteousness. Governor Hopkins and Mr. Ludlow disputed the southern boundary of Massachusetts, and claimed Springfield as lying within the limits described in the patent of Connecticut. The commissioners judged, that the objections offered against the gentlemen from New-Haven, were insufficient, and the com- missioners from Massachusetts gave them up. Upon the whole, after a full hearing and mature deliberation, the former order, in favour of Connecticut, was confirmed.* Notwithstanding the congratulatory letter, which the commis- sioners addressed to Stuyvesant, the Dutch governor, t their last session, he proved not the most comfortable neighbour He gave no answer to the complaints which had been stated to h»m, in 'heir letter. He transmitted no account of the customs laid upon the English merchants, nor of the cases in which the Dutch made seizures, so that it was extremely difficult to know on wiiat term . they could trade, or how to escape fines, seizures, and confisca- tions. By Stuyvesant's order, the Dutch seized a vessel of Mr. Westf : - house, a Dutch merchant and planter at New-Haven, while rid'iig at anchor within the harbour. He preferred a complaint to he commissioners. He came in from Virginia, and gave evidence, that, when he sailed thence, he made a full payment of all the customs. The commissioners wrote to the Dutch governor on the subject, and remonstrated against such a flagrant insult to the united colonies, and against the injustice done to Mr. West* r- house. They protested against the Dutch claim to all the lands, rivers, and streams, from Cape Henlopen to Cape Cod: and as- serted their claim to all the lands and plantations in the united colonies, as anciently granted by the kings of England to their subjects, and since purchased by them of the Indians, the original proprietors. At the same time, they assured him, that they ; • yected satis- faction, both for the injury and aflfront, in taking a ship out of one of their harbours, upon such a challenge and title to the place, unjustly claimed without purchase, possessio-v or any other con- siderable ground. They represented to hif in strong terms, the absolute necessity of a meeting for tht adjustment of the differ- ences between the Dutch and the united colonies. They professed themselves to be inclined to pursue all proper counsels for that purpose. As his letters to them, as well as to the governors of Massachusetts and New-Haven, had been expressed in such in- determinate language on the subject, they wished him to be more explicit. They avowed their determination, that, until such time as the Dutch should come to an amicable settlement of the points ■ Recordi of the united colonies. *" mi 4 >• ;i \' "■ 'Ml 142 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1648 1649] D " 1 ' i' r ,;;,.;■ 1:!: &h in controversy, neither their merchants nor mariners should enjoy any privilege, in any of the English plantations or harbours, either of anchoring, searching, or seizing, more than the English did at the Manhadoes. They declared, that if, upon search, they should find arms and ammunition on board any of the Dutch ships, for the mischievous purpose of vending them within the limits of the united colonies, to the Indians, they would seize them, until fur- ther inquiry and satisfaction should be made. In short, they avowed their purpose of treating the Dutch mariners and mer- chants in the English harbours and plantations, in the same man- ner in which they treated the English. They declared, that, if the Dutch should proceed to seize any vessel or goods, within any of the harbours of the united colonies, whether of English, Dutch, or any other nation, admitted to be planters in any of the said colonies, they should be necessitated to vindicate their rights, and to repair the damages by all just means.^ Soon after the meeting of the commissioners, Mr. John Whit- more, of Stamford, was murdered by the Indians. He was a peace- able, worthy man, and one of the representatives of the town in the general court at New-Haven. He fell as he was seeking cattle in the woods. The sachem's son first carried the news into town, and reported that one Toquattoes had killed him, and had some of his clothes, of which he gave a particular description. From this circumstance, it was suspected, that he was either a principal or an accomplice in the crime. No such evidence, however, could be obtained as would warrant the apprehending him. The Eng- lish took g^eat pains to find the remains of Mr. Whitmore, but could make no discovery at that time. About two months after, Uncas, with several of his Indians, went to Stamford, and making inquiry concerning Mr. Whitmore's body, the sachem's son and one Kehoran, another of the natives who had been suspected, led Uncas, with his men, and a number of the English, directly to the place of his remains. Upon carrying them into town, the sachem's son and Kehoran fell a-trembling, and manifested such signs of guilt, that the Moheagans declared that they were guilty. But before they could be apprehended, they made their escape. The Indians at Stamford and its vicinity, either through fear of their sachem, or favour to his son, or from some other cause, charged the murder upon Toquattoes. But neither he, nor the other sus- pected persons, were delivered up, nor could the English bring them to any examination respecting the subject. About the same time it was reported, that the Indians upon Long-Island had, some years before, murdered a number of Eng- lishmen, who were part of the crew of a vessel of one Mr. Cope, which had been cast away near the island. These instances of bloodshed gave great alarm to Connecticut and New-Haven, es- ' Records of the united coloniei. ii!): 1649] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. ^ pecially to Stamford, and the towns in that vicinity. Mrs. Whit- more, by letters and messengers, sued for justice against the mur- derers of her husband. The Indians grew haughty and insolent, and censured the conduct of the English. It was dangerous to suffer such crimes to be unpunished, as it would embolden the natives to be constantly massacreing the English. But as nothing could be done, in this case, except by an armed force, it was de- ferred to the consideration of the commissioners of the united colonies. At the general election in Connecticut, May 17th, 1649, Mr. Haynes was chosen governor, and Mr. Hopkins deputy-governor. Mr. Ludlow took his place again among the magistrates. The other officers were as they had been the preceding year. In consequence of the burning of the old fort at Saybrook, a new one was begun the last year, at a place called the new fort hill. At this session of the assembly, orders were given for the erecting of a new dwelling-house in the fort, and for completing the works and buildings at Saybrook. The magistrates were em- powered to impress suitable hands for carrying the business into effect, and appropriations were made for that purpose. Whereas t'le commissioners of Massachusetts, in their plead- ings before the commissioners of the united colonies, at their last session, had expressed their doubts, whether the act of Connecti- cut, imposing a duty upon certain articles exported from Con- necticut river, had any respect to the inhabitants of Springfield, the general court declared, that they had particular respect to them, as under the government of the Massachusetts. They also resolved, that, in their best apprehensions, nothing was imposed on them more than was strictly just, or than had been imposeti on themselves; and that they ought to submit to the impost. They declared, that the execution of the act, with respect to their brethren at Springfield, had been deferred, only that the judg- ment of the commissioners of the other colonies might be had on the premises. The assembly also resolved, that they were wholly unsatisfied that Springfield did fall within the true limits of the Massachusetts patent. They also expressed their earnest wishes, that the line might be speedily and fully settled, in right- eousness and peace. It was ordered, that these resolutions should be laid before the commissioners at their next meeting, Mr. Ludlow had, for several years successively, been desired by the general court to make a collection of the laws which had been enacted, and to revise, digest, and prepare a body of laws for the colony. He had now finished the work, and at this session a code vvC" established. Until this time, punishments, in many instances, had been un- certain and arbitrary. They had been left wholly to the discretion of the court. Defamation had, in some instances, been punished : i; ' I ; ■tm ! M :■]- it ■rfi ! !1M' 144 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1649 by fine, repeated scourging, and imprisonment.^ For violation of the sabbath, there is an instance of imprisonment during the pleasure of the court. Unchastity between single persons was, sometimes, punished by setting the delinquent in the pillory, and by whipping him from one town to another. But, from this time, the laws, in general, became fixed, and the punishment of partic- ular crimes was specified, so that delinquents might know what to expect, when they had the temerity to transgress. The statute now requirea a jury of twelve men: that in cases in which they were doubtful with respect to law, they should bring in a non liquet, or special verdict; and that matter of law should be determined by the bench, as it is at the present time. But if, after the jury had been sent out repeatedly, the court judged they had mistaken the evidence, and brought in a wrong verdict, they were authorized, in civil cases, to impannel a new jury. The court, also, retained the power of lessening and increasing the damages given by the jury, as they judged most equitable.' All cases of life, limb, or banishment, were determined by a special jury of twelve able men, and a verdict could not be accepted unless the whole jury were agreed. Connecticut now had the appearance of a well regulated commonwealth. An extraordinary meeting of the commissioners was holden July 23, at Boston. The members were Thomas Dudley, Esq'r. Mr. Simon Bradstreet, William Bradford, Esq'r. Mr. John Brown, Edward Hopkins, Esq'r. Mr. Thomas Wells, Governor Eaton, and Mr. John Astwood. Governor Eaton, in behalf of the colony of New-Haven, pro- posed that effectual measures might be immediately adopted for the settlement of Delaware bay. The title which a number of merchants, at New-Haven, had to extensive tracts on both sides of the river, by virtue of fair purchases from the Indians, was laid before the commissioners. The fertility of the soil, the healthful- ness of the country, the convenience of the several rivers, the great advantages of settlements, and a well regulated trade there, not only to New-Haven, but to all the New-England colonies, were strongly represented. The commis ioners, after a full hearing and mature delibera- tion, were of the opinion, that the circumstances of the colonies were such, that it would not be prudent, at that time, by any pub- lic act, to encourage the settlement of those tracts. Besides the contest with the Dutch and the danger of involving the colonies in war, it was observed, that they had scarcely sufficient numbers 1 In 1646, one Robert Bartlett, for defamation, was sentenced to stand in the pillory during the public lecture, then to be whipped, pay £^, and suffer six months imprisonment. This year one Daniel Turner, for the same crime, was sentenced to be whipped, and then be imprisoned a month ; at the month's end to go to the post again, and then to be bound to his good behaviour. ' Old Connecticut code, p. 37. 1649] i649l HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 145 in the nonths [tenced to the of men at home for their own defence, and the prosecution of the necessf ry affairs of their respective plantations. It was therefore recommended to the merchants and gentlemen at New-Haven, either to settle or make sale of the lands which they had, as should appear most expedient. The commissioners resolved, that if any persons in the united colonies should attempt, without their consent, to make settlements on the lands, or to do any thing injurious to the rights of the purchasers, that they would neither own nor protect them in their unjust attempts.* The murder of Mr. Whitmore, and the other murders which the Indians had committed against the English, were fully con- sidered. The commissioners therefore resolved, that the guilty should be delivered up; and if they were not, that the sachem, at Stamford, or his son, should be apprehended and kept in durance, until they should be secured, and justice have its course. They ordered, that search should be made with respect to the murders, said to be committed, at Long-Island, and, if evidence could be obtained, to apprehend the delinquents and bring them to justice. Some time before t!:e meeting of the commissioners, the Indians upon Long-Island perpetrated murder at Southhold. They rose, in a hostile manner, for several days round the town. The inhabi- tants were obliged to arm and stand upon their defence against them for a considerable time; and afterwards to keep a strong and vigilant guard by night. The town was not only exceedingly alarmed and distressed, but put to great expense. They therefore made application to the commissioners for relief. But they would not consent, that the colonies in general should bear any of the charge, in such instances. They determined in this case, as they had done before with respect to other towns in the jurisdictions of Connecticut and New-Haven. The colonies and towns, which had suffered, had been obliged to bear all the expense of defend- ing Stamford and other places, Uncas and the Moheagans, in all instances in which they had not been warranted, by the particular directions of the commissioners. The Narraganset and Nehantick Indians still persisted in their murderous designs against Uncas, and in their perfidious conduct towards the colonies. The alarming aspect of affairs, with respect to them, was the occasion of this extraordinary meeting. An Indian, hired by the Narraganset and Nehantick sachems to kill Uncas, going on board a vessel in the Thames, where he was, ran him through the breast with a sword. The wound, at first, was judged to be mortal ; Uncas however finally recovered. At this meeting, he presented himself before the commissioners, and complained of the assault made upon him ; and affirmed, that these sachems had hired the Mohawks and other Indians against him, as well as an assassin to kill him secretly. He complained ■ Records of the united colonies. I- 'r-.4 il 111- til., I HI ■ H 1' •i' m I4<3 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1649 also, that the Narragansets had neither restored his canoes nor his captives, us had been expressly demanded and stipulated. He prayed, that, as he had ever been friendly and faithful to the col- onies, they would provide for his safety, avenge these outrages, and do him justice. Ninigrate was examined before the commissioners on these points; and it was proved, by the confession of the Mohawks themselves, that the Narragansets had hired them against Uncas. The Indian, who had wounded Uncas, declared, that he had been hired by Pessacus and Ninigrate. Ninigrate made but a poor defence, either of himself or Pessacus. The commissioners dis- missed him, entirely unsatisfied, and assured him, that unless he immediately complied with the terms on which they had formerly agreed, they should leave him to his own counsels. The colonies were alarmed with the report, that one of the brothers of Sassacus, or his son, was about to marry the daughter of Ninigrate: and it was njcctured, that the Narraganset and Nchantick Indians were concerting a plan to collect the scattered remains of the Pequots, and to set them up as a distinct nation with the son, or brother of Sassacus, at their head. The commis- sioners viewed the colonies as upon the commencement of an Indian war, and gave directions, that they should be immediately prepared for any emergency. The Pequots, who had been given to Uncas, had now for more than two years revolted from him, and lived separately, as a dis- tinct clan. In 1647, they complained to the commissioners, that Uncas and the Moheagans had abused them. They represented, that, though they had submitted and been faithful to him, assisted him in his wars, been esteemed as his men, and paid him tribute, he had nevertheless grossly injured them. They said, that he had required tribute of them, from time to time, upon mere pretences; and that since they had been put under him, they paid him wampum forty times. They alleged, that upon the death of one of his children, he gave his squaw presents and ordered them to comfort her in the same way; and that they presented her with a hundred fathom of wampum: That Uncas was pleased, and promised that, for the future, he would esteem and treat them as Moheagans. They affirmed, that notwithstanding this engage- ment, the Moheagans wronged them in their plays, and deprived them of their just rights. Obachickquid, one of their chief men, complained that Uncas had taken away his wife and used her as his own. They proved, that Uncas had wounded some of them, and plundered the whole company. They prayed, that the Eng- lish would interpose for their relief, and take them under their protection. The petition was presented in the behalf of more than sixty. The commissioners found these charges so well supported, that 1649] one 1649] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 147 that Ihey ordered Uncas to be reproved, and decreed, that he should restore Obachickquid his wife, and pay damages for the injuries he had done the Pequots. They also fined him a hundred fathom of wampum. Nevertheless, as it had been determined, by Connecticut, that the name of the Pequots should be extin- guished, and that they should not dwell in their own country, it was resolved that they should return, and be in subjection to Uncas. He was directed to receive them without revenge, and to govern them with moderation, in all respects, as he did the Moheagans. They did not however return to Uncas; but an- nually presented their petition to the commissioners to be taken under the protection of the English, and to become their subjects. They pleaded, that though their tribe had done wrong, and were justly conquered, yet that they had killed no English people; and that Wequash had promised them, if they would flee their coun- try, and not injure the colonies, that they would do them no harm. To ease them, as far as might be consistent with former determi- nations, the commissioners recommended it to Connecticut to provide some place for them, which might not injure any partic- ular town, where they might plant and dwell together. At the same time, they were directed to be in subjection to Uncas; and it was again enjoined on him to govern them with impartiality and kindness. Mr. Westerhouse renewed his complaint respecting the seizure of his vessel, in the harbour of New-Haven. He alleged, that besides the loss of his vessel, and the advantages of trading, the prime cost of his goods was 2,000 pounds ; and that, after repeated application to the Dutch governor, he had not been able to obtain the least compensation. He had therefore petitioned the govern- ment of New-Haven, that some Dutch vessel might be taken by way of reprisal. He now petitioned the commissioners for liberty to make reprisals, by way of indemnification, until he should ob- tain satisfaction. Though the commissioners declared against the injustice of the seizure, and regretted both the insult done to the united colonies, and the damages sustained by Mr. Westerhouse, yet they declined granting him a commission to make reprisals. They judged it expedient first to negotiate. . They therefore wrote to the Dutch governor, that Mr. Wester- house had applied to them for a commission to make reprisals, and that they had not granted his petition, as they wished first to acquaint him with the motion, and to represent to him the equity of making reprisals, unless justice should be done him some other way. They again avowed their claim to all parts of the united colonies. They asserted the right of New-Haven to Delaware bay, and assured him, that it would not be given up. They complained of his letter, the last year, that it was, in various r 1 ) ,' *^„ sfnM JF -■ ''i ■ B 11 fir m M- 148 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1649 1649] a' Sill 'i| !i; respects, unsatisfying; and that with regard to that dangerous trade of arms and ammunition carried on with the Indians, at fort Aurania and in the English plantations, it was wholly silent. They observed, that all differences, between them and the Dutch, might have been amicably settled, had it pleased him to attencl the meeting of the commissioners, at Boston, according to the invitation which they had given him. As that was not agreeable to him, they avowed their designs of making provision for their own safety. To prevent the vending of arms and ammunition to the Indians in the united colonies, they passed the following resolve : " That after due application hereof, it shall not be lawful for any French- man, Dutchman, or person of any foreign nation, or any English- man living among them, or under the government of any of them, to trade with any Indian or Indians within this jurisdiction, either directly or indirectly, by themselves or others, under the penalty of confiscation of all such goods and vessels as shall be found so trading, or the true value thereof, upon just proof of any goods or vessels so traded or trading." The gentlemen from Massachusetts, at this meeting, again brought on the dispute between them and Connecticut relative to the impost. They pretended, that Mr. Fenwick, some years before, had promised to join with them, in running the line, but that as he had not done it, and it had now been done by them, at their own expense, and to their satisfaction, it ought to be sat- isfactory to all others, who could make no legal claim to the ad- jacent lands. This they insisted that Connecticut could not, be- cause they had no patent. The commissioners from Connecticut denied the facts which had been stated. They insisted, that Mr. Fenwick never had agreed to run the line with them ; and that their running the line, at their own expense, was not owing to any defect of his, nor on the part of Connecticut; for they ran the line a year before the dispute with Mr. Fenwick respecting Waranoke. Besides, they said, what he promised at that time, was not to run the line, but to clear his claim to that plantation. With respect to the patent, they acknowledged, they had not indeed exhibited the original, but a true copy, to the authenticity of which Mr. Hopkins could give oath. They observed, it was well known that they had a patent; that the original was in England, and could not then be exhibited; and that the Massachusetts insisting on this point was an entire bar to the amicable settlement of the line between the colonies. Mr. Hopkins insisted, that the southerly extent of the Massachusetts patent ought first to be mutually settled ; then he proposed, that the line should be run by skilful men, mutually chosen, and at the mutual expense of the colonies. The commis- sioners from Connecticut indeed declared, that it was evident. 1649] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 149 beyond all doubt, that Springfield, at first, was settled in combina- tion with Connecticut; and, that it had been acknowledged to be so even by the colony of Massachusetts. They affirmed, that when propositions were sent, by governor Winthrop, to the plantations upon the river, in 1637, relative to a confederation of the New- England colonies, Mr. Pyncheon, in prosecution of that design, was, in 1638, chosen and sent as a commissioner from Connecti- cut, to act in their behalf: That it was at this time, and never be- fore, he suggested his apprehensions, that Springfield would fall within the limits of Massachusetts; and that this was received as a fact without any evidence of what had been alleged. They expressed it, as their full persuasion, that Mr. Pyncheon's repre- sentations and motion, at that time, originated from a pang of discontent which had o v ertaken him, in consequence of a censure laid upon him, by the general court of Connecticut.* They con- cluded by expressing their earnest wishes, that both the govern- ment of the Massachusetts and their commissioners would cc>i- sider, that they did not comply with the advice of the commis- sioners relative to the present dispute; and that they insisted upon what they knew could not, at that time, be obtained. They charged them, with an unwillingness to submit the diflferences, subsisting between them and Connecticut, to the mature and im- partial judgment of the commissioners of the other colonies, ac- cording to the true intent of the confederation. In a very modest and respectful manner, they referred it to the serious considera- tion of their brethren of the Massachusetts, whether their conduct was not directly contrary to the articles and design •>f the confed- erates, to which they all ought to pay a conscientious regard.'^ The commissioners finally decided the controversy in favor of Connecticut. Upon this the gentlemen from Massachusetts pro- duced an order of their general court, passed by way of retalia- tion, imposing a duty upon all goods belonging to any of the in- habitants of Plymouth, Connecticut or New-Haven, imported within the castle, or exported from any part of the bay.' This was very extraordinary indeed, as it was contrary to all the arguments from justice, liberty, expediency, or brotherly love, which they had pleaded against their sister colony. It was ex- travagant and unreasonable, as it respected Connecticut; as the impost at Saybrook affected the inhabitants of one of their towns only; and that solely upon the export of two or three articles; whereas their impost was upon the inhabitants of all the planta- tions in the colony; and upon all their imports, as well as exports. With respect to the other colonies, who had laid no kind of im- ■ It seems the court had blamed him for a particular instance of his conduct in trading with the Indians. ' Records of the united colonies. ^ Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 154, 155. i ni H * 1 iiM 'i i wiwuw w umi w imt»wlii'^- -> 1' ' 1 * 'i 11 1 [ i 'I ' 'i' K •1 I't'l « ft I" n u Ml 150 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1649 position on any of the inhabitants of Massachusetts, it was still more unjust and cruel. The commissioners from Plymouth, Connecticut and New- Haven, in consequence of this extraordinary act, drew up the following declaration and remonstrance, addressed to the general court of Massachusetts. "A difiference between the Massachusetts and Connecticut, concerning an impost at Saybrook, required of Springfield, having long depended, the commissioners hoped, according to the ad- vice at Plymouth, might, at this meeting, have been satisfyingly issued: but upon the perusal of some late orders made by the general court of the Massachusetts, they find, that the line on the south side of the Massachusetts jurisdiction is neither run, nor the place whence it should be run agreed: That the original patent for Connecticut, or an authentic exemplification thereof, (though Mr. Hopkins hath offered upon oath to assert the truth of the copy by himself presented,) is now required; and that a burthensome custom, is, by the Massachusetts, lately imposed not only upon Connecticut, interested in the impost at Saybrook, but upon Ply- mouth and New-Haven colonies, whose commissioners, as arbi- trators, according to an article in the confederation, have been only exercised in the question, and that upon the desire of the Massachusetts, and have impartially, according to their best light, declared their apprehensions; which custom and burthen, (griev- ous in itself) seems the more unsatisfying and heavy, because divers of the Massachusetts deputies, who had a hand in making the law, acknowledge, and the preface imports it, that it is a re- turn, or retaliation upon the three colonies for Saybrook: and the law requires it of no other English, nor of any stranger of what nation soever. How far the premises agree with the law of love, and with the tenor and import of the articles of confedera- tion, the commissioners tender and recommend to the serious consideration of the general court for the Massachusetts. And in the mean time desire to be spared in all future agitations respect- ing Springfield." ^ Governor Hutchinson observes, that this law was produced to the dishonor of the colony: That had the Massachusetts imposed a duty upon goods from Connecticut only, they might, at least, have had a colour to justify them ; but that extending their resent- ment to the other colonies, because their commissioners had given judgment against them, admitted of no excuse. It was a mere exertion of power, and a proof of their great superiority, which enabled them, in effect, to depart from the union, whenever they found it to be for their interest. If it had been done by a single magistrate, it would have been pronounced tyrannical and op- pressive. He observes that, in all ages and countries, communi- • Records of the united colonies. i649l HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 151 ties of men have done that, of which most of the individuals, of whom they consisted, would, acting separately, have been ashamed.^ The Massachusetts treated Connecticut in the same ungenerous manner, with respect to the line between the colonies. In 1642, they employed one Nathaniel Woodward and Solomon Saflfery, whom Douglass calls two obscure sailors, to run the Hne between them and Connecticut. They arbitrarily fixed a boundary, as th« exact point to which three miles south of every part of Charles river would carry them. Thence by water they proceeded up Con- necticut river, and setting up their compass in the same latitude, as they supposed, declared, that the Hne struck the chimney of one Bissell's house, the most northern building then in the town of Windsor. This was a whole range of towns south of the true line between the colonies. Connecticut considered the boundary fixed as entirely arbitrary, and six or eight miles further south than it ought to have been. They imagined, that the error at Windsor was still greater, as no proper allowance had been made for the variation of the needle. They viewed the manner in which this had been effected, as contrary to all the rules of justice, and to the modes in which differences of that magnitude ought to be accommodated. The utmost extent of Narraganset river was their north line, and they were persuaded, that this would run so far north as to comprehend the town of Springfield, and other towns in the same latitude. Therefore, neither Connecticut, nor the commissioners of the united colonies, considered any boun- dary as properly settled, whence the line should be run, nor any line run between the colonies. Connecticut wished to have the southern boundary of Massa- chusetts mutually settled and the Hne run, at the joint expense of the two colonies; but Massachusetts would neither consent to this, nor even allow that the copy of the Connecticut patent was authentic. For nearly seventy years they encroached upon this colony, and settled whole towns within its proper limits. The general court of Connecticut adopted the recommendation of the commissioners, with respect to the prohibition of all trading of foreigners among the Indians of the united colonies. They made the penalty to be the confiscation of all vessels and goods employed in such trade. The court also, after conferring with New-Haven, determined to avenge the blood of John Whitmore, of Stamford; and, con- sidering all its circumstances, and the conduct of the Indians in the town, and bordering upon it, resolved, that it was lawful to make war upon them. It was ordered, that fifty men should be immediately drafted, armed, and victualled, for the purpose of bringing the murderers to condign punishment, or of arresting ' Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 155, 156. '»i. Sk, 152 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [i6$o Other Indians, until the delinquents should be delivered to justice.^ These spirited measures appear to have had the desired effect. The Indians at Stamford, it seems, became peaceable, and there is nothing further upon the records respecting any trouble with them. 1650] V I :i I 1; ii |; «' I'M CHAPTER X. UPON the election at Hartford, May i6th, Mr. Hopkins was chosen governor, and Mr. Haynes deputy governor. Mr. Clark was added to the magistrates. The court consisted of thirty-two members; the governors, ten assistants, and twenty deputies. The court had granted a thousand acres of land to captain Ma- son, for his good services in the Pequot war; five hundred to himself, and Ave hundred to be given to his five best ofhcers and soldiers. It was now ordered, that the five hundred acres granted to the soldiers, should be laid out for them at Pequot, or in the Neanticut country. The next year the court made a grant of Chippachauge island, ui Mystic bay, and a hundred and ten acrei of land at Mystic, to the captain. The commissioners met September sth at Hartford. The meet- ing consisted of Mr. Simon Bradstreet and Mr. William Haw- thorne, Mr. Thomas Prince and Mr. John Brown, and of Gover- nors Hopkins and Haynes, Eaton and Goodyear. Governor Hop- kins was chosen president. As the Narragansets still neglected to pay the tribute which had been so many years due, the commissioners dispatched cap- tain Atherton, of Massachusetts, with twenty men, to demand and collect the arrearages. He was authorised, if they should not be paid, upon demand, to seize on the best articles he could find, to the full amount of what was due; or on Pessacus, the chief sa- chem, or any of his children, and carry them oflf. Upon his ar- rival among the Narragansets, he found the sachem recurring to his former arts, putting him off with deceitful and dilatory an- swers, and not suffering him to approach his presence. In the mean time, he was collecting his warriors about him. The cap- tain, therefore, marched directly to the door of his wigwam, where posting his men, he entered himself with his pistol in his hand, and seizing Pessacus by the hair of his head, drew him from the midst of his attendants, declaring, that if they should make the least resistance, he \\ uuld dispatch him in an instant. This bold stroke gave him such an alarm, that he at once paid all the ar- rearages. * Recordi of Connecticut. ^. i65ol HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 153 Ninigrate, sachem of the Nehanticks, continuing his perBdious practices, began to lay claim to tlic Pcquot country, and appeared to be concerting a plan to recover it from the English. Captain Athcrton, therefore, made him a visit, and, according to his in- structions, assured him, that the commissioners were no stranger? to his intrigues, in marrying his daughter to the brother of Sas- sacus ; in collecting the Pequots under him, as though he designed to become their head ; and in his claims and attempts respecting the Pequot country. He remonstrated against his conduct, as directly opposite to all the covenants subsisting between him and the English colonics. He protested to him, that the colonies would never suffer him to accomplish his designs; either to pos- sess any part of the country which they had conquered, or even to hunt within its limits. He demanded where the brother of Sassacuswas? What numbers he had with him? And what were his designs? He insisted upon categorical answers, that the com- missioners might order their affairs accordingly. Having, in this spirited manner, accomplished his business, he returned in safety. Stuyvesant, the Dutch governor, arrived at Hartford September I ith. He had been often invited to attend the meeting of the com- missioners, with a view to the accommodation of the difficulties subsisting between him and the English colonies. He chose to treat by writing, and on the 13th ^ day of September, he intro- duced his correspondence with the commissioners. In his letter he complained of the encroachments made upon the West India company, and the injuries done them, both by Connecticut and New-Haven. He pretended, that the Dutch, in behalf of said company, had purchased the lands upon the river, of the native Americans, before any other nation had bought them, or laid any claim to them. He, therefore, demanded a full surrender of said lands, and such compensation as the nature of the case required. He also complained of the act prohibiting all foreigners to trade in the English colonies, and that the English sold goods so cheap to the natives, as to ruin the trade for other nations. He con- cluded with intimations of his willingness to settle a general pro- visional line, between the Dutch and English plantations, by a joint writing to their superiors in England and Holland, or by the decision of agents, mutually chosen and empowered for that pur- pose. The commissioners, observing that his letter was dated at New- Netherlands, replied, that they would not treat, unless he would alter the name of the place where he wrote. He answered, that if they would not date at Hartford, he would not at New-Nether- lands, but at Connecticut. They consented, that he should date at Connecticut, but claimed a right for themselves to date at Hart- > 23d old style, as he dated. |H{ Mj li 154 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [i6jo ffl' )' mi W ' Mr r'-i-'-l-' ford. He gave up the right of dating at the Netherlands, and the treaty proceeded. The commissioners replied to his complaints, to this effect: That their title to Connecticut river, and the adjacent country, had been often asserted, and made sufficiently evident, both to the Dutch and English; and that they hoped amply to prove their title to what they enjoyed, by patent, purchase, and possession. Consequently, they insisted, that they had made no encroach- ments on the honorable West India company, nor done them the least injury. They affirmed, that they knew not what the Dutch claimed, nor upon what grounds: That at some times they claimed all the lands upon the river, and at others, a part only : That their claim was founded sometimes upon one thing, and at other times upon another; and that it had been so various and uncertain, as to involve the whole affair in obscurity. With respect to trade, they observed, that they had the same right to regulate it, within their jurisdiction, which the Dutch, French, and other nations had to regulate it, within their respec- tive dominions: That their merchants had a right to deal with the natives on such terms as they pleased; and that they pre- sumed they did not trade to their own disadvantage. They gave intimations that, if the then present treaty should succeed agree- ably to their wishes, they might reconsider the act of trade, and repeal the prohibition respecting foreigners. They then proceeded to a large and particular statement of the grievances they suffered from the Dutch ; particularly represent- ing those which have been already noticed in this history, with several other more recent injuries. Especially, that the Dutch agents had gone off from Hartford, without paying for the goods which they had taken up: That their successors had refused to make any settlement of their accounts; and that the Dutch gov- ernor had not obliged them to make payment: That the Dutch bought stolen goods, and would make no compensation to the English, whose property they were: And that they had, not only formerly, helped criminals to file off their irons and make their escape; but that they had been guilty of a recent instance of similar conduct. They alleged, that a Dutch servant had, lately, assisted a criminal, committed for a capital offence, to break gaol and make his escape; and that the Dutch called him to oo ac- count, for so gross a misdemeanor. Various letters passed, and several days were spent, in these altercations. At length, the commissioners chose Mr, Bradstreet, of Massachusetts, and Mr. Prince, of Plymouth, as arbitrators, to hear and compose all differences with respect to injury and damages; to make provisional boundaries, in all places where their respective limits were controverted, and to settle a just and free correspondence between the parties. The Dutch governor i65o] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 155 chose Thomas Willet and George Baxter for the same purpose. Both parties, in the most ample manner, authorised the arbitra- tors to hear and determine, in the most full and absolute manner, all differences between the two nations in this country. The arbitrators, after a full hearing of the parties, came to the following determination, which they drew up in the form of an agreement. " Articles of an agreement, made and concluded at Hartford, upon Connecticut river, September 19th, 1650, betwixt the dele- gates of the honored commissioners of the united English colo- nies, and the delegates of Peter Stuyvcsant, governor general of New-Netherlands. I. " Upon a serious consideration of the differences and griev- ances propounded by the two English colonies of Connecticut and New-Haven, and the answer made by the Dutch governor, Peter Stuyvesant, Esq. according to the trust and power com- mitted to us, as arbitrators, and delegates betwixt the said par- ties: We find that most of the offences or grievances were things done in the time, or by the order and command of Mons. Kieft, the former governor, and that the present honorable gov- ernor is not prepared to make answer to them ; we therefore think meet to respite the full consideration and judgment concerning them, till the present governor may acquaint the H. M.* States and West India company with the particulars, that so due repara- tion may accordingly be made." II. " The commissioners, for New-Haven, complained of sev- eral high and hostile injuries which they, and others of that juris- diction, have received from and by order of the aforesaid Mons. Kieft, in Delaware bay and river, and in their return thence, as by their former propositions and complaints may more fully ap- pear; and besides the EngHsh right, claimed by patent, presented and showed several purchases they have made, on both sides the river and bay of Delaware, of several large tracts of land unto, and somewhat above the Dutch house or fort there, with the consid- eration given to the said sachems and their companies for the same, acknowledged and cleared by the hands of the Indians, who they affirmed were the true proprietors; and testified by many witnesses. They also affirmed, that, according to the best of their apprehensions, they have sustained 1000 pounds damage there, partly by the Swedish governor, but chiefly by order from Mons. Kieft. And therefore required due satisfaction, and a peaceable possession of the aforesaid lands, to enjoy and improve according to their just rights. The Dutch governor, by way of answer, affirmed and insisted on the title and right to Delaware, or the south river, as they call it, and to the lands there, as belonging to the H. M. States and West-India company; and professed he > H. M. High and Mighty i:l M ^^'M :f r, |!' 1 ' 1 1 ; ; ! ; 1 . j ; . ■ ( i ' , ! 1 ; 1 , ' ! i i'tn! 156 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1650 must protest against any other claim ; but is not provided to make any such proof, as in such a treaty might be expected, nor had he commission to treat or conclude any thing therein. Upon con- sideration whereof, we, the said arbitrators or delegates, wanting sufficient light to issue or determine any thing in the premises, are necessitated to leave both parties in statu quo prius, to plead and improve their just interest, at Delaware, for planting or trad- ing, as they shall see cause : Only we desire, that all proceedings there, as in other places, may be carried on in love and peace, till the right may be further considered and justly issued, either in Europe or here, by the two states of England and Holland." III. " Concerning the seizing of Mr. Westerhouse's ship and goods, about three years since, in New-Haven harbour, upon a claim to the place, the honored governor Peter Stuyvesant, Esq. professed, that what passed in writing that way was through error of his secretary, his intent not being to lay any claim to the place, and with all affirming, that he had orders to seize any Dutch ship, or vessel, in any of the English colonies or harbours, which should trade there without express license or commission. We there- fore think it meet, that the commissioners of New-Haven accept and acquiesce in this ansver." " Concerning the bounds and limits betwixt the English United colonies, and the Dutch province of New-Netherlands, we agree as followeth." I. " That upon Long-Island, a line run from the westernmost part of Oyster-Bay, and so a straight and direct line to the sea, shall be the bounds betwixt the English and Dutch there, the easterly part to belong to the English, and the westernmost to the Dutch." II. " The bounds tipon the main to begfin at the west side of Greenwich bay, bein;jf about four miles from Stamford, and so to run a northerly line, twenty miles itp into the country, and after, as it shall be agreed, by the two governments of the Dutch and New-Haven, provided the said line come not within ten miles of Hudson's river. And it is agreed, that the Dutch shall not, at any time hereafter, build any house or habitation within six miles of the '■/".d line; the inhabitants of Greenwich to remain (till fur- ther consideration thereof be had) under the government of the Dutch." III. " The Dutch shall hold and enjoy all the lands in Hart- ford, that they are actually possessed of, known and set out by certain marks and bounds, and all the remainder of the said land, on both sides of Connecticut river, to be and remain to the Eng- lish there." " And it is agreed, that the aforesaid bounds and limits, both upon the island and main, shall be observed and kept inviolable, both by the English of the united colonies, and all the Dutch na- ■ m I650] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 157 tion, without any encroachment or molestation, until a full and final determination be agreed upon, in Europe, by the mutual con- sent of the two states of England and Holland." " And in testimony of our joint consent to the several foregoing conclusions, we have hereunto set our hands this 19th day of September, Anno Dom. 1650." Simon Bradstreet, Thomas Prince, Thomas WiLLET, George Baxter. The Dutch governor promised also, and his agents, Messrs. Willet and Baxter, engaged for him, that Greenwich should be put under the government of New-Haven, to wliom it originally belonged. It was also agreed, that the same line of conduct which had been adopted, with respect to fugitives, by the united colonies, in the eighth article of confederation, should be strictly observed between them and the Dutch, in the province of New-Nether- lands. The Dutch governor also acquainted the commissioners, that he had orders from Europe to maintain peace and good neigh- bourhood with the English in America ; and he proceeded so far as to make proposals of a nearer union and friendship, between the Dutch and the united colonies. The commissioners declined acting upon these proposals, with jut consulting their constituents ; and recommended the consideration of them to their respective general courts. While this settlement with the Dutch seemed to give a favor- able aspect to the affairs of the colonies, there arose a great and general uneasiness in Connecticut, relative to the agreements which had been made with Mr. Fenwick, and to the state of the accounts between him and the colony. By the first agreement, besides the impost on several articles exported from the mouth of the river, for ten years, the people were obliged to pay one shill- ing annually for every milch cow and mare in the colony, and the same sum for every swine killed either foi market or private use. Springfield refused to pay the impost; and it seems that Connecti- cut was obliged, by the conduct of Massachusetts, to repeal the act relating to the imposition. By reason of the controversy which arose between Connecticut and Massachusetts, and some other circumstances, several of the towns, during the two first years, paid but a small proportion of what had been stipulated. The colony therefore, on the 17th cf February, 1646, made a new agreement with Mr. Fenwick. This was to the following efifect : That, instead of all former grants, he should receive from the colony, annually, one hundred and eighty pounds, for ten years. He was to collect what was due from Springfield, and to enjoy certain profits arising from the beaver trade. A hundred and sev- ^'lii >*%. 'I i^ s s 3 i-t' I MJJU n J it Isfc' m w. '■1 iU S:li. ; :i i(.l;.l: 158 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1650 enty or eighty pounds was also to be paid to him from Saybrook and one or two newly settled towns. The whole amount appears to have been more than 2,000 pounds, which the colony paid for the right of jurisdiction, the ordnance, arms and stores at the fort.^ As different apprehensions had arisen, respecting these agree- ments, and the state of affairs between Mr. Fenwick and the col- ony, the general court appointed committees to meet at Saybrook to ascertain them. To quiet the minds of the people, notice was given to every town of the time and place of the meeting of the committees, and each was authorized to send representatives to hear the disputes and report the issue, with the reasons of it, to their constituents. By these means the inhabitants obtained gen- eral satisfaction. Mr. John Winthrop, at the election May 15, 165 1, was chosen into the magistracy. The assembly consisted of thirty four mem- bers; twelve magistrates and twenty two deputies. The colony of Rhode-Island gave great trouble to her neigh- bours, by giving entertainment to criminals and fugitives. Con- necticut found it so prejudicial to the course of justice and to the rights of individuals, that the court resolved to recommend the consideration of the affair to the commissioners of the united col- onies.* Mr. Winthrop imagined, that Connecticut contained mines and minerals, which might be improved to great advantage to indi- viduals, as well as to the public emolument. Upon a motion of his, the assembly passed the following act. " Whereas, in this rocky country, among these mountains and rocky hills, there are probabilities of mines of metals, the discov- ery of which may be of great advantage to the country, in raising a staple commodity; and whereas John Winthrop, Esquire, doth intend to be at charges and adventure, for the search and discov- ery of such mines and minerals ; for the encouragement thereof, and of any that shall adventure with the said John Winthrop, Esquire, in the said business, it is therefore ordered by the court, that if the said John Winthrop, .'...quire, shall discover, set upon, and maintain such mines of lead, copper or tin ; or any minerals, as antimony, vitriol, black lead, alum, stone salt, salt springs, or any other the like, within this jurisdiction; and shall set up any work for the digging, washing and melting, or any other operation about the said mines or minerals, as the nature thereof rcquireth; that then the said John Winthrop, Esquire, his heirs, associates, partners or assigns, shall enjoy forever, said mines, with the lands, wood, timber and water, within two or three miles of said mines, > See the acreements. Numbers V and VI. ' Augns'us Harriman, a Dutch trader, with his vessel, was seized by the people of Saybrook for illicit trade with the Indians. The court fined him 40 pounds and confiscated his vessel and cargo. They also made him give it in writing, under his hand, that he had been well treated. 1651] i65i] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 159 for the necessary carrying on of the works, and maintaining of the workmen, and provision of coal for the same: provided it be not within the bounds of any town already settled, or any partic- ular person's property ; and provided it be not in, or bordering upon any place, that shall, or may, by the court, be judged fit to make a plantation of." Though the eastern and middle parts oi Norwalk had been purchased more than ten years, yet there had been only a few scattering inhabitants within its limits. But the last year, upon the petition of Nathan Ely and Richard Olmstead, the court gave liberty for its settlement, and ordained that it should be a town by the name of Norwalk. The western part of it was purchased on the 15th of February. The inhabitants, at this time, consisted of about twenty families. About four j^ears after, the general court vested them with town privileges. The situation of the place is very agreeable ; the harbor is pleasant and safe, and the lands rich, yielding plenteously. The air is uncommonly health- ful and salubrious.^ The settlement of Mattabeseck commenced about the same time. The principal planters were from England, Hartford, and Weathersfield. The greatest number were from Hartford. There was a considerable accession from Rowley, Chelmsford, and Wo- burn, in Massachusetts. By the close of this year it became con- siderably settled. In November, 1653, the general court gave it the name of Middletown. Twenty years after, the number of shares was fixed at fifty-two. This was the whole number of the householders, at that period, within the town. The agreement, made the last year, with the Dutch governor, and his professions of amity, encouraged the English to prosecute the settlement of the lands, which they had purchased in the vicin- ity of the Dutch. Fifty men from New-Haven and Totoket, made preparations to settle their lands at Delaware. This spring, they hired a vessel to transport themselves and their eflfects into those parts. They bad a commission from governor Eaton; and he wrote an ami- cable letter to the Dutch governor, acquainting him with their design; assuring him, that, according to the agreement at Hart- ford, they would settle upon their own lands, and give no disturb- ance to their neighbours. A letter, of the same import, was also addressed to him from the governor of Massachusetts. But no sooner had governor Stuyvesant received the letters, than he ar- rested the bearers, and committed them close prisoners, under ' From the first settlement of the town, to 1732. a term of more than 80 years, there was no general sickness, except the measles, in the town. From 1715, to 1719. there died in that large town, twelve persons only. Out of one train band, consisting of a hundred men, there died not one person, from 17 16, to 1730, during the term of fourteen years. Mrs. Hanford, relict of the first minister of the town, died September i2th, 1730, aged 100 years. Manuscripts of the Rev. Moses Dick- inson. i iiij 'm • ii i! iir-i 160 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1651 guard. Then sending for the master of '.he vessel to come on shore, that he might speak with him, he arr'^sted and committed him. Others, as they came on shore, to visit and assist their neighbours, were confined with them. The Dutch governor de- sired to see their commission, promising it should be returned when he had taken a copy. But hen it was demanded of him, he would not return it to them. Nor would he release the men from confinement, until he had forced them to give it under their hands, that they would not prosecute their voyage ; but, without loss of time, return to New-Haven. He threatened, that, if he should afterwards find any of them at Delaware, he would not only seize their goods, but send them prisoners into Holland. He also caused a considerable part of the estate of the inhabitants of South- ampton to be attached, and would not suffer them to remove it within the jurisdiction of the English. tain Tapping, Mr. Fordham, and others, therefore complained, and petitioned to the commissioners for redress. They met this year at New-Haven, September 14th. The mem- bers were Mr. Bradstreet and captain John Hawthorne, Mr. John Brown and Mr. Timothy Hatherly, governor Hopkins and Mr. Ludlow, governors Eaton and Goodyear. Governor Eaton was chosen president. Jasper Crane and William Tuttle, in behalf of themselves, and many others, inhabitants of New-Haven and Totoket, presented a petition to the commissioners, complaining of the treatment which they had received from the Dutch governor, and represent- ing, that they had sustained more than three hundred pounds damage, besides the insult and injury done to the united colonies. They showed, that the Dutch had seized, and were about to fortify, upon the very lands which they had bought of the original pro- prietors at Delaware : That, had it not been for the injustice and violence of the Dutch, the New-England colonies might have been greatly enlarged, by settlements in those parts; that the gospel might have been published to the natives, and much good done, not only to the colonies, at present, but to posterity. They also represented, that the Dutch were, by gifts and art, enticing the English to make settlements under their jurisdiction. They in- sisted, that suffering them thus to insult the English, and to seize on lands to which they could shew no just claim, would encourage them to drive them from their other settlements, and to seize on their lands and property, whenever they pleased ; and that it would make them contemptible among the natives, as well as among all other nations. They pressed the commissioners, therefore, to act with spirit, and immediately to redress the injuries which had been done to them and the coionies. The commissioners nevertheless, declined acting against the Dutch, without previously writing, and attempting to obtain re- 1651I 1651] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. i6i dress by negotiation. They wrote to Stuyvesant, insisting that he had acted in direct contravention of the agreement at Hartford, and noticed that, in a letter to governor Eaton, he had threatened force of arms, and bloodshed, to any who should go to make settlements upon their lands, at Delaware, to which he was unable to show any claim. They represented to him, how deficient it appeared at Hartford, not only to the commissioners, but even to the arbitrators of his own choosing. They charged him with a breach of the engagement of Mr. Willet and Mr. Baxter, in his behalf, with respect to the restoration of Greenwich to the gov- ernment of New-Haven. They remonstrated against his conduct, in imprisoning the people of New-Haven and Totoket, in detain- ing their commission, and frustrating their voyage; and also in beginning to erect fortifications upon the lands of the New-Haven people, at Delaware. They affirmed, that they had as good a right to the Manhadoes, as the Dutch had to those lands. They declared that the colonies had just cause to vindicate and promote their interests, and to redress the injuries which had been done to their confederates. They protested, that whatever inconven- iences or mischief might arise upon it would be wholly chargeable to his unneighbourly and unjust conduct. At the same time, for the encouragement of the petitioners, they resolved, that if, at any time, within twelve months, they should at- tempt the settlement of their lands, at Delaware, and, at their own charge, transport a hundred and fifty, or at least a hundred men, well armed, with a good vessel or vessels for such an enterprise, with a sufficient quantity of ammunition; and warranted by a commission from the authority at New-Haven, that then, if they should meet with any opposition from the Dutch or Swedes, they would aflford them a sufficient force for their defence. They also resolved, that all English planters, at Delaware, either from New- Haven, or any other of the united colonies, should be under the jurisdiction of New-Haven. The Pequots among the Moheagans and Narragansets, and those who had removed to Long-Island, had, to this time, neg- lected to pay any part of the tribute, which had been stipulated, at Hartford, in 1638, upon condition, that the English would spare their lives and defend them from their enemies. The general court had given orders, that it should be collected forthwith, and had appointed captain Mason to go to Long-Island, and demand it of the Pequots there, as well as of those in other places. Uncas, with a number of the Moheagans, and of Ninigrate's men, therefore presented himself before the commissioners; and, in behalf of the Pequots, paid a tribute cf about three hundred fathoms of wampum. He ther. in their name, demanded, why this tribute was required? How long it was to continue? And whether it must be paid by the children yet unborn? liif: ''■■hi ill. il I I I I I ^« , :* 1 u I * X «: '^ ^. J i^^i X/ltiy OiJUK.tiL^ir^Vl^'VC !)r«fh m m. ~K »!V^: * h m I!*! 'i4 l! M 162 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1651 The commissioners answered, that, by covenant, it had been annually due ever since the year 1638: That after a just war, in which the Pequots were conquered, the English, to spare, as far as might be, the blood of the guilty, accepted of a small tribute, as expressed in the covenant. They insisted, that they had a right to demand it as a just debt. They observed, that twelve years' tribute was now due, reckoning only to the year 1650; but that, to show their lenity, and encourage the Pequots, if they would behave themselves well, and pay the tribute agreed upon, for ten years, reckoning from 1650, they would give them all which was due for past years; and that, at the expiration of the ten years, tliey and their children should be free. This, it seems,, they thank- tully accepted, and afterwards became as faithful friends to the English as the Moheagans. They assisted them in their wars with clher Indians; especially, in that against Philip and the Narra- gansets. While the commissioners were at New-Haven, two French gen- tlemen. Monsieur Godfrey and Monsieur Gabriel Druillets, ar- I'ived in the capacity of commissioners from Canada. They had i^'tien sent by the French governor. Monsieur D'Aillebout, to treat with the united colonies. They presented three commissions, one from Monsieur D'Aillebout, another from the council of New- France, and a third to Monsieur Gabriel Druillets, who had been authorized to publish the doctrines and duties of Christianity among the Indians. In behalf of the French in Canada, and the christianized Indians in Acadia, they petitioned for aid against the Mohawks and war- riors of the six nations. They urged, that the war was just, as the Mohawks had violated the most solemn leagues, and were perfidious and cruel: That it was a holy war, as the Acadians were converted Indians, and the Mohawks treated them barbar- ously, because of their Christianity. They insisted, that it was a common concern to the French and English nations, as the war with the six nations interrupted the trade of both, with the Indians in general. Monsieur DruiUets appeared to be a man of address. He opened the case tc tl.'e best advantage, displaying all his art, and employing his utmost ability to persuade the commissioners to engage in the war agnnst the six nations. He urged, that, if they would not consent to join in the war, they would at least, permit the enlistment of -"olunteers, in the united colonies, for the French service; and grant th<\n a free passage through the colonies, by land or water, as the case might require, to the Mohawk country. He also pleaded, that the christianized Indians might be taken imder the protection of the united colonies. He made fair prom- ises of the ample compensation which the French would make the colonies for these services. He represented, that, if these points 1651] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 163 could be gained, they would enter immediately upon a treaty, for the establishment of a free trade between the French and English in all parts- of America. The reply of the commissioners exhibits policy and prudence; showing, that they were not ignorant of men, nor of the arts of negotiation. They answered, that they looked upon such Indians, as had received the yoke of Christ, with another eye, than upon those who worshipped the devil: That they pitied the Acadians, but saw no way to help them, without exposing the English col- onies, and their own neighbouring Indians, to war: and that some of those Indians professed Christianity no less than the Acadians. They observed, that it was their desire, by all just means, to keep peace with all men, even with these barbarians; and that they had no occasion for war with the Mohawks, who, in the war with the Pequots, had shown a real respect to the English colonies, and had never since committed any hostility against them. They declared their readiness to perform all offices of righteousness, peace, and good neighbourhood towards the French colony; yet, that they could not permit the enlisting of volunteers, nor the marching of the French and their Indians through the colonies, without giving grounds of oflfence and war to the Mohawks, and exposing both themselves and the Indians, whom they ought to protect. They observed, that the English engaged in no war, until they were f tisfied that it was just, nor until peace had been oflfered on reasonable terms, and had been refused : that the Mo- hawks were neither in subjection to the English, nor in league with them; so that they had no means of informing themselves what they could say in their own vindication. They, also, assured the French ambassadors, that they were exceedingly dissatisfied with that mischievous trade, which the French and Dutch had carried on, and still continued, with the Indians, in vending them arms and ammunition, by which they were encouraged, and made insolent, not only against the christian Indians and catechumens, but against all christians in Europe, as well as America. But if all other difficulties were removed, they represented, they had no such short and convenient passage, by land or water, as might be had by Hudson's river to fort Aurania and beyond, in the pos- session of the Dutch. They concluded, by observing, that the honoured French deputies, as they conceived, had full powers to settle a free trade between the English and French colonies; but if, for reasons best known to themselves, it was designed to limit the English, by the same restraints and prohibitions to which the unprivileged French were subjected, not suffering them to trade, until they had obtained a particular license from the governor and company of New France, they must wait a more favourable opportunity for negotiation. Such an opportunity, whenever it should offer, they intimated they should readily embrace.^ * Records of the united colonies. til ^iiii '^•fc. * M > hi. bt f- 'A :* •* IV ** - ■ r ''!' 3» ^ ih • ^ N ■■' i ' ( li. «B ' f ^ S .. 5i :* 1 $ 9 I I 1-.. li ! 11: hi i ■ 1 i ! 11 ill ■J, i; t, n. i.' 1 i i 1 B > ' it \ r 1 t; , ■ i|: K H ' »'; i '■ -i i m^ HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 1165a The commissioners, apprehending that there was little prospect of obtaining a redress of their grievances from the Dutch, by remonstrance and negotiation, wrote to Mr. Winslow, agent for Massachusetts in England, on the subject. They represented the claims and rights of the colonies, and the injuries which they suffered from the Dutch. They insisted, that their conduct was a high affront, not only to the colonies, but to the honour of the English nation. They desired Mr. Winslow to inquire how the parliament and council of state esteemed the ancient patents, and how any engagements of the colonies against the Dutch, for the defence of their rights, would be viewed by the parliament. It was desired, that he would give them the earliest information on the subject. The people at New-Haven persisted in their purpose of making, if possible, a permanent settlement upon their lands at Delaware. They were sensible, that such was the situation of their affairs, that a leader, who was not only a politician, but a man of known courage, military skill and experience, would be of great impor- tance to the enterprise. They, therefore, made application to cap- tain Mason, to remove with them to Delaware, and take on him the management of the company. They made him such offers, that it seems he had a design of leaving the colony, and putting himself at the head of the English settlements in those parts. But the general court at Connecticut, would by no means consent. They unanimously desired him to entertain no thoughts of chang- ing his situation. This appears to have prevented his going, and to have frustrated the design. The grand list of the colony appears this year, for the first time, upon the records. There are the lists of seven towns only. The others either paid no taxes, or their lists were not completed and returned. The amount of the whole, was 75,4921. los. 6d. It ap- pears that the towns, at this period, were not, upon an average, more than equal to our common parishes at this day. At the general election in Connecticut, in 1652, the former magistrates were re-elected. The commencement of hostilities, the last year, between Eng- land and Holland, the perfidious management of the Dutch gov- ernor, with apprehensions of the rising of the Indians, spread a general alarm through the colony. The assembly convened on the 30tli of June, and adopted sev- eral measures for the common safety. Orders were given, that the cannon at Saybrook should be well mounted on carriages; that the fort should be supplied with ammunition ; and that the in- habitants, who were scattered abroad, should collect their families into it, and hold themselves in the best state of readiness for their common defence. In April, 1653, the Indians in the vicinity of the several planta- l653l HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. i«5 tions, within the colony, were required to give testimony of their friendship and fidelity to the English, by delivering up their arms to the governor and magistrates. Those who refused, were to be considered as enemies. Stuyvesant, the Dutch governor, made no satisfaction for past injuries; but added new insults and grievances to those which were past. He again revived the claims which he had renounced at Hartford ; and though he restrained the Dutch from open hos- tility, yet he used all his arts with the Indians to engage them to massacre the English colonists. A discovery was made in March, that he was confederate with the Indians, in a plot for the extirpation of the English colonies. An extraordinary meeting of the commissioners was called upon the occasion April 19th. It consisted of Governor Endicott, Mr. William Hawthorne, William Bradford, Esq'r. Mr. John Brown, Mr. Ludlow, Captain Cullick, Governor Eaton, and Captain John Astwood. Gov. Endicott was chosen president. Upon a close attention to the reports which had been spread, and a critical examination of the evidence, all the commissioners, except those of the Massachusetts, were of the opinion, that there had been a horrid and execrable plot, concerted by the Dutch governor and the Indians, for the destruction of the English colonies. Ninigrate, it appeared, had spent the winter at the Man- hadoes, with Stuyvesant, on the business. He had been over Hudson's river, among the western Indians; procured a meeting of the sachems; made ample declarations against the English; and solicited their aid against the colonies. He was brought back in the spring, in a Dutch sloop, with arms and ammunition from the Dutch governor. The Indians, for some hundreds of miles, appeared to be disaffected and hostile. Tribes, which be- fore had been always friendly to the EngHsh, became inimical; and the Indians boasted, that they were to have goods from the Dutch, at half the price for which the EngHsh sold them, and powder as plenty as the sand. The Long-Island Indians testified to the plot. Nine sachems, who lived in the vicinity of the Dutch, sent their united testimony to Stamford, " that the Dutch govern- or had solicited them, by promising them guns, powder, swords, wampum, coats, and waistcoats, to cut oflf the English." The messengers who were sent, declared " they were as the mouth of the nine sagamores who all spake, they would not lie." One of the nine sachems, afterwards, came to Stamford, with other Ind- ians, c-nd testified the same. The plot was confessed by a Wam- peag ind a Narraganset Indian, and was confirmed by Indian testimonies from all quarters.^ It was expected, that a Dutch fleei wculd arrive, and that the Dutch and Indians would unite in the destruction of the EngHsh plantations. It was rumoured, ' Records of the united colonies. '.m 4«i : lit ^ ! m 1 oA r1 ,)■■ h:r it !r S,i ( '■' \'ti m i66 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1653 that the time for the massacre was fixed upon the day of the public election, when the freemen would be generally irom homo. The country was exceedingly alarmed; especially Connecticut and New-Haven. They were greatly hindered in their ploughing, sowing, planting, and in all their affairs. They were worn down with constant watching and guarding, and put to great expense for the common safety. Six o';' the commissioners were satisfied, that they had just groJind.s of war with the Dutch. They drew up a general declara- tion of their grievances, for the satisfaction of the people. They also stated the evidence they had of the conspiracy, which they supposed was then in hand. They determined, nevertheless, be- fore they commenced hostilities against the Dutch, to acquaint the governor with the discovery which they had made, and to give him an opportunity of answering for himself. In the mean time letters arrived from the Dutch governor, in which he appeared, with great confidence, absolutely to deny the plot which had been charged upon him. He offered to go or send to Boston to clear his innocence; or desired that some persons might be deputed and sent to the Manhadoes, to examine the charges and receive his answers. Other leHors arrived at the same time confirming the evidence of the conspiracy, and repre- senting, that the Indians were hastened to carry it into execution. The commissioners determined to send agents to the governor; and with the utmost dispatch made choice of Francis Newman, one of the magistrates of New-Haven, captain John Leveret, aiter- wards governor of Massachusetts, and Mr. William Davis. They vested them with plenary powers to examine the whole affair, and to receive the governor's answer, according to his own proposals. Stuyvesant, in his Ltters, pretended to express his admiration, that the English should give credit to Indian testimony. The commissioners, therefore, in their reply, charged him with making use of heathen testimony against New-Haven: and observed, that Kieft, his predecessor, had used Indian testimonies against the English in a strange manner, in a case of treason, and life or death. They also acquainted him with the bloody use which the Dutch governor and his council had made of the confession of the Japa- nese, against captain Towerson and the English christians at Am- boyna, though it was extorted by torture. They wrote to Monsieur Montague and captain Newton, who were of the Dutch governor's council, that his protestations of in- nocence gave them no satisfaction. They charged the fiscal,^ as well as the governor, with the plot. They stated their grievances, demanded satisfaction for past injuries, and security for the future. While their agents were employed at the Manhadoes, they de- termined on the number of men to be raised, in case of a war. ' That is, the treasurer. i653] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 167 For the first expedition they resolved to send out five hundred; and appointed captain Leveret tfj the chief command. They also determined, that, should they enjrage in war with thf Dutch, the commissioners of the united colonies should meet at New-Haven, to give all necessary directions respecting the expedition, and to order the war in general. Notwithstanding the fair proposals which governor Stuyvesant had made, he would submit to no examination, by the agents, any further than a conunittec of his own appointing should consent. Two of the com nittee were persons who had been complained of for misdemeanors, at Hartford; and one of them had been laid under bonds for his crimes. The agents conceived, that the very proposal of such persons as a comniittee was a high affront to them, to the united colonies, and to the Englisii nation. Besides, the Dutch governor would not suffer the witnesses tu speak unless they were j)revions!y laid under such restraints as would prevent all benefit from their evidence. The ^ents not only objected to the committee, and declined all connection with them, but re- monstrated against the restraints 'Toposed to be laid on the wit- nesses. Finding th;it nothing could be effected with respect to the desigfn of their agency, they, in a spirited manner, denianded sat- isfaction fox insults and injuries past, and security against future abuse, and took leave of the Manhadoes. As they returned, they took various testimonies respecting the plot; some from the Indians, and others from the English, sworn before proper authority. Before their return, the commissioners were dispersed, and the general elections were finished. The courts at Connecticut and New-Haven voted their respective quotas of men, appointed their officers, and gave orders, that all necessary preparations should be made for the designed expe- dition. On the election at Hartford, the former officers were rechosen. The time of election, at New-Haven, had been changed from Oc- tober to May; and this year was on the 25th of the month. The governors were the same as they had been for several years, Eaton and Goodyear. The magistrates were, Mr. William Fowler, Mr. John Astwood, William Leet, Esquire, Mr. Joshua Atwater, and Mr. Francis Newman. Mr. Atwater was treasurer, and Mr. New- man secretary. Immediately, on the return of the agents, from the Manhadoes, the general court of Massachusetts summoned another extraor- dinary meeting of the commissioners, at Boston, about the last of May. The commissioners were all the same who composed the last meeting, except Mr. Bradstreet in the room of governor En- dicott, who was obliged to attend the general court. The agents made report of the treatment which they had re- ceived from the Dutch, and of such evidence as they had taken •i 14 J* ^ 3 '-I '^1 w \^ W^ IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 4^0 1.0 I.I 11.25 IS'- ■" MS. 112.0 111^ % ^;; /A wV^ 7 Photographic Sciences Corporation s? v ^ <^ 23 WEST MAIN STRCET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716)872-4503 i68 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 1*653 M hi' m'H of the plot on their return. The commissioners were also certi- fied, that the Indians, on Long-Island, had charged the fiscal with the plot; and that captain Underhill, having reported what the Indians declared, was seized and carried by a guard of soldiers, from Flushing to the Manhadoes, where he was confined by the fiscal, until what he had reported, was affirmed to his face; then he was dismissed, without trial, and all his charges borne. No sooner had the agents taken their departure from the Manhadoes, than the captain, because he had been active in exhibiting the evi- dence of the Dutch and Indian conspiracy, notwithstanding all the important services he had rendered the Dutch, was ordered to depart The commissioners received a letter from him. May 24th, representing the extreme danger in which he and all the English were^ assuring them, that as necessity had no law, he had, like Jep- thah, put his life in his hand, to save English blood; and that he was waiting their orders, with loyalty to them and the parliament, to vindicate the rights of the nation. The Dutch demanded, that all the English among them should take an oath of fidelity to them. This, in case of war, might have induced them to fight against their own nation. The people of Hampstead, at the same time, represented that they were in the utmost danger, and wrote, in the most pressing manner, for arms and ammunition, to defend themselves. Letters were also sent from Connecticut and New-Haven, with intelli- gence, that the Dutch governor, by presents of wampum, coats, and other articles, was exciting tlie Mohawks, and various Indian tribes, to rise and attack the English, both on Long-Island, and on the main. A long letter from the Dutch governor was also received, in which, in general terms, he excused himself relative to the plot; but he gave no encouragement of the least satisfaction, in a single instance; or that the colonies should be more safe from injury and insult, for the future. Indeed, he still insulted them, renewing the claims, both to Connecticut and New-Haven, which he had given up at Hartford. All the commissioners, excepting Mr. Bradstreet, voted for war against the Dutch. He was under the influence of tlie general court of Massachusetts, who were using all their arts to oppose the commissioners, and prevent open hostility. The commis- sioners, however, so strenuously urged the justice and necessity of an immediate war with the Dutch, and so spiritedly remon- strated against the conduct of the court, as violators of the articles of union, that they appointed a committee of conference with them. They desired, that a statement of the case might be made, and the advice of the elders taken on the subject. The conunit- tee of the court were major Denison and captain Leveret. The commissioners replied, that their former declaration, their i653] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 169 their letter to the Dutch governor, and the evidence before them, af- forded dear and sufficient light in the affair. Nevertheless, they appointed captain Hawthorne, Mr. Bradford, and governor Ea- ton, a committee to confer with the gentlemen appointed by the court Governor Eaton drew a statement of the case, in behalf of the committee of the conmiissioners. The committee from the general court would not consent to it, but drew a statement of their own. Under the influence of the general court, and the dif- ferent representation which their committee had made, the elders gave their opinion: " That the proofs and presumptions of the execrable plot, tend- ing to the destruction of so many of the dear saints of God, im- puted to the Dutch governor and the fiscal, were of such weight as to induce them to believe the reality of it; yet they were not so fully conclusive, as to clear up a present proceeding to war before the world; and to bear up their hearts with that fulness of per- suasion, which was meet in commending the case to God, in prayer, and to the people in exhortations; and that it would be safest for the colonies to forbear the use of the sword; but advised to be in a posture of defence, and readiness for action, until the mind of God should be more clearly known, either for a more settled peace, or manifest grounds of war." It seems, that the affair was very partially referred to the min- isters, whether the evidence of the plot was so clear as to warrant a war; whereas, this was but one circumstance among many, which might render it just and necessary. These ought to have been considered, no less than the other. The deputies of the court concurred with the clergy. In the mean time, all the commissioners, except Mr. Bradstrect, continued determined for war. Governor Eaton insisted, that the Dutch had, for many years, during a succession of governors, multiplied injuries and hostile affronts, with treachery and false- hood, against the English, to their very gieat damage: That these injuries had been fully and repeatedly represented to them, and satisfaction demanded; yet that nothing had been received in re- turn, but dilatory, false, and offensive answers. He observed, that the governor and his associates had been formerly suspected and accused of instigating the Indians against the English; and that now a treacherous and bloody plot had been discovered, and charged upon him and his fiscal, by more witnesses than could have been expected; that by it the peace of the country had been disturbed, their own lives, Uie lives of their children, and all their connexions, had been in constant jeopardy: That though they had allowed the Dutch governor a fair opportunity of clearing himself, of making satisfaction, and securing the colonies for the f^tu/e; yet that, by his conduct, he had increased the evidence of his guilt; and that he had given the colonies no security for their i til (|.« ! ^ Urn ^ I ^ '1 F Hi' £|ill 170 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1653 future peace and safety; nor had they the least reason to expect them. He insisted, that the English, under the jurisdiction of the Dutch, were in the most immediate danger, not only from them, but the Indians, through their instigation ; because they would not submit to an oath to join with them in fighting against their own nation. He urged, that the insolence, treachery, and bitter en- mity, which the Dutch had manifested against the nation of Eng- land, and all the English abroad, as they had importunity, were sufficient to assure them that, as soon as the States General should be able to send a small fleet to the Manhadoes, the colonies could not be safe, either in their persons or property, by land or sea. He further insisted, that the state of the commonwealth of England, and of the colonies, was such as called for war; and that, if either of thie colonies should refuse to join in it, against the common enemy, and if any of the plantations, through such re- fusal, should be destroyed, the guilt of such blood would lie upon them.* Some faithful people in the Massachusetts were entirely op- posed to the conduct of their general court, and ventured to ex- press their opinion. The Rev. Mr. Norris, of Salem, sent a writ- ing to the commissioners, representing the necessity of a war. He urged, that if the colonies, in their then present circumstances, should neglect to engage in it, it would be a declaration of their neutrality in the contest; might be viewed in that light by the parliament; and be of great and general disservice to their inter- ests : That the spending of so much time in parleys and treaties, after all the injuries they had received, and while the enemy was insulting them, and fortifying against them, would make them contemptible among the Indians: That it was dishonoring God, in whom they professed to trust, and bringing a scandal among themselves. He insisted that, as their brethren had sent their moan to them, and desired their assistance, if they should refuse, the curse of the angel of the Lord against Meroz would come upon them. This, he said, he presented in the name of many pen- sive hearts.' But nothing could induce the Massachusetts to unite with their brethren, in a war against the Dutch. The general court, in direct violation of the articles of confederation, resolved, that no deter- mination of the commissioners, though they should all agree, should bind the general court to join in an offensive war, which should appear to such general court to be unjust. This declara- tion gave great uneasiness to the commissioners, and to the sister colonies. Indeed, it nearly effected a dissolution of their union. The commissioners, finding that the Massachusetts would not submit to their determination, nor afford any assistance to her confederates, dissolved. ' Record* of the united colonies. " Records of the united colonies. 1653] 1653] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 171 her In this important crisis, governor Haynes called a special court, on the 25th of June. The court resolved, that the fears and dis- tresses of the English, bordering upon the Dutch, and the dam- ages which they had sustained, should be forthwith represented to the magistrates in Massachusetts: That the opinion of the court, respecting the power of the commissioners to make war, and the reasons of their opinion, should be ccmimunicated. They also de- termined, that their messengers should humbly pray, that war might be carried on against the Dutch, according to the deter- mination of the commissioners. The messengers were instructed, to use their influence, that three magistrates might have power to call a meeting of the commissioners, at Hartford or New-Haven, to conduct the affairs of the war, as occasion might require. If this could not be obtained they were to desire that liberty might be given to enlist volunteers, in the Massachusetts, for the defence of the colonies. Governor Haynes and Mr. Ludlow, were appointed to confer with governor Eaton and his council on the subject. The court at New-Haven were no less clear and unanimous, in the opinion of the power of the commissioners to declare war and make peace, than the general court at Connecticut; and that all tlte colonies were absolutely bound by their determination. Both colonies united in sending the messengers, and in the purport of their mes- sage. But nothing more could be obtained, than the calling of an- other meeting of the commissioners, at Boston. They met on the nth of September. The resolutions of the generd courts of Connecticut and New-Haven were produced, expressing their entire approbation of the determination of the commissioners, and remonstrating against the declaration of the general court of Massachusetts, and the sense which they had put on the articles of confederation. The general court of Massachusetts returned an answer to this effect: that since their brethren of the other colonies had appre- hensions different from theirs, they judged it might conduce most to peace to waive the point in controversy. At the same time, they intimated they had no occasion to answer them. The commissioners refused to accept this as an answer. They insisted, that they had ample powers, from all the other colonies, to determine, in all affairs of peace and war ; and that this was con- sistent with the grammatical, and true sense of the articled of con- federation. They insisted, that it was totally inconsistent, not only with the articles of union, but with the welfare of the colonies, that they should be at so much expense and trouble, to meet and delib- erate on the general interests of the confederates, if their deter- minations were to be annulled by one court and another. The general court, on their part, insisted, that the determina- tions of the commissioners, could not bind them to a war which I '. I fi! 'iji- U'» 173 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1653 1653] ■ ■Ml ■i|! m I they could not see to be just; and that it was inconsistent with the liberties of the colonies, that their decisions should compel them to action. The commissioners repHed, that no power could bind men to do that which was absolutely unlawful; but that their authority was as absolute, with respect to war and peace, as any authority could be ; and that it was their province only to judge of the justice of the cause. They maintained, that it could be no infringement of the rights of the colonies, to be bound by the acts of their own agents, vested with plenary powers for those very acts. They represented the religious and solemn manner in which the confederation was made; that, by its express words, it was a perpetual league for them and their posterity, in which their eight commissioners, or any six of them, should have full power to determine all affairs of war and peace, leagues, aids, &c: That every article had been examined, not only by a committee of the four general courts, but by the whole court of Massachusetts, at the time when it was com- pleted: That many prayers were addressed to heaven for its ac- complishment, while it was under consideration; and that the car- rying of it into execution, had been an occasion of abundant thanksgiving. They said, that after practising upon it for ten years, the colonies had experienced the most salutary effects, to the great and general advantage of all the confederates. In these views, they insisted, that the violation of it would be matter of great sin in the presence of God, and of scandal before men. They referred it to the serious consideration of the general court, whether they would not, in his sight who knew all hearts, be guilty of this sin and scandal? The general court earnestly requested, that they would drop the dispute, and enter upon business. Their commissioners also pressed the same. But, with a spirit of magnanimity and firmness, becoming their character, they utterly refused ; determining, to a man, after drawing a remonstrance against the Massachusetts, to return to their respective colonies, and leave the event with the supreme ruler. No sooner had the general court intelligence of what was trans- acting, than they dispatched a writing to the commissioners, ap- parently retracting all which they had before advanced in oppo- sition to them. It was, however, expressed artfully in doubtful language. Upon the reception of this, they proceeded to business. Ninigrate, ever since the Pequot war, had been the common pest of the colonies. He had violated all his contracts with them ; had fallen on the Long-Island Indians, who were in alliance with the English, and slain many of them; and carried others, men, women, and children, into captivity. By his hostilities, he gave alarm and trouble to the English plantations, oh the island, in the neighbourhood of the Indians. When messengers had been sent i6$3l HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 173 to him, demanding that he would return the captives, and desist from war, he absolutely refused; and would give no account of his conduct. He had now spent the winter with the Dutch gov- ernor, in concerting measures against the English colonies; and had been beyond Hudson's river, spiriting up the Indians there, as well as in other quarters, to a general rising against them. The commissioners therefore declared war against him, and ap- pointed the number of men and officers for the service. They also again resolved upon war against the Dutch. All the com- missioners joined in these resolutions, except Mr. Bradstreet. But they were to no purpose. The general court refused to bear any part in the war against either. The commissioners protested against the members of the court of Massachusetts, as violators of the confederation. They pressed it as an indispensable duty, to avenge the blood of innocents, who had depended on them for safety, and had suffered on the account of their faithfulness to the colonies; to recover their wives and children from captivity; to protect their friends from the insults of barbarous and bloody men; and to vindicate the honor of them- selves, and of the nation.^ The Massachusetts nevertheless persisted in their opposition to the commissioners, and would bear no part in the war. Their de- sertion of their confederates was matter of great injury and dis- tress to them; especially to Connecticut and New-Haven. They were not only obliged to put up with all former insults and dam- ages from the Dutch; but after they had been at great expense already, in fortifying and guarding against the Dutch and Ind- ians, and had been worn down with anxiety and watching, from the very opening of the spring, they were still left to their fears, and obliged to combine together for mutual defence, in the best manner of which they were capable. Few instances occur in history, of so flagrant and obstinate a violation of a covenant, so solemnly made, as this of the general court of Massachusetts; especially, of a covenant made between christians of the same nation, and all professed brethren of the same faith. What interest the Massachusetts made by thus favor- ing the Dutch, is not known; but surely it is painful to relate the indelible stain, which the legislature of so ancient and respectable a colony have left, by this conduct^ upon their honor, as men, and upon their morals, as christians. The general courts of Connecticut and New-Haven were con- voked soon after the return of the commissioners. Thai at New- Haven convened on the 12th of October, and the court at Con- necticut, on the 25th of November. Both considered the court of Massachusetts as having wilfully violated the articles of union. The general court at New-Haven expressly resolved, " that the ' Records of the united colonies, in which this controversy is recorded at large- t >* ?*'• ■1.; I ■■■U 174 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. It693 Massachusetts had broken their covenant with them, in acting directly contrary to the articles of confederation." Both colonies therefore determined to seek redress from the commonwealth of England. Captain Astwood was appointed agent to the lord protector and parliament, to represent their state, and to solicit ships and men for the reduction of the Dutch. Connecticut and New-Haven conferred together, by their com- mittees, and letters were sent, in the name of both the general courts, containing a complete statement of their circumstances. It was agreed, that the address to lord Cromwell should be con- cluded in the words following: " That unless the Dutch be either removed, or so far, at least, subjected, that the colonies may be free from injurious affronts, and secured against the dangers and mischievous effects, which daily grow upon them, by their plotting with the Indians, and furnishing them with arms against the English; and that the league and confederation between the four united English colo- nies, be confirmed and settled acc(Mrding to the true sense, and, till this year, the continued interpretation of the articles, the peace and comfort of these smaller, western colonies, will be much haz- arded, and more and more impaired. But as they conceive it their duty, thus fully to represent their afHicted condition to your excel- lency, so they humbly leave themselves, with the remedies, to your consideration and wisdom." As governor Hopkins was now in England, he was desired to give all assistance in his power, to the agent whom they had agreed to send. Connecticut dispatched letters to the parliament, to general Monk, and Mr. Hopkins. As Stamford was a frontier town, a guard of men was dis- patched for its defence. Connecticut and New-Haven provided a frigate of ten or twelve guns, with forty men, to defend the coast against the Dutch, and to prevent Ninigrate and his Indians from crossing the sound, in prosecution of his hostile designs against the Indians in alliance with the colonies.^ The towns bordering upon the Dutch, on Long-Island, were in great distress and alarm. Captain Underhill sent to his friends at Rhode-Island, for assistance; and, with such Englishmen as he could obtain, made the best defence in his power. However, Hampstead and some other towns were continually harassed, and suffered much damage and insult from the Dutch. Indeed, this was a year of uncommon alarm, expense, and dis- tress to Connecticut and New-Haven. Early in the spring they were filled with the most terrible apprehensions of a sudden and general massacre. A great proportion of time was employed, by the magistrates and principal men, in meetings of the general courts, of the commissioners, of committees and officers to con- ' RecOTda of Connecticut and New-Haven. [t6s3 t6s3] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 175 con- sult and provide for the general safety; in raising men and making preparations for war. The common people, at the same time, were called oR from their labors and worn down with watching and guarding by night and day. The Dutch, at New-Netherlands, waited only for a reinforce- ment from Holland to attack and reduce the English colonies. Of this, both they and the English were in constant expectation. It was reported, and feared, that when the sigiuils should be given from the Dutch ships, the Indians would rise, fire the English buildings, and begin their work of destruction. Providence, however, combined a number of circumstances for the preservation of the exposed colonies. The defeat of the Dutch fleet by the EngUsh, and the spoil which they made upon their trade, prevented the arrival of the expected reinforcements; the Indians could not be united; many of the sachems said, the Eng- lish had done them no injury, and Uiey would not fight them. The early intelligence, received by the colonies, of the plans which they and the Dutch were concerting, and the constant watch and guard which the plantations maintained disconcerted them. By these means, a general attack upon them was prevented. Another mischief however arose. Some of the towns, and many of the people, in the colonies of Connecticut and New-Haven, were so dissatisfied that the war was not prosecuted against the Dutch, according to the resolution of the commissioners, that they were with great difficulty restrained from open mutiny and rebellion. They imagined, that Connecticut and New-Haven were sufficient to subdue the Dutch, and ought to have undertaken an expedition against them. Stamford and Fairfield, in particular, became very disorderly. The former complained, that the government was bad, apd the charges unreasonable; and that they were neglected, an ' de- prived of their just privileges. They pretended to set up for ! 'le government of England, for their liberties, as they called them, in opposition to the government of the colony. They sent to the general court at New-Haven desiring them to prosecute the war against the Dutch; resolved to raise a number of men among themselves; and prayed for permission to enlist volunteers in the several towns. The town of Fairfield held a meeting on the subject, and deter- mined to prosecute the war. They appointed Mr. Ludlow com- mander in chief. He was in the centre of the evidence against the Dutch; had been one of the commissioners, at the several meet- ings relative to the affair; had been zealous and active for the war ; and conceiving himself and the town in imminent danger, unless the Dutch could be removed from the neighbourhood, too hastily accepted of the appointment. Robert Basset and John Chap- man were the heads of this party. They attempted to foment in- ^^%. 170 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. tl654 i' I' h <■ Kurrectioni, and, without any initructiont from authority, to raise volunteers, for an expedition against the Netherlands. The general court, at New-Haven, judged that the season was too far advanced to undertake the enterprise. They nevertheless determined to consult Connecticut, and to proceed or not, as the council there should judge most expedient. It was now the latter part of November, and it was the general opinion, that ships and men could not be seasonably provided. Deputy governor Goodyear and Mr. Newman were dispatched to Stamford to compose the minds of the people. They called a meeting of the town, and labored to quiet them; but could make no considerable impressions upon them, until they read an order of the committee of parliament, requiring, that the plantations should be in subjection to the authority of their respective juris- dictions. This appeared to have some good effect. But as the in- habitants had been at great expense, not only in watching and guarding the town, but in erecting fortifications about the meet- ing house, they insisted, that the colony should bear a part of the expense, and provide a guard during the winter. The public burthens this year were great. The expenses of the colony of New-Haven were about 400 pounds. The court made some abatements in favour of Stamford; but Basset and Chapman were punished for attempting to make an insurrection in the colo- ny, and others were bound, in large bonds, to their good be- haviour.^ CHAPTER XI. THE colony sustained a great loss this year, in the death of Governor Hay nes. He had been a father to it from the beginning ; employed his estate, counsels, and labours, for its emolument, and bore a large share in its hardships and dangers. He was a gentle- man from the county of Essex, in England, where he had an ele- gant seat, called Copford Hall, worth a thousand pounds sterling a year. He came into New-England with the Rev. Mr. Hooker, in 1632, and settled with him, first at Cambridge, in Massachu- setts. His distinguished abilities, prudence, and piety, so recom- mended him to the people, that, in 1635, he was chosen governor of Massachusetts. He was not considered, in any respect, inferior of Governor Winthrop. His growing popularity, and the fame of Mr. Hooker, who, as to strength of genius, and his lively and powerful manner of preaching, rivalled Mr. Cotton, were sup- ' Records of New- Haven. The eencnl court of Connecticut, at their session in November, ordered that ao pounds should be paid to the support of a fellowship in Cambridge Collese. I(>S4] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 177 poied to have had no imall influence upon the general court, in their granting liberty to Mr. Hooker and hit company to remove to Connecticut. There, it was judged, they would not 10 much eclipse the fame, nor stand in the way ot the promotion and honour of themselves or their friends. Upon his removal to Connec- ticut, he was chosen governor of this colony. He appeared to be a gentleman of eminent piety, strict morals, and sound judg- ment. He paid attention to family government, instruction, and religion. His great integrity, and wise management of all affairs, in private and public, so raised and fixed his character, in the esteem of the people, that they always, when the constitution would permit, placed him in the chief seat of government, and con- tinued him in it until his death.* Mr. Hopkins was in England, and the colony had neither gov- ernor nor deputy governor present, to act in its behalf. The free- men, therefore, in February, convened at Hartford, and elected Mr. Thomas Wells moderator of the general court, until a gov- ernor should be chosen. About this time, there happened a great controversy between Uncas and the inhabitants of New-London, relative to their re- spective limits. It seems that the inhabitants carried the dispute so far, as to rise and take possession of his forts and many of his wigwams. The assembly interposed, and gave orders, that the Indians should not be injured, and that the people should be ac- countable for all damages which they had done them. A com- mittee was appointed, March' ist, to fix the boundaries between New-London and Uncas, and to compose all differences between the parties. Nearly at the same time, the colony received an order from the parliament, requiring that the Dutch should be treated, in all re- spects, as the declared enemies of the commonwealth of England. In conformity to this order, the general court was convened, and an act passed sequestering the Dutch house, lands, and property ' The governor, by two wivei, had eight children ; five ions and three daughtew« By hit Ant, he had Robert, Heiekiah, John, Roger, and Mary ; and byhiasecond, Joseph, Roth, and Mal)cl. When he came into New-England, he left hit lont, Robert and Hezekiah, and hit daughter Mary, at Copford Hall. Upon the com- mencement of the civil wart in England, Robert etpouted the roval caute ; but Hezekiah, declaring for the parliament, waa, afterwards, promoted to the rank of major-general, under Cromwell. Upon the ruin of the king't affairt, Robert was put under confinement, and died without itsue. Hezekiah enjoyed Copford Hall, under hit father, until his decease. He then poiietted it at a paternal inheritance, and it detcended to his heirs. John and Roger, who came into this country with their father, tome time before his death retun.^ed to England. Roger died on his passage, or toon after hit arrival. John tettled ^n the minittry, at or near Colchet- ter, in the county of Ettex, in England, where nt left ittue. Joseph wat ordained pastor of the first church in Hartford. Mary manned Mr. Joteph Cook, in Eng- land ; Ruth, Mr. Samuel Wyllyt, of Hartford ; and Mabel, Mr. Jau.:< Kuttell, of Charlettown, in Mattachutettt ; and all had issue. The Rev. Mr. Hayu«», of Hartford, had one ton, John, a gentleman of reputation, for tome yeart one of the magiatratea of the colony. He had tont, but they died without iwue, and the name became extinct in thit country. m ':M 'mt I f! 178 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1654 I fi |i'*'i of all kinds, at Hartford, for the benefit of the commonwealth ; and the court, alio, prohibited all persons whatsoever from improving the premises, by virtue of any former claim, or title, had, made, or given, by any of the Dutch nation, or any other person^ without their approbation. In the proclamation for a general fast, this spring, the great breach made in the colony, by the death of the governor; the alienation of the colonies, on account of the violation of the ar- ticles of confederation ; the spreading of erroneous opinions ia the churches; the mortality which had been among the people of Massachusetts; and the calamitous state of the English nation; were particularized as matters of humiliation. The colony was, this year, deprived of Mr. Ludlow, one of its chief magistrates. He was one of the most zealous for prosecut- ing the war against the Dutch, and no man was more displeased, that the colonies did not follow the determinations of the commis- sioners. He might apprehend himself to be particularly iu danger at Fairfield. Besides, he had taken a very hasty and unadvised step, in accepting the command of men to go against the Dutch, without any legal appointment. He had, doubtless, apprehen- sions of trouble on that account, or, at least, that the freemen would neglect him. For some, or all of these reasons, about this time, he removed with his family to Virginia.^ He was clerk of the town of Fairfield, and carried off their records, and other public writings. He came from the west of England, with Mr. Warham and his company. In 1630, he was chosen into the mag- istracy of the Massachusetts company; and in 1634, deputy gov- ernor of that colony. He was twice elected deputy governor of Connecticut, and was every year magistrate or deputy governor, from his first coming Hto the colony, in 1635, ^"^'^ ^^^ ^i"^^ ^^ ^^^ departure. He appears to have been distinguished for his abil- ities, especially his knowledge of the law, and the rights of man- kind. He rendered most essential services to this commonwealth ; was a principal in forming its original civil constitution, and the compiler of the first Connecticut code, printed at Cambridge, in 1672. For jurisprudence, he appears to have been second to none who came into New-England at that time. Had he possessed a happier temper, he would, probably, have been the idol of the peo- ple, and shared in all the honours which they could have given him. Nearly at the same time, an affair happened, in which the peo- ple of Milford exhibited a noble spirit of zeal and enterprise. One captain Manning, master of a ten gun ship, had been apprehended for an unlawful trade with the Dutch, at the Manhadoes. While the affair was upon trial before the court at New-Haven, his men > By the records of New-Haven, it appears, that he was shippirg his family and effects on the 26th of April. (654] peo- One kended jWhile Is men nily and 1654I HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 179 ran off with the ship from Milford harbour. The people com< pletely armed and manned a vessel, with so much dispatch, that they pressed hard upon the ship before she could reach the Dutch island. The men, perceiving they must be taken, unless they im< mediately abandoned the ship, made their escape in their boat. The ship, thus left adrift, was recovered, and brought into Milford harbour, and, with all her goods, condemned as a lawful prize. At the general election, May i8th, Mr. Hopkins, though in England, was chosen governor. Mr. Wells was appointed deputy governor. Mr. Webster, Mr. Mason, Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Cullick, Mr. Wolcott, Mr. Clark, Mr. Wyllys, son of George Wyllys, and Mr. John Talcott, were elected magistrates. Mr. Cullick was sec- retary, and Mr. Talcott treasurer. At this court, the freemen passed the following resolution, as an addition to the fundamentals of their constitution: — '^That the major part of the magistrates, in the absence of the governor and deputy governor, shall have power to call a general court; and that any general court, being legally called and met, the major part of the magistrates and deputies then met, in the absence of the governor and deputy governor, shall have power to choose unto, and from among themselves, a moderator, which being done, they shall be deemed as legal a general court, as if the gov- ernor, or deputy governor were present." At the election in New-Haven, May 31st, the only alteration in public officers, was the addition of Mr. Samuel Eaton, of New- Haven, to the magistrates, and the choice of Mr. Benjamin Fenn, in the room of captain John Astwood. About the same time, in answer to the petitions of Connecticut and New-Haven, major Sedgwick and captain Leveret arrived at Boston, with a fleet of three or four ships, and a small number of land forces, sent by Oliver Cromwell, lord protector, for the re- duction of the Dutch. On the 8th of June, governor Eaton re- ceived a letter from his highness, certifying, that he had sent ships and ammunition for the assistance of the colonies. With this came a letter from major Sedgwick and captain Leveret, requesting, that commissioners might be sent immediately from each of the gov- ernments, to consult with them on the objects of the designed ex- pedition. Mr. William Leet and Mr. Jordan were appointed com- missioners for New-Haven. They were authorised to engage, in behalf of that jurisdiction, to furnish all the men and provisions which it could spare. An embargo was laid on all provisions, and every measure adopted, that the utmost assistance might be given, in the enterprise. Such was the zeal of the general court, that they instructed their commissioners to engage the assistance of that colony, though no other, except Connecticut, should join with them. On the 13th of June, the general court of Connecticut con- i'' m ■ ,1 m ill !|i 111; I ih.' i8o HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1654 vened, at Hartford, and appointed major John Mason and Mr. Cullick commissioners. They were directed to proceed with the utmost dispatch to Boston; and, in behalf of Connecticut, to en- gage any number of men, not exceeding two hundred, but rather than the expedition should fail, four or five hundred. The general court of Massachusetts was convoked on the 9th of June, but did not agree to raise any men themselves. They granted liberty, nevertheless, for major Sedgwick and captain Leveret to raise five hundred volunteers. The commissioners finally agreed upon 800 men, as sufficient for the enterprise. The ships were to furnish two hundred soldiers; three hundred volun- teers were to be raised in Massachusetts; two hundred men were to be sent from Connecticut; and a hundred and thirty three from New-Haven. But while preparations were making with vigor and dispatch, the news of peace, between England and Holland, pre- vented all further proceedings relative to the affair. The total defeat of the Dutch fleet, the loss of admiral Tromp and a great number of their merchantmen, made the Dutch in earnest for peace; and it was expeditiously concluded, on the 5th of April. The news of it arrived in America, almost as soon as the fleet. The commander in chief therefore employed his forces, with the Massachusetts volunteers, in dispossessing the French from Penobscot, St. John's, and the adjacent coast. This was doubt- less one object of the expedition, and not undertaken without orders from the protector. It was not expected, that there would have been any meeting of the commissioners this year. Massachusetts had violated the articles of union, and the colonies had protested against them, as breakers of the most solemn confederation. The general court of Massachusetts had also represented, to the other colonies, that the articles needed explanation and emendation, that they might be consistent with the rights of the several general courts. Indeed, it had proposed a meeting of the commissioners for that purpose. The other colonies viewed the articles as perfectly intelligible, and consistent with the rights of the confederates. They therefore rejected the motion. The general court of New-Haven had voted, that there was no occasion for appointing commissioners that year. But on the 5th of July, governor Eaton received a letter from the general court of the Massachusetts, waiving an answer to the letter jointly written from the general courts of Connecticut and New-Haven, and lamely excusing their non-compliance with the resolution of the commissioners, on the account of their not be- ing able to apprehend the justice of the war with the Dutch and Ninigrate. They complained of the other colonies, for treating them as violators of the confederacy. They professed themselves to be passionately desirous of its continuance, according to the ti654 1654] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 181 genuine construction of the articles. They gave information, that they had chosen commissioners, and had determined to empower them as had been usual The general court, at New-Haven, replied, that they and the other colonies had justly charged them with a violation of their covenant, and urged, that, according to their own interpretation of the articles, they stood responsible to them for the infraction; and that, according to the eleventh article of the confederation, they were to be treated by them according to the magnitude of their fault. They observed, that her sister colonies had not only condemned their conduct, but had sent messengers and taken proper pains to inform them, and adjust the difference between them; but that they had treated them in a very disagreeable man- ner, and their endeavours had been to no good purpose. They declared, nevertheless, that, if the combination might be again firmly settled, according to the original intention and grammatical sense of the articles, they would, without further satisfaction, for- getting what was past, cheerfully renew their covenant, and send their commissioners to meet, at any time and place, for that end. This was subscribed by the secretary, and sent to Hartford, to be subscribed by the general court of Connecticut; and to be trans- mitted, in the name of each of the colonies, to the Massachusetts. This, it seems, was harmoniously done. As the general court of the Massachusetts would not join with her confederates, against Ninigrate, he prosecuted the war against the Long-Island Indians, and it was supposed, that his design was to destroy, both those Indians and the Mohcagans. For this pur- pose he had hired the Mohawks, Pocomtocks, and Wampanoags, afterwards called Philip's Indians, to assist him. By a collection of such numbers of Indians, from the westward, northward, and eastward, the general peace of the country would have been greatly endangered, and the Long-Island Indians, who had put themselves under the protection of the English, exposed to a total extirpation. They had been obliged, not only to fortify them- selves, and to use every precaution for their own defence, but to suffer the loss ol many of their people, who had been already either slain or captivated. The deputy governor, and council, of Connecticut, judged it an affair of such importance, to defend their allies, and provide for their own safety, that they determined to dispatch major Mason, with ammunition, and a number of men, to the assistance of the Indians upon the Island. The deputy governor and Mr. Clark ac- quainted governor Eaton with their views and determination, and desired that the colony of New-Haven would send lieutenant Seely, with a detachment of men, and with supplies of ammuni- tion, to second their design. The court of New-Haven complied with the desire of Connecticut. Lieutenant Seely had orders to fm ;!:'•• "vNl.., ^^•4 n f\ \i ^f'i 1 82 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1654 1654] ^;i §v Ifli jiiiii lit! ill i^'ip'fi'^'' join major Mason at Saybrook. They were instructed to acquaint the Montauket Indians, that the colonies made them that present of ammunition, wholly for their own defence, and not to enable them to injure Ninigrate, or any other Indians, unless they should make an attack upon them: and that, while they continued faith- ful to tlie English, they would be their friends. It was ordered that, if Ninigrate should invade the Long-Island Indians, the English officers should use their endeavours to persuade them to peace, and to refer their differences to the decision of the com- missioners. But if he would fight, they were commanded to de- fend themselves, and the Indians in alliance with the colonies, in the best manner they could.^ On September 7th, the commissioners convened at Hartford. They consisted of the following gentlemen, M". Simon Bradstreet, major Denison, Mr. Thomas Prince, Mr. John Brown, major Mason, Mr. John Webster, governor Eaton, and Mr. Francis Newman. Governor Eaton was chosen president. They imme- diately dispatched messengers to Ninigrate, demanding his ap- pearance at Hartford, and the payment of the tribute so long due for the Pequots under him. On the i8th, Mr. Jonathan Gilbert returned, and made a report of Ninigrate's answer, in the words following: " Concerning the Long-Island Indians, he answered, wherefore should he acquaint the commissioners, as the Long-Island Ind- ians began with him, and had slain a sachem's son, and sixty of his men; and therefore he will not make peace with the Long- Islanders; but doth desire that the English will let him alone; and that the commissioners would not request him to go to Hart- ford; for he hath done no hurt. What should he do there? If our governor's son were slain, and several other men, would you ask counsel of another nation, how and when to right yourselves? And added, that he would neither go nor send to Hartford. Con- cerning the upland Indians,' his answer was, that they were his friends, and came to help him against the Long-Islanders, who had killed several of his men. Wherefore should he acquaint the commissioners of it? He did but right his own quarrel, which the Long-Islanders began with him." With respect to the tribute due for the Pequots, though he had never paid it, yet he pretended there was none due. The commissioners, considering his perfidious conduct, the last year, his present answer, and that lenity and forbearance had been an encouragement of his insolence and barbarity, ordered forty horsemen, and two hundred and seventy infantry to be raised, to chastise his haughtiness. The Massachusetts were to raise the forty horsemen, and a hundred and fifty-three footmen; ' Records of Connecticut and New Haven. ° Thus he called the Pocomtocks and Wampanoags. ■X: !■ ..'■; [i654 1654] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 183 Connecticut forty-five, and New-Haven thirty-one. Orders were given, that twenty horse, from Massachusetts, twenty-four men from Connecticut, and sixteen from New-Haven, should be im- mediately dispatched into the Nehantick country. The commis- sioners nominated major Gibbons, major Denison, or captain Atherton, to the chief command; leaving it, in complaisance, to the general court of Massachusetts, to appoint which of the three should be most agreeable to them. But rejecting these, who were men of known spirit and enterprise, they appointed major Wil- lard. The commissioners instructed him to proceed with such troops, as should be found at the place of general rendezvous, by the 13th of October, directly to Ninigrate's quarters, and demand of him the Pequots, who had been put under him, and the tribute which was due. If Ninigrate should not deliver them, and pay the tribute, he was required to take them by force. He was in- structed to demand of Ninigrate, a cessation from all further hos- tilities against the Long-Islanders. If he would not comply with these demands, he had express orders to subdue him. If a greater number of men should be found necessary, his instructions were to send for such a number, as he should judge sufficient to carry the expedition into effect. The place of rendezvous was at Thomas Stanton's, in the Narraganset country. When he ar- rived at the place appointed, he found that Ninigrate had fled into a swamp, at fourteen or fifteen miles distance from the army. He had left his country, corn, and wigwams, without defence, and they might have been laid waste, without loss or danger. Never- theless, he returned, without ever advancing from his head quar- ters, or doing the enemy the least damage. About a hundred Pequots took this opportunity to renounce the government of Ninigrate, and come off with the army. They put themselves under the protection and government of the English. The commander pleaded, in excuse, that his instructions were equivocal, and the season for marching unfavorable. The com- missioners, however, were entirely unsatisfied. They observed to him, " That, while the army was in the Narraganset country, Ninigrate had his mouth in the dust; and that he would have sub- mitted to any reasonable terms, which might have been imposed upon him." They charged the major with neglecting an oppor- tunity of humbling his pride; and they referred it to his considera- tion, what satisfaction ought to be expected from him, and those of his council, who advised and joined with him in his measures.* Governor Hutchinson has observed, that major Willard was a Massachusetts man, and although that colony had so far com- plied with the rest, as to join in sending out the forces, yet they were still desirous of avoiding an open war. This was the second time of their preventing a general war, contrary to the minds of six of the commissioners of the other colonies.* •^%, >.. 5 ^^"'J' m ' ?i '.■ IS ' RecoidB of the united colonies. * Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 186, 187. ■1*' M If ' 'If, 184 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1655 h nt > The general court of Massachusetts had receded from their ex- planation of the articles of confederation, and the commissioners had a most amicable meeting. They were unanimous in the war against Ninigrate, and yet the Massachusetts, by private intrigue, defeated their designs. In which instance they acted the most honorable and consistent part, when, by an open infraction of the articles of union, they prevented a war, or when they supplanted their brethren, by secret treachery, the impartial world will judge. The whole number of ratable persons, in the colony of Con- necticut this year, was 775, and the grand list was 79,073 pounds.^ Upon the election at Hartford, May 17th, Thomas Wells, Esq'r. was chosen governor, and Mr. John Webster, deputy-governor. The magistrates elected were, Mr. Hopkins, Mr. Mason, Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Wolcott, Mr. CuUick, Mr. Clark, Mr. Wyllys, Mr. Talcott, Mr. John Cosmore, and Mr. Thomas Tapping. Mr. Cul- lick was secretary, and Mr. Talcott treasurer. At the general election in New-Haven, this year, there was no alteration of their officers. The Pequots persevering, in their petitions, to be taken under the protection and government of the English, the commission- ers, this year, granted their request. Places of residence were afterwards appointed for them, by the general court of Connecti- cut, about Pawcatuck and Mistic rivers. They were allowed to hunt on the lands west of the latter. They were collected together in these two places, and an Indian governor was appointed over them in each place. General laws were made for their govern- ment. Blasphemy, murder, witchcraft, and conspiracy against the colonies, were prohibited upon pain of death. Sabbath-break- ing, adultery, and drunkenness, were prohibited under proper penalties. He who stole was required, on conviction, to pay double damages. They were prohibited to make war with other Indians, or to join with them in their wars, unless it were in their own just defence, without the consent of the commissioners of the united colonies. They were obliged to submit to the Indian governors, whom they should appoint over them, and pay them the same tribute which they had stipulated to pay to the English.* > Bjr the number of persons, and the amount of the lists in each town, an idea may be formed of their proportion to each other. Towns. Persons. Estates. Hartford, 177 ;f 19,609 Windsor, 165 »5»833 Weathersfield, 113 12,602 Fairfield, 94 8,634 Saybrook, M 4,437 Stratford, . f» 7,9S8 Farmington, ..M 5,519 Middletown, ff 2,172 Norwalk, 34 2,309 * Records of the colonies. 775 79.073 [lans, just lited lors. same 1655I HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 185 After the return of maJOT Willard and the troops under his com- mand, from the Narraganset country, Ninigrate assumed his for- mer haughtiness, and continued the war against the Indians upon Long-Island. Mr. Thomas James, minister of Easthampton, cap- tain Tapping of Southampton, captain Underhill and others, wrote to the commissioners, that both the English and Indians on the Island were in a calamitous and distracted condition ; and in im- minent danger, on the account of his constant hostilities. They assured them, that the Indians, upon the Island, could not hold out much longer, but must submit themselves and their country to the Narragansets, unless they should have some speedy as- sistance. They intreated them to consult some effectual meas- ures to prevent such calamity. In consequence of this intelligence, they ordered, that a vessel, well armed and manned, should lie in the road between Neanticut and the Island, to watch the motions of Ninigrate; and, if he should attempt to pass the sound, to stave and destroy his canoes, and to make all the slaughter and destruction upon him, which should be in their power. Captain John Youngs was appointed to command this vessel of observation. He was authorised to draught men from Saybrook and New-London, as emergencies might require. An encouraging message was sent to the Mon- tauket sachem, acquainting him with the measures the English were taking for his defence. The commissioners sent him a sup- ply of ammunition. Provision was also made, that South and East-Hampton, with all the adjacent towns, should be completely furnished with all articles necessary for war. Orders were given, that if the Indians could not maintain their ground, in any as- sault, they should flee towards some of the neighbouring towns ; and that, if the enemy should pursue them within two miles of any of the settlements, the inhabitants should immediately repair to their assistance. Intelligence of these resolutions was dis- patched to the Narragansets, as well as the Long-Islanders. All the united colonies were exceedingly offended at the conduct of major Willard, except the Massachusetts, under whose influ- ence he was supposed to act. The general court at New-Haven, resolved, that he had not followed his instructions, in the expedi- tion against Ninigrate ; but that they were willing to suspend their judgment, with respect to the measures to be taken with him, until they should be certified of the opinions of the other confed- erates. Whatever their opinions or wishes were, major Willard was safe under the wing of the Massachusetts; and Connecticut and New-Haven had principally to bear the unhappy conse- quences of his perfidious conduct. They were obliged, the next year, at their own expense, to continue the commission of cap- tain Youngs to cruise between the main and Long-Island, to prevent the designs of Ninigrate. They also found it necessary >.p ^ SI :« :» Li* ■ffa. 'm r' 1 1 86 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1655 m''^ to furnish both men and provisions, for the defence of the Isl- anders. Governor Eaton had been desired to perfect a code of laws for the colony of New-Haven. For his assistance in the compilation, he was requested, by the general court, to consult the Rev. Mr. Cotton's discourse on civil government in a new plantation, and the laws of Massachusetts. Having accomplished the work, and the laws having been examined and approved, by the elders of the jurisdiction, they were presented to the general court. They ordered that 500 copies should be printed. The copy was sent to England, that the impression might be made under the inspec- tion of governor Hopkins. He procured the printing of the laws, at his own expense, and sent them the number proposed, with some other valuable books, as a present. The laws were distrib- uted to the several towns in the jurisdiction. This year, died Henry Wolcott, Esq'r. in the 78th year of his age. He was the owner of a good estate in Somersetshire, in Eng- land. His youth, it is said, was spent in gaiety and country pas- times; but afterwards, under the instructions of Mr. Edward El- ton, his mind was entirely changed, and turned to the sincere love and practice of religion. As the puritans were then treated with great severity, he sold about 8,000 pounds worth of estate in Eng- land, and prepared for a removal into America. He came into New-England with Mr. Warham, in May, 1630, and settled first at Dorchester, in Massachusetts. In 1636, he removed to Wind- sor, and was one of the principal planters of that town. He was chosen into the magistracy in 1643, and continued in it until his death. He left an estate in England, which rented at about sixty pounds a year, which the family, for some time, enjoyed; but it was afterwards sold. After his decease, some one of his descend- ants was annually chosen into the magistracy, for a term of nearly eighty years, until the year 1754, when governor Wolcott left the chair.* At the election in Connecticut, Mr. John Webster was chosen governor, and Mr. Wells deputy governor. This was the only alteration in the magistracy. At New-Haven, in May, 1656, the former governors and magis- trates were rechosen. Mr. John Wakeman was appointed treas- ' Manuscripts from Windsor, found in the collection of the Rev, Mr. Prince, at Boston. The family have kept up the monument of their ancestor, and preserved their dignity to the present time. His Excellency, Oliver Wolcott, Esq'r. one of the sons of the former governor, Roger Wolcott, Esq'r. is the present governor of the state. His brother, the Hon. Erastus Wolcott, Esq'r. was, for some years, one of the magistrates of Connecticut, and, afterwards, one of the judges of the superior court. Oliver Wolcott, Esq'r. one of the sons of the present governor Wolcott, is secretary of the treasury of the United States. Some of the family have been mem- bers of the assembly, judges of the superior court, or magistrates, from the first settlement of the colony to this time, during the term of more than a century and a half. A. D. 1797. 1656] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 187 ice, at their eions itate. }{ the perior ott, is mem- e first and urer. The general court at New-Haven, took great pains to put the colony in a state of defence. Orders were given for the raising of a troop of sixteen horse, in the five towns upon the sea coast, with complete arms and furniture. For their encouragement, they were exempted from taxation, and from training with the foot, and were to enjoy all the privileges of troopers in Massachu- setts. This was the first troop in any part of Connecticut. It was ordered, that all the common soldiers should be trained to shooting at a mark; that they should be furnished with ammuni- tion for that purpose, at the public expense; and that prizes should be prepared for the best marksmen. The soldiers were directed to play at cudgels, and at the broad sword, that they might know how to defend themselves and their country. The protector, Oliver Cromwell, having conquered Jamaica, made it a favourite object to remove the people of New-England to that island. He artfully represented, that they had as clear a call for transporting themselves from New-England to Jamaica, as they had for emigrating from Old England to New, for the advancement of their interests; as the Lord's people were to be the head, and not the tail. He likewise represented, that it would have a tendency to the destruction of the man of sin. He wrote particularly to New-Haven on the subject, and sent them a copy of his instructions relative to the affair. These he had given to one captain Gookins, whom he had employed in the several plan- tations, to promote this, his favourite design. He and major Sedg- wick dispatched letters also to New-Haven, on the same business. Governor Eaton had, some time before this, laid them before the general court. The several plantations in the colony had been made acquainted with their contents, and the deputies had been desired to return their opinion to the court. After a long and serious debate, the court resolved, " That, though they could not but acknowledge the love, care, and tender respect of his highness, the Lord Protector, to New-England in general, and to this colony, in particular, yet, for divers reasons, they cannot conclude that God calls them to a present remove thither." The governor was desired to write to the lord protector, ac- knowledging his great care and love towards the colony. The commissioners of the united colonies, September 4th, held their meeting at Plymouth. They received a very plausible letter from Stuyvesant, the Dutch governor. He wrote with a great show of religion, expressing his joy that God had quenched the bloody war between the Dutch and the English, in Europe; and his warm desires, that it might redound to the great advantage of the subjects of the two nations, in these remote parts of the earth. He solicited a nearer union between the Dutch and the united col- onies. At the same time, he certified them, that he had received a ratification of the agreement made at Hartford, in 1650, under 'W '\* !■' j' i88 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1656 k the seal of the High and Mighty States of the United Belgick Provinces; and desired that time and place might be appointed for delivering and interchanging the ratifications. The governor was so well known to the commissioners, that neither the plausibility of his letter, nor the very christian manner in which it was written, made any deep impressions upon them. They replied, in short, that the peace was matter of joy to them, and they wished the continuance of it in Europe, and in all the plantations abroad. They gave assurances, that the preservation of it should be their constant endeavour. Nevertheless, they gave no intimations that they desired a nearer union, or to ratify the agreement. The Dutch governor had not observed it himself; they considered the Dutch as mere intruders, and were growing daily more able to defend themselves against their encroachments : they were, therefore, determined to do nothing further relative to the affair. They observed to the governor, that he had made no reparation of the damages he had done the colonies, and that they had not heard that he designed to make any: that they heard he yet laid claim to Oyster bay, and that he had made no proper resignation of Greenwich. They desired him to be explicit on these points.^ The last year, complaints were made to the court at New-Haven, that the inhabitants of Greenwich were under little government, and demeaned themselves in a lawless manner. They admitted of drunkenness among themselves, and among the Indians, by reason of which, damages were done to themselves and to the towns in the vicinity, and the public peace was disturbed. They received children and servants, who fled from the correction of their parents and masters, and unlawfully joined persons in wed- lock, with other misdemeanors. Upon this, the general court asserted their right to Greenwich, and ordered the inhabitants to submit to their jurisdiction. But they continued much in the same state, and sent a letter to the court in May, denying their jurisdiction, and refusing any sub- jection to the colony, unless they should be compelled to it, by the parliament. The court, therefore, resolved, that, unless they should appear before the court, and make their submission, by the 25th of June, Richard Crab and others, who were the most stubborn among them, should be arrested and punished, according to law. They, therefore, some time after, subjected their persons and estates to the government of New-Haven. Uncas, though friendly to the English, appears to have been a proud, mischievous sachem, who, by his haughty carriage and provoking language, was often embroiling the country, and bring- ing trouble upon himself and the colonies. He made an assault upon the Podunk Indians, at Hartford. He, or his brother, in- ' Records of the united colonies. I 16571 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 189 vaded the Norwootucks. He upbraided the Narragansets of their dead sachems, and challenged them to fight. Among other in- stances of misconduct, he proved treacherous to the Montauket sachem, and joined with Ninigrate, in his perfidious practices. By these means, the country was so disquieted, that it was with great difficulty the commissioners maintained the general peace. They interposed, and obliged Uncas to make restitution to the Indians, whom he had injured. They prohibited his making war, without their consent and advice. They endeavored to quiet and conciliate the natives; but they found them, whether they were friends or foes, to be a troublesome people. After all their pre- cautions, the country was still more alarmed the next year. In April, 1657, the Indians committed a horrid murder at Far- mington, and besides Mesapano, who was the principal actor, the Norwootuck and Pocomtock Indians were supposed to be ac- complices. The Montaukets, after all the trouble and expense, which the English had been at for their defence, became tumultuous, and did great damage to the inhabitants of Southampton. The general court at Hartford, April 9th, gave orders that the Indians, who perpetrated the murder at Farmington, should be apprehended, and that the sachems of the Pocomtock and Nor- wootuck Indians should deliver up the delinquents among them. Major Mason was ordered, with a detachment, to Long-Island, to bring the Indians there to a just and peaceable conduct, and adjust affairs between them and the English.^ At the general election in Connecticut, May 21st, 1657, Mr. John Winthrop was elected governor, and Mr. Thomas Wells deputy-governor. Mr. Webster was chosen the first magistrate. The other officers were the same who had been appointed the last year. The freemen, at the election in New-Haven, May 27tb, made no alteration in their magistrates. The general court at Hartford, this year, was uncommonly thin, consisting of twenty-two members only. The danger of the plan- tations, and of particular families, from the hostile state of the Ind- ians, appears to have been the reason. The Montaukets, Mohea- gans, Narragansets, and Norwootucks, engaged in implacable wars with each other. They would pursue one another into the English plantations, and even into their houses, and kill each other in the presence of the families, to their great alarm and astonish- ment. Uncas was so pressed by the Narragansets, that Connecti- cut was obliged to send men to his fortress, to assist him in defend- ing himself against them. The Narragansets, in several instances, threatened and plundered the inhabitants of Connecticut. Therefore, when the commissioners met, in September, they sent messengers to them, demanding that they should cease from '■ Records of Connecticut. III* ::ft •< ^•* VM aa ;ft i*i H» m U. ^ t |i S' *'^u VM m m ■4 w^ lii :i li p'l 14; : III 1 J'j " jgo HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1657 war, until their grievances, and the grounds of their contentions, should be heard. They assured them, that they would hear and determine impartially, without favoring any of the parties. They represented to them the covenants which they had made with the English, and the entire inconsistency of their conduct, with those engagements. They also prohibited all fighting in the Eng- lish plantations. This year, the colony of New-Haven, and indeed all the New- England colonies, sustained a heavy loss in the death of governor Eaton.^ He was a minister's son, born at Stony Stratford, in Ox- fordshire; was educated an East India merchant, and was some- time deputy-governor of the company, trading to the East Indies.' For several years, he was agent for the king of England at the court of Denmark. After his return, he was a merchant of great business and respectability, in the city of London. Upon the Laudean persecution, he left his native country, and came into New-England with Mr. Davenport, his minister, in 1637. He was one of the original patentees of the Massachusetts, and soon after his arrival was chosen one of the magistrates of that colony. Upon the settlement of New-Haven, he was chosen governor of the colony, and was annually re-elected until his death. He is represented as comely and personable, and is said to have appeared upon the bench with a dignity and majesty, which admit of no description. The impartiality with which he administered justice, was most exemplary, and his authority was not to be opposed. The wisdom, gravity, and integrity of his ad- ministration, were viewed with universal admiration. In honor to his memory, and the good services which he had rendered the colony, his funeral charges were borne, and a handsome monu- ment erected at the public expense.' Nearly at the same time, died his son-in-law, Edward Hopkins, Esquire, for a number of years governor of Connecticut. He con- ducted the affairs of government with great wisdom and integrity, and was universally beloved. He was a gentleman of exemplary > He died January 7th, 1657,* in the 67th year of his age. ^ This statement is corrected by Savage (Winthrop, i t2j2), who explains the error by inferring that the term East country used by Mather referred at the time to countries bordering on the Baltic. This should also apply to the statement on p. 74 regarding Eaton. — J. T. ' His private was not less amiable than his public character. In conversation, he was affable, courteous, and generally pleasant ; but always grave and cautious. He was pious and strictly moral. His meekness, patience, and fortitude, were sin- gular. In the conduct of his family, he was strict, prudent, and happy. Though it sometimes consisted of not less than thirty persons, yet they were under the most perfect order and government. They were all assembled morning and evening, and the governor, after reading t.ie scriptures, and making devout and useful ob- servations upon them, prayed with great reverence and pertinency. On the sab- bath, and other days of public devotion, he spent an hour or two with his family, in instructing them in the duties of faith and practice ; and in recommending to * Old ityle. The date used in the official record nuke* this confusing, although it is correct.— J. T. 1657 he 1657I HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 191 piety, righteousness, and charity. In his family and secret devo- tions, he followed the example of governor Eaton. His charity was great and extensive. Besides the relief he dispensed to the poor, with his own hands, he gave considerable sums of money to others, to be disposed of to charitable purposes. When he went into England, on the occasion of his brother's death, who had been warden of the English fleet, he designed to return again to his family and friends, in New- England; but he was very soon par- ticularly noticed, and made first warden of the fleet, in the room of his brother. He was then chosen commissioner of the admi- ralty and navy; and finally member of parliament. These unex- pected preferments altered his designs, and determined him to send over for his family, and to spend the remainder of his days in his native country. He had been a consumptive man, attended with a cough, and spitting of blood, for more than thirty years. His constitution was now entirely wasted, and he died in the 58th year of his age. His last will was highly expressive of that public spirit and charity, which had so distinguished him in life. His whole estate, in New-England, was given away to charitable purposes. He manifested his peculiar friendship to the family of Mr. Hooker, his pastor, at Hartford, by giving his relict, Mrs. Hooker, all the debts due from the family, to him; by giving to Mrs. Wilson, of Boston, Mr. Hooker's eldest daughter, his farm at Farmington, with all the houses, out-houses, and buildings upon it; and by legacies to several others of his descendants. All the remainder of his estate, in New-England, he bequeathed to his " father, The- ophilus Eaton, Esquire, master John Davenport, master John Cul- lick, and master William Goodwin, in full assurance of their trust and faithfulness, in disposing of it according to the true intent and purpose of him, the said Edward Hopkins, which was to give some encouragement, in those foreign plantations, for the breed- ing up of hopeful youths, in a way of learning, both at the gram- mar school and college, for the public service of the country, in future times." He also made a donation of five hundred pounds more, out of his estate in England, to the said trustees, in further prosecution of the same public ends, " for the upholding and pro- moting the kingdom of the Lord Jesus Christ, in those parts of the earth." This last donation was considered as made to Har- them the reading and study of the scriptures, secret devotion, the sanctification of the sabbath, and a devout and constant attendance on all divine institutions. On these days he sang praises, as well as prayed with his family. He was greatly be- loved by his domestics, as well as by the commonwealth. Indeed, there was no man, among the first planters of New-England, who had a more general acquaint- ance with public business, or who sustained a fairer character. His monument is kept up to the present time. Upon it are these expressive lines : " Eaton, so meek, so wise, so fam'd, so just. The Phcenix of our world here hides his dust : -<- -" This name forget, New-England never must." :* •4. 1 3 -VH,, ?,f .1 M pi i ('■ ' 4 10 n M I |.V; 192 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1658 vard college, and, by virtue of a decree in chancery, was paid in 1710. The interest given in New-England, was estimated at about I, cool, sterling; and was appropriated to the support of the gram- mar schools in New-Haven, Hartford, and Hadley. The money originally belonged to New-Haven and Hartford ; but as a con- siderable number of the people of Hartford afterwards removed to Hadley, and were principal settlers of that town, they received their proportion of the donation. At a general court in Hartford, March nth, 1658, a troop of thirty horsemen was established in Connecticut, and Richard Lord was appointed captain. This was the first in the colony. May 20th there was a very considerable alteration with respect to governors and the council, both in Connecticut and New- Haven. At the election in Connecticut, Thomas Wells, Esquire, was elected governor, and John Winthrop, Esquire, deputy gov- ernor. To the magistrates last year, who were again re-chosen, there was an addition of Mr. Matthew Allen, Mr. Phelps, Mr. John Wells, Mr. Treat, Mr. Baker, Mr. Mulford, and Mr. Alexander Knowles. There appears to have been sixteen magistrates, and twenty-six deputies; in the whole, forty-two members. On the election at New-Haven, Mr. Francis Newman was chosen governor, and William Leet, deputy governor.* Mr. Jas- per Crane was added to the magistrates, and Mr. William Gibbard was appointed secretary. This year a considerable settlement was made between Mistic and Pawcatuck rivers. This tract was called Pequot, and origi- nally belonged to New-London. The first man who settled upon this tract, was William Cheesebrough, from Rehoboth, in 1649. A complaint was exhibited against him for carrying on an illicit trade with the Indians, for repairing their arms, and endangering the public safety. The general court of Connecticut declared, that they had a clear title to those lands, and summoned him before them. They reprimanded him for settling upon them without their approbation ; for withdrawing himself from Christian society and ordinances; and for unlawfully trading with and assisting the Indians. He confessed his faults;' but pleaded, in excuse, that he had been encouraged by Mr. Winthrop, who claimed a right at Pawcatuck. He gave bonds for his good conduct, and was al- lowed to continue upon the land. The court promised him, that ' Mr. Stephen Goodyear, who had been deputy governor, with governor Eaton, through almost hii whole administration, died this year, in London, and was either there, or on his passage, at this election. He appeals to have been a worthy man, and left a respectable family. ' Cheesebrough does not appear to have confessed to any illicit trade with the Indians at Pawcatuck. The official record says "he acknowledged his former transgression," which must have been some transactions with the Indians at Reho- both, his former residence. After the jurisdiction of Connecticut was settled, Cheesebrough appears to have been a man of good standing, and a deputy to the general court. — J. T. i ^ _ 1658] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 193 if he would procure a sufficient nuniber of planters, they would give them all proper encouragenient, in nuk.ng a permanent set- tlement. About ten or t//elve families, this year, made settlements in that quarter; and, finding 'hat there was a controversy between Connecticut and the Massachusetts, with respect both to title and jurisdiction, they, on the 30th of June, entered into a vcluntary contract to govern themselves, and conduct their affairs in peace, until it should be determined to which colony they should submit. The principal planters were George Denison, Thomas Stanton, Thomas Shaw, William, Elisha, and Samuel Cheesebrough, and Moses and Walter Palmer. These, with some others, were signers of the voluntary compact. At the meeting of the commissioners, the Massachusetts claimed that tract of country, by virtue of the assistance which they aflforded Connecticut in the conquest of the Pequots. The commissioners resolved, " That the determination did arise only from the several rights of conquest, which were not greatly diflfer- ent; yet that being tender of any inconvenience which might arise to those who were already possessed, either by commission from Massachusetts or Connecticut, in any part thereof, should they be put off their improvements; also, upon inquiry, finding, that the Pequot country, which extented from Nehantick to Wekapaug, about ten miles eastward from Mistic river, may conveniently accommodate two plantations, did, respecting things as they then stood, conclude, that Mistic river be the bounds between them, as to propriety and jurisdiction, so far as conquest may give title. Always provided, that such as are already accommodated, by commission of either of the said governments, or have grants of any tracts of land, on either side of the Mystic river, be not mo- lested in any of their possessions or rights, by any other grants." Upon the petition of the planters, October 19th, the general court of the Massachusetts made them a grant of eight miles from the mouth of Mystic river towards Wekapaug, and eight miles northward into the country, and named the plantation Southerton. It continued under the government of Massachusetts until after Connecticut obtained a royal charter. This was a year of great sickness and mortality in Connecticut, and in New-England in general. Religious controversies, at the same time, ran high, and gave great trouble to church and com- monwealth. The Indians continued their wars with implacable animosity. The commissioners employed all their wisdom and influence to make peace ; but they could not reconcile those blood- thirsty barbarians. The crops were light, and it was a year of fear, perplexity, and sorrow.* ' In a proclamation for a general fast, the intemperate xeason, thin harvest, sore visitation by sickness, and the sad, prolonged difierences in the churches, are par- ticularized as matters of humiliation. 'i '■] '1 ' v.tl ll i > ^ ..I I*. "« 1 5 -VH,, ' I ■ 'III If ■ . 1^^ I'] ;l':. 194 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. ri66o 1660] If' John Winthrop, Esq'r. was cho«en governor of Connnecticut for the year 1659, and Thomas Wells, Esq'r. deputy governor. Captain Tapping and Mr. Robert Bond were elected magistrates, in the room of Mr. Knowles and Mr. Mulford. At the election in New-Haven, the same governor and council were rechosen. Indeed, little alteration was made with respect to them, until the union of that colony with Connecticut. At the October session, Cromwell bay, or Setauket, on Long- Island, at the desire of the inhabitants, was admitted as a member of the jurisdiction of Connecticut. On May 17th, 1660, Mr. John Winthrop was rechosen gover- nor. This was the first time that any governor had been elected to that office more than once in two years. Major Mason was advanced to the place of deputy governor. The magistrates were Mr. Henry Clark, Mr. Wyllys, Mr. Phelps, Mr. Allen, Mr. Treat, Mr. Gould, Mr. Tapping, Mr. Ogden, Mr. Bond, Mr. Daniel Clark, and Mr. Talcott. Mr. Daniel Qark was secretary, and Mr. Talcott treasurer. Mr. Webster and Mr. Wells appear now to be no more. They had been annually chosen into the magistracy, for about twenty years, and both had the honour of the chief seat of government.* At this election, the freemen, having found by long experience, that the clause in the third fundamental article, incapacitating any person to be chosen governor more than once in two years, was prejudicial, rather than advantageous to the colony, resolved, that there should be liberty for the annual choice of the same person governor, or of any other whom they should judge best qualified to serve the commonwealth. During the wars between Uncas and the Narragansets, they besieged his fort, near the bank of the Thames, until his provi- sions were nearly exhausted, and he found that he, and his men, must soon perish, by famine or sword, unless he could obtain speedy relief. In this crisis, he found means of communicating his danger to the scouts, who had been sent out from Saybrook fort. By his messengers, he represented the great danger the English, in those parts, would be in immediately, if they should suffer the Moheagans to be destroyed. Upon this intelligence, one Thomas Leffingwell, an ensign at Saybrook, an enterprising, bold man, loaded a canoe with beef, corn, and pease, and, under cover of the night, paddled from Say- brook into the Thames, and had the address to get the whole into the fort. The enemy soon perceiving that Uncas was relieved, • Four or five governors of Connecticut, governor Haynes, governor Wyl'ys, governors Weill and Webster, lie buried at Hartford, without a monument. Will- iam Leet, Esq. governor of New-Haven and Connecticut, also lies interre' '>:here, in the same obscure manner. Considering their many and important public ser- vices, this is remarkable ; but their virtues have embalmed their names, and will render them venerable to the latest posterity. i66o] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 195 raised the siege. For this service, Uncas gave said Leffingwell a deed of a great part, if not of the whole town of Norwich. In June, 1659, Uncas, with his two sons, Owaneco and Attawanhood, by a more formal and authentic deed, made over unto said Lef< fingwell, John Mason, Esq. the Rev. James Fitch, and others, consisting of thirty-five proprietors, the whole township of Nor- wich, which is about nine miles square. The company, at this time, gave Uncas and his sons about seventy pounds, as a further compensation for so large and fine a tract. Preparations were immediately made for its settlement; and, this spring, the Rev. James Fitch, with the principal part of his church and congregation, removed from Saybrook, and planted the town of Norwich. Three or four planters joined them from New-London, and two or three from the towns of Plymouth and Marshiield, in Massachusetts. In 1663, the general assembly ordered that the deed should be recorded. The limits were after- wards ascertained, and the town received a patent of the whole. The Moheagans were a great defence, and of essential service to the town for many years. They kept out their scouts and spies, and so constantly watched their enemies, that they gave the earliest notice of their approach, and were a continual de- fence against them. For this purpose, in times of danger, they often moved and pitched their wigwams near the town, and were a great terror to the enemy. Once the hostile Indians came near to the town, upon the sabbath, with a design to make a descent upon it; but, viewing it from an eminence, and seeing the Mo- heagan huts, they were intimidated, and went oflf without doing the least damage.^ This year, the town of Huntington, upon Long-Island, was re- ceived as a member of the Connecticut jurisdiction. This general court ordered, that grand jurors should be ap- pointed in every town, to make presentment of all breaches of law, in their respective towns. The law required that the pre- sentments should be made to the particular court, in May and October. The accounts with the heirs of George Fenwick, Esq. had not been closed, nor discharges given, relative to the purchase made of the fort at Saybrook, and the old patent of Connecticut. This was an occasion of great uneasiness among the people. The three towns of Hartford, Windsor, and Weathersfield, presented petitions to the general court, praying that the accounts might be adjusted, and the colony discharged. In consequence of these, a large committee was appointed to make a complete settlement with the said heirs. They having prepared the accounts for a final adjustment, the general court, at their session in October, author- ised them, in their behalf, to perfect and confirm the writings. ' Manuscripts from Norwich, and Records of Connecticut ,.f ^1 ofc ..lit H„f* ;;it m m 51 in > 1 f I. 'i\i\ .1 j I !»• ^ *fl 1 <» 1 ' I ■ « A i • ? 1 ' I. d B ' if') \ ! v4 '11 1 ' \ ' 1 '•■' 1 1 u J ^1 m P . h' r» ■t\ m 196 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1660 The governor was authorised, in their name, to affix the public seal of the colony to those which were to be delivered to captain Cullick, and Elizabeth, his wife, heirs of the said George Fen- wick, Esq. and to receive of them the writings, to be delivered to the court, in favour of the colony. Accordingly, on the 7th of October, the colony discharged Mr. John Cullick, and Elizabeth, his wife, their heirs, &c.; and the said John, and Elizabeth, his wife, gave an ample discharge to the colony of Connecticut, from all sums of money due to the said Fenwick, his heirs or assigns, by virtue of the agreements made with Mr. Fenwick, or purchase of the river's mouth.* Thus, after the term of sixteen years, from the first, and four- teen from the second agreement with Mr. Fenwick, the colony completed a settlement respecting the fort and lands holden by him; and became legally possessed of the tract conveyed to the lords and gentlemen severally named in the patent. Upon a final adjustment of the accounts, it appeared, that Mr. Cullick and the heirs of Mr. Fenwick " were indebted 500 pounds sterling to the colony, which had been paid them, more than what was due according to the original agjreements with Mr. Fenwick. John Mason, Esq. now deputy governor, had some time since been authorised, in behalf of the colony, to purchase of Uncas all the lands, which he had reserved for himself and the Moheagans, in the deed of 1640, under the name of planting grounds. Having effected the purchase, he made a surrender of the lands, in the presence of the general court. The following is a minute of the transaction. " Hartford, session of the general court, March 14, 1660.' "The jurisdiction power over that l4nd, which Uncas and Wawequa have made over to major Mason, is by him surrendered to this colony. Nevertheless, for the laying out of those lands to farms, or plantations, the court doth leave it in the hands of major Mason. It is also ordered and provided, with the consent of major Mason, that Uncas and Wawequa, and their Indians and successors, shall be supplied with suflficient planting ground at all times, as the court sees ca'.se, out of that land. And the major doth reserve to himself a <-cnipetency to make a farm." For want of form, and a more legal manner of conveyance, with respect to those lands, originated the memorable Mason case, or controversy, as it was called. It continued about seventy years, and was an occasion of great trouble and expense to the colony. A statement of it will be made in the progress of this history. ' Mr. Cullick, who, for several years, had been one of the magistrates of Con- necticut, and secretary of the colony, had now removed his residence to Boston. ' Tliis does not appear to have been money reclaimed by the colony for over> payment, but was a forced compromise by the General Court of a claim against Fenwick's estate for money alleged to have been paid, as " Fort rate," without valid consideration. See Public Records of the Colony of Conn,, i : 573 ; see, also, note p. II9.-J. T. ^ This according to the present mode of dating was March 14, 1661. i66ij HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 197 CHAPTER XII. THE colony having purchased the patent, and the government of England having been settled in the king and parliament, the general court determined to make application for a charter under the royal signature. 1 iicy avowed their allegiance to his majesty, king Charles the second; dechred that all the inhabitants of this colony were his faithful subjects; and that it was necessary to petition him for his grace, and the continuance and confirmation of their rights and privileges. The court resolved, that the 500 pounds due from Mr. CuUick should be appropriated to the prose- cution of their address, and application to his majesty for a patent. At the session in May, a petition to his majesty was presented by the governor, and approved by the general court. That it might, however, be made as perfect as possible, the governor and deputy governor, Mr. Wyllys, Mr. Allen, Mr. Warham, Mr. Stone, Mr. Hooker, Mr. Whiting, and the secretary, were appointed a committee for its emendation. They were authorised to method- ize and make all such alterations, as they should judge expedient, provided the substance of it were retained. They were directed to write letters to any noble personages in England, to whom it might be expedient to make application, and to transact whatever might be necessary, respecting the petition and the procurement of a patent. Governor Winthrop was appointed agent to present the peti- tion to his majesty, and to transact all affairs in England, respect- ing the general welfare of the colony. He had particular instruc- tions from the general court for the management of the business of his agency. He was especially directed to obtain the consent, and take the advice of the nobles and gentlemen, who had been interested in the old patent of Connecticut; and to engage the friendship and influence of all those, who might be active and serviceable, with respect to the interests of the colony. In the petition to his majesty, it was represented, that the great- est part of the colony had been purchased and obtained by great and valuable considerations; that some other part thereof had been obtained by conquest; and that it had, with great difficulty, at the sole endeavours, expense and charges of themselves and their associates, under whom they claimed, been subdued and improved, and thereby become a considerable enlargement and addition to his majesty's dominions and interests in New-Eng- land.^ These were pleaded as reasons, with his majesty, to grant the tract and privileges for which the petitioners prayed. At the same time, a letter was addressed to lord Say and Seal, ' Appendix No. VII. >. 'V^„ ,^ J i i I 1 1' h ' i, m i If Pi mi:' k ii ?(tH hS>>;j !; - 198 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1661 representing the encouragements which their fathers, and some of their surviving associates, received from him, to transplant themselves into the inland parts of this vast wilderness, and their assurances of his patronage and favor. They also complained, that Mr. George Fenwick, several years after he had taken pos- session of the entrance of Connecticut river, determining to re- turn to England, proposed to sell the fort, at Saybrook, with all the buildings and appurtenances there, together with all the lands upon the river, as far eastward as Narraganset bay, with the right of jurisdiction, to the colony. They represented, that this, at first, was strenuously opposed, by many of the inhabitants, as they imagined his lordship, and the other noble patentees, had very bountiful intentions towards them; and that such a procedure would be extremely contrary to their designs. Nevertheless, that afterwards, as some of those gentlemen, who had the greatest interest in the affections of their lordships, were removed by death; and as Mr. Fenwick pretended to be the only patentee; and threatened, that unless the colony would purchase the lands, on his own terms, he would either impose duties upon the people, or sell the premises to the Dutch, they finally agreed with him, and paid him 1,600 pounds for them. They intimated that this was the only way in which the peace and safety of the community could have been preserved. As a further matter of grievance, they complained, that, besides this great abuse, Mr. Fenwick had given them nothing under his hand, to oblige himself or his heirs to fulfil his engagements; and that they had nothing to secure them, in the enjoyment of their just rights and privileges, as a distinct commonwealth. They further made complaint of en- croachments made upon them, on the north by the Massachusetts, and by them and others towards the Narragansets ; and that they knew not how to support their claims, or ascertain their boun- daries, without a patent. They intreat his lordship to consider their circumstances, counsel and assist their agent, and counte- nance their designs.^ The only alteration which had been made, at the election, this year, in Connecticut, was the choice of Mr. Thurston Rayner into the magistracy; but at New-Haven the alteration was very con- siderable. Francis Newman, Esq. who had succeeded governor Eaton, in the chief seat of government, was now no more. He had been for many years secretary, under the administration of governor Eaton, and was well acquainted with the affairs of the colony. He is represented as a gentleman of piety and unblemished mor- als, happily imitating his predecessor both in public and private life. Upon the election in May, William Lee, Esq. was chosen gov- ' Letter to his lordship, No. VIII. i66i] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 199 ernor, and Mr. Matthew Gilbert, deputy governor. Mr. Benja- min Fenn, Mr. Robert Treat, Mr. Jasper Crane, Mr. John Wake- man, and Mr. William Gibbard, were elected magistrates. The spirit of republicanism however was so high, at New-Haven, that several of them would not accept their appointments and take the oaths prescribed. Mr. Wakeman and Mr. Gibbard utterly re- fused. Mr. Fenn was hardly prevailed with to accept his office. He at last took the oath, with this previous explanation, that it was only with reference to the particular laws of that colony; and that if any thing foreign should present, it should give no offence if he should decline acting. Mr. James Bishop was chosen secre- tary, and Mr. Robert Allen, treasurer. An affair had happened at New-Haven, a few months before this, which now began to alarm the country, and soon gave great anxiety and trouble to that colony. Very soon after the restoration, a large number of the judges of king Charles the first, commonly termed regicides, were ap- prehended and brought upon their trials, in the Old Baily. Thirty nine were condemned, and ten executed as traitors. Some others, apprehensive of danger, fled out of the kingdom before king Charles II. was proclaimed. Colonels Whalley and Goffe made their escape to New-England. They were brought over by one captain Cooking, and arrived at Boston, in July, 1660. Gov- ernor Endicott and gentlemen of character, in Boston and its vicinity, treated them with peculiar respect and kindness. They were gentlemen of singular abilities, and had moved in an exalted sphere. Whalley had been a lieutenant general, and Goffe, a major general, in Cromwell's army. Their manners were elegant, and their appearance grave and dignified, commanding universal respect. They soon went from Boston to Cambridge, where they resided until February. They resorted openly to places of public worship on the Lord's day, and at other times of public devotion. They were universally esteemed, by all men of character, both civil and religious. But no sooner was it known, that the judges had been condemned as traitors, and that these gentlemen were ex- cepted from the act of pardon, than the principal gentlemen in the Massachusetts began to be alarmed. Governor Endicott called a court of magistrates to consult measures for apprehending them. However, their friends were so numerous that a vote could not, at that time, be obtained to arrest them. Some of the court de- clared that they would stand by them, others advised them to remove out of the colony. Finding themselves unsafe at Cambridge, they came, by the assistance of their friends, to Connecticut. They made their route by Hartford, but went on directly to New-Haven. They arrived about the 27th of March, and made Mr. Davenport's house the place of their residence. They were treated with the same marks -^ ; :i ' HI ' HI ^^li! '1 fl «»AI» '■/■! W'l ,t% III' fit''' ' Y- w K . H 20O HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1661 of esteem and generous friendship, at New-Haven, which they had received in the Massachusetts. The more the people became acquainted with them, the more they esteemed them, not only as men of great minds, but of unfeigned piety and religion. For some time, they appeared to apprehend themselves as out of dan- ger, and happily situated among a number of pious and agreeable friends. But it was not long before the news of the king's proc- lamation against the regicides arrived, requiring, that wherever tliey might be found, they should be immediately apprehended. The governor of Massachusetts, in consequence of the royal proclamation, issued his warrant to arrest them. As they were certified, by their friends, of all measures adopted respecting them, they removed to Milford. There they appeared openly in the day time, but at night often returned privately to New-Haven, and were generally secreted at Mr. Davenport's, until about the last of April. In the mean time, the governor of Massachusetts received a royal mandate requiring him to apprehend them ; and a more full and circumstantial account of the condemnation and the execu- tion of the ten regicides, and of the disposition of the court to- wards them, and the republicans and puritans in general, arrived in New-England. This gave a more general and thorough alarm to the whole country. A feigned search had been made in the Massachusetts, in consequence of the former warrant, for the colonels Whalley and Gof¥e; but now the governor and magis- trates began to view the affair in a more serious point of light ; and appear to have been in earnest to secure them. They perceived, that their own personal safety, and the liberties and peace of the country, were concerned in the manner of their conduct towards those unhappy men. They therefore immediately gave a commis- sion to Thomas Kellond and Thomas Kirk, two zealous young royalists, to go through the colonies, as far as the Manhadoes, and make a careful and universal search for them. They pursued the judges, with engagedness, to Hartford; and, repairing to governor Winthrop, 'vere nobly entertained. He assured them, that the colonels ma». <; no stay in Connecticut, but went directly to New-Haven. He gave them a warrant and instructions similar to those which they had received from the governor of Massachu- setts, and transacted every thing relative to the affair with dis- patch. The next day they arrived at Guilford, and opened their business to deputy governor Leet. They acquainted him that, ac- cording to the intelligence which they had received, thr regicides were then at New-Haven. They desired immediately to be fur- nished with powers, horses, and assistance to arrest them. But here they were very unwelcome messengers. Governor Leet, and the principal gentlemen in Guilford and New-Haven, had no ill opinion of the judges. If they had done wrong in the i66i] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 201 part they had acted, they viewed it as an error in judgment, and as the fault of great and good men, under peculiar and extraordi- nary circumstances. They were touched with compassion and sympathy, and had real scruples of conscience with respect to delivering up such men to death. They viewed them as the ex- cellent in the earth, and were afraid to betray them, lest they should be instrumental in shedding innocent blood. They saw no advantage in putting them to death. They were not zealous therefore to assist in apprehending them. Governor Leet said, he had not seen them, in nine weeks, and that he did not believe they were at New-Haven. He read some of the papers relative to the affair with an audible voice. The pursuivants observed to him, that their business required more secrecy, than was con- sistent with such a reading of their instructions. He delayed fur- nishing them with horses until the next morning, and utierly de- clined giving them any powers, until he had consulted with his council, at New-Haven. They complained, that an Indian went off, from Guilford to New-Haven, in the night, and that the gov- ernor was so dilatory, the next morning, that a messenger went on to New-Haven, before they could obtain horses for their as- sistance. The judges were apprised of every transaction respect- ing them, and they, and their friends, took their measures accord- ingly. They changed their quarters, from one place to another in the town, as circumstances required; and had faithful friends to give them information, and to conceal them from their enemies. On the 13th of March, the pursuivants came to New-Haven, and governor Leet arrived in town, soon after them, to consult his council. They acquainted him, that, from the information which they had received, they were persuaded, that the judges were yet in the town, and pressed him and the magistrates to give them a warrant and assistance, to arrest them, without any fur- ther delay. But after the governor and his council had been to- gether five or six hours, they dispersed, without doing any thing relative to the af]Fair. The governor declared, that they could not act without calling a general assembly of the freemen. Kellond and Kirk observed to him, that the other governors had not stood upon such niceties; that the honor and justice of his majesty were concerned, and that he would highly resent the concealment and abetting of such traitors and regicides. They demanded whether he, and his council, would own and honour his majesty? The governor replied, we do honour his majesty, but have tender consciences, and wish first to know whether he will own us.* The tradition is, that the pursuivants searched Mr. Davenport's house, and used him very ill. They also searched other houses, where they suspected that the regicides were concealed. The ■ Report of Kellond and Kirk to governor Endicott ; to which they gave oath, in the presence of the governor and his council. I :ii I* it ■'% lit lO » ;= ^m Ml f • M hi.- I ?;■■■ J, , 'f it' i ifi'! i 202 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. I1661 s «; ; 4^m t^i report is, that they went into the house of one Mrs. Eyers, where they actually were; but she conducted the affair with such com- posure and address, that they imagined the judges had just made their escape from the house, and they went off without making any search. It is said, that once, when the pursuers passed the neck bridge, the judges concealed themselves under it. Several times they narrowly escaped, but never could be taken. These zealous royalists, not finding the judges in New-Haven, prosecuted their journey to the Dutch settlements, and made in- terest with Stuyvesant, the Dutch governor, against them. He promised them, that, if the judges should be found within his jurisdiction, he would give them immediate intelligence, and that he would prohibit all ships and vessels from transporting them. Having thus zealously prosecuted the business of their commis- sion, they returned to Boston, and reported the reception which they had met with at Guilford and New-Haven. Upon this report, a letter was written by secretary Rawson, in the name of the general court of Massachusetts, to governor Leet and his council, on the subject. It represented, that many complaints had been exhibited in England against the colonies, and that they were in great danger. It was observed, that one great source of complaint, was their giving such entertainment to the regicides, and their inattention to his majesty's warrant for arresting them. This was represented as an affair which haz- arded the liberties of all the colonies, and especially those of New- Haven. It was intimated, that the safety of particular persons, no less than that of the colony, was in danger. It was insisted, that the only way to expiate their offence, and save themselves harmless, was, without delay, to apprehend the delinquents. In- deed, the court urged, that not only their own safety and welfare, but the essential interests of their neighbours, demanded their indefatigable exertions to exculpate themselves. Colonels Whalley and Goffe, after the search which had been made for them at New-Haven, left Mr. Davenport's, and took up their quarters at Mr. William Jones's, son in law to gover- nor Eaton, and, afterwards, deputy governor of New-Haven and Connecticut. There they secreted themselves until the nth of May. Thence they removed to a mill in the environs of the town. For a short time, they made their quarters in the woods, and then fixed them in a cave in the side of a hill, which they named Provi- dence Hill. They had some other places of resort, to which they retired as occasion made it necessary; but this was, generally, the place of their residence until the 19th of August.* When the ' About this time they removed to Milford, where they continued about two years. On the arrival of the king's commissioners in New-England, they retired again to their cave for a short time, and about the 13th of Octo^r, 1664, removed to Hadley. As the late Rev. President Stiles has written their history, no notice will be taken of it in this work, further than it is connected with the affairs of the colony. i66i] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 203 weather was bad, they lodged, at night, in a neighbouring house. It is not improbable, that, sometimes, when it could be done with safety, they made visits to their friends at New-Haven. Indeed, to prevent any damage to Mr. Davenport, or the col- ony, they once, or more, came into the town openly, and oflfered to deliver up themselves to save their friends. It seems it was fully expected, at that time, that they would have done it volun- tarily. But their friends neither desired, nor advised them, by any means, to adopt so dangerous a measure. They hoped to save themselves and the colony harmless, without such a sacrifice. The magistrates were greatly blamed for not apprehending them, at this time in particular. Secretary Rawson, in a letter of his to governor Leet, writes, " How ill this will be taken, is not difficult to imagine; to be sure not well. Nay, will not all men condemn you as wanting to yourselves? " The general court of Massachu- setts further acquainted governor Leet, that the colonies were criminated for making no application to the king, since his res- toration, and for not proclaiming him as their king. The court, in their letter, observed, that it was highly necessary that they should send an agent to answer for them at the court of England. On the reception of this intelligence, governor Leet convoked the general court August ist, and laid the letters before them. After much debate, it was concluded to address a letter to the general court, exculpating the colony. With respect to the regi- cides, they declared, that they had neither disowned nor slighted the king nor his authority; and that the apprehending of them was not defeated by any delay of theirs, as they had made their escape before the king's warrant arrived in the colony. They alleged, that the pursuers neglected their business, to attend upon the governor and his council, for which they had no author- ity. Besides, they pleaded scruples of conscience, and fear of unfaithfulness to the people, who had given them all their power, and to whom they were bound by solemn oath. Further, they insisted, that acting upon the warrant would have been owning a general governor, and dangerous to the liberties of the people. To him they said the warrant was directed, and though other magistrates were mentiond, yet they were considered only as officers under him. With reference to the magistrates not arresting the judges, when they appeared openly in the town, they said, it was owing to a full persuasion that they would certainly surrender them- selves, according to their promise. They affirmed, that they had used all diligence with those who had shown them kindness, to persuade them to deliver them up ; that they were ignorant where they were, and that they did not believe that they were in the colony. They promised, that they would exert themselves to arrest and secure them, if an opportunity should present. M u t It t 1. 4 J B^ lUto s Hi "•1^ 'f ' I 304 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1661 V I .. I They excused themselves for not making an address or ap- plication to his majesty, because it was to them a new and un- precedented affair, and they were ignorant of the proper form. Indeed, they said they could not agree in one which might be ac- ceptable. These they avowed to be the reasons of their omission, and not any disloyalty to his majesty. As the form in which the colony of Massachusetts made their submission to the king, had been laid before them, they declared, that it was to their satisfac- tion, and that, from their hearts, they acknowledged and said the same. They promised full subjection and entire allegiance to his majesty, king Charles II. Upon this submission and declaration, they supplicated for the same immunities and privileges with their sister colonies, and declared their expectations of the full enjoy- ment of them. At the same time, they declined the making of any particular address to the king, on account of their inability to procure a proper agent to present it to his majesty. In their great dist* jss, they desired the general court of Massachusetts to represent ihem to the king as cordially owning and complying with their address, as though it had been said and made by themselves. They ex- pressed their opinion of the necessity of a general agent for New- England, to supplicate the royal favour, to defeat the designs of their enemies, and to procure for them all acts of indemnity and grace. They agreed to bear their proportionable part of the ex- pense. The court immediately sent an agent to Boston, on this business. One great matter of complaint, agvi/st the colonies, had been their not proclaiming the king. But as he had now been proclaimed in all the other colonies, in New-England, the gen- eral court at New-Haven judged it expedient formally to proclaim him there,* which was done August 21. About this time, it seems, governor Winthrop took his passage for England. Upon his arrival, he made application to lord Say and Seal, and other friends of the colony, for their countenance and assistance. Lord Say and Seal, appears to have been the only nobleman living, who was one of the original patentees of Connecticut. He held the patent in trust, originally, for the puritanic exiles. He received the address from the colony most favorably, and gave governor Winthrop all the assistance in his power." The gov- ' The form wascurioui. It was expreued in the following words. "Although we have not received any form of proclamation, by order from his majesty or council of state, for proclaiming his majesty in this colony ; yet, the court taking encouragement from what has been done in the rest of the united col- onies, hath thought fit to declare publicly, and proclaim, that we do acknowledge his royal highness, Charles the second, king of England, Scotland, France, and Ire- land, to be our sovereign lord and king ; and that we do acknowledge ourselves, the inhabitants of this colony, to be his majesty's loyal and faithful subjects." ' Letter to governor Winthrop, in England, No. IX. His lordship ever retained his friendship u>r the colonies, and not only rendered great services to Connecticut, but to them all, in vindicating them against the complaints made against them, and X i663] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 205 ernor was a man of address, and he arrived in England at a happy time for Connecticut. Lord Say and Seal, the great friend of the colony, had been particularly instrumental in the restoration. This had so brought him into the king's favour, that he had been made lord privy seal. The earl of Manchester, another friend of the puritans, and of the rights of the colonies, was chamberlain of his majesty's household. He was an intimate friend of lord Say and Seal, and had been united with him in defending the col- onies, and pleading for their establishment and liberties. Lord Say and Seal engaged him to give Mr. Winthrop his utmost as- sistance. Mr. Winthrop had an extraordinary ring, which had been given his grand father by king Charles the first, which he presented to the king. This, it is said, exceedingly pleased his majesty, as it had been once the property of a father most dear to him. Under these circumstances, the petition of Connecticut was presented, and was received with uncommon grace and fa- vor. Upon the 20th of April, 1662, his majesty granted the colony his letters patent, conveying the most ample privileges, under the great seal of England. It confirmed unto it the whole tract of country, granted by king Charles the first unto the earl of War- wick, and which was, the next year, by him consigned unto lord Say and Seal, lord Brook and others. The patent granted the lands in free and common socage. The facts, stated and pleaded in the petition, were recognized in the charter, nearly in the same form of words, as reasons of the royal grant, and of the ample privileges which it conveyed. It ordained, that John Winthrop, John Mason, Samuel Wyllys, Henry Clarke, Matthew Allen, John Tapping, Nathan Gould, Richard Treat, Richard Lord, Henry Wolcott, John Talcott, Dan- iel Clarke, John Ogden, Thomas Wells, Obadiah Bruen, John Clark, Anthony Hawkins, John Deming, and Matthew Canfield, and all such others as then were, or should afterwards be admitted and made free of the corporation, should forever after be one body corporate and politic, in fact and name, by tne name of the Gov- ernor AND COMPANY OF THE ENGLISH COLONY OF CONNECTI- CUT IN New-England in America; and that by the same name, they and their successors should have perpetual succession. They were capacitated, as persons in law, to plead and be impleaded, to defend and be defended, in all suits whatsoever: To purchase, possess, lease, grant, demise, and sell lands, tenements, and goods, in as ample a manner, as any of his majesty's subjects or corpora- tions in England. The charter ordained, that there should be, annually, two general assemblies; one holden on the second in conciliating the favor of the king and his court towards them. In a letter of his, to the gOTemment of Massachusetts, he says, " I have not been wanting both to the king and council to advance your interest ; more I cannot do, but pray the Lord to stand with you and for you," *, li i \ M! ■yit': iv;1 % m .'1 j W< i r P' m i) SI" 206 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. til- li'.i.i ir i. (Ifc, [166] Thursday in May, and the other on the second Thursday in Oc> tober. This was to consist of the governor, deputy governor, and twelve assistants, with two deputies from every town or city. John Winthrop was appointed governor, and John Mason, dep- uty governor, and the gentlemen named above, magistrates, until a new election should be made. The company were authorised to have a common seal, to ap- point judicatories, make freemen, constitute ofRcers, establish laws, impose fines, assemble the inhabitants in martial array for the common defence, and to exercise martial law in all cases, in which it might be necessary. It was ordained by the charter, that all the king's subjects, in the colony, should enjoy all the privileges of free and natural subjects within the realm of England; and that the patent should always have the most favorable construction for the benefit of the governor and company. The charter did not come over until after the election. This was on the 15th of May, and the freemen made no alteration in their officers. Many of the colony of New-Haven appear to have been exceed- ingly opposed to king Charles, and to the royal instructions which they had received. It had been with great difficulty, that the governor and council had managed the government in such a manner, as to keep peace among the people, and not incur the displeasure of the king and his council. Though they had done as little as possible, consistent with loyalty, in conforming to his majesty's orders, yet they had done more than was pleasing to all. There had been some insurrections and tumults, and the author- ity, in some instances, had not been well treated. Some com- plained, that they could not enjoy their privileges more amply; and that none but church members could be freemen of the cor- poration. Governor Leet, therefore, at the court of election. May 28th, made a pacific speech to the freemen. He represented to them the great difficulties and dangers of the year past, and the divine goodness towards them, in the continuation of their civil and religious privileges. He acknowledged himself to be subject to many imperfections, yet professed, that, in his office, he had acted conscientiously, consulting the common safety and happiness. He declared his readiness to give the reasons of his conduct to any brother, or brethren, who would come to him, in an orderly manner. He acknowledged their kind affection and patience to- wards him, in covering and passing by his infirmities. Upon this, the election proceeded, and he was chosen gover- nor, and Matthew Gilbert deputy governor. The deputy gov- ernor's not apprehending the regicides, did not, in any measure, injure his popularity. No objection was made against either of 1663] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 207 tlie governors. Mr. William Jones and Mr. William Gibbard were chosen magistrates, for New-Haven; Mr. Benjamin Fenn and Mr. Robert Treat, for Milford; and Mr. Jasper Crane, for Uranford. Several of the magistrates took the oath, this year, with the expl< aations and exceptions which they had made the last. Before the session of the general assembly of Connecticut, in October, the charter was brought over; and as the governors and magistrates, appointed Ly his majesty, were not authorised to serve after this time, a general election was appointed on the yth of October. John Winthiop, Esq. was chosen governor, and John Mason, Esq. depuiy governor. The magistrates were, Matthew Allen, Samuel Wyllys, Nathan Gould, Richard Treat, John Ogden, John Tapping, John Talcott, Henry Wolcott, Dan- iel Clarke, and John Allen, Esquir«;s, Mr. Baker, and Mr. Sher- man. John Talcott, Esq. was treasurtr. and Daniel Clarke, Esq. secretary. Upon the day of the election, the charter was puLlicly read to the freemen, and declared to belong to them and thei.' successors. They then proceeded to make choice of Mr. Wyllys, Mr. Talcott, and Mr. Allen, to receive the charter into their custody, and to keep it in behalf of the colony. It was ordered, that an oath should be administered by the court, to the freemen, binding them to a faithful discharge of the trust committed to them. The general assembly established all former officers, civil and military, in their respective places of trust; and enacted, that all the laws of the colouy should be continued in full force, ex- cept such as should be found contrary to the tenor of the char- ter. It was also enacted, that the same colony seal should be con- tinued. The major part of the inhabitants of Southhold, several of the people at Guilford, and of the towns of Stamford and Greenwich, tendering their persons and estates to Connecticut, and petition- ing to enjoy the protection and privileges of this commonwealth, were accepted by the assembly, and promised the same protection and freedom, which was common to the inhabitants of the colony in general. At the same time, it was enjoined upon them, to con- duct themselves peaceably, as became christians, towards their neighbours, who did not submit to the jurisdiction of Connecticut ; and that they should pay all taxes due to the ministers, with all other public charges then due. A message was sent to the Dutch governor, certifying him of the charter, granted to Connecticut, and desiring him, by no means, to trouble any of his majesty's sub- jects, within its limits, with impositions, or prosecutions, from that jurisdiction. The assembly gave notice to the inhabitants of Winchester, that they were comprehended within the limits of Connecticut; and •'•I * i m h mm •1 I 'U 1:; l . Hi :• i ■ ) :* n\ i fc'H ■ > 208 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. ri66a tl. ordered, that, as his majesty had thus disposed of them, they should conduct themselves as peaceable subjects. The assembly resolved, that the inhabitants of Mistic and Paw- catuck should no more exercise any authority, by virtue of com- missions from any other colony, but should elect their town officers, and manage all their afiairs, according to the laws of Connecticut. It was also resolved, that this, and some other towns, should pay twenty pounds each, towards defraying the expense of procuring the charter.* Huntington, Setauket, Oyster-Bay, and all the towns upon Long-Island, were obliged to submit to the authority, and govern themselves agreeably to the laws of Connecticut. A court was in- stituted at Southhold, consisting of captain John Youngs, and the justices of South and East-Hampton. The assembly resolved, that all the towns, which should be received under their jurisdic- tion, should bear their equal proportion of the charge of the col- ony, in procuring the patent. As the charter included the colony of New-Haven, Mr. Mat- thew Allen, Mr. Samuel Wyllys, and the Rev. Messrs. Stone and Hooker, were appointed a committee, to proceed to New-Haven, and to treat with their friends there, respecting an amicable union of the two colonies.* The committee proceeded to New-Haven, and after a conference with the governor, magistrates, and principal gentlemen in the colony, left the following declaration, to be communicated to the freemer. " We declare, that through the providence of the Most High, a large and ample patent, and therein desirable privileges and im- munities from his majesty, being come to our hand, a copy where- of we have left with you, to be considered, and yourselves, upon the sea coast, being included and interested therein, the king hav- ing united us in one body politic, we, according to the commission wherewith we are intrusted, by the General Assembly of Connec- ticut, do declare, in their name, that it is both their and our earnest desire, that there may be a happy and comfortable union between yourselves and us, according to the tenor of the charter; that in- conveniences and dangers may be prevented, peace and truth strengthened and established, through our suitable subjection to the terms of the patent, and the blessing of God upon us therein." The authority of New-Haven made the following reply. " We have received and perused your writings, and heard the ' It appears, from the appropriations made, and taxes imposed, to pay the charges of governor Winthrop's agency, that the charter cost the colony about thirteen hun- dred pounds sterling. » A thanksgiving was appointed by this assembly, through the colony, to cele- brate the divine beneficence ; especially, in granting them such a favorable reception with his majesty, and such ample civil and religious privileges, as had been con- ferred by their charter ; and for God's gracious answer to the prayers of his people, in abating the sickness of the country, and giving them rain in the time of drought. rein. d the :o cele* ception in con- eople, fought. 1662] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 209 copy read of his majesty's letters patent to Connecticut colony; wherein, though we do not find the colony of New-Haven ex- pressly included, yet to show our desire that matters may be is- sued in the conserving of peace and amity, with righteousness be- tween them and us, we shall communicate your writing, and a copy of the patent, to our freemen, and afterwards, with conven- ient speed, return their answer. Only we desire, that the issuing of matters may be respited, until we may receive fuller information from Mr. Winthrop, or satisfaction otherwise; and that in the mean time, this colony may remain distinct, entire, and uninter- rupted, as heretofore: which we hope you will see cause lovingly to consent unto; and signify the same to us with convenient speed." On the 4th of November, the freemen of the colony of New- Haven, convened in general court. The governor communicated the writings to the court, and ordered a copy of the patent to be read. After a short adjournment, for consideration in an affair of so much importance, the freemen met again, and proceeded to a large discussion of the subject. The Rev. Mr. Davenport was entirely opposed to an union with Connecticut. He proceeded, therefore, to offer a number of rea- sons, why the inhabitants of New-Haven could not be included in the patent of that colony, and for which they ought by no means, voluntarily to form an union. He left his reasons in writ- ing for the consideration of the freemen. He observed that, he should leave others to act according to the light which they should receive. It was insisted, that New-Haven had been owned as a distinct government, not only by her sister colonies, by the parliament, and the protector, during their administration; but by his majes- ty, king Charles the second: That it was against the express articles of confederation, by which Connecticut was no less bound, than the other colonies: That New-Haven had never been certi- fied of any such design, as their incorporation with Connecticut ; and that they had never been heard on the subject. It was further urged, that, had it been designed to unite them with Connecticut, some of their names, at least, would have been put into the patent, with the other patentees; but none of them were there. Hence it was maintained, that it never could have been the design of his majesty, to comprehend them within the limits of the charter. It was argued, that for them to consent to an tmion would be incon- sistent with their oath, to maintain that commonwealth, with all its privileges, civil and religious. Indeed, it was urged, that it would be incompatible both with their honor and most essential interests. Governor Leet excused himself from speaking on the subject, desiring rather to hear the freemen speak their minds freely, and to act themselves, with respect to the union. n- li ■•• i^i^y fl«r pi h|: h B;i;,,i ;: Vft- 210 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [i66s After the affair had been fully debated, the freemen resolved, that an answer to Connecticut should be drawn up under the fol- lowing heads. 1. " Bearing a proper testimony against the great sin of Con- necticut, in acting so contrary to righteousness, amity, and peace." 2. " Desiring that all further proceedings, relative to the affair, might be suspended, until Mr. Winthrop should return, or they might otherwise obtain further information and satisfaction." 3. " To represent, that they could do nothing in the affair, until they had consulted the other confederates." * The freemen appointed all their magistrates and elders, with Mr. Law, of Stamford, a committee to draw up an answer to the General Assembly of Connecticut. They were directed to subjoin the weighty arguments, which they had against an union. If these should not avail, they were directed to prepare an address to his majesty, praying for relief. The committee drew up a long letter, in which they declared, that they did not find any command in the patent, to dissolve covenants, and alter the orderly settlement of New-England; nor a prohibition against their continuance as a distinct government. They represented, that the conduct of Connecticut, in acting at first without them, confirmed them in those sentiments; and that the way was still open for them to petition his majesty, and ob- tain immunities, similar to those of Connecticut. They declared, that they must enter their appeal from the construction which Connecticut put upon the patent; and desired that they might not be interrupted, in the enjoyment of their distinct privileges. They solicited, that proceedings relative to an union might rest, until they might obtain further information, consult their con- fedetates, and know his majesty's pleasure concerning them. The committee then proceeded to represent the unreasonable and injurious conduct of Connecticut towards them, in beginning to exercise jurisdiction within their limits, before they had given them any intimations that they were included in their charter; be- fore they had invited them to an amicable union; and before they had any representation in their assembly, or name in their patent. They urged, that, in such a procedure, they had encour- aged division, and g^ven countenance to disaffected persons : that they had abetted them in slighting solemn covenants and oaths, by which the peace of the towns and churches, in that colony, was greatly disturbed. Further, they insisted, that, by this means, his majesty's pious designs were counteracted, and his interests dis- served : that great scandal was brought upon religion before the natives, and the beauty of a peaceable, faithful and brotherly walk- ing exceedingly marred among themselves. The committee also represented, that these transactions were entirely inconsistent • Records of New-Haven. I663l HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. tit with the engagements of governor Winthrop, contrary to his ad- vice to Connecticut, and tended to bring injurious reflections and reproach upon him. They earnestly prayed for a copy of all which he had written to the deputy governor and company on the sub- ject. On the whole, they professed themselves exceedingly in- jured and grieved; and intreated the general assembly of Con- necticut to adopt speedy and eflfectual measures to repair the breaches which they had made, and to restore tliem to their former state, as a confederate and sister colony.^ Connecticut made no reply to this letter; but at a general as- sembly, holden March nth, 1663, appointed the deputy governor, Messrs. Matthew and John Allen, and Mr. John Talcott, a com- mittee to treat with their friends at New-Haven, on the subject of an union. But the hasty measures which the general assembly had taken, in admitting the disaffected members of the several townc, under the jurisdiction of New-Haven, to their protection, and to the privileges of freemen of their corporation, and in that way beginning to dismember that colony, before they had invited them to incorporate with them, had so soured their minds and prejudiced them, that this committee had no better success than the former. In consequence of the claims of Connecticut, and of what had passed between the two colonies, governor Leet called a special assembly at New-Haven, on the 6th of May. It was then pro- posed to the court, whether, considering the present state of the colony, and the aflfairs depending between them and Connecticut, any alteration should be made, with respect to the time or manner of their election? The freemen resolved, that no alteration should be made. They then determined upon a remonstrance, or declara- tion, to be sent to the general assembly of Connecticut. In this they gave an historical account of the ends of their coming, with their brethren in the united colonies, into New-England, and of the solemn manner in which these colonies had confederated; and insinuated, that the conduct of Connecticut towards them, was directly contrary to the desigfns of the first planters of New-Eng- land, and to that express article of the confederation, that no one colony should be annexed to another, without the consent of the other colonies. They declared, that if, through the contrivance of Connecticut, without their knowledge or consent, the patent did circumscribe that colony, it was, in their opinion, contrary to brotherly love, righteousness, and peace. They also declared, that, notwithstanding the sense which Connecticut put upon their patent, they could not find one line or letter in it, expressing his majesty's pleasure, that they should become one with that colony. The court affirmed, that they were necessitated to bear testimony against the appointment of constables and other officers, in the ' Letter to Connecticut, No. X. 'A' ■ >* i) > 5j" II fl . i: Mi %* I.' I. V flI8 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1663 towns under their jurisdiction, and the dismembering of their colony, by receiving their disaffected people under the protection of a legislature distinct from theirs, and in which they had no rep- resentation. They remonstrated against this, as distracting the colony, destroying the comfort, and hazarding the lives and lib- erties of their confederates; as giving great offence to their con- sciences, and as matter of high provocation and complaint before God and man. All this unbrotherly and unrighteous management, they represented as exceedingly aggravated, in that, notwith- standing their former representations and intreaties, in writing, notwithstanding their appeal to his majesty, and notwithstand- ing all their past distress and sufferings, they were still pursuing the same course. They still declared, that they appealed to his majesty; and that, exceedingly grieved and afflicted, they, in the sight of God, angels, and men, testilied against such proceed- ings.^ V/hile these affairs were transacted in the colonies, the petition and address of New-Haven, to his majesty, arrived in England. Upon which governor Winthrop, who was yet there, by the ad- vice of the friends of both colonies, agreed, that no injury should be done to New-Haven, and that the union and incorporation of the two colonies should be voluntary. Therefore, on the 3d of March, 1663, he wrote to the deputy governor and company of Connecticut, certifying them of his engagements to the agent of New-Haven; and that, before he took out the charter, he had given assurance to their friends, that their interests and privileges should not be injured by the patent. He represented, that they were bound by the assurances he had given; and, therefore, wished them to abstain from all further injury and trouble of that colony. He imputed what they had done to their ignorance of the engage- ments which he had made. At the same time, he intimated his assurance, that, on his return, he should be able to effect an ami- cable union of the colonies.' At the election in Connecticut, May 14th, Mr. Howell and Mr. Jasper Crane were chosen magistrates, instead of Mr. John Allen and Mr. John Ogden.* Mr. John Allen was appointed treasurer. Connecticut now laid claim to West-Chester, and sent one of their magistrates to lead the inhabitants to the choice of their officers, and to administer the proper oaths to such as they should elect. The colony also extended their claim to the Narraganset country, and appointed officers for the government of the inhab- itants at Wickford. Notwithstanding the remonstrance of the court at New-Haven, their appeal to king Charles the second, and the engagements of > No. XI. ' Governor Winthrop's letter to Connecticut, No. XIL * Mr, Crane was chosen magistrate, this year, in both colonies. 1663] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 213 governor Winthrop, Connecticut pursued the affair of an union, in the same manner in which it was begun. At a session of the general assembly, August 19th, 1663, the deputy governor, Mr. Wyllys, Mr. Daniel Clarke, and Mr. John Allen, were appointed a committee to treat with their friends of New-Haven, Milford, Guilford, and Branford, relative to their incorporation with Con- necticut. Provided they could not effect an union, by treaty, they were authorised to read the charter publicly at New-Haven, and to make declaration to the people there, that the assembly could not but resent their proceeding, as a distinct jurisdiction, since they were evidently included within the limits of the charter, granted to the corporation of Connecticut. They were instructed to proclaim, that the assembly did desire, and could not but expect, that the inhabitants of New-Haven, Milford, Guilford, Branford, and Stamford, would yield subjection to the government of Con- necticut. At the meeting of the commissioners, in September, New- Haven was owned by the colonies, as a distinct confederate. Governor Leet and Mr. Fenn, who had been sent from that juris- diction, exhibited a complaint against Connecticut, of the injuries which they had done, by encroaching upon their rights, receiving their members under their government, and encouraging them to disown their authority, to disregard their oath of allegiance, and to refuse all attendance on their courts. They further complained, that Connecticut had appointed constables in several of their towns, to the great disquiet and injury of the colony. They prayed, that effectual measures might be taken to redress their grievances, to prevent further injuries, and secure their rights as a distinct confederate. Governor Winthrop and Mr. John Talcott, commissioners from Connecticut, replied, that, in their opinion, New-Haven had no just grounds of complaint; that Connecticut had never designed them any injury, but had made to them the most friendly proposi- tions, inviting them to share with them freely in all the important and distinguishing privileges, which they had obtained for them- selves; that they had sent committees amicably to treat with them; that they were still treating, and would attend all just and friendly means of accommodation. The commissioners of the other colonies, having fully heard the parties, determined, that as the colony of New-Haven had been " owned, in the articles of confederaticm, as distinct from Con- necticut, and having been so owned, by the colonies jointly in the present meeting, in all their actings, they may not, by any acts of violence, have their liberty of jurisdiction infringed, by any other of the united colonies, without breach of the articles of confedera- tion; and that where any act of power hath been exerted against their authority, that the same ought to be recalled, and their '^n • jifH»|IM %'^%^ I •».» '»! ;! »i '■■■ ii ■A \'M 314 HISTORY OF CONNECTICbr. [1663 m [PI,'/ mi fev S I ii:'. ;; '^ I power reserved to them entire, until such time, as, in an orderly way, it shall be otherwise disposed." With respect to the particu- lar grievances, mentioned by the commissioners of New-Haven, the consideration of them was referred to the next meeting of the commissioners at Hartford.* The extending of the claims of Connecticut to all the planta- tions upon Long-Island, to West-Chester, and the neighbouring towns, alarmed Stuyvesant, the Dutch governor. He, therefore, appeared before the commissioners at Boston, and complained of the infraction of the articles of agreement, concluded at Hartford, between the English and Dutch, and desired the commissioners to cl 'itermine, whether they considered said articles as binding the parties or not. As this complaint respected Connecticut more especially, governor Winthrop and Mr. Talcott replied, in behalf of their constituents. They pleaded, that, as it was an afifair of great con- cernment, and as Connecticut had not been certified of any such complaint, and they had no instructions relative to the subject, the decision of it might be deferred until the next meeting of the commissioners. The commissioners resolved, that, saving their allegiance to his majesty, and his claim to the lands in controversy, and the right of Connecticut colony, by virtue of their charter, they did, for themselves, esteem the articles of agreement, in 1650, to be bind- ing, and that they would not countenance the violation of them. They advised the parties concerned, to refer all matters, respect- ing the subject, to the next meeting of the commissioners. In the mean time, they advised, that the articles of agreemeni should be observed, and that all persons in the places in controversy, should be acquitted from penalties and damages, on the account of their having resisted the authority of the Dutch.* Connecticut was now attacked from all quarters. While the colony was without a royal g^ant, its neighbours made encroach- ments with impunity; and now, when it extended its claims, by virtue of regal authority, they all complained, and took all pos- sible advantage of former encroachments and decisions, at times when they could plead no such authority. As all the united col- onies, except Plymouth, were affected by the claims of the colony, so they were mutually interested in opposing and determining against them. As Connecticut had now claimed Pawcatuck, or Southerton, and prohibited the exercise of any authority there, except such as was derived from the legislature of that colony, the inhabitants had exhibited three addresses to the general court of Massachu- setts, petitioning for relief and protection. The commissioners from Massachusetts, Mr. Bradstreet and ' Records of the united colonies, vol. ii. Ibid. 'I* \ ' i i 1063] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 215 Mr. Danforth, laid the complaints and petitions before the com- missioners 01 the otner colonies, and prayed tor reiiet, according to the provision made, in such cases, in tne articles ot confedera- tion. The court of commissioners advised, that the affair should be respited lor the present; that Connecticut should apply to the general court of the Massachusetts, for an amicable setdement: and that, if this should not be effected, the aggrieved party might make application to the commissioners, at their next meeting. In the mean time, they advised, that affairs at Southerton, should be managed according to their former decisions. When the general assembly of Connecticut convened, in Octo- ber, they paid particular attention to these great objects of general concernment. Notwithstanding all which had happened relative to New-Haven, the following act passed. " This court doth declare, that they can do no less, for their own indemnity, than to manifest their dissatisfaction with the planta- tions of New-Haven, Milford, Guilford, Stamford, and Branford, in their distinct standing from us, in point of government; it be- ing directly opposite to the tenor of the charter, lately granted to our colony of Connecticut, in which these plantations are in- cluded. We do also expect their submission to our government, according to our charter, and his majesty's pleasure therein ex- pressed; it being a stated conclusion with the commissioners, that jurisdiction right goeth with patent. And whereas, the aforesaid people of New-Haven, Milford, Guilford, Stamford, and Bran- ford, pretend they have power of government, distinct from us, we do hereby declare, that our council will be ready to attend them, or a committee of theirs; and if they can rationally make •'. appear, that they have such power, and that we have wronged them according to their complaints, we shall be ready to attend them with due satisfaction." * The assembly appointed a committee to draught a letter to the gentlemen at New-Haven, and to inclose to them the preceding resolution. Agents were sent to this assembly from the Manhadoes, to treat with the legislature, relative to the differences subsisting between them and the Dutch. A petition, at the same time, was presented from the English plantations upon Long-Island, in the vicinity of the Dutch, praying for the protection and privileges of the cor- poration of Connecticut. Upon which the assembly passed the following resolve: " That, as they were solicitous to maintain the interests and peace of his majesty's subjects, and yet to attend all ways of right- eousness, so that they might hold a friendly correspondence with their neighbours, at the Manhadoes, they would, for the present, > Records of Connecticut. ',.1; J I'— CM I.4U MS .,.4 ■nK <» m ■M:' i"M \ I'-^fl r. i p 216 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1663 iorbear all acts of authority towards the English plantations on the west end of Long-island, provided the Dutch would forbear to exercise any coercive power towards them; and this court shall cease from further attendance unto the premises, until there be a seasonable return, from the general Stevenson, to those proposi- tions his messengers carried with them, or until there be an issue of the difference, between them and us. And, in case the Dutch do unjustly molest or offer violence unto them, we declare, that we shall not be willing to see our countrymen, his majesty's natural born subjects, and his interests, interrupted or molested, by the Dutch or any others; but we shall address ourselves, to use such just and lawful means, as God shall, in his wisdom, offer to our hands, for their indemnity and safety, until his majesty, our sovereign lord the king, shall please to declare his royal pleasure for their future settlement." As governor Winthrop was now returned from England, the assembly embraced the first opportunity to present him with the thanks of the colony, for the great pains he had taken, and the special services he had rendered it, in procuring the charter. The legislature, determining to secure, as far as possible, the lands within the limits of their charter, authorised one Thomas Pell to purchase of the Indian proprietors all that tract between West-Chester and Hudson's river, and the waters which made the Manhadoes an island; and resolved, that it should be added to West-Chester. The towns on the west end of Long-Island petitioning to be under the government of Connecticut, the assembly declared, that, as the lines of their patent extended to the adjoining islands, they accepted those towns under their jurisdiction. It was resolved, in October, that Hammonasset should be a town. The same month, twelve planters, principally from Hart- ford, Windsor, and Guilford, fixed their residence there. It was aftenn'ards named Killingworth. At the October session, 1703, the assembly gave them a patent, confirming to the proprietors all the lands within the limits of the town.^ While these affairs were transacted in Connecticut, the colony of New-Haven persisted in their opposition to an incorporation with that government. On the 22d of October, their general court convened, and governor Leet acquainted the court, that, since the meeting of the commissioners, their committee had written to Connecticut to the following effect: That as the commissioners had unanimously established the confederation, and the distinct and entire jurisdiction of each confederate colony, they judged, that it would not be unacceptable to present to their general as- < The name oiiginally designed was Kennelworth, and thus it is written, for some years, on the records of the colony, b' .t by mistake it was recorded Killing- worth, and this name finally prevailed. se vi wi th th m to its for ng- 1663] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. ai7 sembly our request, that they would act in conformity to the ad> vice of the commissioners, and recall all former acts, inconsistent with their determinations. They insisted, that a compliance with their wishes would be no obstruction to an amicable treaty j, but that its tendency would be sooner to effect the union, which they desired: That it could, by no means, endanger their patent, nor any of their chartered rights; and that they had the countenance of all the confederates, to apologize for them in their present re- quest, and in maintaining their rights, as a distinct jurisdiction. Governor Leet further certified the court, that their committee had ' desired an answer to their letter, before the present session of their general court, and previously to their answering the proposals made to them by Connecticut. The freemen of the colony of New-Haven were not only op- posed to an incorporation with Connecticut, but even to treating with them, under the then present circumstances. The court, after a long and serious debate, considering, that the general court of Connecticut had not complied with their re- quest, but still claimed a right of jurisdiction over them, and countenanced the malcontents in their several towns, were de- cidedly against any further treaty. The following resolution was adopted. " That no treaty be made, by this colony, with Connect- icut, before such acts of power, exerted by them, upon any of our towns, be revoked and recalled, according to the honorable Mr. Winthrop's letter engaging the same, the commissioners' deter- mination, and our frequent desires." The court ordered, that the magistrates, or other officers, where there were no magistrates, should issue warrants, according to law, to attach the personal estate of those who, upon legal demand, had refused, or should refuse to make payment of their rates. It was provided, that, in case of resistance and forcible rescue, vio- lence should not be used to the shedding of blood, unless it were in a man's own defence. The court further determined to make application to his majesty for redress. The plan adopted by the court, as circumstances tlien were, was to petition the king for a bill of exemption from the government of Connecticut, and to leave the affair of procuring a patent, for that colony, to the wis- dom of their agents in England, as they should judge to be most expedient. A tax of 300 pounds was levied upon the colony, for the purpose of enabling them to prosecute the affair before his majesty in council. A day of extraordinary fasting and prayer was appointed to supplicate divine mercy, for the afflicted people of God universally, and especially for themselves, that they might be directed to the proper means of obtaining an established and permanent enjoy- ment of their just rights and privileges. - r;^'-! "IlilXtHW .4K I-- \.4J lt|ll<»l|^ I 'I'l i'ii -M m 11 ' ' ?• U '1J^«^ at8 HISTORY OF CONNFCCTICUT. Ii6ft3 i If II i m,* The alTuira o( the colony of Ncw-lluvcii were now exceedingly enibu* ruNHcil, unci upproucliing lo un iniportunl criHin. The colony WUH much in debt. Iuxch imd nut been pnnctuully collecteU. Muny were diiiuitcctcd with the Kuverntncnt, and rcluiicd to pay uny ihinj; for itit mipport. When the ot)icer.s ul New-iiuven at- tempted to collect the tuxen, which had been imposed, they re- paired lo Connecticut for protection; and, with too little appear- ance of juHticc, or brotherly uitection, were protected, by itn Icgis- lature. liuleed the colony was ho reduced, tliat it coult not pay the stated Maluriett of its principal oliicers. While the court expressed their ardent desires, were it in their power, to give the governors the fidl salary, which had been usual, yet, considering the low state of the colony, and the numbers withdrawn from them, they judgeil they were not able to give the governor more than forty pounds, and the ilei)Uty governor not more than ten. No sooner did the otVicers begin to distrain the rates of those who refused to pay, than it produced the most alarming and dan- gerous consequences. Une John Rossitcr of liuilford, and his son, bold and disorderly men, who hail been punished for misde- meanors, by the authority of the colony of Ncw-llaven, made u joiuiiey to ilarlford, and obtained two of the magistrates of Con- necticut, a constable, and several others, to come down to Guil- ford, on the night of the 30th of December. Jiy tiring a number of guns in the night, they greatly alarmed and disturbed the town. Some of the men, from Connecticut, were rough, and used high and threatening language, in such a crisis, governor Leet judged it expedient to send immediately to Urnnford and Ncw-liaven, for assistance, iiotli the towns were alarmed, in the dead time of night, and forwarded men to the aitl of the governor. The gover- nor and magistrates conducted atVairs with such moderation and prudence, that no mischief was done. The gentlemen from Con- necticut remonstrated against collecting taxes from those, who had been taken under the protection of that colony, and desired New-Haven to suspend the ati'air for further consideration. (Jovernor Leet therefore convoked a special court, at New- Haven, on the 7th of January, 1664. He opened the public busi- ness, by acquainting the court, that it was the earnest desire of the magistrates from Connecticut, and of Mr. Rossitcr and his son, that the act of the general court of New-Have 1, relative to the dis- tr.iining of taxes, might be suspended, until there could be an- other conference between the colonies; at which, they were in expectation, that all diilicultics might be amicably settled. He also laiil before the court the representations which the gentlemen from Connecticut had made of the great danger there would be, in carrying that act into execution, in direct opposition to the au- thority of Connecticut. It was desired, that the court would ma- turely consider the affair. lW.3| HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 319 The cuurl iriHiHlcil, thut all former treaties with Connecticut had been without any good effect; and persisted in tlie resolution, that, until the members, which had been so unrighteously taken from them, hIiouUI be restored, they would hold no further treaty with that colony/ Mr. Davenport and Mr. Street were appointed to make a draught of their grievances, to be transmitted to the lioneral Assembly of Connecticut. It was to be examined and ap- proved by such a number of their committee, as could be convened upon the occasion. They drew up a long and sensible remon- strance, which they termed " New-Haven case stated." The subject was introduced with a declaration to this effect: That it was their deep sense of the injuries, which the colony had suffered, by the claims and encroachments, which had been made upon their just prerogatives and privileges, which had induced I'lt-m, unanimously, though with great reluctance, to declare uieir grievances unto them. They proceeded then, to declare, that they settled at New-Haven, with the consent of Connecticut; had purchased the whole tract of land, which they had settled upon the sea coast, of the Indians, the original proprietors of the soil; and had quietly possessed it nearly six and twenty years: That they had expended great estates, in clearing, fencing, and cultivating the lands, without any assistance from Connecticut; and had formed themselves, by voluntary compact, into a distinct com- monwealth. They then proceeded to state a great variety of in- stances, in which Connecticut, the united colonies, the parliament, and protector, the kinjr and his council, had owned them as a dis- tinct colony. They insisted that, notwithstanding, they had now procured a patent includmg New-Haven, not only without their concurrence, but contrary to their minds, previously expressed; contrary to the express articles of the confederation, and to their own engagements, not to include them in the charter. P'urther they afllirmed, that Mr. Winthrop, before his dep^arture for Eng- land, had, by his letters, given assurance, that it was not designed to include New-Haven in the patent; and that the magistrates of Connecticut had agreed, that, if the patent should include them, they should be at full liberty to incorporate with them or not, as should be most agreeable to their inclinations. They alleged that, contrary to all the premises, to justice, to good faith, to broth- erly kindness, to the peace and order of church and conmion- wcalth, Connecticut, even in their first assembly, proceeded to the dismemberment of the colony of New-Haven, by receiving its members from Stamford, Guilford, and Southhold: That, after such dismemberment, they had preposterously pretended to treat with them relative to an union: And that, after a conference with the committee from Connecticut, and the reading of their charter, it did not appear that they were so much as mentioned, or that it ' Records of New-Haven. 'I H,'%t%. ■4K I'— an ^%^ ■i ,;,■ Hi 4 :? • 11 '•t a I ^'} 11 220 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1664 ff '.V- . i' had any reference to them. They declared that, in a full persua- sion of his majesty's pleasure, to continue them a distinct jurisdic- tion, they had assured the committee of their desi^^n to appeal to him, and know his royal purpose: That, though they immedi- ately sent their appeal ; yet that, out of tender respect to the peace and honor of Mr. Winthrop, they advised their friends, in Eng- land, to acquaint him with their papers, that he might adopt some effectual expedient, to compromise the unhappy differences be- tween the two colonies: And that it was on the account of Mr. Winthrop's engagements to their friends, that their rights and in- terests should not be disquieted nor injured, that the appeal to his majesty was then suspended.^ From a statement of these, and some other facts and circumstances, they attempted to demon- strate their rights, as a distinct colony, and the injustice, unfaith- fulness, ingratitude, and cruelty of Connecticut, in their claims upon them, and in the manner of their prosecuting them. Their beginning to dismember their colony, by receiving and protecting their subjects and malcontents, previous to any treaty with them; their appointing officers, creating animosities, and raising alarms in their several towns, were especially insisted on, as contrary to all their covenants, as brethren and confederates, and contrary to all order, peace, and justice. The General Assembly of Connecticut, at their session in May, avowed their claim to Long-Island, as one of the adjoining islands mentioned in their charter, except some preceding right should appear, approved by his majesty. Officers were appointed, by the court at Hampstead, Jamaica, Newtown, Flushing, Oyster-Bay, and all the towns upon the west end of the island. Upon the general election at New-Haven, May 25th, the free- men proceeded to the choice of their civil officers, as had been usual. Governor Leet was rechosen, and Mr. William Jones was elected deputy-governor. Matthew Gilbert, Esq. the former deputy-governor, Mr. Benjamin Fenn, Mr. Jasper Crane, Mr. Treat, and Mr. Nash, were appointed magistrates. The two last would not accept the office. The governor and deputy-governor were chosen commissioners for the next meeting at Hartford. The colony was now become so weak, and the affairs of it so em- barrassed, by the claims and proceedings of Connecticut, that the general court either did no business, or jndged it expedient to put nothing upon record. In this situation of affairs, an event took place, which alarmed all the New-England colonies, and at once changed the opinions of the commissioners, and of New-Haven, with respect to their incorporation with Connecticut. King Charles the second, on the 12th of March, 1664, gave a patent to his brother, the Duke of York and Albany, of several ex- ' Records of New-Haven. 16*4] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. lit tensive tracts of land, in North America, the boundaries of which are thus described. " All th{ t part of the main land of New-England, beginning at a certain place, called and known by the name of St. Croix, next adjoining to New-England in America, and from thence extend- ing along the sea coast unto a certain place called Pemaquie or Pemaquid, and so up the river thereof, to the furthest head of the same, as it tendeth northward ; and extending from thence to the river Kembequin, and so upwards by the shortest course to the river Canada, northward : and also, all that island or islands, com- monly called by the general name or names of Meitowax, or Long-Island, situate and being toward the west of Cape Cod, and the narrow Highgansets, abutting upon the main land between the two rivers there called or known by the several names of Con- necticut and Hudson's river, and all the land from the west side of Connecticut river to the east side of Delaware bay, and also all those several islands called or known by the names of Martin's Vineyard or Nantucks, otherwise Nantucket : together," &c. The concern of the Duke of York for his property, the aversion both of his majesty and the duke to the Dutch, with the differ- ences between them and the New-England colonies, made an ex- pedition against the New-Netherlands a prime object of their attention. Though his majesty king Charles II. was an indolent prince, devoted to dissipation and pleasure, yet, under the in- fluence of these motives, an armament was soon prepared, and a fleet dispatched to New-England, for the reduction of the Dutch settlements on the continent. Colonel Richard Nichols was chief commander of the fleet and army. Colonel Nichols had not only a commission, for the reduction of the Dutch plantations, and the government of them, but he, with George Cartwrith, Esq. Sir Robert Carr, and Samuel Maverick, Esq. were appointed com- missioners, by his majesty, and vested with extraordinary powers, for visiting the New-England colonies; hearinfr and determining all matters of complaint and controversy betwt>.n them, and set- tling the country in peace.* Colonel Nichols arrived at Boston, with the fleet and troops under his command, on the 23d of July, 1664. He immediately communicated his commission to the colonies, and his majesty's requisition of troops, to assist in the expedition against the Dutch. He then sailed for the New-Netherlands, and on the 20th of Au- gust, made a demand of the town and forts upon the island of Manhadoes. He had previously sent letters to governor Win- Ihrop to join him, at the west end of Long-Island. Governor Win- throp, with several of the magistrates and principal gentlemen of Connecticut, joined him, according to his wishes. Stuyvesant, the Dutch governor, was an old soldier, and had he ' No. xiii. and hit tnajeity'* letter No. xiv. , '1 '■'■'*■ Hi i. ■ 'tir*«l%| I'-- i;:itn h 'i'it< 222 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1664 i' « K* i'"^ been better prepared, and the people united, doubtless would have made a brave defence. But he had no intimations of the design, until the 8th of July, when he received intelligence, that a fleet of three or four ships of war, with three hundred and fifty soldiers on board, were about to sail from England, against the Dutch settle- ments. Upon this, he immediately ordered that the forts should be put into a state of defence, and sent out spies into several parts of Connecticut, with a view of obtaining further information. In- deed, the tradition has been, that the Dutch governor, apprehend- ing the danger in which all the Dutch plantations would imme- diately be, on the arrival of the fleet, should the colonies unite against them, came to Hartford to negotiate a neutrality with Con- necticut; and that he was there when he received the news of the arrival of the fleet at Boston. The story has been, that he made his departure in the night, and returned with the utmost expedi- tion. He was extremely opposed to a surrender of the fort and town. Instead of submitting to the summons at first sent him, he drew up a long statement of the Dutch claims, and their indubitable right to the country. He insisted that, had the king of England known the justice of their claims, he never would have adopted such measures against them. He concluded, by assuring colonel Nichols, that he should not submit to his demands, nor fear any evils, but such as God, in his providence, should inflict upon him.* Colonel Nichols, in his first summons, had, in his majesty's name, given assurance, that the Dutch, upon their submission, should be safe, as to life, liberty, and property. Governor Win- throp also wrote a letter to the governor and council, advising them to surrender. But they were careful to secrete the writings from the people, lest the easy terms proposed, should induce them to surrender. The burgo-masters and people desired to know of the governor, what was the import of the writings he had re- ceived, and especially of the letter from governor Winthrop. The Dutch governor and his council giving them no intelligence, they solicited it still more earnestly. The governor, irritated at this, in a paroxysm of anger, tore the letter in pieces. Upon which the people protested against his conduct, and all its consequences. While the governor and his council were thus contending with the burgo-masters and people, in the town, the English commis- sioners caused a proclamation to be published, in the country, en- couraging the inhabitants to submit to his majesty's government. This promised to all the inhabitants, who would become subject to his majesty, " that they should be protected by his majesty's laws and justice, and peaceably enjoy whatever God's blessing, and their honest industry, had furnished them with, and all the other privileges with his majesty's English subjects." ' Smith's History of New- York, p. 12, 14. I664J HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 223 The colonel, finding that the Dutch governor was determined, if possible, to keep his station, sent officers to Jamaica, Hamp- stead, and other towns, upon the island, to beat up for volunteers. Captain Hugh Hyde, who commanded the ships, had orders to proceed to the reduction of the fort.^ Troops were raised in New- England, and ready to march upon the first notice. Two thirds of the inhabitants upon Long-Island were English subjects, and wished for the success of his majesty's arms. They were ready, if necessary, to afford their immediate assistance. In such circum- stances, opposition would have been madness. The Dutch there- fore, on the 27th of August, submitted on terms of capitulation. Th" articles secured them in the enjoyment of liberty of conscience in divine worship, and their own mode of discipline. The Dutch governor and people became English subjects, enjoyed their es- tates, and all the privileges of Englishmen. Upon the surrender of the town of New-Amsterdam, it was named New- York, in honor to the duke of York. Part of the armament immediately sailed up the river, under the command of Carteret, to fort Orange, or Aurania. This surren- dered on the 24th of September. This was named Albany, in honor to the duke of York and Albany. Sir Robert Carr pro- ceeded with another division of the fleet to Delaware. He obliged the Dutch and Swedes to capitulate, and deliver up their respec- tive garrisons, on the ist of October. Upon this day, the whole of New-Netherlands became subject to the crown of England. The Dutch, who before had given so much trouble to the English col- onists, from this time, commenced their loyal and peaceable fel- low subjects. The short time the commissioners tarried at Boston, before they proceeded upon their expedition against the Dutch, was sufficient to discover something of their extraordinary powers, and such a taste of the high and arbitrary manner in which they conducted, as spread a general alarm, and awakened, in the colonies, serious apprehensions for their liberties. Mr. Whiting, who was at Bos- ton, and learned much of their temper, was sent back, in haste, to give information of the danger, in which, it was apprehended, the colonies all were; to advise New-Haven to incorporate with Connecticut, without delay; and to make a joint exertion for the preservation of their chartered rights. This was pressed, not only as absolutely necessary for New-Haven, but for the general safety of the country. " In consequence of this intelligence, a general court was con- vened at New-Haven, on the nth of August, 1664. Governor Leet communicated the intelligence which he had received from their friends at Boston. He acquainted them that Mr. Whiting and Mr. Bull had made a visit to New-Haven, and in their own > Smith's History of New- York, p. 10, 22. y ' <^ Hi^dw C» -■ I Hl%* 224 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1664 r ■ !' names, and in behalf of the magistrates of Connecticut, pressed their immediate subjection to their government. Further, the court was certified, that after some treaty with those gentlemen, their committee had given an answer, purporting, that, if Connect- icut would, in his majesty's name, assert their claim to the colony of New-Haven, and secure them in the full enjoyment of all the immunities, which they had proposed, and engage to make a united exertion, for the preservation of their chartered rights, they would make their submission. After a long debate the court re- solved, that, if Connecticut should come and assert their claim, as had been agreed, they would submit until the meeting of the com- missioners of the united colonies. The magistrates and principal gentlemen of the colony, seem to have been sensible, not only of the expediency, but necessity of aii incorporation with Connecti- cut. The opposition, however, was so general among the people, that nothing further could be effected. The court of commissioners was so near at hand, that governor Winthrop and his council judged it not expedient to make any further demands upon New-Haven, until their advice could be known. However, when the general assembly met, early in Sep- tember, they passed a remonstrance against the sitting of governor Leet and deputy governor Jones with the commissioners. In the remonstrance they declared, that New-Haven was not a colony, but a part of Connecticut, and avowed their claim to it as such. They insisted, that owning that as a colony, distinct from Con- necticut, after his majesty had, by his letters patent, incorporated it with that colony, was inconsistent with the king's pleasure; would endanger the rights of all the colonies, and especially the charter-rights of Connecticut. The assembly, at the same time, declared, that they would have a tender regard to their honored friends and brethren, at New-Haven, and exert themselves to ac- commodate them, with all the immunities and privileges which were conveyed by their charter. On the 1st of September, the court of commissioners met at Hartford. The commissioners from New-Haven were allowed their seats with the other confederates. The case of New-Haven and Connecticut was fully heard, and though the court did not approve of the manner, in which Connecticut had proceeded, yet they earnestly pressed a speedy and amicable union of the two colonies. They represented, that the divine honor, and the welfare of all the colonies, as well as their own, were greatly concerned in the event. To remove all obstructions on their part, the commissioners recommended it to the general courts of Massachusetts and Plym- outh, that, in case the colony of New-Haven should incorporate with Connecticut, they might then be owned as one colony, and send two commissioners to each meeting; and that the determina- !5, i 1664] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 225 tions of any four of the six, should be equally binding on the con- federates, as the conclusions of six out of eight, had been before. It was also proposed to the court, that the meeting, which of course had been at New-Haven, should be at Hartford.* In compliance with the advice of the commissioners, governor Leet convened the general court at New-Haven, on the 14th of September, and communicated the advice which had been given, and papers from the committee of Connecticut, advising and urg- ing them to unite. They referred it to their most serious consid- eration, whether, if the king's commissioners should visit them, they would not be much better able to vindicate their liberty and just rights, in union with Connecticut, under a royal patent, than in their then present circumstances. Many insisted, notwith- standing, " That to stand as God had kept them to that time was their best way." Others were entirely of the contrary opinion, and after the fullest discussion of the subject, no vote for union or treaty could be obtained. New-Haven and Brahford were more fixed and obstinate in their opposition to an incorporation with Connecticut, than any o *e other towns in that colony. Mr. Davenport and Mr. Pier- ; em to have been among its chief supporters. They, with '1 v, of the inhabitants of the colony, were more rigid, with re- spect to the terms of church communion, than the ministers and churches of Connecticut generally were. The ministers and; churches in Connecticut were, a considerable number of them, in ; favor of the propositions of the general council, which met at Cam- bridge, in 1662, relative to the baptism of children, whose parents were not in full communion. The ministers and churches of New- Haven were universally and utterly against them. Mr. Daven- port, and others in this colony, were also strong in the opinion, that all government should be in the church. No person in this colony could be a freeman, unless he were a member in full com- munion. But in Connecticut, all orderly persons, possessing a freehold to a certain amount, might be made free of the corpora- tion. Those gentlemen, who were so strong in the opposition, were, doubtless, jealous that an union would mar the purity, or- der, and beauty of their churches, and have an ill influence on the civil administrations. The removal of the seat of government; the apprehension which some had of losing their places of trust and general influence; with strong prejudices and passions' against Connecticut, on acrount of the injuries, which it was con- ceived it had done the colony, all operated in forming the opposi- tion. Besides, it was a painful reflection, that, after they had been ! at so much pains and expense to form and support themselves as a distinct commonwealth, and had been so many years owned as one, their existence must cease and their name be obliterated. ' Records of the united colonies. It wm detennined, at this court, that their meetings, for the future,' should be triennial. \y I llirtmi^ I iKllH'l * ■ 51 236 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1664 This event, however, was hastening, and grew more and more urgent. Milford, at this time, broke off from them, and would no more send either magistrate or deputies to the general court. J Mr. Richard Law, a principal gentleman at Stamford, also de- serted them. In this state of affairs, the general assembly of Connecticut con- vened, on the 13th of October. This was an important crisis with the colony. In few instances, have so many important objects of consideration, at one time, presented themselves to a legislature. Their liberties were not only in equal danger with those of their sister colonies, from the extraordinary powers, and arbitrary dis- positions and measures of the king's commissioners, but the duke of York, a powerful antagonist, had received a patent, covering Long-Island and all that part of the colony west of Connecticut river. The Massachusetts were encroaching upon them on their northern and eastern boundaries. William and Anne, the duke and dutchess of Hamilton, had petitioned his majesty to restore to them the tract of country granted to their father, James, marquis of Hamilton, in the year 1635; and his majesty had, on the 6th of May, 1664, referred the case to the determination of colonel Nichols and the other commissioners.^ Besides, the state of af- fairs with New-Haven was neither comfortable nor safe. In these circumstances, the legislature viewed it as a point of capital importance to conciliate the commissioners, and obtain the good graces of his majesty. For this purpose, they ordered a present of five hundred bushels of com, to be made to the king's commissioners. A large committee was appointed to settle the boundaries between Connecticut and the duke of York. A com- mittee, consisting of Mr. Allen, Mr. Wyllys, Mr. Talcott, and Mr. Newbury, was also appointed to settle the boundary line between this colony and Massachusetts, and between Connecticut and Rhode-Island. They were instructed not to give away any part of the lands, included within the limits of the charter. Mr. Sherman, Mr. Allen, and the secretary, were authorised to proceed to New-Haven, and, by order of the general assembly, " in his majesty's name, to require the inhabitants of New-Haven, Milford, Branford, Guilford, and Stamford, to submit to the gov- ernment established by his majesty's gracious grant to this colony, and to receive their answer." They had instructions to de :Iare all the freemen, in those towns, free of the corpoiation of Connecti- cut; and to make all others, in the respective towns nieutioned, qualified according to law, freemen of Connecticut. At the same time, they were directed to administer to them the freeman's oath. Besides, they were authorised to make declaration, that the as- sembly did invest William Leet and William Jones, Esquires, Mr. Gilbert, Mr. Fenn, Mr. Crane, Mr. Treat, and Mr. Law, with the « No. XV. K?» I664J HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. ad; powers of magistracy; to govern their respective plantations agreeably to the laws of Connecticut, or such of their own laws, as were not inconsistent with the charter, until their session in May next. It was proclaimed also, that all other officers, civil and mili- tary, were established in their respective places; and that cog- nizance should not be taken of any case which had been prose- cut 1, to a final adjudication, in any of the courts of that colony.^ The gentlemen appointed to this service, on the 19th of Novem- ber, went to New-Haven, and proceeded according to their in- structions. About the same time. Governor Winthrop, Mr. Allen, Mr. Gould, Mr. Richards, and John Winthrop, the committee ap- pointed to settle the boundaries between Connecticut and New- York, waited on the commissioners upon York Island. After they had been fully heard, in behalf of Connecticut, the commis- sioners determined, November 30th, " That the southern bounds of his majesty's colony of Connecticut, is the sea; and that Long- Island is to be under the government of his royal highness, the duke of York, as is expressed by plain words in the said patents respectively. We also order and declare, that the creek or river called Mamaronock, which is reputed to be about twelve miles to the east of West-Chester, and a line drawn from the east point or side, where the fresh water falls into the salt, at high water mark, north-north-west, to the line of Massachusetts, be the western bounds of the said colony of Connecticut; and the plantations ly- ing westward of that creek, and line so drawn, to be under his royal highness's government; and all plantations lying eastward of that creek and line, to be under the government of Connecti- cut* In consequence of the acts of Connecticut, and the determina- tion of the commissioners, relative to the boundaries of the colony, a general court was called at New-Haven, with the freemen, and as many of the inhabitants of the colony as chose to attend, on the 13th of December, 1664. The following resolutions were then unanimously passed. 1. " That, by this act or vote, we be not understood to justify Connecticut's former actings, nor any thing disorderly done by their own people, on such recounts." 2. " That, by it, we be not apprehended to have any hand in breaking or dissolving the confederation." 3. " Yet, in loyalty to the king's majesty, when an authentic copy of the determination of his majesty's commissioners is pub- lished, to be recorded with us, if thereby it shall appear to our committee, that we are, by his majesty's authority, now put under Connecticut patent, we shall submit, by a necessity brought upon us, by the means of Connecticut aforesaid; but with a salvo jure ' Records of Connecticut i ' No. XVI. ^..••:i '*■■ ' ' '1 1 i \l '•'ii'i I Ah' »u I i I i H ■■'■ '. fr ■:■■::: W,i Ik'- I' ■ t. H 228 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. I1664 of our former rights and claims, as a people, who have not yet been heard in point of plea." ^ The members of the court, then present, the elders of the colony, with Mr. John Nash, Mr. James Bishop, Mr. Francis Bell, Mr. Robert Treat, and Mr. Richard Baldwin, were appointed a com- mittee to consummate an union between the colonies. Several letters passed between the committees of the two col- onies, on the subject, in which the committee of New-Haven sig- nified, that the officers in that colony would continue to act in their respective offices, and expressed their good designs and wishes towards Connecticut, and their loyalty to his majesty. They also represented their expectations, that the governor and company, according to their engagements, would give them all the advan- tages and privileges which they could do, consistent with the pat- ent, and their desires still to continue the confederation.' The committee of Connecticut, in answer to New-Haven, as- sured them of their willingness to bestow on them all the privi- leges granted in their charter, prepared ready to their hands. They acquainted them, that provision had been made for the con- tinuance of the confederation, according to their wishes. They pleaded the necessity and importance of their incorporation with Connecticut, as they were nearly in the centre of the colony, as an apology *or the measures which they had taken. They expressed their strong desires that New-Haven would cordially unite with them, and, by no means, view it as a matter of constraint: that mutual candour might be exercised; and that all reflections and past conduct, disagreeable to either of them, be entirely buried and for ever forgotten.* The general assembly of Connecticut appointed no committee to meet with that chosen by the general court of New-Haven. Of this their committee complain, in their last letter.* However, at a session of theirs, the 20th of April, 1665, they passed several resolves, for the further completion of the union. It was resolved, that William Leet and William Jones, Esquires, Mr. Benjamin Fenn, Mr. Matthew Gilbert, Mr. Jasper Crane, Mr. Alexander Bryan, Mr. Law, and Mr. Robert Treat, should stand in the nomination for magistrates at the next election. The assembly, also, passed the following declaration : " That all acts of the authority of New-Haven, which had been uncomfort- able to Connecticut, should never be called to an account, but be buried in perpetual oblivion." " The king's commissioners presented the following propositions, pr requisitions, from his majesty, to this assembly. J. " That all householders, inhabiting this colony, take the oath » Records of New-Haven. » No. XVII. ' Letter of Connectieut to New-Haven, No. XVIII. < No, XIX, • Records of Connecticut. 1665] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 229 of allegiance, and that the administration of justice be in his maj- esty's name." 2. " That all men of competent estates and of civil conversation, though of different judgments, may be admitted to be freemen, and have liberty to choose, or to be chosen officers, both military and civil." 3. " That all persons, of civil lives, may freely enjoy the liberty of their consciences, and the worship of God in that way which they think best; provided that this liberty tend not to the dis- turbance of the public, nor to the hindrance of the maintenance of ministers, regularly chosen, in each respective parish or town- ship." 4. " That all laws, and expressions in laws, derogatory to his majesty, if any such have been made, in these troublesome times, may be repealed, altered, and taken oflf the file." The assembly answered in the manner following. 1. " That accc Jing to his majesty's pleasure, expressed in our charter, our governor formerly appointed meet persons to admin- ister the oath of allegiance, who have, according to their order, administered the said oath to several persons already; and the ad- ministration of justice among us hath been, is, and shall be, in his majesty's name." 2. " That our order for the admission of freemen is consonant with that proposition." 3. " We know not of any one that hath been troubled, by us, for attending his conscience, provided h^ hath not disturbed the public." 4. " We know not of any law, or expressions of law, that are derogatory to his majesty among us; but if any such be found, we count i* our duty to repeal, alter, and take them oflf the file; and this we attended, upon the receipt of our charter." About this time, it seems, the council gave the following answer, for substance, to the commissioners, relative to the claim and peti- tion of the duke of Hamilton : That the grant of Connecticut to the nobles and gentlemen, of whom they purchased, was several years prior to the marquis of Hamilton's : That with great diffi- culty they had conquered a potent and barbarous people, who spread over a great part of that tract of country, which he claimed; aiiu :.hat it was but a small compensation, for the blood and treas- ure which they had expended in conquering it, and defending it for his majesty's interest against the Dutch and other foreigners: That they had peaceably enjoyed that tract for about thirty years: That they had with great labor and expense cultivated the lands, to their own and his majesty's interest ; and that his majesty, of his grace, had been pleased to confirm it to them, by his royal charter, in which these reasons had been recognized.* • No. XX. i\ ir*W^ ■M'-, "Wk ■vs V I'll vf'i Il I m 111 330 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1665 They at the same time, solicited their honors, the commission- ers, to present their humble acknowledgments to his majesty for his abundant grace, in the granting of their charter, and for his gracious letter, sent them by his commissioners, re-ratifying their privileges, civil and ecclesiastical. At the general election. May nth, 1665, when the two colonies of Connecticut and New-Haven united in one, the following gen- tlemen were chosen into office. John Winthrop, Esq. was elected governor, John Mason, Esq. deputy governor, and Matthew Al- len, Samuel Wyllys, Nathan Gould, John Talcott, Henry Wolcott, John Allen, Samuel Sherman, James Richards, William Leet, William Jones, Benjamin Fenn, and Jasper Crane, Esquires, magistrates. John Talcott, Esq. was treasurer, and Daniel Clark secretary. A proportionable number of the magistrates were of the former colony of New-Haven; all the towns sent their deputies; and the assembly appears to have been entirely harmonious. This assembly enacted, that Hasting and Rye should be one plantation, by the name of Rye. By this assembly county courts were first instituted, by that name. It was enacted, that there should be two county courts holden annually, in New-Haven; one on the second Thursday in June, the other on the third Thursday in November. The court was to consist of five judges, two magistrates, and three justices of the quorum. A similar court was appointed at New- London ; and, the next October, that was made a distinct county. At the session in October, a county court was appointed, at Hartford, instead of the quarterly courts. This was to be holden annually in the months of March and September. The county courts had cognizance of all cases except those of life, limb, or banishment. In cases of more than twenty shillings, the law re- quired that a jury should be impannelled. At the same time, a superior court was appointed to be holden, at Hartford, the Tuesday before the session of the general assem- bly in May and October. This was to consist of eight magistrates, at least, and always to be attended v*ith a jury. In this court were tried all appeals from the several county courts, and all capital ac- tions, of life, limb, and banishment. All the towns, formerly under the jurisdiction of New-Haven, were satisfied with the union of the colonies, except Branford. But Mr. Pierson and almost his whole church and congregation were so displeased, that they soon removed into Newark, in New- Jersey. They carried off the records of the church and town, and after it had been settled about five and twenty years, left it almost without inhabitants. For more than twenty years from that time, there was not a church fonned in the town. People, from various parts of the colony, gradually moved into it, and purchased the I J665] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 231 lands of the first planters, so that, in about twenty years, it became re-settled. In 1685, it was re-invested with town privileges. The union of the colonies was a happy event. It greatly con- tributed to the convenience, strength, peace, and welfare of the inhabitants of both, and of their posterity. Greater privileges New-Haven could not have enjoyed, had they been successful in their applications to his majesty. Tliis must have been very ex- pensive, and after much expense, they might have failed in their attempts and lost their liberties, or have been joined to Connect- icut at last. Had they remained a distinct colony, the charges of government would hav > been greater than in their state of incor- poration. Their situation, in so central a part of the colony, would have been extremely inconvenient, especially for Connecticut It was, doubtless, his majesty's pleasure, and for his interest, that the colonies should be one; and their friends on both sides the water judged it most expedient It was what their own and the general good demanded. All these circumstances, Connecticut could plead, as an apology for their conduct. But after all, it will be dif- ficult, if not impossible, to reconcile some paii? of it, at least, with their pre-engagements, the rules of justice, and brotherly affection. War was proclaimed, this year, in London, in the month of March, between England and Holland. His majesty had given intelligence to the colony, that De Ruyter, the Dutch admiral, had orders to visit New- York. The colony was alarmed, and put into a state of defence. But the admiral was diverted from the enter- prise, and the year passed in peace. In the proclamation for thanksgiving, in November, the people were excited to praise the Supreme Benefactor, for preventing the troubles which they had feared, and for the blessings of liberty, health, peace, and plenty.* ••« «» *»-H I I CHAPTER XIII. CONNECTICUT, no less than other parts of New-England, was settled with a particular view to religion. It was the design of the first planters, to erect churches in the strictest conformity to scripture example ; and to transmit evangelical purity, in doc- trine, worship, and discipline, with civil and religious liberty, to their posterity. The attention which they paid to these interest- ing points, will be the principal subject of this chapter. The first churches, though their numbers were small, and they * It was now thirty yean unce the settlement of the colony commenced, yet, after the defalcation of Long-Island, it consisted of nineteen towns only, which paid taxes. The grand list wai no more than ;^iS3,6ao : 16 : 5. ■J. w'i . jav'i fu m rt ■''■ 232 HISTORY OF CONNEw ICUT. had to combat all the hardships, dangers, and expense, of new settlements, commonly supported two able, experienced minis- ters. With the first three churches, settled in Connecticut, there were, at Hartford, the Rev. Mr. Hooker and Mr. Stone, at Wind- sor, Mr. Warham and Mr. Hewet, and at Weathersficld, Mr. Prudden, in 1638, while his people were making preparations to remove from New-Haven to Milford. To the garrison, at Say- brook fort, Mr. John Higginson, son of the Rev. Mr. Higginson, of Salem, preached three or four of the first years. At New- Haven, at first were Mr. Davenport and Mr. Samuel Eaton, brother to governor Eaton. At Milford, Mr. Prudden was pas- tor, and the church invited Mr. John Sherman, afterwards min- ister of Watertown, in Massachusetts, to be their teacher; but he declined their invitation, and that church never had but one settled minister at the same time. The Rev. Mr. Whitfield was pastor of the church at Guilford, and about the year 1641, Mr. Higginson removed from Saybrook, and became teacher, as an assistant to Mr. Whitfield, in that church. After Mr. Prudden left Weathersiield, Mr. Henry Smith was elected, and ordained pastor of the church and congregation in that town. About the time that Mr. Higginson left Saybrook, the Rev. Mr. Thomas Peters became chaplain to colonel Fenwick, and the people there. Upon the removal of Mr. Eaton, from New-Haven, Mr. William Hook was installed teacher, as an assistant of Mr. Davenport. The six first towns in Connecticut and New-Haven, enjoyed the constant labor of ten able ministers. This was as much as one minister to about fifty families, or to two hundred and sixty or seventy souls. As other towns settled, churches were gathered, and ministers installed or ordained. Mr. Jones was chosen pas- tor at Fairfield, Mr. Adam Blackman, at Stratford, and Mr. Rich- ard Denton, at Stamford. Mr. Abraham Pierson was pastor of the church at Branford, and it seems one Mr. Brucy assisted him as a teacher for some time. Fourteen or fifteen of these ministers had been episcopally ordained in England, before they came into America. The Rev. Mr. Richard Blynman, first pastor of the church at New-London, was also ordained in England. After he came into this country, he settled first, pastor of the church at Gloucester, in Massachusetts. From thence he removed to New-London in 1648. From these reverend fathers, the ministers of Connecticut trace their ordinations; especially, from Mr. Hooker, Mr. Warham, Mr. Davenport, and Mr. Stone. Some or other of these assisted in gathering the churches, and ordaining the ministers settled in their day. With respect to their religious sentiments, and those of their followers, they were puritans. This was a name which first ob- HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. sss tained in the reign of queen Elizabeth, in 1564. It was given as a name of reproach, to distinguish and stigmatize those who did not conform to the liturgy, ceremonies, and discipline, of the church of England. Fuller says, " it was improved to abuse pious people, who endeavoured to follow the minister with a pure heart, and labored for a life pure and holy," * When arminianism began to prevail, in the latter part of the reign of James the first, those who were calvinistic, were termed doctrinal puritans.* It was used finally, as a stigma for all christians, who were strict in morals, calvinistic in sentiment, and unconformed to the lit- urgy, ceremonies, and discipline of the established church.* This was truly the character of the first ministers and churches in this colony. They were strictly calvinistic, agreeing in doc- trine with their brethren of the established church, and with all the protestant reformed churches. In discipline, they were con- gregationalists, and dissented from the national establishment. They firmly believed, that it was the sole prerogative of Christ, as king in Zion, to direct the mode of worship and discipline, in his own house. They were persuaded, that the scriptures were a perfect rule, not only of faith and manners, but of worship and discipline: and that all churches ought to be formed entirely after the pattern exhibited in the New Testament. Some of the ministers of Connecticut were distinguished for literature, piety, and ministerial gifts. Mr. Hooker, Mr. Daven- port, Mr. Stone, and some others, were men of great learning and abilities. They were all men of the strictest morals, serious, experimental preachers. Mr. Neal, after giving a catalogue of the ministers, who first illuminated the churches of New-Eng- land, bears this testimony concerning them. " I will not say that all the ministers mentioned, were men of the first rate for learn- ing, but I can assure the reader, they had a better share of it, than most of their neighbouring clergy, at that time: they were men of great sobriety and virtue, plain, serious, affectionate preachers, exactly conformable to the doctrine of the church of England, and took a great deal of pains to promote a reformation of manners in their several parishes." They were mighty, and abundant in prayer. They not only fasted and prayed frequently with their people, in public, but kept many days of secret fasting, prayer, and self-examination, in their studies. Some of them, it seems, fasted and prayed, in this private manner, every week. Besides the exercises on the Lord's day, they preached lectures, not only in public, but from house to house. They were diligent and laborious in catechising and instructing the children, and young people, both in public and private. . > Fuller's ecclesiastical history, b. IX, p. 76. ' Fuller, b. X, p. 100. * Neal's history of the puritans, preface to vol. I, p. 7, and vol. I, p. J2. Sec- ond edition, quarto, London, 1754. u '■*'*'' Wl • >*> HOI ■,^ VM 5i "» '• . r ' ■ti [' 'A j! -I ";,■ 1 i ] ■i jl 1 ■■ 1 'm Mr S' • ;»■ J' n 234 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. They paid a constant attention to the religion of their families. They read the scriptures, and prayed in them daily, morning and evening, and instructed all their domestics constantly to attend the secret, as well as private and public duties of religion. They wer "I attentive to the religious state of all the families and indi- viduals of their respective flocks.^ As they had taken up the cross, forsaken their pleasant seats and enjoyments in their native country, and followed their Saviour into a land not sown, for the sake of his holy religion, and the advancement of his kingdom, they sacrificed all worldly interests to these glorious purposes. The people who followed them into the wilderness, were their spiritual children, who imbibed the same spirit and sentiments, and esteemed them as their fathers in Christ. Many of them were men of figure, as Haynes, Hopkins, Wyllys, Ludlow, Wol- cott, Eaton, Gregson, Desborough, Leet, and others, who were governors and magistrates in their respective colonies. Many of them, especially their governors, magistrates, and leading men, were not less pious and exemplary than their ministers. The people in general were pious, and strictly moral. Instances of intemperance, wantonness, sabbath-breaking, fraud, or any other gross immorality, for many years, were rarely found among them. If any there were, they were commonly found among servants, or some of the lowest of the people. It was the opinion of the principal divines, who first settled New- England and Connecticut, that in every church, completely organized, there was a pastor, teacher, ruling elder, and deacons.' These distinct offices, they imagined, were clearly taught in those passages, Romans, xii, 7, i Corinth, xii, 28, i Timothy, v, 17, and Ephesians, iv, 11. From these they argued the duty of all churches, which were able, to be thus furnished.' In this manner were the churches of Hartford, Windsor, New-Haven, and other towns organized. The churches which were not able to support a pastor and teacher, had their ruling elders and deacons. Their ruling elders were ordained with no less solemnity, than their pastors and teachers. Where no teacher could be obtained, the pastor performed the duties, both of pastor and teacher. It was the general opinion, that the pastor's work consisted principally in exhortation, in working upon tne will and affections. To this the whole force of his studies was to be directed; that, by his judicious, powerful, and affectionate addresses, he might win his 'learers to the love and practice of the truth. But the teacher was doctor in ecclesia, whose business it was to teach, explain, and > See an account of the lives of many of them, in the Magnalia, b. III. Particu- lar tracts and manuscripts characterise them in the same manner. ^ Hooker's Survey, part II. p. 4 to 20. ^ Ibidem, and Cambridge Platform, chap, vi, and vii. rv ^ HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 235 defend, the doctrines of Christianity. He was to inform the judg- ment, and advance the work of illumination.* The business of the ruling elder was to assist the pastor in the government of the church. He was particularly set apart to watch over all its members; to prepare and bring forward all cases of discipline; to visit and pray with the sick; and, in the absence of the pastor and teacher, to pray with the congregation, and expound the scriptures.' The pastors and churches of New-England maintained, with the reformed churches in general, that bishops and presbyters were only different names for the same office ; and, that all pas- tors, regularly separated to the gospel ministry, were scriptu e bishops.' They also insisted, agreeably to thu primitive practir :, that the work of every pastor, was confined, ,)rincipally, to one particular church and congregation, who couid all assrnible at one place, whom he could inspect, and who could .11 ui ,ie to- gether in acts of worship and discipline.* Indecl, the fir'<^ minis- ters of Connecticut and New-England, at first maintained, that all the pastor's office power was confined to his own church prA congregation; and that the administering of baptism and t :c Lord's supper in other churches, was irregular.* With respect to ordination, they held, that it did no con ritute the essentials of the ministerial office: but the qualifications for office, the election of the church, guided by the rule of Christ, and the acceptance of the pastor elect.* Says Mr. Hooker, " or- dination is an approbation of the officer, and soiemn setting and confirmation of him in his office, by prayer, and lay'ri? on of hands." It was viewed, by the ministers of New-Engiand, as no more than putting the pastor elect into office, or a solemn recommending of him and his labors to the blessing of God. It was the general opinion, that elders ought to lay on hands in ordination, if there were a presbytery in the church, but if there were not, the church might appoint some other elders, or a num- ber of the brethren to that service.^ It was acknowledged that synods or gei» :al councils, were an ordinance of Christ, and in some cases, expedient and necessary: That their business was to give light and counsel in weighty con- cerns, and bear testimony against ..orruption in doctrines and morals. While it was granted t' ic their determinations ought to be received with reverence, and not to be counteracted, unless ' Survey, part II, p. 19, 9c, 21, and Cambridge Platform, chap. vi. ' Hooker's Survey, part II, p. 13, 19, C. Plat. chap, vii, ' Hooker's Survey, and Cambridge Platform. * Cambridge Platform, chap, iii, and chap. ix. * Hooker's Survey, part II, p. 62, 68. ' The same, part II, p. 75, 78, Cam. Platform, chap. ix. ' These sentiments were not peculiar to the first ministers and churches of New* England. Augustine, Chrysostom, Zanch, Bucer, Melancthon, Dr. Ames, Dr. Owen, and many other divines of great fame, were of the same opinion. :ii "^"W •r ... 1 ...I i*% i]r h • fil : ft 236 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1639 ■iV: apparently repugnant to the scriptures, it was insisted, that they had no juridical power.^ The churches of Connecticut originally maintained, that the right of choosing and settling their ministers, of exercising discipline and performing all juridical acts was in the church, when properly organized; and they denied all external or foreign power of presbyteries, synods, general councils, or assemblies. Hence they were termed congregational churches. The fathers of Connecticut, as to politics, were republicans. They rejected with abhorrence the doctrines of the divine right of kings, passive obedience, and non-resistance. With Sidney, Hampden, and other great writers, they believed that all civil power and government was originally in the people. Upon these principles they formed their civil constitutions. The churches of New-Haven, Milford, and Guilford, were formed first, by the choice of seven persons, from among the brethren, who were termed the pillars. A confession of faith was drawn up, to which they all assented, as preparatory to their cov- enanting together in church estate. They then entered into cove- nant, first with God, to be his people in Christ, and then with each other, to walk together in the strict and conscientious prac- tice of all christian duties, and in the enjoyment of all the ordi- nances and privileges of a church of Christ. The confessions of faith contained a summary of christian doctrine, and were strictly calvinistic. The covenants were full, solemn, and impressive, im- porting, that they avouched the Lord Jehovah, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, to be their sovereign Lord and supreme Good ; and that they gave themselves up to him, through Jesus Christ, in the way and on the terms of the covenant of grace. They cov- enanted with each other to uphold the divine worship and ordi- nances, in the churches of which they were members; to watch over each other as brethren; to bear testimony against all sin; and to teach all under their care to fear and serve the Lord. The other brethren joined themselves to the seven pillars, by making the same profession of faith, and covenanting in the same mar ner. The members, previously to their covenanting with eacu other, gave one another satisfaction with respect to their repent- ance, faith, and purposes of holy living. It appears, that the churches of New-Haven and Milford were jjathered to the seven pillars, on the 22d of August, 1639." The tradition is, that soon after, Mr. Davenport was chosen pastor of the church, at New-Haven; and that Mr. Hooker and Mr. Stone came and assisted in his installation. Mr. Prudden was installed pastor of the church at Milford, April 8th, 1640, upon a day of solemn fasting and prayer. Im- position of hands was performed by Zechariah Whitman, William • Hooker's Survey, part IV. p. 45—48. C. Plat. chap. XVI. ' Milford church records. i643l HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 237 Fowler^ and Edtnond Tapp. They were appointed to this service by the other brethren of the church.^ The installation was at New- Haven, and it seems that the hands of the brethren were imposed in the presence of Mr. Davenport and Mr. Eaton. Though the members of Mr. Whitfield's church were in the original agreement, at New-Haven, and engaged to embody into church estate, in the same manner as New-Haven and Milford churches did, yet they delayed the completion of the work for a considerable time. Probably, it was because their company were not yet all arrived. But in April, 1643, Mr. Whitfield, Mr. Higginson, Mr. Samuel Dcsborough, Mr. William Leet, Mr. Ja- cob Sheaf, Mr. John Mipham, and Mr. John Hoadly, were elected the seven pillars. On the 19th of June, all the other church mem- bers were gathered unto these seven persons. Mr. Higginson, who had been preaching about two years at Guilford, with Mr. Whitfield, was, at this time, elected teacher in that church. Mr. Whitfield had not separated from the episcopal church, when he came into New-England. As he came over in orders, and his church came generally with him, there are no intimations of his installation. The circumstance of the seven pillars in these three churches appears to have been peculiar to them. There are no intimations of it in the formation of any other churches. The churches in the other towns were gathered, by subscribing similar confessions of faith, and covenanting together in the same solemn manner, upon days of fasting and prayer. Neighbouring elders and churches were present on those occasions, assisted in the public solemnities, and gave their consent. When new members were admitted to full communion, in any of the first churches of Con- necticut, they gave satisfaction to the brethren of their sincere repentance towards God, and faith in the Lord Jesus Christ. They commonly made a relation of their religious experiences. They were then admitted to full communion, by a public profession of their faith, and by covenanting in the manner which has been represented. Mr. Eaton continued but a short time at New-Haven, and then returned to England. Mr. William Hook succeeded him as teacher in the church. Mr, Denton, after spending three or four years at Stamford, removed to Hampstead on Long-Island. Upon his removal, the church sent two of their members to seek them a minister. They travelled on foot, through the wilder- ness, to the eastward of Boston, where they found Mr. John Bishop, who left England before he had finished his academical studies, and had completed his education in this country. They engaged him to go with them to Stamford. He travelled with ' Milford church records. He possessed considerable property. His estate was appraised at ;{;i336 : 15 :o. His library only, at £yo. HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 345 iS:o. ton, upon Long-Island, Mr. Hooker, with some friends who joined with him, sent the people a small vessel, freighted with sev- eral hundred bushels of corn, for their relief. In family religion and government, he was strict and prudent. In his family was ex- hibited a lively and sincere devotion, and the very power of godli- ness. Not only his own children and domestics, but students, and other persons, who occasionally resided in his family, were hi- structed and edified, so that their acquaintance with it, war, matter of their joy and devout thanksgiving. He died of an epidemical fever, which prevailed that year in the country. He had, for many years, enjoyed a comfortable assurance of his renewed estate, and when dying said, " I am going to receive mercy." He closed his own eyes, and appeared to die with a smile in his countenance.^ Mr. Henry Smith, first pastor of the church at Weathersfield, died in 1648, and was succeeded by the Rev. Jonathan Russell. The Rev. Mr. Prudden departed this life in 1656, in the 56th year of his age. Before he came into New-England, he was a preacher in Herefordshire, and in the parts bordering upon Wales. His ministry was attended with uncommon success ; and when he came into this country, it seems, that many good people followed him, that they might enjoy his pious and fervent ministrations. He had the character of a most zealous preacher, and of a man of an e -cellent spirit. He had a singular talent for reconciling con- tending parties, and maintaining peace among brethren and neighbors. His ministry was conducted with prudence, and his- church enjoyed great harmony during his life, and rejoiced in his light." He was succeeded 5y Mr. Roger Newton, who removed from Farmington, and was installed at Milford, August 22d, i66a Hands were imposed at his installation, by Zechariah Whitman, ruling elder, deacon John Fletcher, and Robert Treat, who were appointed to that service by the brotherhood. Mr. Samuel Hooker, son of the famous Mr. Hooker, of Hart- ford, succeeded Mr. Newton at Farmington. He was ordained in July, 1 66 1. These deaths were all before the charter. There were also a number of removals of some of the principal ministers. The Rev. Mr. Whitfield, after he had labored eleven years, with the people at Guilford, returned again to England. Some time in the year 1650, he took leave of his flock and congregation, and embarked for his native country. He was exceedingly beloved by his flock, and they accompanied him to the water's side with many tears. ' His character may be seen more at large in the Afa^alta, R. iii. p. 58 — 68. » His estate in this country was appraised at £ffi/^ : i8 : 6. He left a landed in- terest in England, at Edgton, in Yorkshire, valued at £\yM sterling, which is still enjoyed by some of his heirs. He had two sons. One of them, John Prudden, was educated after his decease, and graduated at Cambridge, 1668. He settled in the ministry, at Newark, in New-Jeney. The other inherited the paternal estate ; and their descendants are numerous, both in Connecticut and New- Jersey. \. \ *'!» (( ■■: ■ i! ' i m I ^'0 \ .'■- i/l ** H J?' Ill, |!i 246 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. He had a large family of nine children, whom he supported prin- cipally out of his own estate, as most of his people were poor. He found that his estate was much exhausted, and that he must still labor under many and great inconveniences, if he continued in this country; and he had numerous and pressing invitations to return to England. A combination of these circumstances, at length, prevailed with him to leave his flock. He was one of the wealthiest clergymen, who came into Connecticut. Before he came into this country, he enjoyed one of the best church livings at Okely, in the county of Surrey, and had a fine interest of his own. His charity was happily proportioned to his opulence. While he was at Oke- ly, he procured another pious and able preacher, that he might go abroad and give assistance unto other churches and poor people. While he was in England, his house was a place of resort for the distr essed. Though he was, for twenty years, a conformist, yet his house was a place of refreshment for Mr. Cotton, Mr. Hooker, Mr. Goodwin, and other pious non-conformists. After he came into New-England, he expended much of his interest in assisting his poor people. He was a capital preacher, delivering himself with a peculiar dignity, beauty, and solemnity. After his return to Eng- land, he appears to have finished his life, in the ministry, at the city of Winchester.^ Several of the principal men returned to England with Mr, Whitfield ; particularly Mr. Samuel Desborough, Mr. Jordan, md others. Mr, Desborough, after his return, was made lord keeper of the great seal, and one of the seven counsellors of the kingdom of Scotland. Mr. Higginson continued his ministry, as teacher in the church at Guilford, until about the year 1659, when, upon the death of his father, he returned to Salem, and succeeded him in the pastoral office, over the church in that town. Mr. William Hook, who, for about fourteen years, had been teacher in the church at New-Haven, about the year 1655 re- turned to England, Mr. Eaton and Mr. Hook have been repre- sented as men of great learning and piety, and as possessing ex- cellent pulpit talents, A writer of Mr. Eaton's character, says, " He was a very holy man, a person of great learning and judg- ment, and a most incomparable preacher." He dissented from Mr, Davenport, with respect to his strict terms and form of civil government. His brother, governor Eaton, therefore, advised him to a removal. After his return, he became pastor of a church ' In consequence of Mr. Whitfield's estate and expenses, in purchasing and set- tling the plantation, anr^ of Mr, Fenwick's gift of the eastern part of the township to him, a large portion .1 the best land in the town was allotted to him. On his return to England, he offered, upon very low terms, to sell all his lands to the town. But the people were poor, and imagined they should soon follow their pastor, and neglected to purchase. Mr. Whitfield, therefore, sold them to major Robert Thomp son, in England, by whose heirs they have been holden, to the great damage of the town, to this time. HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 847 at Duckenfield, in the parish of Stockport, in Cheshire. Mr. Hook, after his return, was some time minister at Exmouth, in Devonshire; and then master of the Savoy, on the Strand, near London, and chaplain to the greatest man then in the nation. After the restoration, he was silenced for non-conformity, May 24th, 1662. On the 2ist of March, 1667, he died in the vicinity of London. Mr. Eaton was a companion with him in tribulation; for soon after the restoration of king Charles the second, he was silenced, and suffered persecution for conscience sake. The Rev. Mr. Blynman, after he had labored about ten years in the ministry at New-London, in 1658, removed to New-Haven. After a short stay in that town, he took shipping and returned to England. He lived to a good old age; and, at the city of Bristol, happily concluded a long life, spent in doing good. Mr. Nicholas Street succeeded Mr. Hook, as teacher in the church, at New-Haven, about the year 1659. And Mr. Blynman was succeeded in office at New- London, by Mr. Gershom Bulkley, from Concord, in Massachusetts. The first ministers in the colonies being thus dead, or removed, and a tiew generation risen up, who had not all imbibed the senti- ments and spirit of their pious fathers, alterations were insisted on with respect to church membership, discipline, and baptism ; and great dissensions arose in the churches. They began first in the church at Hartford, not many years after Mr. Hooker's decease. The origin of them appears to have been a difference between the Rev. Mr. Stone and Mr. Goodwin, the ruling elder in the church, upon some nice points of Congregationalism. It seems, that some member had been admitted, or baptism administered, v.hich elder Goodwin conceived to be inconsistent with the rights of the broth- erhood, and the strict principles of the congregational churches. Perhaps he imagined himself not to have been properly consulted and regarded. Not only this church became divided and in- flamed with the controversy, but it spread into almost all the neighbouring churches. They interested themselves in the con- troversy, some taking one side, and some another, as their connec- tions, prejudices, and particular sentiments led them. The whole colony became aflfected with the dispute, and the general court particularly interested themselves in the affair. The brethren in the church at Hartford, became so inflamed, and imbibed such prejudices and uncharitable feelings one towards another, that it was with great difficulty they could be persuaded to walk together. To prevent an entire division of the church, it appears, that about the years 1654 and 1655, several councils of the neighbouring elders and churches were called, to compose the differences be- tween the parties. They laboured to satisfy them, with respect to the points in controversy. But the brethren at Hartford imagined, that all the elders and churches in Connecticut and New-Haven, '"Ir '.I. ] I I I HB HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1656 !?i Wt-'\'\ V,'i i were prejudiced in favour of une party ur the other, and, there- fore, they would not hear their advice. I'or this reason, it was judged expedient tu call a council from tlie other colonies. Some time in the year 1O56, it seems, a number of elders and churches from Massachusetts came to Hartford, and gave their opinion and advice to tiie churcli and the aggrieved brethren. But it appears, that, in the apprehension of the aggrieved, the church did not comply with the result. The state of the church, therefore, was no better than it was before, but the parties became more alienated and embittered. Elder Goodwin was joined by governor Webster, Mr. Whiting, Mr. CuUick, and other principal gentlemen at Hart- ford, who were leaders in what they imagined to be a defence of the true principles of Congregationalism. Meanwhile, there was a strong party in the colony of Con- necticut, who were for admitting all persons of a regular life to a full communion in the churches, upon their making a profession of the christian religion, without any inquiry with respect to a change of heart ; and for treating all baptized persons as members of the church. Some carried the aflfair still further, and insisted, that all persons, who had been members of churches in England, or had been members of regular ecclesiastical parishes there, and supported the public worship, should be allowed to enjoy the priv- ileges of members in full communion in the churches of Connect- icut. They also insisted, that all baptized persons, upon owning the covenant, as it was called, should have their children baptized, though they came not to the Lord's table. Numbers of them took this opportunity to introduce into the assembly a list of grievances, on account of their being denied their just rights and privileges by the ministers and churches. A dis- pute had arisen in the churches and congregations, relative to the choice of a pastor. It was urged, that it did not belong to the churches solely to choose the pastor for themselves and the con- gregation ; but, as the inhabitants in general had an equal concern for themselves and their children, with the members of the church, in the qualifications of their pastor, and as they were obliged to contribute their proportion to his support, they had a just right to give their voice in his election. The denying them this ris^ht was considered as a great grievance. Many of the churches, and some or other of the members in all of them, it seems, maintained, that the choice of a pastor belonged to them solely, exclusive of the congregation : that there was no scripture example of any person's ever giving a suffrage, in the choice of a pastor, but members of the church : that pastors were ordained over the churches only, and were termed the elders, pastors, and angels of the churches. It ap- pears, by the acts of the assembly, and the questions proposed, that these, and a number of other points, were now warmly agi- tated in the colony. i65f.J HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 249 of lind The general state of the country wast greatly altered from what it was at its iirst settlement. 1 he people then were generally church members, and eminently pious. 1 hey loved strict religion, und followed their ministers into the wilderness, for its sake. But I with many of their children, and with others who had since emi- grated into this country, it was not so. They had made no open profession of religion, und their children were not baptized. This created uneasiness in them, in their ministers, and others. They wished for the honours and privileges of church members for themselves, and baptism for their children; but they were not persuaded that they were regenerated, and knew not how to com- ply with the rigid terms of the congregational churches. A con-J sidcrable number of the clergy, and the churches in general, zeal- ously opposed all innovations, and exerted themselves to maintain the first practice and purity of the churches. Hence the dissen- sions arose. The general court, it seems, with a view to reconcile the church at Hartford, and to compose difficulties, which were generally ris- ing in the colony, at their session in May, 1656, took the affair into their serious consideration. They appointed a committee, consist- ing of governor Webster, deputy governor Wells, Mr. Cullick, and Mr. Talcott, all of Hartford, to consult with the elders of the colony, respecting the grievances complained of; and to desire their assistance, in making a draft of the heads of them, that they might be presented to the general courts of the united colonies, for their advice. The general courts were desired to give their answers with as much expedition as possible. While the churches were thus divided, they were alarmed by the appearance of the Quakers. A number of them arrived at Bos- ton, in July and August, and had been committed to the common gaol. A great number of their books had been seized with a view to burn them. In consequence of their arrival, and the disturb- ance they had made, at Boston, the commissioners of the united colonies, at their court in September, recommended it to the sev- eral general courts, " That all quakers, ranters, and other notori- ous heretics, should be prohibited coming into the united colonies ; and that, if any should come, or arise amongst them, they should be forthwith secured, and removed out of all the jurisdictions." * In conformity to this recommendation, the general court of Connecticut, in October, passed the following act: — "That no town within this jurisdiction, shall entertain any Quakers, Ran- ters, Adamites, or such like notorious heretics; nor suflFer them to continue in them above the space of fourteen days, upon the pen- alty of five pounds per week, for any town entertaining any such person : but the townsmen shall give notice to the two next magis- trates, or assistants, who shall have power to send them to prison, ' Records of the united colonies. *' , ,*,. iMw Iri t.r W m i''^ 2 so HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. I1658 for securing them, until they can conveniently be sent out of the jurisdiction, it is also ordered, that no master of a vessel shall land any such heretics; but it they do, they shall be compelled to transport them again out of the colony, by any two magistrates or assistants, at their hrst setting sail liom the port where they landed them; during which time, the assistant or magistrate shall see them secured, upon penalty of twenty pounds for any muster of any vessel, that shall not transport them as aforesaid." ^ The court at New-Haven passed a similar law. In 1658, both courts made an addition to this law, increasing the penalties and prohibiting all conversation of the common people with any of those heretics, and all persons from giving them any entertain- ment, upon the penalty of five pounds. The law however was of short continuance, and nothing of importance appears to have been transacted upon it, in either of the colonies. Upon the representations made of the heads of grievance, which had been matter of complaint, to the general courts of the con- federate colonies, the court of Massachusetts advised to a general council, and sent letters to the other courts, signifying their opi:. ion. The general court of New-Haven wrote an answer to the grievances, and to the questions proposed respecting them. They supposed it sufficient. The general court of Connecticut, never- theless, on the 26th of February, 1657, determined to have a gen- eral council. They appointed Mr. Warham, Mr. Stone, Mr. Blyn- man, and Mr. Russell, to meet the elders, who should be delegated from the other colonies, at Boston, the next June; and to assist in debating the questions proposed by the general court of Connecti- cut, or any of the other courts, and report the determination of the council to the general court. The church at Hartford continuing their contentions, the court directed the elders, who were going to Boston, to confer with the several ministers in the Massachusetts, who had been of the coun- cil, relative to the circumstances of that church, and to desire them to come to Connecticut, and give their assistance in council at Hartford. The court also directed the church there to send for the former council; and with the letters missive, to state the P'Tticulars, in the advice of the council, with which they were not satisfied. If this council should not be so happy as to give them satisfaction, then they were directed to invite Mr. Sherman of Watertown, and severd other ministers from the Massachusetts, to make a visit at Hartford, and attempt the healing of the breach made in the church there. Governor Webster, Mr. Cullick, and Mr. Steel dissented from the resolution of the assembly, and declared, in open court, that it did not appear to them, that the measures, adopted by the court, were any where directed by the divine word, or calculated to re- ' Records of Connecticut. (;i; 16571 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 251 store peace to the churches. They appear to have been of the ag- grieved brethren at Hartford, and satisfied with the result of the former council, to which the church, in their apprehensions, did not submit. They doubtless judged it more agreeable to scripture and reason, and especially to the principles of congregational churches, to choose a council for themselves, when they should judge it expedient, than to have one imposed upon them, by leg- islative authority. The general court, at New-Haven, were utterly opposed to a general council; and upon receiving a letter from the Massa- chusetts, inviting them to send a number of their elders to assist in the council, they, in a long letter, remonstrated against it, and ex- cused themselves from sending any of their ministers. They represented, that the petition and quest- sns, exhibited to the gen- eral court of Connecticut, were unwarrantably procured, and of dangerous tendency : That they heard the petitioners were confi- dent that they should obtain great alterations both in civil govern- ment and church discipline: That they had engaged an agent to prove, " That parishes, in England, consenting to and continuing meetings to worship God, were true churches," and that the mem- bers of those parishes, coming into New-England, had a right to all church privileges; though they made no profession of a work of faith and holiness upon their hearts. They expressed their ap- prehensions, that a general council at that time, would endanger the peace and purity of the churches. They acquainted the gen- eral court of Massachusetts, that they had sent an answer to all the questions, proposed to the court of Connecticut; and that it was their opinion, that the legislature and elders of that colony were sufficient to determine all those points without any assist- ance from abroad. They observed that, on account of the re- moval of Mr. Whitfield and Mr. Hook, and the late death of Mr. Prudden, their elders could not be spared. With their letter, they sent the answers, which they had piven to the questions to be de- bated, and they intreated the court and their elders seriously to consider them. They desired, that, as the court had formed their civil polity and laws upon the divine word, and as the elders and churches had gathered and received their discipline from the same, they would exert themselves to preserve them inviolable. They observed, that, considering the state of aflfairs, in Connecti- cut, unless the general court of Massachusetts should firmly ad- here to their then constitution, and the council should have the divine presence with them, their meeting might be of the most un- happy consequence to the churches. Considering how soon the church at Ephesus, though famous for her first love, declined and was forsaken of her Saviour, they insisted, that there was great occasion of watchfulness and prayer, lest the churches of New- England should decline after her example.^ ' Records of New-Haven (June, 1657). Mi; 'M% , 1 I 2S3 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1657 f; 4 v I The colonies of Connecticut and Massachusetts persisted in calling a general council. The questions proposed for discussion, as they stand upon the records, are the following.^ 1. Whether federal holiness, or covenant interest, be not the proper ground of baptism? 2. Whether communion of churches, .as such, be not warrant- able by the word of God? 3. Whetlier the adult seed of visible believers, not cast out, be not true members, and subjects of church watch? 4. Whether ministerial officers are not as truly bound to bap- tize the visible disciples of Christ, providentially settled among them, as officially to preach the word? 5. Whether the settled inhabitants of the country, being mem- bers of other churches, should have their children baptized amongst us, without themselves first orderly joining in churches here? 6. Whether membership, in a particular instituted church, be not essentially requisite, under the gospel, to entitle to baptism? 7. Whether adopted children and such as arc bought with money are covenant seed? 8. Whether things new and weighty may be managed, in a church, without concurrence of officers, and consent of the frater- nity of the same church? And if things of common concernment, then how far the consent of neighbouring churches is to be sought? 9. Whether it doth not belong to the body of a town, collectively taken, jointly to call him to be their minister, whom the church shall choose to be their officer? 10. Whether the political and external administration of Abra- ham's covenant be not obligatory to gospel churches? 11. Unto whom shall such persons repair, that are grieved at any church process or censure; or whether they must acquiesce in the church's censure to which they belong? 12. Whether the laying on of hands in ordination, belong to presby*^ers or brethren? 13. Whether the church, her invitation and election of an offi- cer, or preaching elder, necessitates the whole congregation to sit down satisfied, as bound thereby to accept him as their minister, though invited and settled without the town's consent? ' These questions only appear in the Colonial Records under date of Oct. 11, 1666, to be discussed at the state council of the following May. The questions dis- cussed by the synod of 1657 appear to have been twenty-one in number, tlie discus- sion of which resulted in what was later known as the " Half-way Covenant." These questions were different in character as well as in number from those here printed, and could not, as shown by Dr. Williston Walker, have been accessible to Trumbull. They may all have been proposed by Connecticut, hut do not appear in the archives of tlie colony. It is evidently a mistake to give the seventeen ques- tions here printed the date 1657. — J. T. u 1657] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 253 i 14 tize? 16. 17 What is the gospel way to gather and settle churches? From whom do ministers receive their commission to bap- Whether a synod hath a decisive power? Whether it be not justifiable, by the word of God, that civil authority indulge congregational and presbyterian churches, and their discipline in the churches? * It appears, by the records, that several other questions were pro- posed, but these are all which are to be found upon them. They stand in the same order in which they arc here inserted. The council convened at Boston, June 4th, 1657, and, after a session of a little more than a fortnight, gave an elaborate answer to twenty-one questions. The elders from Connecticut brought back an authentic copy of the result of the council, and presented it to the general court, at a sess'on on the 12th of Augfust. The court ordered, that copies should be sent forthwith to all the churches in the colony; and if any of them should have objections against the answers which had been given, they were directed to transmit them to the general court, at the session in October. The answers were, afterwards, printed in London, under the title of " A disputation concerning church members and thtir chil- dren." Several of the questions involve each other. The prin- cipal one was that respecting baptism and church membership. An answer to this, in effect, answered a considerable part of the other questions. With respect to this, they asserted, and learned pains were taken to prove, " That it was the duty of infants, who confederated in their parents, when grown up unto years of dis- cretion, though not fit for the Lord's supper, to own the covenant they made with their parents, by entering thereinto, in their own persons ; and it is the duty of the churches to call upon them for the performance thereof; and if, being called upon, they shall refuse the performance of this great duty, or otherwise continue scan- dalous, they are liable to be censured for the same by the church. And in case they understand the ground of religion, and are not scandalous, and solemnly own their covenant in their own per- sons, wherein they give up themselves and their children unto the Lord, and desire baptism for them, we see not sufficient cause to deny baptism unto their children." ' The answer to this question was, in effect, an answer to the other respecting the right of towns to vote in the election of ministers; for if they were all members of the church by baptism, and under its discipline, they, doubtless, had a right to vote with the church in the election of their pastor. Indeed, there was no proper ^ ground of distinction between them and the church. Hence, it seems, the answer to that question was to this effect, " That^ though it was the right of the brotherhood to choose their pastor, ' Records of Connecticut. * Magnalio, B. V. p. 63. 1 I % •ii ' 1 a 1^ 254 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1657 I (• in 1 J' 'I and though it was among the arts of antichrist to deprive them of th.s power, yet they ought to have a specipl regard to the baptized, by the covenant of God, under their watch." The decisions of the council do not appear to have had any in- fluence to reconcile, but rather to inflame the churches. A number of ministers, and the churches pretty generally, viewed this as a great innovatio and entirely inconsistent with the principles on which the churcnes of jNew-England were orig- inally founded, and with the principles of Congregationalism. The church at Hartford, and the aggrieved brethren, instead of being satisfied and reconciled, appeared to be thrown into a state of greater alienation and animosity. The aggrieved soon after withdrew from Mr. Stone and the church, and were about forming an union with the church at Weathersneld. Among the aggrieved were governor Webtiter, Mr. Goodwin, ruling elder in the church, Mr, Cullick, end Mr. Bacon, principal me th in the church and town. Mr. Stone and the church were prt;_eeding with them in a course of discipline. In this state of their affairs, the general court, interposed, and passed an act, March 1 1, 1658, prohibiting the church at Hartford, to proceed any further in a course of discipline of the members, who had withdrawn from their communion, and those members to join with the church at Weathersfield, or any other church, until further attempts should be made, for their reconciliation with their brethren. By the act it appears, that the churches in the colony were generally aflfected with the dispute at Hartford, and viewed it as a common cause, with respect to all the congregational churches. It exhibits, in so strong a point of light, the authority, which the general court imagined they had a right to exercise over the churches, and the spirit of those times, as to merit a place in this history. It is in the following words. " This court orders, in reference to the sad difHculties that are broken out in the several churches in this colony, and in special, betwixt the church at Hartford and the withdrawers ; and to pre- vent further troubles and sad consequences, that may ensue from the premises to the whole commonwealth, that there be, from henceforth, an utter cessation of all further prosecution, either on the church's part at Hartford, towards the withdrawers from them ; and, on the other part, that those, that have withdrawn from the church, at Hartford, shall make a cessation in prosecuting their former propositions to the church at Weathersfield, or any other church, in reference to their joining there, in church relation, until the matters, in controversy betwixt the church at Hartford and the withdrawn members, be brought to an issue, in that way the court > shall determine." The court, having desired t'le elders of the colony to meet them, and assist in adopting some measures by which the divisions in 1658] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 255 ^ the churches, and especially in that at Hartford, might be healed, adjourned about a fortnight. It met again on the 24th of March. Whether the elders met with them, or not, does not appear ; but the advice of the assembly, at this time, was that Mr. Stone, with the church and brethren who had withdrawn, should meet together; and, in a private confer- ence, if possible, agree upon some terms by which they might be reconciled. Governor Wells and deputy governor Winthrop were "^ appointed to meet with them, and employ their wisdom ancl in- fluence to make peace. It seems, that the church did not comply with this advice; or if there were any meeting of the parties, nothing was done to effect an accommodation. It appears, that Mr. Stone viewed the with- drawn brethren as in the hands of the church at Hartford, and the matters to be determined as not lying before any council or the general court. And he would not admit, that fie, or the church, had counteracted the advice of the former council. He therefore, at the session in May, petitioned, that the subsequent propositions might be entered upon the records of the colony, and that the withdrawn brethren, or some person whom they should appoint, would dispute them with him in the presence of the court. 1. " The former council, at Hartford, June 26, is utterly can- celled and of no force. 2. " There is no violation of the last agreement, (made when the reverend elders of the Massachusetts were here,) either Fy the church of Christ at Hartford, or their teacher. 3. " The withdrawn brethren have offered great violence to the forementioned agreement. 4. "The withdrawn brethren are members of the church of Christ at Hartford. 5. "Their withdrawing from the church is a sin exceeding scandalous and dreadful, and of its own nature destructive to this and other churches. 6. " The controversy between the church of Christ at Hartford, and the withdrawn persons, is not in the hands of the churches, to be determined by them.* Samuel Stone." It does rot appear that the court gave their consent, that the propositions should be disputed before them, or that they en- acted any thing, at this court, respecting the affairs of the church, or the brethren who had withdrawn. But at a session, in August, they insisted, that the church and aggrieved brethren should meet together, according to their former advice, and debate their difficulties among themselves, and that the points in contr ./ersy should be clearly stated. ' Records of Connecticut. '■ 'i ■m ; ■ ' II ^\ M) > I m. II! m History of Connecticut. [1658 i> 'I , w At this time, a complaint was exhibited against governor Web- ster, Mr. Cullick, elder Goodwin and others, who had withdrawn from their brethren. But the court would not hear it at that time. It ordered, that, if the church and brethren would not agree to meet together and debate their differences among themselves, each party should choose three as indifferent elders as could be found; who should afford all the light and assistance in their power, towards settling the differences according to the divine oracles; and that both parties should peaceably submit to their advice. If either of the parties should refuse to make choice of three gentlemen, for the design proposed, the court determined to choose for them. The church rejected the proposal, and the court chose Mr. Cobbett, Mr. Mitchel, and Mr. Danforth, for them. For a reserve, if either should fail, Mr. Brown was chosen. The V aggrieved brethren chose Mr. Davenport, Mr. Norton, and Mr. > Fitch ; and as a reserve, Mr. Street. The council were to meet on the 17th of September. The church, it seems, would not send for the council, and so it did not convene. At a session of the general court, the next year, March 9th, 1659, it was determined, that, as its past labors, to promote una- nimity, at Hartford, had been frustrated, by the non-compliance of the parties, the secretary, in the name of the court, should desire the elders, who had been formerly appointed, to meet at Hartford on the 3d of June succeeding, and afford their assistance in healing the breach, which had been made there. It was also enacted, that the church, at Hartford, and the brethren who had withdrawn, should jointly bear the expenses of the former council, and of making provision for that which had been then appointed. The council consisted of the elders and churches of Boston, Cambridge, Charlestown, Ipswich, Dedham, and Sudbury. They convened according to appointment, June 3, 1659, and were abun- dant in their labors to soften the minds and conciliate the affec- tions of the parties; and though the\ did not effect a reconcilia- tion, yet they brought the brethren much nearer together than they had been, and left the church and town in a better state than they had enjoyed for years before. On the 15th )' Juno, the court convened, and perceiving the good effects of th-s council, desired the same gentlemen to meet again, at Hartford on the 19th ot August. Upon the choice and desire of the brethren who had withdrawn, the Rev. John Sher- man, and the cl^urch at Watertown, and the elder and church at Dorchester, were also- invited to come with them. The general court, in this state of the controversy, ordered the heads of the complaint, which had been exhibited against the withdrawn brethren, to be drawn up and sent to them, and they were required to appear before the court, in October, and answer '%' HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 257 to them. The church agreed to the whole council, and the breth- ren aggrieved, to seven of them. The general court ordered, that both parties should submit to the judgment of the council, and that it should be a final issue. The council convened again, at Hartford, and so far composed the dilficulties which had so long subsisted, as to prevent a separa- tion at that time. Some of the capital characters were soon re- moved into the land of silence, where all animosities are forgot- ten. Mr. CuUick removed to Boston, and a considerable number removed to Hadley. By these means, the church was restored to a tolerable state of peace and brotherly affection; but it was viewed, by some of its own members, and others, as having, in some degree, departed from the strict principles of the first con- gregational churches in New-England; and seems, afterwards, to have divided nearly on the same grounds. Doctor Mather, in his Magnalia, represents, that it was difficult, even at the time of the controversy, to find what were the precise points in dispute. Indeed, what the particular act or sentiment in Mr. Stone or the church was, which gave elder Goodwin disgust, and began the dissension, does not fully appear. Nothing how- ever is more evident, from the questions propounded, which it ap- pears were drawn by the very heads of the parties, and by the gen- tlemen chosen by the disaflFected brethren, and rejected by the church, than that the whole controversy respected the qualifica- / tions for ' aptism, church membership, and the rights of the broth- n erhood. Mr. Stone's ideas of Congregationalism appear to have bordered more on presbyterianism, and less on independence, than those of the first ministers in the country in general. His defini- tion of Congregationalism, was, " That it was a speaking Aristoc- racy in the face of a silent Democracy." The Hartford controversy was, for its circumstances, duration, and obstinacy, the most remarkable of any in its day. It aflfected all the churches, and insinuated itself into all the affairs of socie- ties, towns, and the whole commonwealth. Doctor Mather, in his figurative manner of description, says, " From the fire of the altar, there issued thunderings, and lightnings, and earthquakes, through the colony." This was considered as much more remark- able, as the church, at Hartford, had been famous for its instruc- tion, light, gifts, peace, and brotherly love. It had been viewed as one of the principal churches in New-England. Its dissensions were a ground of great sorrow to all the good people in the coun- try. Extraordinary were the pains taken, by the principal char- acters in New-England, to heal them. The commissioners of the imited colonies, in September 1656, wrote them a friendly and pacific letter on the subject. They say, " We have, with much sorrow of heart, heard of your differences, and that the means attended hitherto, for composing them, have >»H :-^'i "1, '■ i ■' mi m'- w V'-' m M ill I> I' it: ' :' r* ^» 258 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [i66o proved ineffectual. We cannot but be deeply sensible of the sad effects and dreadful consequences of dissensions, heightened and increased in a church of such eminence for light and love." They represented to them, that though all the churches sympathized with them, yet they themselves would be sure, in the first place, to feel the smart. They most earnestly exhorted them not only to be exceedingly cautious of all further provocations, but to employ all their wisdom and exertions for a reconciliation. They intreated them, not to suffer any discouragements to prevail with them, to make a separation and scatter abroad.^ The churches in Connecticut and New-Haven laboured to har- monize their views and affections, and to make peace. The min- isters in Massachusetts were so affected with their circumstances, that they offered to make a journey to Connecticut, to attempt their reconciliation. The long and repeated journeys they made, and the indefatigable labours they employed to compose their dif- ficulties, exhibited a noble spirit of benevolence, and a zeal for the peace and prosperity of Zion. They not only merited the grateful acknowledgments of the people at Hartford, but of the colony in general. The proclamation for a public thanksgiving in November, rec- ognized the success of the council, in composing the difficulties at Hartford, as an event demanding public joy and praise. The church at Weatherslield interested themselves in the dispute at Hartford, and became divided and contentious. Some of the brethren exhibited a complaint to the court against Mr. Russell, for joining with the church in excommunicating one of the breth- ren, as it was alleged, without giving him a copy of the complaint exhibited against him, and without acquainting him with his crime. The general court ordered, that Mr. Russell should be re- proved, for acting contrary to the usage of the churches. The brethren were divided with respect to their church state. Some insisted, that they were no church, because they had never been gathered according to gospel order; or if they had been a church, that the members of it had moved away in such a manner, as had destroyed its very existence. Many were inviolably attached to Mr. Russell, while others strenuously opposed him. In this state of affairs, the general court appointed the elders and churches of Hartford and Windsor, a council to hear the diffi- culties which had arisen in the church and town. But the parties could not be reconciled. Mr. Russell removed to Hadley, where he and a number of his warm friends from Hartford and Weathers- field, planted a new town and church. The general court resolved, that a church had been regularly gathered at Weathersfield, by the consent of the general court, and approbation of neighbouring elders; and that, though divers of the members had removed to Records of the united colonies. i663] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 2S9 other places, yet the brethren there were the true and undoubted church of Weathersfield, and so to be accounted, notwithstanding any thing which did appear. Thus terminated the controversy; and Mr. Bulkley, in 1666, removed from New-London, and suc- ceeded Mr. Russell in the pastoral office. The same year, Mr. Simon Bradstreet, from Charlestown, came to New-London, and took the pastoral charge of the church there. About the time of Mr. Russell's removal from Weathersfield, the minds of the people at Middletown became alienated from Mr. Stow, who appears to have been the first minister in that town. A committee of ministers and civilians, appointed by the general court, dismissed him, on account of the evil temper of the people towards him. Many of the ministers and of the people, in the country, were for extending baptism, according to the determination of the gen- et al council, in 1657; but the churches were so generally and warmly opposed to it, that it could not be effected without a synod. As this and the consociation of churches were favourite points, which a large number of the clergy and principal civilians in Mas- sachusetts and Connecticut, wished to carry, the general court of Massachusetts appointed a synod of all the ministers in that colo- ny, to deliberate and decide on those points. The questions pro- posed, were, 1. Who are the subjects of baptism? 2. Whether, according to the word of God, there ought to be a consociation of churches? The council met at Boston, in September, 1662. Their answer to the first question, was substantially the same with that given by the council, in 1657. They declared, " That church members, who were admitted in minority, understanding the doctrine of faith, and publicly pro- fessing their assent thereunto, not scandalous in life, and solemnly owning the covenant before the church, wherein they give up themselves and children to the Lord, and subject themselves to the government of Christ in his church, their children are to be baptized." They further resolved, " That the members of ortho- dox churches, being sound in the faith, and not scandalous in life, and presenting due testimony thereof, these occasionally coming from one church to another, may have their children baptized in ihe church whither they came, by virtue of communion of churches." They, also, gave their opinion in favour of the con- st)ciation of churches. However, the council were not unanimous ; several learned and picius men protested against the determination relative to baptism. Tht; Rev. Charles Chauncey, president of Harvard college ; Mr. Increase Mather, afterwards doctor in divinity; Mr. Mather, of Northampton ; and others, were warmly in the opposition. Presi- ; t'j ' m .":;i t|: ^i i 'I' i 260 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1663 I; It mh t h u i dent Chauncey wrote a tract against the resolution respecting bajp- tism, entitled Antisynodalia. Mr. Increase Mather, also, wrote in opposition to the council. Mr. Davenport, and all the ministers ^in the colony of New-Haven, and numbers in C' nriccticut, were against the resolutions. Mr. Davenport wrote against them. The > churches were more generally opposed to them than the clergy. The general court of Connecticut took no notice of the synod, nor of the dispute, but left the elders and churches at liberty to act their own sentiments. They were attempting to form an union with New-Haven ; and, as the ministers and churches of that col- ony were unanimous in their opposition to the synod, they, prob- ably, judged it impolitic, at that time, to act any thing relative to these ecclesiastical points. While the churches were agitated with these disputes, another of their original lights was extinguished. Mr. Stone expired July 20th, 1663. He had his education at Emmanuel college, in the university of Cambridge. He was eminently pious and exem- plary; abounded in fastings and prayer, and was a most strict ob- server of the christian sabbath. Preparatory to this, he laboured to compose himself on Saturday evening, to the most heavenly views and exercises, and was careful not to speak a word which was not grave, serious, and adapted to the solemnity. He spent much time, on this evening, in the instruction of his family, com- monly delivering to them the sermon which he designed to preach on the morrow, or some other, which might be best calculated for their instruction and edification. His sermons were doctiinal, re- plete with sentiment, concisely and closely applied. He was es- teemed one of the most accurate and acute disputants of his day. He was celebrated for his great wit, pleasantry, and good humour. His company was courted by all gentlemen of learning and in- genuity, who hail the happiness of an acquaintance with him. All the ministers who illuminated the first churches in Connecti- cut and New-Haven, except Mr. Warham and Mr. Davenport, had now finished their course, or returned to England; and i.iost of their brethren, who composed the first churches, slept with them in the dust. The first governors and magistrates were no more. October 13, 1664, the general court of Connecticut came to a resolve, with a view to enforce the resolution of the synod, upon the churches in Connecticut. It was in the words following. " This court understanding, by a writing presented to them, from several persons of this colony, that they are aggrieved, that they are not entertained in church fellowship, this court, having duly considered the same, desiring, that the rules of Christ may be attended, do commend it to the ministers and churches in this colony, to consider, whether it be not their duty to entertain all such persons, who are of an honest and godly conversation, having a competency of knowledge in the principles of religion, and shall J 1.;^ ^ Ii663 1664J HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 361 desire to join with them in church fellowship, by an explicit cove- nant; and that they have their children baptized: and that all the children of the church be accepted and accounted real members of the church; and that the church exercise a Hue christian care and watch over them : and that when they are gr> iwn up, being ex- amined by the officer, in the face of the church, it appear in the juilgment of charity, that they be duly qualified to participate in tli.it great ordinance of the Lord's supper, by their being able to examine themselves and discern the Lord's body, such persons be admitted to full communion. " 'I'he court desireth the several officers of the respective churches would be pleased to consider, whether it be not the duty of the court to order the chufhes to practice according to the premises, if they do not practice without such order. If any dis- sent from the ( ontents of this writing, t licy are desired to help the court, with such light as is with them, the next session of this as embly." The secretary was directed • ) send a copy of this resolution to all the ministers and churches in the colony. The elders and churche* , who would not comply with the pro- posed innovation, had not only to combat the arguments and in- tlu<"nce of the synod, lut the influence of the uneasy people in the , congregations, and of the general court; but it was but slowly, and with great difficulty, that the practice of owning the covenant, and baptizing the children of parents who did not enter into full ) communion, and attend both the sacraments, was introduced. But few churches, for many years, admitted the practice, and some never did. It appears that, notwithstanding the influence of the general court, and the resolutions of the synods, or general / councils, a majority of the churches in Connecticut were against ' it. They imagined, that such a latitude in baptism, and admission of members to communion, would subvert the very design for/ which the churches of New-England were planted. The discipline and usages of the Connecticut churches con- tinued yet, for some time, nearly in the same situation in which < they had been from the beginning. The clergy and churches were strict in the admission of members t^ > full communion. Those who were admitted, generally inade a public relation of their christian experiences, by which they gave satisfaction to the church of their repentance, faith, and sincere friendship to the Redeemer. The elders and churches were exceedingly strict, with respect to those whom they ordained; examining them not only in the three learned languages and doctrinal points of theology, with re- spect to cases of conscience, and their ability to defend Christianity and its doctrines against infidels and gainsayers, but with respect to their own experimental, heart religion. All those, who were to be ordained over any church, previously to their separation to the B. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I |2£ |2^ ui m 4s 12.0 18 • L25 1 1.4 III 1.6 M 6" ► VI ^ /a 7 *a^.^^ Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. MS80 (716) 872-4503 mc \^ \ V Lv ■ Records of Connecticut. if 963 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1671 I H m. w if li in«j| '' i called alias Narragance or Narraganset river; and that the same shall be holden by the colony of Rhode-Island, " any grant, or clause in a late grant, to the governor and company of Connecticut colony in America, to tht contrary thereof, in any wise notwith- standing." The proprietors, mentioned in the agreement, made choice of the government of Connecticut, July 3d, 1663, and were taken under the jurisdiction and protection of this colony. Connecticut insisted, that Mr. Winthrop's agency was finished before the agreement with Mr. Clark, and that he had never re- ceived any instructions from the colony authorizing him to enter into any such compact. It was also pleaded, that his Majesty could not re-grant that which he had previously granted to Connecticut. Rhode-Island insisted on the agreement between Mr. Winthrop and Mr. Clark, and on the limits granted in the charter of that col- ony. Hence arose a controversy between the colonies, which con- tinued more than sixty years. Governor Winthrop, at the session in October, again proposed a resignation of his office, and desired the consent and approba- tion of the general assembly. The assembly were utterly opposed to it, and could, by no means, be persuaded to give their consent. Through the influence of the houses, he was persuaded to keep the chair, and means were adopted to give him satisfaction. The as- sembly, at the next session, granted a hundred and fifty pounds salary. Grants were several times made him of valuable tracts of land. These considerations, with the great unanimity and esteem of the freemen, prevailed with him to continue in office until his death. In May, 1671, the former officers were all re-chosen. During the term of eighteen or twenty years, attempts had been making to settle a township at Paugasset. About the year 1663, it appears that governor Goodyear, and several other gentlemen in New-Haven, made a purchase of a considerable tract there. About the year 1654, it seems that some few settlements were made. The next year, at the session in October, the planters pre- sented a petition to the general court, at New-Haven, to be made a distinct town, and to order their affairs independently of the other towns. The court granted their petition ; gave them liberty to purchase a tract sufficient for a township; released them from taxes; and appointed Richard Baldwin moderator to call meet- ings, and conduct the affairs of the plantation. At the next court, however, Mr. Prudden, and the people of Milford, made such strong remonstrances against the act, that the court determined the people at Paugasset should continue, as they had been, under the town of Milford, unless the parties should come to an agree- ment, respecting the incorporation of the inhabitants there into a distinct township. In 1657 and 1659 a purchase was made of the [i67i 167a] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 269 lands of the chief sagamores, Wetanamow and Raskenute. The purchase appears to have been confirmed afterwards by Oke- nuck, the chief sachem. Some of the first planters were £d. Wooster, Ed. Riggs, Richard Baldwin, Samuel Hopkins, Thomas Langdon, and Francis French. They preferred a petition to the general assembly of Connecticut, praying for town privileges, in 1671. The assembly determined that their south bounds should be the north line of Milford, and that they should extend their limits twelve miles northward, to a place called the notch. For their encouragement, it was promised, that, as soon as there should be thirty families in the plantation, they should be vested with town privileges. About four years after, Oct. 1675, they re- newed their application. They represented that they then con- sisted of twelve families, and that eleven more were about moving directly into the plantation: that they had procured a minister, built him a house, and made provision for the enjoyment of divine ordinances. Upon these representations, the assembly made them a town, by the name of Derby. Major John Mason, who, for many years, had been deputy gov- ernor, and rendered many important services to the colony, being far advanced in years, and visited with many infirmities, about this time, excused himself from the service of the commonwealth. At the next election. May 9th, 1672, Mr. John Nash was chosen mag- istrate, to fill the vacancy made by his resignation.^ Until this time, the colony had kept their laws in manuscript, and had promulgated them, by sending copies to be publicly read in the respective towns. This year, the first code of Connecticut was published. It was printed at Cambridge, in Massachusetts. It consisted of between seventy and eighty pages, in small folio, printed, and of nearly the same number of blank pages. It is a great curiosity. The preface is written in the most religious man- ner, sufficiently solemn for an introduction to a lC'«'V of sermons. It is thus introduced, " To our beloved brethren k. d neighbours, the inhabitants of Connecticut, the general court of that colony wish grace and peace in our Lord Jesus." It recognizes the de- sign of the first planters, " who," as the court express it, " settled these foundations," for the maintaining of "religion according to the gospel of our Lord Jesus;" which it declares " ought to be the > John Mason, Esq. was bred to anni in the Dufch Netherlands, under Sir Thomas Fairfax. He came into New-England with Mr. Warham and his company, in 1630.* Five years after, he removed to Comiecticat, and was one of the first planters of Windsor. In 1642 he was chosen magistrate ; in which office he con- tinued until May, 1660, when he was chosen deputy governor. In this office he continued ten years. At the desire of the inhabitants of Saybrook, and for the de- fence of the colony, he removed to that town in 1647. From thence he removed to Norwich, in 1659, where he died, in 1673 or '73, in the 73d year of his age. He was tall and portly, full of martial fire, and shunned no hardships or dangers in the defence and service of the colony. He was a gentleman not only of distinguished heroism, but of strict morals and great prudence. * Savage thinks this may be an error, ashe does not find the name before December, 163a,— J. T. .% 'I 370 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [i67t 1 90 .'I ;i 'S! endeavour of all those, that shall succeed, to uphold and encourage unto all generations." The assembly enacted, that every family should have a law book. In the blank pages, all the laws enacted after 167a were inserted, in writing, until the year 1699, when the book was filled up. At the election. May 8th, 1673, Robert Treat, Esq. was chosen into the magistracy. At this court, Richard Smith was appointed a commissioner at Narraganset, and vested with the powers of magistracy through that country. A court of commissioners was instituted there, and Mr. Smith was appointed the chief judge. This court had cog- nizance of all cases not exceeding twenty pounds, provided that all such as exceeded forty shillings should be tried by a jury. A com- missioner ^ was appointed at Pettyquamscot. As war had been declared in England, the last year, against the Dutch, the colony was put into a state of defence. It was ordered that a troop of horse should be raised in each county. This year, the colony was more thoroughly alarmed, and experienced the benefit of being in a good state of preparation. On the 30th of July, a small Dutch fleet, under the command of commodores Cor- nelius Everste and Jacob Benkes, arrived at New- York. One John Manning, who commanded the fort and island there, treach- erously delivered them up to the enemy, without firing a gun, or attempting the least resistance. The inhabitants of New- York and New-Jersey generally submitted to the Dutch without opposi- tion. About the same time, the Dutch captured a vessel of Mr. Sillick's of this colony, near one of the harbours of the western towns. Upon this emergency, a special assembly was convoked, at Hartford, on the 7th of August. Orders were immediately issued, that the respective troops, in the colony, with five hundred dra- goons, should forthwith be ready for service; and that all the trainbands should be complete in their arms. The same day, Mr. James Richards and Mr. William Roswell, were dispatched, with a letter from the assembly, to the Dutch commodores, to know their further intentions. The assembly remonstrated against their con- duct in capturing Mr. Sillick's vessel, and in demanding the sub- mission of his majesty's English subjects, upon Long-Island, and that they should take the oath ot allegiance to the States General. They acquainted the Dutch commanders, that the united colonies were, by his majesty, constituted the defenders of the lives and lib- erties of his subjects, in these parts of his dominions, and assured them that they would be faithful to their trust. The assembly appointed the governor, deputy governor, and a number of the council, a committee of war, to act as emergencies should require. ' Commiuioner wu a nwne for ■ justice of the peace. ^^^ [i67« 1673I HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. tft The Dutch commanderk returned a soldierlike answer to the messengers and letter from Connecticut, purporting, that they had a commission to do all damages, in their power, to their en- emies, by land and sea: that they had summoned the towns upon Long-Island to submit to them; end that, unless they should comply, they would reduce them to their subjection by force ot' arms: that as the vessel they had taken was their enemy's it was strange to them that any questions were proposed concerning it: and that while they doubted not of the faithfulness of the united colonies in defending their majesty's subjects, they should not be less zealous and faithful in the service of the States General/ On the nth of August, the committee of war met at Hartford. They appear to have apprehended an immediate invasion. They gave orders, that the whole militia of the colony should be ready to march at an hour's warning, to any place which might be at- tacked. They made such arrangement of the dragoons, and sent such assistance to their friends upon Long-Island, as prevented an invasion of any part of the colony, and the plunder and destruction of the English upon the island. On the meeting of the assembly, in October, letters were sent to Massachusetts and Plymouth, to solicit their united assistance against the Dutch, and to know their opinion relative to pro- claiming war, and engaging in offensive operations against them. Mr. John Banks was sent express to the Dutch commanders, with a spirited remonstrance against the conduct of the Dutch, who had threatened the towns on the Island with destruction, by fire and sword, unless they would submit and swear allegiance to the States General. They had sent ships and an armed force towards the east end of the island, to subdue the people; but had been pre- vented. The assembly assured them, that they knew how to avenge themselves upon their plantations, and not only so, but upon their head quarters, if the colonies should rise, and warned them of the consequences of injuring the English towns upon the island. Connecticut, upon consulting their confederates, found it to be the general opinion to act offensively against the Dutch. A spe- cial assembly was called on the 26th of November, and war was im- mediately proclaimed against them. It was determined, that an expedition should be undertaken against New- York. This, it seems, was in conjunction with the other confederates. Major Treat was appointed to command the troops from Connecticut The Dutch not only threatened the English towns on the island with destruction, but, it seems, made several descents upon it, with a view to attack them: however, by the assistance of the troops from Connecticut, they were, in all instances, repulsed, and driven from the island.' Before suitable preparations could be made for ' Letter on file. * Records of Connecticut, and letters on file. 'ff 1 r I*. 1 3 ;1'- I*. !■ 3 ii 111 *J ir I ,1' 272 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. I1674 an attack upon the Dutch, at their head quarters, the season was too far advanced for military operations. Early in the spring, the news of a general pacification between England and Holland, pre- vented all further proceedings of this kind. The whole militia of the colony, at this time, amounted to no more than 2,070 men. One quarter, it seems, were mounted as dragoons, and employed for the defence of the colony, and of his majesty's English subjects upon Long-Island. The only alteration made by the election in 1674, was the choice of Thomas Topping, Esq. instead of Mr. Hawkins. As the inhabitants of Long-Island had been protected and gov- erned, the latter part of the last year, by Connecticut, they made application, at this assembly, for the further enjoyment of its pro- tection and government. The legislature accepted them, and ap- pointed officers in the several English towns, as they had done at their session the preceding October. Upon the application of the town of Wickford, and other plan- tations in Narraganset, the legislature took them under the gov- ernment of this colony. A court was instituted at Stonington, for the government of the people in Narraganset, that they might not live in dissolute practices, to the dishonour of God, of the king and nation, and to the scandalizing of the very heathens. The legislature, in 1672, granted liberty to Mr. Sherman, Mr. William Curtiss, and their associates, to make a plantation at Pomperaug. Such a number of settlements had been made there, in about two years, that the assembly, in May, 1674, enacted that it should be a town, by the name of Woodbury. Scarcely had the colonies recovered from one calamity and dan- ger, before new and more terrible scenes of alarm and destruction presented themselves. Not only Connecticut, but all the New- England colonies, were now verging upon a most distressful and important period, in which their very existence was endangered. Upon the pacification with the Dutch, the duke of York, to re- move all doubt and controversy respecting his property in Amer- ica, took out a new patent from the king, June 29th, 1674, granting the same territory described in the former patent. Two days after, he commissioned major, afterwards Sir Edmund Andross, to be governor of New- York, and all his territories in these parts. The major was a mere tool of the duke, and a tyrant over the people. Mr. Smith, in his history of New- York, observes, " That he knew no law but the will of his master; and that Kirk and Jefferies were not fitter instruments than he to execute the despotic projects of James the second." Notwithstanding the priority of the patent of Connecticut to the duke of York's, and the determination of his majesty's commis- sioners about ten years before, in 1675, he set up the duke's claim to all that part of the colony which lies to the westward of Con- necticut river, and he threatened the colony with an invasion. 1675] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. «;s At the same time, Philip, sachem of the Wampanoags, com- menced hostilities against the colonies, and involved them in a most bloody and destructive war. It had been supposed, that the Indians, for several years, had been concerting a general con- spiracy against the plantations in New-England, with a view of extirpating the English from the country. They viewed them- selves as a free and independent people. Their sachems were men of high and independent spirits. They considered themselves as sovereign princes, and claimed to be the original proprietors and lords of the land. They viewed the English as intruders and usurpers. While, therefore, they saw them, in almost every quar- ter, extending their settlements over the dominions of their an- cestors, they could not but kindle into resentment, and adopt counsels to prevent the loss of their liberties and country. Though they had entered into treaties with the colonies, and acknowledged themselves to be subjects of the king of England, yet it is by no means probable, that, by these treaties and acknowledgments, they designed to give up their independence, or any of their natural rights. They viewed themselves rather as allies, than as subjects of England. To be called to an account for their conduct, and to be thwarted in their designs, by the colonies, or to He holden as amenable to them for their actions, was a treatment which their haughty spirits could not brook. These were general reasons for which they might wish for the destruction of their English neigh- bors. But beside these, there were others, which had more imme- diate influence upon Philip. John Sausaman, a christian Indian, who had once been a subject of Philip, made a discovery of his plots against the English. Philip, fired with resentment, procured the murder of Sausaman. The murderers were discovered, tried by the English laws, and executed. Philip, enraged at the execu- tion of his subjects, conscious of his own guilt, and probably ap- prehensive for his personal safety, armed his own w arriors, the Wampanoags, and such strange Indians as he could engage to embark in his measures, and, with the most hostile appearances, began to march up and down the country. As the colonies, for some time, had been apprised, that the Ind- ians were forming designs against them, they, by treaties, and such other means as appeared to be wise and politic, had been at- tempting to prevent the storm. Notwithstanding, it now burst upon them with uncommon fury. Its destruction was wide and dreadful. Philip's numbers daily increasing, gave him fresh courage, and increased his insolence. On the 20th of June, 1675, his Indians comenced hostilities upon Swanzey, one of the frontier towns of New-Plymouth, bordering on the territories of Philip, whose chief seat was at Mount Hope.* They insulted the English, rifled their ■ Mount Hope is ui eminence in the eaiteni part of the town of Bristol, in Rhode-Island. ' i 4 W ■ 'ii i ■I 274 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1675 111 t :1 4^ will Hi ! (J 1 I ll houses, and killed their cattle. Four days after, they killed nine, and wounded seven of the inhabitants. The troops of that colony marched immediately to the defence of the town. In four days, they were reinforced with several companies from Boston. On the 29th, the troops were drawn forth against the enemy. They in- stantly fled before them, for a mile or two, and took refuge in a swamp. The next day, major Savage arrived with more troops and a general command from Boston. He marched the army into the Indian towns, to surprise their head quarters, and give them battle upon their own grounds. The troops found the enemy's towns, and even the seat of Philip, deserted with marks of the ut- most precipitation. As the Indians fled, they marked their route with the burning of buildings, the scalps, hands, and heads of the English, which they had taken off and fixed upon poles by the way side. As they could not come up with the enemy, they returned to their head quarters, at Swanzey. In consequence of the war with Philip, the commissioners cf the united colonies met at Boston, and governor Winthrop, who was one of the commissioners for Connecticut, was gone there, to at- tend the business of the country. Deputy-governor Leet and the council, upon receiving intelligence of the war, dispatched troops to Stonington, to defend that part of the colony against the enemy. At the same time, it was discovered that major Andross was about to make a hostile invasion of the colony, and to demand a surrender of its most important posts to the government of the duke of York. Detachments from the militia were, therefore, sent, with the utmost expedition, to New-London and Saybrook. Cap- tain Thomas Bull, of Hartford, commanded the party sent to Say- brook. About the 8th or 9th of July, the people of that town were sur- prised by the appearance of major Andross, with an armed force, in the sound, making directly for the fort. They had received no intelligence of the affair, nor instructions from the governor and council, how to conduct themselves upon such an emergency. They were, at first, undetermined whether to make any resistance or not ; but they did not hesitate long. As the danger approached, and their surprise abated, the martial spirit began to enkindle; the fort was manned, and the militia of the town drawn out for its defence.^ At this critical juncture, captain Bull with his company arrived, and the most vigorous exertions were made, for the de- fence of the fort and town. On the i ith, major Andross, with sev- eral armed sloops, drew up before the fort, hoisted the king's flag on board, and demanded a surrender of the fortress and town. Captain Bull raised his majesty's colors in the fort, and arranged his men in the best manner. They appeared with a good coun- * Letter from the Rev. Mr. Buckingham to the governor and council, on the sub- ject. '' [1675 l675] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 275 m the «ub- tenance, determined and eager for action. The major did not like to fire on the king's colors, and perceiving that, should he attempt to reduce the town by force, it would be a bloody affair, judged it expedient not to fire upon the troops. He, nevertheless, lay all that day, and part of the next, o& against the fort. The critical state of the colony had occasioned the meeting of the assembly, at Hartford, on the 9th of July. They immediately proceeded to draw up a declaration, or protest, against the major, in the words following. " Whereas, we are informed that major Edmund Andross is come with some considerable force into this his majesty's colony of Connecticut, which might be construed to be in pursuance of his letter to us, to invade or intrude upon the same, or upon some part of our charter limits and privileges, and so to molest his majesty's good subjects, in this juncture, when the heathen rage against the English, and by fire and sword have destroyed many of his majesty's good subjects, our neighbors of Plymouth colony, and still are carrying their heads about the country, as trophies of their good success; and yet are proceeding further in their cruel designs against the English; in faithfulness to our royal sovereign, and in obedience to his majesty's commands, in his gracious charter to this colony, we can do no less than publicly declare and protest against the said major Edmund Andross, and these his illegal proceedings, as also against all his aiders and abettors, as disturbers of the peace of his majesty's good subjects in this colony; and that his and their actions, in this juncture, tend to the encouragement of the heathen to proceed in the effu- sion of christian blood, which may be very like to be the conse- quence of his actions, and which we shall unavoidably lay at his door, and use our utmost power and endeavour, (expecting therein the assistance of Almighty God) to defend the good people of this colony from the said major Andross his attempts; not doubting but his majesty will countenance and approve our just proceedings therein, they being according to the commission we have received from his majesty, in his gracious charter to this colony ; by which power and trust, so committed unto us, we do again forewarn and advise the said major Andross, and all his aiders and abettors, to forbear and desist such forenamed unjust and unwarrantable practices, as they expect to answer the same, with all such just damages and costs as may arise or accrue there- by. And we do further, in his majesty's name, require and com- mand all the good people, his majesty's subjects, of this colony of Connecticut, under our present government, utterly to refuse to attend, countenance or obey the said major Edward Andross, or any under him, in any order, instruction, or command, diverse from or contrary to the laws and orders of this colony here es- «4 I, I \l m i'^-^^ I - I 'f I., I5i B i "I! 276 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1675 tablished, by virtue of his majesty's gracious charter, granted to this colony of Connecticut, as they will answer the contrary at their peril." " God save the King." This was voted unanimously. It was sent by an express to Saybrook, with instructions to captain Bull to propose to major Andross the reference of the affair in dispute to commissioners, to meet in any place in this colony which he should choose. Early in the morning of the 12th of July, the major desired that he might have admittance on shore, and an interview with the ministers and chief officers. He probably imagined, that if he could read the duke's patent and his own commission, it would make an impres- sion upon the people, and that he should gain by art that which he could not by force of arms. He was allowed to come on shore with his suit. Meanwhile, the express arrived with the protest, and instructions from the assembly. Captain Bull and his officers, with the officers and gentlemen of the town, met the major, at his landing, and acquainted him that they had, at that instant, received instructions to tender him a treaty, and to refer the whole matter in controversy to commissioners, capable of determining it according to law and justice. The major rejected the proposal, and forthwith commanded, in his majesty's name, that the duke's patent, and the commission which he had received from his royal highness, should be read. Captain Bull commanded him, in his majesty's name, to forbear reading.* When his clerk attempted to persist in reading, the captain repeated his command, with such energy of voice and manner, as convinced the major it was not safe to proceed. The captain then acquainted him that he had an address from the assembly to him, and read the protest. Gov- ernor Andross, pleased with his bold and soldier-like appearance, said, " What is your name? " He replied, " My name is Bull, Sir." " Bull! " said the governor, " It is a pity that your horns are not tipped with silver." Finding he could make no impres- sion upon the officers or people, and that the legislature of the colony, were determined to defend themselves, in the possession of their chartered rights, he gave up his design of seizing the fort. He represented the protest as a slender affair, and an ill requital of his kindness. He said, however, he should do no more. The militia of the town guarded him to his boat, and going on board he soon sailed for Long-Island. The general assembly considered this as a great abuse and in- sult of the colony, and, upon receiving an account of the major's conduct, came to the following resolution. " This court orders, that this declaration shall forthwith be sent forth to the several plantations, sealed with the seal of the colony, and signed by the secretary, to be there published." ' Captain Bull's letter to the assembly. [1675 1675] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 277 " Forasmuch as the good people of his majesty's colony of Con- necticut have met with much trouble and molestation from major Edmund Andross, his challenge and attempts to surprise the main part of said colony, which they have so rightfully obtained, so long possessed, and defended against all invasions of Dutch and Ind- ians, to the great grievance of his majesty's good subjects in their settlements, and to despoil the happy government, by charter from his majesty granted to themselves, and under which they have enjoyed many halcyon days of peace and tranquillity, to their great satisfaction, and to the content of his majesty, graciously ex- pressed by letters to them, so greatly engaging their loyalty and thankfulness, as makes it intolerable to be put off from so long and just settlement under his majesty's government by charter. Hereupon, for the prevention of misrepresentations into England, by the said major Andross against us, for our refusal, and with- standing his attempts, made with hostile appearances to surprise us at Saybrook, while we were approaching towards a savage Ind- ian enemy that had committed much outrage and murder, by fire and sword, upon our neighbours about Plymouth; this court have desired the honorable John Winthrop and James Richards, Es- quires, or either of them, (intending a voyage to England upon their own occasions,) to take with them the narrative and copies of all the transactions betwixt us, and to give a right understand- ing for clearing our innocence, and better securing our enjoy- ments as occasion shall ofTer." As the Narraganset Indians were considered as abettors of Philip, harbouring the old men and women whom he had sent off to them, and as the colonies feared that they would proceed to open hostilities, unless it could be prevented by some vigorous measures, it was determined to march the army, which had been rendezvoused at Swanzey, immediately into their country, and to treat with them sword in hand. Captain Hutchinson was dis- patched commissioner, from the general court of Massachusetts, to conduct the treaty.* On the 15th of July, a treaty was con- cluded between the united colonies and the six Narraganset sa- chems, and the sunk squaw or old queen of Narraganset. Per- petual peace was stipulated between the parties. It was also agreed, that all stolen goods should be returned: that neither Philip nor any of his subjects should be harboured by the Nar- ragansets; but if any of them should enter upon their lands they should kill and destroy them, until a cessation of hostilities should be concluded between Philip and the united colonies: that the commissioners should give to any of the Narraganset Indians, who should bring in Philip alive, forty coats, and twenty for his head: that two coats should be given for every subject- of Philip ' ' Major Wait Winthrop and Mr. Richard Smith were commissioner* from Con< necticut. I 1' 278 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1675 n t'.4| iV' delivered alive to the English, and one for his head. On the part of the Narragansets, hostages were delivered, as a security, for the faithful performance of the treaty. This, at best, was a forced business, rather calculated to irritate, than to reconcile a free and haughty people. The conditions were imposed by the army. On the 17th of July, the troops returned to Taunton. Upon intelligence, that Philip and his warriors were in a swamp at Pocasset, the Massachusetts and Plymouth forces formed a junc- tion, and on the i8th, attacked them with firmness and resolution. The enemy had chosen an advantageous retreat. As the army entered the swamp, they retired deeper and deeper into it, until the troops were led into such an hideous thicket, that it was im- possible for them to keep their order. It was so thick and dark, as the night approached, that the men were in danger, not only from the enemy, but from one another. They fired at every bush which appeared to shake. The action was continued until night, when the English retreated. The attempt was unhappy. Six- teen brave men were killed, and Philip and his men, after they had been reduced to the greatest distress, and were upon the point of surrendering themselves, made their escape. A fine army was collected. Philip was enclosed in a swamp and neck of land, and could not at that time have made his escape, by any other means than by defeating, or fighting his way through the army, had the English conducted with prudence and fortitude. They might have renewed the attack upon them next morning, and had the day before them to finish their work, and put an end to the war ; but, instead of this, they left a few companies to guard the swamp, which was upon Pocasset neck, and starve out the enemy. Philip, about six or eight days after, found means to rid himself from the danger. He either waded across an arm of the sea, at low water, or passed over it with his warriors upon rafts. He and his war- riors triumphed, and were blown up with still g^reater courage and insolence. The Indians in general were encouraged, so that soon after there was a general rising of them against the English throughout New- England, for an extent of nearly three hundred miles. As the Indians had lived promiscuously with the English, in all parts of the country, they were generally as well acquainted with their dwellings, fields, and places of worship, as themselves. They were perfectly acquainted with their roads, times, and places of resort. They were at hand, to watch all their motions, to attack them at every difficult pass, and in every unguarded moment. Except some of the thickest settlements, and the centre of the towns, the country was a vast wilderness. This enabled the en- emy, not only in small skulking parties, but in great bodies, to make their approaches undiscovered, almost into the very midst of them; and under covert of the night, to creep into their barns, Ii675 i«75) HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 279 gardens, and out houses; to conceal themselves behind their fences, and lie in wait for them on the roads and in their fields. Sometimes they concealed themselves before their very doors. No sooner did they open them, in the morning, than they were instantly shot dead. From almost every quarter, they were ready to rise upon them. At midnight, in the morning, or whenever they could obtain an advantage, they were ready to attack them. While the English were hunting them in one place, they would be slaying the inhabitants, and plundering and burning in another. In a short time, they would plunder and burn a town, kill and captivate the inhabitants, and retire into swamps and fastnesses, where it was dangerous to pursue, difHcult to discover, and impos- sible to attack them, but at the greatest disadvantage. Notwithstanding every precaution and exertion of the colonies, they continued plundering, burning, killing, and captivating, in one place and another, and kept the whole country in continual fear and alarm. There was no safety to man, woman, nor child; to him who went out, nor to him who came in. Whether they were asleep or awake — ^whether they journeyed, laboured, or wor- shipped, they were in continual jeopardy. The inhabitants of Massachusetts, Plymouth, and Rhode-Island, especially, were killed, plundered, and their towns and buildings burned, in a most distressing and terrible manner. Beside other damages, not so considerable, captain Hutchin- son, who had been sent with a party of horse, to treat with the Nipmuck Indians, was drawn into an ambush August 2d, near Brookfield, and mortally wounded. Sixteen of his company were killed. The enemy then rushed in upon the town, and burnt all the dwelling-houses, except one, which was defended by the gar- rison, until it was reinforced, two days after, by major Willard. The enemy then dre\ oflf, having burned twenty dwelling-houses, with all the barns and out houses, and killed all the cattle and horses which they could find. In September, Hadley, Deerfield, and Northfield, on Connecticut river, were attacked, and num- bers of the inhabitants killed and wounded. Most of the build- ings in Deerfield were burnt, and Northfield was soon after aban- doned to the enemy. There were a number of skirmishes, about the same time, in that part of the country, in which the English, on the whole, were losers. Captain Beers was surprised near Northfield, September 12th, by a large body of the enemy, and he and twenty of his party were killed. The officers who commanded in that quarter, finding that, by sending out parties, they sustained continual loss and disappoint- ment, and effected nothing of importance, determined to collect a magazine at Hadley, and garrison the town. At Deerfield, there were about three thousand bushels of wheat in stack. It vfas "\' • If 28o HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [«67J il 'II it : 5;* resolved to thresh thb out, and bring it down to Hadley. On Sep- tember i8th, while captain Lothrop, with a chosen corps of young men, the flower of the county of Essex, was guarding the teams employed in this service, seven or eight hundred Indians suddenly attacked him. Though he fought with great bravery, yet he fell, with nearly his whole party. Many of the teamsters were also cut off. Ninety or an hundred men were killed on the spot. Captain Mosely, who was stationed at Deerfield, marched to reinforce captain Lothrop, but he arrived too late for his as- sistance. Captain Mosely was then obliged to fight the whole body of the enemy, for several hours, until the brave major Treat, of Connecticut, with about a hundred and sixty Englishmen and Moheagan Indians, marched up to his ^assistance, and put the enemy to flight.^ The fall of captain Lothrop, and such a fine body of men, was a heavy loss to the country; especially to the county of Essex, filling it with great and universal lamentation. During the term of about forty years, the Indians in the vicinity of Springfield had lived in the greatest harmony with the English, and still made the strongest professions of friendship; yet, about this time, they conspired with Philip's warriors for the destruction of that town. At the distance of about a mile from it they had a fort. The evening before they made their assault, they received into it about three hundred of Philip's warriors. The same even- ing, one Toto, a Windsor Indian, discovered the plot, and dis- patches were immediately sent off, from Windsor to Spritfgfield, and to major Treat, who lay at Westfield, with the Connecticut troops, to apprise them of the danger. But the people at Spring- field were so strongly persuaded of the friendship of those Ind- ians, that they would not credit the report. One lieutenant Coop- er, who commanded there, was so infatuated, that, as soon as the morning appeared, instead of collecting his men and preparing for the defence of the town, he, with another bold man, rode out, with a design to go to the fort, and discover how the matter was. He soon met the enemy, who killed his companion, by his side, and shot several balls through his body. As he was a man of great strength and courage, he kept his horse, though mortally wounded, until he reached the first garrisoned house, and gave the alarm. The enemy immediately commenced a furious attack upon the town, and began to set fire to the buildings. The in- habitants were in the utmost consternation. They had none to command them, and must soon have all fallen a bloody sacrifice to a merciless foe, had not major Treat appeared for their relief. ' The commissioners, about the middle of September, ordered looo men to be raised for the general defence. Of these 500 were to be dragoons, with long arms. Connecticut was required to raise 315 men, for her proportion. A considerable part of this force was employed by Connecticut, under major Treat, for the de> fence of the upper towns. Captain Watts had been sent with a company to Deer- field, some time before. [i67S 1675] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 281 Upon receiving intelligence of the designs of the enemy, he marched, without loss of time; but meeting with considerable hindrance in crossing the river, for want of boats, his arrival was not in such season as to prevent the attack. He soon drove off the enemy, saved the inhabitants, and a considerable part of the town. Great damage, however, was done in a very short time. Thirty dwelling houses, besides barns and out houses, were burned. Major Pyncheon and Mr. Purchas sustained each the loss of a thousand pounds.^ Mr. Pelatiah Glover, minister of the town, lost his house, with a large and excellent library. In this stage of the war, the General Assembly of Connecticut convened, October 14th. The court, sensible of the good conduct of major Treat, in defending the colony, and the towns on Long- Island against the Dutch, and in relieving captain Mosely and Springfield, returned him public thanks, appointed him to the command of all the troops to be raised in the colony, to act against the enemy, and desired his acceptance of the service. Upon intelligence from the Rev. Mr. Fitch, that a large body of the enemy were approaching the town of Norwich, major Treat was directed to march forthwith, for the defence of that part of the colony. But soon after, his orders were countermanded, and he marched for Northampton. Here he arrived in season to ren- der his country another piece of important service. The enemy had been so elated with their various successes, that, having col- lected about eight hundred of their warriors, they made a furious attack upon Hadley, October 19th. Almost every part of the town was assaulted at the same instant. But the town was defended by officers and men of vigilance and spirit, so that the enemy every where met with a warm reception. Several parties of the Massa- chusetts troops, who were in the neighboring garrisons, flew to their assistance, and major Treat, advancing with his usual dis- patch from Northampton, soon attacked them, with his whole force, and they were put to a total flight. They sustained such loss, and were so disheartened, that, from this time, the main body of them left that part of the country, and held their general ren- dezvous in Narraganset. Small numbers, however, remained, do- ing damage as they had opportunity, and keeping the people in constant fear and alarm. From the intelligence communicated to the general assembly of Connecticut, during the October session, it appeared that the enemy had designs upon almost all the frontier towns in the col- ony. Each county was therefore required to raise sixty dragoons, complete in arms, horses, and ammunition, for the immediate defence of the colony, wherever their services might be necessary. ' Major Pyncheon was at Hadley, but did not come down, with the troops there, in season to prevent this great damage. He had, until this time, the chief com- mand in that part of the country, but he soon after resigned it, that he might take care of his own affairs. IH 'U m rin l^ 283 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1675 li '1:11 ll 1*1 J- < a ia 1 ' ^1 fj 1 |g /| i . fl f? ti "A 1 jf ,. 3 ' Captain Avery was appointed to the command of forty English- men from the tovCns of New-London, Stonington, and Lyme, with such a number of Pequots as he should judge expedient, for the defence of that part of the country, and the annoyance of the enemy, as occasion should present. Captain John Mason was appointed to command another party of twenty Englishmen, and the Moheagan Indians. These parties were ordered to post them- selves in the best manner to g^ard the eastern towns, and to act conjointly or separately, as emergencies should require. An army of one hundred and twenty dragoons was appointed to act against the enemy, under the command of major Treat. It was ordered that all the towns should be fortified, and that every town should provide the best places of defence of which it was capable, for the security of the women and children, who were directed to repair to them upon the first intimations of danger. The inhabi- tants of the towns on the frontiers, who were few in number, and most exposed, were advised to remove their best effects, and people unable to defend themselves, to retire into the more popu- lous parts of the colony, where they would be in a more probable state of safety. The Narragansets, in direct violation of the treaty, which they had made with the colonies, gave a friendly reception to Philip's men and other hostile Indians. The commissioners of the united colonies were satisfied, that some of them had been in actual ser- vice, in the assaults which had been made upon the English. Their young men had returned wounded to Narraganset. It was sup- posed, that the Narraganset sachems could muster two thousand warriors, and that they had a thousand muskets. It was judged that, if they should all engage, in the spring, in open hostilities, and scatter, as they might, into all parts of the country, all the force, which the colonies could bring into the field, would not be sufficient to defend the plantations against the united exertions of the enemy. In the summer and fall past, one company of brave men after another had been cut oflf, and future prospects were not more favorable. The commissioners of the united colonies there- fore resolved, that an army of a thousand men should be raised, for a winter campaign, to attack the enemy at their head quarters, in the Narraganset country. The colony of Massachusetts fur- nished a corps of five hundred and twenty seven men, consisting of six companies of foot and a troop of horse, commanded by major Appleton. Plymouth furnished one hundred and fifty-eight men, consisting of two companies, under the command of major Bradford and captain Gorham. The proportion of Connecticut was three hundred and fifteen men, but they sent into the field three hundred English men and 150 Moheagans and Pequot Ind- ians. These were divided into five companies, commanded by captains Seely, Gallup, Mason, W^tts, and Marshall. This corps illllll^ 1675] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 283 was commanded by major Treat. The honorable Josiah Winslow, Esq. governor of New-Plymouth, was appointed commander in chief. The orders of the commissioners to Connecticut were is- sued at Boston, the 12th of November. They required, that the best officers and firmest men should be appointed, and armed and clothed in the best manner. It was required, that the troops should rendezvous at New-London, Norwich, and Stonington, by the loth of December, ready to receive orders from the com- mander in chief. The commissioners were sensible, that an expedition, at this season, would be most distressful and hazardous. Such is the extremity of the weather, in this climate, that they were not with- out apprehensions; the whole army might perish, should the troops be obliged to lie uncovered a single night in the open field. It did not escape their deliberations, that the snow often fell so deep, that it would be extremely difficult, if not impossible, to send any succours to the army, in case of any misfortune; but they considered this as the only probable expedient of defeating the enemy, and preventing the desolating of the country. They ob- served, " It was a humbling providence of God, that put his poor people to be meditating a matter of war at such a season." They appointed the second of December to be observed as a solemn fast, to seek the divine aid.^ The Connecticut troops arrived at Pettyquamscot, on the 17th of December. Here had been a number of buildings, in which the troops expected to have been covered and kindly entertained ; but the enemy, a day or two before, had killed ten men and five women and children, and burned all the houses and barns. The next day, they formed a junction with the Massachusetts and Plymouth forces. Though the evening was cold and stormy, the troops were obliged to remain uncovered in the open field. The next morning, at the dawning of the day, they commenced their march towards the enemy, who were in a s^ramp at about fifteen miles distance. The troops from Massachusetts, headed by cap- tains Mosely and Davenport, led the van; their rear was brought up by major Appleton and captain Oliver. General Winslow, with the Plymouth companies, formed in the centre; and the troops of Connecticut formed in the rear of the whole, brought up by major Treat. This was the line of march." The troops proceeded with great spirit, wading through the snow, in a severe season, until nearly one o'clock, without fire to warm or food to refresh them, except what had been taken on the way. At this time, they had arrived just upon the seat of the enemy. This was upon a rising ground, in the centre of a large swamp. It was fortified with palisades, and compassed ' Letters of the comniisxionen to Connecticut. * Hubbard's Narrative, p. 104. -;'■ ,J' m: :| 1 1 ^^1 384 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [i67S * ij ill 'i: It " !ri 1^^ with a hedge without, nearly of a rod's thickness. The only en- trance, which appeared practicable, was over a log, or tree, which lay up five or six feet from the ground. This opening was com- manded in front by a kind of log house, and on the left by a flanker. As soon as the troops entered the skirts of the swamp, they discovered an advanced party of the enemy, upon whom they immediately fired. The enemy returned the fire, and retired be- fore them, until they were led to the very entrance by the block- house. Without reconnoitering the fort, or waiting for the army to march up and form for the attack, the Massachusetts troops, led on by their officers, with great courage, mounted the tree and entered the fort; but they were so galled from the blockhouse, and received such a furious and well directed fire from almost every quarter, that, after every exertion of skill and courage, of which they were capable, they were obliged to retreat out of the fort. The whole army pressed forward with the utmost courage and exertion, but such were the obstructions from the swamp and the snow, that it was a considerable time before the men could all be brought up to action. By reason of this, and the sharpness of the fire from the flanker and block-house, a sufficient number of men were not able to enter the fort to support those brave officers and men, who so courageously began the assault. Cap- tains Johnson and Davenport, and many brave men of the Massa- chusetts, were killed. The Connecticut troops, who formed in the rear, coming up to the charge, mounted over the log before the blockhouse, the captains leading and spiriting up the men in the most undaunted manner. About the same time that the main body of the Connecticut troops were forcing their way by the block-house, a few bold men ran round to the opposite part of the fort, where they found a narrow spot where there were no palisades, but a high and thick hedge of trees and brush. The sharpness of the action in the front had drawn oflf the enemy from this part, and climbing over unobserved, they ran down between the wigwams, and poured a heavy and well directed fire upon the backs of the enemy, who lay wholly exposed to their shot.^ Thus assaulted, in front and rear, they were driven from the flanker and block-house. The captains crying out, they run, they run, the men pressed so furiously upon them, that they were forced from that part of the fort. The soldiers without rushed in, with great spirit, and the enemy were driven from one covert and hiding place to another, until the middle of the fort was gained ; and after a long and bloody action they were totally routed and fled into the wilderness. As they retired, the soldiers set fire to the wig- wams, about six hundred of which were instantly consumed. The ' Manuscripts of the Rev. Mr. Ruggles. He observes, "It is a pity things so curious and remarkable, and wherein the hand of Providence so evidently appeared, as in taking the fort at Narraganset, should be lost. They deserve to be recorded in history." [i675 1675] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 285 enemy's corn, stores, and utensils, with many of their old men, women, and children, perished in the conflagration. It was sup- posed, that three hundred warriors were slain, besides many wounded, who afterwards died of their wounds and with the cold. Nearly the same number were taken, with three hundred women and children. From the number of wigwams in the fort, it is prob- able that the whole number of the Indians was nearly four thou- sand. Those who were not killed in battle, or did not perish in the flames, fled to a cedar swamp, where they spent the night, without food, fire, or covering. It was, nevertheless, a dearly bought victory. Six brave cap- tains fell in the action, and eighty men were killed or mortally wounded. A hundred and fifty were wounded, who afterwards recovered. After the fatiguing march, and hard fought battle of three hours, in which the troops had been exercised, the army, just at the setting of the sun, having burnt and destroyed all in their power, left the enemy's ground, and, carrying about two hundred dead and wounded men, marched back, sixteen or eigh- teen miles, to head quarters. The night was very cold and stormy. The snow fell deep, and it was not until midnight, or after, that the army got in. Many of the wounded, who otherwise might have recovered, died with the cold, and the fatigue and inconveniences of such a distressing march.^ After lying the preceding night in the open field, and after all the exertions of so long and sharp an action, the army marched, through snow and a pathless wilder- ness, in less than twenty-four hours, more than thirty miles. The courage exhibited by every part of the army, the invincible hero- ism of the officers, the firmness and resolution of the soldiers, when they saw their captains falling before them, and the hard- ships endured, are hardly credible, and rarely find a parallel in ancient or modern ages. The cold was extreme, and the snow fell so deep that night, that it was difficult, the next day, for the army to move. Many of the soldiers were frozen, and their limbs ex- ceedingly swollen. Four hundred were disabled and unfit for duty. The Connecticut troops were more disabled than those of the other colonies. They had endured a tedious march from Stonington to Pettyquamscot; and as the buildings there were all destroyed, they endured great hardships before their junction > It appears, by the letters Irom the army, that twenty men only were killed in the action. This was the whole number dead, when the army began their march for head quarters. Eight were left on the ground, and twelre carried off by the army. Ten or twelve died on the march, and several next morning, so that on the aoth of December, thirty-four were buried in a grave. Four died the next day, and two the day after. Forty only were dead on the sad. Though the best surgeons which the country could furnish, were provided, yet the season was so severe, and the accommodations, after all the exertions which could be made, so poor, that, by the end of January, twenty more were in their graves. The number mentioned, as killed, in the ancient histories, included all who were killed or died afterwards of their wounds. .1 p. W' ei». ■ ^^ u 1 "J I' 1' ii 1' ill ft W I 1 aM HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. l«675 ^ 1 ! I iPl'A with the troops of the other colonies. They had sustained a much greater loss in the action, in proportion to their numbers, than the troops of the other colonies.^ Of the five Connecticut cap- tains, three, Seely, Gallup, and Marshall, were killed, and captain Mason received a wound, of which he died about nine months after. Marshall was killed as he ascended the tree before the log house. The fire of the enemy was dreadful, when the Connecti- cut men were entering, and after they first entered the fort, until the men who came in upon the backs of them, began to fire their large muskets, loaded with pistol bullets, upon the enemy, where they stood together in the closest manner. This at once discon- certed them, and checked their fire, in that quarter. Gallup and Seely, leading and animating their men, in this dreadful moment, soon fell. The enemy made an obstinate defence, after the men gained the fort the second time, taking the advantage of their block-houses, wigwams, and every covert of which they could avail themselves. Some of the soldiers expended all their am- munition before the action was terminated, and were obliged to seek new suppHes. The troops from Connecticut had sustained such a loss of offi- cers, and were so disabled, that major Treat judged it absolutely necessary to return to Connecticut, where he might recruit them, and cover them with more convenience, than could possibly be done in that part of the country. The wounded men, who were I The whole number killed and wounded, wu about two hundred. From tl e retumi and letters before me, it appears, that of the Mastachuietti, there were one hundred killed and wounded, of whom thirty-one were killed or died of their woundi. Among these were captains Johnson, Davenport, and Gardiner. They had, also, a 'ieutenant Upham mortallv wounded, who died afterwards at Boston. Plymouth sustained the loss of twenty killed and wounded ; eight or nine, it seems, were killed, or died of their wounds afterwards. Of the three hundred English men from Connecticut, eighty were killed and wounded ; twenty in captain Seely's, twenty in captain Gallup's, seventeen in captain Watts's, nine in captain Mason's, and fourteen in captain Marshall's company. Of these about fortv were killed, or died of their wounds. About half the loss in this bloody action, fell apon Connect- icut. The legislature of the colony, in a representation of the services they had performed in the war, say, " In that signal service, the fort fight, in Narraganset, as we had our full number, in proportion with the other confederates, so all say they did their full proportion of service. Three noble soldiers, Seely, courageous Marshall, and bold Gallup, died in the bed of honour ; and valiant Mason, a fourth captain, had his death's wound. There died many brave officers, and sentinels, whose memory is blessed ; and whose death redeemed our lives. The bitter cold, the tarled swamp, the tedious march, the strong fort, the numerous and stubborn enemy they contended with, for their God, king and country, be their trophies over death. He that commanded our forces then, and now us, made no less than seven- teen fair shots at the enemy, and was thereby as oft a fair mark for them. Our mourners, over all the colony, witness for our men, that they were not unfaithful in that day." It is the tradition, that major, afterwards governor Treat, received a ball through the brim of his hat, and that he was the last man who left the fort, in the dusk of the evening, commanding the rear of the army. The burning the wigwams, the shrieks and cries of the women and children, and the yelling of the warriors, exhibited a most horrible and affecting scene, so that it greatly moved some of the soldiers. They were in much doubt then, and, afteiwards, of ten seriously inquired, whether burning their enemies alive could be consistent with humanity, and the benevolent principles of the gospel. [Manuscripts of the Rev. Mr. Thomas Ruggles.] '■I V I l«675 were one ed of their ler. They at Boston, it leemii, English lin Seely'i, Muton'i, killed, or Connect- they had irragantet, to all tay :ourageoui in, a fourth sentinels, )itter cold, stubborn )phies over ban seven- item. Our [faithful in ived a boll brt, in the wigwama, I wuriors, iRie of the y inquired, and the i Ruggles.] 1676J HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. i87 not able to travel, were put on board vessels and carried to Rhode- Island. The Connecticut trucps, n their march from Stonington to Pettyquamscot, kilkd six and ciiptivated seven of the enemy. On their retutj home, they killed and captivated about thirty more.* The Massachusetts and Plymouth troops kept the field the greatest part of the winter, ranged the country, captivated num- bers of the enemy, brought in considerable quantities of corn and beans, and burned more than 200 wigwams ; but achieved noth- ing brilliant or decisive. In the whole, in the fort and in the country, the English burned between eight and nine hundred wig- wams, and destroyed almost the whole of the enemy's provisions. This was much more distressing, and had a greater influence in their total ruin, than was at first imagined. Meanwhile, much pains were taken to make peace, and various messages passed between the English and the Indians, on that subject; but they would not accept of any overtures which the colonies thought proper to make to them. As the enemy had lost their dwellings and principal stores, in Narraganset, the great body of their warriors moved off to the northward, to the Nipmuck country, and into the wilderness, north of Brookfield. They were not, however, idle. The latter part of January, 1676, they drove oflF, from one man, at Warwick, as they took leave of their country, sixteen horses, fifty neat cattle, and two hundred sheep. In February, the Narraganset and Nip- muck Indians fell upon Lancaster, and plundered and burned the greatest part of the town. They either killed or captivated forty of the inhabitants.' Some days after, they made an assault on Medfield, killed twenty men, and laid nearly half of the town in ashes. March was a month of still greater disasters. The towns of Northampton and Springfield, of Chelmsford, Groton, Sudbury, and Marlborough, in Massachusetts, and of Warwick and Provi- dence, in Rhode- Island, were assaulted; and some of them partly, and others entirely, destroyed. Many of the inhabitants were killed, and others led away into a miserable captivity. Captain Pierce, about the same time, with fifty Englishmen and twenty friendly Indians, was drawn into an ambush, March 26th, and surrounded by a great body of the enemy, who slew every Englishman, and the greatest part of the Indians. This was a great loss to so small a colony as Plymouth, to whom captain Pierce and his company belonged. Two days after, the enemy ' No mention is made here of a second expedition by major Treat, with about 300 men from New London, January 25, 1676. This expedition resulted in killing or capturing about seventy of the enemy. — J. T. ' The enemy set fire to the garrison house, and the women and children were all captivated, among whom was the wife and family of Mr. Rowlandson, minuter of the town. IS' t '1 l''"' 'al"' I'' m hi. it hm 1 1 H^ jn II i^ 388 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1676 fell upon Rehoboth, in the vicinity of Swanzey, where hostilities first began, and burned fort} dwelling houses, besides bams and out houses. Captain Wadsworth, a brave officer, with fifty men, marching, ten days before, to the relief of Sudbury, was surrounded by a numerous body of the enemy, and fell with his whole party. Mas- sachusetts, at this time, was in great distress and sorrow. It was feared by many, that the whole colony would be depopulated. But it was now full tide with the enemy, they soon received an important check, and began rapidly to decline. In February, 1676, a number of volunteers from Connecticut, belonging principally to New-London, Norwich, and Stonington, formed themselves into companies, under major Palms, captain George Denison, captain James Avery, and captain John Stanton, for the annoyance of the enemy. They engaged a number of Mo- heagans, Pequots, and Narragansets, to be associates with them, for the sake of plunder, and other considerations. The Mohea- gans were commanded by Onecho, one of the sons of Uncas ; the Pequots, by Cassasinamon, their chief; and the Narragansets, consisting of about twenty men, by Catapazet. These latter were Ninigrate's men, who, in time past, had given the colonies so much trouble; but at this time they remained quiet, and would not join the other Narraganset sachems.^ These companies began to range the Narraganset country, and harass the enemy, the latter part of February, and continued mak- ing their incursions from that time until the enemy were driven from those quarters. As soon as one company returned, another went out immediately, so as to keep the enemy in continual alarm. Tneir success was admirable. Captain Denison, of Stonington, on the 27th of March, began a very successful incursion into the country. Nanunttenoo, or Canonchet, the head sachem of all the Narra- gansets, son of Miantonimoh, inheritor of all his pride, and of his insolence and hatred towards the English, had ventured down from the northern wilderness to Seaconk, near the seat of Philip, to procure seed corn, to plant the towns which the English had deserted, upon Connecticut river. He had been aiding in the slaughter of captain Pierce and his men just before. After cap- tain Denison and his party had wearied themselves for several days, in hunting the enemy, they came upon their tracks near Blackston's river, and soon discovered, by a squaw whom they took, that Nanunttenoo was in a wigwam, not far distant. The captain made dispositions immediately to surprise him. While he was boasting of that great feat of cutting off captam Pierce, ' The principal teat of Ninigrate was at Westerly, which formeny belonged to Stonington. He put himself under the English, and he, and his Indians, were the only ones who were not destroyed, or driven from that part of the country. arra- of his down 'hilip, had in the cap- everal near thev The While •iercc, i6:6] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 2S9 and dhrertitig himself with the story, the English came upon him. Some of his party, discovering them, ran off with great precipi- tation; but one more faithful than the rest, entered the wigwam aind acquainted him with his danger. He instantly fled with all his might. Catapazet, from the manner of his running, suspecting it was Nanunttenoo, gave chase with as much eagerness as he fled. The other Indians, who were most light of foot, joined in the pursuit. They pressed him so hard, that he soon threw oft his blanket, and then his silver laced coat, which had been given him at Boston. The pursuers, perceiving that they were not mis- taken with respect to the person, employed their utmost exertions to seize him. At length, plunging through the river, his foot slipped, upon a smooth stone, and he fell and wet his gun. One Monopoide, a Pequot, outrunning the other Indians, leaped through the river after him, and soon laid hold upon him. Though he was a man of goodly stature, and of great strength and courage, yet he made no resistance. One Robert Stanton, a young man, was the first Englishman who came up to him. He asked him several questions; but this haughty sachem, look- ing with disdain upon his youthful countenance, replied, in broken English, " You too much child; no understand matters of war — Let your captain come; him I will answer." This party, in about sixteen days, killed and took nearly fifty of the enemy, without the loss of a single man. This success was more important on account of the capture of the chief sachem, and a number of counsellors and war captains. Nanunttenoo would not accept of life when offered upon the condition that he should make peace with the English ; nor would he so much as send one of his counsellors to make a single pro- posal for that purpose. When he was made acquainted that it was determined to put him to death, he said, " He liked it well; that he should die before his heart was soft, or he had spoken any thing unworthy of himself." The Moheagan sachem, his coun- sellors, and the principal Fequots, shot him at Stonington. Those brave volunteer captains and their flying parties had, at this time, killed and captivated forty-four of the enemy, and before the end of April, seventy-six more, about a hundred and twenty in one month. Among these was another sachem, a grandson of Pom- ham, who was esteemed the best soldier and most warlike of all the Narraganset sachems. They made, in the spring, summer, and fall, ten or twelve expeditions, in which they killed and cap- tivated two hundred and thirty of the enemy, took fifty muskets, and brought in one hundred and sixty bushels of their corn. They drove all the Narraganset Indians out of their country, except those at Westerly under Ninigrate.^ In all these expeditions they had not one man killed or wounded." Governor Hutchinson ob- > Declaration of the volunteers, sworn before governor SaltonstalL * Hubbard's Narrative, from p. 125 to 131. ! ■'i I B 1 ( ; M * ' if as li if t„ . ■ *i 9 I I t i If ' ■ li I II :ti\t 290 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1676 If ' serves, that " the brave actions of the Connecticut volunteers have not been enough applauded. Denison's name ought to be per- petuated." While Connecticut had the honor and happiness of giving a check to the war, the colony sustained a heavy loss in the death of governor Winthrop. He had been chosen one of the com- missioners from Connecticut, the May preceding, to the court of the commissioners of the united colonies. Upon the meeting of this court, early in the spring, he went to Boston, where he was taken sick and died, April 5th, 1676, in the 71st year of his age. He was honorably interred, at Boston, in the same tomb with his father. He was the eldest son of the honorable John Winthrop, Esq. the first governor of Massachusetts. His birth was at Groton in England, 1605. His father gave him a liberal education, at the university of Cambridge, in England; and afterwards supported him some years at the university of Dublin, in Ireland. As travel- ling was considered a great accomplishment to a young gentle- man, he travelled into France, Holland, Germany, Italy, and Tur- key. With these advantages he returned to England, not only a great scholar, rich in experience and literature, but a most ac- complished gentleman. While he collected the literature and excellencies of the various nations and countries through which he passed, he cautiously avoided their errors and vices. He was a puritan of distinguished piety and morals. After his return from his travels, he came into New-England, with his father's family, in 163 1, and was chosen one of the magistrates of the colony of Massachusetts. He afterwards went into England; and in 1635, returned with a commission to erect a fort at the mouth of Con- necticut river, and to be governor of that part of the country. In 1651, he was chosen one of the magistrates of Connecticut. In 1657, he was elected governor, and the next year deputy gov- ernor. In 1659, he was again chosen governor; from which time he was annually rechosen to that office, until his death. He was one of the greatest chymists and physicians of his age, a member of the royal society of philosophical transactions, and one of the most distinguished characters in New-England. He rendered many important serv: -»;s to the colony, was exceedingly beloved in life, and died greatly and universally lamented. At the election, May nth, William Leet, Esq. was chosen gov- ernor, and Robert Treat, Esq. deputy governor. Captain John Mason was chosen magistrate, to fill the vacancy made by the advancement of major Treat, to the office of deputy governor. No alteration was made with respect to the other officers. The assembly voted three hundred and fifty men, who, with the friendly Indians, were to be a standing army, to defend the country and harass the enemy. Major John Talcott was ap- with ;nd the ras ap- 1676] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 391 pointed to the chief command. The Rev. Gershom Bulkley, of Weathersfield, was appointed surgeon, and Mr. James Fitch, chaplain. Mr. Bulkley was viewed as one of the greatest physicians and surgeons then in Connecticut. The assembly ordered that the surgeon and chaplain should be of the council of war. Major Talcott, on his appointment to the command of the army, resigned the office of treasurer, and William Pitkin, Esq. was ap- pointed to that office, by the assembly. The first general rendezvous of the army, this year, was at Norwich. From thence major Talcott marched, the beginning of June, with about two hundred and fifty English soldiers and two hundred Moheagan and Pequot Indians, up towards the Wabaquasset country, scouring the woods through that long tract. They found the country every where deserted. The fort and wigwams at Wabaquasset were deserted. Nothing more could be done there, than demolish the Indian fortress and de- stroy about fifty acres of com which the enemy had planted. On the 5th of June, the army marched to Chanagongum, in the Nipmuck country. There they killed nineteen Indians, and took thirty-three captives.^ The army then marched to Quabaug, or Brookfield, and thence to Northampton. This was a long march, in which the troops suffered greatly for want of provisions. It has ever since, in Connecticut, been known by the name of the long and hungry march. Major Talcott expected to have met with the Massachusetts forces at Brookfield, or in that vicinity, but they did not arrive. On the I2th of June, four days after the arrival of the Connecti- cut troops at Northampton, about seven hundred Indians made a furious attack upon Hadley; but major Talcott, with his party, soon appeared for the reUef of the garrison, and drove off the enemy. His seasonable arrival was, providentially, a happy cir- cumstance, which probably saved Hadley, and other towns upon the river. Some time after, the Massachusetts forces arrived, and, in con- junction with major Talcott and his soldiers, scoured the woods on both sides the river, as far as the falls at Deerfield. The en- emy, by this time, had made their escape from that part of the country. The army broke up their fisheries, destroyed their fish and other stores, recovered some stolen goods, and returned, without eflfecting any thing very important. After major Talcott had spent about three weeks in service upon the river, he left that quarter, and marched through the wilderness, towards Providence and the Narraganset country. On the I St of July, the army came near a large body of the enemy, and took four. Two days after, major Talcott surprised the main > Major Talcott'i letter to the committee of war, June 8, 1676. 5' '. , ^ '01 if |! ! .1 i. 1- m 1* 292 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1676 body of them, by the side of a large cedar swamp. He made such a disposition of his men, and attacked them so suddenly, that a considerable number were killed and taken on the spot; others escaped to the swamp. The troops compassed the swamp, and, after an action of two or three hours, killed and took 171. Thirty- four warriors were killed in the action, and also Magnus, the sunk squaw, or old queen of Narraganset; 90 of the captives were killed, and between 40 and 50 women and children preserved alive. The same day, the troops marched to Providence, and com- passed the neck there, and afterwards, Warwick neck; in which places they killed and captured 67. Eighteen were killed. In these several rencontres, 238 were killed and taken, with about 30 arms."- About the 5th of July, the army returned to Connecticut. In their route, they took 60 more of the enemy. From about the beginning of April to the 6th of July, the Connecticut volunteers, and the troops under major Talcott, killed and captivated about 420 of the enemy.'' The enemy, about this time, fell into a state of division, fear, and astonishment. They found that, by attempting to destroy their English neighbours, they had utterly ruined themselves. A complication of evils conspired for their destruction. The de- struction of their fort and principal stores, in the dead of winter, the burning of their wigwams, and bringing off their corn and beans, in all parts of the country, put them to inexpressible hard- ships and distresses. They had been able to plant but little, in the spring; what they had planted, the English had destroyed; they had been driven from the sea and rivers, and cut off from almost every kind of subsistence. They had been obliged to lie in swamps and marshes; to feed on horse flesh, and other un- wholesome food; all which gendered infirmity and death; so that they became debilitated and disheartened by fatigue, famine, dis- ease, and mortality.' They could not keep together in any con- siderable bodies, for want of sustenance. They were pursued and hunted from swamp to swamp, and from one lurking place to another; so that, in July and August, they began to come in to the English, in large bodies, and surrender themselves to the mercy of their conquerors. Major Talcott, after his return from Narraganset, having re- cruited his men a short time in Connecticut, took his station at Westfield. While he lay there, a large body of the enemy was discovered fleeing to the westward. Major Talcott pursued them, and on the third day, about half way between Westfield and Al- bany, discovered them lying on the west side of Housatonick ■ Major Talcott's letter to the council of war, July 4th, 1676. ^ Hubbard's Narrative, p. 131, 164, 166. Hutchinson's history, vol. i., p. 305 306. * Some o{ the captives reported, that more died by sickness, than the swotd. >., p. 30s I swoid. 1676] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 293 river, entirely secure. It was judged too late in the day to attack them to any purpose. The army, therefore, retreated, and lay upon their arms, in great silence, during the night. Towards morning, the troops were formed in two divisions. One was or- dered to pass the river below the enemy, and to advance and compass them in on that side. The other party, creeping silently up to the east bank of the river, were to lie prepared instantly to fire, when they should receive the signal from the other division, who, when they had reached their ground, were to fire a single gun. But this well contrived plan was in some measure discon- certed. An Indian had left his companions in a dead sleep, and proceeded down the river to catch fish. As the division on the west side of the river was advancing to surround the enemy, he discovered them, and roared out, " Awannux, Awannux." Upon this, one of the party fired, and killed him on the spot. The other division, on the east bank of the river, supposing this to be the signal gun, discharged upon the enemy, as they were rising in surprise, or lay upon the ground, and killed and wounded a great number of them. Those who were not killed, or disabled by wounds, instantly fled, leaving their camp, baggage, provisions, and many of their arms. As the division on the west side, had not advanced to the ground designed, before the alarm was given, the enemy made their escape with much less damage, than other- wise they could have done. The troops pursued them some dis- tance, but the woods were so extremely thick, that they soon disappeared, and the army returned. The sachem of Quabaug or Brookfield was killed, and 44 other Indians were killed and taken. Among the killed were 25 warriors.* Several brave captains and officers in the Massachusetts, in July and August, were very successful. Captain Church, of Plym- outh, afterwards major Church, a famous partisan, took several small parties of the enemy. The Indians, who were taken or came in to the English to save their own lives, betrayed their friends, and led the English captains to their haunts and hiding places. Thus assisted, the Massachusetts and Plymouth soldiers hunted Philip from week to week, and from place to place. They killed and captured his brother, his counsellors, and chief men, his wife and family; but his mind continued firm and unbroken. In the midst of all this misfortune and distress, he would hear no pro- posals of peace. At length, on the 12th of August, captain Church, led by one of Philip's men, whom he had disaffected, by shooting his brother, only for proposing to him to make peace with the colonies, surprised this famous sachem, in a swamp, near Mount Hope. As he was flying to make his escape, the Indian who had been guide to the party, shot him through the heart. Thus fell a brave enemy, who had defended himself and his coun- ' .Manuscripts of the Rev. Thomas Ruggles and Hubbard's Narrative. s ■?*. J ii I M-'il '*t<'V m 294 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1676 h 6 ; 'I try, and what he imagined to be his own, and the just rights of his countrymen, to the last extremity. The Indians in this part of the country, now generally submitted to the English, or fled and incorporated with distant and strange nations. After this time, very little damage was done. Connecticut offered the same conditions to the enemy, upon their submission, which had been given to the Pequots: That they should have life, liberty, protection, and ground to plant. Some principal incendiaries and murderers, however, were ex- cepted. They disdained to accept the terms, and generally fled their country. The Nipmucks, Nashawas, Pocomtocks, the Had- ley and Springfield Indians, fled to the French and their Indians, in Canada. About 200 of them, after their surprise at Housa- tonick river, fled to the Moheaganders, upon Hudson's river, in- corporated and became one with them. When Philip began the war, he, and his kinswoman, Wetamoe, had about 500 warriors, and the Narragansets nearly 2000. The Nipmuck, Nashawa, Pocomtock, Hadley, and Springfield Ind- ians, were considerably numerous. It is probable, therefore, that there were about 3000 warriors combined for the destruction of the New-England colonies, exclusive of the eastern Indians. The war terminated in their entire conquest, and almost total extinc- tion. At the same time, it opened a wide door to extensive set- tlement and population. This, however, in its connection with the war with the eastern Indians, which commenced about the same time, was the most impoverishing and distressing, of any which New-England has ever experienced, from its first settlement to the present time. The war with the eastern Indians continued until the spring of the year 1678. The enemy killed and captivated great numbers of the people, captured nearly twenty fishing vessels, with their crews, and rioted in plunder and devastation, until most of the settlements in thore parts were swept away, and the country was reduced to their domination.^ About 600 of the inhabitants of New-England, the greatest part of whom were the flower and strength of the country, either fell in battle, or were murdered by the enemy. A great part of tlie inhabitants of the country were in deep mourning. There were few families or individuals who had not lost some near relative or friend. Twelve or thirteen towns, in Massachusetts, Plymouth, and Rhode-island, were utterly destroyed, and others greatly damaged. About 600 buildings, chiefly dwelling ! cr'ses, were consumed with fire.* An almost insuperable debt v. as contracted * Dr. Belknap's hist vol. i. p. 157, 159. ' This statement of the loss of lives, towns, and buildings, is made from an ac- curate enumeration of the various numbers mentioned, in the ancient histories, of the lives lost, and of the towns and buildings burned. But as there were, doubt- less, many persons killed, and others who died of their wounds, not mentioned in 1676] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 295 by the colonies, when their numbers, dwellings, goods, cattle, and all their resources, were greatly diminished. Connecticut, indeed, had suffered nothing, in comparison with her sister colonies. Her towns and inhabitants had been pre- served from the ravages of the enemy; but about a seventh part of the whole militia was out upon constant service, besides the volunteers. A large, proportion was obliged to watch and guard the towns at home. The particular towns were necessitated to fortify themselves with an inclosure of pallisades, and to prepare and fortify particular dwellings for garrison houses, which might, in the best manner, command the respective towns; and to which the aged people, women, and children might repair, and be in safety, in the time of danger. For three years after the war commenced, the inhabitants paid eleven pence on the pound, upon the grand list, exclusive of all town and parish taxes. After the war was finished, they had a considerable debt to discharge. The colony, nevertheless, was highly distinguished and favoured in many respects. The numerous Indians within it, were not only peaceable, but the Moheagans and Pequots were of great service in the war. They were not only a defence to the eastern towns, but especially advantageous in discovering and harassing the enemy, and in preventing a surprise by them. Connecticut had not one party of men surprised and cut off during the war; nor did the colony sustain any considerable loss of men, at any time, except in taking the fort in Narraganset. At the same time, the legislature and people were happy, in giving seasonable and pow- erful assistance to their confederates, and in repeatedly rescuing whole towns and parties, when in the most imminent danger. those acconnti, they must have exceeded the number here stated. The histories of those troubles, rarely mention the bams, stores and out houses burned ; and some- times there is notice of the bumine of part of a town, and of the buildings in such a tract, without any specification ofthe number. All the buildings in Narraganset. from Providence to Stonington, a tract of about fifty miles, were burned, or other- wise destroyed, by the enemy, but the number is not mentioned. The loss of build- ings must, therefore, have been much greater than has been mentioned. The militia of Connecticut, in 1675, amounted to 3,250 men. Of these, the commissioners re<}uired 315, as their proportion of the i,oco men then to be raised. If the proportion was just, there were about 7,150 of the militia of the united colonies. Reckoning every fifth man a soldier, and five persons to every family, there were 7,150 families, and ^5,750 inhabitants, st that time in the united coK onies. According to this estimation, about one fencible man in eleven was killed, and every eleventh family was burned out ; or an eleventh part of the whole mili- tia, and of all the buildings of the united colonies were swept away by this preda- tory war. This greatly exceeded the loss in the late war with Great-Britain, in pro- portion to the numbers and wealth of the United States. t 1^' * , •l^> i-ri fJC n u i t' R :| i t'f^i' «N 990 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. I1676 CHAPTER XV. CONNECTICUT had now conquered the Narraganset coun- try, and, in conjunction with the other confederates, terminated the war in this part of New- England. The legislature, therefore, addressed themselves to discharge the public debt; to settle the friendly Indians in a state of peace among themselves, and with the colonies; and to extend their settlements in the Narraganset country, as well as in other parts of their jurisdiction. To dis- charge the public debt, they levied a tax of eight pence on the pound, upon the whole list of the colony, in October annually, during the term of two years. They appointed a committee to hear all affairs, which the Moheagans, Pequots, and Narragansets, under Ninigrate, or Ninicraft, had to lay before them; and to do whatever they should judge expedient to promote peace among them, and to preserve their friendship and attachment to the Eng- lish. For their encouragement, the legislature granted liberty for them to hunt, in all the conquered lands, during their pleasure. They were also authorised to kill and destroy any of the enemy, who should return to their country, without submitting to the colony and accepting the terms which had been offered them. At the election, in May, 1677, there was no alteration in the legislature, excepting the choice of Andrew Leet, Esq. into the magistracy, instead of captain John Mason, who died, the Sep- tember before, of the wounds he had received in taking the Narraganset fort. The same governor, deputy governor, and magistrates were re-elected for several years successively. A committee was appointed, by the assembly, to settle all affairs of government in the Narraganset country, and to report what places there were there adapted to the purpose of planting new towns. As the Rhode-Islanders had deserted the country, in the war, and had done nothing in the defence of it, and as the Connecticut volunteers had driven the enemy entirely from that extensive tract, the legislature determined to plant and govern it, as part of this colony. For various reasons they viewed the act of his majesty's com- missioners, determining that Rhode-Island and Narraganset should be a province for the king, as a mere nullity. Their com- mission gave them no power to make new colonies. It required that colonel Nichols should always be one of the council, that any of its acts might be valid ; but he was not present at that de- termination. Further, colonel Nichols, with two or three of his council, afterwards reversed that judgment. In the same point of light they viewed the agreement with Mr. 1x676 1677] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 287 Clark, as it was after Mr. Winthrop had obtained the Connecticut charter, and sent it to the colony, at which time his agency was terminated. Further, that agreement was entirely alien from the business of his agency, and without any instructions or authority from the colony. The agreement with Mr. Gark was considered as a nullity, in another point of light, as the charter to Rhode- Island recognized and had reference to one article of the agree- ment only, and as Rhode-Island had never submitted to one of the other articles. In direct contravention of them, they had in- vaded the property of the settlers named in it, wantonly carried off the productions of their lands and fruits of their labors, driven off their cattle, forced the inhabitants from their possessions, burned their fences, and even pulled down their houses.^ They had claimed jurisdiction over them, after they had, in the year 1663, chosen to belong to Connecticut, and formally put them- selves under the government of that colony. They had not re- garded the agreement even with respect to the boundaries, but attempted to extend their limits beyond what was expressed in the charter. Besides, when his majesty had previously granted that tract to Connecticut, there remained, in law and reason, no further right in him to that country. He had nothing there fur- ther to grant. Therefore he could grant nothing there to Rhode- Island. Connecticut well knew that Pawcatuck never was called Narraganset river, and that the Narragansets never extended their claims so far westward; but that Pawcatuck, and the coun- try some miles to the east of it, belonged to the Pequots." For these reasons, the legislature considered their title and claim to this part of the colony as clear and just, as to any other part of it whatever. Elisha Hutchinson, William Hudson, and others, their associ- ates, claiming a large tract in the Pequot and Narraganset coun- try ,° applied to the general assembly for their assistance and pro- tection, against Rhode-Island, in the re-settlement of their lands. The assembly determined to extend their protection and govern- ment to them. At the session in October, the upper towns, upon Connecticut river, sent messengers to the assembly, acquainting them, that there were considerable bodies of Indians collected together in their vicinity; and that they made proposals of peace. The mes- sengers solicited the assembly to send major Treat, the deputy ' Prayer of the inhabitants to the general court of Connecticut, on file, repre- senting the outrages of the Khode*Islanders. ' Case of Connecticut, with respect to Narraganset, stated, in which these arti- cles are largely insisted on. ^ It appears, by the report of the committee, appointed to view and make re- port concerning the state of Narraganset, that the gentlemen mentioned above major Atherton, and their associates, owned a tract of more than 5,000 acres, only on what was called Boston neck, and that large tracts were owned by other pur- chasers. Indeed, the principal part of Narraganset was owned by them. I' \K !'■{ i. ly J!!. mv' i I , fl v:-:;^-- II * '* 298 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1678 governor, with a detachment of forty men, to Northampton, to treat with them, or to defend those towns, as occasion might re- quire. The assembly complied with the request, and the deputy governor proceeded immediately to Northampton. He was in- structed, in the first place, to use his utmost endeavours for the re- demption of the captives, with money, goods, or by any other means in his power. The terms of peace, which he was authorized to propose, were life and liberty, upon the submission of the Ind- ians to the English, in the several places where they should be settled. He was directed to assure the Indians of protection and safety during the treaty. It does not appear, that many of the northern Indians accepted the terms proposed, or ever returned to their former places of abode. Little more appears to have been effected by the treaty, than the redemption of some of the captives. The colonies, at this time, had many enemies, and the most in- jurious complaints and unfavorable representations were made of them in England. Edward Randolph, especially, wl cm the peo- ple of New-England represented as going about to ;U\=troy them, was indefatigable in his complaints against them, and in aggra- vating whatever he imagined might serve to their disadvantage. He came over to Boston, in 1676, and annually, in person or by writing, made complaints against them. He generally returned to England in the fall, and in the spring or summer, came over fraught with new mischief. He busied himself, among other af- fairs, in complaining of the colonies for their opposition to the acts of trade and navigation. Unhappily V" Great-Britain and the colonies, they were suffering under an arbitrary prince, inimical to the civil and religious rights of his subjects. His ear was open to complaints against those, who did not cheerfully submit to his despotic impositions; and he readily promoted those who made them. The colonies knew how affairs were conducted in Eng- land, and were deeply apprehensive of the danger they were in, of a total deprivation of their liberties. The commissioners of the united colonies, in these views, rec- ommended a general fast to the confederate colonies to humble themselves for their offences, and to pray for the divine favor, in the continuation of their just rights and privileges. In consequence of this recommendation, the general assembly of Connecticut appointed the third Tuesday in November a public fast, in union with their confederates, to humble themselves, and pray for the purposes recommended. The general assembly, at their session in May, 1679, to prevent the people of Rhode-Island, and other intruders, from taking up lands in Narraganset, enacted, that none of the conquered lands should be taken up, or laid out into farms, without special and express order from them.* * Records of Connecticut. .1 ># [1678 1679] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. i9» The Rhode-Islanders, in the time of danger, deserted the coua- try and bore no part in the war. However, as soon as the inhabi- tants, who had settled under Connecticut, began to return to their former settlements, to build upon their lands, and cultivate their farms, under the government of this colony, the legislature of Rhode-Island began to usurp authority and practice their former vexations. John Cranston, Esq. governor of Rhode-Island, held a court in Narraganset, in September, and made attempts to introduce the authority and officers of Rhode-Island, into that part of Con- necticut. The general assembly therefore, in October, protested against his usurpation, and declared his acts to be utterly void. They also prohibited all the inhabitants to receive any office from the legislature of Rhode-Island, or to yield obedience to its au- thority.* The acts of trade and navigation were exceedingly grievous to the colonies. They viewed them as utterly inconsistent with their chartered rights. This made them extremely unwilling to submit to them. Massachusetts never would fully submit; but as it was matter of great and continual complaint against the col- onies, and as his majesty insisted on the respective governors tak- ing the oath, respecting trade and navigation, it was judged ex- pedient, that governor Leet should take it, in the presence of the assembly. It was accordingly administered to him, at the session in May, 1680. This assembly ordered, that a letter should be written to the general court of Massachusetts, desiring their concurrence in mutually settling the line between that colony and Connecticut. It was requested, that the court would appoint a committee fully authorised for that purpose, to join with one from Connecticut vested with similar powers. If the general court of the Massa- chusetts should refuse to comply with this proposal, then the gov- ernor and his council, with such as they should appoint to that service, were authorised to run the line without them. The lords of trade and plantations having trasmitted a number of queries to the governor and company, the governor and coun- cil were desired to answer them. By their answers, it appears, that there were twenty-six towns in the colony: " that the militia, including horse and foot, consisted, in 1679, of 2,507 men: that the annual exports were about 9,oool.: that there were in the colony about twenty small merchants, trading to Boston, New- York, Newfoundland, and the West-Indies: and that its ship- ping consisted of four ships, three pinks, eight sloops, and other small vessels, amounting in the whole to twenty-seven, the ton- nage of which was only 1,050. The number of inhabitants is not ' Records of Connecticut. * Rye and Bedford appear to have been included in this number. P^\ m 1 h\ 1 •i s II i' 'll , I I I I 300 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [16I0 mentioned, but, from the number of the militia, it must have been nearly 13,000. To one of the enquiries, the following answer is given: " If so be Hartford, New-London, New-Haven, and Fair- field, might be made free ports, for fifteen or twenty years, it would be a means to bring trade there, and much increase the navigation and wealth of this poor colony." * About this time, Sir Edmund Andross, governor of New- York, asserted his right of jurisdiction over Fisher's Island, as included in the duke of York's patent. Upon this claim, the legislature of the colony asserted, " that the said island was a part, and member of this colony of Connecti- cut, and under the government thereof; and that they have ever exercised, and shall, and will exercise government there, as occa- sion shall require; and do hereby declare, and protest against sir Edmund Andross, and all other persons, their claims, or exercise of any authority or government, on, or over the said island." At the election, in 1683, major Robert Treat was chosen gov- ernor, and James Bishop deputy-governor. The former magis- trates were generally re-chosen; but by reason of several vacan- cies which had been made, captain Robert Chapman, captain James Fitch, Mr. Samuel Mason, and Mr. Joseph Whiting, were elected magistrates. The change of governors was occasioned by the death of governor Leet, who, after faithfully serving the col- onies, for many years, had now finished his course." As there had been long disputes relative to the Narraganset country, and as the king, in consequence of the act of his commis- sioners, in 1665, claimed it as his province, commissioners were appointed to hear and determine all titles and claims respecting ' Connecticut book of patents, letten, &c. • * The governor, William Leet, Eaq. was bred a lawyer in Eneland, and was, for a considerable time, clerk of a bishop's court. In this service he became acquainted with the conduct of the bishops towards the puritans, with the pleas, and serious conversation and conduct of the latter, when arraiened before them. He observed the great severity which the court exercised towards them, for going to hear good sermons in the neighbouring parishes, when they had none at home, and what Tight matters they made of wantonness, and other instances of gross sin, and how much better persons guilty of such crimes were treated, than the puritans. This brought him to a serious consideration of the affair, and to acquaint himself more thoroughly with the doctrines and discipline of the puritans. In consequence of this he became a puritan, left the bishop's court, and, in 1638, came into New-England, with Mr. Whitfield and his company. He was one of the seven pillars of his church. In 1643, ^c w^s chosen magistrate for the colony of New-Haven, and was annually re- elected, until May, 1658. He was then chosen deputy-governor of that colony, in which office he continued until he was elected governor in 1661. He continued chief magistrate of that colony, until the union in 1665. He was then chosen one of the magistrates of Connecticut. In 1669, he was elected deputy-covemor, and was annually re-elected, until 1676, when he was chosen governor of Connecticut. During the term of forty years, he was magistrate, deputy-governor, or governor of one or other of the colonies. In both colonies he presided in times of the greatest difficulty, yet always conducted himself with such integrity and wisdom, as to meet the public approbation. After he was chosen governor of Connecticut, he removed to Hartford, where he died full of years and good works. He left a numerous offspring. One of his sons, Andrew Leet, Esq. was some years one of the magis- trates of the colony. [i68o ave been inswer is ind Fair- , it would avigation ew-York, included id, " that Zonnecti- lave ever , as occa- g;ainst sir : exercise land." )sen gov- er magis- al vacan- 1, captain ing, were sioned by §; the col- rraganset commis- lers were especting and WM, for acquainted and serious ^e observed hear good d what Tight ' how much his brought thoroughly 8 he became d, with Mr. church. In annually re- t colony, in I continued chosen one vemor, and Connecticut, governor of the greatest as to meet he removed numerous the magis- 1683] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 301 that tract. On the 7th of April, 1683, his majesty king Charles II. granted a commission to Edward Cranfield, Esq. lieutenant- governor of New-Hampshire, William Stoughton, Joseph Dud- ley, Edward Randolph, Samuel Shrimpton, John Fitz Winthrop, Edwar I Palms, Nathaniel Saltonstall, and John Pyncheon, jun. Esqiii es, or any three of them, of whom Edward Cranfield, or Edward Randolph was to be of the quorum, " to examine and enquire into the respective claims and titles, as well of his maj- esty, as of all persons and corporations whatsoever, to the imme- diate jurisdiction, government, or propriety of the soil of a cer- tain tract of land, within his majesty's dominion of New-England, called the king's province, or Narraganset country; and to call before them any person, or persons, and to search records, as they shall find requisite, and the proceedings therein, with the opinions upon the matters that shall be examined by them, to state, and with all convenient speed, report thereof to make to his majesty." The commissioners convened on the 22C of August, 1683, at the house of Richard Smith, in the Narraganset country. They summoned all persons and corporations, in whatever place, who were concerned in the title or government of that country, to ap- pear before them, and to produce all charters, deeds, rev^ords, letters, and orders, from his majesty and council, or of any of his commissioners, to the respective colonies, governors, or j^overn- ments, which might give information on the subject. At the time and place appointed, the records represent, " that there was the greatest appearance of the most ancient English and Indians, then living, to testify the truth of their knowledge," respecting the matters then to be determined. The commissioners, having fully heard every thing respecting the claims and title to that part of New-England, adjourned to Boston, and there made a report to his majesty, in an ample man- ner, declaring, that the government of it belonged to Connecticut. The report, so far as it respects this colony, and can reflect light on the subject, is as followeth: " In humble obedience to your majesty's commands, we, your majesty's commissioners, have seriously considered the several claims before us. We find, that your majesty, by your letters patent, dated at Westminster, the three and twentieth of April, in the fourteenth year of your majesty's reign, granted to the governor and company of Connecticut, and their successors, all that part of your dominions in New-England, bounded on the east by Narraganset bay, where the said river falls into the sea, and on the north by the line of the Massachusetts plantation, and on the south by the sea." " We have also had information, that, some time after your majesty's grant, and said patent was sent to your colony of Con- i ! m .1'' f i it 1 4\\ '■)■! 302 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1683 1 I I I M 1 1 I ■ : :: 1 necticut, the said country of the Narragansct was hkewise, by patent, granted by your majesty to the governor and company of Rhode-Island plantation, and is, by charter, bounded by a river called Pawcatuck, which, by said charter, is for ever to be ac- counted and called the Narraganset river: And this latter grant of your majesty to Rhode-Island, seems to be founded upon ad- vice submitted to by John Winthrop, Esq. said to be agent for Connecticut colony, and Mr. John Gark, agent for Rhode-Island: to which Connecticut plead, that Mr. Winthrop's agency for them ceased, when he had obtained and sent the patent to them ; and that no submission, or act of his, could invalidate, or deprive them of any of the benefits graciously granted by your majesty's charter: and that, notwithstanding the seeming boundaries, set by said articles, signed by Mr. Winthrop and Mr. Clark, it is in the same articles provided, that the proprietors and inhabitants of the Narraganset country should choose to which of the two governments to belong, and that they unanimously chose and subjected to the government of Connecticut." " With humble submission, we cannot see any cause to judge, that the said Pawcatuck river anciently was, or ought to be, called or accounted the Narraganset river." I. " Because it lies Some miles within the Pequot country, a nation, till extirpated by the English, often, or always, at war with the Narragansets, and to which territories the Narragansets never pretended." II. "Because Pawcatuck river falls into the sea many miles westward of any part of Narraganset bay, which is the river an- ciently called Narraganset river, both because it, on the eastward, washes and bounds the whole length of the Narraganset country; and for that Plymouth colony, which hath now been planted near three score years, have ever since bounded themselves according to the sense and meaning, or limitation of their patent, by the same bay, called Narraganset river, towards the south." " Thus, after most strict and impartial inquiry and examina- tion, having stated, we most humbly lay before your majesty the several original claims and pretensions offered to us with respect to the propriety, both of jurisdiction and soil, in your majesty's province, or Narraganset country; and, in further obedience to your said commission, have seriously weighed and considered all evidences, pleas, proofs, and allegations, &c. and with most humble submission and reservation of your majesty's right, offer our opinions, that by virtue of your said letters patent, granted to Connecticut, jurisdiction in, and through the said province, or Narraganset country, of right belongs to the colony of Con- necticut; and that propriety of soil, as derived from Mr. Win- throp and major Atherton, is vested upon the heirs and assigns of said Mr. Winthrop, the heirs of Thomas Chiffinch, Esq. major [1683 1683] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 303 AthertoM, Mr. Richard Smith, Mr. Simon Lyndc, Mr. Elisha Hutchinson, Mr. John SafKn, Mr. Richard Wharton, and part- ners." " Finally, we hold it our duty humbly to inform your majesty, that so long as the pretensions of the Rhode-Islanders to the government of the said province continue, it will much discourage the settlement and improvement thereof; it being very improb- able, that either the aforenamed claimers, or others of like repu- tation and condition, will remove their families, or expend their estates under so loose and weak a government." " Your majesty's most loyal and obedient subjects. " Edward Cranfikld, - "William Stououtom, " Samuel Shrimpton, " John Pvncheon, jun. " Nathaniel Saltonstall." " Boston, Oct. 20th, 1683." Connecticut had no sooner gained their point against the claims of his majesty and Rhode-Island, than they were obliged to an- swer to a new antagonist. Edward Randolph, Esq. on the 30th of June, 1683, had received a power of attorney from William and Ann, duke and duchess of Hamilton, and James, carl of Aran, son and heir of William and Ann, and grandson of James, mar- quis of Hamilton, to sue for and recover their right and interest in lands, islands, houses, and tenements, in New-England. He appeared before the commissioners at Boston, and, in the name of the said duke, duchess, and earl, claimed the lands which they supposed had been granted to their ancestor, in the deed of 1635. This renewed claim of that tract of country, occasioned an- swers from the proprietors of the lands, and from Connecticut, with several opinions on the case. It may be proper to communicate the substance of these to the public. Mr. Saffin, in November, gave the following answer, in behalf of the proprietors. " The ends aimed at and propounded in the king's charter to the great council of Plymouth, was the propagation of the gospel among the heathen, and the enlargement of his majesty's empire, by plantation; and whatsoever grants were made by said council, were founded upon those considerations; which being not pur- sued, rendereth all grants of land void. Qui sentit commodum, in- commodum sentire debet et onus.^ And it doth not appear, that his grace, (as other patentees,) did transport any person, or plant any colony, nor used any other means, either to instruct the na- tives, or purchase their right in the lands, or appointed any agent * He who enjoys the benefit of a grant, ought to bear its disadvantage and liurthen. m 'Hi: . i I mni M ■ * '0 ' ,1 i:,; I H 304 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1683 to take possession, in order to the improvement of the same. But it is probable, that the duke, understanding a former patent was granted, by the council of Devon, to the lords Say and Brook, &c. in and about the year 1631, and purchased and improved by the colony of Connecticut, might divert him from any procedure therein. The copy of said patent, as we have been informed, when exhibited by John Winthrop, Esq. before the king in coun- cil, the then lord chancellor, Hyde, declared, the lords Say and Brook's title to be good and unquestionable; and upon that in- terest, we presume, it was, that Connecticut made application to his majesty, and that their charter was granted; the lords Say and Brook, and partners, having expended nine thousand pounds in settlement of the lands claimed by his grace; and had made considerable improvements and fortifications upon the lands, in several places, divers years before the date of duke Hamilton's grant. " Our present gracious sovereign, &c. hath, by his royal letters, manifested his approbation of the purchase, possession, and im- provement of his loyal subjects, the proprietors here. The said proprietors have been necessarily engaged in a bloody war with the Indians, in their late rebellion. " We further humbly offer, that, in regard that the copy of the duke's deed, presented by Mr. Randolph, in behalf of his grace, seems to have no signification of any hand or seal affixed to it, nor mention made of any witnesses, said to be the original instru- ment, (yet affirmed to be a true copy thereof,) it may be presumed the said original deed was n ver completed according to law." The governor and council of Connecticut answered, December 13th, 1683, in the manner following. " As to the substance of the duke's claim, so far as it concerns us, it is preceded, some years, by a grant from the right honour- able, Robert, earl of Warwick, to the lord Say, and other persons of honour and credit, March 19th, 1631, whereas his grace's deed was made four years after, viz. on the 20th of April, 1635. " By virtue of his majesty's grant to lord Say, Brook, &c. they, and their assigns, our predecessors, did, at their own proper charge, about the year 1634, begin to enter upon the said lands, and so have continued ever since, in actual possession and im- provement thereof, without challenge or claim from duke Ham- ilton: which improvement hath been with great cost, hazard, and labour of his majesty's subjects; yet by the blessing of God, and his majesty's grace, hath, in a good measure, answered the ends of those grants or patents; as the propagating the christian re- ligion, and the increase and enlargement of his majesty's empire: of all which, his grace, duke Hamilton, hath, in these parts, done nothing that we know of." " His present majesty, understanding the condition of his sub- [1683 1683] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 30s jects in this colony, upon our humble address, April 23d, 1662, was graciously pleased to grant us a charter, for holding the lands therein granted firm, to us and our successors, for ever; and in his letters, dated April 23d, 1664, sent to us by his majesty's hon- ourable commissioners, he is pleased to call his grant a renewing of our charter, which must relate to that grant made by the earl of Warwick, in the year 1631 ; for we had no other, before his majesty's grant and confirmation aforesaid. " Under these securities and encouragements, we laid out our estates, labors, &c. and suddenly after our first settling we were engaged in a bloody war, anno 37, with the Pequots, which was chargeable and expensive to us. Also, in the year 1675, a great people, who inhabited the Narraganset country, rose up against his majesty's subjects, who were planted in these parts, slew many of them, burnt their houses, and destroyed their cattle, whereby we were engaged in another bloody war, which was the cause of great expense of blood and treasure, (his grace duke Hamilton being no partaker with us in any of those expenses, or helper of us therein,) and by the assistance of Almighty God, and counte- nance of his majesty, in both these forementioned wars, we over- came our enemies, that rose up against us, without which all our grants would have been of little benefit to us. " It is required by his majesty's good laws, as in the twenty- first of king James, i6th, that the duke, and all others, should have sued out his claims: The reason of which law, as it is very great, so it is pleadable on our account; for it being latent unto us, for near fifty years, would prove our ruin, if thereupon our property be altered. Had the duke's grace, or his predecessors timeously set his claim, in competition with lord Say's patent, that we had purchased, the people had known how to have applied themselves; but after half a century's settlement, as aforesaid, we hope his majesty will be pleased to secure the same to his good subjects here. " We desire, that we may have a more fit opportunity to make a more full answer, and to present our proofs. " Per order of the governor and council, • - < "signed per me, "John Allen, Secretary." Some years after, several opinions, by gentlemen learned in the law, were given on the case, both as it respected the duke of Ham- ilton and the colony of Rhode-Island. Sir Francis Pemberton, having largely stated the case between Connecticut and the duke of Hamilton, says, " Marquis Hamil- ton, nor his heirs, or any deriving from him, have ever had pos- session or laid out any thing upon the premises, nor made any claim, in said country, until the year 1683, which was about forty- eight years after said grant, the said heir by his attorney, claimed V II f I ' ■ \ If 1^ m m ;l!j 'i ;; (3! . i 8|] 3o6 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1683 the said lands, at Boston, in New-England, which is above seventy miles from the premises, and in another country." " The heir of said marquis Hamilton, after threescore and two years, demands the said premises, or a quit rent. I am of the opinion, that the heir of M. H. after such purchases and so long quiet enjoyment of them, &c. ought not to recover any of the lands or grounds or quit-rents out of them. " I am of the opinion, that these purchasers, by virtue of their purchases, and so long and uninterrupted possession under them, have an undoubted right and title to these grounds and lands, and the buildings and improvement of them, and ought not now, after so much money laid out upon them, and such enjoyment of them, to be disturbed in their possession of them. " Francis Pemberton." Mr. Trevor, having stated the case between Connecticut and Rhode-Island, gives his opinion to the lords of trade and planta- tions, in the words following. ''' I am humbly of opinion, that this grant to Rhode-Island is void in law, because the country of Narraganset bay was granted before to Connecticut, and that therefore the government of Narraganset bay doth, of right, be- long to Connecticut, and not to Rhode-Island: all which is humbly submitted to your honor's great wisdom. "Thomas Trevor. " October 28, 1696." The aspects of Providence upon the colony, this year, were ex- ceedingly gloomy. Besides the dangers which threatened them, with respect to their civil and religious privileges, the people were visited with great sickness and mortality. The instances of death among the clergy were uncommonly numerous, and many churches were made to sit in widowhood. The fruits of the field were also diminished, and <^he inhabitants in various ways im- poverished and distressed. The general assembly, in October, considered the divine dis- pensations so afflictive as to demand their deepest humiliation. A general fast was appointed, and the people called upon to repent and humble themselves.^ Colonel Dungan having lately arrived at New- York, the assem- bly, in November, appointed major Nathan Gould, captain John Allen, and Mr. William Pitkin, a committee, to congratulate him ' The proclamation is introduced in these words, " Whereas it is rvident to all who obsenre the footsteps of Divine Providence, that the dispensations of God, towards his poor wilderness people, have been very solemn, awful, and speaking, for many years past ; and particularly towards ourselves in this colony, this present year, by occasion of general sickness in most places, and more than ordinary mor- tality in some, as also excessive rains and flooids in several plantations, shortening us in our enjoyments ; and considering also the holy hand of God, in bereaving so many churches and congregations of a settled ministry, whereby they are left, and have been, some of them, a long time, as sheep without a shepherd, as if Uie Lord intended, for our sins, to quench the light of our Israel." [t683 5 seventy and two tn of the I so long ly of the ; of their ier them, id lands, not now, njoyment RTON." ticut and id planta- lion, that ountry of and that right, be- is humbly 'revor. , were ex- led them, ople were 5 of death nd many f the field ways im- ivine dis- miliation. upon to he assem- tain John ulate him vident to all ons of God, d speaking, thU present rdinary mor- I, shortening bereaving so are left, and if the Lord 1683] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 307 upon his arrival at his seat of government; and to agree with him upon a settlement of boundaries between the colonies. The committee were instructed not to exceed his demands of twenty miles east of Hudson's river: To examine his powers to treat, and if they were only conditional, to treat with him upon the same terms. They were directed to insist upon this, that there was no mistake with respect to the rise of the line at Memoronock. If they should be obliged to give up jurisdiction at any place, they were instructed to preserve property inviolably to the proprie- tors; and to insist on the former line, unless it should, in any place, approach nearer to Hudson's river than the distance of twenty miles. In fine, they were required to make his honor sensible, that the former line was legal and firm, and that the present settlement was solely for the purpose of promoting peace and a good correspondence between his majesty's colony of Con- necticut and the duke's territories, and their successive gov- ernors. As the colony had been certified, by letters from his majesty, of a conspiracy against himself and the duke of York, the assem- bly addressed him on the subject. They declared, in the strong- est terms, their utmost abhorrence of all plots against his royal person and government: That they prayed for kings and all men, and especially for his majesty, and all in authority under him: That they feared God and honored the king. In such sup- pliant language as follows, they prayed for the continuance of their chartered rights. " Most dread sovereign, we humbly pray the continuance of your g^ace and favor in the full enjoyment of those former privi- leges and liberties you have, out of your princely grace and bounty, bestowed upon us, in your royal charter, granted this corporation, that our poor beginnings may prosper, under your shadow, to the glory of God, and the enlargement of your maj- esty's dominions." ^ The committee appointed to agree with colonel Dungan, with respect to the line of partition between Connecticut and New- York, came to an agreement respecting it, November 28th, 1683. It was agreed, " That the line should begin at Byram river, where it falleth into the sound, at a point called Lyon's point, to go as the said river runneth to the place where the common road, or wading place, over the said river is ; and from the said road or wading place, to go north northwest into the country, as far as will be eight English miles from the foresaid Lyon's point; and that a line of twelve miles, being measured from the said Lyon's point, according to the line or general course of the sound east- ward, where the said twelve miles endeth, another line shall be ' The number of persons giving in their lists, October, 1683, was 2,735, ""^ ^^^ grand list was ;^i 59,385. ■ t :% ;ii M 1 U^ laii 8: , .1: -I & ; rfji ! ii; 308 HISTORY OF CON ^ECTICUT. [1683 1 'Mi hA ''■J J m I' i run from the sound, eight miles into the country, north north- west, and also, that a fourth line be run, (that is to say,) from the northernmost end of the eight miles line, being the third men- tioned line, which fourth line, with the first mentioned line, shall be the bounds where they shall fall to run; and that from the east- ernmost end of the fourth mentioned line, (which is to be twelve miles in length,) a line parallel to Hudson's river, in every place twenty miles distant from Hudson's river, shall be the bounds there, between the said territories or province of New- York, and the said colony of Connecticut, so far as Connecticut colony doth extend northwards; that is to the south line of the Massachusetts colony: only it is provided, that in case the line from Byram brook's mouth, north north-west eight miles, and the line, that is then to run twelve miles to the end of the third forementioned line of eight miles, do diminish or take away land within twenty miles of Hudson's river, that then so much as is in land diminished of twenty miles of Hudson's river thereby, shall be added out of Connecticut bounds unto the line aforementioned, parallel to Hudson's river, and twenty miles distant from it; the addition to be made the whole length of the said parallel line, and in such breadth, as will make up quantity for quantity, what shall be diminished as aforesaid." The assembly, in the session of May, 1684, approved ot ihis agreement, and appointed major Nathan Gould, Mr. Jehu Burr, and Mr. Jonathan Selleck, to lay out the lines according to the stipulation. The lines accordingly were run, and on the 24th of February, 1685, were ratified by governor Dungan and governor Treat. Great complaints had been made, in England, against the col- onies for harbouring pirates; and that no laws had been made agfainst them. A letter had been written to the governor and company, by Lyonel Jenkins, Esq. complaining of this neglect, and demanding, in his majesty's name, that a law should forth- with be made against piracy. A special assembly was consequent- ly called on the 5th of July, and a law enacted against it, anrl a copy of it forwarded immediately to his majesty's secretary of state. At the election, in 1685, Giles Hamlin was chosen into the mag- istracy, in the place of Mr. Topping, who seems now to have been dead. The legislature, at this session, addressed a letter of condolence to his majesty, king James II. on account of the demise of his brother, king Charles II. and congratulating him on his peaceful accession to the throne of his ancestors. They presented him with the strongest assurances of their loyalty and attachment to his royal person and government. At the same time, sensible of their danger, under a prince of his character, thev most humbly [1683 rth north- ) from the bird men- line, shall a the east- be twelve very place le bounds York, and >lony doth sachusetts m Byram ne, that is :ioned line enty miles inished of led out of )arallel to e addition id in such t shall be ed ot this ehu Burr, ng to the le 24th of governor t the col- een made rnor and s neglect, ild forth- isequent- st it, and ;retary of the mag- >ave been ndolence se of his peaceful ited him iment to nsible of humbly 1686] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 309 besought him to continue to them their civil and religious privi- leges, and that he would preserve to them the peaceable enjoy- ment of their property. Upon the petition of a number of the inhabitants of Farm- ington, presented to the assembly in 1673, a committee was appointed to view Mattatock, and report to the assembly, whether a plantation might not be made in that tract. In May, 1674, the committee reported, that Mattatock was a place suffi- cient to accommodate thirty families. Upon this report, a com- mittee was appointed to settle a plantation there. Some time after the settlement commenced. The number of sharers was about twenty-eight. May 13th, 1686, they appear to have been vested with town privileges, by the name of Waterbury.^ In the last years of the reign of king Charles the second, the rights of the nation were violated, and a great number of corpora- tions in England and Wales were obliged to resign their charters. Indeed, he, and his officers, seemed to sport with the liberty, prop- erty, and lives of his subjects. King James the second began his reign in the most flagrant violation of the laws of his three king- doms. His reign grew more intolerable, from year to year, until he became the general abhorrence of the nation. He proceeded in the same lawless and cruel manner with the colonies, vacating their charters, and governing them by the worst measures and the worst men. In July, 1685, a quo warranto was issued against the governor and company of Connecticut, requiring their appearance before him, within eight days of St. Martin's, to show by what warrant they exercised certain powers and privileges. The governor, having received intelligence of the measures adopted against the colony, on the 6th of July, 1686, called ? fe- cial assembly, to consult what might be done for the preservation of the just rights of the colony. The assembly, after most serious deliberation, addressed a let- ter, in the most suppliant terms, to his majesty, beseeching him to pardon their faults in government, and continue them a distinct colony, in the full enjoyment of their civil and religious privileges. Especially, they besought him to recall the writ of quo warranto, * Several misfortunes attended the plantstion, which very greatly impoverished it, and prevented its population. In February, 1691, the town was nearly ruined by an inundation. The rain fell in great abundance, and the frost came out of the ground very suddenly, which rendered it uncommonly soft. At the same time, the river rose to an unusual height, overflowed the meadows, and ran with such nu pidity and violence, that it tore away a great part of them. Other parts were cov- ered with earth and stone, so as to be greatly damaged. Numbers of the inhabi- tants were so discouraged, that they left the town, and it did not recover its former state for some years. In 1712, on the 15th of October, began a great sickness in the town, which continued until the 12th of September, 17 13, and was so general, that there were scarcely a sufficient number well to attend the sick, and bury the dead. Between twenty and thirty persons died of the sickness. [Manuscripts of Mr. Southmayd.] l\ :!i! *-''i •:»;? , m if I 310 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1686 ^1 which they heard had been issued against them, though it had not yet arrived. They pleaded the charter which they received of his royal brother, and his commendation of them, for their loyalty, in his gracious letters, and his assurances of the continuance of their civil and religious rights. They made the strongest professions of loyalty, and of their constant supplications to the Supreme Ruler, that he would save and bless his majesty. On the 2ist of July, 1686, two writs of quo warranto were de- livered to governor Treat. They had been brought over by Ed- ward Randolph, that indefatigable enemy of the colonies. The time of appearance before his majesty, was past before the writs arrived. Upon the reception of the writs, and a letter from Richard Nor- mansel, one of the sheriffs of London, the governor immediately convoked another special assembly, which met on the 28th of July. The assembly appointed Mr. "Whiting to be their agent, to present their petition to the king. He was instructed to acquaint his majesty with the time of the colony's receiving the quo warrantos, and of the impossibility of its making its appearance before his majesty, at the time appointed: fully to represent the great injury which the colonists would sustain, by the suspending their charter rights ; and especially by a division of the colony. If Connecticut could not be continued a distinct government, he was instructed to supplicate his majesty to continue to them the enjoyment of their property, their houses and lands, and especially their relig- ious privileges. On the 28th of December, another writ of quo warranto was served on the governor and company, bearing date October 23d, requiring their appearance before his majesty within eight days of the purification of the blessed Virgin. Though the writs gave no proper time for the appearance of the colony, and, conse- quently, no time at all; yet they declared all its chartered rights vacated, upon its not appearing, at time and place. The design of the king and his corrupt court was to re-unite all the colonies to the crown. James the second was an obstinate, cruel tyrant, and a bigoted Roman catholic; destitute of all the principles of true honour, faith, justice, or humanity. He wantonly trampled on the constitution, laws, and liberties of the nation; and, with his ministers and officers, in an unrighteous and merciless manner, shed the blood of his subjects, and wreaked his vengeance on all who made the least opposition to his lawless proceedings. The most humble petitions, argumcnto from reason, charters, the most solemn compacts and royal promises, from justice, humanity, or any other consideration, which a subject could plead, had no weight or influence with him. Nearly fifty corporations in Eng- land had been deprived of their charters. The city of London, and the corporation of Bermudas, had stood trial with his majesty, and [i686 1687] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 311 1 it had not ived of his loyalty, in ice of their fessions of !me Ruler, > were de- rer by Ed- lies. The ! the writs hard Nor- imediately 1th of July, to present :}uaint his varrantos, before his •eat injury sir charter innecticut instructed )ynient of leir relig- ranto was ober 23d, ight days irrits gave conse- ed rights design of )lonies to tyrant, iciples of trampled , with his manner, ice on all gs. The the most lanity, or had no in Eng- don, and esty, and their charters had been taken from them. The charter of Massa- chusetts had been vacated, and Rhode-Island had submitted to his majesty. A general government had been appointed over all New-England, except Connecticut. By the commission, institu- ting this general government, Connecticut was totally excluded from all jurisdiction in the Narraganset country, or king's prov- ince.* The governor and company of Connecticut, however, in these discouraging circumstances, spared no pains, nor omitted any probable means for the preservation of their chartered rights. A special assembly was called on the 26th of January, 1687, afte** the reception of the third writ of quo warranto, to deliberate on the measures to be adopted, in the then present circumstances of the colony. Little more, however, was done, than to desire the gov- ernor and council to transact all business, which they should judge necessary and expedient, further to be done for the preservation of their privileges. The election in May proceeded regularly, but the assembly did nothing important. Fear and hesitation appear to have attended the legislature. They knew not what course to steer, with safety, either to themselves, or their constituents. They, with the colony in general, were in great fear and distress, lest, after all their ex- pense, hardships, and dangers, in settling and defending the coun- try, and all their self-denial and sufferings for the sake of enjoying the worship and ordinances of Christ, according to the gospel, they should not only be deprived of all their civil and religious lib- erties, but even of their houses and lands. There was no security for any thing under a prince like James the second. He had, in- deed, in his letters, promised them* the preservation of all their liberties; yet, without any fault on their part, he was arbitrarily wresting them from their hands. It is difficult to conceive, and much more to express, the anxiety of our venerable ancestors in this terrible crisis of their affairs. Mr. Whiting exerted himself in England, to procure all the in- fluence, and make all the opposition he possibly could, against a general governor of the colonies, and especially to prevent the sus- ' This general commiuion was granted by king James II. in the first year of his reign, Oct. 8th, i68s. Joseph Dudley, Esq. was appointed president of the com- missioners. On the 28th of May, 1686, the president issued a proclamation, dis- charging all the inhabitants of Rhode-Island, and the Narraganset country, from all obedience either to Connecticut or Rhode-Island ; and prohibiting all govern- ment of either in the kine's province. At the same time, the president required the entire submission of all the inhabitants to the commissioners, and the officers whom they should appoint. Proclamation on file. ' In his letter to governor Treat, June 26th, 1685, he says: "As we cannot doubt of the ready and dutiful assurances and expressions of loyalty and obedience, from our good subjects under your government, since our accession to the crown, so shall we, at all times, extend our royal care and protection to them, in the preserva- tion of their rights, and in the defence and security of their persons and estates ; which we think fit that you signify unto the inhabitants of that our colony." Let- ter of king James IL on file. ''jii ■I ■! i 3IS HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [2687 ill «t»i pension of the government of Connecticut, according to charter; but he found his utmost exertions to be in vain. He wrote to the governor, January 15th, 1687, that if the governor and council would detend their charter at law, they must send over one or mort from among themselves. A special assembly was called upon the reception of the agent's letter, which convened on the 15th of June, to deliberate on the expediency of sending another agent. The prospects appeared so unfavourable, that it was determined not to send another. Mr. Whiting was thanked for his services, in favour of the colony, and desired to continue them. Mr. Dudley, while president of the commissioners, had written to the governor and company, advising them to resign the charter into the hands of his majesty, and promising to use his influence in favour of the colony. Mr. Dudley's commission was super- seded by a commission to Sir Edmund Andross to be governor of New-England. He arrived at Boston, on the 19th of December, 1686. The next day his commission was published, and he took on him the administration of government. Soon after his arrival, he wrote to the governor and company, that he had a commission, from his majesty, to receive their charter, if they would resign it; and he pressed them, in obedience to the king, and as they would give him an opportunity to serve them, to resign it to his pleasure. At this session of the assembly, the governor received another let- ter from him, acquainting him, that he was assured, by the advice which he had received from England, that judgment was, by that time, entered upon the quo warranto against their charter, and that he soon expected to receive his majesty's commands respect- ing them. He urged them, as he represented it, that he might not be wanting in serving their welfare, to accept his majesty's favour, so graciously offered ttiem, in a present compliance and surrender. Colonel Dungan also used his influence to persuade them to re- sign, and put themselves under his government.* But the colony insisted on their charter rights, and on the promise of king James, as well as of his royal brother, to defend and secure them in the en- joyment of their privileges and estates; and would not surrender their charter to either. However, in their petition to the king, in which they prayed for the continuance of their chartered rights, they desired, if this could not be obtained, and it should be re- solved to put them under pnother government, that it might be under Sir Edmund's, as the Massachusetts had been their former correspondents and confederates, and as they were acquainted with their principles and manners. This was construed into a res- jg;nation, though nothing could be further from the design of the colony. The assembly met, as usual, in October, and the government continued according to charter, until the last of the month. About ' Letters of Dudley, Andross, and Dungan, on file. r:687 «687] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 313 .'M t'i I this time, Sir Edmund, with his suit, and more than sixty regular troops, came to Hartford, when the assembly were sitting, de- manded the charter, and declared the government under it to be dissolved. The assembly were extremely reluctant and slow with respect to any resolve to surrender the charter, or with respect to any motion to bring it forth. The tradition is, that governor Treat strongly represented the great expense and hardships of the colo- nists, in planting the country; the blood and treasure which they had expended in defending it, both against the savages and for- eigners; to what hardships and dangers he himself had been ex- posed for that purpose; and that it was like giving up his life, now to surrender the patent and privileges, so dearly bought, and so long enjoyed. The important affair was debated and kept in sus- pence, until the evening, when the charter was brought and laid upon the table, where the assembly were sitting. By .is time, great numbers of people were assembled, and men sufiBciently bold to enterprise whatever might be necessary or expedient. The lights were instantly extinguished, and one captain Wadsworth, of Hartford, in the most silent and secret manner, carried off the charter, and secreted it in a large hollow tree, fronting the house of the Hon. Samuel Wyllys, then one of the magistrates of the colony. The people appeared all peaceable and orderly. The i-andles were officiously re-lighted; but the patent was gone, and no discovery could be made of it, or of the person who had con- veyed it away. Sir Edmund assumed the government, and the records of the colo' y were closed in the following words. . " At a general »;ourt at Hartford, October 31st, 1687, his excel- lency, Sir Edmund A..dross, knight, and captain-general and gov- ernor of his majesty's territories and dominions in New- England, by order from his majesty, James the second, king of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, the 31st of October, 1687, took into his hands the government of the colony of Connecticut, it being, by his majesty, annexed to Massachusetts, and other colonies un- der his excellency's government." " FINIS." Sir Edmund appointed officers civil and military, through the colony, according to his pleasure. He had a council, at first, con- sisting of about forty persons, and afterwards, of nearly fifty. Four of this number, governor Treat, John Fitz Winthrop, Wait Winthrop, and John Allen, Esquires, were of Connecticut. Sir Edmund began his government with the most flattering pro- fessions of his regard to the public safety and happiness. He in- structed the judges to administer justice, as far as might be con- sistent with the new regulations, according to the former laws and customs. It is, however, well observed, by governor Hutchinson, that " Nero concealed his tyrannical disposition more years, than Sir Edmund and his creatures did months." He soon laid a re- 4 ' ('. u ^(J! ii •'; 314 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1687 ''i>' f*\ ^: w^ w 1^ ll:|i fttraint upon the liberty of the press; and then, one far more griev- ous upon marriage. This was prohibited, unless bonds were pre- viously given, with sureties, to the governor. These were to bo forfeited, in case it should afterwards appear, that there was any lawful impediment to the marriage. Magistrates only were allowed to join people in the bands of wedlock. The governor not only de- prived the clergy of the perquisite from marriages, but soon sus- pended the laws for their support, and would not suffer any person to be obliged to pay any thing to his minister. Nay, he menaced the people, that, if they resisted his will, their meeting-houses should be taken from them, and that any person who should give two pence to a non-conformist minister, should be punished. The fees of all officers, under this new administration, were exorbitant. The common fee for the probate of a will was fifty shillings. The widow and fatherless, how distant soever, were obliged to appear at Boston, to transact all business relative to the settlement of estates.* This was a grievous oppression of the poor people; especially, of the fatherless and widow. Sir Edmund, without an assembly, nay, without a majority of his council, taxed the people at pleasure. He and Randolph, with four or five others of his creatures, who were sufficiently wicked to join with him, in all his oppressive designs, managed the affairs of government, as they pleased. But these were but the beginnings of oppression and sorrow. They were soon greatly increased and more extensively spread. In 1688, Sir Edmund was made governor of New- York, as well as of New-England, and the same kind of government was exer- cised in that department." As the charters were now either va- cated, surrendered, or the government under them suspended, it was declared, that the titles of the colonists to their lands were of no value. Sir Edmund declared, that Indian deeds were no better than " the scratch of a bear's paw." Not the fairest purchases and most ample conveyances from the natives, no dangers, disburse- ments nor labors, in cultivating a wilderness, and turnmg it into orchards, gardens, and pleasant fields, no grants by charter, nor by legislatures constituted by them, no declarations of precedinj:; kings, nor of his then present majesty, promising them the quiet enjoyment of their houses and lands, nor fifty or sixty years undis- turbed possession, were pleas of any validity or consideration witli Sir Edmund and his minions. The purchasers and cultivators, after fifty and sixty years improvement, were obliged to take out patents for their estates. For these, in some instances, a fee of fifty pounds was demanded. Writs of intrusion were issued against persons of principal character, who would not submit to such im- ' Hutchinson's Hist. Vol. I. p. 358. * The same, p. 3^1. It is strange, that Mr. Smith, in his history of New>York, •Ices no notice of this, nor gives any account of Sir Edmund's administration. [1687 are griev- were prc- 'ere to be : was any e allowed t only de- soon sus- ny person menaced ig-houses ould give hed. ion, were was fifty ver, were live to the f the poor ajority cf jlph, with wicked to ! affairs of eginnings ^ased and k, as well ivas exer- ither va- )ended, it s were of no better lases and disburse- ig it into irter, nor )recedin;:j the quiet rs undis- tion with Itivators, take out ee of fifty against such im- New-York, ration. 1688] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 315 positions, and their lands were patented to others. Governor Hutchinson observes, with respect to Massachusetts, that " men's titles were not all questioned at once. Had this been the case, ac- cordmg to the computation then made, all the personal estate in the colony would not have paid the charge of the new patents." ' The governor, and a small number of his council, in the most arbitrary manner, fined and imprisoned numbers of the inhabi- tants of Massachusetts, and denied them the benefit of the act of habeas corpus. All town meetings were prohibited except one in the month of May, for the election of town officers, to prevent the people from consulting measures for the redress of their griev- ances. No person indeed was suffered to go out of the country, without leave from the governor, lest complaints should be carried to England against his administration. At the same time, he so well knew the temper and views of his royal master, that he feared little from him, even though complaints should be carried over against him. Hence he and his dependants oppressed the people, and enriched themselves without restraint. The most humble petitions were presented to his maj( ty, from corporations of various descriptions, beseeching him, that the gov- ernor's council might consist of none but men of considerable property in lands; that no act might be passed to bind the people, but by a majority of the council ; and that he would quiet his good subjects in the enjoyment of all property in houses and lands." But, in the reign of James the second, petitions so reasonable and just could not be heard. The prince, at home, and his officers abroad, like greedy harpies, preyed upon the people without con- trol. Randolph was not ashamed to make his boast, in his letters, with respect to governor Andross and his council, " that they were as arbitrary as the great Turk." All New-England groaned under their oppression. The heaviest share of it, however, fell upon the inhabitants of Massachusetts and New- Plymouth. Con- necticut had been less obnoxious to government, than Massachu- setts, and as it was further removed froii *he seat of government, was less under the notice and influence of those oppressors. Governor Treat was a father to the people, and felt for them, in their distressed circumstances. The other gentlemen, who were of the council, and had the principal management of affairs, in Connecticut, were men of principle, lovers of justice and of their fellow subjects. They took advantage of Sir Ecimund's first in- structions, and as far as they possibly could, consistently with the new regulations, governed the colony according to the former laws and customs. The people were patient and peaces le, ' Hutchinson's Hist. vol. I. p. 359. ' Sir Edmund, with all his vigilance, could not prevent the carrying over of com- plaints against him. Mr. Increase Mather, got on board a ship, and sailed to Eng- land, for this very purpose, and delivered the complaints, which he carried over, into his majesty's hands. ■'•I m Ml •t- I c, 4 i -J ? ! f III I;': 316 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1689 though in sreat fear and despondency. They were no strangers to what was transacted in the neighbouring colonies, and expected soon fully to share with them, in all their miseries. It was gen- erally believed, that Andross was a papist; that he had employed the Indians to ravage the frontiers, and supplied them with ammu- nition ; and that he was making preparations to deliver the coun- try into the hands of the French. All the motives to great actions, to industry, economy, enterprise, wealth, and population, were in a manner annihilated. A general inactivity and languishment per- vaded the whole public body. Liberty, property, and every thing, which ought to be dear to men, every day, grew more and more in- secure. The colonies were in a state of general despondency, with respect to the restoration of their privileges, and the truth of that divine maxim, " when the wicked beareth rule the people mourn," was, in a striking manner, every where exemplified. ,i| Vt I i 'i I ; I f • * t ' • ::| ; <' ;. I II ' ' :,it CHAPTER XVI. SCARCELY any thing could be more gloomy and distressful, than the state of public affairs, in New-England, at the beginning of this year. But in the midst of darkness light arose. While the people had prayed in vain to an earthly monarch, their petitions had been more successfully presented to a higher throne. Provi- dence wrought gloriously for their and the nation's deliverance. On the 5th of November, 1688, the prince of Orange landed at Torbay, in England. He immediately published a declaration of his design, in visiting the kingdom. A copy of this was received at Boston, by one Mr. Winslow, a gentleman from Virginia, in April, 1689. Governor Andross and his coui^cil were so alarmed with the news, that they ordered Mr. Winslow to be arrested and committed to gaol for bringing a false and traitorous libel into the country. They also issued a proclamation commanding all the officers and people to be in readiness to prevent the landing of any forces, which the prince of Orange might send into that part of America. But the people, who sighed under their burthens, se- cretly wished and prayed for suc.'iss to his glorious undertaking. The leaders in the country determined quietly to wait the event; but the great body of the inhabitants had less patience. Stung with past injuries, and encouraged at the first intimations of relief, the fire of liberty rekindled, and the flame, which, for a long time, had been smothered in their bosoms, burst forth with irresistible violence. On the 18th of April, the inhabitants of Boston and the adja- cent towns rose in arms, made themselves masters of the castle, 1 : [i689 1689] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 317 seized Sir Edmund Andross and his council, and persuaded the old governor and council, at Boston, to resume the government On the 9th of May, 1689, governor Robert Treat, deputy gov- ernor James Bishop, and the former magistrates, at the desire of the freemen, resumed the government of Connecticut. Major general John Winthrop was, at the same time chosen into the magistracy, to complete the number appointed by charter. The freemen voted, that, for the present safety of that part of New- England called Connecticut, the necessity of its circumstances so requiring, " they would re-establish government, as it was before, and at the time, when Sir Edmund Andross took it, and so have it proceed, as it did before that time, according to charter; engaging themselves to submit to it accordingly, until there should be a legal establishment among them." The assembly having formed, came to the following resolution: " That whereas this court hath been interrupted, in the manage- ment of the government in this colony of Connecticut, for nineteen months past, it is now enacted, ordered, and declared, that all the laws of this colony, made according to charter, and courts consti- tuted for the administration of government, as they were before the late interruption, shall be of full force and virtue, for the future, and until this court shall see cause to make further and other alter- ations, according to charter." The assembly then confirmed all military officers in their respective posts, and proceeded to appoint their civil officers, as had been customary at the May session. It was expected, that it might soon be necessary to transact mat- ters of the highest importance, respecting the most essential rights of the colony. The deputies therefore resolved, that if occasion should require any thing to be acted, respecting the charter, the governor should call the assembly, and not leave the affair with the council. Upon the 26th of May, a ship arrived at Boston with advice that William and Mary were proclaimed king and queen of England. The joyful news soon reached Connecticut. A special assembly was called, which convened on the 13th of June. On the same day, William and Mary, prince and princess of Orange, were pro- claimed with great ceremony and joy. Never was there greater or more general joy in New-England, than upon the accession of William and Mary to the throne of Great-Britain. The bands of oppression were now loosed, the fears of the people dissipated, and joy brightened in every countenance. The legislature addressed his majesty, in the most loyal and du- tiful manner. They represented, that the Lord, who sitteth king upon the floods, had separated his enemies from him, as he di- vided the waters of Jordan before his chosen people; and that, by the great actions which he had performed, in rescuing the nation from popery and despotism, God had begun to magnify him, as he i ?. . *; : w ■ li III m i I 318 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1689 •'* m ^ 'd did Joshua, in the sight of all Israel. In strong terms, they de- clared, that it was because the Lord loved his people, that he had exalted him to be king over them, to execute justice and judgment. They most humbly presented their grateful acknowledgments to him, for his zeal for the welfare of the nation, and for the protestant interest At the same time, they represented to his majesty the charter privileges, which they had obtained, and the manner in which Sir Edmund Andross had suppressed their government by charter: That they had never surrendered it, and that there had been no enrolment of any surrender of it, or act, in law, against it: And that, to avoid the inconveniences of having no government, and for their defence against their enemies, they had, at the desfre of the freemen, resumed the government according to their an- cient form. They humbly prayed for his majesty's directions, and his gracious confirmation of their charter rights.^ The court or- dered, that Mr. Whiting should present their address to his maj- esty. Meanwhile a revolution had been made at New- York. One captain Jacob Leisler had assumed the government of that prov- ince, aiid kept the fort and city in behalf of king William. He had written to Connecticut and solicited assistance in defending the province. The assembly appointed major Gould and captain James Fitch to proceed to New- York, and confer with Leisler and his council relative to the defence of the frontiers. The commit- tee, with captain Leisler, were authorized to determine the num- ber of men to be employed and the measures to be adopted for that purpose. In consequence of their determination, the gov- ernor and council dispatched captain Bull, with a company, to Al- bany, for the defence of that part of the country, and to assist in a treaty with the Five Nations, with a view to secure theiv friendship and attachment, as far as possible, to the English colonies. Con- necticut also sent a detachment of men to assist captain Leisler in the defence of the fort and city of New- York. While the French and Indians were threatening the northern frontiers, the eastern Indians were carrying on their depredations in the eastern parts of New-England. In September, a special as- sembly was called on that account. Commissioners were ap- pointed tc consult with the commissioners of the other colonies, relative to the war in those parts. As it was imagined the Indians there had been injured, by governor Andross and his officers, the commissioners were instructed to enquire into the grounds of the war with them ; and if it should appear that they had been injured, to use their utmost Influence, that justice might be done them, and the country quieted in that way. But if they found the war to be just and necessary, they were authorized to engage the colony's full proportion of men, unless it should amount to more than two > Appendix No. XXm. S '^^ [i689 , they de- lat he had (udgment. ^ents to protestant ajesty the nanner in 'nment by there had against it: vemment, the desfre their an- itions, and court or- his maj- jrk. One that prov- 1. He had nding the id captain ^eisler and B commit- the num- iopted for the gov- ny, to Al- assist in a friendship ies. Con- Leisler in northern )redations special as- were ap- colonies, le Indians ficers, the nds of the n injured, them, and war to be ; colony's than two 1689] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 319 hundred. Two companies were afterwards appointed to that ser- vice, under the command of captains George Denison and Ebene- zer jfohnson. At the session in October, it was resolved, that by reason of the great expense of the colony, in defending his majesty's subjects, in other parts, it was necessary to withdraw the aid which they had sent to New- York. At this general court, the law respecting the choice of the gov- ernors and magistrates was enacted nearly in the words in which it now stands; but it instituted a mode of nomination different from the present. This was to be made on the third Tuesday in March annually, and the votes were to be carried to Hartford by the constables of the county towns, and on the last Tuesday in the month were, by them, to be sorted and counted in the council chamber. The nomination was then transmitted to the several towns. While the revolution delivered the nation from vassalage and popery, it involved it in an immediate war with France, and the colonies in a French and Indian war. A large number of troops and a considerable fleet were sent from France, in 1689, with a spe- ;i| cial view to the reduction of New- York. The enterprise was |- rustrated by the distressed condition to which the incursions of the Mohawks had reduced Canada. Count Frontenac, to raise the depressed spirits of the Cana- dians, sent out several parties of French and Indians against the settlements in New- York and New-England. A detachment of be- tween two and three hundred French and Indians, under the com- mand of D'Aillebout, De Mantel, and Le Moyn, were dispatched from Montreal against the frontiers of New- York. They were furnished with every thing necessary for a winter's campaign. Af- ter a march of two and twenty days, in the dead of winter, they reached Schenectady, on Saturday, the 8th of February, 1690. They had been reduced to such straits that they had thoughts of surrendering themselves prisoners of war. But their scouts, who had been a day or two in the village, entirely unsuspected, re- turned with such accounts of the security of the inhabitants, as determined them to make an attack upon them. They found the gates open and unguarded. They entered them about eleven o'clock, and that they might invest every house, at the same time, they divided into small parties of six or seven men. The inhabi- tants were in a profound sleep, and unalarmed until the enemy had broken open their doors, and they were on the verge of destruc- tion. Never were a poor people more dreadfully surprised. Be- fore they had time to rise from their beds, the enemy began the perpetration of the most inhuman barbarities. No tongue, says colonel Schuyler, in his letter to the colonies, can express the cru- elties which were committed. The inhabitants were instantly 'if ^' i r.J 1*1 W' !i'!' ., '< I I I " 4 . .1! ' * 1 ' Hi 320 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1630 slain, and the whole village was in flames. Pregnant women were ripped open, and their infants cast into the flames or dashed against the posts of the doors. Sixty persons perished in the mas- sacre, and twenty were captivated. The rest of the inhabitants es- caped in their shirts, in a most stormy and severe night, and through a deep snow, which fell at the same time. Twenty five of the fugitives lost their limbs, in the flight, through the sharpness of the frost. Captain Bull's lieutenant, one of his sergeants, and three other men were killed, and five captivated. The enemy killed all the cattle and horses, which they could find, except about fifty of the best horses, which they carried off, loaded with the plunder of the village. When the news of this destruction reached Albany, the next morning, an universal fear and consternation seized the inhabi- tants. The country became panick struck, and many entertained thoughts of destroying the town and abandoning that part of the country to the enemy. Indeed, the whole province of New- York was in deplorable circumstances. Leisler, who had assumed the government, was a weak, imprudent man, and there was a violent opposition both to him and his measures, especially at Albany. Government was nearly dissolved. The people would not suffer the officers, posted at Albany and Schenectady, to keep a regular watch, or to maintain any kind of military order. Captain Bull had remonstrated against their conduct, and threatened to with- draw his troops, unless they would submit to order. The bad weather only had prevented him from withdrawing the detach- ment from Schenectady. The people had been warned of their danger, and that an expedition had been undertaken by the enemy against that part of the country; but they imagined, that it was impracticable for any men to march hundreds of miles, with their arms and provisions, through the snow, in the depth of winter. This infatuation and disorder was the occasion of their destruc- tion.* A second party of the enemy, which count Frontenac had de- tached from the three rivers, under the command of the sieur Har- tel, an officer of distinguished character in Canada, on the i8th of March, fell upon Salmon Falls. This was a plantation on the river which divides New-Hampshire from the province of Maine. This party consisted of about fifty men, nearly half Indians. They com- menced the attack at break of day, in three different places. Though the people were surprised, yet they flew to their arms, and defended themselves with a bravery which even their enemies applauded. But they were finally overpowered by numbers, and the whole settlement was pillaged and burned. Six and thirty men were killed, and fifty-four, principally women and children, carried into captivity. * Colonel Schuyler's and captain Bull's leUers on file. [1690 omen were or dashed in the mas- abitants es- night, and enty five of liarpness of ^eants, and fhe enemy :cept about d with the U the next the inhabi- zntertained part of the New- York isumed the IS a violent at Albany. not suffer p a regular iptain Bull ;d to with- The bad he detach- i;d of their the enemy hat it was with their of winter, ir destruc- ic had de- sieur Har- he i8th of n the river line. This rhey com- nt places, leir arms, ir enemies ibers, and hirty men ;n, carried X690] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 321 These depredations filled the country with fear and alarm. The most pressing letters were sent to Connecticut for immediate assistance. A special assembly was called on the nth of April. Letters were laid before the assembly from Massachusetts, solicit- ing that soldiers might be sent from Connecticut, to guard the up- per towns upon Connecticut river; and that there might be a gen- eral meeting of commissioners from the several colonies, at Rhode-Island, to consult the common defence. There were also 'etters from captain Leisler, at New- York, and from colonel Schuyler, and other principal gentlemen at Albany, urging, that captain Bull and the soldiers there might be continued, and that reinforcements might be forwarded for the defence of that place and the adjacent country. It was also urged, that Connecticut would unite with the other colonies, in raising an army for the re- duction of Canada. The assembly determined, that there was a necessity of their ut- most exertions to prevent the settlement of the French, at Albany. It was resolved, that two companies, of a hundred men each, should be raised and sent forward for that purpose. The colony also gave assistance to the frontier towns of Massachusetts upon the river. For the defence of Connecticut, it was ordered, that a constant watch should be kept in the several towns, and that all the males in the colony, except the aged and infirm, should keep watch in their turns. If the aged and infirm were more than fifty pounds in the list, they were obliged to procure a man, in their turns, to watch and guard in their stead. Though the colony had received no instructions from king William, confirming their charter, or directing the mode of gov- ernment, yet at the general election. May 8th, the freemen pro- ceeded, as had been usual, to the choice of their officers. Robert Treat, Esq. was re-chosen governor, and James Bishop, Esq. deputy-governor. Samuel Wyllys, Nathan Gould, William Jones, John Allen, Andrew Leet, James Fitch, Samuel Mason, Samuel Talcott, John Burr, William Pitkin, Nathaniel Stanley, and Daniel Witherell, Esquires, were chosen magistrates. At this session of the assembly, that part of Weathersfield which lay on the east side of Connecticut river, was made a distinct town, by the name of Glastenbury. The proposed meeting of commissioners, was holden at New- York, instead of Rhode-Island, on the ist of May, 1690. The com- missioners from Connecticut, were Nathan Gould and William Pitkin, Esquires. It appears, that, at this meeting, the commis- sioners conceived the plan of an expedition against Canada. They ordered, that eight hundred and fifty men should be raised for that purpose. The quotas of the several colonies were fixed, and gen- eral rules adopted for the management of the army. A small ves- ;i! i 333 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1690 sel was sent express to England, the beginning of April, carrying a representation of the exposed state of the colonies, and of the necessity of the reduction of Canada. A prayer was also sent to his majesty, for a supply of arms, ammunition, and a number of frigates, to attack the enemy by water, while the colonial troops made an invasion by land. But the affairs of the nation were such, at that time, that no assistance could be given to the colonies. New- York and the New-England colonies, however, determined to prosecute their original plan of attacking Canada. It was pro- posed, with about eight or nine hundred Englishmen, and five or six hundred Indians, to make an attack upon Montreal; ^ while a fleet and army, of eighteen hundred or two thousand men, were to proceed up the St. Lawrence, and, at the same time, make an at- tack upon Quebec. It was hoped, by this means, so to distract and divide the enemy, that the whole country might be reduced to his majesty's government. It was expected, that a powerful assist- ance would be given by the five nations, who had, but a few years before, so exceedingly harassed and distressed the whole French colony. Jacob Milbom, son in law to Leisler, was commissary, and it was expected, that New- York would furnish provisions, and make preparations for the army to pass the waters to Montreal. John Winthrop, Esq. was appointed major-general and com- mander in chief of the land army. He arrived, with the troops under his command, near the falls at the head of Wood creek, early in the month of August. About the same time, the fleet sailed from Nantasket for Quebec. It consisted of between thirty and forty vessels, great and small. The largest carried forty-four guns, and two hundred men. Sir William Phipps, governor of Massachusetts, had the chief command. The fleet had a long pas- sage, and did not arrive before Quebec until the 5th of October. When the land army arrived at the place appointed for thb rendezvous of the Indians from the five nations, instead of finding that powerful body, which they expected, and which the Indians had promised, there were no more than seventy warriors from the Mohawks and Onei be drawn ronduct of army, and tested an- 5uch other ere heard, resolved : been with lement, at ication, as e colonies It difficult IS in their their maj- 1691! HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. sn esties, and to this colony, and assure him, that, on all seasonable occasions, they would be ready to manifest their good sentiments of his fidelity, valor, and prudence." * The assembly made him a grant of forty pounds, as a present, which they desired him to ac- cept, as a further testimonial of their entire approbation of his ser- vices. Besides the troops employed in the expedition a£:ainst Canada, Connecticut maintained a company upon the river, for the defence of the towns in the county of Hampshire. Upon an alarm in the winter, the governor and council dispatched a company to Deer- field, for the protectic n of that and the neighboring towns. At the election, ilay, 1691, all the former officers were re- elected. On the account of the death of the deputy-governor, James Bishop, Esq.* a special assembly was convened, on the 9th of July, 1691 ; when William Jones, Esquire, was chosen deputy-gov*?rnor, and captain Caleb Stanley, magistrate. The Rev. Increase Mather, of Boston, was a most faithful friend to the liberties of his country; ana though he was agent for the Massachusetts, yet he was indefatigable u: his labors, and, as opportunity presented, performed essential serviced f'^'* the other colonies. At the accession of William and Mary he had prevented the bill for establishing the former governors of New-England. He had united all his influence with Mr. Whiting for the benefit of Connecticut. One Mr. James Porter, who was in London, had been very serviceable to the colony. The assembly, therefore, or- dered, that a letter of thanks should be addressed to those gentle- men, for the good services which they had rendered the colony. They were, also, desired to use their influence to obtain, from his majesty, a letter approving of their administration of government, according to charter, as legal ; and expressing his determination to protect them in the enjoyment of their civil and religious privi- leges. The violation of the charters, in England, had been declared illegal and arbitrary. The charter of the city of London, and those of other corporations, in Great Britain, had been restored. The case of Connecticut, respecting their charter, had been stated, and the opinions of gentlemen, learned in the law, had been given rela- > Record! of the colony. '' ' James Bishop, Esq. died June 22d, 169 1. He appears to have been a gentle- man of good ability and distinguished morals. The time of his coming over to America is uncertain. His first appearance upon the public records, was about the year 1648. In 1661, he was chosen secretary of the colony of New- Haven ; in which office he continued until the union of the colonies of Connecticut and New- Haven. In May, 1668, he was chosen one of the magistrates of Connecticut, in which office he continued until May loth, 1683, when he was elected deputyi tive to the legality o{ the government assumed by the colony. They are thus expressed. ** Query, Whether the charter belonging to Connecticut, in New-England, is by means of their involuntary submission to Sir Edmund Andross's government, void in law, so as that the king may send a governor to them, contrary to their charter privileges, when there has been no judgment entered against their charter, nor any surrender thereof upon record? " " I am of opinion, that such submission, as is put, in this case, doth not invalidate the charter, or any of the powers therein, which were granted under the great seal; and that the charter not being surrendered under the common seal, and that surrender duly en- rolled of record, nor any judgment of record entered against it, the same remains good and valid in law ; and the said corporation may lawfully execute the powers and privileges thereby granted, notwithstanding such submission, and appointment of a governor as aforesaid. " Edward Ward. " 2d August, 1690. " I am of the same opinion. J. Somers. " I am of the same opinion; and as this matter is stated there is no ground of doubt. " Geo. Trebv." The people at the eastward, in New-Hampshire and the prov- ince of Maine, had been extremely distressed by the war, and a very great proportion of them driven from their settlements. It had also been found exceedingly difKcult to persuade men to keep garrison for the defence of that part of the country. The general court of Connecticut, therefore, appointed a contribution, through the colony, for the encouragement of the soldiers, who should keep garrison there, and for the relief of poor families, which had kept their stations, or been driven from them by the ravages of the ene- my. The clergy were directed to exhort the people to liberal con- tributions for these charitable purposes.* At the election, May, 1692, William Jones, Esq. was chosen deputy governor by the freemen. Mr. Cabel Stanley and Mr. Moses Mansfield were chosen magistrates. Governor Winthrop and the other magistrates were the same they had been the year be- fore. The French, the last year, while the troops were employed in the expedition against Canada, made a descent upon Block-Island, plundered the houses, and captivated most of the inhabitants. This greatly alarmed the people of New-London, Stonington, and Saybrook. Detachments of the militia were sent to the seaport towns for their defence. The assembly therefore, about this time I The number of persons, this year, ratable in the colony, was 3, 109, and the grand list ;f 183, 159. 169a] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 327 I'll Qrdered, that New-London should be fortified; and that the forti- fications at Saybrook should be repaired. The country had been alarmed with reports, that a large body of French and Indians were about to cross the lakes and come down upon the frontiers. Consequently it was ordered, that scouts, from the several counties should range the country, and make discovery of the enemy as they made their approach. Offi- cers were also appointed to command such parts of the militia as it might be necessary to detach, in case of an invasion. Upon the 29th of February, 1675, Joshua, sachem of the Mo- heagans, son of Uncas, by his last will, gave unto captain John Mason, James Fitch, and others, to the number of fourteen, com- monly called Joshua's legatees, the tract containing the town of Windham. It was, the next year, surveyed and laid out into dis- tinct lots. In May, 1692, it was vested with town privileges. By Joshua's will, the lands in the town of Mansfield, no less than those in Windham, were given. The settlements, at both places, com- menced about 1686, nearly at the same time. Canterbury origi- nally belonged to the town of Windham,^ though it was some years after made a distinct town. The township of Windham comprises a fine tract of land, nearly ten miles square. Its situation is pleasant, and it is now one of the principal towns in the state.' Count Frontenac, finding that he could not, with all his arts, accomplish a peace with the five nations, determined on the de- struction of the Mohawks, who, of all the Indians, had been by far the most destructive to the settlements in Canada. He collected an army of six or seven hundred French and Indians, and, hav- ing supplied them with every thing necessary for a winter cam- paign, sent them against the Mohawk castles. They began their march from Montreal on the 15th of January, 1693. After suffer- ing incredible hardships, they fell in with the first Mohawk castle, about the 6th of February. The Mohawks were entirely secure, not having the least intimation of their approach. The enemy took four or five men at this castle, and proceeded to the second. At this they were equally successful. A great part of the inhabi- tants were at Shenectady, and the rest were perfectly secure. When they advanced to the third castle, they found about forty warriors, collected at a war dance, as they designed the next day to go upon an enterprise against their enemies. A conflict ensued, in which the French, after Iciing about thirty men, were victori- ' This palpable error is corrected by a itatement of the author himself at page 405, where he correctly states that the town of Canterbury was oricinally a part of Plainfield.-J. T. ^ Mr. John Gates, one of the first planters, a gentleman from England, who died July i6th, 1697, by his last will, gave a generous legacy, in plate, to the church. He also gave two hundred acres of land for the use of a school, and two hundred more for the use of the poor of the town forever. Windham was made a county town in May, 1726. The grand list, in 1768, was about ;^30,ooo, and the number of inhabitants 3,500. 14*1 ,■« h- ! ■r • I'll r t h i -i!i 3*8 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [«693 ft* ' H OU8, and the third castle was taken. The French, in this descent, captivated nearly three hundred of the allied Indians, principally women and children. The brave colonel Schuyler, of Albany, at the head of a party of volunteers, of about two hundred English and Dutch, pursued them. On the 15th of February, he was joined with about three hundred Indians, and, with this force, he fell in with the enemy, whom he found in a fortified camp. They made three successive sallies upon the colonel, and were as often repulsed. He kept his ground, waiting for provisions and a rein- forcement from Albany. Meanwhile, the enemy, taking advan- tage of a severe snow storm, on the night of the i8th, marched of! for Canada. The next day, captain Sims, with eighty regular troops, arrived with provisions for the army, and the day following the colonel resumed the pursuit. The French, however, luckily finding a cake of ice across the north branch of Hudson's river, made their escape. Nevertheless, they were so pressed, that they suffered most of their captives to escape. They all, except nine or ten, returned. Colonel Schuyler lost eight of his party, four christians, and four Indians. He had fourteen wounded. Ac- cording to the report of the captives, the enemy lost forty men, three of whom were French officers, and two were Indian leaders ; and they had thirty wounded. The Indians found about thirty corpses of the enemy, whom they scalped, and afterwards roasted and ate them, as they were exceedingly pinched for want of pro- visions.* While these affairs were transacting, dispatches were sent to Connecticut, acquainting governor Treat, that the French had in- vaded his majesty's territories, and taken the fortresses of his allies. A demand was made of two hundred men, complete in their arms, to march forthwith to Albany. \ special assembly was called on the 21st of February, 1693, and it was ordered, that one hundred and fifty men should be sent immediately to Albany, or any other place where the governor should judge to be most for his majesty's interest. Fifty of the troops marched for Albany the next day. Scarcely had the assembly dispersed, before another express ar- rived, from Sir William Phipps, requiring a corps of a hundred English men, and fifty Indians, to assist in the defence of the east- em settlements, in the province of Maine and Massachusetts. On the 6th of March, another special assembly was convened, and the legislature granted a captain's company of sixty English men, and about forty Indians, under the command of captain William Whit- ing. Major-general Fitz John Winthrop was chosen magistrate at the election, May i ith, which was the only alteration made among the magistrates this year. > Governor Fletcher's letter, on file. [1693 t descent, Tincipally Ubany, at 1 English ^ he was force, he ip. They e as often id a rein- \g advan- irched off Y regular following r, luckily n's river, that they >t nine or rty, four ed. Ac- »rty men, t leaders ; ut thirty s roasted It of pro- i sent to h had in- '.s of his e in their ry, 1693, 1 be sent fovernor ty of the press ar- hundred the east- tts. On and the nen, and m Whit- 3trate at : among 1693] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 339 P The general court ordered a letter to be addressed to the gov- ernor of Massachusetts, once more desiring him and that colony amicably to join with Connecticut in running the partition line be- tween the two colonies. William Pitkin, Esq. Mr. Samuel Ches- ter, and captain William Whiting, were appointed a committee to run the line. They had instructions to begin, according to the ex- press words of the patent of Massachusetts, three miles south of every part of Charles river, and thence to run to the westernmost bounds of Symsbury. Colonel Benjamin Fletcher, governor of New- York, who had arrived at the seat of his government, August 29th, 1692, had re- ceived a commission entirely inconsistent with the charior rir'hts and safety of the colonies. He was vested v ith plenary power' of commanding the whole militia of Connect'' i it an 1 the neighi.or- ing provinces. He insisted on the command of the militi: of Con- necticut. As this was expressly given to the colony, by charter, the legislature would not submit to his requisition. They, how- ever, judged it expedient to refer it to the freemen, whether th ., would address a petition to his majesty, praying for the contir ance of the militia in the power of the colony, according to uclr charter, and for the continuance and preservation of r!' their cha - tered rights and privileges. There were 2,180 pe iori: or suf- frages for addressing his majesty, and the freemen leclared, that they would bear their proportionable charge with the rest of the colony, in prosecuting the affair to a final issue. At a special assembly, September ist, 1693, the court appointed a petition to be drafted, to be presented to his majesty, king Will- iam, on the subject. Major-general Fitz John Wint lop was ap- pointed agent to present the petition, and employ his best en- deavours for the confirmation of all the chartered privileges of the colony. He was desired, as soon as possible, to take his passage to England, and, upon his arrival there, to lay the business, as ex- peditiously as might be, before his majesty, and prosecute the af- fair to an issue, with all convenient diSj \*rh. He was instructed to make a full :■ ;• ':sentation of the great hardships, expense, and dangers of the inhabitants, in planting and defending the colony; and that these had been borne wholly by themselves, without any assis':riice from the parent country: That it would endanger and ri": the colony, if the militia should be taken from it, and commanded by strangers at the distance of New- York and Boston : That it would wholly incapacitate them to defend themselves, their wives, and children: That before they could obtain instructions, from such a distance, upon any sudden emergency, the colony might be depopulated and ruined : That a stranger, at a distance, might not agree with the governor and council in employing the militia for the defence of the property, lives, and liberties of the subjects; and that the life and support of i I ■f ■[ ' 1^1' Sf. 330 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1693 I F the laws, and the very existence of their civil constitution de- pended on the militia. He was also instructed further to represent the state of the militia of Connecticut, with respect to its differ- ence from that of the militia of England: That, from the scat- tered state and small number of the inhabitants, it had been neces- sary, that all males, from sixteen years of age, should belong to the militia, and be made soldiers, so that if the militia were taken from the colony, there would be none left but magistrates, ministers, physicians, aged and infirm people, to defend their extensive sea coasts and frontiers; and that giving the command of the militia to the governor of another colony, was, in effect, to put their per- sons, interests, and liberties entirely into his power. The agent was, also, directed to represent the entire satisfaction of the colony with the present government, and the great advantages resulting from it: That giving the command of the militia to the governor of another province, would exceedingly endanger, if not entirely destroy, that general contentment, and all the advantages thence arising to his majesty and his subjects: That out of three thousand freemen in the colony, two thousand and two hundred actually met, and gave their suffrages for the present address ; and that the greatest part of the other eight hundred were for it, but were, by their particular occasions, prevented from attending at the respective meetings, when the suffrages were taken : That the inhabitants were universally for the revolution; and that, in the whole colony, there were not more than four or five malcontents. The agent was charged to assure his majesty, that the militia should be improved with the utmost prudence and faithfulness, for his majesty's service, in the defence of the frontiers of Massa- chusetts and New- York; and to lay before him what the colony had already done; especially for the province of New- York, in their late distressed condition : That for its defence, and the se- curing of the five nations, in his majesty's interest, they had ex- pended more than three thousand pounds, and lost a number of their men. Further, general Winthrop was directed, '^ far as might be judged expedient, to plead the rights gran in the charter, especially that of commanding the militia, and the com- mon usage, ever since the grant of ihe charter, for a long course of years. Sir William Phipps, governor of Massachusetts, had, on his ap- pointment to that office, received a commission of the same tenor of governor Fletcher's. As the colony had not fully complied with his requisitions, it was expected that the agent would be interro- gated upon that head. He was instructed, in that case, to reply, that Sir William never came into the colony, nor acted upon his commission, any further, than to give a copy of it, and to inquire who were the officers of the militia: That the governor and com- pany had a prior commission, by charter, and that they could by b^93 1693] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 331 no means give it up, until the affair had been laid before his majesty. The colony wished to serve his majesty's interest, and, as far as possible, consistently with their chartered rights, to maintain a good understanding with governor Fletcher. William Pitkin, Esq. was, therefore, sent to New- York, to treat and make terms with him respecting the militia, until his majesty's pleasure should be further known. But no terms could be made with him short of an explicit submission of the militia to his command. On the 26th of October, he came to Hartford, while the assem- bly were sitting, and, in his majesty's name, demanded their sub- mission of the militia to his command, as 'they would answer it to his majesty; and that they would give him a speedy answer in one word, Yes, or No. He subscribed himself his majesty's lieutenant, and commander in chief of the militia, and of all the forces by sea or land, and of all the forts and places of strength in the colony of Connecticut.* He ordered the militia of Hartford under arms, that he might beat up for volunteers. It was judged expedient to call the trainbands in Hartford together; but the assembly in- sisted, that the command of the militia was expressly vested, by charter, in the governor and company ; and that they could, by no means, consistently with their just rights and the common safety, resign it into any other hands. They insinuated, that his demands were an invasion of their essential privileges, and subversive of their constitution. Upon this, colonel Bayard, by his excellency's command, sent a letter into the assembly, declaring, that his excellency had no design upon the civil rights of the colony; but would leave them, in all respects, as he found them. In the name of his excellency, he tendered a commission to governor Treat, empowering him to command the militia of the colony. He declared, that his excel- lency insisted, that they should acknowledge it an essential right, inherent in his majesty, to command the militia; and that he was determined not to set his foot out of the colony until he had seen his majesty's commission obeyed : That he would issue his proc- lamation, showing the means he had taken to give ease and satis- faction to his majesty's subjects of Connecticut, and that he would distinguish the disloyal from the rest." The assembly, nevertheless, would not give up the command of the militia; nor would governor Treat receive a commission from colonel Fletcher. The trainbands of Hartford assembled, and, as the tradition is, while captain Wadsworth, the senior officer, was walking in front of the companies, and exercising the soldiers, colonel Fletcher oru?red his commission and instructions to be read. Captain Wadsworth instantly commanded, " Beat the drums; " and there I Governor Fletcher's letter, on file. " Colonel Bayard's letter on file. iu M '».i : 11 1'lifl im 332 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1694 s4- ' was such a roaring of them that nothing else could be heard. Colonel Fletcher commanded silence. But no sooner had Bayard made an attempt to read again, than Wadsworth commands, " Drum, drum, I say." The drummers understood their business, and instantly beat up with all the art and life of which they were masters. " Silence, silence," says the colonel. No sooner was there a pause, than Wadsworth speaks with great earnestness, " Drum, drum, I say; " and turning to his excellency, said, " If I am interrupted again I will make the sun shine through you in a moment." He spoke with such energy in his voice and mean- ing in his countenance, that no further attempts were made to read or enlist men. Such numbers of people collected together, and their spirits appeared so high, that the governor and his suit judged it expedient, soon to leave the town and return to New- York. The assembly granted 500 pounds, to support major general Winthrop in his agency at the court of Great-Britain. On the 7th of February, 1694, a special assembly was called, in consequence of a letter from king William relative to the for- tifying of Albany. In compliance with his majesty's requisition, the assembly granted 600 pounds, to be paid into the hands of colonel Fletcher, for the defence of Albany. A rate of one penny on the pound was levied to raise the money.^ For the defence of the plantations in New- York, and the towns upon the river, in the county of Hampshire, the assembly ordered, that the commissioned officers, who were the nearest to the places, which should, at any time, be attacked, should dispatch immediate succours to them. Provision was also made that the several de- tachments of the militia should be furnished with all articles neces- sary for their marching, in any emergency, upon the shortest notice. Major general Winthrop made a safe arrival in England, and presented the petition, with which he had been entrusted, to his majesty. A statement of the case of Connecticut was drawn and laid before the king. In this, besides the facts stated in the in- structions of Mr. Winthrop, it was alleged, that in the charter, granted by king Charles, the command of the militia was, in the most express and ample manner, given to the colony; and that the governor had always commanded it for the common safety : That in the charter there was a clause for the most beneficial construc- tion of it for the corporation; and another of non obstante to all statutes repugnant to said grant. It was stated, that whoever commanded the persons in a colony would also command their purse, and be the governor of the colony: That there was such a connection between the civil authority and the command of th-- > The ratable polls in the colony were, at this time, about 2,347, and the gran^ [i694 36 heard, d Bayard itnmands, business, hey were oner was nestness, said, " If )ugh you nd mean- made to together, d his suit to New- r general IS called, the for- quisition, hands of ne penny he towns ordered, le places, nmediate veral de- les neces- shortest land, and ;d, to his 'awn and n the in- ! charter, IS, in the 1 that the ty: That :onstruc- nte to all whoever md their vas such id of th', 1 the gran-* 1694] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 333 militia, that one could not subsist without the other: That it was designed to govern the colonies, in America, as nearly as might be, in conformity to tKe la\/s of England. And that the king and his lieutenants could not draw out all the militia of a county; but a certain part only, in proportion to its numbers and wealth. It was therefore pleaded, that governor Fletcher's commission ought to be construed with the same restriction: That were not the command of the king and his lieutenants restricted, by acts of parliament, the subjects could not be free; and that, for the same reason, governor Fletcher's command ought to be restrained, by the laws of Connecticut, so far as they were not repugnant to the laws of England. It was further stated, that it was impossible for governor Fletcher so well to judge of the dispositions and abilities of each town and division in Connecticut, or be so much master of the affections of the people, in time of need, as those who dwelt among them and had been chosen to command them ; and therefore he could not be so well qualified for the local and ordinary command of the militia; nor serve the interests of his majesty, or the colony, in that respect, so satisfactorily and effect- ually as its own officers.^ His majesty's attorney and solicitor general, gave their opinion in favor of Connecticut's commanding the militia; and on the 19th of April, 1694, his majesty in council determined according to the report which they had made.' The quota of Connecticut, during the war, was fixed at one hundred and twenty men, to be at the command of governor Fletcher, and the rest of the militia to be commanded, as had been usual, by the governor of Con- necticut. Upon the solicitations of governor Fletcher and Sir William Phipps, agents and a number of troops were sent to attend a treaty with the Five Nations. The expense of it to the colony was about 400 pounds. A committee was appointed again, in the May session, to run the partition line between Connecticut and Massachusetts. Mas- sachusetts was invited to join with them, but as the court refused, the committee of Connecticut, by the direction of the assembly, ran the line without them. In October, 1695, the general assem- bly renewed their application to the general court of Massachu- setts, intreating them to unite amicably in running the boundary line, or to agree to it, as it had been run by Connecticut. They acquainted them how it ran, what encroachments they had made upon the colony, and how they injured it, by declining a mutual and friendly settlement of the line. However they insisted upon the old line, run by Woodward and Saffery, and would take no measures to accommodate the difference. At the court of election, May, 1696, Eleazar Kimberly was • Statement on file. » Appendix No. XXIV. m m i .'pa ■'I 334 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1693 '■ *■; 1)1 §' \rn nm chosen secretary. Upon the requisition of governor Fletcher, a company of sixty men were ordered to Albany, under the com- mand of captain William Whiting. Forty dragoons were also forwarded to the county of Hampshire, for the security of the inhabitants in that part of Massachusetts. About this time, the town of Danbury was incorporated. The whole number of families was twenty four. At the general court, May 13, 1697, colonel Hutchinson and captain Byfield were sent from Boston, to solicit the raising of such a number of troops as should enable Massachusetts to at- tack the eastern enemy, at their head quarters. The legislature judged themselves unable to furnish such a number, as would be necessary for that purpose, in addition to the troops they must raise for the defence of their own frontiers, of New- York, and the county of Hampshire. The court agreed to furnish a party of about sixty Englishmen and forty Indians, to range the woods, near the walk of the enemy, and to defend the frontiers of the county of Hampshire. At a general assembly, January 226, 1698, an alteration was made in the cot.^titution of the county court. It was enacted, that it should consist of one chief judge and four justices of the quorum, in each county, appointed by the assembly. Major-general Fitz John Winthrop, having returned from his successful agency at the court of Great-Britain, was received with great joy, by the legislature and the people in general. The as- sembly presented him with their thanks for the good services he had rendered to the government; and as a further testimonial of the high sense which they entertained of his merit, fidelity, and labours for the public, they voted him a gratuity of three hundred pounds. On the i8th of June, 1697, Richard, earl of Bellomont, received his commission to be governor of New- York and Massachusetts ; and was, at this time, every day expected at New- York. The general court of Connecticut were desirous of honouring his maj- esty, by an exhibition of all proper respect and complaisance to his governor; and, at the same time, they wished to conciliate the good graces of so important a character. They, therefore, appointed general Winthrop, major Jonathan Sillick, and the Rev. Gurdon Saltonstall, upon the first notice of his arrival at New- York, to wait upon him, and, in the name of the general assembly of Connecticut, to congratulate his excellency upon his safe arrival at the seat of government. The earl arrived at New- York the 2d of April, 1698. The committee appointed to wait on him, were gentlemen of a good appearance and elegant man- ners ; and they presented their congratulations with such dignity and address, as not only did honour to themselves and the colony, but highly pleased his excellency. Mr. Saltonstall was particu- [1693 1698] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 33S larly noticed by the earl, as appearing the most like a nobleman of any person he had ever seen before in America. Notwithstanding the determination of lieutenant-governor Cranfield, and his majesty's commissioners, and the report to his majesty concerning the right of Connecticut to the Narraganset country, the controversy between Connecticut and Rhode-Island still continued. It was not the king's pleasure to confirm the judgment and report of his commissioners. The Rhode-Island- ers, though they had violated every article of the agreement be- tween Mr. Winthrop and Mr. Gark, yet were ready to plead it against Connecticut, whenever it would suit their turn. A letter from the lords of trade and plantations was laid before the as- sembly, advising Connecticut to a settlement of boundaries with that colony. Upon this recommendation, the general court ap- pointed major James Fitch, captain Daniel Witherell, and the Rev. James Noyes, commissioners to treat with Rhode-Island, and, by all means in their power, to attempt an amicable settle- ment. The peace of Riswick, September nth, 1697, once more deliv- ered Great-Britain and her colonies from the calamities of war. The Americans rejoiced at the return of peace. Connecticut had been happy in the preservation of her frontiers, in the loss of few men, and in the effectual aid which she had given to her sister colonies. Nevertheless, thi: war had been very expensive, and exceedingly vexatious. The whole amount of taxes, during the war, was about twenty pence on the pound. By the close of the year 1695, the colony had expended 7,oool. in the defence of Al- bany, and the frontiers of the county of Hampshire, in Massachu- setts; exclusive of the expedition against Canada, under major- general Winthrop. This cost the colony more than 3,0001. The expense of the troops sent to the eastward, to the defence of that part of New-England, is also excluded. It is probable that the remaining years of the war cost about 2,oool. The whole expense of the war probably considerably exceeded i2,oool.* The expense of Mr. Winthrop's agency, and the trouble re- specting the militia, were very considerable. Governor Fletcher made the colony much unnecessary trouble and expense. Upon almost every rumour of danger, he would send on his expresses to Connecticut ; and the governor and coun- cil, and sometimes the assembly, were obliged to meet, and dis- patch troops to one place and another. Often, by the time they had marched, orders would come to recall them. By the time they were returned, some new and groundless alarm would be made, and pressing orders sent on for them forthwith to march again. In this manner, he almost wore out the governor and ' The accounts, to the close of the year '95, are particularly stated, time, they do not appear to be ascertained. After that li • M'l 336 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [i6()8 council with meetings, and beyond measure harassed the militia, and occasioned great trouble, and expense of time and money, both to the soldiers and officers. The whole colony was so troubled with his vexatious management, that the governor wrote to Mr. Winthrop, while he was in England, desiring him to repre- sent his conduct to his majesty, and pray for relief. But the clouds were now dissipated. The successful agency of general Winthrop, his safe return to the arms of his country, the blessings of peace, and the appointment and arrival of the earl of Bellomont to the government of the neighbouring provinces, united their influence to diffuse universal joy. The legislature appointed a day of public thanksgiving, and the people, with glad hearts and voices, celebrated the beneficence and glories of their COMMON Benefactor. i t CHAPTER XVII. H h'l »». AT the election. May 12th, 1698, there was a considerable al- teration in the legislature. Major-general Fitz John Winthrop, by his address, and the success of his agency in England, had ren- dered himself so popular, that he was elected governor. The former governor. Treat, who had, for many years, presided, and who had grown old in the service of the colony, was elected dep- uty-governor; William Jones, Esq. who, for a number of years, had been deputy-governor, was left out of the council.^ Mr. Joseph Curtis was chosen magistrate, to fill the vacancy made by the preferment of general Winthrop. Until the session in October, 1698, the assembly consisted of but one house, and the magistrates and deputies appear to have acted together. But, at this time, it was enacted, that the General Assembly should consist of two houses: That the governor, or, in his absence, the deputy-governor and magistrates, should com- pose the first, which should be called the upper house: That the other should consist of the deputies, regularly returned from the > Deputy-governor Jones was son-in-law to governor Eaton. He brought over a good estate from England, and made a settlement at New-Haven. He was, for the term of about six and thirty years, either magistrate or deputy-governor of the col- ony of New-Haven or Connecticut. In 1602, he was chosen magistrate for the colony of New-Haven. Two years after, he was elected deputy-governor. Upon the union, in 1665, he was chosen one of the magistrates of Connecticut, in which office he served until July 9th, 1691, when the assembly elected him deputy-gov- ernor. In May, 1692, he was chosen to the same office by the freemen. He was annually re-chosen, until May lath, 1698. At that period he was about 74 years of age, and retired from public business. He died October 17th, 1706, aged 82 years. The General Assembly vras sitting at New-Haven, at the time of his decease, and voted, " That in consideration of the many good services, for many years done by that honored and religious gentleman, Mr. William Jones, then deceased, a sum should be paid out of the treasury towards defraying the charges of his funeral." 1698] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 337 several towns in the colony, which should be called the lower house. This house was authorised to choose a speaker to preside, and when formed, to make such officers and rules as they should judge necessary for their own regulation. It was also enacted, that no act should be passed into a law of this colony, nor any law, already enacted, be repealed, nor any other act, proper to this General Assembly, be passed, except by the consent of both houses. At the general court, in October, an act passed, regulating the county court. It ordained, that it should consist of one chief judge, and two justices of the quorum. On May nth, 1699, the governor and deputy-governor were re- elected. Richard Christopher was chosen into the magistracy, and captain Joseph Whiting, treasurer. At this session, the lower house, for the first time, formed sep- arately, and caose Mr. John Chester speaker, and captain William Whiting clerk. This assembly passed an act exempting the clergy from taxation. Several acts were also passed, relative to the set- tlement of new townships. In June, 1659, governor Winthrop obtained liberty oi the as- sembly, to purchase a large tract at Quinibaug. Soon after he made a purchase of AUups, alias Hyemps, and Mashaushawit, the native proprietors, of the lands comprised in the townships of Plainfield and Canterbury, lying on both sides of Quinibaug river. There were a small number of families on the lands, at the time of the purchase; but the planters were few, until the year 1689, when a number of people, chiefly from Massachusetts, made a purchase of the heirs of governor Winthrop, and began settle- ments in the northern part of the tract. At their session, in May, 1699, the General Assembly vested the inlabitants with town priv- ileges. The next year, it was named Plainfield. The legislature, in the October session, 1698, enacted, that a new plantation should be made at Jeremy's farm. It was deter- mined, that it should be bounded southerly on Lyme, westerly on Middletown, and easterly on Norwich and Lebanon. This was most commonly termed the plantation at twenty mile river. The settlement began about 1701. In 1703, the assembly gave the planters a patent, confirming to them the whole tract. Some of the principal planters, were the Rev. John Bulkley, Samuel Gilbert, Michael Tainter, Samuel Northam, John Adams, Joseph Pomeroy, and John Loomis. At the same session, a plantation was granted, upon the peti- tion of the inhabitants of Guilford, at a place called Cogingchaug. It was bounded northerly on Middletown, easterly on Haddam, westerly on Wallingford, and southerly on Guilford. The peti- tioners were thirty-one, but few of them moved on to the lands. For this reason, the settlement went on very slowly. The two Bl ' lii i 1 f/i. ' 1 1 ii 338 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [»7oo first planters, were Caleb Seward and David Robinson, from Guilford. Some others afterward removed from the same town, and made settlements there. May nth, 1704, it was named Dur- ham. But the whole number of inhabitants was very small. In 1707, the number of families was no more than fifteen. The in- habitants held meetings, and acted as a town, but were not in- corporated with town privileges, until May, 1708. After this time, the plantation increased rapidly. There was a great accession of inhabitants from Northampton, Stratford, Milford, and other towns. Committees were again appointed, at the session in October, to attempt a settlement of the boundaries between Massachusetts and Connecticut, and between this colony and Rhode-Island. However, like all former ones, they were unsuccessful. March 28th, 1700, his majesty, king William, in council, was pleased to confirm the agreement made between Connecticut and New-York, in 1683, respecting the boundary line between the two colonies. New- York neglected, however, to run the line. Connect- icut, therefore, about twelve years after, applied to governor Hun- ter, to appoint commissioners to complete the running of the line, and mark it with proper bounds. He laid the affair before the legislature of New- York: but, as they would adopt no measures for that purpose, and, as there was no appearance that they de- signed it, Connecticut presented a petition to his majesty king George the first, praying that he would issue his royal commands to his government of New- York, that they should forthwith ap- point commissioners, in concert with Connecticut, to complete the running of the line, and the erecting of proper monuments. In consequence of this, the legislature of New- York, in 17 19, passed an act empowering their governor to appoint commission- ers to run the line parallel to Hudson's river, to re-survey the former lines, and to distinguish the boundary. In May, 1725, the commissioners and surveyors of the two colonies, met at Green- wich, and, having agreed upon the manner in which the work should be accomplished, the survey was executed, in part, imme- diately, and a report of what they had done, was made to the respective legislatures of Connecticut and New- York. On the 14th of May, 1731, a complete settlement was made. By the par- tition line, finally established, Connecticut ceded to New- York a tract of 60,000 acres, as an equivalent for lands which New- York had surrendered to Connecticut, lying upon the sound. This tract, from its figure, has been called the Oblong. In 1700, the governor and council were all re-elected. Many acts of violence, since the last session of the assembly, had been committed against the inhabitants of Windsor and Sims- bury, by the people of Enfield and Suffield. They had made en- croachments two miles upon the land of those towns, beyond all I 1,1 1700] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 339 former instances. Great animosities subsisted between those towns on the account of the encroachments and damages, which the inhabitants of Connecticut suffered by them. To compose these difficulties, if possible, the assembly appoint- ed William Pitkin, Esq. Mr. John Chester, and Mr. William Whit- ing, a committee, with plenary powers, to address the general court of Massachusetts, and to represent to them the readiness of the legislature of Connecticut, to join with them in any just measures, for an amicable settlement of the boundary line. The court of Massachusetts appointed colonel Hutchinson, Mr. Tay- lor, Mr. Anthrum, and Mr. Prout, a committee, but with limited powers, to find the southernmost line of Massachusetts, run by Nathaniel Woodward and Solomon Saffery. The general court, also, on the 5th of June, passed an act, in answer to the proposal made by Connecticut, in which they insisted on the line run by Woodward and Saflfery. These were termed skilful and approved artists. The court also, in their act, insisted, that all grants, made by them to the inhabitants of Woodstock, or of any other place, should remain good and valid to the grantees, though the places should be found south of the line of Massachusetts. To these hard terms the committee conceded, upon the condition, that all the grants made by Connecticut, to the inhabitants of Windsor anr* Simsbury, should be acknowledged as valid, and the land granted be reserved to the proprietors. But the court of Massa- chusetts would not concede even this. No accommodation could therefore be effected. The general court of Massachusetts determined to rely upon, and maintain the line run by their sailors, in 1642. They insisted that it had been the boundary between the colonies, for nearly sixty years: that the colony of Connecticut was bounded on the south line of Massachusetts, which they said was not an imag- inary, but well known line. They pleaded, that Mr. Winthrop, when he procured the charter, knew that to be the line, and that no other could be intended. Connecticut, on the other hand, maintained, that the south line of Massachusetts, according to the express words of their charter, was a line running due west from a point, or station, three miles south of every part of Charles river; and that the station fixed by Woodward and Saff ery was too far south. It was also insisted, that, even allowing Woodward's and Saflfery's station to be right, a due west line from it would run far north of Bissell's ferry house at Windsor. The committee, appointed by the court of Massa- chusetts, reported, that the line would run north of Bissell's house; yet the court of Massachusetts would not run the line, nor come to any accommodation; but insisted on the line as it had been run by them, in 1642, and on Connecticut's ceding their rights 1 I 1 i! 3"f'f I' ' *' 7:-^f w^u^^;«?»/1ff42E*' - ' i ^ '' ! 1 PlJ II .l! 'I i P' ' ii ii Ii 340 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1700 to all the lands which they had granted, whether they lay north ur south of said line.^ Though Colchester held their lands from the colony, which claimed by virtue of Uncas's deed in 1640, major Mason's pur- chase, in behalf of the colony, and surrender of the lands in the presence of the general assembly, and by virtue of Joshua's will ; and though the inhabitants had deeds from Owaneco, and the Moheagan sachems, covering the whole tract, yet they met with great diiKculties, in the settlement of the town, from Owaneco and the Moheagans, who were made uneasy, and stirred up to mischief, by designing men. The Masons, Daniel Clark, Nicho- las Hallam, major Palms, major Fitch, and others, about this time, conceived the plan of obtaining a large tract of land, com- prising Colchester, part of Lyme, and New- London, Plainfield. Canterbury, and Windham, for themselves. They imagined, that the surrender of major Mason, in the general assembly, was not legal, and that the circumstances of those early transactions were so far obliterated from the memory of the living, that they should be able to recover, in law, all the lands made over, by Uncas, to major Mason, acting as agent of the colony in 1659. The legislature, though they viewed their title to the lands in the colony legal and indubitable, yet judged it expec'ient, rather than to have any difficulty with the Indians, to treat with them, and make them easy. The governor and council were appointed a committee for these purposes. They were instructed to obtain a quit claim of the Indians upon reasonable terms, and to advise the inhabitants, with respect to their settlements. Captain Samuel Mason, who was one of the magistrates, was particularly desired to use his influence with the Indians to promote the design, and quiet the planters. From the first settlement of the colony, it had been customary to make grants of land to officers, soldiers, and others, who had been specially serviceable to the colony. Grants had been made to major Mason, to his officers and soldiers, in the Pequot war. This encouraged the volunteers, who had performed such signal feats in the Narraganset war, to make application to the assembly, for the grant of a new township, as an acknowledgment of their good services. Upon the petition of captain Thomas Leffingwell, of Norwich, and Mr. John Frink, of Stonington, in behalf of them- selves and other volunteers, the general assembly, in October, 1696, granted them a township of six miles square, to be taken up in the conquered lands. A committee having surveyed the lands and made their report to the assembly, four years after, a township was confirmed to the petitioners, by the name of Vol- untown. It was bounded by a due north line, from the pond at ' Records of Connecticut, acts and letters on file. M 1701] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 341 the head of Pawcatuck river, to Greenwich path, thence west to the bounds of Preston, thence bounded by Preston and Stoning- ton to Pawcatuck river, and thence by the river to the pond, the first mentioned bounds. Nineteen years after, the assembly granted an addition of a considerable tract on the north part of the township. In May, 1701, governor Winthrop and deputy governor Treat were re-chosen. The magistrates were Andrew Leet, James Fitch, Samuel Mason, Daniel Witherel, Nathaniel Stanley, Moses Mans- field, John Hamlin, Nathan Gould, William Pitkin, Joseph Curtis, John Chester, and Josiah Rossiter, Esquires. Joseph Whiting, Esq. was re-elected treasurer, and Eleazar Kimberly, secretary. Ever since the union of the colonies, the assembly had con- vened at Hartford, both in May and October; but, at this ses- sion, an act passed, that the assembly, in October, should be holden, at the usual time, in New-Haven. It was also enacted, that the cc art of magistrates, which had been commonly holden at Hartford, in October, should, for the future, be holden at New- Haven, on the first Tuesday of the same month. A respectable committee was appointed again, this year, to make a settlement of the boundary line with Rhode-Island, and committees were appointed, from year to year, for the same purpose, but all at- tempts, for a long time, were unsuccessful. The election in May, 1702, made no alteration in the legislature. The inhabitants of Windham having agreed upon a division of that town, on the 30th of January, 1700, the assembly, at this session, confirmed the agreement, and enacted that Windham should be divided into two towns, and that the town at the north end should be called Mansfield. The next May, the assembly vested them with distinct town privileges. Patents were granted, at the same time, to both townships. The Indian name of Mans- field, was Nawbesetuck. Settlements were made here soon after they commenced at Windham. Danbury had been surveyed for a town in 1693, soon after a plantation was made upon the lands. Some of the principal planters were James Beebe, Thomas Taylor, Samuel and James Benedict, John Hoit, and Josiah Starr. The general court at this session, gave them a patent, granting them a township extending eight miles in length, north and south, and six miles in breadth, according to the original survey. In October, the general assembly was holden at New-Haven. The colony having received intelligence of the demise of king William, and a gracious letter from queen Anne, voted, that a letter should be addressed to her majesty, congratulating her upon her happy accession to the throne of her ancestors, and express- ing their thanks for the favorable notice she had taken of the colony. iif I i\ 'k\ "f1 If Ijl HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1703 "■■ . % ■ ^g It ! J * '*^.., I' 1 The only alteration made, by the election, in May, 1703, was the choice of Peter Burr, Esq. into the magistracy. At this assembly, an addition was made to the town of New- London of all that tract, lying north of the former bounds, in- cluded in a line drawn from the northeastern corner of Lyme, to the southwestern corner of Norwich, as it goes down to trading cove. A patent was, at the same time, given to the inhabitants, confirming this and all other parts of the town to them forever. At the same session, it was enacted, that all the townships in this colony, to which the assembly had given patents, should re- main a full and clear estate, with all the privileges and immunities therein granted, in fee simple to the proprietors, their heirs and assigns forever. It was also enacted, that all lands sequestered, and given to public or private uses, should remain forever, for the ends for which they had been given. Queen Anne, the emperor of Germany, and the States General, in May, 1702, declared war against France and Spain. Conse- quently the American colonies were again involved in a French and Indian war. The legislature, at the session in October, 1703, found it necessary to adopt measures for the safety of the country. A requisition was made, by governor Dudley, and the general court of Massachusetts, of a detachment of a hundred men, to assist them in the war against the eastern Indians. Soldiers were detached and sent forth for the defence of the western towns in Connecticut. A committee of war was appointed to send troops into the county of Hampshire, in Massachusetts, and to the fron- tier towns in this colony, as emergencies should require. At this assembly, it was enacted, that the town of Plainfield should be divided, and that the inhabitants on the west ^de of the river should be a distinct town, by the name of Canterbury. It seems, that the settlement of this tract commenced about the year 1690. The principal settlers, from Connecticut, were major James Fitch and Mr. Solomon Tracy, from Norwich, Mr. Tixhall Ells- worth and Mr. Samuel Ashley, from Hartford; but much the greatest number was from Newtown, Woburn, Dorchester, Barn- stable, and Medfield, in Massachusetts. Among these were John, Richard, and Joseph Woodward, William, Obadiah, and Joseph Johnson, Josiah and Samuel Cleaveland, Elisha Paine, Paul Dav- enport, and Henry Adams. On the 15th of March, 1704, a special assembly was convened to provide for the common safety. To prevent mischief from the friendly Indians, and preserve them from being corrupted and drawn away by the enemy, both the civil and military officers, in the respective towns, were directed to take special care of them ; to keep them within their own limits, and not to suffer them, upon their peril, to remove from the places which should be assigned them, nor to hold any correspondence with the enemy, or any «7«47 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 343 foreign Indians, nor by any meant to harbor them. A premium of ten pounds was proposed, as an encouragement to every friend- ly Indian, who should bring in and deliver up one who was an enemy. Orders were given, requiring every particular town, in the colony, to convene and determine upon the manner of fortifying and defending themselves. In case of any sudden attack or in- vasion, the commissioned officers, in the several towns, were au- thorised to detach and send forth any number of soldiers, not exceeding half the militia, to repel and pursue the enemy. It wai resolved, that a grand scout should be employed by the committee of war, upon the frontiers, for the discovery and annoyance of the enemy. Until this could be sent forth, it was determined, that small scouts, from the frontier towns, should be constantly kept out, to discover and give notice of the motions of the enemy. It was ordered, that the hundred men, solicited by the Massa- chusetts, should be raised forthwith, to act against the eastern Indians, and that governor Dudley should be requested to call them out immediately. A detachment of sixty men was ordered for the public service, principally with a view to the defence of the county of Hampshire. These were to be under the command of the committee of war in Connecticut, and the commanding offi- cer in that county. At the court of election, May, 1704, the former governors and magistrates were re-chosen. John Allen, Esq. was chosen mag- istrate, to fill the vacancy made by the death of Moses Mans- field, Esq. C(Hnmittees were appointed in the several counties to meet to- gether, to consult and determine upon the best measures for the general defence and safety. As the deserting or giving up of any place, would encourage the enemy, disserve her majesty's interefts, and the welfare of the colony, it was enacted, that if any persons or families, in any of the frontier towns, should desert their habitations or places of residence, without leave from the assembly, they should forfeit their freehold of lands and tenements in that place. It was fur- ther enacted, that if any male person, of the age of sixteen years, should so remove from any frontier town, he should pay a fine of ten pounds, and that the fine should be applied to the defence of the town from which he had removed. Good policy required, that as great a number of the friendly Indians as possible, should be employed in the public service. Gentlemen were, therefore, appointed to enlist them as volunteers. Good encouragements were given for this purpose. Indians were the best troops to scout and range the woods ; and in proportion as they offered themselves, Englishmen, whose labours were much more useful, were kept at home. ii« !•'! ,M m ',' » I 344 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. tt704 Besides the hundred men dispatched to the eastward, four hun- dred were raised for the defence of this colony, and of the county of Hampshire. They were required to be always ready. That they might be completely ready, both in summer and winter, to march immediately, upon any emergency, it was ordered, that they should be furnished with snow shoes, that they might travel and run upon the snow. A number of men in every town were obliged to prepare themselves in this manner.^ For the maintenance of good morals, the suppression of vicious and disorderly practices, and the preservation of the common peace, the assembly ordered, that a sober, religious man, be ap- pointed by the county court, in each of the counties, to be an attorney for her majesty, to prosecute all criminal offenders. The colony, at this time, was in the most critical situation. It was not only in danger, and put to g^eat expense, by reason of the war, to defend itself, but to still greater, to defend the neigh- bouring colonies of Massachusetts and New- York. It was con- tinually harassed by the demands of Joseph Dudley, Esq. gov- ernor of Massachusetts, and of lord Cornbury, governc of New- York and the Jerseys, for men and money, as they pretended for the defence of their respective governments. At the same time, the colony had a number of powerful enemies, who, by misrepresentation and every other artifice in their power, were seeking to deprive them both of their lands and all their chartered rights and privileges. Governor Dudley, lord Corn- bury, and their instruments, combined together to despoil the colony of its charter, and subject it entirely to their government. It appears, from the letters and acts on file, that Dudley wished to unite all New-England under his own government. At the same time, it seems, he flattered lord Cornbury, that, if they could effect the re-union of all the charter governments to the crown, he should not only have the government of the southern colonies, but of Connecticut. Dudley was a man of gfreat intrigue and duplicity, well versed in court affairs, and had powerful connec- tions in England. He had been connected with Sir Edmund An- dross in the government of New-England, and was an enemy to all the chartered rights of the colonies. While he was soliciting the government of Massachusetts, he had a view to the govern- ment of all New- England. As he had conceived this plan as early as the latter part of the reign of king William, he opposed what- ever he suspected would operate against it, and prevent the sus- pension of all government by charter. When he found, therefore, that Sir Henry Ashurst was appointed agent for Connecticut, about the beginning of the present century, he opposed his under- taking the agency with all his influence, because he knew his friendship to the colonies, and that he was a powerful man. He ' Records of the colony. m 1704] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. ms united all his influence with the court party, and the enemies to the liberties of the colonies, to vacate all the charters in America. He so far succeeded, that, in the latter part of the reign of king William, a bill was prepared for re-uniting all the charter gov- ernments to the crown. Early in the reign of queen Anne, it was brought into parliament. It imported, that the charters given to the several colonies in New-England, to East and West New- Jeniey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Carolina, the Bahama and Lucay islands, were prejudicial and repugnant to the trade of the king- dom, and the welfare of his majesty's subjects in the other planta- tions, and to his majesty's revenue arising from the customs. It also further alleged, that irregularities, piracies, and unlawful trade, were countenanced and encouraged by the authority in the chartered colonies. It therefore enacted, " That all and singular, the clauses, matters, and things, conta'ned in any charters, or letters patents, granted by the great seal of England, by any of his royal predecessors, by his present majesty, or the late queen, to any of the said plantations, or to any persons in them, should be utterly void, and of none effect. It further enacted, that all such power, authority, privileges, and jurisdictions, should be, and were re-united, annexed to, and vested in his majesty, his heirs and successors, in right of the crown of England, to all intents and purposes, as though no such charters or letters patent had been had or made." ^ Sir Henry Ashurst, viewing the act as unjust, and subversive of the civil and religious rights of the colony, preferred a petition to the lords spiritual and temporal in parliament assembled, rep- resenting that said bill would do great injustice to the inhabitants of Connecticut: That it would make void the charter granted to the colony by king Charles the second : That the government was, by said charter, grantea to them, and was so interwoven with their property, that it could not be taken away, without exposing them to the utmost confusion, if not to utter ruin: That the inhabitants had never been accused of mal-administration, pirati- cal or unlawful trade ; and that their case was different from his majesty's other plantations in America. He, therefore, humbly prayed to be heard, by his council, at the bar of the house, in their behalf.* In consequence of this, it was granted. May 3d, 1701, that the petitioner should be heard against the bill. Sir Henry was a faithful man, had honourable connections, and !iis influence at court was very considerable. He raised all the opposition to the passing of the bill in his power. Representa- tions were made, not only of the ample rights and privileges granted to Connecticut, by charter, but that they were granted for important considerations, and particular services performed: That the inhabitants, at great expense and danger, had purchased, ' Copy of the bill on file. '' Petition on file. I '^i 1 'I tf 1 I y ' u ^1 I J .m n '■■ -J, 4 346 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. (1704 subdued, and planted an extensive country; had defended it against the Dutch, French, and other enemies of the nation; had enlarged his majesty's dominions, and increased commerce: That the charter not only gave the inhabitants powers of government, but secured the title of their lands and tenements; and that, in these views, the passing of the bill would be an act of great in- justice; would be ruinous to the colony, and prejudicial to the general interest. It was insisted, that it would be still more arbi- trary and unjust, as the colony had not been even accused of mal- administration, piratical or illegal practices, or so much as heard on the subject. It was pleaded, that the colony had ever been loyal and obedient, and if any irregularities, or inadvertences should finally be found in the government, it would, on the first notice of it, undoubtedly be reformed. At the same time, the taking away of so many charters, was, at once, calculated to de- stroy all confidence in the crown, in royal patents and promises ; to discourage all further enterprise, in settling and defending the country; to create universal discontent and disaffection in the colonies; and to produce effects much more prejudicial to the nation, than any of those which were then matter of complaint. It would, also, afford a precedent most alarming to all the char- tered corporations in England. These various considerations op- erated so powerfully against the bill, that it could not be carried through the houses. Governor Dudley and lord Cornbury, however, were not dis- couraged. They determined to make a more open and powerful opposition to the charter rights of Connecticut. And they deter- mined, as much had been made of this argument, that Connecti- cut had never been accused of mal-administration, piracy, or any illegal trade, to remove it out of the way, by a direct impeachment of the colony of high misdemeanors. They were both powerful enemies. Governor Dudley was not only a man of great intrigue, but had a party at court, who were men of art and influence. Lord Cornbury was neai'ly related to her majesty, queen Anne, and had many noble connections, whose weight with her royal person and the com ' ''s not inconsiderable. Exclusive of these, the colony had ene^iies among themselves. Nicholas Hallam, major Palms, captain Mason, Daniel Clark, and others, had either appealed to England against the colony, or were scheming to possess themselves of large tracts of land, and, for that purpose, were encouraging the Moheagan controversy. Hallam had ap- pealed to England against the colony, and lost his case. The king, in council, had established the judgment given against him in the courts of Connecticut. Major Palms, who had married the daugh- ter of John Winthrop, Esq. the first governor of Connecticut, under the charter, had imagined himself injured by the adminis- trators on the governor's estate, and had brought an action against 1704] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 947 them. Losing his case before the courts in this colony, he had appealed to England. He was particularly irritated against the colony, and against his brother in law, Fitz John Winthrop, Esq. then governor of the colony. These malcontents all united their influence, by the grossest misrepresentations, and all other means in their power, to injure the colony in its most essential interests. Lord Cornbury was poor, and not unwilling, by any means, to get money. He had made a demand of four hundred and fifty pounds upon the colony, for the defence of New- York. Connecti- cut judged, that it was not their duty to comply with his demand, as their expenses already were as great as the colony was able to bear. Dudley and Cornbury, therefore, proceeded to draw up articles of complaint against the colony. Dudley employed one Bulkley to write against the government. He drew up a large folio book, which he termed the Doom or Miseries of Connecticut. In this, he not only exceedingly misrepresented and criminated the col- only, but expatiated on the advantages of a general governor of New-England, and highly recommended the government of .Sir Edmund Andross.^ Among other complaints, the principal articles particularly charged, were, summarily, these: That the governor did not ob- serve the acts of trade and navigation, but encouraged illegal commerce and piracy: That the colony was a receptacle of pi- rates, encouraged and harboured by the government: That the government harboured and protected soldiers, seamen, servants, and rnalefactors, who made their escape from other parts, and would not deliver them up, when demanded. It was, also, charged against the colony, that it harboured great numbers of young men, from Massachusetts and New- York, where they were obliged to pay taxes for the expenses of the war, and induced them to settle there, principally, because it imposed no taxes for that purpose: That the colony would not furnish their quota for the fortification of Albany and New- York, and the assistance of Massachusetts Bay, against the French and Indians: And that, if any of her majesty's subjects, of the other colonies, sued for debt, in any of the courts of the colony, no justice could be done them, if the debt were against any of its inhabitants. It was also charged, that Connecticut, under the colour of their charter, made capital laws; tried murders, robberies, and other crimes, and punished with death and banishment; and that their co'irts of judicature were arbitrary and unjust: That the legislature would not suffer the laws of England to be pleaded in their courts, unless it were to serve a turn for themselves: That they had refused to grant appeals to her majesty, in council, and had given great vexation to those who had demanded them: That the govern- ' Letter of Sir Henry Ashurst, on file. I '^p^' k!'' pi ^, 348 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 1 1 704 ment had refttsed to submit to her majesty, and to his royal high- nesses commission of vice admiralty, and for commanding its militia; and had defeated the powers which had been given to the governors of her majesty's neighbouring colonies, for that purpose. Finally, it was charged, that the legislature had made a law, that christians, who were not of their communion, should not meet to worship ""od, without license from their assembly, which law extended even to the church of England, as well as to christians of other denominations tolerated in England. While governor Dudley was thus attempting the ruin of the colony, in the court of England, he kept up the appearance of the most entire friendship towards it, in this country; and in a letter, of about the same date with his complaints, thanked the legislature for the great supplies which they had given him and the colony. The general assembly had a "nted the most respectable com- mittees, and taken g^eat pain& io> compromise all difficulties with Owaneco and the Moheagans; and though they had made re- peated purchases and obtained ample deeds of their lands, yet, rather than have any uneasiness among the Indians, they offered Owaneco such a sum of money, to make him easy, as was entirely satisfactory to him; bat Mason and the other malcontents, who wished to possess the Indian lands, would not suffer him to ac- cept it, and frustrated all attempts for an accommodation. While Mason and other enemies were practising their arts, in Cormecticut, Hallam, assisted by Dudley and his party, with other malcontents, on both sides of the water, was making gfriev- ous complaints, in England, of the injustice and cruelty of the colony towards Owaneco, in driving him from his lands, and de- priving the Moheagans even of their planting grounds. It was pretended, that, in the late grant and patent to the town of New- London, the legislature had conveyed away all his lands in that quarter, whereas particular care was taken, both in the grant and patent, to secure all the property and privileges of the Moheagans. The assembly had taken the most faithful and tender care of them, from the first settlement of the colony to that time. According to their agreement with major Mason, then deputy governor of the colony, when he resigned the Moheagan land to the assembly, they granted him a farm of five hundred acres, and it was laid out to him at a place called, by the Indians, Pomakuk. They had also reserved a fine tract of land, of between four and five thousand acres, to the Moheagans to plant on, which was much more than sufficient for that purpose. But the representations, which these evil minded men were constantly making to Owaneco and his people, at some times, made them uneasy, and some of them probably imagined, that they were really injured. At the same time, the affair ^yas so represented in England, as made impres- sions on the minds of many very unfavorable to the colony. I7043 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 349 In this situation of affairs, Hallam, assisted by the malcontents in England and America, preferred a complaint and petition to her majesty, queeri Anne, representing, that the sachems of the Moheagan tribe of Indians were the original and chief proprie- tors of all the lands in the colony: That they were a great people, and had received and treated the first planters in a peaceable and friendly manner: That, for an inconsiderable value, they had granted their lands to them, reserving to themselves a small parcel only for planting ground; and that the general assembly of Con- necticut had passed an act by which they had taken that from them, which, until that time, they had always enjoyed. For these reasons, it was prayed, that her majesty would appoint commis- sioners to examine into all these matters, and into all the other injuries and violences which had been done to the Moheagans, and to determine respecting them according to equity. Her majesty, imposed upon and deceived by these representa- tions, and not waiting to give the colony an opportunity to be heard, on the 19th of July, 1704, granted a commission to Joseph Dudley, Esq. the great enemy of the colony, Thomas Povey, Esq. lieutenant governor of Massachusetts, major Edward Palms, and others, to the number of twelve, authorizing them to hear and determine the whole affair, reserving liberty to either to appeal to her majesty in council. At the session in May, a respectable committee was appointed, with ample powers, to examine into all the complaints of Owaneco and the Moheagan Indians, and to report to the assembly in Oc- tober. The committee appointed time and place, and attempted to accomplish the business, for which they had been appointed; but captain Mason, whom Owaneco had chosen for his guardian, had art enough to frustrate the design. He made a journey to Boston, at the very time, and Owaneco would do nothing without him. In the mean time, the commission was granted by the queen, and the colony were unhappily drawn into a long and expensive controversy. The Masons claimed the lands purchased by their ancestor, deputy governor John Mason, by virtue of a deed given to him by Uncas, in 1659, while he acted as agent of the colony, and denied the legality of the surrender which he had made of them, in the general assembly, the next year. They insisted, that it respected nothing more than the jurisdiction right, and that the title to the soil was vested in their family, as guardians or over- seers of the Indians. While they pretended great concern for the Indians, their sole object was to hold all those lands, included in said deed, for themselves and others, who had united with them in prosecution of the aft'air against the colony. Sir Henry Ashurst, wishing to preserve the important privileges of the colony, had taken pains to postpone the hearing of the '-I 3SQ HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1705 ■iy;]! 1 t i •: I complaints against it, as far as possible, that the governor and company might have intelligence concerning them, and send their answer; but, on the 12th of February, 1705, the hearing came on, before her majesty in council. Governor Dudley and Lord Cornbury had spared no pains to carry their point before her majesty. Dudley had been careful to procure and lay before her an opinion of the attorney general, in king William's reign, " that he might send a governor to Connecticut." Further, to prepare the way for the decision which he wished, he procured another opinion of the attorney and solicitor general, respecting the case of Connecticut, as it then appeared, " that if it were as governor Dudley had represented, there was a defect in the government: That the colony was not able to defend itself, and in imminent danger of being possessed by the queen's enemies : And that, in such case, the queen might send a governor, for civil and military government ; but not to alter the laws and customs." Her majesty had directed Sir Henry to appear and show rea- sons, if any he had, why she should not appoint a governor over the colony. He considered every thing dear to it at stake, and therefore made exertions in some measure proportionate to the magnitude of the cause. Lord Paget, a man of great influence, was his brother by marriage, and he was related to, or intimately connected with other principal characters at court. He made all the interest, and obtained all the influence which he possibly could, either by himself or his connections, in favor of the colony. He obtained two of the best counsel in England ; both parliament men, possessing an estate of a thousand pounds a year. He stood firm against all the charges of Dudley, lord Cornbury, Congreve, and others, against the colony, and by his counsel, for an hour and an half, defended it against all the art and intrigue of its ad- versaries, and all the law learning and eloquence of the attorney and solicitor general.^ As Connecticut was entirely ignorant of the charges brought against it, and no information or eviilence could be thence ob- tained, Sir Henry and his counsel were necessitated to employ such means as were in their power. They amply stated the rights and privileges granted by the royul oliafter, the territory it con- veyed, aid tl:e powers with which it vested the governor and companv They showed, that these patents were confirmed by a non obsiaite, and alwaw ;v> be construed in the most favorable light for the grantees. It was demonstrated, that the legislature were vested with ample powers to make laws, criminal and cap- ital, as wcl! as civil; to inflict banishment, death, and all other capital punishments, in all capital cases, no less than in others. It was also represented, *hat the governors, or commanders in chief, were, by charter, vested with plenary powers to assemble ' Letter of Sir Henry Asliurst, February 15th, 1705, on file. 1705] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 351 in martial array, and put in warlike posture the inhabitants of the colony, for their defence, and to commission others, for the like purposes. It was also clearly shown, that, by charter, they had the same right to fish, trade, and do all other business, and enjoy all other privileges, by land and sea, which any other of her majesty's subjects had a right to do, or enjoy. It was there- fore, urged, that all those matters, charged against the colony, respecting their making capital laws, and inflicting capital pun- ishments, whether death or banishment, were no crimes; but things which the legislature not only had a right, but were bound in faithfulness to do, as circumstances might require. For the same reason, it was also insisted, that the colonies claiming a right to command their own militia, and defeating the designs of the governors of the other colonies, who wished to command it, were no crimes. It was insisted, that doing them was no more than defending themselves in the enjoyment of their legal rights. With respect to the irregularity and injustice of the courts in Connecticut, it was observed, that general charges deserved no reply. That it did not appear, that what was charged was any thing more than mere hearsay and clamor. But it was pleaded, that, on the contrary, they had substantial evidence of the justice of the courts in Connecticut, That several appeals had been made, to her majesty, from the judgment of those courts: That these had been diflferent cases, and in every instance, the judg- ments given by the courts in Connecticut, had been approved by her ma. jsty, and the lords committee of council. This, it was said, was a notable evidence of their justice; and that, so far as appeared, there had been no injustice or irregularity in any one court in the colony. With respect to governor Dudley's complaint, that Connecticut did not furnish the men which he demanded, and that of lord Cornbury, that it did not comply with his demands for money, it was answered, that it did not appear, from the charter, that the colony was obliged to comply with those requisitions: That the governors of other colonies had no right to command the legislature and people of Connecticut : and that they were under no obligations to obey them, any further than it should be re- quired by her majesty. It was further observed, with respect to the money, that it appeared from his lordship's letter, that the general assembly of Connecticut had taken the requisition into their consideration, and had determined to know her maj- esty's pleasure, before they gave away their money. It was af- firmed, that there was nothing disloyal in such a determination: That the colony had a right to grant, or not to grant their money, as they judged it expedient or not: That they had a right to know the parpose for which they granted it; and that their re- ;i ! ■f r SSa HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. t»705 I* ^., {erring it to her majesty's pleasure, was an implication of their obedience to it, whenever it should be known. With reference to Connecticut's harboring deserters, malefac- tors, pirates, and the like, it was observed, that it was a general charge of little weight, and deserved no answer. It was af- firmed to be a common thing, even in England, for soldiers and others to go from one country into another, and not to be found ; yet it might not be any crime or fault of the country where they secreted themselves. As to captain Matthews finding two sol- diers at Stamford, and sending for major Silleck to secure them, it did not appear that there was the least fault in the major. It was evident, from his lordship's letter, that he went to Stamford, that the soldiers were brought, and that, while the major and Matthews were conversing together, in a private room, they made their escape. It was said, it might be more the fault of Matthews than of Silleck; for it did not appear that Matthews was kept there by any force or constraint, but was examining into the affair, or talking generally upon the subject With relation to the complaint of lord Cornbur>', in his letter of June, 1703, " that he labored under great misfortunes, in rela- tion to the neighboring provinces: That the coast of Connecticut is opposite to two thirds of Long-Island; by which means they filled all that part of the island with European goods, cheaper than their merchants could, because they paid duties, and those of Connecticut paid none; nor would they be subject to the acts of navigation; by which means there had been no trade be- tween the city of New- York and the east end of Long-Island, from whence the greatest part of the whale oil came ; and that it was difficult to persuade those people that they belonged to that province," it was replied, that there appeared to be no fault in Connecticut in this respect. It was maintained, that the inhabi- tants had a right to trade where they pleased, if it were not re- pugnant to the laws of England. It also was pleaded, that there was no evidence, that they had been guilty of any illegal trade or practices; and that they were a poor people, and carried on little trade. In a letter of the same date with the former, his lordship had observed, " that he was satisfied this vast continent, which might be made very useful to England, if right measures were taken, would never be so, till all the propriety and charter governments were brought under the crown." To this it was replied, that this might, or it might not be the case: that the same, as circumstances might be, might be said of all the charters in England. It was however insisted, that the words sounded harsh, and had an ill relish. It was, however, much insisted on, that the attorney and solic- itor general had ref>orted, " that her majesty might appoint a 17051 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 353 governor for Connecticut." To this, the counsel for the colony answered, that the report was hypothetical, founded on the sup- position that the colony was not able to defend itself, and was in danger of falling into the hands of her majesty's enemies; but that there was no evidence of these facts. It did not appear, they said, that Connecticut was in a more defenceless state, or in greater danger of becoming a prey to her majesty's enemies, than any of the other colonies. It was pleaded, that the attor- ney and solicitor general had not reported, that either of these was the case, and therefore their opinion could not be made a plea for sending a governor to Connecticut. Further, it was strenuously maintained, that it was an essen- tial right of every individual and corporation, to be heard before they were condemned; and that the governor and company of Connecticut ought to be heard upon the articles exhibited against them, before any judgment be formed respecting them. It was observed, that governors, who, by enlarging their own territories, might increase their honors and profits, were apt to complain: that they were under peculiar temptations, especially at such a distance, where it was so difficult to make enquiry and obtain the truth: that there was more reason to suspect the governors complaining, than the governor of Connecticut, who acted witli a council and an assembly. It was therefore affirmed, that there was every reason, that the colony should be heard in its own defence. If either the governor of New-England or New- York were impeached, and the same complaints made against them, said the counsel, which they have brought against Connecticut, her majesty would do nothing with respect to them, until they had been heard. It would be contrary to all law and reason; much more so, to treat a whole colony in this manner, in a case in which their charter might be forfeited, and their fortunes ruined. It was observed, that governors appointed during pleas- ure, often committed barbarous acts to enrich themselves; and that they had nothing to lose but their office; whereas the col- ony of Connecticut was of great substance, and had every thing to lose: that even in ordinary cases, in which the character and property of one man only were concerned, nothing was deter- mined, but upon sufficient evidence, given upon oath, and that it could never be reasonable to condemn a colony upon mere suggestions: that it might appear, upon a full examination, that the governor of Connecticut was much better qualified to gov- ern, than the governor of New- York or Massachusetts. It was therefore pleaded, that the articles of complaint might be sent to the governor and company of Connecticut, and that they might have an opportunity to answer for themselves: that there could be no danger in this; and if any irregtilarities should be found. M!,; ■I I 'fi 1^ i- ■ I I i'- ' I i^i' 354 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. t«705 1 m 1 1 p' %■ §::. it in the management of their government, they would most cer- tainly reform and obey her majesty's commands.^ Upon this full hearing, it was determined, that the lords of trade should draw out the principal arMoles of complaint, and send a copy of them to the governor of Connecticut, iiud to the two principal complainants, governor Dudley, and lord Cornbury, and that Connecticut should send their answer, with evidence respecting the several articles, legally taken, and sealed w ith the public seal of the colony, (jovernor Dudley and lord Cornbury were also directed to transmit their evidence of the articles charged, publicly and legally taken. By this means, Dudley, Cornbury, and their abettors were caught in their own snare, their selfishness and duplicity were made to appear, in a strong point of light, and their whole scheme at once totally ruined. They were totally unable to support the charges which they had brought against the colony. At the same time, the legislature of Connecticut could produce the most sub- stantial evidence, that the very reverse of what had been pre- tended, was true. They had the last, and this year between five and six hundred men in actual service. Four hundred of this number had been employed, principally in the defence of Mas- sachusetts and New- York. The committee of war, consisting of the governor, most of the council, and other principal men in the colony, had met, with officers and commissioners from Massachusetts, and most harmoniously united with them in opin- ion, and measures for the common defence. The legislature were not only able to prove these facts from the records of the colony, and; from the resolutions of the committee of war, but, what was still more confounding to governor Dudley, to produce a letter of his, under his own hand and signature, acknowledp:ing their generouj and prompt assistance in the war, and thanking them for the aid which they had given him.'' They produced substan- tial evidence, that when they had scarcely two thousand pounds, in circulating medium, in the whole colony, they lad, in three years, expended more than that sum, in the defence of her maj- esty's provinces of Massachusetts and New- York. They were able to evince, tliat they had shewn the utmost loyalty and attach- ment to the queen; been punctual in their observance of the acts of trade and navigation; had not been pirates themselves, nor at any time harboured pirates, deserters, servants, or crimi- nals among them. With respect to appeals to her majesty, the legislature affirmed, that they had not refused to admit them, only in cases in which ' Case of Connecticut stated, and pleadings before her maje.^ty, February izth, 1705, on file. '' Theywere able to produce letters of thanks, from the commanding officers, ministers, and principal gentlemen in the county of Hampshire, for the assistance which they had given them. Those letters are now on file. or ciitni- 1705] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 355 proper security, or sufficient bondsmen had not been oflfered. in the appeals of major Palms, which seem to have been the only instances of which complaiui had been made, the court judged, that the security offered was insufficient. Tin- men, who offered themselves to be bound, appeared to have littK-. oi i»o property. As to the vexations complained of, these respected the obtaining of copies of the judgments of the courts in his case. It seems he applied to the assembly for them, but the assembly declined giving them, 1 nsisting, that it was not their province to give copies of the doings of other courts. He was therefore referred to the courts in which the judgments had been given. In the appeals of major Palms, and in all other instances, the judgments of the courts in Connecticut were finally established. Upon a full examination of ihe complaints, they appeared not only groundless, but invidious. The loyalty, justice, and honor of the colony appeared more conspicuous than they had done before: but it was some time before the evidence of the true state of the case could be colK ^ed and transmitted to Er iijland. Meanwhile Dudley and Cornbury never lost sight of their ob- ject, out vigorously prosecuted the design of subverting the gov- ernment. There had been, nearly fifty years before, a law en- acti ' against the quaUcrs, but it does not appear, that it had ever been acted upon, in Connecticut, and was, at that time, become obsolete. It appears, by a letter of the governor's, to Sir Henry Ashurst, that he did not know of one person, then in the colony, who was acknowledged to be a quaker. But gov- ernor Dudley, by some means, obtained a copy of the law, and procured a publication of it in Boston. The knowledge of it was communicated to the quakers in England, and they were spirited up to petition for a repeal of the law of Connecticut against the quakers. A petition, about the begfinning of April, was preferred to her majesty, on the subject, reciting said law, and representing, that it was calculated to extirpate their friends from that part of her majesty's dominion, and praying that she would disallow the said law. Sir Henry Ashurst presented a petition to the lords of trade and plantation, to whom tho petition of the quakers had been referred, praying them to advise her majesty to come to no determination on the subject, until the colony should have notice of the petition, and have time to send their answer. He represented, that the law was made against Adamites and Rant- ers: That it was become obsolete, and quakers lived as peace- ably in Connecticut, as in any of her majesty's plantations. He represented to their lordships, that there had been more com- plaints exhibited against this poor colony, in three or four years, without any crime proved, than had been before from the time of its first settlement, which made him believe, that theie were disaffected persons, who were attempting, by all means, to make 1 ill 'nm IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) /. (* ^ ^^ /L ^ A ^\^ lA :/. 1.0 IM I.I !.25 ■^ Bii 12.2 u mil 1.6 — 6" <% 7 .%' Hiotographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716)872-4503 I/. %^ i > w 356 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [»705 them weary of their charter government: Ths* before the ap- pointment of a certain governor for N«w-England, the colony had enjoyed uninterrupted pmoc, tor many years, and would have done to that time, i*^*^ it not been for his misrepresentations. He asvurca them, that he had been informed, that governor Dud- ley had, about two years before, ordered the act against the quak- ers to be printed, in Boston, on purpose, that the quakers, in England, might join with his other instruments in clamors against Connecticut, to deprive it of its charter privileges.^ Her majesty, upon the advice of the lords of trade and planta- tions, declared the act against the quakers null and void, without giving the colony a hearing. Sir Henry Ashurst, writing to the colony soon after, says, " You see how you are every way attacked." The enemies of the colony in Connecticut and New-England were no less active than those on the other side of the water. As they had obtained a commission for the trial of the case be- tween Connecticut and the Moheagans, they spared no pains to carry their point On the 5th of July, 1705, captain John Chandler, in behalf of Owaneco, captain Samuel Mason, Hallani, and others, who interested themselves in recovering the lands from the colony, began the survey of the Moheagan country, and having accomplished the work, drew a map of it, with a view to the trial, before Dudley's court, which was approaching. The governor sent an officer and prohibited his entering upon the survey; but the party gave large bonds to indemnify him, and he proceeded notwithstanding. The boundaries, as surveyed and reported by Chandler, captain John Parke, Edward Culver, and Samuel Sterry, who assisted him, were, on the south from a large rock, in Connecticut river, near eight mile island in the bounds of Lyme, eastward, through Lyme, New-London, and Groton, to Ah-yo-sup-suck, a pond in the northeastern part of Stoning- ton; on the east, from this pond northward, to Mah-man-suck, another pond, thence to Egunk-sank-a-poug, whetstone hills; from thence to Man-hum-squeeg, the whetstone country. From this boundary, the line ran southwest, a few miles, to Acquiunk, the upper falls in Quinibaug river. Thence the line ran, a little north of west, through Pomfret, Ashford, Willington, and Tol- land, to Mo-she-nup-suck, the notch of the mountain, now known to be the notch in Bolton mountain. From thence the line ran southerly, through Bolton, Hebron, and East-Haddam, to the first mentioned bounds. This, it appears, was the Pequot coun- try, to the whole of which the Moheagans laid claim, after the conquest of the Pequot nation, except some part of New-London, Groton, and Stonington, which had been the chief seat of that war- like tribe. The Moheagans claimed this tract as their hereditary ' > Petition on file. ■ ' 1705 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 357 country, and the Wabbequasset territory, which lay north of it, they claimed by virtue of conquest. On the 23d of August, 1705, the court of commissioners, ap- pointed by her majesty, to examine into the affair of the Mo- heagan lands, convened at Stonington. Writs had been previ- ously issued, summoning the governor and company, with the claimers of lands in controversy, and all parties concerned, to attend at time and place. The court consisted of Joseph Dudley, Esq. president, Edward Palms, Giles Sylvester, Jahleel Brenton, Nathaniel Byfield, Thomas Hooker, James Avery, John Avery, John Morgan, and Thomas Leffingwell. It seems that the governor and general assembly of Connecti- cut had not been served with a copy of the commission, by which the court was instituted, and viewed it as a court of enquiry only, to examine and make report to her majesty, and not to try and determine the title of the lands in dispute. The committee, ap- pointed by the assembly, to appear before the court, were condi- tionally instructed. Provided the court was instituted for en- quiry only, they were to answer and show the unreasonableness of the Moheagan claims, and the false light in which the affair had been represented; but if the design was to determine with respect to the title of the colony, they were directed to enter their protest against the court, and withdraw. All inhabitants of the colony, personally interested in any of the lands in controversy, were forbidden to plead or make any answer before the court. Governor Winthrop addressed the following letter to the pres- ident. " New-London, August 21st, 1705. " Sir, " I understand, by your excellency's letter of July 30th, your intentions to be at Stonington, on the 23d inst. to hear the com- plaints of Owaneco against this government. I have, therefore, in obedience to her majesty's commands, directed and empow- ered William Pitkin, John Chester, Eleazar Kimberly, Esquires, major William Whiting, Mr. John Elliot, and Mr. Richard Lord, to wait on your excellency, and show the unreasonableness of those complaints, and the unpardonable affront put upon her majesty, by that false representation, and the great trouble to yourself thereby; and I conclude, in a short hearing, your excel- lency will be able to represent to her majesty, that those com- plaints are altogether groundless. The gentlemen shall assist your excellency's enquiry, in summoning such persons as you shall please to desire, and all things else, reserving the honor and privileges of the government." When the committee came before the court, they perceived that t>'y determined to try the title of the colony to the lands, and jt' Jicially to decide the whole controversy. They resolved, there- in lii 4 :i ■ lil if, T! t ) * ' ; ' ¥ ' 1 k 1 I ?■' i 1 ' lid T fe'< m ^'I 358 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1705 fore, not to make any answer or plea before them, but to protest against their proceedings. The protest is entered as followeth : " To his Excellency, Joseph Dudley, Esquire, captain-general and governor in chief of her majesty's colony of Massachu- setts Bay, &c. " We, the commissioners of her majesty's colony of Connecti- cut, are obliged, by our instructions from this government, to certify your excellency, that, in obedience to her majesty's com- mands to this colony, we are ready to show the injustice of those complaints against the government, made by Owaneco, to her majesty, in council, if your excellency sees good that the com- plaints be produced, (provided the commissioners, mentioned in her majesty's commission, with your excellency, be qualified to act as members of the court of inquiry constituted thereby,) that so your excellency and commissioners may, upon inquiry, be enabled to make such a true and just report of the matters of fact, mentioned in said complaints to her majesty, as you shall see meet. But if your excellency, (as appears to us,) does con- strue any expressions in the said commission, so as to empower the said commissioners, by themselves, to inquire and judicially determine concerning the matter in controversy, mentioned in the said complaint, concerning the title of land or trespass, and do resolve to proceed accordingly, as we cannot but judge it to be contrary to her majesty's most just and legal intentions, in said commission; so we must declare against and prohibit all such proceedings, as contrary to law and to the letters patent under the great seal of England, granted to this her majesty's col- ony, and contrary to her majesty's order to this government, concerning the said commission and complaint, as well as to the known rights of her majesty's subjects, throughout all her do- minions, and such as we cannot allow of. We only add, that it seems strange to us, that your excellency should proceed in such a manner, without first communicating your commission to the general assembly of this her majesty's colony. " William Pitkin, &c. " August 24th, 1705." The inhabitants who had deeds of the lands in controversy, made default, as well as the colony; but the court proceeded to an ex parte hearing. Owaneco, Mason, Hallam, and their council, produced such papers and evidence, and made such representa- tions as they pleased, without any person to confront them. Af- ter such a partial hearing, of one day only, the court determined against the colony, and adjudged to Owaneco and the Moheagans a tract of land called Massapeag, lying in the town of New-Lon- don; and another tract, of about eleven hundred acres, in the northern part of the town, which the assembly had granted as an addition to that township, in 1703. The court, also, adjudged 1705 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 359 to them a tract in the town of Lyme, two miles in breadth, and nine miles in length, with the whole tract contained in the town of Colchester. The court ordered Connecticut immediately to restore all those lands to Owaneco, and filed a bill of cost against the colony of 573I. 12s. 8d.^ Thus a cause of such magnitude, in which the essential interests of a whole colony, and the fort- unes of hundreds of individuals, were concerned, was carried wholly by intrigue and the grossest misrepresentations. The commission was granted by her majesty, wholly upon an ex parte hearing, upon the representation of the enemies of the colony; and the men who carried on the intrigue, were appointed judges in their own case. Without hearing the case, contrary to all reason and justice, they gave judgment against the colony, and hundreds of individuals. They gave away lands holden by con- quest, purchase, ancient deeds from the original proprietors, well executed and recorded, by charter, acts, and patents from the assembly, and by long possession. The chief judge had been using all his art and influence to ruin the colony, and was now supposed to be scheming for a portion of its lands, as well as for the government. Major Palms had been a long time in contro- versy with the colony, was exceedingly embittered against it, and against the governor, his brother in law. Others of the commis- sioners were supposed to be confederate with Mason and Clarke, and interested in the lands in controversy. Hallam, Clarke, and several of the commissioners were witnesses in the case. They were witnesses and judges in their own cause, heard themselves, and no others. Owaneco was placed, in state, on the right hand of the president, and the colony were treated worse than crim- inals, with dishonour and contempt.' After the court had given judgment against the colony, on the 24th of August, they spent three days in hearing such complaints as Owaneco, Mason, and other persons interested in the lands, or inimical to the colony, were pleased to make. When they had heard all the complaints and misrepresentations which they had to make, they represented to her majesty, that Owaneco com- plained he was disseised of a tract of land, containing about seven thousand acres, called Mamaquaog, lying northward of Wind- ham; of another tract called Plainfield, and considerable skirts and parcels of land, encroached upon and taken in, by the towns of Lebanon, Windham, and Canterbury. The court prohibited all her majesty's subjects from entering upon, or improving any of those lands, until a further hearing and determination of the case. Further, in the plenitude of their power, they appointed captain John Mason to be trustee, or guardian, to Owaneco and his people, and to manage all their affairs. They represented, > Moheagan case, in print. * Petition to her majesty, printed in Moheagan trial. \l' H 360 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1705 from the evidence of major James Fitch and captain John Mason, that the colony had left the Indians no land to plant on, and that they consisted of a hundred and fifty warriors, one hundred of whom had been in the actual service of the country that very year.* These Indians were enlisted and sent out by the colony of Connecticut, and went as cheerfully into service this year, as they had done at any time before. This gave demonstrative evidence, that there was no general uneasiness among the Moheagans. Had there been, two thirds of their warriors would not have en- listed into the service of the government. Indeed, Owaneco him- self was not uneasy only at turns, when the Masons, Clarke, Fitch, Hallam, and others, made him so; who were scheming to deprive him and the Moheagans of their lands. So far was it from being true, that Connecticut had injured them, or taken their lands from them, they had treated them with great kindness, defended them by their arms, and at their own expense, and prevented their being swallowed up by their enemies. They had left them a fine tract of land, of between four and five thousand acres, between New-London and Norwich; and both in the grant and patent to New-London, there was an express reservation of all the rights and property of the Indians.* The colony had not only reserved lands for the Moheagans, but for all other Indians in it, to plant upon. They suffered them to hunt, fish, and fowl, in all parts of it, and even to build their wigwams, and cut such wood and timber as they needed, in any of their uninclosed lands. Dudley's court, having finished such business as was agreeable to its wishes, adjourned until the next May; but it never met again. Before that time, the intrigue and duplicity of governor Dudley and the malcontents, became so evident, that all their designs were frustrated. The assembly, at their session in October, appointed a com- mittee to examine into all matters respecting the Indians, and the complaints which had been made against the colony, and, as soon as possible, to transmit a particular and full answer to their agent. They were instructed fully to acquaint him with a true statement of the Moheagan case, and of the whole management of Dudley and his court. They were to represent, that Dudley, Palms, and others of the commissioners, were interested, and parties in the cause, and to insist, that the manner in which the commission was procured, to governor Dudley, major Palms, and others, was matter of intrigue, and the whole process arbitrary and illegal. Sir Henry Ashurst, on receiving the papers relative to the case, ' Proceedings and judgment of the court in print, Moheagan case, p. 26 to 67. ' Records of the colony, and Moheagan case, in print. 'i i> 17051 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 361 presented a petition to her majesty, representing the title of the colony to all the lands in controversy, by conquest, purchase, royal charter, long possession and improvement: That Uncas, when the English became first acquainted with him, was a revolted Pequot, expelled his country, and had not a sufficient number of men to make a hunt; and that the lands reserved to him, were not reserved to him in consequence of any right of his, but was a matter of mere permission: That Joseph Dudley, Esq. Hallam, Palms, the Averys, Morgan, and Leffingwell, had grants of sev- eral parts of the controverted lands, and, in their own names, or in the name of John Mason, were attempting to set up their titles to them: That Dudley and Hallam, by misrepresentation, had obtained a commission from her majesty, by surprise, under the great seal of England, directed to the said Dudley, Palms, the two Averys, Morgan, Leffingwell, and others, most of whom were of Dudley's and Hallam's denomination, and under his in- fluence; and that in the court, thus instituted, they were the accusers, parties, and judges: That they had assumed to them- selves jurisdiction, in a summary way, to try her majesty's pe- titioners' titles to their lands, and to evict and disseise them of their freeholds, properties, and ancient possessions, without any legal process, or so much as the form of a trial. This, it was represented, tended to the destruction of all the rights of the colony, and was directly contrary to divers acts of parliament, made and provided in such cases. The agent, therefore, in be- half of the colony, appealed from the judgment of said court to her majesty, in council, and prayed that the case might be heard before her.* In consequence of this petition, her majesty, some time after, appointed a commission of review. The affair was kept in agita- tion nearly seventy years. It was always, upon a legal hearing, determined in favour of the colony. The final decision was by king George the third, in council. The commissioners of review, in 1743, not only determined the title of the lands to be in the colony of Connecticut, but " That the governor and company had treated the said Indians with much humanity, at all times; and had, at all times, provided them with a sufficiency, at least, of lands to plant on; and that no act, or thing, appeared, either before the judgment of Joseph Dudley, Esq. or since, by which they, the said governor and com- pany, had taken from the Indians, or from their sachem, any tracts of land, to which the Indians or their sachem had any right, by reservation, or otherwise, either in law or equity."* The proceedings of the several courts of review, and the plead- ings before them and his majesty, in council, will most properly ^ ' Petition in print, Moheagan case, p. 153-157. \ ■ * Judgment, in print, Moheagan case, p. 140. r m^h' r' '1 i! i I I ^i 362 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1706 be noticed in the time of them, and will not be anticipated in this volume. The agent of the colony petitioned her majesty, in its behalf, to hear the complaints exhibited by governor Dudley and his accomplices, that it might have an opportunity of demonstrating how falce and groundless they were. He also prayed, that as Dudley had surprised her, to grant a commission of high powers to the subversion of the rights of her loyal subjects, and contrary to her gracious intentions towards them, and had abused her name and authority to serve his own dark designs, that her maj- esty would, in some exemplary manner, discountenance the said Dudley and his abettors. However, it does not appear, that Dudley, or lord Combury, were ever obliged to bring forward any evidence in support of the charges which they had exhibited, or that her majesty, by any public act, discountenanced their intrigue and falsehood. They had such powerful friends at court, that they seem to have palliated, and kept the affair, as far as possible, out of public view ; and it seems to have been passed by without any further exami- nation. There was no alteration made in the legislature, at the election in May, 1706. The assembly adopted the same measures, for the defence of Connecticut and the neighbouring colonies, which they had done the year preceding. The same officers were appointed, and the same number of men sent into the field. The colony had assurances from their agent, Sir Henry Ash- urst, that they had a clear right to command their own militia; that the governors of the neighbouring colonies had no right to command their men, or money; and that this was the opinion of the best counsel in the nation. He assured them, that they were under no obligations to them, to do any thing more, than to furnish such quotas as her majesty should require. Connecticut had done much more than this, both in the reicn of.king William and queen Anne. Nevertheless, notwithstanding the abusive treatment of governor Dudley, lord Combury, and their associates in mischief, and the great expense which had been brought upon them, not only by the war, but in consequence of the defence which their agent had been obliged to make for them, in England, such was their zeal for her majesty's service, and their concern and good will for their sister colonies, that they exerted themselves no less for their defence, than if they had been under the command of their respective governors. It was de- clared to her majesty, that had this been the case they could have ^ done no more. / At the session in October, the assembly passed the following act in favor of the clergy, " That all the ministers of the gospel I707] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 363 'tin that now are, or hereafter shall be settled in this colony, during the continuance of their public service in the gospel ministry, shall have their estates, lying in the same town where they dwell, and all the polls belonging to their several families exempted, and they are hereby exempted and freed from being entered in the public lists and payment of rates." By virtue of this act, for the encouragement of the clergy of this colony, they have always, from that to the present time, been exempted from taxation.^ The colony, at this period, was in very low circumstances. Its whole circulating cash amounted only to about two thousand pounds. Such had been its expense in the war, and in defending itself against the attempts of its enemies, in England and America, that the legislature had been obliged to levy a tax, in about three years, of more than two shillings on the pound, on the whole list of the colony. The taxes were laid and collected in grain, pork, beef, and other articles of country produce. These com- modities were transported to Boston and the West-Indies, and by this means money and bills of exchange were obtained, to pay the bills drawn upon the colony, in England, and to discharge its debts at home. These low circumstances, these misrepresenta- tions, abuse, and dangers, from their enemies, our venerable an- cestors endured with an exemplary patience and magnanimity. Under the pressure of all this expense and danger, they cheer- fully supported the gospel ministry and ordinances, in their re- spective towns and parishes. They contemplated their dangers and deliverances with wonder and thanksgiving, '•ejoiced in the enjoyment of their privileges, and in the divine care and benefi- cence. CHAPTER XVIII. SUCH reports of the preparations of the French and Indians, to make a descent upon some part of New-England, were spread abroad, about the beginning of the year 1707, as gave a general alarm to the country. On the 6th of February, 1707, a council of war, consisting of the governor, most of the council, and a con- siderable number of the chief military officers in the colony, con- vened at Hartford. A letter was received from deputy governor Treat, and another from major Schuyler at Albany, giving intelli- gence, that the French, and Indians in their interest, were about to make a descent upon New-England. Information was also com- municated, that suspicions were entertained, that the Pohtatuck > The legislature had before released their persons from taxation, bat not their families and estates. !. 'i'lii 3^4 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1707 and Owiantuck Indians designed to join the French and Indians from Canada. The committee resolved, that the western frontier towns, Sims- bury, Waterbury, Woodbury, and Danbury, should be fortified with all possible dispatch. As Waterbury had sustained great losses, by inundations, it was resolved, for their encouragement to fortify their houses well, that the governor and council would use their influence with the assembly, that their country rates should be abated. It was resolved, that each of these four towns should keep a scout of two faithful men, to be sent out every day, to dis- cover the designs of the enemy, and give intelligence should they make their appearance near the frontier towns. To prevent damages from the Pohtatuck and Owiantuck In- dians, captain John Minor and Mr. John Sherman were appointed to remove them to Stratford and Fairfield. If by reason of sick- ness or any other cause they could not be removed, it was ordered, that a number of their chief men should be carried down to those towns, and kept as hostages to secure the fidelity of the rest On the second of April, a special assembly was convened in con- sequence of letters from governor Dudley. He had proposed to send an army of a thousand men against L' Acadia, and requested Connecticut to join with Massachusetts in the expedition. After the affair had been maturely considered, the assembly de- termined not to comply with the proposal. The reasons given were, that they had not been consulted, nor had opportunity to consent to the expedition : That they did not understand that the neighbouring colonies, who were equally interested in the expedi- tion, with themselves, were called upon, or had consented to do any thing; and, that the vast expense of defending the county of Hampshire and their own frontiers, incapacitated them to join in the enterprise. At the general election this year, the governor and council were all re-elected. Upon the petition of John Pratt, Robert Chapman, John Clark, and Stephen Post, appointed a committee in behalf of the legatees of Joshua Uncas,^ the assembly granted a township which they named Hebron. The settlement of the town began in June, 1704. The first people who made settlements in the town were William Shipman, Timothy Phelps, Samuel Filer, Caleb Jones, Stephen Post, Jacob Root, Samuel Curtis, Edward Sawyer, Joseph Youngs, and Benoni Trumbull. They were from Windsor, Say- brook, Long-Island, and Northampton. The settlement, at first, went on but slowly; partly, by reason of opposition made by ' By the last will of said Uncas, all the lands in Hebron were bequeathed to Thomas Buckingham, Esq. William Shipman and others, called the Saybrook legatees, except about 2,600 acres at the northeast corner, and about 4,000 acres at the south end of the town. There were also about 700 within the parish of Marl- borough. These lands were claimed by Mason, 1 707 J HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 365 Mason and the Moheagans, and partly, by reason of the extensive tracts claimed by proprietors, who made no settlements. Several acts of the assembly were made, and committees appointed to en- courage and assist the planters. By these means they so increased in numbers and wealth that in about six or seven years they were enabled to erect a meeting-house and settle a minister among them. At the session in October, the assembly granted a township to Nathan Gould, Peter Burr, captain John Wakeman, Jonathan Sturges, and other inhabitants of the town of Fairfield, bounded southerly on Danbury, easterly on New-Milford, and westerly upon the colony line. It extended fourteen miles northward from Danbury. It was afterwards named New-Fairfield. The war, for several years, prevented all attempts for the settle- ment of this tract. As the frontier towns had exhibited much zeal in fortifying themselves agreeably to the directions of the governor and coun- cil, the assembly made them a liberal compensation. About this time the colony sustained a great loss in the death of the honorable Fitz John Winthrop, Esq.* and a special assembly was convoked on the 17th of December, by deputy governor Treat, at New-Haven, for the purpose of electing another gov- ernor. The assembly ordered, that the votes of both houses should be mixed before they were sorted and counted, and that the majority of votes should determine the choice. Upon counting the votes, the Reverend Gurdon Saltonstall was declared to be chosen governor. Four of the magistrates, the speaker of the house, with three of the other deputies, were appointed a committee to acquaint him with the choice, and solicit his acceptance of the important trust to which he had been chosen. A letter was addressed to him by the assembly, desiring him to accept of the choice which they had made, and, with the committee appointed to wait on him, to an- swer the letters of their agent, and transact whatever the exigen- cies of the government might require. A letter was also addressed to his church and congregation at New-London, acquainting them with the call, which the assembly imagined Mr. Saltonstall had to leave the ministry, and to dispose them to submit to such a dispensation. < He was the son of the honorable John Winthrop, Esq. the first governor of Connecticut, under the charter. His birth was at Ipswich, in Massachusetts, 1638. Upon the assumption of the charter. May, 1689, he was chosen into the magistracy. In 1690, he was appointed major general of the land army designed against Canada. On the dispute relative to the command of the militia, he was sent agent, for the colony, to the British court, 1694. After hb return, May, i6c^, he was chosen gov- ernor, and was annually re-chosen during his life. He died November 27th, 1707, in the 69th year of his age. He appears to have oeen a popular gentleman, and to have sustained a charac- ter without blemish. ;Tit.f. •: ^ I! , ^!. ill I H 366 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. I17M The magistrates, upon Mr. Saltonstall's acceptance of the trust to which he had been chosen, were directed to administer to him the oath of the governor, and the oath respecting trade and navi- gation. On the first of January, 1708, governor Saltonstall accepted of his office, and took the oaths appointed by law. This assembly repealed the law which required, that the gov- ernor should always be chosen from among the magistrates in nomination, and gave liberty for the freemen to elect him from among themselves at large. At the election, May 13th, 1708, governor Saltonstall was chosen governor by the freemen. Nathan Gould, Esq. was elected deputy-governor.* The former magistrates were re-chosen, and Mr. John Haynes, for the first time, was elected one of the council. The former treasurer and secretary were re-chosen. A township was granted, in the course of this session, at Poh- tatuck, afterwards named Newtown. Connecticut, for a long course of years, had been at great trouble and expense, in attempting the settlement of the boundary line between this colony and Massachusetts. The inhabitants of Windsor and Simsburyhad been often exceedingly injured, in their persons and property, by the people of Suffield and Enfield, especi- ally by the former. They had not only encroached upon their lands and cut down their timber, but often seized upon their tar and tur- pentine, and even upon their persons, and forcibly carried them of! to Suffield. In consequence of these outrages, great animosities had arisen between the inhabitants of those towns, and many lawsuits had been commenced. The assembly, as far as possible, to prevent and terminate these evils, enacted. May 13th, 1708, that commis- sioners should be appointed, with full powers to run the line, with such commissioners as Massachusetts should appoint for that pur- pose. They were directed to take care that the line should be run by skilful artists, with good instruments; and to take their station three miles south of every part of Charles river, whence Mr. James Taylor and the commissioners of this colony ran the line in 1702. They were instructed to run a due west line fro.m that station, and to make and set up fair marks and monuments in the line between the colonies. And to prevent all further contention, it was en- > The honorable Robert Treat, Eiq. being, at this period, eighty-six years of age, retired from the scene of pulilic action. He had been three years a magistrate and thirt]r>two years governor, or deputy-governor of the colony. He was elected magistrate, May, 1673, deputy.governor, 1676, and governor, in 1683. To this office he was annually elected, fifteen years, until 1698 : he was then chosen deputv- govemor until the year 1708. He died about two years after, July 12th, 1710, m the 85th year of his age. Few men have sustained a fairer character, or rendered the public more important service s . He was an excellent military officer ; a man of singular courage and resolution, tempered with caution and prudence. His admin- istration of government was with wisdom, firmness and integrity. He was esteemed courageous, wise, and pious. He was exceedingly beloved and venerated by the people in general, and especially by his neighbours, at Milford, where he resided. I708J HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 367 acted, that the inhabitants of Windsor, Simsbury, Suffield, and En- Held, should not make any improvement on the contested lands, until the line should be run and settled. It was also enacted, that all suits should continue and rest, until the county court at Hart- ford, in October, and then to cease. It was provided, neverthe- less, that the court of Massachusetts should give the same orders to the people of that province, who claimed upon the line, and should immediately unite with Connecticut in settling the bound- ary between the colonies. Otherwise, it was determined, that all causes, bonds, and the like should be, and remain as thun^h this act never had been passed. Further, it was enacted, that, upon running the line, all the most ancient grants, made to the proprietors, by either govern- ment, should give title and property to the settlers on either side of the line. It was determined, that unless the court of Massachu- setts would agree to the running of the line in this manner, a peti- tion should be addressed to her majesty, praying her to give or- ders, that the divisional line might be run. The assembly, at this session, ordered that a township should be laid out east of Woodstock, eight miles in length, and six in breadth. The inhabitants were vested with the privileges of a dis- tinct town, by the name of Killingly.^ The aflfairs of the war were conducted this year in the same man- ner as they had been the preceding. Colonel William Whiting commanded a body of horse and infantry in the county of Hamp- shire, and scouting parties and garrisons were maintained on the frontiers of the colony. At the session in October, it was enacted, that two garrisons should be maintained, at the public expense, at Simsbury, and two at Waterbury. Garrisons were to be kept at Woodbury and Dan- bury, as the council of war should judge expedient. At the election in 1709, Mr. Saltonstall was re-chosen governor, and Nathan Gould, deputy-governor. The magistrates v ere Daniel Witherel, Nathaniel Stanley, John Hamlin, William Pit- kin, John Chester, Joseph Curtis, Josiah Rossiter, Richard Chris- topher, Peter Burr, John Allen, John Haynes, and Samuel Eells, Esquires. Captain Joseph Whiting was treasurer, and Caleb Stan- ley secretary. A letter was laid before this assembly from her majesty, rela- tive to an expedition against the enemy. The design was the re- duction of the French in Canada, Acadia, and Newfoundland. The letters from the earl of Sunderland, advising that her majesty would dispatch a squadron of ships to Boston, by the middle of ' At tbii sesiion, the auembly ordered, " that the ministers of the gospel preach a sermon to the freemen, on the day appointed by law to choose their civil mlers in the towns where they meet, proper for their direction in the work before them." This seems to have been the origin of preaching freemen's meeting sermons in Con- necticut. $ if. 'v It mi\ V 5 i' I 368 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1709 May, with five regiments of regular troops, required Connecticut to raise 350 men. The governments eastward of Connecticut, were required to raise 1200 men, and furnish them with transports, flat bottomed boats, pilots, and provisions for three months service. With this force, it was designed to make an attack upon Quebec. At the same time, it was proposed to raise 1500 men in the gov- ernments of Connecticut, New- York, New-Jersey, and the south- em colonies. This corps was to proceed by the way of the lakes, and make a descent upon the island of Montreal. The legislature of Connecticut voted and raised their quota, with cheerfulness and expedition. Colonel Whiting was ap- pointed to command them. The assembly also voted an address of ^hanks to her majesty for her royal care and favor to the colonies, in devising means for the removal of an enemy, by whom the col- onies had been so great and repeated sufferers. All the colonies except Pennsylvania furnished their quotas. The troops, with provisions, transports, and articles necessary for the enterprise, were ready in season. The provincials, from the eastern colonies, were ready to sail for Quebec by the 20th of May. Francis Nicholson, who had been lieutenant-governor of New- York, under Andross, and afterwards lieutenant-governor of Vir- ginia, was appointed to command the troops by land, and march as far as Wood Creek. There he was to wait until the arrival of the fleet expected at Boston, and then to advance, so that the attack upon Quebec and Montreal might be made at the same time. The colonies made great exertions for the public service. Besides their quotas, independent companies were raised and sent on to the army. More than a hundred batteaux, and an equal number of birch canoes, were constructed for crossing the lake. Three forts, several block houses, and stores for provisions were erected. But the armament expected from England did not arrive. The defeat of the Portuguese, and the straits to which the allies were reduced, occasioned the sailing of the fleet, designed for America, to Portu- gal, and the expedition was defeated. No intelligence arriving from England, and a great mortality prevailing among the troops, general Nicholson, early in the fall, returned to Albany. This fruitless undertaking was a capital loss and expense to the colo- nies. One quarter or more of the troops died. Connecticut only sustained the loss of ninety men. This expedition occasioned the first emission of paper money in Connecticut. At a special assembly, on the 8th of June, it was enacted, " That to assist in the expedition, for want of money otherwise to carry it on, there be forthwith imprinted a certain number of bills of credit on the colony, in suitable sums, from two shillings to five pounds, which, in the whole, shall amount to the sum of 8000I. and no more." It was enacted, that the bills should be issued from the 1709] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 369 treasury as money, but should be received in payments at one shil- ling on the pound better than money. One half only was to be signed and issued at first, and the other was to remain unsigned, until it should be found necessary to put it into circulation. Taxes were imposed for the calling in of one half of it within the term of one year, and the other at the expiration of two years. The expectations of the people, in the spring, had been wrought up to a high degree of assurance, that Canada would be reduced before the close of the campaign. Joy brightened in every coun- tenance, with the pleasing prospect, that a period would imme- diately be put to all the encroachments and ravages of a merciless enemy. Every heart was gladdened at the prospect of the enlarge- ment of the British empire, and the augmentation of the national commerce. When, therefore, from such harmonious and general exertion, and such uncommon expense, they experienced nothing but loss and disappointment, the chagrin and depression were pro- portionably great. However, the importance of driving the French from Canada, and the necessity of immediate exertions to preserve the friendship and keep up the spirit of the five nations, without which, the fron- tiers would become a field of blood, induced the colonies to keep the object still in view. A congress of governors was appointed and met at Rehoboth, the beginning of October, to deliberate on the subject. General Nicholson, colonel Vetch, and others, met with them. An address was agreed upon to her majesty, repre- senting the great harmony and exertions of the colonies in her majesty's service; the importance of reducing the French in North- America to her majesty's obedience; praying her majesty to grant the colonies an armament, with their assistance, adequate to the design. " * • ■ **^*i».4'« » When the general assembly convened in October, governor Sal- tonstall communicated the transactions of the governors of the several colonies, and the address, which they had prepared, to her majesty. The assembly approved the address, and determined on a similar one themselves. Governor Saltonstall was appointed agent to make a voyage to England, and present it in person to her majesty. Provifion was also made for the expense of his agency. Notwithstanding the war, the colony made progress in settle- ment. In 1708, John Belden, Samuel Keeler, Matthew Seymour, Matthias St. John, and other inhabitants of Norwalk, to the num- ber of twenty-five, purchased a large tract, between that town and Danbury, bounded west on the partition line between Connecticut and New- York. The purchase was made of Catoonah, the chief sachem, and other Indians, who were the proprietors of that part of the country. The deed bears date September 30th, 1708. At this session, it was ordained that it should be a distinct township, by the name of Ridgefield. li|!iS! W\ :riv!;il:: 'k m I fi.ll- i I m :' f ;^ ;l 'I ii 370 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. ['710 \r i N ' - % ill 111 111 ft' The only alteration made, by the election, in May, 1710, was the choice of Matthew Allen, Esq. in the place of Daniel Witherell, Esq. New- York, as well as Connecticut and the other New-England colonies, had made great exertions, the last campaign, for the re- duction of Canada. New- York, by means of the great influence of colonel Schuyler, had been able to bring six hundred of the Ind- ians of the five nations into the field. The colonel was extremely discontented at the late disappointment. No man had more ex- tensive views of the importance of expelling the French from this northern continent, and more zeal in the cause than he. So powerful was the influence which the affair had upon his mind, that he determined to make a voyage to England, at his own pri- vate expense, and to carry with him five sachems of the five na- tions, that by their representations, the more sensible impressions might be made upon her majesty and the British court. The as- sembly of New- York had determined to address her majesty on the subject; and no sooner was the house apprised of his design, than they unanimously resolved, that he should present their ad- dress to her sacred majesty. Accordingly, colonel Schuyler went to England, and presented the address. The Indian sachems were, also, introduced to the queen. They represented their long war, in conjunction with her children, against her enemies, the French: That they had been a strong wall of defence to her colonies, to the loss of their best warriors; and that they mightily rejoiced, when they heard their great queen had resolved to send an army to Canada. They said, that, in token of their friendship, they had, with one consent, hung up the kettle, and taken up the hatchet, and assisted general Nicholson; but when they found, that their great queen, by some important affairs, had been diverted from her design of subduing the French, it made them sorrowful, lest the enemy, who hitherto had dreaded them, should now imagine they were unable to make war upon them. They represented, that the reduction of Canada was of great weight to them, that they might hunt freely. They insisted, that if their great queen should be unmindful of them, they, and their families, must forsake their country, and seek other habitations, or they must stand neuter; neither of which suited their inclinations. In hope of their great queen's favour, they referred the affair to her gracious considera- tion. General Nicholson went to England, in the fall of 1709, on the same business, to solicit a force against Canada. Governor Sal- tonstall, for some reason, did not accept of the agency to which he had been appointed. The address of Connecticut, it seems, was sent to be presented by another hand. In consequence of these united applications, great encouragements were given, that an ex- pedition would be again undertaken against Canada. In July, ad- i7«oJ HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 371 vice arrived in New-England, that lord Shannon, with a fleet destined for that service, was under sailing orders. Nicholson, who sailed with several ships of force, and some transports, from England, in the spring, came over with that expectation. How- ever, it finally proved, that the reduction of Port Royal and Nova- Scotia was the only object In consequence of a letter from her majesty, requiring the as- sistance of her subjects in this colony, in the expedition, a special assembly was convoked on the 14th of August. Beside the loss of lives the last year, many of the soldiers then in service, remained in a sickly and weak condition. The enemy insulted the frontier towns, and the colony was obliged to keep a large number of men in pay for their defence. Nevertheless, such was the obedience of the legislature to her majesty's commands, and their zeal for her service, that they cheerfully voted three hundred men for the ex- pedition. Vessels and sailors were procured, and all necessary provision was made for the transportation and support of the troops. In about a month, they were raised and transported to Boston. On the 18th of September, a fleet of thirty-six ships of war and transports, sailed from Nantasket for Port Royal. There were fourteen transports in the pay of Massachusetts, five in the pay of Connecticut, two of New-Hampshire, and three of Rhode-Island. The chief command was given to general Nicholson. On the 24th, the fleet and army arrived at Port Royal. The troops landed without opposition, and made an easy conquest. On the 21st of October, the engineers opened three batteries, of two mortars and twenty-four cohoms in the whole. At the same time, a bomb ship, called the Star bomb, plied the enemy with her shells. The next day Monsieur Subercase capitulated, surrendering the fort and country to the crown of Great-Britain. General Nicholson left a sufficient garrison, under the command of colonel Vetch, his adjutant general, who had been appointed to the government of the country. In this expedition, the Mary gal- ley, commanded by captain Taye, a transport in the service of Con- necticut, ran aground, and was lost. Twenty-six men were drowned.* Fourteen or fifteen were lost in the expedition, while the troops were investing and besieging the fort. This was the whole loss sustained in the enterprise. From this time the name was changed, and the port was named Annapolis Royal. General Nicholson, animated with his late success, in the fall made a second voyage to England, to solicit another expedition against Canada. The country in general had no expectations, that he would suc- ceed in his design. They could not imagine, that queen Anne's « This transport was hired oC one Mr. Vryling, of Boston, and the colony paid hint about i.oool. for the loss of his vessel. M<\ (I 1 H 'l! f I ; I, ,11' w \ tl i 1 i . 1 ' : Ji * I n m I .! I "H 1 H 1 f,, ,1 I f I.I HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. I»7n tory ministry would attempt any thing of this nature for New- England. Contrary, however, to all expectation, the affair was re- sumed. June 8th, 171 1, general Nicholson arrived, at Boston, with the news, that a fleet might soon be expected from England, and with her majesty's orders that the several governments of New-England, New- York, New-Jersey, and Pennsylvania should have their respective quotas in immediate readiness for the expe- dition. Consequently a general meeting of the governors of the several colonies was immediately appointed at New-London. Sixteen days after the arrival of general Nicholson, the fleet arrived at Bos- ton. But it was very extraordinary that the fleet had neither pilots nor provisions. Ten weeks provisions were demanded for the army. It had been suspected before this, that the reduction of Canada was not really designed by the ministry. These circum- stances increased the suspicion. It was much doubted, whether, in the then state of the country, it were possible, in so short a time, as was necessary, to procure such a quantity of provisions, as had been demanded. There was, at the same time, a strong suspicion, that if the expedition should miscarry, it was designed to throw the whole blame upon New-England. Whether these suspicions were well grounded or not, it is certain, that they had great in- fluence, together with the zeal which the colonies had for the ser- vice, to draw forth their utmost exertions. When the fleet arrived at Boston, the governors were met in convention, at New-London, concerting measures for prosecuting the expedition with the utmost harmony and dispatch. The gen- eral courts of Massachusetts and Connecticut were in actual ses- sion. The general assembly of Connecticut convened on the 19th of June. A letter was communicated from her majesty and an- other from general Nicholson respecting the expedition. The as- sembly resolved, that three hundred and sixty men should be raised forthwith, as the quota of this colony in the expedition. It was also resolved, that four months provisions should be immedi- ately procured, and that a suitable vessel should be provided to transport them to Albany, and to accommodate the sick and con- vey them back to Connecticut. The assembly also addressed a letter to her majesty, returning her their most humble and dutiful acknowledgments, for that great expression of her royal care for her colonies and their peace and welfare, which she had manifested in the appointment of the present expedition against the common enemy. They particularly thanked her majesty for her royal bounty towards the colony, in furnishing the troops with clothing, arms, and ammunition, by which they were better enabled to bear the annual expenses of the v/ar. They represented to her majesty, in a strong point of light, the horrible manner in which the enemy carried on the war; lying 7««1 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 373 in ambush, killing and scalping single persons, upon the frontiers, surprising and cutting off families, stealing capiiives, torturing and enslaving them. They promised a hearty concurrence with the royal requisitions, and a zealous performance of whatever might contribute to the success of the expedition. To animate the general, and ingratiate themselves with him, the legislature appointed a committee to return him their thanks, for the good services he had rendered to her majesty's plantations in North America; and especially to Connecticut, in his former good conduct of the troops under his command. They thanked him, not only for his important services in the reduction of Port Royal and Nova-Scotia, but for the great pains he had taken since, in making a voyage to England, and representing to her majesty the true state and interest of the colonies, and by that means obtaining her orders for the then present expedition. A punctual compliance with her majesty's orders was univer- sally recommended by the governors in convention and by the sev- eral legislatures. Not only the several colonies but individuals exerted themselves beyond what had been known upon any other occasion. In a little more than a month, from the arrival of the fleet, the new levies and provisions, for that and the army, were ready. Upon the 30th of July, the whole armament sailed from Boston for Canada. It consisted of fifteen men of war, twelve directly from England, and three which had before been stationed in America ; forty transports, six store ships, and a fine train of artillery, with all kinds of warlike stores. The land army on board consisted of five regiments from England and Flanders, and two regiments raised in Massachusetts, Rhode-Island, and New-Hampshire; amounting in the whole to nearly seven thousand men. The fleet was commanded by Sir Hovenden Walker; and the army by brigadier Hill, brother to Mrs. Masham, then the queen's favorite. The land force was about equal to that which, under general Wolfe, afterwards reduced Quebec, though, at that time, it was not half so strong, as when it was reduced by that famous general. Upon the same day on which the fleet sailed from Boston, gen- eral Nicholson began his journey for Albany, where, a few days after, he appeared at the head of four thousand men, from the col- onies of Connecticut, New- York, and New-Jersey. The troops from Connecticut were commanded by colonel William Whiting, who was an experienced officer, and had commanded them the last year, at Port Royal. The New- York and New- Jersey troops were commanded by colonels Schuyler and Ingoldsby. Connect- icut, besides victualling its own troops, furnished New- York with two hundred fat cattle and six hundred sheep. Thus, in about five weeks, the colonies had raised two considerable armies and IfP I 1 1 ill lit w i^M 374 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [i7U furnished them with provisions. More than this could not have been expected. Admiral Walker arrived in the mouth of the St. Lawrence, on the 14th of August. That he might not lose the company of the transports, as was pretended, he put into the bay of Gaspe, on the i8th, where he continued until the 20th of the month. On the 22d, two days after he sailed from the bay, the fleet appeared to be in the most hazardous circumstances. It was without soundings, with- out sight of land ; the sky was darkened with a thick fog, and the wind high at east south-east. In this situation the ships brought to, with their heads to the southward. This was done with an ex- pectation that the wind would drive them into the midst of the channel. But instead of this, about midnight, the seamen dis- covered that they were driven upon the north shore among rocks and islands, upon the verge of a total shipwreck. Eight or nine of the British transports were cast away, on board of which were about seventeen hundred officers and soldiers. Nearly a thou- sand men were lost. The admiral and general were in the most imminent danger, and saved themselves by anchoring. Such was the violence of the storm that they lost several anchors. Upon this disaster, the admiral bore away for Spanish river bay; but the wind shifting to the east it was eight days before all the transports arrived. In the same time, as the wind was, they might have easily arrived at Quebec. It was there determined, by a council of land and naval officers, that as they had but ten weeks provision, and could not expect a supply from New-England, to make no further attempt. The admiral sailed directly for England, and ar- rived at Portsmouth on the 9th of October. Here the fleet suf- fered another surprising calamity. The Edgar, a 70 gun ship, blew up, having on board four hundred men, besides many persons who were just come on board to visit their friends. As the cause of this event was wholly unknown, jealous minds were not without suggestions, that even this, as well as the other disaster, was the effect of horrid design. The admiral and English officers, to exculpate themselves, laid the blame wholly upon the colonies, that they were delayed so long for provision and the raising of the provincials, and that they had such unskilful pilots. The admiral declared, that it was the advice of the pilots that the fleet should come to in the manner it did, but the pilots, from New-England, declared, upon oath, that they gave no such advice. If any such was given it must have been by the French pilots on board, either through mistake or upon de- sign. Charlevoix represents, that the French pilots warned the admiral of his danger, but that he did not sufficiently regard them. The whigs, in England, generally censured the ministry for their conduct respecting the expedition. Lord Harley represented the whole aflfair as a contrivance of Bolingbroke, More, and the Lord I7IIJ HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 375 Chancellor, Harcourt, to cheat the public out of twenty thousand pounds. Lord Harcourt was pleased to say, " No government was worth serving, that would not admit of such jobs." Another Eng- lish writer observes, " That if the ministry were sincere in the pros- ecution of the war, they were certainly the most consummate blunderers that ever undertook the government of a state." ^ General Nicholson had not advanced far before he received in- telligence of the loss sustained by the fleet, and the army soon after returned. The Marquis De Vaudreuil, governor of Canada, received in- telligence of the arrival of the fleet from England, and of the prep- arations making in the colonies for the invasion of Canada, and had omitted nothing in his power to put it into a state of defence. No sooner was he apprised of so many ships wrecked and so many bodies with red coats driven on shore, and that the river was clear of ships, than he ordered the whole strength of Canada towards Montreal and lake Champlain. At Chambly he formed a camp of three thousand men to oppose general Nicholson. Had the gen- eral crossed the lake, it might have been difficult for him to have returned in safety. Very providential it was, that all the provincial transports, ex- cept a small victualler, were preserved. The crew of the victualler were saved, and not a provincial lost. The loss and disappoint- ment, nevertheless, were exceedingly grievous to the colonies. Many pious people, after so many attempts had been blasted, gave up all expectations of the conquest of Canada. They imagined it was not the design of providence, that this northern continent should ever wholly belong to any one nation.* Upon the return of general Nicholson's army, and the report of VaudreuiFs force, the country were not only chagrined with dis- appointment, but alarmed with fear. They were apprehensive, that the enemy, in different parties, by different routes, would, with redoubled fury, harass and desolate the country. To return to the affairs of Connecticut, the history of which has been in some measure interrupted with the general account of the war, it should be observed, that Joseph Talcott was this year chosen into the magistracy in the stead of Josiah Rossiter, Esq. An important alteration was also made, at the session in May, re- specting the superior court. Until this time, it had been holden at two places only, Hartford and New-Haven, and at two terms annually. This was found to be an affair of expense and incon- venience. It was therefore resolved, that the superior court should sit twice annually, in each of the counties, and that all ac- tions should be tried in the county in which they originated. When the assembly met in October, an address was prepared to ' Rider's Hist, of England, vol. xxxii. p. 189, 190. * Hutchinion, vol. ii. p. 193—196. Smith's Hist, of New- York, p. 130, 131 mm Mt '(' pi lit %.M N i< I iPn , ■•■ 'i 376 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [17" be presented to her majesty representing the exertions of the col- ony in her service, condoling her on the disappointment with re- spect to the expedition, and praying for the continuance of her favor to the colony. At the session in May, 1708, the assembly made a grant of a township at a place called Pohtatuck, from a river of that name upon which part of it lies. At this session it was incorporated and named Newtown. A township had been given, several years before this time, by Joshua, sachem of the Moheagans, lying north of Lebanon and west of Mansfield, to certain honorable legatees in Hartford. The donation was approved by the assembly. The legatees con- veyed their right to William Pitkin, Joseph Talcott, William Whit- ing, and Richard Lord, to be a committee to lay out said township and make settlements on the lands. On the 9th of May, 1706, the general assembly authorized those gentlemen to act as a commit- tee for those purposes. October nth, 171 1, this committee was re-appointed, with one Nathaniel Rust, who had already settled upon the lands, more effectually to carry into execution the design of their former appointment. The township, at the same session, was named Coventry. Nathaniel Rust and some others settled in the town about the year 1700; but the settlement of it has gener- ally been dated from 1709. In the spring of this year, a number of good householders, from Northampton and other places, moved into the town, and the inhabitants were so increased, in about two years, that they were incorporated with the privileges of other towns. The planters were from a great variety of places, but prin- cipally from Northampton and Hartford. In consequence of letters from governor Dudley, of Boston, and from general Nicholson, relative to the unsuccessfulness of the late expedition, a special assembly was called, November 3d, 171 1. The design of it was to consult the best means of acquainting her majesty truly how the affair was; what exertions the colonies had made, and that it was not through any fault of theirs that the enter- prise was frustrated. It was judged best, that the colonies should make a joint representation, and that the pilots should be sent to England, to be examined and declare before her majesty what they knew concerning the shipwreck. The assembly determined, that the affair was of great importance to the colonies; and that John Mayhew, of New- London, who was the only pilot from Con- necticut, should, forthwith, proceed to Great-Britain, with the pi- lots from Massachusetts. It was also resolved jointly, with the other colonies, to petition her majesty for another armament, in the spring, to assist them in the reduction of Canada. In the peti- tion from Connecticut, the legislature lamented the miscarriage of the expedition, and the fatal consequences of it to these colonies. They represented it would put them to great expense to employ 17"] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 377 such a number of men as were necessary to defend such extensive frontiers as theirs were; and that, after all their exertions, one family and town after another would be swept away by the enemy. They expressed their apprehensions, that unless another expedi- tion should be undertaken against the enemy, they would, in the spring, send out a greater number of scalping and plundering parties, than they had done in the preceding years of the war; and that her majesty's subjects would be greatly distressed. It was also suggested, that there was danger that the enemy would draw off many of the Indians who dwelt among them, as well as the Indians of the Five Nations, and engage them against the colonies. It was also urged, that the colonies were of great importance to her majesty's interest, and that it would be impolitic to suffer the en- emy to possess so large a proportion of her majesty's dominions in North America, as they actually inhabited and claimed. It was insisted, that, by the smiles of providence on her majesty's arms, the settlements in Canada might be easily reduced to her majesty's obedience. They prayed her to revive the expedition, and prom- ised a cheerful obedience to her commands, in contributing their proportion to the common service.^ The petitions were sent over seasonably, and the pilots were a considerable time in London, waiting to be examined, and give in- formation, relative to the loss of the transports, and the miscar- riage of the expedition. However, no examination was ever made concerning the failure of the enterprise. It did not appear that much had been expected from it in England, nor that people were discontented at the issue, or interested themselves very greatly in the affair. The court shewed no disposition to make any further attempt upon Canada. The election in 171 2, made little or no alteration with respect to public officers. Nothing very material appears to have been trans- acted this year. The legislature made the usual provision for the defence of this colony and the county of Hampshire. Nathan Gould, Esq. the deputy governor, was appointed chief judge of the superior court. William Pitkin, Richard Christo- pher, Peter Burr, and Samuel Eells, Esquires, were appointed as- sistant judges. In the absence of tHe deputy governor, William Pitkin was appointed chief judge; and in case either of the other judges were absent, any one of the magistrates was authorized to sit in his stead. Until this time, the judges of the superior court had been allowed nothing more than the fees of it. An act was, therefore, passed at the October session, that the judges, for the time being, upon laying their accounts before the assembly, should be allowed an honourable compensation for their expenses and services. » Petition on file. ! If: t Pi' ii 1 f i t ! 't i \ \ 1 1 ' ,•1; iil ;!', 'it! f ;i li'. \ I i <*'i il ' mi- mm mi m: 378 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 1171a October 9th, the inhabitants of New-Milford were incorporated and vested with town privileges.* At the election in May, 171 3, Mr. John Sherman, who had been some time speaker of the lower house, was chosen into the mag- istracy. In October, 1687, a grant of lands, commonly called the Masli- amoquet purchase, was made by the general assembly, to major James Fitch, lieutenant William Ruggles, Mr. John Gore, Mr. John Pierpont, Mr. John Chandler, Mr. Benjamin Sabin, Mr. Samuel Craft, Mr. John Grosvenor, Mr. Joseph Griffin, Mr. Sam- uel and John Ruggles, and Mr. Nathan Wilson. The most of these planters were from Roxbury, in Massachusetts. Some of them moved on to the lands in 1686, before the grant was made. At the session in May, 1713, the inhabitants were incorporated and vested with town privileges. The name was changed from Mash- amoquet to Pomfret. In 1708, the assembly of Connecticut determined, that, unless the province of Massachusetts would accept of the terms which they had proposed, relative to the line between them, they would make application to her majesty, desiring that orders might be given, that Massachusetts forthwith should mutually join with Connecticut in running and settling the boundary line between the colonies. Massachusetts, at that time, would not consent to run the line as it had been proposed. They would not grant that there had been any mistake in running it; but if there had been, they insisted, that, as it was run so long before the charter was granted to Connecticut, and they had been in possession of the lands in controversy for sixty-six years, and several towns and plantations had been settled upon them, it was not then reason- able to draw it into question. The assembly of Connecticut, there- fore, in 1709, approved a letter, addressed to the lords of trade, giv- ing reasons why the line run by Woodward and Saffery ought not to be established ; and it seems to have been the determination of the legislature to have appealed to her majesty with respect to the partition line; but several circumstances finally prevented. Gov- ernor Dudley, who was a man of uncommon intrigue and duplic- ity, had many friends and great influence at court. Connecticut had no such friends, or influence, with the court party. Sir Henry Ashurst, their agent for many years, appears now to have been no more ; and they had not yet sufficient time to fix upon and have proof of the fidelity and ability of another in his place. The colony was poor, and had been put to great expense, in defending itself against the complaints of governor Dudley, lord Combury, and ' About this time, William Patridge, Esq. of Newbury, and Jonathan Belcher, o{ Boston, opened a copper mine at Simsbury ; and for their encouragement, the assembly exempted the miners, operators, and labourers, from military duties, for the term of four years. I7«3l HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 379 other enemies, and against the claims of Mason and his party. The ministry were high tories, and inimical to all charter govern- ments. The legislature were apprehensive that their enemies were again concerting measures to deprive them of all the privileges which they had so dearly bought. Massachusetts also, in some good measure, agreed to part of the terms proposed in 1708. It was, therefore, in full view of these circumstances, judged most expedient to make the best settlement which could be obtained, without an appeal to her majesty. Upon the 13th of July, 1713, commissioners, fully empowered from each of the colonies, came to an agreement, which was adopted by each court. They were both careful to secure the property to the persons to whom they had made grants of lands, and to maintain the jurisdiction over the towns which they had re- spectively settled. It was, therefore, expressly stipulated, as a pre- liminary, that the towns should remain to the governments, by which they had been settled; and that the property of as many acres as should appear to be gained by one colony from the other, should be conveyed out of other unimproved land, as a satisfaction or equivalent. With respect to about two miles, claimed by Wind- sor upon the town of Suffield, concerning the validity of which there had been a long contest, it was agreed, that, if the tract fell within the line, it should belong to Connecticut. On running the line, it was found, at Connecticut river, to run ninety rods north of the north-east bounds of Suffield; and it ap- peared that Massachusetts had encroached upon Connecticut 107,- 793 acres, running a due west line from Woodward's and Saflfery's station. Massachusetts made a grant of such a quantity of land to Connecticut, and it was accepted as equivalent. The whole was sold, in sixteen shares, in 1716, for the sum of 683I. New-England currency.* The money was applied to the use of the college. Notwithstanding the long and expensive controversy of Con- necticut with the colony of Rhode-Island, relative to the Narra- ganset country, and notwithstanding the king's commissioners, and attornies of the greatest fame, determined, that the title was, undoubtedly, in the governor and company of this colony, yet it was judged expedient to give up the claim. Lands were of so lit- tle value, and controversies before king and council so expensive, and the event so uncertain, that the legislature determined rather to comply with governor Winthrop's and Clark's agreement, than to prolong the controversy. The court party, both in king Will- iam's and queen Anne's reign, appeared reluctant to establish the charter limits of Connecticut at Narraganset river and bay; other- ' This was a little more than a farthing per acre, and shows of what small value land was esteemed at that day. It affords, also, a striking demonstration, that, con- sidering the expense of purchasing them of the natives, and of defending tliem, they cost our ancestors five, if not ten times their value. ^!l il 1 i 1 1 '' i 1^' ir. t ■ \ i M \ 1 i ■1 J*- i ill \ lli 1 , 1 1 1; i I 1. I 1 1 ' u { !l| ! 'il 1- _ 1 i ■ ;j ii ■ !i ■ i f 1' •\ ■■[. 1' 1 i 1 i i i 1 j \ [ I ■ i 1 i 1 , i ■ ; i , ! j 1; ■ J i 38o HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. («7'3 i " ' ' '^u; V: " '' r'. M k wise they would have advised to establish the judgment of the king's commissioners; and tlie king, or queen, would have adopted the same opinion, and established the boundary according to the charter. The court, probably, were influenced by political principles. The establishment of the eastern boundary of Con- necticut at Narraganset river and bay, would have ruined Rhode- Island, by reducing them to limits too small for a colony. Con- necticut was, doubtless, fully sensible of these dispositions of the sovereigns and court of Great-Britain, and it, probably, operated as a strong motive to induce them to give up their claim. In October, 1702, a committee was appointed to make a com- plete settlement of the boundary line between the colonies, reserv- ing to all persons concerned, their entire property in lands and buildings, according to the agreement of governor Winthrop and Mr. Clark. On the I2th of May, 1703, the committees from the two colonies agreed, " That the middle channel of Pawcatuck river, alias Narraganset river, as it extends from the salt water up- wards, till it comes to the mouth of Ashaway river, where it falls into the said Pawcatuck river, and from thence to run a straight line till it meet with the south-west bounds or corner of Warwick g^and purchase, which extends twenty miles due west from a cer- tain rock, lying at the outmost point of Warwick neck, which is the south-easterly bounds of said purchase; and from the said south-west bounds, or corner of said purchase, to run upon a due north line, till it meet with the south line of the province of Massa- chusetts Bay, in New-England : This to be, and for ever remain to be the fixed and stated line between the said colonies of Con- necticut and Rhode-Island. Always provided, and it is hereby in- tended, that nothing in the aforementioned agreement, or any clause thereof, shall be taken or deemed to be the breach or mak- ing void of the fourth article in the agreement made between the agents of the said colonies of Connecticut and Rhode-Island, viz. John Winthrop, Esq. and Mr. Daniel Clark, for maintaining prop- erty, dated April 7th, 1663, but that the same shall be kept and justly performed, according to the true intent and meaning there- of; and that all former grants and purchases, granted by, or made within either of the colonies, and all other ancient grants con- firmed by the authority of Connecticut colony within the township of Westerly, in the colony of Rhode-Island, shall be duly pre- served and maintained, as fully and amply, to all intents and pur- poses, as if they were lying or continued within the bounds of the colony, by the authority of which it was granted or purchased." * Notwithstanding this agreement, Rhode-Island, about this time, disowned its authenticity, pretending that their commis- sioners were not empowered to conclude fully and finally upon ' Agreement on file, signed with the hands of the commissioners, and sealed with nine seals. I7«3) HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 381 such settlement. The cause wds heard by the king in council, some years after, and decided according to the agreement of the commissioners as stated above, September 27th, 17^8. the line w»s finally ascertained and dis- tinguished by proper momjments and fioundaries. Roger Wol- cott, James Wadsworth, and iJaniel Palmer, on the part of Con- necticut, and William Wanton, /'«'njaniin EUery, and William Jenlcs, in behalf of Rhode-Island, were the committees for the running and final fixing of the line. No colony, perhaps, had ever a better right to th** lands com- prised in its original patent than Connecticut, yet none has been more unfortunate with respect to the loss of territory. King Charles the second, in favor of his brother the duke of York, granted a great part of the lands contained within its original limits to him, and the legislature, for fear of offending those royal per- sonages and losing their charter, gave up Long-Island and agreed to the settlement of the boundary line with the king's commission- ers. For the reasons which have been suggested they lost a con- siderable tract on the north and on the east. Indeed, considering the enemies and difficulties with which they had to combat, it is admirable that they retained so much territory, and so nobly de- fended their just rights and liberties. The peace of Utrecht was signed by the plenipotentiaries of Great-Britain and France, March 30th, 1713. Official accounts of the pacification and orders for immediately proclaiming the peace were received by the governor of Connecticut, on the 22d of Au- gust. The governor having called together the deputy governor and council, they, on the 26th, made a formal proclamation of peace between the two nations. Upon the pacification with France, the Indians buried the hatchet, and peace, with her olive branch, once more gladdened the colonies. Connecticut had not been less fortunate in this, than in former wars. A single town had not been lost, nor had any considerable number of the inhabitants fallen by the hands of the enemy. In Philip's, king William's, and queen Anne's wars, Connecticut lost only the buildings and part of the effects of one town. The in- habitants of Simsbury, when consisting of about forty families, as the tradition is, supposing themselves in danger of a surprise, by the enemy, buried a considerable part of their effects, and gener- ally removed back to Windsor. The enemy, finding the town nearly deserted, fell upon it, burned the buildings, and captivated several of the inhabitants. When the people moved back, such an alteration had been made, by the burning of the buildings and the growth of weeds and bushes, that the particular spot in which they had buried their effects, could not be found, and they were never recovered. This, most probably, was in the spring of 1676, when ( Hi im M' ii-'r-*- t m n 382 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1713 the Narraganset and other Indians appeared in strong parties upon the river above. The expense of this war was very considerable. Some years the colony paid a tax of about seven pence and eight pence on the pound, on the whole list of the colony. Besides, it was found necessary to emit, at several times, from June, 1709, to October, 1713, 33,5001. in bills of credit. Provision had been made, by acts of assembly, for the calling in of the whole, within the term of about seven years from the termination of the war. Twenty thou- sand pounds only were in circulation in October, 171 3. The emis- sions were all in the same form, and, by a law of the colony, the bills of each were to be received, in all payments at the treasury, at five per cent, better than money, or more than expressed on the face of the bill. In all other payments, it was enacted, that they should be received as money. So small was the sum, and such was the advance at which the bills were received at the treasury, that they appear to have suffered little or no depreciation. As some of the small bills had been altered, and the sum expressed made greater than in the original ones, the assembly passed an act for calling them all in, and emitting 20,oool. in new bills, which the treasurer was directed to issue. After pursuing the history of the colony nearly eighty years, from the commencement of its first settlements, it appears, that, notwithstanding the many wars, numerous hardships, and diffi- culties, which it had almost continually to combat, its progress in numbers, plantations, husbandry, wealth, and commerce, were considerable. Within the colony, and under its jurisdiction, were thirty-eight taxable towns, and forty sent deputies. Counties and Towns, County of Time of Hartford. Settlement. Hartford, 1635 Weathersfield, 1634 Windsor, 1635 Farmington, 1644 Middletown, 1651 Simsbury, 1650 Hnddam, 1668 Glastenbury made a town, 1690 Waterbury, 1686 Windham, 169a Plainfield, 1689 East-Haddam, 1713 Canterbury, 1703 Mansfield, 1703* Colchester, 1699 Hebron, 1704* October 8th, 17 13. Killingly, 1708* Coventry, 1709* County of I Time of New-London. | Settlement. New- London, 1648 Saybrook, 1639 Norwich, 1660 Lyme, 1667 Stonington, 1658 Killingworth, 1663 Preston, 1686 Lebanon incorporated, 1697 Voluntown, 1700 Pomfret incorporated, 17 13* County of Time of New-Haven. Settlement. New-Haven, 1638 Milford, 1639 Guilford, 1639 I I it 17»3] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 383 Branford, ; »644 Wallingford, 1670 East-Haven, 1607 Derby, 1675 Durham, 1699 New-Miiford, 1713* County of Time of Fairfield. Settlement. Fairfield, 1639 Stratford, 1639 Greenwich, 1640 Stamford, 1641 Norwallc, 1651 Woodbury incorporated, 1674 Danbury, 1693 Newtown incorporated, 17 ii* Ridge field incorporated, 1709* It was customary with the assembly, from the first settlement of the colony, to release the infant towns two, three, or four years, at first, from all taxes to the commonwealth; and especially this was the universal practice, while they were building meeting-houses and settling ministers. For these reasons, the eight towns marked with asterisks, at this time, appear to have been released from pub- lic taxation. Attempts had been made for the settlement of Ashford; two families moved on to the lands in 17 10, and began settlements, but it was not incorporated until October, 17 14. The assembly had, also, appointed committees, and passed several acts respecting the settlement of New Fairfield, but it does not appear to have been incorporated at this time. Exclusive of the towns on Long-Island, and some others in New- York, and the town of Westerly, in Rhode-Island, Connecticut had settled forty-five towns under its own jurisdiction. Forty of them sent deputies. The house of representatives, when full, consisted of eighty members. The grand list of the colony was 281,083!. The militia consisted of a regiment in each county, and amounted to nearly four thou- sand effective men. The number of inhabitants was about seven- teen thousand.* The shipping consisted of two brigantines, about twenty sloops, and some other small vessels. The number of seamen did not ex- ceed a hundred and twenty. There were three considerable towns in the colony under the government of Massachusetts, Suffield, Enfield, and Woodstock. Suflfield and Enfield were part of Springfield, which was purchased by Mr. Pyncheon and his company, of the natives, the original proprietors of the soil. This tov/nship, like Windsor, was of great extent. At first it was supposed to belong to Connecticut, and it always would have done had not the boundary line been fixed con- trary to the expectations of the first planters. In 1670, a grant of Suffield was made to major John Pyncheon, Mr. Elizur Holyoke, Mr. Thomas Cooper, Mr. Benjamin Cooly, George Cotton, and Rowland Thomas, by the general court of Massachusetts, as a ' This estimate is called "far wrong" by Palfrey, who places the number at over 23,000, based on the official returns of the number of taxable males in 1709, or five years earlier.— J. T. Iiilii! ill in < II I \\ \\ 1 384 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [>7»3 ■■ i u. ■ p II' i committee to lay it out and plant a township. And about that time it was settled, and incorporated with town privileges. Enfield was settled by people from Massachusetts, about the year 1681. A grant of the township, which is six miles square, was made to several planters about two years before. The planters came on with numbers and strength. They brought with them two young gentlemen, one Mr. Whittington for a schoolmaster, and Mr. Welch, a candidate for the ministry, to be their preacher. In the year 1769, the number of families in the town was 214, and the number of inhabitants was 1,380. The town was named after one of the same name in England.* Courts in Connecticut. The general court, or assembly, in May and October. The ses- sions at this period, generally, did not exceed ten or twelve days. The expense of government was very inconsiderable. The ex- pense of the two sessions annually hardly amounted to 400 pounds. The salary of the governor was 200 pounds, and that of the deputy governor fifty pounds. The whole expense of govern- ment, probably did not exceed eight hundred pounds annually.- The Superior court, which was made circular in 171 1. At the May session, 171 1, it was enacted, that there should be one superior court of judicature over the whole colony: That this court should be holden annually, within and for the county of Hartford on the third Tuesdays in March and September: With- in and for the county of New-Haven on the second Tuesdays in March and September: Within and for the county of Fairfield, at Fairfield, on the first Tuesdays in March and September; and within and for the county of New-London on the fourth Tuesdays in said months. This court consisted of one chief judge and four other judges, three of whom made a quorum. The judges of the court were all magistrates. William Pitkin, Esq. was chief judge. Richard Christopher, Peter Burr, Samuel Eells, and John Haynes, Es- quires, were assistant judges. The wages of the chief judge were ten shillings a day, while on the public service. The other judges were allowed the fees, by law, payable to the bench. The inferior, or county courts. At the session in May, 1665, counties were first m . Je. From that time each county had a court of its own. This, after a few years, from its first institution, con- sisted of a chief judge and four justices of the quorum. The busi- ness of these courts has been already sufficiently noticed. In each county there was a court of probates, consisting of one judge and a clerk. In this all testamentary aflfairs were managed. From this court appeals might be had to the county court. One ' With respect to Woodstock there are no records or minutes. ' The expense of government in Connecticut did not generally amount to the salary of a king's governor. 1713] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 385 of the magistrates of the county was commonly judge of this court. It met frequently, business was done with ease and dispatch, and with little expense to the fatherless and widow. The manufactures of Connecticut at this time, were very incon- siderable. There was but one clothier in the colony. The most he could do was to full the cloth which was made. A great propor- tion of it was worn without shearing or pressing.^ The trade of the colony was not considerable. Its foreign com- merce was indeed next to nothing. The only articles exported di- rectly from it to Great-Britain were turpentine, pitch, tar, and fur. But these more generally were sent directly to Boston or New- York, and were traded for such European goods as were con- sumed in the colony. Its principal trade was with Boston, New- York, and the West-Indies. To the two former the merchants traded in the produce of the colony, wheat, rye, barley, Indian corn, peas, pork, beef, and fat cattle. To the West-Indies the merchants exported horses, staves, hoops, pork, beef, and cattle. In return they received rum, sugar, molasses, cotton wool, bills of exchange, and sometimes small sums of money. But little more was imported, than was found necessary for home consumption. At this period there was not a printer in the colony. For this reason a great proportion of the laws were only in manuscript. The assembly had now desired the governor and council to pro- cure a printer to settle in the colony. It was determined soon to revise and print the laws which made the assembly more urgent in the affair at that time. The council obtained Mr. Timothy Green, a descendant of Mr. Samuel Green of Cambridge in Massachu- setts, the first printer in North-America. The assembly for his en- couragement agreed that he should be printer to the governor and company and that he should have fifty pounds, the salary of the deputy governor, annually. He was obliged to print the election sermons, the proclamations for fasts and thanksgivings, and laws which were enacted at the several sessions of the assembly. In 1 714, he came into Connecticut, and fixed his residence at New- London. He and his descendants were, for a great number of years, printers to the governor and company of Connecticut.* At the period to which the history is brought down, almost all that part of the colony on the east side of Connecticut was settled. Ashford, Tolland, Stafford, Bolton, and two or three other towns have been settled in that part of the colony, and the greatest part of the county of Litchfield since. The settlement of these has been attended with little difficulty in comparison with what was experi- enced in the planting and defending of the former. 1 Answer to queitiont from the lords of trade and plantations, 1710. * The first printer in this colony was Thomas Short. He was recommended to the colony by Mr. Green. He came to New-London about the year 1709. In 1710, he printed Saybrook Platform, and soon after died. Sil! a I I u i I :n: m p. L ■ \ ; i ' > 5'; 5*. i f: ' 1 k ■ \ A % M 1 i • 1 1 1 1 1 1 ' s in ■;' 386 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1666 Who can contemplate the hardships, labors, and dangers of our ancestors, their self-denial, magnanimity, firmness, and persever- ance, in defending their just rights, and the great expense, though they were poor, at which they maintained and transmitted the fairest inheritance to us, and not highly esteem and venerate their characters? If they had some imperfections, yet had they not more excellencies, and did they not effect greater things, for them- selves and posterity, than men have generally done? Is it possi- ble to review the sufferings, dangers, expense of blood and treas- ure, with which our invaluable liberties, civil and religious, have been transmitted to us, and not to esteem them precious? Not most vigilantly and vigorously defend them? Shall we not at all hazards, maintain and perpetuate them? Can we contemplate the sobriety, wisdom, integrity, industry, economy, public spirit, peaceableness, good order, and other virtues, by which this repub- lic hath arisen from the smallest beginnings, to its present strength, opulence, beauty and respectability, and not admire those virtues? Not be convinced of their high importance to so- ciety? Shall we not make them our own? And by the constant practice of them, hand down our distinguished liberties, dignity, and happiness, to the latest ages? CHAPTER XIX. ALTHOUGH the legislature of Connecticut, during the con- troversy respecting the union of the colonies, judged it expedient to transact nothing relative to the religious controversies then in the country, yet, as soon as the union was well established, they entered seriously upon measures to bring them to a final issue. For this purpose, they passed the following act. " This court doth conclude, to consider of some way or means to bring those ecclesiastical matters, that are in difference in the several plantations, to an issue, by stating some suitable accom- modation and expedient thereunto. And do therefore order, that a synod be called to consider and debate those matters ; and that the questions presented to the elders and ministers th'i.t are called to this synod, shall be publicly disputed to an issue. And this court doth confer power to this synod, being met and constituted, to order and methodize the disputation, so as may most conduce, in their apprehension, to attain a regular issue of their debates." The court ordered, that all the preaching elders, or ministers, who were or should be settled in this colony, at the time appointed for the meeting of the synod, should be sent to, to attend as mem- bers of it. It was also ordered by the legislature, that Mr. Mit- 1667] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 387 cliell, Mr. Brown, Mr. Sherman, and Mr. Glover,of Massachusetts, should be invited to assist as members of the synod. It was also ordered, that, upon the meeting of a majority of the preaching elders in the colony, they should proceed as a synod. Further, it was enacted, that the questions proposed by this assembly, should be the questions to be disputed by the synod. The meeting of the synod was appointed on the third Wednesday in May, 1667. The secretary was directed to transmit to all the ministers in this col- ony, and those invited from the Massachusetts, a copy of this act of assembly, and of the questions to be disputed. It seems, that the ministers had objections to meeting as a synod, and to the order of the assembly vesting them with synod- ical powers. Numbers of the ministers and churches appear to have been too jealous fci' their liberties to admit of the authority of synods appointed by the assembly. The legislature, to ease this difficulty, in their May session, judged it expedient to alter the name of the council, and to call it an assembly of the ministers of Connecticut, called together by the general court, for the discuss- ing of the questions^ stated, according to their former order. The assembly of ministers convened at the time appointed, and having conversed on the questions, and voted not to dispute them publicly, adjourned until the fall, determining then to meet again, and make their report, should it be the desire of the legislature. The questions were the same which had been exhibited ten years, before." The same points of controversy still subsisted. The ' churches continued in their former strict method of admitting members to their communion, and maintained their right to choose their ministers, without any controul from the towns or parishes of which they were a part. It does not appear, that one church in the colony had yet consented to the baptism of children, upon their parents owning the covenant, as it was then called. It was insisted, as necessary to the baptism of children, that one of the parents, at least, should be a member in full communion withj the church, and in regular standing. It seems, that the assembly's particularly inviting the gentle- men from the Massachusetts, in their name, to attend the general assembly of ministers and churches, was to enlighten and soften the minds of the ministers of Connecticut in those points, and to obtain a majority in the assembly for a less rigid mode of proceed- ing. Mr. Mitchell was the most powerful disputant of his day, in New-England, in favour of the baptism of children, upon their parents owning the covenant, though they neglected to obey and honour Christ, in attending the sacrament of the Lord's Supper. > See note, p. 252. The fact that "the same points of controversy still subsist- ed " may have nad something to do with the error of assuming that the questions were identical. — J. T. - See chapter xiii. p. 353, 253. ii' »;' MIR i ^ u 58 iiili: ■SI ^ I'll!' irl m m I r ! ll Ii i .■ I I M J' '■'1 mm lit !':;!, H •a'$ I I 388 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1667 It appeared, however, that this party were not able to carry any point in the assembly, and that the questions were not likely to be determined according to the wishes of the majority of the legis- lature. Measures were, therefore, adopted to prevent the meeting and result of the assembly, at their adjournment in the fall. ■^ In September, the commissioners of the united colonies met at Hartford, and they interposed in the affair. They resolved, " That when questions of public concernment, about matters of faith and order, do arise in any colony, that the decision thereof should be referred to a synod, or council of messengers of churches, indif- ferently called out of the united colonies, by an orderly agreement of all the general courts; and that the place of meeting be at, or near Boston." This vote was, doubtless, obtained by the art of those gentlemen, among the civilians and ministers, who wished to prevent the meeting* of the assembly of ministers, and their re- sulting upon the questions. The reverend elders Warham, Hooker, and Whiting, in a writ- ing under their hands, represented to the assembly, at their session in October, that it was the desire of the assembly of ministers, that there might be a more general meeting of ministers from Massa- chusetts, to assist in the consideration and decision of the ques- tions proposed. It was also represented to the assembly, that though they and others were for disputing the questions publicly, and offered to do it, yet the major part of the assembly refused the offer. The Rev. Mr. Bulkley and Mr. Haynes, on the other hand, in a letter addressed by them to the assembly, represented, that the assembly had authorized a major part of the ministers to method- ize the proceedings of the assembly, and that a majority were against a public disputation of the questions : That it was viewed as what would dishonour God, disserve the peace and edification of the churches, and the general interests of religion; and it was judged most expedient to deliberate upon and decide the ques- tions among themselves, as was usual in councils, without a public disputation. They therefore observed, that whatever fair offers were made them to dispute the questions publicly, they could not consistently do it, as it was contrary to a major vote of the as- sembly of the ministers, and, in their opinion, would disserve tlie interest of the churches. With respect to the present application, made by Messrs. Warham, Hooker, and Whiting, they observed, that it appeared strange to them, as a considerable number of the ministers were positively against it, and others v-x - neuter, and not in the vote for a more general council ; and thot it was the vote of the assembly of ministers, to meet again on the third Wednes- day in October. They assured the legislature, that they were ready and determined to obey all their lawful commands; and they desired information from them, whether the assembly of min- r i I6671 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 389 isters should meet again, according to adjournment, or not? The general assembly voted, that the questions had not been decided^ and desired the several churches and plantations in the colony, to send their teaching elders, at their own expense, to sit m council, with such of the elders of Massachusetts and Plymouth as should l)e appointed, to consider and determine the points in controversy. The assembly desired, that the general court of Massachusetts might be certified of the affair, and would appoint time and place for the meeting of a synod, if they should judge it expedient. Whether the assembly really wished to have a general council, or whether this was only a matter of policy to prevent a deter- mination of the questions contrary to their wishes, is not certain. No general council, however, was called ; nor does it appear, that any motion was made afterwards for that purpose. Indeed, the legislature seem to have fallen under the conviction, that the clergy and churches would not give up their private opinions, in faith and practice, to the decisions of councils; that honest men would think differently, and that they could not be convinced and made of one mind by disputing. No further attempts were ever made by them, to bring those points to a public discussion. ^j While these affairs were transacting in Connecticut, a remark- able transaction took place in the first church at Boston, the most considerable church in New-England. Their pastor, the Rev. Mr. Wilson, was one of the synod in 1662, and one who had adopted its determinations relative to the subjects of baptism. His church also appeared to have consented to the practice of admitting per- sons to own their covenant and bring their children 10 baptism. Nevertheless, after Mr. Wilson's decease, they elected the Rev. Mr. Davenport, of New-Haven, for their pastor, as the only gen- tleman worthy to succeed the distinguished lights which had illuminated that golden candlestick. He had publicly written against the synod, and was one of the most strict and rigid minis- ters, with respect to the admission of members to full communion, the subjects of baptism, and with respect to church discipline, in New-England. He had now arrived nearly to seventy years of age, yet, in 1667, upon the application of the church and congrega- tion at Boston, he accepted their invitation, and the next year removed to that capital. He had been about thirty years minister at New-Haven, and was greatly esteemed and beloved by his flock. This circumstance, with his advanced period of life, made his re- moval very remarkable. His church and people were exceed- ingly unwilling that he should leave them, and, it seems, never for- mally gave their consent. The affair, on the whole, was unhappy. It occasioned a separation from the first church in Boston; and the church and congregation at New-Haven, for many years, re- mained in an uncomfortable state, unable to unite in the choice of any person to take the pastoral charge of them. ii jii iiliilf lillH 1; 111 i? In 111! Pi i 'i III H I mi 390 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. I1667 The town of Windsor had, for many years, been almost in per- petual controversy, relative to the settlement of a minister. After Mr. Warham became advanced in years, he wished for a colleague, to assist him in ministerial labors. Various young gentlemen were invited to preach in the town; but such as one part of the people chose for the minister, the other would violently oppose. Sometimes one party would appear with great zeal for one candi- date, and the other would strive with equal engagedness for an- other. In such case advice had been given, that both the persons, for whom they were thus contending, should leave the town, and that application should be made to some other candidate. Much heat and obstinacy, however, continued between the parties, and all attempts to unite them were unsuccessful. It seems, that their passions were so inflamed, that, upon occasion of their meetings, their language and deportment were unbrotherly and irritating. One Mr. Chauncey was now preaching in the town, and parties were warmly engaged for and against him. The general assembly, in this state of their affairs, enacted, " That all the freemen and householders in Windsor and Massacoe should meet at the meet- ing-house, on Monday morning next, by sun an hour high, and bring in their votes for a minister, to Mr. Henry Wolcott: That those who were for Mr. Chauncey to be the settled minister of Windsor, bring in a written paper, and those who were not for him to give in a paper without any writing upon it: That the in- habitants during the meeting forbear all discourse and agitation of any matter, which may serve to provoke and disturb each other's spirits, and when the meeting is over return to their several occa- sions." Mr. Wolcott reported to the assembly the state of the town, that there were eighty six votes for Mr. Chauncey and fifty five against him. The assembly, upon the petition of the minor party, and a full view of the state of the town, gave them liberty to settle an orthodox minister among themselves, and to the church and ma- jority of the town to settle Mr. Chauncey, if they judged it expedi- ent. It was enacted, that the minority should pay Mr. Chauncey until they should obtain another minister to preach and reside in the town. Mr. Chauncey was not finally ordained, but the affair was carried so far that a separation was soon after made in the church, and a distinct church was formed by the minority. The town continued in an unhappy state of division, for about sixteen years from this time. f The legislature, having given over all further attempts to com- pose the divisions in the colony, by public disputation and the de- cisions of general councils, determined to pursue a different course. They conceived the design of uniting the churches in some general plan of church communion and discipline, by which they might walk, notwithstanding their different sentiments, in 1668] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 39» points of less importance. With this view, an act passed au- thorizing the Rev. Messrs. James FitcK, Gershom Bulkley, Joseph Elliot, and Samuel Wakcman, to meet at Saybrook, and devise a way in which this desirable purpose might be effected. This ap- pears to have been the first step towards forming a religious con- stitution. From this time it became more and more a general ob- ject of desire and pursuit, though many years elapsed before the work could be accomplished. -^ Notwithstanding the divisions in the church at Hartford, some years since, had been so far composed and healed, that it had been kept together until this time, yet there were really different senti- ments among the brethren and between the ministers, relative to the qualifications of church members, the subjects of baptism, and the mode of discipline. Mr. Whiting and part of the church were zealous for the strictly congregational way, as it has been called, practised by the ministers and churches, at their first coming into New-England. Mr. Haynes and a majority of the congregation were not less engaged against it. The difference became so great, that it was judged expedient, both by an ecclesiastical council and the assembly, that the church and town should be divided. An ecclesiastical council having first advised to a division, the general assembly, in October, 1669, passed the following act. " Upon the petition presented by Joseph Whiting, &c. to this court, for a distinct walking in congregational church order, as hath been settled according to the council of the elders, the court doth commend it to the church at Hartford to take some effectual course, that Mr. Whiting, &c, may practise the congregational way, without disturbance, either from preaching or practice, di- versely to their just offence; or else to grant their loving consent to their brethren to walk distinct, according to such their congre- gational principles ; which this court allows liberty in Hartford to be done. But if both these be refused and neglected by the church, then these brethren may, in any regular way, relieve themselves without offence to this court." ^ The next February, Mr. Whiting and his adherents resolved and covenanted in the manner following, and formed the second church in Hartford. " Having had the consent and countenance of the general court, and the advice of an ecclesiastical council to encourage us in em- bodying as a church by ourselves, accordingly upon the day of completing our distinct state, (viz. February 12th, 1669') this paper was read before the messengers of the churches and con- sented to by ourselves. Viz. " The holy providence of the Most High so disposing, that pub- ' Parties ran high at this time in the colony ; four assistants and fourteen depu- ties dissented, and desired their dissent and names to be recorded. ' This, according to the present mode of dating, was February, 167a ^ij wv. !;! ]«' rf m m 392 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1670 II lie opposition and disturbance hath, of late years, been given, both by preaching and practice, to the congregational way of church order, by all manner of orderly establishments settled, and for a long time unanimously approved and peaceably practised in this place, all endeavours also (both among ourselves and from abroad) with due patience therein, proving fruitless and unsuccessful to the removing of that disturbance; We, whose names are after men- tioned, being advised by a council of the neighbouring churches, and allowed also by the honorable general court, to dispose our- selves into a capacity of distinct walking, in order to a peaceable and edifying enjoyment of all God's holy ordinances. Do declare, that according to the light we have hitherto received, the foremen- tioned congregational way (for the substance of it) as formerly settled, professed and practised, under the guidance of the first leaders of this church of Hartford, is the way of Christ; and that as such we are bound in duty carefully to observe and attend it, until such further light, (about any particular points of it) shall ap- pear to us from the scripture, as may lead us, with joint or general satisfaction, to be otherwise persuaded. Some main heads or prin- ciples of which congregational way of church order are those that follow. Viz. 1. " That visible saints are the only fit matter, and confederation the only form of a visible church. 2. " That a competent number of visible saints, (with their seed) embodied by a particular covenant, are a true, distinct, and entire church of Christ, 3. " That such a particular church, bting organized, or having furnished itself with those officers which Christ hath appointed, hath all power and privileges of a church belonging to it. " In special, 1. "To admit or receive members. 2. " To deal with, and if need be, reject offenders. 3. " To administer and enjoy all other ecclesiastical ordinances within itself. 4. " That the power of guidance, or leading, belongs only to the eldership, and the power of judgment, consent, or privilege, be- longs to the fraternity, or brethren in full communion. 5. " That communion is carefully to be maintained between the churches of Christ according to his order. 6. " That counsel, in cases of difficulty, is to be sought and sub- mitted to according to God." Having made this declaration, the brethren proceeded to cove- nant in the following manner: " Since it hath pleased God, in his infinite mercy, to manifest himself willing to take unworthy sinners near unto himself, even into covenant relation to and interest in him, to become a God to them, and avouch them to be his people, and accordingly to com- i670] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. J93 mand and encourage them to give up themselves and their chil- dren also to him; " We do, therefore, this day, in the presence of God, his holy angels, and this assembly, avouch the Lord Jehovah, the true and living God, even God the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, to be our God, and give up ourselves and ours also unto him, to be his subjects, and servants; promising through grace and strength in Christ (without whom we can do nothing) to walk in professed subjection to him as our Lord and Lawgiver, yielding universal obedience to his blessed will, according to what discoveries he hath made, or shall hereafter make, of the same to us ; in special, that we will seek him in all his holy ordinances, ac- cording to the rules of the gospel, submitting to his government in this particular church, and walking together therein, with all brotherly love and mutual watchfulness, to the building up of one another in faith and love unto his praise. All which we promise to perform, the Lord helping us, through his grace in Jesus Christ." Nearly at the same time, when the contentions commenced in the church at Hartford, the people at Stratford fell into the same unhappy state of controversy and division. During the adminis- trations of Mr. Blackman, their first pastor, the church and town enjoyed great peace, and conducted their ecclesiastical affairs with exemplary harmony. However, he was far advanced in years, and about the year 1663 became very infirm, and unable to perform his ministerial labors. The church, therefore, applied to Mr. Israel Chauncey, son of the president Charles Chauncey, of Cam- bridge, to make them a visit and preach among them. A majority of the church and town chose him for their pastor, and in 1665 he was ordained.^ But a large and respectable part of the church and town were opposed to his ordination. To make them easy, it was agreed, that if, after hearing Mr. Chauncey a certain time, they should continue dissatisfied with his ministry, they should have liberty to call and settle another minister, and have the same privi- leges in the meeting house as the other party. Accordingly, after hearing Mr. Chauncey the time agreed upon, and not being satis- fied with his ministerial performances, they invited Mr. Zechariah Walker to preach to them, and finally chose him for their pastor. He was ordained to the pastoral office in a regular manner, by the Rev. Mr. Haynes and Mr. Whiting, the ministers of Hartford, sometime about the year 1667, or 1668. Both ministers performed public worship in the same house. Mr. Chauncey performed his services at the usual hours, and Mr. Walker was allowed two hours in the middle of the day. But after some time, it so happened, that I His ordination was in the independent mode. It has been the tradition, that Elder Brinsmade laid on hands with a leathern mitten. Hence it has been termed the leathern mitten ordination. I'M fi, 394 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1670 k iM til Mr. Walker continued his service longer than usual. Mr. Chaun- cey and his people coming to the house and finding that Mr. Walker's exercises were not finished, retired to a private house, and there performed their afternoon devotions. They were, how- ever, so much displeased, that the next day they went over to Fair- field, and exhibited a complaint to major Gould, one of the magis- trates, against Mr. Walker. The major, upon hearing the case, advised to pacific measures, and that Mr. Walker should be al- lowed three hours for the time of his public exercises. In May, 1669, the general assembly advised the town to grant Mr. Walker full three hours for his exercises, until the next as- sembly in October. In the mean time, the parties were directed to call an able council to give them advice and assistance, and if possible to reconcile them. All attempts for a reconciliation, how- ever, were unsuccessful. The parties became more fixed in their opposition to each other, and their feelings and conduct more and more unbrotherly. At length, Mr. Chauncey and the majority ex- cluded Mr. Walker and his hearers the meeting house, and they convened and worshipped in a private dwelling. Governor Winthrop, affected with the unhappy controversy and animosities subsisting in the town, advised, that Mr. Walker and his church and people should remove, and that a tract of land, for the settlement of a new township, should be granted for their en- couragement and accommodation. Accordingly, Mr. John Sher- man,^ Mr. William Curtiss, and their associates, were autliorized to begin a plantation at Pomperaug. Consequently, Mr. Walker and his people removed and settled the town of Woodbury, about the years 1673 and 1674. This gave peace to the town of Stratford, and Mr. Walker and his church and congregation walked in harmony among themselves and with their sister churches. The tradition is, that Mr. Walker and his church were not so in- dependent, in their principles, as the church of Stratford ; and that Mr. Walker was a more experimental, pungent preacher, than Mr. Chauncey. Mr. Chauncey was learned and judicious. They both became sensible that their conduct towards each other, during the controversy at Stratford, had not, in all instances, been brotherly, and, after some time, made concessions to each other, became per- fectly reconciled, and conducted towards each other with broth- erly affection. During these transactions, those venerable fathers, who had been singularly instrumental in planting, and had long illuminated the churches of Connecticut and New-England, the Rev. John Davenport and the Rev. John Warham, finished their course. Mr. Davenport died at Boston, of an apoplexy, March 15th, 1670, in I Mr. Sherman wat son of the Rev. John Sherman, of Watertown, he was some years speaker of the lower house, and afterwards one of the magistrates of this col- ony. He was one of Mr. Walker's piincipal hearers. i670] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 395 the 73d year of hU age. He was born in the city of Coventry, in Warwickshire, 1597. His father was mayor of the city. At about fourteen years of age, he was supposed to become truly pious, and was admitted into Brazen Nose college, in the university at Ox- ford. When h' was nineteen, he became a constant preacher in the city of Let? ion. He appears, from his early life, to have been a man of public spirit, planning and attempting to serve the gen- eral welfare of the church. About the year 1626, he united with Dr. Gouge, Dr. Sibs, and Mr. Offspring, the lord mayor of Lon- don, the king's sergeant at lav/, and with several other attorneys and citizens, in a design of purchasing impropriations, and, with the profits of them, to maintain a constant, able, and laborious ministry, in those parts of the kingdom, where the poor people were destitute of the word and ordinances, and such a ministry was most needed, and would be of the greatest utility. Such in- credible progress was made in this charitable design, that all the church lands, in the hands of laymen, would have been soon hon- estly recovered to the immediate service of the reformed religion. But Bishop Laud, viewing the undertaking with a jea'ous eye, lest it might serve the cause of non-conformity, caused a bill to be ex- hibited in the exchequer chamber, by the king's attorney-general, against the feoffees, who had the management of the aiic^ir. By this means, an act of court was procured, condemning the pro- ceedings, as dangerous to the church and state. The feoffments and contrivances made to the charitable design, were declared to be illegal, the company was dissolved, and the money was confis- cated to the use of his majesty. But as the affair met with general approbation, and multitudes of wise and devout people extremely resented the conduct of the court, the crime was never prosecuted. Laud, however, watched Mr. Davenport with a jealous eye, and as he soon after discovered inclinations to non-conformity, he marked him out as an object of his vengeance. Mr. Davenport, therefore, to avoid the storm, by the consent of his people, re- signed his pastoral charge in Coleman-street. He hoped, by this means, to enjoy a quiet life; but he found his expectations sadly disappointed. He was so constantly harassed by one busy and furious pursuivant after another, that he was obliged to leave the kingdom, and retire into Holland. In 1633, he arrived at Amster- dam, and, at the desire of the people, who met him on his way, be- came colleague pastor with the aged Mr. Paget. After about two years, finding that he could not conscientiously administer bap- tism in that loose way, to all sorts of children, practised in the Dutch churches, he desisted from his ministry at Amsterdam. While he was in this city, he received letters from Mr. Cotton, at Boston, acquainting him, that the order of the churches and com- monwealth was then so settled, in New-England, by common con- sent, that it brought into his mind the new heaven and the new t ' iiii|f!l 'in Mi hi' ■ --,'i 's.^ n ''''M H il k 396 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1670 earth, wherein dwelleth righteousness. He, therefore, returned to London, and having shipped himself, with a number of pious peo- ple, came into New-England ; and, as has been related, settled at New-Haven. He was a preacher of the gospel about fifty-four years, nearly thirty of which were spent at New-Haven. He was eminently pious, given to devotion in secret and private; and it Avas supposed that he was abundant in ejaculatory prayer. He is characterized as a hard student and universal scholar ; as a labo- rious, prudent, exemplary minister; as an excellent preacher, speaking with a gravity, energy, and agreeableness, of which few of his brethren were capable. It is said, he was acquainted with ^reat men, and great things, and was great himself.^ The Rev. John Warham survived Mr. Davenport but a short time. He expired on the ist of April, 1670. He was about forty years minister in New-England; six at Dorchester, and thirty- four at Windsor. He was distinguished for piety and the btrictest morals; yet, at times, was subject to great gloominess and relig- ious melancholy. Such were his doubts and fears, at some times, that when he administered the Lord's supper to his brethren, he did not participate with them, fearing that the seals of the cove- nant did not belong to him. It is said, he was the first minister in New-England who used notes in preaching; yet he was ap- plauded by his hearers, as one of the most animated and energetic preachers of his day. He was considered as one of the princip.il fathers and pillars of the churches of Connecticut. After the close of the war with Philip and the Narraganset Ind- ians, the general assembly recommended it to the ministers through the colony, to take special pains to instruct the people in the duties of religion, and to stir up and awaken them to re- pentance, and a general reformation of manners. They, also, appointed a day of solemn fasting and prayer, to supplicate the divine aid, that they might be enabled to repent, and sincerely amend their ways. The same measures were recommended, at the May session, the next year, and the people were called to hu- miliation and prayer, under a deep sense of the abounding of sin and the dark aspects of Providence. The general court, about three years after, for the more effect- ual preservation and propagation of religion to posterity, recom- mended it to the ministry of this colony, upon the Lord's day, to catechise all the youth in their respective congregations, under twenty years of age, in the assembly of divines, or some other orthodox catechism. To continue and increase unity in religious sentiments among the people, and that they might have the ad- vantage of participating in the variety of ministerial gifts, it was ' Magnalia, B. III. p. S' — S7> He left a respectable family, and his descend- ants have supported its dignity to the present time. Some of them have been in the ministry, and others magistrates of this colony. 1670] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 397 also recommended to the ministers, to attend a weekly lecture in each county, on Wednesday, in such manner as they should judge- most subservient to these purposes.* The religious state of the colony, at this time, is given in an answer to the queries of the lords of trade and plantations. It is to the following effect. " Our people, in this colony, are some of them strict congre- gational men, others more large congregational men, and some moderate presbyterians. The congregational men, of both sorts, arc the greatest part of the people in the colony. There are four or five seventh day men, and about so many more quakers." " Great care is taken for the instruction of the people in the christian religion, by ministers catechising of them, and preach- ing to them twice every sabbath day, and sometimes on lecture days; and by masters of families instructing and catechising their children and servants, which they are required to do by law. In our corporation are twenty-six towns, and twenty- one churches. There is in every town in the colony a settled minister, except in two towns newly begun." In some towns there were two min- isters; so that there were, on the whole, then about the same number of ministers as of towns. There was about one minister, upon an average, to every four hundred and sixty persons, or to about ninety families. While settlements and churches were forming in various parts of the colony, and the English inhabitants were providing for their own instruction, some pains were taken to instruct and christianize the Connecticut Indians. A law was made, obliging those under the protection of the government to keep the chris- tian sabbath. The Rev. Mr. Fitch was particularly desired to teach Uncas and his family Christianity. A large bible, printed in the Indian language, was provided and given to the Moheagan sachems, that they might read the scriptures. When the council of ministers met at Hartford, in 1657, the famous Mr. Elliot, hearing of the Podunk Indians, desired that the tribe might be assembled, that he might have an opportunity of offering Christ to them for their Saviour. By the influence of some principal gentlemen, they were per- suaded to come together, at Hartford, and Mr. Elliot preached to them in their own language, and labored to instruct them con- cerning their Creator and Redeemer. When he had finished his sermon, and explained the matter to them, he desired an answer from them, whether they would accept of Jesus Christ for their Saviour, as he had been offered to them? But their chief men, with great scorn and resentment, utterly refused. They said the English had taken away their lands, and were at- tempting now to make them servants. ' Records of the colony. mm 11 i I ; ■ifi. 398 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1676 ii <« ill I".' : Mr. Stone and Mr. Newton, before this time, had both been employed, at the desire of the colony, to teach the Indians in Hartford, Windsor, Farmington, and that vicinity; and one John Minor was employed as an interpreter, and was taken into Mr. Stone's family, that he might be further instructed and prepared for that service. Catechisms were prepared by Mr. Elliot and others, in the Indian language, and spread among the Indians. The Rev. Mr. Pierson, it seems, learned the Indian language and preached to the Connecticut Indians. A considerable sum was allowed him by the commissioners of the united colonies; and a sum was also granted by them, for the instruction of the Ind- ians in the county of New- Haven.* The ministers of the several towns, where Indians lived, instructed them, as they had oppor- tunity; but all attempts for christianizing the Indians, in Con- necticut, were attended with little success. They were engaged, a great part of their time, in such implacable wars among them- selves, were so totally ignorant of letters and the English lan- guage, and the English ministers, in general, were so entirely ignorant of their dialect, that it was extremely difficult to teach them. Not one Indian church was ever gathered, by the English ministers, in Connecticut. Several Indians, however, in one town and another, became christians, and were baptized and admitted to full communion in the English churches. Some few were admitted into the church at Farmington,* and some into the church at Derby. One of the sachems of the Indians at Nauga- tuck falls, was a member of the church at Derby, and it has been said that he was a sober w^U conducted man. Some few of the Moheagans have professed Christianity, and been, many years since, admitted to full communion in the north church in New- London. The gospel, however, hath had by far the most happy effect upon the Quinibaug, or Plainfield Indians, of any in Connecticut. They ever lived peaceably with the English, and about the year 1745, in the time of the great awakening and reformation in New- England, they became greatly affected with the truths of the gospel, professed Christianity, and gave the strongest evidence of a real conversion to God. They were filled with the knowledge of salvation, and expressed it to admiration. They were entirely reformed as to their manner of living. They became temperate, and abstained from drinking to excess, which it had before been found utterly impossible to effect by any other means. They held religious meetings, and numbers of them formed into church state and had the sacraments administered to them.' ■ Records of the united colonies. - There was an Indian school formerly kept in this town, at the expense of the society for propagating christian knowledge among the Indians, The number of Indian scholars was sometimes fifteen or sixteen. ' Manuscripts from Plainfield. These Indians were numerous at the time when the town was settled, amounting to 4 or 500. , ! time when 1680] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 399 Upon the assembly's granting liberty to the minor party in Windsor to call and settle an orthodox minister, they immediately called one Mr. Woodbridge to preach among them. Mr. Chaun- cey and Mr. Woodbridge continued to preach, one to one party, and the other to the other, from 1667 to 1680. Several councils had been called to advise and unite the parties, but it seems none had judged it expedient to ordain either of the gentlemen; but after a separation of about ten years, a council advised, that both ministers should leave the town, and that the churches and par- ties should unite, and call and settle one minister over the whole. As the parties did not submit to this advice, it seems, that another council was called three years afterwards. May, 1680, which gave the same advice, but the parties did not comply. The general assembly therefore interposed and passed the following act, Oc- tober 14th, 1680. " This court, having considered the petition of some of Windsor people and the sorrowful condition of the good people there, and tinding, that notwithstanding all means of healing afforded them, they do remain in a bleeding state and condition, do find it nec- essary for this court to exert their authority towards issuing or putting a stop to the present troubles there; and this court do liereby declare, that they find all the good people of Windsor obliged to stand to, and rest satisfied with the advice and issue of the council they chose to hear and issue their matters; which advice being given and now presented to the court, dated January, 1677, this court doth confirm the same, and order that there be a seasonable uniting of the second society in Windsor with the first, according to order of council, by an orderly preparation for their admission; and if there be objection against the life or knowledge of any, then it be according to the council's advice heard and issued by Mr. Hooker and the other moderator's suc- cessor; and that both the former ministers be released: And that the committee appointed to seek out for a minister, with the ad- vice of the church and town collectively, by their major vote, do vigorously pursue the procuring of an able, orthodox minister, qualified according to the advice of the governor and council, and ministers, May last; and all the good people of Windsor are hereby required to be aiding and assisting therein, and not in the least to oppose and hinder the same, as they will answer the contrary at their peril." ^ In consequence of this act, Mr. Samuel Mather was invited to preach to the people, and about two years after, was ordained to the pastoral office over the whole town. The two parties were generally united in him, and to complete the union of the town and churches, the assembly enacted, May, 1682, " That the people > Records of the colony. m .11 ii Hi '' .jw>£ i 'I] PS j i m i! H 1! ! ,: *■; i! lil ' ,)Tf •$:« m' 400 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1682 m at Windsor should quietly settle Mr. Mather and communicate to his support: That such as, on examination, should satisfy Mr. Mather of their experimental knowledge, should upon proper testimony of their good conversation, be admitted on their return from the second church." ^ Both churches, and the whole town, were united under Mr. Mather, and their ecclesiastical affairs were, under his ministry, conducted with harmony and brotherly affection. Notwithstanding the result of the synod, in 1662, and the vari- ous attempts which had been made to introduce the practice of what has been generally termed owning the covenant, it does not appear to have obtained in the churches of this colony until the year 1696. It appears first to have betn introduced by Mr. Woodbridge, at Hartford.- The covenant proposed, bearing date, February, 1696, is for substance as follows, " We do solemnly, in the presence of God and this congrega- tion, avouch God, in Jesus Christ, to be our God, one God in three persons, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost; and that we are by nature children of wrath, and that our hope of mercy with God, is only through the righteousness of Jesus Christ, ap- prehended by faith; and we do freely give up ourselves to tlie Lord, to walk in communion with him, in the ordinances ap- pointed in his holy word, and to yield obedience to all his com- mandments, and submit to his government. And whereas, to the great dishonor of God, scandal of religion, and hazard of the damnation of many souls, drunkenness and uncleanness are pre- vailing amongst us, we do solemnly engage before God, this day, through his grace, faithfully and conscientiously to strive against these evils and the temptations leading thereunto." Sixty nine persons, male and female, subscribed this in Feb- ruary; on the 8th of March, one fortnight after, eighty three more subscribed. In about a month, the number of subscribers amounted to one hundred and ninety two; which appears to have been nearly the whole body of young people in that congregation. The like practice was, about the same time, or not many years after, introduced into the other church, and the practice of own- ing the covenant by people, and offering their children to bap- tism, was gradually introduced into other churches. The practice of the ministers and churches at Hartford, in some respects, was different from that in other churches. The minis- ters, Mr. Woodbridge and Mr. Buckingham, with their deacons, went round among the young people and warned them, once ev- ery year, to come and publicly subscribe, or own the covenant. fi!'l>': ' Records of ihe colony. ' It appears from cVurch 'records quoted by Styles, that this covenant was adopted by Mr. Warham, at Windsor, in 1657, suspended in 1664, and resumed in 1668. Ancient Windsor, ist ed. p. 172.— J. T. 1696] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 401 When such persons as had owned or subscribed it came into family state, they presented their children to baptism, though they made no other profession of religion, and neglected the sacrament of the Lord's supper and other duties peculiar to members in full communion. In other churches, the covenant was owned by persons, sometimes before marriage, but more generally not until they became parents, and wished to have baptism adminis- tered to their children. — ■. The practice of making a relation of christian experiences, and ' of admitting none to full communion, but such as appeared to be christians indeed, yet prevailed; and the number of church members, in full communion, was generally small. In those churches where the owning of the covenant was not practised, 1 great numbers of children were unbaptized. While the inhabitants and churches, in Connecticut, were con- stantly increasing, and the calls for a learned ministry, to supply the churches, became more and more urgent, a number of the ministers conceived the purpose of founding a college in Con- necticut. By this means, they might educate young men. from among themselves, for the sacred ministry, and for various de- partments in civil life, and diffuse literature and piety more gen- erally among the people. The clergy, and people in general, by long experience, found the great inconvenience of educating their sons at so great a distance as Cambridge, and in carrying so much money out of the colony, which otherwise might be a consider- able emolument to this commonwealth. A well founded college might not only serve the interests of the churches in this gov- ernment, but in the neighbouring colonies, where there were no colleges erected; might not only prevent a large sum of money annually from being carried abroad, but bring something con- siderable into it, from the extensive country around them. Col- leges had been anciently considered as the schools of the church ; and not only the prophets had been encouragers and heads of them ; but the apostles and their immediate successors had taken great care to establish schools, wherever the gospel had been preached, for the propagation of the truth, and to transmit the religion of the Redeemer to all succeeding ages. The ministers therefore conceived it to be entirely in character, and as happily corresponding with the great design of the first settlement of New-England and Connecticut, for them to be the planners and founders of a college. The design was first concerted, in 1698, by the Rev. Messieurs Pierpont of New-Haven, Andrew of Milford, and Russell of Bran- ford. These were the most forward and active, in carrying the affair into immediate execution. The design was mentioned to principal gentlemen and ministers in private conversation, at oc- casional meetings of the clergy, and in councils. In this way II. 1: 1 ;.; St I)' I ll"; -^Jk l^: I > li I'll; 4.. ■irH. 402 HISTORY OF CONNLCTICUT. [1693 i: the affair was so far ripened, that ten of the principal ministers in the colony were nominated and agreed upon to stand as trus- tees, to found, erect, and govern a college. The gentlemen thus agreed upon were the Reverend Messieurs James Noyes of Ston- ington, Israel Chauncey of Stratford, Thomas Buckingham of Saybrook, Abraham Pierson of Killingworth, Samuel Mather of Windsor, Samuel Andrew of Milford, Timothy Woodbridge of Hartford, James Pierpont of New-Haven, Noadiah Russell of Middletown, and Joseph Webb of Fairfield. In 1700, these gentlemen convened at New-Haven, and formed themselves into a body or society, to consist of eleven ministers including a rector, and determined to found a college in the col- ony of Connecticut. They had another meeting, the same year, at Branford, and then founded the university of Yale college. The transaction was in this manner. Each gentleman gave a number of books, and laying them upon a table, pronounced words to this eflfect, " I give these books for the founding of a college in this colony." About forty volumes in folio were thus given. The trustees took possession of them, and appointed Mr, Russell of Branford, to be keeper of their library. Various other donations, both of books and money, were soon after made, by which a good foundation was laid for a public -em- inary. But doubts arising whether the trustees were vested wuh a legal capacity for the holding of lands, and whether private do- nations and contributions would be sufficient to effect the great design which they had in view, it was, upon the best advice and mature deliberation, determined to make application to the legis- lature for a charter of incorporation. The draught was made by the honorable judge Sewall and Mr. secretary Addington of Bos- ton. This was presented to the general assembly with a petition signed by a large number of ministers and other principal char- acters in the colony praying for a charter. The petition repre- sented, " That from a sincere regard to, and zeal for, upholding the Protestant religion, by a succession of learned and orthodox men, they had proposed that a collegiate school should be erected in this colony, wherein youth should be instructed in all parts of learning, to qualify them for public employments in church and civil state; and that they had nominated ten ministers to be trustees, partners or undertakers for the founding, endowing and ordering the said school." The gentlemen were particularly named, and it was desired, that full liberty and privilege might be granted to them for that end. To facilitate the design, the honorable James Fitch, Esq. of Norwich, one of the council, before the petition was heard, made a formal donation under his hand, predicated on " the great pains and charge the ministers had been at in setting up a collegiate school; and therefore to encourage a work so pleasing to God, 170x1 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 403 and beneficial to posterity, he gave a tract of land, in Killingly, of about 600 acres ; and all the glass and nails which should be necessary to build a college house and hall." The general assembly, at their session in October, 1701, incor- porated the trustees nominated, granting them a charter, and vesting them with all powers and privileges necessary for the government of a college, the holding of lands, and the employ- ment of all money and estates which might be given for the bene- fit of the college. The charter ordained that the corporation should consist of ministers only, and that none should be chosen trustees under the age of forty years. Their number was not, at any time, to exceed eleven nor be less than seven. The assembly made them an annual grant of one hundred and twenty pounds, equal to about sixty pounds sterling. The trustees, animated with their charter privileges and the countenance of the legislature, met the next November, at Say- brook, and chose the Rev. Abraham Pierson of Killingworth, rector of the college, and the Rev. Samuel Russell was chosen a trustee to complete the number of the corporation. They also made rules for the general government and instruction of the collegiate school. It was ordered, " That the rector take special care, as of the moral behaviour of the students at all times, so, with industry, to instruct and ground them well in theoretical divinity; and to that end, shall neither by himself, nor by any other person whom- soever, allow them to be instructed in any other system or synop- sis of divinity, than such as the trustees do order and appoint: But shall take effectual care, that said students bt: weekly (at such seasons as he shall see cause to appoint) caused memoriter to recite the assembly's catechism in Latin, and Dr. Ames's Theo logical Theses, of which, as also Ames's Cases of Conscience, he shall make, or cause to be made, from time to time, such ex- planations as may, through the blessing of God, be most con- ducive to their establishment in the principles of the Christian Protestant religion." " The rector shall also cause the scriptures daily, except on the sabbath, morning and evening, to be read by the students at the times of prayer in the school, according to the laudable order and usage of Harvard college, making expositions upon the same: And upon the sabbath, shall expound practical the- ologfy, or cause the non-graduated students to repeat sermons: And in all other ways, according to the best of his discretion, shall, at all times, studiously endeavour, in the education of the students, to promote the power and purity of religion, and the best edification of these New-England churches." At this meeting, it was debated where to fix the college. Though the trustees were not fully satisfied or agreed on the ft I \ 1 !ii ml r 404 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1702 I- h mi most convenient place, yet they fixed upon Saybrook, until, upon further consideration, they should have sufficient reason to alter their opinion. They desired the rector to remove himself and family to Saybrook. Until that could be effected, they ordered, that the scholars should be instructed, at or near the rector's house, in Killingworth. The corporation made various attempts to remove the rector to Saybrook, but his people were entirely opposed to it, and such other impediments were in the way that it was not eflfected. The students continued at Killingworth dur- ing his life. The library, for that reason, was removed from Bran- ford, to the rector's house. The ministers had been several years in effecting their plan, and a number of young men had been preparing for college, under the instructions of one and another of the trustees. As soon as the college became furnished with a rector and tutor, eight of them were admitted and put into different classes, ac- cording to the proficiency which they had respectively made. Some, in a year or two, became qualified for a degree. The first commencement was at Saybrook, September 131)1, 1702. The following gentlemen appear, at this time, to have received the degree of master of arts, Stephen Buckingham, Sal- mon Treat, Joseph Coit, Joseph Moss, Nathaniel Chauncey, and Joseph Morgan. Four of them had been previously graduated at Cambridge. They all became ministers of the gospel, and three of them, Mr. Buckingham, Mr. Moss, and Mr. Chauncey, were afterwards fellows of the college. To avoid charge and other inconveniences, for some years at first, the commencements were private. Mr. Nathaniel Lynde of Saybrook, was pleased generously to give a house and land for the use of the college, so long as it should be continued in that town. For the further encouragement and accommodation, in 1703, there was' a general contribution through the colony, to build a college house at Saybrook, or any other place wherever it should finally be judged most convenient to fix the college.' > This year that venerable man, the Reverend James Fitch, pastor of the church in Norwich, finished his course, at Lebanon, in the 80th year of his age. His his- tory and character are given in the inscription upon his monumental stone. In hoc Sepulchro depositee sunt Reliquiae Viri vere Keverendi D. Jacobi Fitch ; natus fuit apud Boking, in Comitatu Essexise, in Anglia, Anno Domini i6a3, Decem. 24. Qui, postquam Linguis literatis optime instructus fuisset, in Nov-Angliam venit, Mintt 16 ; et deinde Vitam degit, Hartfordise, per Septennium, sub Instructione Virorum celeberrimorum D. Hooker & D. Stone. Postea Munere pastorali functus est apud Saybrook per Annos 14. Illinc cum Ecclesise majori Parte Norvicum migravit ; et ibi cseterbf. Vitse Annos transegit in Opere Evan- gelico. In Senectute, vero, prse Corpori.v iniirmitate necessarie cessabit ab Opere publico ; tandemque recessit Liberis, apud Lebanon ; ubi Semianno fere exacto ob- dormivit in Jeru, Anno 1702, Novembris 18, .^tat. 80. Vir Ingenii Acumine, Ponderc Judicii, Prudentia, Charitate, Sanctis Laboribus, et omni moda Vitse sanctitate, Peritia quoque et Vi concionandi nuUi secundus. ^ In English to this effect. In this grave are deposited the remains of that truly reverend man, Mr. James 1706] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 4df, During the term of about seventy years from the settlement of Connecticut, the congregational had been the only mode of worship in the colony. But the society for propagating the gos- pel in foreign parts, in 1704, fixed the Rev. Mr. Muirson as a missionary at Rye. Some of the people at Stratford had been educated in the church of England mode of worship and admin- istering of the ordinances, and others were not pleased with the rigid doctrines and discipline of the New-England churches, and they made an earnest application to Mr. Muirson to make a visit at Stratford, and preach and baptize among them. About the year 1706, upon their invitation, he came to Stratford, accom- panied with colonel Heathcote, a gentleman zealously engaged in promoting the episcopal church. The ministers and people, in that and the adjacent towns, it seems, were alarmed at his coming, and took pains to prevent their neighbors and families from hearing him. However, the novelty of the affair, and other circumstances, brought together a considerable assembly; and Mr. Muirso.i baptized five and twenty persons, principally adults. This was the first step towards introducing the church worship into this colony. In April, 1707, he made another visit to Strat- ford. Colonel Heathcote was pleased to honor him with his company, as he had done before. He preached, at this time, at Fairfield as well as Stratford; and in both towns baptized a number of children and adult persons. Both the magistrates and ministers opposed the introduction of episcopacy, and advised the people not to attend the preaching of the church mission- aries; but the opposition only increased the zeal of the church people. Mr. Muirson, after this, made several journeys to Con- necticut, and itinerated among the people. But there was no missionary, from the society, fixed in Connecticut, until the year 1722, when Mr. Pigot was appointed missionary at Stratford. The churchmen at first, in that town, consisted of about fifteen families, among whom were a few husbandmen, but much the greatest number were tradesmen, who had been born in England^ and came and settled there. Some of their neighbors joined them, so that Mr. Pigot had twenty communicants, and about Fitch. He wu bom at Boking, in the county of Essex, in England, the 24th of December, in the year of our Lord, 1633. Who, after he had been most excellently taught the learned languages, came into New-England, at the age of sixteen ; and then spent seren years under the instruction of those very famous men, Mr. Hooker and Mr. Stone. Afterwards, he discharged the pastoral office, fourteen years, at Saybrook. Thence he removed, with the major part of his church, to Norwich ; where he spent the other years of his life in the work of the gospel. In his old age, ino'eed, he was obliged to cease from his public labors, by reason of bodily indispo- sition ; and at length retired to his children, at Lebanon ; where, after spendmg nearly half a year, he slept in Jesus, in the year 1703, on the i8th of November, in the 80th year of his age. He was a man, as to the smartneu of his genius, the solidity of his judgment, his charity, holy labors, and every kind of purity of life, and also as to his skill and energy of preaching, inferior to none. !l . i li:; I m '!!.• 406 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1706 a hundred and fifty hearers. In 1723, Christ Church in Strat- ford was founded, and the Rev. Mr. Johnson, afterwards Dr. Johnson, was appointed to succeed Mr. Pigot.' The first plan of the college was very formal and minute, drawn in imitation of the ancient protestant colleges and universities in France. It was proposed, that it should be erected by a general synod of the consociated churches of Connecticut. It was de- signed, that it should be under the government of a president and ten trustees, seven of whom were to be a quorum: That the synod should have the nomination of the first president and trus- tees, and have a kind of general influence in all future elections, that the governors might be preserved in orthodox sentiments. It was designed, also, that the synod should agree upon a confes- sion of faith, to which the president, trustees, and tutors should, upon their appointment to office, be required to give their con- sent; and that the college should be called the school of the church. Indeed, it was proposed, that the churches should con- tribute to its support. Though this plan was not formally pursued, yet at a meeting of the trustees, at Guilford, March 17th, 1703, they wrote a cir- cular letter to the mmisters, proposing " to have a general synod of all the churches in ihe colony of Connecticut, to give their joint consent to the confession of faith, after the example of the synod in Boston, in 1680." As this proposal was universally ac- ceptable, the churches and ministers of the several counties met in a consociated council, and gave their assent to the Westmin- ster and Savoy confessions of faith. It seems, that they also drew up certain rules of ecclesiastical union in discipline, as prepara- tory to a general synod, which they had still in contemplation. The Cambridge platform, which, for about sixty years, had been the general plan of discipline and church fellowship in New- England, made no provision for the general meeting of minis- ters, or for their union in associations or in consociations, yet, at an early period, they had a general meeting, both in Connecti- cut and Massachusetts, and began to form into associations. Their annual meetings were at the times of the general election at Boston and Hartford. At this time, they had handsome enter- tainments made for them at the public expense.* In these gen- eral meetings, they went into consultations respecting the gen- eral welfare of the churches, the supplying them with ministers, providing for their stated enjoyment of divine ordinances, and the preservation of their peace and order. The general interests of literature were consulted, and advice given in cases in which • Manuscripts from Stratford, and Dr. Humphrey's History of the Incorporated Society's Missionaries. * The legislature have continued this generosity to the present time. A genteel entertainment is made not only for the clergy of Connecticut, but of the neif.hbor- ing colonies, who are present on the occasion. 1703] I703] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 407 it was requisite. Sometimes measures were adopted to assist the poor and afflicted, in particular instances of distress. The affair of civilizing and christianizing the Indians, came under their serious deliberations. Sometimes they consulted measures, and gave general directions respecting candidates for the ministry, and the orderly manner of introducing them into the churches. The ministers of particular neighborhoods, in various parts of the country, held frequent meetings, for their mutual assistance, and to instruct and advise the churches and people, as circum- stances required. This particularly was the practice in Connect- icut. The venerable Mr. Hooker was a great friend to the meeting and consociation of ministers and churches, as a grand mean of promoting purity, union, and brotherly affection, among the min- isters and churches. During his life, the ministers in the vicinity of Hartford, had frequent meetings at his house. About a week before his death, he observed, with great earnestness, " We must ag^ee upon constant meetings of ministers, and settle the conso- ciation of churches, or else we are undone." Soon after his de- cease, ministers in various parts of New-England, and especially in Connecticut, began to establish constant meetings, or associa- tions, in particular vicinities, and agreed on the business to be done, ari the manner in which they would proceed. They d'd not, however, all adopt the same mode. Some of the meetings, or associations, fasted and prayed, and discussed ques- tions of importance for mutual instruction and edification. A moderator was chosen to conduct the business of the meetings with order and decency, to receive all communications which might be made from the churches, or other similar meetings, and to call the associated brethren together on particular emergen- cies. These meetings were always opened and concluded with prayer. Some of the associations were very formal and particular in covenanting together, and in fixing the business which should be transacted by them. They covenanted to submit to the coun- sels, reproofs, and censures of the associated brotherhood; and that they would not forsake the association, nor neglect the ap- pointed meetings, without sufficient reasons. They engaged, that in the meetings they would debate questions immediately respect- ing themselves and their conduct: That they would hear and consider all cases proposed to them from neighboring churches or individuals; answer letters directed to them from particular churches or persons; and discuss any question, which had been proposed at a preceding meeting. In some of these associations, it was agreed to meet statedly once in six weeks or two months.^ As the design was for their own mutual improvement and the > M»gnalia, B. V. p. 58. rfti [/■it 401 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. t«701 W) i advancement of cliristianity in genefal, the associations attended a lecture in the parishes in which they convened for the instruc- tion and edification of the people. In Connecticut, after the res- olution of the assembly, in 1680, the ministers had county meet- ings every week. iiut these associations and meetings were merely voluntary, countenanced by no ecclesiastical constitution, attended only by such ministers, in one place and another, as were willing to asso- ciate, and could bind none but themselves. The churches migiit advise with them if they chose it, or neglect it at pleasure. There was no regular way of introducing candidates to the improvement of the churches, by the general consent either of themselves or the elders. When they had finished their collegiate studies, if they imagined themselves qualified, and could find some friendly gentleman in the ministry to introduce them, they began to preach, without an examination or recommendation from any body of ministers or churches. If they studied a time Arith any particular minister or ministers, after they had received the hon- ors of college, that minister, or those ministers introduced them into the pulpit at pleasure, without the general consent and ap- probation of their bretliren. Many judged this to be too loose a practice, in a matter of such immense importance to the divine honor, the reputation of the ministry, and the peace and edifica- tion of the churches. Degrees at college were esteemed no suffi- cient evidence of men's piety, knowledge of theology, or minis- terial gifts and qualifications. Besides, it was generally conceded, that the state of the churches was lamentable, with respect to their general order, government, and discipline. That for the want of a more general and ener- getic government, many churches ran into confusion ; that coun- cils were not sufficient to relieve the aggrieved and restore peace. As there was no general rule for the calling of councils, council was called against council, and opposite results were given upon the same cases, to the reproach of councils and the wounding of religion. Aggfrieved churches and brethren were discouraged, as in this way their case seemed to be without remedy. There was no such thing, in this way, as bringing their difficulties to a final issue.* For the relieving of these inconveniences, there were many, in the New-England churches, not only among the clergy, but other gentlemen of principal character, who earnestly wished for a ne.irer union among the churches. A great majority of the legis- lature and clergy in Connecticut, were for the association of min- isters, and the consociation of churches. The synod, in 1662, had given their opinion fully in favor of the consociation of churches. The heads of agreement drawn up and assented to, ' Wise's vindication, p. 165, Boston edition, 1772. J I708l HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 409 by the united ministers, in ICngland, called presbytcrian and con- gregational, in 1692, had made their appearance on this side uf the Atlantic; and, in general, were highly approved. The VII. article of agreement, under the head of the ministry, makes express provision for the regular introduction of candidates for the ministry. The united brethren say, " It is expedient, that they who enter on the work of preaching the gospel, be not only qualified for the communion of saints; but also, that, except in car.cs extraordinary, they give proof of their gifts and htness for the said work, unto the pastors of the churches of known abil- ities, to discern and judge of their qualihcations; that they may be sent forth with solemn approbation and prayer; which we judge needful, that no doubt may remain concerning their being called unto the work ; and for preventing, as much as in us lieth, ignorant and rash intruders." In these articles, it is also agreed, " that in so great and weighty a matter, as the calling and choos- ing a pastor, we judge it ordinarily requisite, that every such church consult and advise with the pastors of the neighboring congregations." In this state of the churches, the legislature passed an act, at their session in May, 1708, requiring the ministers and churches to meet and form an ecclesiastical constitution. The apprehen- sions and wishes of the assembly will, in the best manner, be discovered by their own act, which is in the words following: " This assembly, from their own observation, and the complaint of many others, being made sensible of the defects of the disci- pline of the churches of this government, arising from the want of a more explicit asserting of the rules given for that end in the holy scriptures; from which would arise a permanent establish- ment among ourselves, a good and regular issue in cases sub- ject to ecclesiastical discipline, glory to Christ, our head, and edification to his members; hath seen fit to ordain and require, and it is by the authority of the same ordained and required, that the ministers of the several counties in this povernment shall meet together, at their respective county towns, w .th such mes- sengers, as the churches to which they belong shall see cause to send with them, on the last Monday in June next; there to consider and agree upon those methods and rules for the man- agement of ecclesiastical discipline, which by them shall be judged agreeable and conformable to the word of God, and shall, at the same meeting, appoint two or more of their number to be their delegates, who shall all meet together at Saybrook, at the next commencement to be held there; where they shall compare the results of the ministers of the several counties, and out of and from them, to draw a form of ecclesiastical discipline, which, by two or more persons delegated by them, shall be offered to this court, at their session at New-Haven, in October next, to be con- IP' «;li iH 410 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1708 1708] v-.r sidered of and confirmed by them : And the expense of the above mentioned meetings shall be defrayed out of the public treasury of this colony." " A true copy of the record. " Test. ELEAZER KIMBERLY, Secretary." According to the act of the assembly, the ministers and churches of the several counties convened, at the time appointed, and made their respective drafts for discipline, and chose their delegates for the general meeting at Saybrook, :n September. The ministers and messengers chosen for this council, and its result, will appear from their minutes. " At a meeting of delegates from the councils of the several counties of Connecticut colony, in New-England, in America, at Saybrook, Sept. 9th, 1708, PRESENT, From the council of Hartford county: — The Rev. Timothy Woodbridge, Noadiah Russell, and Stephen Mix. Messenger, John Haynes, Esq. From the council in Fairfield county: — The Rev. Charles Chauncey and John Davenport. Messenger, deacon Samuel Hoyt. From the council in New-London county: — The Rev. James Noyes, Thomas Buckingham, Moses Noyes, and John Wood- ward. Messengers, Robert Chapman, deacon William Parker. From the council of New-Haven county: — The Rev. Samuel Andrew, James Pierpont, and Samuel Russell. "The Rev. James Noyes and Thomas Buckingham being chosen moderators. The Rev. Stephen Mix and John Woodward being chosen scribes. " In compliance with an order of the general assembly, May 13th, 1708, after humble addresses to the th-one of grace for the divine presence, assistance, and blessing upon us, having our eyes upon the word of God and the constitution of our churches, We agree that the confession of faith owned and assented unto by the elders and messengers assembled at Boston, in New-Eng- land, May I2th, 1680, being the second session of that synod, be recommended to the honourable general assembly of this col- ony, at the next session, for their public testimony thereunto, as the FAITH of the churches of this colony." ^ " We agree also, that the heads of ag^'eement assented to by the united ministers, formerly called presbyterian and congrega- tional, be observed by the churches throughout this colony." " And for the better regulation of the administration of church discipline, in relation to all cases ecclesiastical, both in particular churches and councils, to the full determining and executing the rules in all such cases, it is agreed," > This was the Savoy confession, with some small alterations. [i7o8 1708] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 411 " I. That the elder, or elders of a particular church, with the consent of the brethren of the same, have power, and ought to exercise church discipline, according to the rule of God's word, in relation to all scandals that fall out within the same. And it may be meet, in all cases of difHculty, for the respective pastors of particular churches, to take advice of the elders of the churches in the neighbourhood, before they proceed to censure in such cases "11 » That the churches which are neighbouring to each other, shall consociate, for mutual affording to each other such assist- ance as may be requisite, upon all occasions ecclesiastical. And that the particular pastors and churches, within the respective counties in this government, shall be one consociation, (or more, if they shall judge meet,) for the end aforesaid." " III. That all cases of scandal, that fall out within the circuit of any of the aforesaid consociations, shall be brought to a coun- cil of the elders, and also messengers of the churches within the said circuit, i. e. the churches of one consociation, if they see cause to send messengers, when there shall be need of a council for the determination of them." " IV. That, according to the common practice of our churches, nothing shall be deemed an act or judgment of any council, which hath not the act of the major part of the elders present concur- ring, and such a number of the messengers present, as makes the majority of the council: provided that if any such church shall not see cause to send any messengers to the council, or the per- sons chosen by them shall not attend, neither of these shall be any obstruction to the proceedings of the council, or invalidate any of their acts." " V. That when any case is orderly brought before any council of the churches, it shall there be heard and determined, which, (unless orderly removed from thence,) shall be a final issue ; and all parties therein concerned shall sit down and be determined thereby. And the council so hearing, and giving the result or final issue, in the said case, as aforesaid, shall see their determina- tion, or judgment, duly executed and attended, in such way or manner, as shall, in their judgment, be most suitable and agree- able to the word of God." " VI. That if any pastor and church doth obstinately refuse a due attendance and conformity to the determination of the coun- cil, that hath the cognizance of the case, and determineth it as above, after due patience used, they shall be reputed guilty of scandalous contempt, and dealt with as the rule of God's word in such case doth provide, and the sentence of non-communion shall be declared against such pastor and church. And the churches are to approve of the said sentence, by withdrawinjjj from the communion of the pastor and church, which so refused to be healed." V J 412 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1708 St.. m.: ;? 1 i m " VII. That, in case any difficulties shall arise in any of the churches in this colony, which cannot be issued without consid- erable disquiet, that church, in which they arise, (or that minister or member aggrieved with them,) shall apply themselves to the council of the consociated churches of the circuit, to which the said church belongs; who, if they see cause, shall thereupon con- vene, hear, and determine such cases of difficulty, unless the mat- ter brought before them, shall be judged so great in the nature of it, or so doubtful in the issue, or of such general concern, that the said council shall judge best that it be referred to a fuller council, consisting of the churches of the other consociation with- in the same county, (or of the next adjoining consociation of another county, if there be not two consociations in the county where the difficulty ariseth,) who, together with themselves, shall hear, judge, determine, and finally issue such case, according to the word of God." " VIII. That a particular church, in which any difficulty doth arise, may, if they see cause, call a council of the consociated churches of the circuit to which the church belongs, before they proceed to sentence therein; but there is not the same liberty to an offending brother, to call the council, before the church to which he belongs proceed to excommunication in the said case, unless with the consent of the church." '* IX. That all the churches of the respective consociations shall choose, if they see cause, one or two members of each church, to represent them in the councils of the said churches, as occasion may call for them, who shall stand in that capacity till new be chosen for the same service, unless any church shall incline to choose their messengers anew, upon the convening of such councils." " X. That the minister or ministers of the county towns, or where there are no ministers in such towns, the two next min- isters to the said town, shall, as soon as conveniently may be, appoint time and place for the meeting of the elders and messen- gers of the churches in said county, in order to their forming rhemselves into one or more consociations, and notify the time and place to the elders and churches of that county who shall attend at the same, the elders in their persons, and the churches by their messengers, if they see cause to send them. Which elders and messengers, so assembled in council, as also any other council hereby allowed of, shall have power to adjourn them- selves, as need shall be, for the space of one year, after the be- ginning or first session of the said council, and no longer. And that minister who was chosen at the last session of any council, to be moderator, shall, with the advice and consent of two more elders, (or, in case of the moderator's death, any two elders of the same consociation,) call another council within the circuit, i7o8] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 413 when they shall judge there is need thereof. And all councils may prescribe rules, as occasion may require, and whatever they judge needful within their circuit, for the well performing and orderly managing the several acts, to be attended by them, or matters that come under their cognizance." " XL That if any person or persons, orderly complained of to a council, or that are witnesses to such complaints, (having regular notification to appear,) shall refuse, or neglect so to do, in the place, and at the time specified in the warning given, ex- cept they or he give some satisfying reason thereof to the said council, they shall be judged guilty of scandalous contempt." " XII. That the teaching elders of each county shall be one association, (or more, if they see cause,) which association, or associations, shall assemble twice a year, at least, at such time and place as they shall appoint, to consult the duties of their office, and the common interest of the churches, who shall con- sider and resolve questions and cases of importance which shall be offered by any among themselves or others; who also shall have power of examining and recommending the candidates of ♦h" ministry to the work thereof. Y^II. That the said associated pastors shall take notice of > , J ong themselves, that may be accused of scandal or heresy, t. > jr cognizable by them, examine the matter carefully, and if they find just occasion shall direct to the calling of the council, where such offenders shall be duly proceeded against." " XIV. That the associated pastors shall also be consulted by bereaved churches, belonging to their association, and recom- mend to such churches such persons, as may be fit to be called and settled in the work of the gospel ministry among them. And if such bereaved churches shall not seasonably call and settle a minister among them, the said associated pastors shall lay the state of such bereaved church before the general assembly of this colony, that they may take order concerning them, as shall be found necessary for their peace and edification." " XV. That it be recommended as expedient, that all the as- sociations in this colony do meet in a general association, by their respective delegates, one or more out of each association, once a year, the first meeting to be at Hartford, at the general election next ensuing the date hereof, and so annually in all the counties successively, at such time and place, as they the said delegates shall in their annual meetings appoint." The confession of faith, heads of agreement, and these articles of discipline having unanimously passed, and been signed by the scribes, were presented to the legislature the succeeding Octo- ber, for their approbation and establishment. Upon which they passed the following adopting act. At a general court holden at New-Haven, October 1708. ;if. t.v m 414 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1708 fP " The reverend ministers, delegates from the elders and mes- sengers of this government, met at Saybrook, September 9th, 1708, having presented to this assembly a Confession of Faith, and Heads of Agreement, and regulations in the administration of church discipline, as unanimously agreed and consented to by the elders and churches in this government; this assembly doth declare their great approbation of such an happy agreement, and do ordain, that all the churches within this government, that are, or shall be, thus united in doctrine, worship, and discipline, be, and for the future shall be owned and acknowledged established by law; provided always, that nothing herein shall be intended or construed to hinder or prevent any society or church, that is or shall be allowed by the laws of this government, who soberly differ or dissent from the united churches hereby established, from exercising worship and discipline, in their own way, accord- ing to their consciences. " A true copy, Test, " Eleazer Kimberly, Secretary." Though the council were unanimous in passing the platform of discipline, yet they were not all of one opinion. Some were for high consociational government, and in their sentiments nearly presbyterians ; others were much more moderate and rather verg- ing on independency; but exceedingly desirous of keeping the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace, they exercised great christian condescension and amicableness towards each other. As it was stipulated, that the heads of agreement should be ob- served through the colony, this was an important mean of recon- ciling numbers to the constitution, as these did not carry points so far as the articles of discipline. These did not make the judg- ments of councils decisive, in all cases, but only maintained, that particular churches ought to have a reverential regard to their judgment, and not to dissent from it without apparent grounds from the word of God. Neither did these give the elders a nega- tive in councils over the churches; and in some other instances they gave more latitude than the articles of discipline. These therefore served to reconcile such elders and churches, as were not for a rigid consociational government, and to gain their con- sent. Somewhat diflferent constructions were put upon the con- stitution. Those who were for a high consociational government, construed it rigidly according to the articles of discip'ine, and others by the heads of agreement; or, at least, they were for soft- ening down the more rigid articles, by construing them agreeably to those heads of union. Notwithstanding the Savoy confession was adopted, as the faith of the Connecticut churches, yet, by adopting the heads of agreement, it was agreed, that with respect to soundness of judgment in matters of faith, it was sufficient, " That a church 1708] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 415 acknowledge the scriptures to be the word of God, the perfect and only rule of faith and practice, and own either the doctrinal part of those commonly called the articles of the church of Eng- land, or the confession or catechisms, shorter or longer, compiled by the assembly at Westminster, or the confession agreed on at the Savoy, to be agreeable to the said rule." The Saybrook platform, thus unanimously recommended by the elde \ and messengers of the churches, and adopted by the legislature, as the religious constitution of the colony, met with a general reception, though some of the churches were extremely opposed to it.^ The elders and messengers of the county of Hartford met in council, at Hartford, the next February, and formed into two distinct consociations and associations for the purposes expressed in the constitution. The ministers and churches of the other three counties afterwards formed themselves into consociations and associations. There were, therefore, soon after, five consocia- tions and the same number of associations in the colony. The associations met annually, by a delegation of two elders from each association, in a general association. This has a general advisory superintendency over all the ministers and churches in the colony. Its advice has generally been acceptable to the ministers and churches, and cheerfully carried into execution. The meeting of the general association was anciently in September; but the time of meeting, after some years, was altered, and for more than sixty years has been on the third Tuesday in June. The corporation of college having now obtained a confession of faith, adopted by the churches and legislature of the colony, adopted it for college, and the trustees and officers of the col- lege, upon their introduction to office, were required to give their assent to it, and to the Westminster confession and catechisms. But before this could be effected, Mr. Pierson, the president, was no more. He died on the 5th of March, 1707, to the un- speakable loss and affliction both of the college and the people of his charge. He had his education at Harvard college, where he was graduated, 1668. He appears first to have settled in the ministry at Newark in New- Jersey. Thence he came to Killing- worth, and was installed in 1694. He had the character of a hard student, good scholar, and great divine. In his whole con- duct, he was wise, steady, and amiable. He was greatly respected as a pastor, and he instructed and governed the college with gen- eral approbation. ' Though Messri. Andrew, Pierpont, and RusseH, were influential characters, yet it is observable, that the churches, in that county, sent no messengers to the synod ; and the tradition is that the church and people of Norwich were so offended with their minister, Mr. John Woodward, for consenting to it, that they never would forgive him and be reconciled ; but made such opposition to his ministry, that, by the advice of council, he resigned it and left the town. f I 4i6 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1709 Upon the death of rector Pierson, the Rev. Mr, Andrew was chosen rector pro tempore. The senior class were removed to Milford, to be under his immediate instruction, until the com- mencement. The other students were removed to Saybrook, and put under the care and instructions of two tutors. Mr. Andrew moderated at the commencements and gave general directions to the tutors. Mr. Buckingham also, who was one of the trustees, and resided at Saybrook, during his life, had a kind of direction and inspection over the college. In this state it continued, with- out any material alteration, until about the year 171 5. The ministers of Connecticut were exceedingly attentive to the morals and qualifications of those, whom they recommended to the improvement of the churches, or ordained to the pastoral office. The general association, September 12, 1712, at a meet- ing of theirs, at Fairfield, agreed upon the following rules, and recommended them to the consideration of the several associa- tions for their approbation and concurrence. " Rules agreed upon for the examination of candidates for the ministry. " Agreed upon, that the person to be examined concerning his qualifications for the evangelical ministry, shall be dealt with, in his examinations, with all candor and gentleness. " I. That he be able to give satisfaction, to the association ex- amining him, of his skill in the Hebrew, Greek, and Latin tongues. " 2. That he be able to give satisfaction, to the association ex- amining him, of his skill in Logic and Philosophy. " 3. He shall be examined what authors, in divinity, he hath read ; and also concerning the main grounds or principles of the christian religion; and shall therein offer just matter of satis- faction to the association examining him ; and shall give his as- sent to the confession of faith publicly owned and declared to be the confession of the faith of the united churches of this colony. " 4. That if the life and conversation of the person to be ex- amined be not well known to the association examining him, then said person shall offer sufficient evidence to said association of his sober and religious conversation. " 5. That the person to be examined shall publicly pray, and also preach, in the presence of the association examining him, from some text of scripture which shall be given him by said association, and at such time and place as they shall appoint, in order to prove his gifts for the ministerial work. " Rules relating to the ordination of a person to the work of the ministry. "Agreed, i. In case of ordination, those who are to ordain ought to be satisfied, that the person to be ordained is apt to teach, and of his inclination to the work of the ministry. " 2. That they shall be satisfied with his prudence and fitness i7ia] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 417 for the management of so great a trust, as that of the work of the ministry. " 3. The persons to ordain shall be satisfied, that his preaching and conversation be acceptable to the people over whom he is to be ordained. " 4. That he shall be able to explain such texts of scripture as shall be proposed to him. " 5. That he shall be able to resolve such practical cases of conscience as shall be proposed to him. "6. That he shall shew, to the satisfaction of the pastors to ordain him, his competent ability to refute dangerous errors, and defend the truth against gainsayers. "7. That he shall give his consent to the church discipline of this colony as established by law; yet the pastors to ordain are not to be too severe and strict with him to be ordained, upon his sober dissent from some particulars in said discipline." Such has been the ' dus care of the venerable fathers of the churches in Connecticut, to preserve in them a learned, orthodox, experimental ministry. The associations have examined all can- didates for the ministry and recommended them to the churches previously to their preaching in them. In their examinations, they have carefully enquired into their knowledge in divinity, their ex- perimental acquaintance with religion, their ministerial gifts and qualifications, and have paid a special attention to their morals, and good character. Hence these churches have been distin- guished and singularly happy in a learned, pious, laborious, and prudent ministry. About this time a very valuable addition of books was made to the college library, at Saybrook. In 1713, Sir John Davie, of Groton, who had an estate descended to him in England, with the title of baronet, gave a good collection. The next year a much greater donation was made by the generosity and procurement of Jeremiah Dummer, Esq. of Boston. He was then in London, in the capacity of an agent for several of the New-England col- onies. He sent over above 800 volumes. About 120 of them were procured at his own charge. The rest were from principal gen- tlemen in England, through his solicitation and influence. Par- ticularly from Sir Isaac Newton, Sir Richard Blackmore, Sir Richprd Steele, Doctors Burnet, Halley, Bentley, Kennet, Cal- amy, and Edwards; and from the Rev. Mr. Henry and Mr. Whis- ton. These severally gave a collection of their own works, and governor Yale put in about 40 volumes. The library now con- sisted of about nine hundred volumes. From 1702 to 1 71 3 inclusively, forty six young gentlemen were graduated, at Saybrook. Of these, thirty four became ministers of the gospel, and two were elected magistrates. Notwithstand- ing the infant state of the college, numbers of them, through their 4i8 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [«7«3 I7»3l native strength nt genius and the instructions of those excellent tutors, Mr. John Hart and Mr. Phineas Fisk, became excellent scholars, and shone not only as distinguished lights in the church- es, but made a figure in the republic of letters. Seven of them afterwards were fellows of the college, at New- Haven; and an- other of them was that excellent man, the Reverend Jonathan Dickinson, president of the college in New-Jersey. The number of ordained ministers in the colony, this year, exclusive of those in the towns under the government of Massa- chusetts, was forty three. Upon the lowest computation there was as much as one ordained minister to every four hundred per- sons, or to every eighty families. It does not appear, that there was one bereaved church in the colony. Besides, there were a considerable number of candidates preaching in the new towns and parishes, in which churches were not yet formed. At or about this time, Mr. Thomas Towsey began to preach at Newtown, Mr. Joseph Meacham at Coventry, Mr. John Bliss at Hebron, and Mr. John Fisk at Killingly, at which places churches were soon after gathered and those gentlemen ordained. Several other can- didates were preaching in other places. Catalogue of the ministers of Connecticut, from i6jo, to i//j, inclusively. COUNTY OF HARTFORD. Ui, Minister's Names. Names of towns Ordained or Installed. Died or Removed. Thomas Hooker Oct. II, 1633 July, 1647 Samuel Stone do. do. July 20, 1663 Joseph Haynes May 24, 1679 Samuel Whiting Hartford Mr. Foster 1st church Timothy Woodbridge Nov. 18, 1685 April 30, 1732 Samuel Whiting ) Tho's Buckingham ( . 'yA At\ 1669 1709 «U UV* Nov. 19, 1731 John Warham April I, 1670 Ephraim Hewet Windsor 1639 Sept. 4, 1644 Samuel Mather Timothy Edwards' 1682 March 18, 1726 2d church May, 1694 Jan. 27, 1758 As the mthering, or fonning of the churches, m far m can be found, was uni. Tersally on the day of ordination, no column is made to certify the time of their formation ; but wberever this mark t is set after the figures expressing the time of ordination, it gives notice that the church was formed at the same time. ' Mr. Edwards was nearly sixty-four years in the ministry, and able to preach until he was about 84 years of age. [>7I3 1713] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 419 Minister's Names. Henrv Smith Jonatnan Russell Gershom Bulkley* Joseph Rowlandson' John Woodbridge Stephen Mix Roger Newton Samuel Hooker Samuel Whitman William Burnham Nathaniel Collins Noadiah Russell Timothy Stevens Joseph Peck* John Southmayd Dudlev Woodbri'lge Timothy Woodbridge Jeremiah Hobart* Samuel Whiting John Bulkley Stephen Hosmer Joseph Coit Cleazar Williams Nathaniel Chauncey Samuel Esterbrook Names 0/ towns Weathersfteld Farmington Kensin-{'n2dch Middle own* Glastenbury Waterbury Simsbury Haddam Windham Colchester East-Haddam Plainlield Mansfield Durham Canterbury Ordained or Installed. Inst. Inst. Inst. Ord. Oct. 13, July, Dec. 10, Dec. 10, Nov. 4, Oct. 4, Oct. Aug. 26, May 30, March 3, Nov. 14, Dec. 4, Dec. 20, May 1, Jan. 6, Oct. 18, Feb. 7, June 13, 1666 1679 1694 1653 1661 1706 1712 i668f 1688 1705 1690 1712 Died or Removed. Dis. Died Aug. 28, Removed, Nov. 6, Dec. 18, April 16, t June 7, Aug. 3, Aug. 28, i70ot,Die(I Nov i7oot Sept 27, 1703! June, I7c't| i7ootjr? ^missed, i7iotl 171 If Died Feu. : 171 1 {D. June 26, 1641 1667) •713* 1738 1657 1697 1684 1725 1699 1710 1742 6, 171S 1725 I73» 1748 1727 COUNTY OF NEW-HAVEN. 1647 1663 1679 1732 1709 173' 1670 1644 1726 1758 Inst. 1639 Removed, 1666 Ord. 1644 1654 Ord. X Di. Ap. 22, 1678 July 2, Di. Nov. 22, 1714 John Davenport William Hook 1 m.- u.»... Nicholas Street* I- New-Haven James Pierpont ■ Mr. Bulkley was ion of the Rev. Peter Bulkley, of Concord, in Massachuietti, and a gentleman of a verv eminent character. It is thus given upon his monument t " Who was of rare abilities, extraordinary industry, exoellent in learning, master of many languages, exquisite in his skill in divinity, physic and law, and A a most exemplary and christian life." By reason of infirmity he resigned the ministry many years before his death. * Mr. RowlandaoUf the fourth minister of Weathersfield, removed from Lancas- ter, in Massachusetts, after that town was burnt by the Indians, in 1676. * Mr. Samuel Stow preached some vears at Middletown, but as be was dis- missed before the church was gathered, he is not reckoned in the list of its ministers. * This name should be Jeremiah Peck. The date of his ordination and the es« tablishment of this church should be Aug. a6^ 1691, as appears by MS. notes in Dr. Trumbull's handwriting, confirmed by the Colonial Records, which show that the General Assembly granted permission to establish this church, at the May session, 1691.— J. T. * The Rev. Mr. Hobart was first ordained at Topsfield, in Massachusetts. Thence he removed to Long-Island, and afterwards to Haddam, where he died in the min- istry, at a very advanced age. Before him, Mr. Nicholas Noyes preached thirteen years in the town ; but during this time no church was formed ; and he left the town, and was afterwards ordained to the pastoral office in a churcu at Salem, in Massachusetts. ^ After the removal of Mr. Davenport, Mr. Street continued the only instructor of the church until his death ; and after his decease the church and people were eleven years without a pastor. A great variety of preachers were invited into the town, but none could unite them until Mr. Pierpont was called. Under his ministry they enjoyed great peace, and were edified. MU 'f- 420 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. (>7»3 Minister's Names. l^t) V ' In Peter Prudden Roger Newton Samuel Andrew Henry Whitfield John Higginson Joseph Elliot Thomas Ruggles John Hart Abraham Pierson Samuel Russell John fiowers ohn James oseph Moss Samuel Street Samuel Whittelsey James Hemingway Names of towns Milford Guilford E.Guiiford2dS. Branford Derby Wallingford ' East- Haven Ordained or Installed, April 1 8, 1640 In.Au.32, 1660 Nov. 18, 1685 1664 Nov. 20, 1695 Nov. 1 707 1644 March, 1687! May, 1674 1710 I707t Died or Removed. June 7, 'an. 24, Removed, Removed, May 24, June I, March, Removed, June 25, Jan. 16, April 15, Oct. 7, 1656 1683 1738 1650 1659 1694 1728 1732 1665 1717 1752 >7S4 COUNTY OF NEW-LONDON. Richard Blynman Gershom Bulkley Simon Bradstreet< Gurdon Saltonstall Eliphalet Adams James Fitch Thomas Buckingham James Noyes* ames Fitch John Woodward John Woodbridge Abraham Pierson Jared Elliott Ephraim Woodbridge Moses Noyes Samuel Pierpont« Salmon Treat Joseph Parsons Samuel Wells New-London Saybrook Stonington Norwich Killingworth Groton Lyme Preston Lebanon 1648 Oct 5, 1670 Nov. 25, 1691 Feb. 1709 Removed. 1666 Died, 1683 Rem. Jan. 1707 Died, April, 1753 Sept. 10, i674f D. Dec. 30, 1719 ::66o 1702 Dec. 6, 1699 Dis. Sept. 13, 1716 1666 Rem. to W. 1679 Inst. 1694 Died May 5, 1707 Oct. 26, 1709 April 22, 1763 Nov. 8, 1714 1724 '693t Dec. 10, 1724 March, 1725 Nov. 16, 1698 Res. Mar. 14, 1744 Nov. 27, 1700 Dismissed 1708 Dec. 5, 171 1 1722 ' The committee of New-IIaven for tetlling the town of Wallingford, for the safety of the church, obliged the undertakers, and all the successive planters, to subscribe the following engagement, viz. " He or they shall not by any means dis- turb the church, when settled there, in their choice of minister or ministers, or other church officers ; or in any of their other church rights, liberties or adminis- trations ; nor shall withdraw due maintenance from such ministry." This shows how strongly the churches in this part of the colony were, at that time, opposed to towns and parishes having anything to do in the choice of a minister, or in any church affairs. • There seems to have been no church formed in New- London until the ordina- tion of Mr. Bradstreet, and it is probable that neither Mr. Blynman nor Mr. Bulk- ley were installed or ordained in the town.* * Th« Rev. Dr. S. Le Roy Blake, pastor of die church since April, 1887, says there are good rea- sons for believing that the church was organized at Gloucester, Mass., in 164a, and that it came with Richard Blinman to New-London in 1650, a* the first church of Hartford came from Cambridge with Hooker in 1636. He discusses the subject at length in his volume on the Origin and Early History of lh« First Church of Christ in New London. —J. T. • The Kev. Mr. Noyes preached at Stonington more than ten years before his ordination. It appears by the church records, that he preached in the town 55 years and 6 months. * Mr. Pierpont, returning from a visit which he had made his friends, at New- Haven, was drowned in Connecticut river, March, 1725. He attempted to cross the river in a canoe, but an unexpected gust of wind arose, by which it was overset. His body wafted to Fisher's Island, where it was taken up and buried. »7I3] HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. 431 I COUNTY OF FAIRFIELD. Minisltr's Names. Mr. Jones' Samuel Wakeman Joseph Webb Adam Blackman Israel Chauncey Timothy Cutler Zachariah Walker Richard Denton* John Bishop John Davenport Thomas Hanford Stephen Buckingham Joseph Morgan Seth Shove Zachariah Walker John Bowers* Ministtrs within the boundaritt of Conntcticut, but unaer tht Jurisdiction of Mat~ saeAutttts, in 1713. Names of towns Ordained or Installed. Died or Removed, Fairfield Sept. 30, 1665 March 8, 1693 Aug. 15, 1694 Sept. 19, 1733 Died, 166s March 14, 1733 Stratford X Jan. II, 1709 R. toY. C. 171Q 2d church R. to Woodburv Removed, 1044 1641 Stamford 1644 Died, 1694 1694 D. Feb. 5, 1731 Norwalk 1654 Nov. 17, 1697 Res. Feb. 34, 1737 Greenwich Danbury Oct. 13, i697t Oct. 3, 173s Woodbury May 3. 1670 Rye Nathaniel Collins* Benjamin Ruggles Josiah Dwight I Enfield Suffield Woodstock i697f|Res. died, 1757 May, 1698} Sept. 5, 1708 Within the boundariei of the colony, including those under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, there were forty-six churches, which had been illuminated with about ninety ministers. The churches enjoyed peace, and increased in numbers, knowl< edge and beauty. ■ Mr. Jones was episcopally ordained in England, and came into this coontry at an early period, but as the first records of Fairfield were burnt, no particular ac< count can be given of his installation, or the time of his death. * Mr. Denton died at Hampstead, upon Long-Island, about the year 1663, where he left posterity. * Mr. Bowers removed from Derby, and settled at Rye, about the year 1688. Mr. Webb then preached at Derby about twelve years, but was not ordained. « Mr. Collins, after laboring more than twenty years at Enfield, resigned his min- istry in that place, but preached to other congregations, and continued in it until his death. 'I i! To all Earl ing. KN( vers g hath g firmed, feoff, a count ! right h Esq. Si ard K Hump signs, 1 in Am( Narraj near tf west, a miles t ditame north s tude oi lands t and gr havens meats parcel thesai< parts APPENDIX. ORIGINAL PAPERS ILLUSTRATINO THE PRECEDING HISTORY. NUMBER I. The old patent of Connecticut^ 1631. To all people, unto whom this present writing shall come, I Albert, Earl of Warwick, sendeth greeting, in our LoKn God everlast- ing. KNOW ye, that the said Robert, Earl of Warwick. *or di- vers good causes and considerations him thereunto incomg, hath given, granted, bargained, sold, enfeoiTed, aliened, .nd con- firmed, and by these presents doth give, grant, bargain, sell, en- feoff, aliene, and confirm, unto the right honorable William, Vis- count Say and Seal, the right honorable Robert, Lord Brook , the right honorable Lord Rich, and the honorable Charles Fiennes, Esq. Sir Nathaniel Rich, Knt. Sir Richard Saltonstall, Ki . Rich- ard Knightly, Esq. John Fym, Esq. John Hampden, John Humphrey, E^q. and Herbert Pelham, Esq. their heirs and as- signs, and their associates forever, all that part of New-England, in America, which lies and extends itself from a river there called Narraganset river, the space of forty leagues upon a straight line near the sea shore towards the southwest, • vjst and by south, or west, as the coast lieth towards Virginia, acc^ >' Ung three English miles to the league; and also all and singular the lands and here- ditaments whatsoever, lying and being witfiin the lands aforesaid, north and south in latitude and breadt?.. and in length and longi- tude of and within, all the breadth af'^ -.-said, throughout the main lands there, from the western ocean to the south sea, and all lands and grounds, place and places, soil, wood, and woods, grounds, havens, ports, creeks and rivers, waters, fishings, and heredita- ments whatsoever, lying within the said space, and every part and parcel thereof. And also all islands lying in America aforesaid, in the said seas, or either of them, on the western or eastern coasts, or parts of the said tracts of lands, by these presents mentioned to be 4W 424 APPENDIX. !!^^:^-: given, granted, bargained, sold, enfeoffed, aliened, and confirmed, and also all mines and minerals, as well, royal mines of gold and silver, as other mines and minerals whatsoever, in the said land and premises, or any part thereof, and also the several rivers within the said limits, by what name or names soever called or known, and all jurisdictions, rights, and royalties, liberties, freedoms, immunities, powers, privileges, franchises, pre-eminences, and commodities whatsoever, which the said Robert, Earl of Warwick, now hath or had, or might use, exercise, or enjoy, in or within any part or parcel thereof, excepting and reserving to his majesty, his heirs, and suc- cessors the fifth part of all gold and silver ore, that shall be found within the said premises, or any part or parcel thereof: To have and to HOLD the said part of New-England in America, which lies and extends and is abutted as aforesaid. And the said several rivers and every part and parcel thereof, and all the said islands, rivers, ports, havens, waters, fishings, mines, minerals, jurisdic- tions, powers, franchises, royalties, liberties, privileges, commodi- ties, hereditaments and premises, whatsoever with the appurtenan- ces, unto the said William, Viscount Say and Seal, Robert, Lord Brook, Robert, Lord Rich, Charles Fiennes, Sir Nathaniel Rich, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Richard Knightly, John Pym, John Hampden, John Humphrey and Herbert Pelham, their heirs and assigns and their associates, to the only proper and absolute use and behoof of them the said William, Viscount Say and Seul, Rob- ert, Lord Brook, Robert, Lord Rich, Charles Fiennes, Sir Na- thaniel Rich, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Richard Knightly, John Pym, John Hampden, John Humphrey, and Herbert Pelham, their heirs and assigns, and their associates for ever more. In wit- ness whereof the said Robert, Earl of Warwick, hath hereunto set his hand and seal, the nineteenth day of March, in the seventh year of the reign of our sovereign Lord Charles, by the Grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. Annoq. Domini, 163 1. Signed, sealed, and delivered, in the presence of Walter Williams, Thomas Howson. Robert Warwick, A Seal. NUMBER II. Mr. Winthrop's commission to erect a fort at the mouth of Connectietit river, with articles of agreement between him and their lordships Say and Seal, Brook, dr'c. 1635. KNOW all men, by these presents, that we, Arthur Hasselring, Baronet, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Knt. Henry Lawrence, Henry Darley, and George Fenwick, Esquires, in our own names, and in the name of the right honorable Viscount Say and Seal, Robert, APPENDIX. 425 Lord Brook, and the rest of our company, do ordain and consti- tute John Winthrop, Esq. the younger, governor of the river Con- necticut, with the places adjoining thereunto, for, and during the space of one whole year, after his arrival there, giving him, from and under us, full power and authority, to do and execute any such lawful act and thing, both in respect of the place and people, as also of the afiFairs we have, or shall have there, as to the dignity or office of a governor doth, or may appertain. In witness whereof we have hereunto put our hands and seals, this i8th day of July, 1635. Richard Saltonstall, Arthur Hasselring, Henry Lawrence, George Fenwick, Henry Darley. Five seals appendant, impressed in one large piece of wax. Articles made between the right honorable the lord Viscount Say and Seal, Sir Arthur Hasselring, Baronet, Sir R.chard Saltonstall, Knight, Henry Lawrence, Henry Darley, and George Fenwick, Es- quires, on the one part, and John Winthrop, Esq. the younger, of the other, the jth July, 1635. First, That we, in our names, and the rest of the company, do by these presents appoint John Winthrop, the younger, governor of the river Connecticut, in New-England, and of the harbour and places adjoining, for the space of one year, from his arrival there. And the said John Winthrop doth undertake and covenant for his part, that he will, with all convenient speed, repair to those places, and there abide as aforesaid for the best advancement of the com- pany's service. Secondly, That so soon as he comes to the bay, he shall en- deavour to provide able men to the number of fifty, at the least, for making of fortifications, and building of houses at the river Connecticut, and the harbour adjoining, first for their own present accommodations, and then such houses as may receive men of quality, which latter houses we would have to be builded within the fort. Thirdly, That he shall employ those men, according to his best ability, for the advancement of the company's service, especially in the particulars abovementioned, during the time of his govern- ment; and shall also give a true and just account of all the monies and goods committed to his managing. Fourthly, That for such as shall plant there now, in the begin- ning, he shall take care that they plant themselves either at the harbour, or near the mouth of the river, that these places may be the better strengthened for their own safety, and to that end, that they also set down in such bodies together, as they may be most capable of an entrenchmeni; provided that there be reserved unto the fort, for the maintenance of it, one thousand or fifteen I' ¥ 426 APPENDIX. hundred acres, at least, of good ground, as near adjoining there- unto as may be. Fifthly, That forasmuch as the service will take him oH from his own employment, the company do engage themselves, to give him a just and due consideration for the same. In witness whereof we have interchangeably hereunto subscribed our names. W. Say and Seal, George Fbnwick, Henry Lawrence, Arthur Hasselrino, Richard Saltonstall, Henry Darley. i r^ NUMBER III. TAe original comiitution of Connecticut^ formed by wluntary compact, 1639. FORASMUCH as it hath pleased the Almighty God, by the wise disposition of his divine providence, so to order and dispose of things, that we the inhabitants and residents of Windsor, Hart- ford, and Weathersfield, are now cohabiling, and dwelling in and upon the river Connecticut, and the lands thereunto adjoining, and well knowing where £^ people are gathered together, tlie word of God requireth that, to maintain the peace and union of such a people, there should be an orderly and decent government estab- lished according to God, to order and dispose of the affairs of the people at all seasons, as occasion should require; do therefore associate and conjoin ourselves to be as one public State or Commonwealth ; and do, for ourselves and our successors, and such as shall be adjoined to us at any time hereafter, enter into combination and confederation together, to maintain and pre- serve the liberty and purity of the gospel of our Lord Jesus, which we now profess, as also the discipline of the churches, which, ac- cording to the truth of said gospel, is now practised amongst us ; as also in our civil affairs to be guided and governed according to such laws, rules, orders, and decrees, as shall be made, ordered, and decreed, as followeth: I. It is ordered, sentenced, and decreed, that there shall be yearly two general assemblies or courts, the one on the second Thursday of April, the other the second Thursday of September following: The first shall be called the Court of Election, wherein shall be yearly chosen, from time to time, so many mag- istrates and other public officers, as shall be found requisite, whereof one to be chosen governor for the year ensuing, and until another be chosen, and no other magistrate to be chosen for more than one year; provided always, there be six chosen besides the governor, which being chosen and sworn according to an oath recorded for that purpose, shall have power to administer justice APPENDIX. P7 according to the laws here established, and for want thereof ac- cording to the rule of the word of God ; which choice shall be made by all that are admitted frrcmer., and have taken the oath of fidel- ity, and do cohabit within IhU jurisdiction, having been admitted inhabitants by the major part of the town where they live, or the major part of such as shall be then present. II. It is ordered, sentenced, and decreed, that the election of the aforesaid magistrates shall be in this manner; every person present and qualified for choice, shall bring in (to the persons de- puted to receive them) one single paper, with the name of him written on it whom he desires to have governor, and he that hath the greatest number of papers shall be governor for that year: And the rest of the magistrates or public officers to be chosen in this manner; the secretary for the time being, shall first read the names of all that are to be put to choice, and then shall severally nominate them distinctly, and every one that would have the per- son nominated to be chosen shall bring in one single paper written upon, and he that would not have him chosen shall bring in a blank, and every one that has more written papers than blanks, shall be a magistrate for that year, which papers shall be received and told by one or more that shsdl be then chosen, by the court, and sworn to De faithful therein; but in case there should not be six persons as aforesaid, besides the governor, out of those which are nominated, then he or they which have the most written pa- pers, shall be a magistrate or magistrates for the ensuing year, to make up the aforesaid number. III. It is ordered, sentenced, and decreed, that the secretary shall not nominate any person new, nor shall any person be chosen newly into the magistracy, which was not propounded in some general court before, to be nominated the next election : And to that end it shall be lawful for each of the towns aforesaid, by their deputies, to nominate any two whom they conceive fit to be put to election, and the court may add so many more as they judge req- uisite. IV. It is ordered, sentenced, and decreed, that no person be chosen governor above once in two years, and that the governor be always a member of some approved congregation, and formerly of the magistracy within this jurisdiction, and all the magistrates freemen of this commonwealth ; and that no magistrate or other public officer, shall execute any part of his or their office before they are severally sworn, which shall be done in the face of the court if they be present, and in case of absence, by some deputed for that purpose. V. It is ordered, sentenced, and decreed, that to the aforesaid court of election, the several towns shall send their deputies, and when the elections are ended they may proceed in any public ser- vice, as at other courts ; also, the other general court in Septem- 428 APPENDIX. b ber, shall be for making of laws, and any other public occasion which concerns the good of the commonwealth. VI. It is ordered, sentenced, and decreed, that the governor shall, either by himself or by the secretary, send out summons to the constables of every town, for the calling of those two standing courts, one month at least, before their several times; and also, if the governor and the greatest part of the magistrates see cause, upon any special occasion, to call a general court, they may give order to the secretary so to do, within fourteen days warning; and if urgent necessity so require, upon a shorter notice, giving suffi- cient grounds for it to the deputies when they meet, or else be questioned for the same. And if the governor, or major part of the magistrates, shall either neglect or refuse to call the two gen- eral standing courts, or either of them, as also at other times when the occasions of the commonwealth require, the freemen thereof, or the major part of them, shall petition to them so to do; if then it be either denied or neglected, the said freemen, or the major part of them, shall have power to give order to the constables of the several towns to do *bt same, and so may meet together and choose to themselves a moderator, and may proceed to do any act of power which any other general courts may. VII. It is ordered, sentenced, and decreed, that after there are WuiTants given out for any of the said general courts, the consta- ble or constables of each town, shall forthwith give notice dis- tinctly to the inhabitants of the same, in some public assembly, or by going or sending from house to house, that at a place and time by him or them limited and set, they meet and assemble themselves together, to elect and choose certain deputies to be at the general court then following, to agitate the affairs of the com- monwealth, which said deputies shall be chosen by all that are admitted inhabitants in the several towns, and have taken the oath of fidelity; provided, that none be chosen a deputy for any general court which it not a freeman of this commonwealth : The aforesaid deputy shall be chosen in manner following; every person that is present and qualified, as before expressed, shall bring the names of such, written on several papers, as they desire to have chosen, for that employment; and those three or four, more or less, being the number agreed on to be chosen, for that time, that have the greatest number of papers written for them, shall be deputies for that court; whose names shall be indorsed on the back side of the warrant, and returned into the court with the constable or constables hand unto the same. VIII. It is ordered, sentenced, and decreed, that Windsor, Hartford, and Weathersfield, shall have power, each town, to send four of their freemen as their deputies, to every general court; and whatsoever other towns shall be hereafter added to this jurisdic- tion, they shall send so many deputies as the court shall judge APPENDIX. 429 meet; a reasonable proportion to the number of freemen that are in said towns, being to be attended therein; which deputies shall have the power of the whole town to give their votes, and allow- ance to all such laws and orders, as may be for the public good, and unto which the said towns are to be bound. IX. It is ordered, sentenced, and decreed, that the deputies thus chosen, shall have power and liberty to appoint a time and a place of meeting together, before any general court, to advise and consult of all such things as may concern the good of the public; as also to examine their own elections, whether according to the order; and if they or the greatest part of them find any election to be illegal, they may seclude such for the present from their meet- ing, and return the same and their reasons to the court; and if it prove true, the court may fine the party or parties so intruding upon the town, if they see cause, and give out a warrant to go to a new election in a legal way, either in part or in whole; also the said deputies shall have power to fine any that shall be disorderly at their meeting, or for not coming in due time or place, according to appointment; and they may return said fine into the court, if it be refused to be paid, and the treasurer to take notice of it, and to estreat or levy the same as he doth other fines. X. It is ordered, sentenced, and decreed, that every general court (except such as, through neglect of the governor and the greatest part of the magistrates, the freemen themselves do call,) shall consist of the governor, or some one chosen to moderate the court, and four other magistrates at least, with the major part of the deputies of the several towns legally chosen; and in case the freemen, or the major part of them, through neglect or refusal of the governor and major part of the magistrates, shall call a court, that shall consist of the major part of the freemen that are present, or their deputies, with a moderator chosen by them; in which said general court shall consist the Supreme Power of the Common- wealth, and they only shall have power to make laws or repeal them, to grant levies, to admit freemen, to dispose of lands undisposed of, to several towns or persons, and also shall have power to call other courts, or magistrates, or any other person whatsoever, into question for any misdemeanor; and may for just causes displace or deal otherwise, according to the nature of the offence; and also may deal in any other matter that concerns the good of this com- monwealth, except election of magistrates, which shall be done by the whole body of freemen; in which court the governor or moderator shall have power to order the court, to give liberty of speech, and silence unreasonable and disorderly speaking, to put all things to vote, and in case the vote be equal to have a casting voice; but none of these courts shall be adjourned or dissolved without the consent of the major part of the court. XI. It is ordered, sentenced, and decreed, that when any gen- _i) 430 APPENDIX. eral court, upon the occasions of the commonwealth, have agreed upon any sum or sums of money to be levied upon the several towns within this jurisdiction, that a committee be chosen to set out and appoint what shall be the proportion of every town to pay, of the said levy, provided the committee be made up of an equal number out of each town. 14th January, 1638.^ It^ NUMBER IV. The JundanutUal articles, or original constitution of the colony of Neuh Haven, June ^hf 1639. THE 4th day of the 4th month, called June, 1639, ^^ ^^ ^^^^ planters assembled together in a general meeting, to consult about settling civil government, according to God, and the nomination of persons that might be found, by consent of all, fittest in all respects for the foundation work of a church, which was intended to be gathered in Quinipiack. After solemn invocation of the name of God, in prayer for the presence and help of his spirit and grace, in those weighty businesses, they were reminded of the business whereabout they met, (viz.) for the establishment of such civil order as might be most pleasing unto God, and for the choosing the fit- test men for the foundation work of a church to be gathered. For the better enabling them to discern the mind of God, and to agree accordingly concerning the establishment of civil order, Mr. John Davenport propounded divers queries to them publicly, praying them to consider seriously in the presence and fear of God, the weight of the business they met about, and not to be rash or slight in giving their votes to things they understood not; but to digest fully and thoroughly what should be propounded to them, and without respect to men, as they should be satisfied and persuaded in their own minds, to give their answers in such sort as they would be willing should stand upon record for posterity. This being earnestly pressed by Mr. Davenport, Mr. Robert Newman was intreated to write, in characters, and to read dis- tinctly and audibly, in the hearing of all the people, what was pro- pounded and accorded on, that it might appear, that all consented to matters propounded, according to words written by him. Query I. Whether the scriptures do hold forth a perfect rule for the direction and government of all men in all duties which they are to perform to God and men, as well in families and common- wealth, as in matters of the church ? This was assented unto by all, no man dissenting, as was expressed by holding up of the hands. Afterwards it was read over to them, that they might see in what words their vote was expressed. They again expressed their con- sent by holding up their hands, no man dissenting. ' This M we now date wu 1639. APPENDIX. 431 Query II. Whereas, there was a covenant solemnly made by the whole assembly of free planters of this plantation, the first day of extraordinary humiliation, which we had after we came to- gether, that as in matters that concern the gathering and ordering of a church, so likewise in all public officers which concern civil order, as choice of magistrates and officers, making and repealing laws, dividing allotments of inheritance, and all things of like nat- ure, we would all of us be ordered by those rules which the script- ure holds forth to us; this covenant was called a plantation cove- nant, to distinguish it from a church covenant, which could not at that time be made, a church not being then gathered, but was de- ferred till a church might be gathered, according to God: It was demanded whether all the free planters do hold themselves bound by that covenant, in all businesses of that nature which are ex- pressed in the covenant, to submit themselves to be ordered by the rules held fortn in the scripture? This also was assented unto by ail, and no man gainsayed it; and they did testify the same by holding up their hands, both when it was first propounded, and confirmed the same by ^^olding up their hands when it was read unto them in public. John Clark being absent, when the covenant was made, doth now manifest his consent to it. Also, Richard Beach, Andrew Law, Goodman Ban- ister, Arthur Halbridge, John Potter, Robert Hill, John Brocket, and John Jcdinson, these persons, being not admitted planters when the covenant was made, do now express their consent to it Query III. Those who have desired to be received as free plant- ers, and are settled in the plantation, with a purpose, resolution and desire, that tliey may be admitted into church fellowship, ac- cording to Christ, as soon as God shall ft them thereunto, were desired to express it by holding up hands. Accordingly all did ex- press this to be their desire and purpose by holding up their hands twice, (viz.) at the proposal of it, and after when these written words were read unto them. Query IV. All the free planters were called upon to express, whether they held themselves bound to establish such civil order as might best conduce to the securing of the purity and peace of the ordinance to themselves and their posterity according to God? In answer hereunto they expressed by holding up their hands twice as before, that they held themselves bound to establish such civil order as might best conduce to the ends aforesaid. Then Mr. Davenport declared unto them, by the scripture, what kind of persons might best be trusted with matters of government; and by sundry arguments from scripture proved that such men as were described in Exod. xviii. 2, Deut. i. 13, with Deut. xvii. 15, and I Cor. vi. i, 6, 7, ought to be intrusted by them, seeing they were free to cast themselves into that mould and form of common- wealth which appeared best for them in reference to the securing If 432 APPENDIX. y I- >r the peace and peaceable improvement of all Christ his ordinancesk in the church according to God, whereunto they have bound them- selves, as hath been acknowledged. Having thus said he sat down, praying the company freely to consider, whether they would have it voted at this time or not. After some space of silence, Mr. Theophilus Eaton answered, it might be voted, and some others also spake to the same purpose, none at all opposing it. Then it was propounded to vote. Query V. Whether free burgesses shall be chosen out of the church members, they that are in the foundation work of the church being actually free burgesses, and to choose to themselves out of the like estate of church fellowship, and the power of choos- ing magistrates and officers from among themselves, and the power of making and repealing laws, according to the word, and the dividing of inheritances, and deciding of differences that may arise, and all the businesses of like nature are to be transacted by those free burgesses? This was put to vote and agreed unto by lifting up of hands twice, as in the former it was done. Then one man stood up and expressed his dissenting from the rest in part; yet granting, i. That magistrates should be men fearing God. 2. That the church is the company where, ordinarily, such men may be expected. 3. That they that choose them ought to be men fearing God: only at this he stuck, that free planters ought not to give this power out of their hands. Another stood up and answered, that nothing was done, but with their consent. The former answered, that all the free planters ought to resume this power into their own hands again, if things were not orderly car- ried. Mr. Theophilus Eaton answered, that in all places they choose committees in like manner. The companies in London choose the liveries by whom the public magistrates are chosen. In this the rest are not wronged, because they expect, in time, to be of the livery themselves, and to have the same power. Some others intreated the former to give his arguments and reasons whereupon be dissented. He refused to do it, and said, they might not ration- ally demand it, seeing he let the vote pass on freely and did not speak till after it was past, because he would not hinder what they agreed upon. Then Mr. Davenport, after a short relation of some former passages between them two about this question, prayed the company that nothing might be concluded by them on this weighty question, but what themselves were persuaded to be agreeing with the mind of God, and they had heard what had been said since the voting; he intreated them again to consider of it, and put it again to vote as before. Again all of them, by holding up their hands, did show their consent as before. And some of them confessed that, whereas they did waver before they came to the assembly, they were now fully convinced, that it is the mind of God. One of them said that in the morning before he came, read- If APPENDIX. 433 ing Deut. xvii. 15, he was convinced at home. Another said, that he came doubting to the assembly, but he blessed God, by what had been said, he was now fully satisfied, that the choice of bur- gesses out of church members, and to instruct those with the power before spoken of, is according to the mind of God revealed in the scriptures. All having spoken their apprehensions, it was agreed upon, and Mr. Robert Newman was desired to write it ' s an order whereunto every one that hereafter should be admitted here as planters, should submit, and testify the same by subscrib- ing their names to the order: Namely, that church members only shall be free burgesses, and that they only shall choose magistrates and officers among themselves, to have power of transacting all the public civil affairs of this plantation; of making and repealing laws, dividing of inheritances, deciding of differences that may arise, and doing all things and businesses of like nature. This being thus settled, as a fundamental agreement concerning civil government, Mr. Davenport proceeded to propound some- thing to consideration about the gathering of a church, and to pre- vent the blemishing of the first beginnings of the church work, Mr. Davenport advised, that the names of such as were to be ad- mitted might be publicly propounded, to the end that they who were most approved might be chosen ; for the town being cast into seve a private meetings, wherein they that lived nearest together gave their accounts one to another of God's gracious work upon them, and prayed together and conferred to their mutual edifica- tion, sundry of them had knowledge one of another; and in every meeting some one was more approved of all than any other; for this reason, and to prevent scandals, the whole company was in- treated to consider whom they found fittest to nominate for this work. Query VI. Whether are you all willing and do agree in this, that twelve men be chosen, that their fitness for the foundation work may be tried ; however, there may Ele more named, yet it may be in their power who are chosen, to reduce them to twelve, and that it be in the power of those twelve to choose out of themselves seven, that shall be most approved of by the major part, to be^n the church? This was agreed upon by consent of all, as was expressed by holding up of hands, and that so many as should be thought fit for the foundation work of the church, shall be propounded by the plantation, and written down and pass without exception, unless they had given public scandal or offence. Yet so as in case of pub- lic scandal or offence, every one should have liberty to propound their exception, at that time, publicly against any man, that should be nominated, when all their names should be writ down. But if the offence were private, that men's names might be tendered, so many as were offended were intreated to deal with the offender 434 APPENDIX. privately, and if he gave not satisfaction, to bring the matter to the twelve, that they might consider of it impartially and in the fear of God. NUMBER V. ' Thefint agreement with George Fenwick, Esq. 1644. Articles of agreement made and concluded betwixt George Fen- wick, Esq. of Saybrook fort, on the one part, and Edward Hop- kins, John Haynes, John Mason, John Steele, and James Boosy, for and on the behalf of the jurisdiction of Connecticut river, on the other part, the 5th of December, 1644. THE said George Fenwick, Esq. doth, by these presents, con- vey and make over to the use and for the behoof of the jurisdiction of Connecticut river aforesaid, the fort at Saybrook, with the ap- purtenances hereafter mentioned, to be enjoyed by them forever. Two demiculvering cast pieces, with all the shot thereunto apper- taining, except fifty, which are reserved for his own use; two long saker cast pieces, with all the shot thereunto belonging; one mur- derer, with two chambers and two hammered pieces; two barrels of gun powder, forty muskets, with bandoleers and rests, as also four carabines, swords, and such irons as are there for a draw bridge; one sow of lead, and irons for the carriages of ordaance, and all the housing within the palisado. It is also provided and agreed, betwixt the said parties, that all the land upon the river of Connecticut shall belong to the said jurisdiction of Connecticut, and such lands as are yet undisposed of shall be ordered and given out by a committee of five, whereof George Fenwick, Esq. aforesaid is always to be one. It is further provided and agreed, that the town of Saybrook shall be carried on according to such agreements, and in that way which is already followed there, and attended betwixt Mr. Fenwick and the inhabitants there. It is also provided and agreed, betwixt the said parties, that George Fenwick, Esq. shall have liberty to dwell in, or make use of, any or all the housing belonging to the said fort, for the space of ten years; he keeping those which he makes use of in sufficient repair, (extraordinary casualties excepted;) and in case he re- move his dwelling to any other place, that he should give half a year's warning thereof, that provision may be made accordingly; only it is agreed, that there shall be some convenient part of the housing reserved for a gfunner, and his family to live in, if the juris- diction see fit to :,ettle one there. It is further provided and agreed, betwixt the said parties, that George Fenwick, Esq. shall enjoy to his own proper use, these par- ticulars following: APPENDIX. 435 ist. The house near adjoining to the wharf, with the wharf and an acre of ground thereunto belonging; provided, that the said acre bf ground take not up above eight rods in breadth by the water side. 2d. The point of land, and the marsh lying under the barn al- ready built by the said George Fenwick. 3d. The island commonly called six mile island, with the mead- ow thereunto adjoining, on the east side the river. 4th. The ground adjoining to the town field, which is already taken oft and inclosed with three rails, by the said George Fen- wick; only there is liberty granted to the said jurisdiction, if they see fit, to build a fort upon the western point, whereunto there shall be allowed an acre of ground for a house lot. 5th. It is also provided and agreed, that the said George Fen- wick, Esq. shall have free warren in his own land, and liberty for a floater for his own occasions; as also the like liberty is reserved for any others of the adventurers, that may come unto these parts, with a double house lot in such place where they make choice to settle their abode. All the forementioned grants (except before excepted) the said George Fenwick, Esq. doth engage himself to make good to the jurisdiction aforesaid, against all claims that may be made, by any other to the premises by reason of any disbursements made upon the place. The said George Fenwick doth also promise, that all the lands from Narraganset river to the fort of Saybrook, mentioned in a patent gfranted by the earl of Warwick to certain nobles and gen- tlemen, shall fall in under the jurisdiction of Connecticut if it come into his power. For, and in regard of the premises, and other good considerations, the said Edward Hopkins, John Haynes, John Mason, John Steele, and James Boosy, authorized thereunto, by the general court for the jurisdiction of Connecticut, do, In be- half of the said jurisdiction, promise and agree, to and with the said George Fenwick, Esquire, that for and during the space of ten full and complete years, to begin from the first of March next ensu- ing the date of these presents, there shall be allowed and paid to the said George Fenwick, or his assigns, the particular sums here- after following. ist. Each bushel of corn, of all sorts, or meal, that shall pass out of the river's mouth, shall pay two pence per bushel. 2d. Every hundred of biscuit that shall in like manner pass out of the river's mouth, shall pay six pence. 3d. Each milk cow, and mare, of three years or upwards, with- in any of the towns or farms upon the river, shall pay twelve pence per annum. during the foresaid term. 4th. Each hog or sow, that is killed by any particular person, within the limits of the river, and the jurisdiction aforesaid, to be ill u ,ii f 436 APPENDIX. i t 1 improved either for his own particular use, or to make market of, shall in like manner pay twelve pence per annum. 5th. Each hogshead of beaver, traded out of this jurisdiction, and passed by water down the river, shall pay twenty shillings. 6th. Each pound of beaver, traded within the limits of the river, shall pay two pence. Only it is provided, that in case the general trade with the Indians, now in agitation, proceed, this tax upon beaver, mentioned in this, and the foregoing articles, shall fall. 7th. The said committee, by the power aforesaid, consent and agree, to and with the said George Fenwick, Esq. that he, the said George Fenwick, and his heirs, shall be free of any impositions or customs, that may hereafter, by the jurisdiction, be imposed at the fort. It is agreed that the aforesaid payments shall be made in man- ner following: What shall be due from the grain that is exported, shall be paid in grain, according to the proportion of the several kinds of grain that do pass away, at the common current price; neither attending such prices on the one hand, that the court may set; nor yet on the other hand, such as corn may be sold at, through the necessities of men: And in case of any difference, then the price shall be set by two good men, the one chosen by Mr. Fenwick, and the other by the court. What shall be due otherwise, shall be paid in beaver, wampum, barley, wheat or pease; the former consideration for the price, to be herein also at- tended. And it is provided and agreed, that a strict order and course shall be taken in observing what grain is put aboard any vessel that goeth down the river, from any of the towns: and due notice being taken thereof, every boat or vessel shall be enjoined to take a note of some person deputed by the court in each town, what quantities and kinds of grain are aboard the said vessel ; and to deliver to Mr. Fenwick, or his assigns, at Saybrook, so much as will be due to him according to the forementioned agreements. And likewise, for the other payments, due care shall be taken, that they be made at the place aforesaid, in as convenient a way as may comfortably be attended, and that all indirect courses be pre- vented, whereby the true intent and meaning of these agreements may be evaded. In witness whereof the parties before mentioned have hereunto put their hands, the day and year abovesaid. Edward Hopkins, John Haynes, John Mason, John Steele, George Fenwick. James Boosy.' * Records of the colony of Connecticut, folio vol. 11. pp. 59, 60,61 and 62. APPENDIX. 437 NUMBER VI. TAt sttond agreement with George Femviek, Esquire, February 17M 1646. IT wa» agreed betwixt Edward Hopkins, on the behalf of George Fenwick, Esq. and John CuUick, John Talcott, John Por- ter, and Henry Clark, James Boosy, and Samuel Smith, on the behalf of the jurisdiction of Connecticut, that the agreement formerly made with Mr. Fenwick, shall be afterwards, and what was to be received by him according to that, reduced to the terms hereafter expressed: — viz. — ^There shall yearly, for ten years, be paid to Mr. Fenwick, or his assigns, one hundred and eighty pounds per annum, to be paid every year before the last of June, as it shall be required by the assigns of the said George Fenwick, either to such vessels as shall be appointed, or to such house or houses, in Weathersfield or Hartford, as he shall direct and order. To be paid one third in good wheat, at 4s. per bushel ; one third in pease, at 3s. per bushel; one third in rye or barley, at 3s. per bushel : And if rye or barley be not paid, then to pay it in wheat and pease, in an equal proportion; and this present year some Indian corn shall be accepted; but as little as may be. Also, there is to be received by the said George Fenwick what is due from Springfield, for the aforesaid term of ten years. As also, what else may be due upon the beaver trade, according to the former agree- ment with him. Also, whereas the town of Saybrook is to pay in this sum of 180I. for this year, lol. when that town increaseth, so as they pay a greater proportion, in other rates, in reference to what these towns, Windsor, Hartford, Weathersfield, and Farmington do pay, they shall increase their pay to Mr. Fenwick accordingly. Also, whereas Mattabeseck may hereafter be planted, they shall pay unto Mr. Fenwick in the same proportion they pay other rates to these towns. These four towns being accounted at one hun- dred and seventy pounds.^ Edward Hopkins, John Cullick, John Talcott. I Records of the colony of Connecticut, folio vol. ii. p. 63, :^l!!l ■ 'ii 438 APPENDIX. - t ; ^ NUMBER VII. Petition to his majesty^ King Charles II. i66i, for charter privileges. The humble petition of the General Court, at Hartford upon Con- necticut, in New-England, to the high and mighty Prince Charles the second, humbly shewing: — THAT whereas your petitioners have not had, for many years past, since their possession and inhabiting these western and in- land parts of this wilderness, any opportunity, by reason of the calamities of the late sad times, to seek for, and obtain such grants, by letters patent from your excellent majesty, their sovereign lord and king, as might assure them of such liberties and privileges, and sufHcient powers, as might encourage them to go on through all difficulties, hazards, and expenses, in so great a work of planta- tion, in a place so remote from the christian world, and a desert so difficultly subdued, and no way improveable for subsistence, but by great cost and hard labour, with much patience and cares. And whereas, besides the g^eat charge that hath been expe , 'led by our fathers, and some of their associates yet surviving, about the purchase?^, building, fortifying, and other matters, of culturing and improving to a condition of safety and subsistence, in the places of our present abode, among the heathen, whereby there is a considerable and real addition to the honour and enlargement of his majesty's dominion, by the sole disbursements of his majesty's subjects here; of their own proper estates, they have laid out a very great sum for the purchasing a jurisdiction right of Mr. George Fenwick, which they were given to understand was de- rived from true royal authority, by letters patent, to certain lords and gentlemen therein nominated, a copy whereof was produced before the commissioners of the colonies, and approved by them, as appears by their records, a copy whereof is ready to be pre- sented at your majesty's command, though, either by fire at a house where it had been sometimes kept, or some other accident, is now lost; with which your poor subjects were rather willing to have contented themselves, in those afflicting times, than to seek for power or privileges from any other than their lawful prince and sovereign. May it, therefore, please your most gracious and excellent maj- esty, to confer upon your humble petitioners, who unanimously do implore your highness's favour and grace therein, those liber- ties, rights, authorities, and privileges, which were granted by the aforementioned letters patent, to certain lords and gentlemen, so purchased as aforesaid, or which were enjoyed from those letters patent, granted to the Massachusetts plantation, by our fathers, and some of us yet surviving, when there, in our beginning in- »m APPENDIX. 439 habiting; and upon which those large encouragements, liberties, and privileges, so great a transplantation from our dear England was undertaken, and supposed to be yet our inheritance, till the running of that western line, the bounded limits of those letters patent, did, since our removal thence, determine our lot to be fall- en without the limits of that so bounded authority. May it please your majesty graciously to bestow upon your humble supplicants such royal munificence, according to the tenor of a draft or instrument, which is ready here to be tendered, at your gracious order. And whereas, besides those many other great disbursements as aforesaid, in prosecution of this wilderness work, your poor peti- tioners were forced to maintain a war against one nation of the heathens, that did much interrupt the beginnings of your servants, by many bloody and hostile acts, whereby divers of our dear coun- trymen were treacherously destroyed, and have, also, been ever since, and are still, at much charge in keeping such a correspond- ence of peace and amity with the divers sorts of the heathen na- tions, that are round about your plantations, thus far extended into the bowels of the country, besides the maintenance of all pub- lic charges for church and civil aflfairs, which are very great in re- spect of our great poverty. May it please your most excellent majesty, out of your princely bounty, to grant such an immunity from customs, as may en- cortrage the merchants to supply our necessities in such com- modities as may be wanting here, for which we have neither silver nor gold to pay; but the supply in that kind may enable, in due time, to search the bowels of the earth for some good minerals, whereof there seems to be fair probabilities, or produce some such other staple commodities, as may, in future time, appear to be good effects of your majesty's goodness and bounty. If your poor colony may find this gracious acceptance with your majesty, as to grant their humble desire, whereby they may be encouraged to go on cheerfully and strenuously in their plantation business, in hope of a comfortable settlement for then.selves and their posterity, that under your royal protection they may prosper in this desert; they shall, Jis is their acknowledged duty, ever pray for your great tran- quillity and perpetual happiness ; and humbly craving leave, they subscribe themselves your majesty's loyal subjects and servants, the general court of the colony of Connecticut, in New-England, per their order signed.* Jan. 7th, 1661. Daniel Clark, Sec'ry. ' Old Book of Patents, Letters, &c. p. 12—14- 440 APPENDIX. NUMBER VIII. !■"' 'I tJ:.-,'i k The letter of Connecticut to Lord Say aiid Seal, June 7, 166 1. Right Honorable, THE former encouragements that our fathers, and some of their yet surviving associates, received from your honor to trans- plant themselves and families into these inland parts of this vast wilderness, where (as we have been given to understand) your honor was, and as we conceive and hope are still interested, by virtue of patent p<;wrer and authority, doth not only persuade us, but assure us of your patronage and favor, in that which may come within your power, wherein our comfort and settlement, and the well being of our posterity and the whole colony, both in civil and ecclesiastical policy , is so deeply concerned : Honorable Sir, not long after that some persons of note amongst us, and well known to yourself, whose names in that respect we forbear to write, had settled upon this river of Connecticut, and some planta- tions up the river were possessed, and in some measure improved, Mr. George Fenwick took possession of Saybrook fort, there re- siding for certain or several years; at length he was moved, for ends best known to himself, to return to England, and thereupon propounded by himself, our agent, the sale of the fort, with the housing there, and several appurtenances, together with ail the lands on the river, and so to the Narraganset Bay, with jurisdic- tion power to this colony, which was exceedingly opposed by several amongst us, whom some of us have heard to affirm that such a thing would be very distasteful to your honor, with the rest of the noble patentees, who had very bountiful intentions to this colony; nevertheless, though there was a stop for the present, yet in some short time (God removing soma from us by death, that were interested in the hearts and affections of several of those nobles and gentlemen the patentees in England) the business of purchase was revived by Mr. Fenwick, and expressions to this purpose given out by him. or his agents, or both; that he had po\-?r to dispose of the pre. ».s, the rest of the patentees desert- ing, it fell into his hands by agreement, and in case the towns on the river refused to comply with such terms as he proposed for the purchasing of the said fort, &c. it was frequently reported that he purposed either to 'mpose customs on the river or make sale there- of to the Dutch our noxious neighbours ; at last, for our peace, and settlement, and security, (as we hoped) we made, by our com- mittee, an agreement with the said Mr. Fenwick. a copy whereof is ready to be presented unto your honor, which cost this river one thousand six hundred pounds, or thereabouts, wherein your honor may see the great abuse that we received at Mr. Fenwick's I APPENDIX. 441 hands, he receivmg a vast sum from a poor people, and we scarcely ai all advantaged thereby, nay, we judge our condition worse than if we had contented ourselves with the patronage of the grand patentees, for we have not so much as a copy of a patent to secure our standing as a commonwealth, nor to ensure us of the continu- ance of our rights and privileges and immunities which we thought the jurisdiction power and authority, which Mr. Fenwick had engaged to us, and we paid for at a dear rate, nor any thing under his hand to engage him and !iis heirs, to the performance of that which was aimed at and intended in our purchase: the lands up the river, for a long tract, the Massachusetts colony doth chal- lenge, and have run the line, which, as they say, falls into one of our towns; on the other side towards Narraganset, we know not how to claim, being destitute of patent and a copy to decide the bounds. Be pleased, noble sir, to consider our condition, who have taken upon us this boldnec s to address to his majesty, our sovereign lord, and to petition his grace and favor towards us, in granting us the continuance of his protection and the continuance of those privileges and immunities, that we have hitherto enjoyed in this remote western part of the world; and likewise for a patent whereby we may be encouraged and strengthened in our proceed- ings. Right honorable, our humble request to yourself is, that you would be pleased lO countenance our enterprise, and so far to favor us as to counsel and advise our agent, who is to represent this poor colony and to act in our behalf, John Winthrop, Esq. our honored governor, whom we have commissioned and also directed to await your honor's pleasure for advice and counsel, both re- specting our petition to the king's majesty, as also respecting the case forementioned, that if there be any relief for us, we may not lose such a considerable sum of money, and be exposed to further expense for the obtaining a patent. If we may find this favor with your honor to afford your advice and counsel, and helpfulness to bring to pass our desires, we shall still acknowledge your en- larged bounty and favorable respect to us and ours, and ever pray an inundation of mercies may flow in upon your lordship from the AUTHOR and fountain of blessing. With all due respects, we sub- scribe, sir, your lordship's humble servants, the general assembly of the colony of Connecticut. Per their order signed, Per Daniel Clark, Secretary.' ^ ' Old book u( lelters, &c. p. 9— ii. ii k I' 11 H 'if:' 442 APPENDIX. n 4 ■r-, y r . 'v NUMBER IX. , : Letter of Lord Say and Seat to Governor Wintkrop, December i ith, 1661 Mr. Winthrop, I RECEIVED your letter, hy Mr. Richards, and I would have been glad to have had an oppc tunity of being at London myself to have done you and my good friends, in New-England, the best service I could; but my weakness hath been such, and my old disease of the gout falling upon me, I did desire leave not to come up this winter, but I have wrote to the Earl of Manchester, lord chamberlain oi his majesty's household, to give you the best as- sistance he may; and indeed he is a noble and worthy lord, and one that loves those that are godly. And he and I did join to- gether, that our godly friends of New-F^^land might enjoy their just rights and Hberties; and this colo. Jrowne, who, I hear, is still in London, can fully inform you. Concerning that of Con- necticut, I am not able to remember all the particulars; but I have written to my lord chamberlain, that when you shall attend him, (which I think will be best for you to do, and therefore I have in- closed a letter to him, in yours) that you may deliver it, and I have desired him to acquaint you where you may speak with Mr. Jesup, who, when we had the patent, was our clerk, and he I believe, is able to inform you best about it, and I have desired my lord to wish him so to do. I do think he is now in London. My love remem- bered unto you, I shall remain. Your very loving friend, W. Say and Seal. NUMBER X. Letter of New Haven to Connecticut, November $tA, 1662.''' Honored Gent. WE have heard both the patent and that writing read, which those gentlemen (who said they were sent from your general as- sembly) left with our committee, and have considered the contents according to our capacities. By the one we take notice of their declared sense of the patent, and also of your desire of our uniting with yourselves upon that account; by the other, we understand, that his majesty hath been graciously pleased (at your earnest peti- tion) to grant liberty to the colony of Connecticut, to acquire, have, possess, purchase. &c. whatever lands, &c. you have gained or shall gain by lawful means, within the precincts or lines therein mentioned: And also, of his abundant grace, to allow and estab- lish you to be one body po'itic for managing all your public affairs APPENDIX. 443 and government, in a religious and peaceable manner, to the in- tents and purposes by his majesty, and the adventurers therein professed, over all persons, matters, and things, so gained by pur- chase or conquest, at your own proper costs and charges, accord- ing as yourselves informed you had already done. Now whatever is so yours, we have neither purpose nor desire to oppose, hurt, or hinder in the least; but what ourselves (by like lawful means) have attained, as to inheritances, or jurisdiction, as a distinct colony, upon our most solemn and religious covenants, so well known to his majesty, and to all, we must say, that we do not find in the patent any command given to you, nor prohibition to us, to dis- solve covenants, or alter the orderly settlements of New-England, nor any sufficient reason, why we may not so remain to be as formerly; also your beginning to procure, and proceeding to im- prove the patent without us, doth confirm this belief; but rather it seems that a way is left open to us to petition for the like favor, and to enter our appeal from your declared sense of the patent, and signify our grievances. Yet, if it shall appear (after a due and full information of our state) to have been his majesty's pleasure so to unite us, as you understand the patent, we must submit according to God; but, for the present, we cannot answer otherwise than our committee hath done, and likewise to make the same request unto you, that we may remain distinct as formerly, and may be succoured by you as confederates; at least, that none occasion be given by yourselves for any to disturb us in our ancient settle- ments, until that, either by the honored Mr. Winthrop, by our other confederates, or from his majesty, we may be resolved here- in : All which means are in our thoughts to use, except you pre- vent, for the gaining of a right understanding, and to bring a peaceable issue or reconcilement of this matter; and we wish you had better considered than to act so suddenly, to seclude us from patent privileges at first, if we are included, as you say, and to have so proceeded since, as may seem to give advantage unto disaf- fected persons to slight or disregard oath and covenants, and thereby to rend and make division, manage contention and troubles in the townships and societies of this colony, and that about religious worships, as the inclosed complaint may declare, which seems to us a great scandal to religion before the natives, and prejudicial to his majesty's pious intention, as also to hold forth a scries of means very opposite to the end pretended, and very much obscured from the beauty of such a religious and peace- able walking among English brethren, as may either invite the natives to the christian faith, or unite our spirits in this juncture; and this occasion given before any conviction tendered, or publica- tion of the patent among us, or so much as a treaty with us in a christian, neighbourly way. No pretence for our dissolution of government, till then ( ■ :,uld rationally be imagined. Such carriage m !) ! 444 APPFNDIX. ^fi^i may seem to be against the advice and mind of his majesty in the patent; as also of your honored governor, and to cast reflection upon him, when we compare these things with his letters to some here; for the avoiding whereof, we earnestly request that the whole of what he hath written to yourselves, so far as it may re- spect us in this business, may be fully communicated to our view in a true copy or transcript of the same. We must profess ourselves grieved hereat, and must desire and expect your effectual en- deavours to repair these breaches, and restore us to our former condi ion as confederates, until that by all, or some of these ways intimated, we may attain a clear resolution in this matter. Unto what we have herein propounded, we shall add, that we do not, in the least, intend any dislike to his majesty's act, but show our sense of your actings, first and last, so much to our detriment, and to manifest the consequent effects to God's dishonour, as also to give you to know how we understand the patent, hoping that you will both candidly construe, and friendly comply, with our desires herein, and so remove the cause of our distraction and sad afflic- tion, that you have brought upon this poor colony; then shall we forbear to give you further trouble, and shall pray to the God of spirits to grant us all humility, and to guide us by his heavenly wisdom to a happy issue of this affair, in love and peace. Resting, Gentlemen, your very loving friends and neighbours, ' ' ' The Freemen of the colony of New-Haven. Per James Bishop, Secretary, in the name, and by order and con- sent of the committee and freemen of New-Haven colony. NUMBER XL 1 New-HavetCs remonstrance against Connecticut^ May 6th, 1663. Gentlemen, THE professed grounds and ends of your and our coming into these parts are lot unknown, being plainly expressed in the pro- logue to that solemn confederation entered into by the four col- onies of New-Frqflanc', printed and published to the world, viz. to advance the king.iom 01 our Lord Jesus Christ, and to enjoy the liberties of the f a treaty with us for union of our colonies ; and you know, as your good words were kindly accepted, so your motion was fairly answered by our committee. That in regard we were under an ap- peal to his majesty, that being limited by our freemen, not to con- clude any thing for altering our distinct colony state and govern- ment, without their consent, and without the approbation of the other confederate colonies, they were not in present capacity so to treat; but did little suspect such a design on foot against us, the effect whereof quickly appeared at Guilford, before mentioned. But we shall say no more at this time, only tell you, whatever we suffer by your means, we pray the Lord would help us to choose it, rather than to sin against our consciences, hoping the righteous God will, in due time, look upon our affliction, and incline his maj- esty's heart to favour our righteous cause. Subscribed in the name, and by order of the general court of New-Haven colony. Per James Bishop, Secretary. New-Haven, May 6th, 1663. NUMBER XH. Governor Winthrop's letter to Connecticut^ March 3 [v - ^ 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, NY. 14S80 (716) 873-4503 O^ '%^ ^u 450 APPENDIX. NUMBER XIV. Hii nuyesty's gracious letter to the governor and company of Connecti- cut, accompanying the commission, April 2^d, 1664. CHARLES R. TRUSTY and Well beloved, we greet you well, having, accord- ing to the resolution we declared to Mr. John Winthrop, at the time when we renewed your charter, now sent these person^ of known abilities and affections to us, that is to say, colonel Richard Nichols. Sir Robert Carr, knight, George Cartwright, Esq. and Samuel Maverick, Esq. our commissioners, to visit those our sev- eral colonies and plantations in New-England, to the end that we may be the better informed of the state and welfare of our good subjects, whose prosperity is very dear to us; we can make no question but that they shall find that reception from you which may testify your respect to us, from whom they are sent for your good. We need not tell you how careful we are of your liberties and privileges, whether ecclesiastical or civil, which we will not suffer to be violated in the least degree; and that they may not be is the principal business of our said commissioners, as likewise to take care that the bounds and jurisdictions of our several colonies there may be clearly agreed upon; that every one may enjoy what of right belongeth unto them, without strife or contention; and especially that the natives of that country, who are willing to live peaceably and neighbourly with our English subjects, may re- ceive such justice and civil treatment from them, as may make them the more in love with their religion and manners; so not doubting of your full compliance and submission to our desire, we bid you farewell. Given at our court at Whitehall, the 23d day of April, 1664, in the sixteenth year of our reign. By his majesty's command, Henry Bennit. NUMBER XV. The Duke and Duchess of Hamilton's petition to King Charles second, end his majesty's reference of the case to his commissioners, May 6th, 1664. To the King's most excellent majesty. The humble petition of William, Duke of Hamilton, and Anne, Duchess of Hamilton; Sheweth, THAT whereas in the eleventh year of the reign of your royal father, of ever blessed memory, the council established at Plym- outh in the county of Devon, for planting, ordering and govern- ing of New-England in America (according to the power given APPENDIX. 451 ucti- ord- the \i of iiard and sev- t we ^ood : no hich jrour rties not >tbe 36 to mies vhat and live re- lake not we ly of them in the eighteenth year of the reign of the late king James, by his letters patent, bearing date the third day of November) did for a competent sum of money and other valuable considerations, bargain and sell unto the petitioners' father, by the name of James, Marquis Hamilton, his heirs and assigns, all that part and portion of the main lands in New-England, lying and beginning, at the middle part of the mouth of the river Connecticut, to proceed along the sea coast to be accounted about sixty miles, and so up to the westward arm of the river into the land northwestward till sixty miles be finished, and so to cross southwestward till sixty miles, all which part and portion of lands were to be called by the name of the county of New-Cambridge, with several other lands and privileges as by the said deed of feofJFment doth more fully ap- pear, a copy whereof is hereunto annexed. Since which time and by reason of the late unhappy war several persons have possessed themselves of the best and most considerable parts of the said lands, without any acknowledgment of your petitioners' right. Your petitioners therefore most humbly pray, that your majesty will be graciously pleased to recommend the premises to your maj- esty's commissioners for New-England, and that care may be taken that your petitioners may be restored to their just right, and that nothing be done to their prejudice. Ai the court at Whitehall, the 6th May, 1664. His majesty is graciously pleased to refer this petition to the commissioners now employed by his majesty to settle the affairs of New-England, who are to examine the allegations thereof, and upon due consideration had, to preserve and restore to the peti- tioners their just right and interest, or otherwise to report their opinions thereupon to his majesty, who will then declare his further pleasure, for the honorable petitioners' just satisfaction.^ Henry Bennit. II IT. NUMBER XVI. tond, 6th, nne, oyal ym- em- iven The determination of his majesty s commissioners, relative to the boun- daries of his royal highness, the Duke of York's patent and of the patent of Connecticut, Nor'ember 30th, 1664. BY virtue of his majesty's commission, we have heard the dif- ferences about the bounds of the patents granted to his royal high- ness the Duke of York, and his majesty's colony of Connecticut — and having deliberately considered all the reasons alleged by Mr. Allen, senior, Mr. Gould, Mr. Richards, and captain Winthrop, appointed by the assembly held at Hartford, the 13th day of Oc- tober, 1664, to accompany John Winthrop, Esq. the governor of hts majesty's colony of Connecticut, to New- York, and by Mr. > Old Book of Letters, &c. p. 138 m 15 ■■'H 45i» APPENDIX. Howell and captain Young, of Long-Island, why the said Long- Island should be under the government of Connecticut; which are too long here to be recited: We do declare and order, that the southern bounds of his majesty's colony of Connecticut, is the sea; and that Long-Island is to be under the government of his royal highness the Duke of York; as is expressed by plain words in the said patents respectively. And also by virtue of his majesty's commission and by the consent of both the governor and the gen- tlemen above named, we also order and declare, that the creek or river called Momoronock, which is reputed to be about twelve miles to the east of West-Chester, and a line drawn from the east point or side, where the fresh water falls into the salt, at high- water mark, north-northwest to the line of the Massachusetts, be the western bounds of the said of colony of Connecticut, and the plantations lying westward of that creek, and line so drawn, to be under his royal highness's government; and all plantations lying eastward of that creek, and line to be under the government of Connecticut. Given under our hands at Fort James, in New- York, on Manhattans Island, this 30th day of November 1664. Richard Nichols, George Cartwright, Samuel Maverick. We underwritten, on behalf of the colony of Connecticut, have assented unto this determination of his majesty's commissioners, in relation to the bounds and limits of his royal highness the duke's patent, and the patent of Connecticut.* John Winthrop, Matthew Allen, Nathan Gould, James Richards, John Winthrop. November 30, 1664. NUMBER XVII. Letter of New-Haven to Connecticut ^ Dec. 14, 1664. Honored Gentlemen, WE have been silent hitherto, as to the making of any griev- ance known unto the king's commissioners, notwithstanding what may be with us of such nature, from the several transactions that have been among us, and are desirous so to continue the manag- ing of these affairs in ways consistent with the ancient confedera- tion of the united colonies, choosing rather to suffer, than to be- gin any motion hazardful to New-England settlements; in pur- suance whereof (according to our promise to your gentlemen, sent lately to demand our submission, though in a divided if not > Old Book, &c p. *. APPENDIX. 453 dividing way, within our towns, severally seeking to bring us under the government of yourselves already settled, wherein we have had no hand to settle the same, and before we had cleared to our conviction, the certain limits of your charter, which may justly increase the scruple of too much haste in that and former actings upon us) the generality of our undiyided people have or- derly met this 13th of the tenth month (64) and by the vote en- dorsed, have prepared for this answer to be given of our submis- sion, which being done by us, then for the accommodation of mat- ters betwixt us in an amicable way, by a committee impowered to issue with you on their behalf, and in the behalf of all concerned, according to instructions given to the said committee. We never did, nor even do intend to damnify your moral rights or just privi- leges, consistent with our like honest enjoyments, and we would hope that you have no further step towards us, not to violate our government interest, but to accommodate us with that we shall desire, and the patent bear, as hath been often said you would do; and surely you have the more reason to be full with us herein, seeing that your success for patent bounds with those gentlemen now obtained, seems to be debtor unto our silence before them, when as you thus by single application and audience issued that matter: you thus performing to satisfaction, we may still rest silent, and according to profession, by a studious and cordial en- deavour with us to advance the interest of Christ in this wilderness, and by the Lord's blessing thereupon, love and union between us may be greatly confirmed, anr^ all our comforts enlarged, which is the earnest prayer of, gentlemen, your loving friends and neigh- bours, the committee, appointed by the freemen and inhabitants of New-Haven colony, now assembled. James Bishop, Secretar}-. New-Haven, December 14, 1664. NUMBER XVIII. Letter of Connecticut to Neiv-Haven, in answer to the preceding letter, December 21st, 1664. Hartford, Dec. aist, 1664. Honored Gentlemen, WE have received yours, dated the 14th of this instant, signed by James Bishop, &c. wherein you are pleased to mention your silence hitherto, as to the making any grievance known to his maj- esty's commissioners, notwithstanding what may be with you, &c. we can say the same, though we had fair opportunities to present any thing of that nature ; as for your desire to manage affairs con- sistent with the confederation, the present motion will, we hope, I 'I ■!| 454 APPENDIX. upon a candid review, not appear any ways dissonant therefrom; for besides the provision made in one of the articles of confedera- tion for two colonies uniting in one, there was special provision, as you well know, made at the last session of the commissioners to that purpose, conjoined with pathetical advice and counsel, to an amicable union. Our too much forwardness, with New-Haven, &c. is not so clear, seeing those plantations you inhabit are much about the center of our patent, which our charter limits, as also the inclosed determination of his majesty's honorable commis- sioners, will, to your conviction, be apparent; that our success for patent bounds with the king's commissioners is debtor to your silence, seems to us strange, when your non-compliance was so abundantly known to those gentlemen, yea, the news of your mo- tions, when Mr. Joseph Allen was last with you, was at New- York, before our governor's departure thence; notwithstanding your silence, and yet so good an issue obtained, we desire such reflec- tions may be buried in perpetual silence, which only yourselves necessitating thereunto, shall revive them, being willing to pur- sue truth and peace as much as may be with all men, especially with our dear brethren in the fellowship of the gospel, and fellow- members of the same civil corporation, accommodated with so many choice privileges, which we are willing, after all is prepared to your hands, to confer upon you equal with ourselves, which we wish may at last produce the long desired effect of your free and cordial closure with us, not attributing any necessity imposed by us, further than the situation of those plantations in the heart of our colony, and therein the peace of posterity in these parts of the country is necessarily included, and that after so long liberty to present your plea when you have seen meet. Gentlemen, we de- sire a full answer as speedily as may be, whether those lately em- powered, accept to govern according to their commission, if not, other meet persons to govern may by us be empowered in their room; thus desiring the Lord to unite our hearts and spirits in ways well pleasing in his sight, which is the prayer of your very loving friends, the council of the colony of Connecticut. Signed by their order, by me, John Allen, Secretary. NUMBER XIX. The final reply of New-Haven to Connecticut. New-Haven, Jan. $, 1664-5. Honored Gentlemen, WHEREAS by yours, dated December 21st, 1664, you please to say, that you did the same as we, not making any grievances known to the commissioners, &c. unto that may be returned, that APPENDIX. 455 you had not the same cause so to do from any pretence of injury, by our intermeddling with your colony or government interest, unto which we refer that passage for our expressing desires to manage all our matters in confederacy with the confederation, we hope you will not blame us. How dissonant or consonant your actings with us have been, we leave to the confederation to judge, as their records may show — ^that article, which allows two colonies to join, doth also, with others, assert the justness of each colony's distinct rights, until joined to mutual satisfaction, and the pro- vision made in such case the last session, we gainsay not, when the union is so completed, and a new settlement of the confedera- tion, by the respective general courts, accomplished. Their pa- thetical advice for an amicable union, we wish may be so attended — ^in order thereunto, we gave you notice of a committee prepared to treat with you, for such an accommodation, unto which you gave us no answer, but instead thereof, sent forth your edict from authority upon us, before our conviction for submission was de- clared to you. The argument from our intermixt situation, is the same now as it was before our confederating and ever since, and affords no more ground now to disannul the government than be- fore. We might marvel at your strange, why we should think your success should be debtor to our silence, and that because the news of our non-compliance was with the commissioners, as if the mere news of such a thing contained the strength of all we had to say or plead. Gentlemen, we intreat you to consider, that there is more in it than so, yea, that still we have to allege things of weight, and know where and how, if we chose not rather to abate and suffer, than by striving to hazard the hurting yourselves or the common cause. We scope not at reflections, but conviction and conscience satisfaction, that so brethren in the fellowship of the gospel might come to a cordial and regular closure, and so to walk together in love and peace, to advance Christ his interest among them, which is all our design: But how those high and holy ends are like so to be promoved between us, without a treaty for accommodation we have cause to doubt; yet that we may not fail in the least to perform whatever we have said, we now signify, that having seen the copy of his majesty's commissioners' deter- mination (deciding the bounds betwixt his highness the Duke of York, and Connecticut charter) we do declare submission there- unto according to the true intent of our vote, unto which we refer you. As to that part of yours concerning our magistrates and officers acceptance, their answer is, that they having been chosen by the people here to such trust and sworn thereunto for the year ensuing, and until new be orderly chosen, and being again desired to continue that trust, they shall go on in due observance thereof according to the declaration left with us by Mr. John Allen and Mr. Samuel Sherman, bearing date November 19th, 1664; in 45n- necticut river, we humbly conceive that the original patent g^ant, from royal authority to the Lord Say and other nobles and gen- tlemen, which we purchased at a dear rate, is lately ratified and confirmed by our gracious sovereign, under the broad seal of Eng- land (the most absolute and unquestionable security of the Eng- lish subjects) in which grants the lands forementioned are com- prised. The grant to Connecticut was precedent to that of Duke Hamilton's several years, which gives us to conclude, that priority of title will be settled by priority of grant. 3. A considerable tract of this land which the duke's petition refers to (if as before supposed, it be determined Connecticut) was ' This is the date of the letter of the king's commissioner. The repljr is not dated. Col. Rec. 3 : 334. — J. T. APPENDIX. 457 posseMcd by a people most malignantly spirited against his maj- esty's English subjects, and at our first settling here, when we were weak and few, they grew very insolent against us, making invasion upon us, murdering many of our people, thereby necessitating us to a hazardous undertaking, to cast ourselves into the amu of God's providence, in endeavouring to suppress those bloody heathen; and through divine benediction we found a good suc- cess; and though that wilderness land would not afford any con- siderable recompence for the loss of lives and great expenses, yet our peace attained by that conquest did greatly rejoice us. 4. We have had peaceable possession this thirty years, free from the least claim of any other, that we heard of, to this day; which persuades us that if the duke's highness had ever reason, by virtue of his grant, to make claim, yet that right pretended is extinct in law many years since. His majesty, our gracious sovereign, was pleased of his abun- dant favor and grace, to his subjects of this colony, so far to declare his free reception of the reasons forementioned, of our purchase made, and conquest recovered, and likewise of our im- provement and labor bestowed upon those lands, as to insert them as motives to that late renewal of our charter. We humbly crave, that as it hath been his majesty's royal pleas- ure to manifest his tender affection to, and care of his subjects' welfare in these his colonies of New-England, in sending over his honorable commissioners to compose and issue those things that might be of ill consequence between the several colonies, so like- wise that it be well pleasing to his majesty, that this his colony of Connecticut might be freed from further trouble or inconvenience by this claim, that we understand hath been presented by the Mar- quis Hamilton. And whereas, your honors are pleased so far to exercise your thoughts about the promotion of the welfare of his majesty's sub- jects in this his colony, as to vouchsafe us so favorable a tender to be solicitors in our behalf to his majesty our gracious sovereign, in any particulars wherein we may be advantaged, we crave your honors' assistance as foUoweth. 1. That his majesty would be graciously pleased to silence the claim of Duke Hamilton, if any be by him pretended or presented, to any tract of land lying or being within the precincts of our charter (renewed and established to us by our royal sovereign) and possessed and improved by several poor people, whose prog- ress in their labors and endeavours for their subsistence (at the best very mean) will be impeded and obstructed through fear of the event of such claims. 2. Whereas, the colony is at a very low ebb in respect of traf- fick, and although, out of a respect to our relation to the English nation, and that we might be accounted a people under the sover- 458 APPENDIX. eignty and protection of his majesty the king of England, we pre- sumed to put the name or appellation of New-London upon one of our towns, which nature hath furnished with a safe and com- modious harbour, though but a poor people, and discapacitated in several respects to promote traflick; we humbly crave of our gra- cious sovereign, that he would be pleased out of his princely bounty, to grant it be a place of free trade for seven, ten, or twelve years, as his royal heart shall incline to confer as a boon upon his poor, yet loyal subjects. 3. We request of your honors, i. That you will please to repre- sent unto his majesty our allegiance, with our ready acknowledg- ment of his princely grace in the late renewal of our charter. 2. His more abundant grace in re-ratifying our privileges both civil and ecclesiastic, in his late gracious letter sent to us by your honors. 3. Our ready compliance with his majesty's royal will and pleasure therein expressed. 4. Our christian moderation to men of different persuasions. 5. We humbly implore the contin- uance of the shines of his royal favor upon our mean beginnings, that so we may flourish under the benign aspect of our lord the king.* NUMBER XXI. The Reverend Mr. John Davenforfs resignation of Governor Hopkins's donation to the general court of New-Haven, May 4th, 1660. Quod felix faustumque sit! On the 4th day of the fourth month, 1660, John Davenport, pas- tor of the church of Christ at New-Haven, presented to the honor- able general court at New-Haven, as foUoweth; Memorandum, I. That, sundry years past, it was concluded by the said general court, that a small college, such as the day of small things will permit, should be settled in New-Haven, for the education of youtli in good literature, to fit them for public services, in church and commonwealth, as it will appear in the public records. II. Thereupon, the said John Davenport, wrote unto our hon- ored friend, Edward Hopkins, Esq. then living in London, the re- sult of those consultations. In answer whereunto, the said Ed- ward Hopkins wrote unto the said John Davenport, a letter, dated the 30th of the second month, called April, 1656, beginning with these words. Most Dear Sir, The long continued respects I have received from you, but es- pecially, the speakings of the Lord to my heart, by you, have put me under deep obligations to love and a return of thanks beyond ' This ismn attested copy, in the old letter book, p. 138, 129, 130. APPENDIX. 459 what I have or can express, &c. Then after other passages (which being secrets hinder me from shewing iiis letters) he added a decla- ration of his purpose in reference to the college about which I wrote unto him, That which the Lord hath given me in those parts, I ever designed, the greatest part of it, for the furtherance of the work of Christ in those ends of the earth, and if I understand that a college is begun and like to be carried on, at New-Haven, for the good of posterity, I shall give some encouragement thereunto. These are the very words of his letter. But, III. Before Mr. Hopkins could return an answer to my next letter it pleased God to finish his days in this world : Therefore, by his last will and testament (as the copy thereof transcribed and at- tested, by Mr. Thomas Yale, doth shew) he committed the whole trust of ^sposing his estate in these countries (after some personal legacies were paid out) unto the public uses mentioned, and be- queathed it to our late honored governor, Theophilus Eaton, Esq. his father in law, and to the aforesaid John Davenport, and joined with them, in the same trust, captain John Cullick, and Mr. Will- iam Goodwin. IV. It having pleased the most high to afflict this colony greatly by taking from it to himself, our former ever honored governor, Mr. Eaton, the surviving trustees and legatees met together, to consider what course they should take for the discharge of their trust, and agreed that each of them should have an inventory of the aforesaid testator's estate in New-England, in houses and goods and lands, (which were prized by some in Hartford intrusted by captain Cullick and Mr. Goodwin) and in debts, for the gathering in whereof some attorneys were constituted, empowered and em- ployed by the three surviving trustees, as the writing in the magis- trates' hand will shew. V. Afterwards, at another meeting of the said trustees, they considering that by the will of the dead, they are joined together in one common trust, agreed to act together, with mutual consent, in performance thereof; and considering, that by the will of the testator, two of New-Haven were joined with two of Hartford, and that Mr. Hopkins had declared his purpose to further the col- lege intended at New-Haven, they agreed that one half of that es- tate which should be gathered in, should be paid unto Mr. Daven- port for New-Haven, the other half to captain Cullick and Mr. Goodwin, to be improved for the uses and ends fore noted where they should have power to perform their trust, which, because they would not expect to have at Hartford, they concluded it would be best done by them in that new plantation unto which sundry of Hartford were to remove, and were now gone: yet they agreed that out of the whole lool. should be given to the college at Cam- bridge, in the bay; the estate being loool. as captain Cullick be- lieved it would be, which we now see cause to doubt, by reason of !'? 4to APPENDIX. 11 m- the tequeatrations laid upon that estate, and still continued by the general court at Hartford, whereupon some refuse to pay their debts, and others forsake the purchases they had made, to their great hindrance of performing the will of the deceased, according to the trust committed to them, and to the great endamagement of the estate. VI. The said John Davenport acquainted the other two trus- tees with his purpose, to interest the honored magistrates and eiders of this colony in the disposal of that part of the estate, that was by their agreement to be paid thereunto, for the promoving the college work in a gradual way, for the education of youth in good literature, so far as he might, with preserving in himself, the power committed to him for the discharge of his trust: they con- sented thereunto. Accordingly, on the election day, it being the 30th day of the third month, he delivered up unto the hands of the honored governor and magistrates the writings that concern this business: (viz. the copy of Mr. Hopkins his last will and testament, and the inventory of his estate in New-England, and the appraise- ment of his goods, and the writings signed by the surviving trus- tees for their attomies, and some letters between the other trus- tees and himself,) adding also his desire of some particulars for the well performing the trust as foUoweth : 1. He desireth of New-Haven town. First, That the rent of the oyster shell fields, formerly separated and reserved for the use and benefit of a college, be paid from this time forward, towards the making of some stock for disburse- ments of necessary charges towards the college till it be set up, and afterwards to continue for a yearly rent as belonging to it, under the name and title of college land. Secondly, That if no place can be found mr/r^ convenient, Mrs. Eldred's lot be given for the use of the collcj,'^, i nd of the colony grammar school, if it be in this town, else only for the college. Thirdly, That parents will keep such of their sons constantly to learning in the schools, whom they intend to train up for public serviceableness, and that all their sons may learn, at least, to write and cast up accounts competently, and may mrike some entrance into the latin tongue. Fourthly, That if the colony settle 40I. per annum, for a com- mon school, and shall add lool. to be paid towards the building or buying of a school house and library in this town, seeing thereby this town will be freed from the charges which they have been at hitherto to maintain a town school, they would consider what part of their former salary may be still continued for future supplies towards a stock for necessary expenses about the college or school. 2. He humbly desireth the honored general court of the colony of New-Haven, APPENDIX. 461 First, That the 40I. per annum formerly agreed upon, to be paid by the several plantations, for a common grammar school, be now settled in one of the plantations which they shall judge fittest, and that a school master may forthwith be provided to teach the three languages, Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, so far ns shall be necessary to prepare them for the college, and that if it can be accomplished, that such a school master be settled by the end of this summer, or the beginning of winter. The payments from the several plantations may begin from this time. Secondly, That if the common school be settled in this town, the honored governor, magistrates, elders, and deputies, would solemnly and together visit the grammar school once every year, at the court for elections, to examine the scholars' proficiency in learning. Thirdly, That for the payments to be made by the plantations, for the school, or out of Mr. Hopkins' estate, towards the college, one be chosen by themselves, under the name and title of stew- ard, or receiver, for the school and college, to whom such pay- ments may be made, with full power given him by the court to demand what is due, and to prosecute in case of neglect, and to give acquittances in case of due payments received, and to give his account yearly to the court, and to dispose of what he receiv- eth in such provisions as cannot be well kept, in the best way for the aforesaid uses according to advice. Fourthly, That unto that end a committee of church members be chosen to meet together and consult and advise, in emergent difficult cases, that may concern the school or college, and which cannot be well delayed till the meeting of the general court, the governor being always the chief of that committee. Fifthly, The said John Davenport desireth, that while it may please God to continue his life, and abode in this place, (to the end that he may the better perform his trust) in reference to the college, that he be always consulted in difficult cases, and have the power of a negative vote, to hinder any thing from being acted which he shall prove by good reason to be prejudicial to the true intendment of the testator, and to the true end of this work. Sixthly, That certain orders be speedily made for the school, and when the college shall proceed, for it also; that the education of youth may be carried on suitably to Christ's ends, by the counsel of the teaching elders in this colony ; and that what they shall conclude with consent, being approved by the honored mag- istrates, be ratified by the general court. Seventhly, Because it is requisite that the writings which con- cern Mr. Hopkins his estate be safely kept; in order thereunto, the said John Davenport desireth that a convenient chest be made, with two locks and two keys, and be placed in the house of the governor, or of the steward, in some safe room, till a more public 462 APPENDIX. place (as a library or the like) may be prepared; and that one key be in the hands of the governor, the other in the steward's hands. That in this chest all the writings now delivered by him to the magistrates may be kept; and aU other bills, bonds, ac- quittances, orders, or whatsoever writings that may concern this business be put and kept there; and that some place may be agreed on where the steward or receiver may lay up such provi- sions as may be paid in, till they may be disposed of for the good of the school or college. Eighthly, Because our sight is narrow and weak, in viewing and discerning the compass of things that are before us, much more in foreseeing future contingencies, he further craveth liberty for himself and olher elders of this colony, to propound to the hon- ored governor and magistrates what hereafter may be found to be conducible to the well carrying on of this trust, according to the ends proposed, and that such proposals may be added unto these, under the name and title of useful additionals; and confirmed by the general court. Lastly, He hopeth he shall not need to add, what he expressed by word of mouth, that the honored general court will not suffer this gift to be lost from the colony, but as it becometh fathers of the commonwealth, will use all good endeavours to get it into their hands, and to assert their right in it for the common good; that posterity may reap the good fruit of their labors, and wis- dom, and faithfulness; and that Jesus Christ may have the ser- vice and honor of such provision made for his people; in whom I rest. John Davenport. NUMBER XXII. y ;,• I ZeUer o/Ais majesty king Charles II. to Connecticut, April loth, 1666. CHARLES R. TRUSTY and well beloved, we greet you well, having received so full and satisfactory an account from our commissioners, both of the good reception you have given them, and also of your duti- fulness and obedience to us, we cannot but let you know how much we are pleased therewith, judging that respect of yours towards our officers to be the true and natural fruit which demon- strates what fidelity and affection towards us is rooted in your hearts; and although your carriage doth of itself most justly deserve our praise and approbation, yet it seems to be set off with the more lustre by the contrary deportment of the colony of the Massachusetts, as if by their refractoriness they had designed to recommend and heighten the merit of your compliance with our directions, for the peaceable and good government of our APPENDIX. 46$ subjects in those parts: you may therefore assure yourselves that we shall never be unmindful of this your loyal and dutiful be- haviour, but shall, upon all occasions, take notice of it to your advantage, promising you our constant protection and royal fa- vor, in all things that may concern your safety, peace and wel- fare; and so we bid you farewell. Given at our court, at White- hall, the loth day of April, 1666, in the eighteenth year of our reign. By his majesty's command, William Morricb. Superscribed to our trusty and well beloved, the governor and council of the colony of Connecticut, in New-England. NUMBER XXIII. An address to king lVUliam,Jun€ 13M, 1689. To the king's most excellent majesty. The humble address of your majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects, the governor and company of your majesty's colony of Con- necticut, in New-England. GREAT Sovereign, GREAT was that day, when the Lord, who sitteth upon the floods, and sitteth king forever, did divide his and your adver- saries from one another, like the waters of Jordan forced to stand upon an heap, and did begin to magnify you like Joshua, in the sight of all Israel, by those great actions that were so much for the honor of God, and the deliverance of the English dominions from popery and slavery, and all this separated from those sor- rows that usually attend the introducing of a peaceable settlement in any troubled state; all which doth affect us with the sense of our duty to return the highest praise unto the KING of KINGS, and LORD of HOSTS, and bless HIM, who hath delighted in you, to sit you on the throne of his Israel, and to say because the LORD loved Israel forever, therefore hath he made you king to do justice and judgment, &c. also humble and hearty acknowl- edgment for that great zeal, that by your majesty hath been ex- pressed in those hazards, you have put your royal person to, and in the expense of so great treasure in the defence of the prct- estant interest. In the consideration of all which, we, your maj- esty's dutiful and loyal subjects of your said colony, are encour- aged humbly to intimate that we, with much favor, obtained a charter of king Charles the II. of happy memory, bearing date April 23d, 1662, in the 14th year of his reign, granted to the governor and company of his majesty's colony of Connecticut, the advantages and privileges whereof made us indeed a very 464 APPENDIX. i happy people, and by the blessing of GOD upon our endeavours, we have made a considerable improvement of your dominions here; wnich, with the defence of ourselves from the force of both foreign and intestine enemies, has cost us much expense of treas- ure and blood; yet in the second year of the reign of his late majesty king James the II. we had a quo-warranto served upon us by Edward Randolph, requiring our appearance before his maj- esty's court, in England; and although the time of our appear- ance was elapsed before the serving the said quo-warranto, yet we humbly petitioned his majesty for his favor, and the contin- uance of our charter, with the privileges thereof; but we received no other favor but a second quo-warranto, and we well observing that the charter of London, and other considerable cities in Eng- land were condemned, and that the charter of the Massachusetts had undergone the like fate, plainly saw what we uight expect, yet we not judging it good or lawful to be active in surrendering what had cost us so dear, nor to be altogether silent, we empow- ered an attorney to appear on our behalf, and to prefer our humble address to his majesty, to entreat his favor quickly upon it; but as Sir Edmund Andross informed us he was empowered by his majesty to regain the surrender of our charter, if we saw meet so to do, and to take ourselves under his government; also colonel Thomas Dungan, his majesty's governor of New- York, labored to gain us over to his government: we withstood all these motions, and in our reiterated addresses, we petitioned his maj- esty to continue us in the full and free enjoyment of our liberties and property, civil and sacred, according to our charter. We also petitioned, that if his majesty should not see meet to con- tinue us as we were, but was resolved to annex us to some other government, we then desired, that (in as much as Boston had been our old correspondents, and people whose principles and manners we had been acquainted with) we might be annexed rather to Sir Edmund Andross his government, than to colonel Dungan's, which choice of ours was taken for a resignation of our government, though that was never intended by us for such, nor had it the formalities in law to make it a resignation, as we humbly conceive, yet Sir Edmund Andross was commissioned, by his majesty, to take us under his government; pursuant to which about the end of October, 1687, he with a company of gen- tlemen and grenadiers, to the number 6f sixty or upwards came to Hartford (the chief seat of this government) caused his com- mission to be read and declared our government to be dissolved, and put into commission, both civil and military officers through our colony, as he pleased, where he passed thm'jgh the principal parts thereof. The good people of the colony, though they were under a great sense of the injuries they sustained hereby, yet chose rather to be silent and patient than to oppose, being indeed sur- Wi APPENDIX. 465 prised into an involuntary submission to an arbitrary power, but when the government we were thus put under, seemed to us, to be determined, and we being in daily fear and hazard of those many inconveniences, that will arise from a people in want of government, being also in continual danger of our lives by reason of the natives being at war with us, with whom we had just fears of our neighbouring French to join, not receiving any order or directions what method to take for our security, we were neces- sitated to put ourselves into some form of government, and there being none so familiar to us as that of our charter, nor what we could make so effectual for the gaining the universal compliance of the people, and having never received any intimation of an enrolment of that, which was interpreted a resignation of our charter, we have presumed, by the consent of the major part of the freemen, assembled for that end. May 9th, 1689, to resume cur government, according to the rules of our charter, and this to continue till further order, yet as we have thus presumed to dispose ourselves, not waiting orders from your majesty, we humbly submit ourselves herein, intreating your majesty's most gracious pardon, and that what our urgent necessity hath put upon us, may no ways interrupt your majesty's grace and favor towards us, your most humble and dutiful subjects, but that in your clemency you would be pleased to grant us such directions as to your princely wisdom may seem meet, with such ratifica- tions and confirmations of our charter, in the full and free en- joyment of all our properties, privileges, and liberties, both civil and sacred, as therein granted to us, by your royal predecessor, king Charles the II. which may yet further insure it an inher- itance to us and our posterities after us, with what farther grace and favor your royal and enlarged heart may be moved to confer upon us; which, we trust, we shall not forget nor be unprofit- able under; but as we have this day with the greatest expressions of joy, proclaimed your majesty and royal consort king and queen of England, France, and Ireland, with the dominions thereto be- longing, so we shall ever pray, that God would grant your maj- esties long to live, and prosperously to reign over all your do- minions, and that great and happy work you have begun may be prospered here and graciously rewarded with a crown of glory hereafter. Robert Treat, Governor. Per order of the general court of Connecticut, signed, John Allen, Secretary. i I! i ■Si hi I t: 466 APPENDIX. I NUMBER XXIV. litter to governor Leisler, requiring tie release of major-gemeral Win throp, Sfc. September ist, 1690. Hartford, Sept. iit, 1690. Honorable Sir, By an express from our captains, at Albany, of the 27th August last, we are certified, that major-general Winthrc^ is made a prisoner, and that on our officers' request to the commander of the fort for his liberty to officiate in the army, yourself being pres- ent at Albany, their answer was, that if they would speak with the general, they might go to York; also that our commissary is under restraint; these are very unexpected and surprising as well as grievous tidings to us, and put us upon signifying to you, that it was upon a certain knowledge of major Winthrop's fidel- ity, prudence, and valor, that we did solicit him to undertake this service, and used our interest in the Massachusetts gentlemen to prevail with him therein, who having the same confidence in his virtues did so, and we thereon recommended him to you, who gave us to understand as gi'eat a value of him, and therefore de- sired his acceptance, which his honor accepting, though he were worthy of a tenfold greater command, he waited on you and his country ; sir, these things are so radicated in all New-England, that your thus dealing cannot raise a jealousy in us of any thing unworthy so generous a soul, as is this gentleman, and though in honor to you, in your present capacity, we will suspend any censures which we might make on your unadvisedness in this action, yet we must in justice remember you of that article con- cluded by the commissioners at York, whereof you were one, namely, what was referred to the commander in chief and his council of war, which you in particular are not to overrule; if the return from Wood Creek, done by a council of war, be the matter which offends you, as it is generally said to be, consider how far that article, and the reason it is grounded on, lead to it; also, that the army being confederate, if you be concerned so are we, and the rest, and that you alone should judge upon the general's and council of war's actions, will infringe our liberty; but that which is worst in event is, that such actions will render our friendly correspondence too weak, to join in future attempts, which we may have but too much occasion for; for if our send- ing our best friends to join with you, prove a pitfall to them, it will necessitate our future forbearance, whatever the conse- quence be. And sir, you necessitate us to tell you, that a prison is not a catholicon for all state maladies, though so much used by you. APPENDIX. 4fi9 nor are you incapable of need of, nor aid from their majesty's subjects in New-England; nor could you in any one action have more disobliged all New-England, and if you shall proceed in this way, you will certainly put all that gentleman's friends on his vindication, be the matter controverted what it will, he is of such estate and repute, as could not shun a just trial, and if your adherence to Mr. Milbom (whose spirit we have sufficient testi- mony of,) and other emulators of the major's honor, be greater than to ourselves and the gentlemen of the bay, you may boast of the exchange, by what profit you find. Sir, you cannot expect but we shall be warm with these matters, unless you prevent us by a timely and honorable release of the major, which is the thing we advise unto, and desire to hear from you with all speed, what our expectations may be on this account. We are giving account of this matter to the governor and council of Massachusetts, it is justly expected that your declaration to us all of the grounds of this your action, should have been as forward as the thing itself. We also move you to set our commissary at liberty, since he is of such use to our soldiers as he cannot be spared. NUMBER XXV. T/ie determin 355-56 ; states Mohegan case, 360- 6a. Astwood, John, 81, 137, 144, 165, 167, 174. Atherton, Humphrey, lao, 153-53, a6a, 367, Atwater, Joshua, 74, 167. Avery, fames, 136, a8a, 388, 357. Avery, John, 357. Bacon, Andrew, 954. Baker, 19a, 207. Baldwin, Richard, aaS, 368-69. Baptism, 348-49, 953-53, 959, 387, 389, 401. Uassett, Robert, 175-76. Baxter, George, 155. Beebe, James, 341. Belden, John, 369. Bell, Francis, 338. Benedict, James, 341, Benedict, Samuel, 341. Birds, native, ai. Birdseye, John, 83. Bishop, James, 199, 938, 364, 300, 317, 331, 3a5- Bishop, John, 81, 431. Blackman, Adam, 83, 333, 393. 431. Blinman (Blynman), Richard, 136, 333, a47, aso. 4«>. Bliss, John, 418. Block Island, 49-50, 336. Bolton, Conn., 385. Bond, Robert, 194. Booi), James, 77, 117. Boston, Mass., 5. ;ioundaries, lo-ii, 156, 337, 366-68, 308, 3a9, 338-39. 36^-67, 378-81, 448-49. 451- $»■ Boweis, John, 430-31. Bradforv.^, William, 15, 165, 169. Bradstreei, Simon. 113, 153,154, 160, 167- 69, 181, 351,. 490. Branford, Conn., 9a, 113, 16a, 307, 33a Brenton, Jahleel, Sjt, .•^57. Brigden, Zecharian, 33U. Brown, John, 153, 165, 18a. Brown, Wiiliani, 113. Bruen, Obadlah, 205. Bryan, Alexander, 364. Buckingham, Stephen, 404, 491. Buckingham, Thomas, 81, 938, 364, 400, 409, 410, 418, 490. Bulkley, Gershom, 347, 359. 391, 347, 388, 391, 419-30. Bulkley, John, 337, 419. Bull, 993. Bull, Jonathan, 318, 390. Bull, Thomas, 974, 976. Burnham, William, 419. Burr, Jehu, 308. Burr, John, 391. Burr, Peter, 349, 365, 367, 377. 384. Bushheag, 137. Butterfield, Samuel, 5a. By field, Nathaniel, 357. Cabots, the, 9. Caffinge, John, 81. Cambridge, Mass., 8, 37, 39. Canfietd, Matthew, 905. Canonicus, 58. Canterbury, Conn., 337, 337, 343, 359. Cape Cod, named, 9. Ca.ssasinamon, 938. Catapazet, 988-89. Cates, John, 337. ChandleiMohn, 356, 378. Chaplin, Clement, 55, 70- Chapman, John, 175-76. Chapman, Robert, 300, 364, 410. Charlestown, Mass., 5. Charter, petition for, 197, 438-43; ob- tained, 905 ; provisions of, 905-6 ; in- cludes New Haven colony, 308-31 ; surrender demanded by Andros, 319; hidden, 313 ; confirmed, 334 ; attacked by Dudley, 344-63. Chauncey, Charles, 410. Chauncey, Israel, ^93-94. 403, 431. Chauncey, Nathaniel, sen., 390, 399. r. Chauncey, Nathaniel, 404, 419. 490 INDEX TO VOLUME I. Cheesebrough, See Chesebrough. Chesebrough (Cheesebrough), Elisha, 193- Chesebrough (Cheesebrough), Samuel, Chesebrough (Cheesebrough), Williain, 193-93. Cheshire, Conn., 74. Chester, John, 337. 339, 341, 357, 367. Chester, Samuel, 339. Chevers, Ezekiel, 79. Chippachauge Island, 153. Chittenden. William, 78, 81. Christopher, Richard, 337, 367, 377, 384. Churches, 333-36, 347-48, 352-63. Clark, Daniel, 194, 305, 307, 313, 330, 340, 346, 359. Clark, Henry, 153, 179, 184, 194, 305. Clark, John, 305, 267, 364. Cleveland (Cleavelandl, Josiah, 343. Cleveland (Cleaveland), Samuel, 343. Coe, Robert, 93, 96. Cogingchaug, 337. Coit, Joseph, 404, 419. Colchester, Conn. , 340, 359. Collins, Nathaniel, 338, 262, 419, 431. Collins, William, no. Commerce, 385. Connecticut, agrees to N. £. confedera- tion, 98 ; disputes with Massachusetts, 98, 116, 133, 139-40, 143, 148; agree- ment with Fenwick, ii3; absorbs New Haven Colony, 308-31 ; share in King Philip's war, 383-95 : rights in Rhode Island, 398-303. 33S, 379-80 ; share in French and Indian wars, 335, 381-83 ; address to King William, 463-65 Connecticut, See also Charter ; Courts ; General assembly ; Boundaries ; Towns ; Counties ; Population ; Con- stitution ; Rivers ; Schools ; Taxes. Conneoticut River, 13-14. Constitution, of Connecticut, 75-76, 426- 30 ; of New Haven, 78-80, 430-34 ; arti- cle 10 of Connecticut amended, 139, I79. Cooly, Benjamin, 383. Cooper. Thomas, 383. Cope, Mr., 135, 143. Coram, 83. Combury, Edward Hyde, Lord, joins Dudley in intrigues, 344-63. Corwin, Matthias, 93. Cosmore, John, 139, 184. Cotton, George, 383. Cotton, John, 9, 38. Counties, 364, 383-83. Courts, 43-45, 53, 55, 75, 80-81, 87-88, 95-97. 107-8. 164. 171, »73. »79. 19a, 309, ai8, 333, 335, 337, 330, 354-56, 360, ^37S. 384. Courts, See also General assembly. Coventry, Conn., 376. Crab, Richard, 77, 188. Craft, Samuel, 378. Crane, Jasper, 160, 193, 199, 307, 313, 330, 330. Cranfleld. Edward, 301. Cullick, John, 137, 165, 179-80, 184, 196, 248-49, 254, 357. Cupheag, See Stratford. Curtis, Joseph, 336, 341, 367. Curtis, Samuel, 364. Curtiss, John, 83. Curtiss, William, 83, 372, 394. , Cutler, Timothy, 431. , Dale, Sir Thomas, 2. Danbury, Conn,, 341. Davenport, John, sen., 40, 70-71, 73-74, 78-80, 92, 199, 200, 309, 319, 340, 389, 394-96, 419, 458-63. Davenport, John, 410, 431. Davenport, Paul, 342. Davenport, Richard, 66. Davie, Sir John, 417. Davis, Sergeant, 63. Davis, William, 166, Deerfield, Mass., 69. Delaware, 160-61. Deming, John, 46, 205. Denison, George, 168, 183, 193, 388, 290. Denton, Richard, 93, 333, 337, 431. Deputies, 76, 108. Derby, Conn. , 369, 398. Desborough, Samuel, 78, 81, 96, 337, 246. Dixon, Jeremiah, 79-80. Dorchester, Conn. See Windsor. Dorchester, Mass., 6, 37, 43. Dudley, Joseph, plots against Connecti- cut, 343-63. Dudley, Thomas, 104. Dummer, Jeremiah, 417. Durham, Conn., 338. Dutch, the, 13, 15-17, 4°. 64. 87, 91, 04, 98,105-6, 108-10, 123-36. 138, 135, lat, 148, IS3-S7. »6o, 165, 168, 174, 177, 214- 16, 331-33, 370-73. Dwight, Josiah, 431. East Haddam, Conn., 365, East Haven, Conn., 73, note, 74. Eaton, Samuel, 70-71, 74, 93, 179, 346-47. Eaton, Theophilus, 70-71, 73-74. 79-80, 93, 98, 104, 107, III, 113, 124, 137, 144, 152. 165. 169, 183, 150. Edwards, Timothy, 418. Eells, Samuel, 367, 377, 384. Elections, 75, 77, 80, 90, 93, 1x3, 130, 137, 143. ^S»> 164, 167, 179. 184-85, 189, 193, 306-7, 3X3, 330, 330, 364-65, 336, 367. Eliot (Elliott), John, 6, 357, 397. Elliot, Joseph, 391, 42a Elliott, Jared, 420. Ellsworth, Tixhall, 343. Ely, Nathan, 159. Endicott, John, 4, 5, 50, 165, 199, 200, Eniield, Conn. , 338, 366, 383-84. Elsterbrook, Samuel, 419. Eyers, il/rj., 203. Fairchild, Thomas, 83. Fairfield, Conn., 66, 82-83, 112, 175, 178, 184. Fairfield county, 264. Farmington, Conn., 90, 133, 184, 189, 398. Fasts, 73, III. 120, 177, 193, 317, 283, 396. Peaks, Robert, 91. Fenn, Benjamin, 179, 199, 207, 313, 320, 23a Fenwiek, George, 84, 87, 98, 104, 113, 116-18, 148, 157, 19S-96, 198,425, 434-37. 440. Filer, Samuel, 364. Finch, John, 88. Fisher's Island, 300. , Fisk, John, 418. INDEX TO VOLUME I. 491 Fisk, Phineas, 418. Fitch. James, sen., 84, 195, 238, 991, 391, 397. 404. 420. Fitch. James, 300, 318, 331, 335, 340-4a, 360, 378, 402. Fletcher, Benjamin, 329, 331, 335. Ford, Thomas, 77. Foster, Isaac, 418. Fowler, William, 81, 107, 167. Freemen, 75-76, 79-80. French, Francis, 269, Frink, John, 340. Fruits, native, 19-20. Fugill, Thomas, 74, 79-80, 93. Gallup, John, 49, 282, 386. Gardiner, David, 40. Gardiner, Lion, 40, note, 46, 53. Gaylord, William, 77. GefTords, Mr. (misprint in original), See Hosford. General assembly, 205, 315, 230, 334, 336, 928, 264, 399, 333. 336. 341. 384, 409. Gibbard, William, igs, 199, S07. Gilbert, Jonathan, 183. Gilbert, Matthew, 74, 79-80, 93, 199, 206, 330. Gilbert, Samuel, 337. Gildersleeve (Gildersleve), Richard, 93, 96. Glastonbury, Conn, , 331. Goff, 9. Goffe, William, 199-S03. Golden Hill, 83. Goodwin, William, 85, 348, 254. Goodyear, Stephen, 74, 93, 107, iii, 130, 152- Gore, John, 378. Gorton, Samuel, 103. Gosnold, Bartholomew, 3. Gould (Gold), Nathan, 194, 305, 307, 230, 308, 318, 331, 34T, 365-66, 377. Green, Timothy, 385. Greenfield, Conn., 83. Green's Farms, 83. Greenwich, Conn., 91, 156-57, 188. 307. Gregson, I'homas, 70, 74, 93, 98, 104, 113, 133, 129. Griffin, John, 378. Grosvenor, John, 378. Groton, Conn., 89, 136. Guilfora, Conn., 65, 81-82, 96, 200, 207, 218-19. Haddam, Conn., 265. Hallam, Nicholas, 340, 346, 348-49, 359. Hamden, Conn., 74. Hamilton grant, 38, 226, 229, 303-6, 450- 51, 456-58. Hamlin, Giles, 308. Hamlin, John, 341, 367. Hammonassett, See Killingworth, Conn. Hanford, Thomas, 238, 431. Harriman, Augustus, 158, note. Hart, John, 418, 43a Hartford, Conn., 9, 13, 16-17, 42-43, 53- 54. 75-77. 87, 89, 93-94, 99, 156, 177, 182, 184, 334, 254, 391- Hartford county, 264. Harvard university, 242. Hastings, N. Y., 230. Hawkins, Anthony, 205, 264. Hawley, Samuel, 83. Hawthorne, John, 160. Hawthorne, William, 113, 153, 165, 169. Hayden, William, 64, note. Haynes, John, sen., 9, 43, 46, 77, 87, 90, 92-93. 97-98, 101, III, 117, 126, 137, 143, 153, 176-77. Haynes, John, 366-67, 384, 410. Havnes, Joseph, 388, 391, 418. Hebron, Conn., 364. Hemingway, James, 420. Hewet (Hewit), Ephraim, 244, 418. Higginson, John, 233, 246, 420. Hoadly, John, 337. Hobart, Jeremiah, 419. Holmes, William, 16. Holyoke, Elizur, 383. Hook, William, 933, 237, 246-47, 419. Hooker, Samuel, 345, 388, 419. Hooker, Thomas, flees to Holland, 8 ; ar- rives at Boston, Mass., 9, 37 ; comes to Connecticut, 43 ; mentioned, 46 ; his connection with the Constitution of 1639, 77, note; on committee to confer with Fenwick, 87; on New England confederation, 98 ; on committee for pe- tition for charter, 197 ; opposes Antino- mianism, 240 ; death, 344 ; elsewhere mentioned, 407, 418. Hooker, Thomas, son of Samuel, 357. Hopkins, Edward, 46, 70, 74, 77, 90, 92-03, 97-98, 104, III, 113, 117, 126, 130, 133, m. 143-44, 152. 179. 184. 190, 243. 458- 62. Hopkins, Samuel, 269. Hopkins, William, 93, 97. Hotton, Barnabas, 93. Hosford, William (for Gefford, Mr.) 55. Hosmer, Stephen, 419. Howe, Daniel, 91, 139. Howell, John, 212. Hoyt (Hoit), John, 341. Hoyt, Samuel, 410. Hubbard, George, 77. Hudson, Henry, 3. Hudson river discovered, 3. Hull, George (?), 55. Huntington, Conn , 83. Huntington, L. I., 83, 195, 308. Hutchinson, Mrs. Anne, no. Hutchinson, Thomas, quoted, 150, 183. Hyde, Hugh, 233. Indians, general description, 31-37 ; mur- der John Oldham, 49 ; incited to exter- minate the English, 51, 55 ; combina- tion of, 98, 104 ; troubles with the Dutch, 108-11 ; fight at Horseneck, 138 ; trade with, restricted, 148 ; plot with the Dutch, 165 ; missionary labors of Eliot and others, 397-98. Indians, See also names of places, tribes, chiefs, etc. ames, John, 430. ames, Thomas, 185. ■ eremy's farm, 337. ohnson Qobnston), Lady Arabella, 5, 7. ohnson (Johnston), Isaac, 5, 7. ohnson, Joseph, 343. I ohnson, Obadiah, 343. Johnson, William, 343. 492 INDEX TO VOLUME I. Jones, Caleb, 364. Jones, John, 431. Jones, William, aoa, 307, aao, 330, 321, . 3aS-96. 336. Jordan, Thontas, 179, 346. Judson, Joseph, 83. Jury, trial by, 45, 97, io8, 133, 144. Kceler, Samuel, 369, Kehoran, 143. Kellond, Thomas, aoo. Kieft, William, 87, 94-95, 109, 134-35, 155. Killingly, Conn., 367. Killingworth, Conn., 84, ai6, 404, Kimberly, Eleazar, 333, 341, 357. Kirk, Thomas, 200. Kitchel, Robert, 78, 81. Knowles, Alexander, 193. Lamberton, George, 94, 139. Langdon, Thomas, 369. Lathrop (Lothrop), Samuel, 136. Law, Richard, 326. Laws, 77-78, 95-96, 130, 143-44, 184-85, 341, s^9-5o. 369. 344, 363, 366, 375. Lebanon, Conn., 359. Lee, William, 198. Leet, Andrew, 396, 331, 341. Leet, William, 78, 81, 96, 167, 179, 193, 30O-I, ao6, 313, 330, 330, 265, 290, 30c. Leflingwell, Thomas, 84, 194-95, 340, 357. Legislature, See General assembly. Leisler, Jacob, 318, 323-34. Leverett (Leveret), John, 166-68, 179, Litchfield county, 385. Long Island, 3, 91, 94, 156, 185, 308, 315- 16, 330, 227, 270-73, 451. Loomis, John, 337. Lord, Richard, 192, 205, 357, 376. Ludlow, Roger, 6, 42, 46, 55, 77, 83, 87. , 90-91, 93. "1-12, 137, I43i 16s, >75. »78. Lyme, Conn., 264, 359. Lynde, Nathaniel, 404. Machemoodus, See Eas^ Haddam, Conn. Magistrates, 75, 80, 84, 108. Malbon, Richard, 79. Mamaquaog. 359. Mansfield, Moses, 336, 341, 343. Mansfield, Conn., 327, 341. Manufactures, 385. Mapes, Thomas, 92. Marine, Captain, See Adriaens, Maryn. Marshall, Samuel, 283, 386. Martha's Vineyard named, 2. Mason, John, sen , 46, 54, 56-63, 67, 70, 84-86. 93, "7, 120-21, 130, 135, 152. 161, 164, 179-83, 184, 189. 194-96, 205, 207, 230, 365, 269, 282, 286, 290, 296. Mason, John, 359-60. Mason, Samuel, 300, 331, 340-41, 346, 359. Masons, the, 340. Massachusetts, 4, 39, 43, 113, 116, 133, 148-51, 170-71, 173, i8o, 183-84, 193, 203, ao4. 333, 339. 366. 378. Massacoe, .SV<; Simsbury, Conn. Massapeag, Conn., 358. Mather, Increase, 335. Mather, Samuel, 399-400, 403, 418. Mattabeseck, See Middletown, Conn. Mattatock, See Waterbury, Conn. Maverick, John, 6, 43. May hew, John, 376. Meacham, Joseph, 418. Menunkatuck. See Guilford, Conn. Miantonomo (Miantonimoh), 51, 58, ico- 4, 106-7. Middletown, Conn., 73, 85, 159, 184. Milborn, Jacob, 333-24. Milford, Conn., 81, 107, 178, 300, 203, 307, 326, 268. Minor, John, 364, 398 (?). Minot, Thomas, 136. Mipham, John. 337. Mitchell, David, 46, 55. Mitchell (Mitchel), Matthew, 93, 96, Mix, Stephen, 410, 419. Mohawks, 138, 137-38, 163. Mohegans (Moheagans), 56, 68, 86, 89-90, 100, ioa-3, 130. 137, 146, 189, 19s, 388, ^ 340, 348-49. 356-6». Momauguin, 73. Mononotto, 64, 67. Monson, Stephen, 129. Montauks (Montaukets), 189. Montowese, Conn. , 73, Morgan, John, 357. Morgan, Joseph, 431. Moss, (oseph, 404, 420. Muirson, G., 405. Mulford John, 193. Mystic (Mistic), Conn., 59-60, 153. Nameaug, See New London, Conn. Nanunttenoo, 388-89. Narragansett river, 267, 30a, 379-80. Narragansetts, 48-49, 51, 59, 68, 98, ioa-4. 114-15, 130-33. 138, 130-31, 137-38, 145, 153, 189, 377, 283, 388. Nash, John, 330, 338, 369. Nehantics, 48, 59, 131, 128, 130-31, 137-38, 14S- Nepaupuck, 88. New England, named, 3 ; patent, 3, 471- 87 ; confederation, 97-100 ; commissipn- ers of the United Colonies meet at Hartford. 113-17 ; at New Haven, 133- 38 ; opinion of commissioners on juris- diction of Connecticut in New Haven, 313 ; advise union, 324. New Fairfield, Conn., 565, 383. New Haven, 65-66, 70-74, 78-81, 85, 90- 94, 98-99, 107-8, 113, 123. 144, 147, 157. 188, 199-204, 206. 208-31, 341. 442-47. 452-56. New London, Conn., 89, 136-37, 177, 343, 3.';8, 360, 373. New London county, 264. New Milford, Conn., 378. New Netherlands, See New York. New Plymouth, See Plymouth. New Stratford, 83. New York. 10, 153, 333. Newbury, Benjamin, 226. Newman, Francis, 74, 166-67, 182, 193, 198. Newman, Robert, 74, 78-80, 93. Newton. Roger, 238, 345, 398, 419-20. Newtown, Conn, (first so named), See Hartford. Newtown, Conn, (founded in 1708), 376. Newtown, Mass, See Cambridge, Mass. Nichols, Richard, 231-33, 236, 296. Ninigret (Ninigrate), 48, 131-32, 146, 153, 165, 172, 181-83, 185. INDEX TO VOLUME I. 493 Norris, Edward, 169. North Haven, Conn., 74. North Stratford, 83. Norton, Captain, 47. Northam, Samuel, 337. Norwalk, Conn., 91, 159, 184. Norwich, Conn., 195. Noyes, Tames, 238, 36a, 335, 40a, 410, 420. Noyes, Moses, 410, 430. Obachickquid, 146. OKden, John, 194, 205, 807. Oldham, John, 16, 49 . Olmstead, Richard, 159. Oneco (Onecho), 288. Otash, £6. Owaneco, 340, 348-49, 356, 359. Paine, Elisha, 342. Palmer, Daniel, 381. Palmer, Moses, 193. Palmer, William, 193. Palms (Palmes), Edward, 288, 301, 340, 346. 3SS. 357. 3S9-60. I'arlier, William, 410, Parsons, Joseph, 420. Patrick, Daniel, 56, 58, 67, 91. Paugasset, See Derby, Conn. Pawcatuck, Conn., 214. Pawcatuck river, 267, 30a, 380. Peck, Joseph, 419. Pekoath, 12. Pell, Thomas, 216. Pequonnock (Pughquonnock), See Strat- ford, Conn. Pequot harbor, See New London, Conn. Pequot war, See Pequots. Peqvots, 12, 45, 47-53 ; expedition against, under Mason, 56-62 ; survivors pursued, 65-68 ; aided at Wethersfield, 84-85 : name extinguished, 147; remnant seek English protection, 183 ; granted, 184. Pessacus, lai, 131, 146, 152. Peters, Thomas, 84, 239, 938. Phelps, George, 192, 194. Phelps, Timothy, 364. Phelps, William, 43, 46, 55, 77, 93, 97. Philip [failed King Philip), 273-74, 278, 293. Phillips, George, 5, 6, 44. Pierpont, James, 401-2, 410, 419. Pierpont, John, 378. Pierpont, Samuel, 420. Pierson, Abraham, 117, 230, 232, 398, 402- 3. 41s. 420. Pigot, G., 405-6- Pitkin, William, 291, 331, 339, 331, 339, 341. 357. 367, 376-77, 384. Plainfield, Conn , 337, 342, 359, 398. Plymouth, 3 ; claims Connecticut terri- tory, 15-18, 39, 44. Plymouth Company, 3, 9. Pocomtock, See Deerneld, Mass. Pocomtocks, 137-38. Point Judith, 10. Pomeroy, Joseph, 337. Pomfret, Conn , 378. Pomperaug, See Woodbury, Cona Ponus, 91. Porter, James, 325. Population, in 1654, 184. Post, Stephen, 364. Pratt, John, 77, 364. Prince, Thomas, 152, 154, i8a. Printz, John, 94. Pruriden, Peter, 71, 74, 81, 932, 945, 42a Punderson, John, 79-8a Puritans, 233-33. Pynchon (Pyncheon), John, sen,, 383. Pynchon 1 Pynchon 1 »3a. »49. ■ 233-33. , (Pyncheon), John, sen,, 383. , (Pyncheon), John, 301. (Pyncheon), William, 6, 45, 69, Quakers, 249, 355-56. Quinnipiac (Quinnipiack), See New Ha- ven, Conn. Randolph, Edward, 301, 303, 310. Rayner, Thurston, 46, 77, 93, 96, 107, 198. Redding (Reading), Conn., 83. Regicides, 199-204. Rhode Island, 138-39, 158, 266, 298-303, 335. 379-80. Richards, James, a3a RidgefieldT, Conn., 369. Riggs, Edward, 269. Rippowams, See Stamford, Conn. Ripton, See Huntington, Conn. Rivers of Connecticut, 13-15. Robinson, David, 338. Root, Jacob, 364. Rossiter, Edward, 6, 7. Rossiter, John, 218. Rossiter, Josiah, 341, 367. Rowland, Thomas, 383. Rowlandson, Joseph, 419. Ruggles, Benjamin, 421. Ruggles, John, 378. Ruggles, Samuel, 378. Ruggles, Thomas, 420. Ruggles, William, 378. Russell, Jonathan, 245, 350, 258, 419. Russell, Noadiah, 409, 410, 419. Russell, Samuel, 401-3, 410, 430. Rust, Nathaniel, 376. Rye, N. Y., 230. Sabin, Benjamin, 378. Saffery, Solomon, 151, 339. Saffin, John, 30,:?. St. John, Matthias, 369. Salaries, 137, 364, 268, 384. Salem, Mass., 5. Saltonstall, Gurdon, 334, 365-67, 369-70, 420. Saltonstall, Nathaniel, 301. Saltonstall, Sir Richard, 6, 39. Sashions, 134. Sassacus, 48, 50, 64, 67. Sausaman, John, 273. Sawyer, Edward, 3(54. Say and Sele (Seal) grant, 9-10, 39, 198, 204,304. Saybrook, Conn., 52, 54, 84, 117-19, 130, 133. »3S. 139. 143. 157. 184, 874. 876. 424-25, 434-37. Saybrook platform, 385, 410-15. Schools, 241, 343, 458-63. Sedgwick, Robert, 179. Seely, Robert, 80, 181, 283, s86. Selectmen, 241. ScUeck (Sillick), Jonathan, 308. Sequassen, 101-3, 136-37. 494 INDEX TO VOLUME I. Setauket, L. I. , 308. Tracy, Solomon, 343. Seward, Caleb, 338, Tracy, Thomas, 84. Trask, William, 67. Seymour, Matthew, 369. Shaw, Thomas, 193. Treat, Richard, 193, 194, 305, 307. Sheaf, Jacob, 337. Treat, r7S> 207. 219. Stanley, Caleb, 335-36, 367. Van Curter, Jacob, 17. , Stanley, Nathaniel, 331, 341, 367. Van Twiller, Walter, 16-17. Stanton, Thomas, 66 73, 114, 134, 137. Vegetables, native, 20. " J83. 193- Volunto« n. Conn. , 340. Starr, Josiah, 341. Stebbins, Edward, 77. Steel, John, 42, 46, 55, 77, 117. Wadsworth, James, 381. Wadsworth. Joseph, 388, 313, 331-32. Stevens, Timothy, 419. Stone, Captain, 47. \ Wahquimacut, 13. Stone, Samuel, 8-9, 43, 46, 56, 85, 197. Wakeman, John, 93, 186, 199, 365. Wakeman, Samuel, 391, 421. 350, 354-55, a6o, 398, 418. Stonington, Conn., 89, 357. Walker, Zachariah, 393-94, 431. Stoughton, Israel, 65, 77. Wallingford, Conn., 74, 265. Stowe (Stow), Samuel, 359. Wampanoags, 373. Stratfield, 83, Ward, Andrew, 43, 46, 55, 93, 96. Stratford, Conn., 83, 87, 184, 393, 405-6. Warham, John, 6, 44, 46, 197, 350, 388-89, Street, Nicholas, 219, 347, 419. 394, 396, 418. Street, Samuel, 420. Warranoke (Waranoke), See Westfield, Sturges, Jonathan, 365. Mass. Stuyvesant, Peter, 141, 153-56, 159, 165- Warwick grant, 9-10, 118, 423. 67, 187, 213, 222-33. Suffield, Conn, 338, 366, 379, 383. Waterbury, Conn., 309, 364. Watertown, Conn, See Wethersfield. Swain, William, 43, 46, 55, 88, 97, iii 113. Watertown, Mass., 6-7, 9, 37, 39, 93. Sylvester, Giles, 357. Watohibrough, 126. Synods, 340, 250-54, 259-61, 386-89, 406. Watts, Thomas, 282. Wawequa, 196. Webb, Joseph, 402, 421. Taintor (Tainter), Michael, 337. Webetomaug, 131. Talcott, John, 46, 55. 179, 184, 194. 305, Webster, John, 77, 93, 179, 183, 184, 186, 307, an, 313-14, 326, 230, 291, 393. 189. 194, 348, 354. Talcott, Joseph. 375-76. Webster, Thomas, 46, 55. Talcott. Samuel, 331. Welch, 384. Tapp. Edmund, 81, 107. Welch, Thomas, 81. Tapping, John, 307. Tapping, Thomas, 184-85, 194, 305. Welde (Weld), Thomas, 6. Wells, John, 83, 193. Wells, Joseph, 97. Ta.xes, 70, 84, 119, 164, 3l7-l;f, 395, 331. 363. 369. 383. Wells, Samuel, sen., 43. 46, 55 (?), 77, Taylor, Thomas, 341. 83. 93(?). 420. Thames river, 137. Wells, Samuel, 83. -J' Thanksgiving, 99, 133, 331, 258, 335. Wells, Thomas, 83, 87, 144, 177, 179, 184. Tilly, Joseph, 52. Wells, William, 93. Tolland, Conn., 385. Wequash (Wequosh), 59-60, 147. Topping (Tapping), Thomas, 272, 308. Westchester, N. V., 312, 216, 337. Toquamske, 91. Westerhouse, William, 141, 147, 156. Toquattoes, 142. Westfield, Mass., 90, 116, 137, i43.{ Totoket, See Branford, Conn. Westwood, William, 43. Towns, in 1645, 123 ; in 1713, 382-83. Wetherell (Witherell), Daniel, 331, 335, Towsey, Thomas, 4x8. 341. 367- INDEX TO VOLUME I. 495 Wethersfield (Weathersfield), Conn., 6, 9. 38-39. 45-46. 54. 76. 81. 83-85, 89. 93, 113, 184, aS4, as8, 331. Whallev, Edward, 199-303. Whitfield, Henry, 78, 81, 345, 420. Whiting, 348. Whiting, Joseph, sen., 46, S5. 97. ^»5 (?). ia6, I97,a33(?), 388, 391. Whiting, Joseph, 300, 337, 341, 367. Whiting, Samuel, of Hartford, 418. Whiting, Samuel, of Windham, 419. Whiting, William, sen., 93, 310-ia, 318, 335. Whiting, William, 338-39, 337, 339, 357, 368, 373. 376. Whitman, Samuel, 419. Whitman, Zachariah, 81. Whitmore, John, 142. Whittlesey (Whittelsey), Samuel, 4aa Wickford, R. I., 313, 367, 373. Wilcoxson, Timothy, 83. Willard, Simon, 183, 185. Willett, Nathaniel, 114. Willett, Thomas, 155. Williams, Arthur (?), 55. Williams, Eleazer, 419. Willis, George, 46. Wilson, John, 5, 65. Wilson, Nathan, 378. Winchester, Conn. , 207. Windham, Conn., 327, 341, 359. Windsor, Conn. , 9, 13, 17, 44, 54, 76, 82, 84, 89, 127, 184, 338, 366, 389, 399-400. Winslow, Edward, 12, 44, 113. Winslow, Josiah, 283. Winthrop, Fitz-John (" John Fitz "). sometimes called John, 301, 313, 317, 333-33, 338-29, 33a, 334-35. 341. 357. :65- Winthrop, John, sen., 5, 98, 104-5. Winthrop, John, arrives at Boston, 39- 40 ; fortifies Saybrook, 46 ; claims Ne- hantick country, 134 ; at New London, 136 ; chosen magistrate, 158, 179, 184 ; governor, 189 ; deputy governor, 19a, 194 ; agent for petition for charter, 197 ; obtains charter, 305 ; re-elected gover- nor, 207; defends charter, 213-14; re- elected governor, 230 ; salary fixed, 264, 368 ; death, 390 ; letter to (Connecticut, 447-48. Winthrop, Wait, 313. Wolcott, Henry, 6, 43, 46, 77, 97, 179, 184- 85, aos, 207, 330, 390. Wolcott, Roger, 381. Woodbridge, Benjamin, 399. Woodbridge, Dudley, 419. Woodbridge, Ephraim, 320. Woodbridge, John, 419-20. Woodbridge, Timothy, 400, 402, 410, 418- 19. Woodbridge, Conn., 74, 81. Woodbury, Conn., 272, 394. Woodstock, Conn., 383-84. Woodward, John, 343, 410, 430. Woodward, Joseph, 342. Woodward, Nathaniel, 151, 339. Woodward, Richard, 34a. Wooster, Edward, 269. Wopowage, See Milford, Conn. Wyllys, George, 46, 77, 92-93, 118. Wyllys, Samuel, 179, 184, 194, 197. 205, 207, 313, 326, 330, 331. Yale university, founded, 40a ; incorpor- ated and organized, 403 ; at Saybrook, 404 ; endowments, 403-4, 417. Yennycock, See Southold, L. I. Youngs, John, 91-92, 185, 208. Youngs, Joseph, 364.