IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 12.5 1.25 u;|2j8 ■tt itt 12.2 St Ufi 12.0 MSE U 11.6 I ''^Z "> 7 Photographic Sdences Corporation m (\ :\ 4 \ V 23 WeST MAIN STRUT WnSTH.N.Y. 14S80 (716) •72-4503 > CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHIVl/iCI\/IH Collection de microfiches. Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions / Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques Technical and Bibliographic Notes/Notes techniques et bibliographiques The Institute has attempted to obtain the best original copy available for filming. Feetures of this copy which may be bibliographically unique, which may alter any of the images in the reproduction, or which may significantly change the usual method of filming, are checited below. D D D D n Coloured covers/ Couverture de couleur I I Covers damaged/ Couverture endommagie Covers restored and/or laminated/ Couverture restaur^ et/ou pelliculAe I I Cover title missing/ Le titre de couverture manque I I Coloured maps/ Cartes g^ographiquefc en couleur Coloured ink (i.e. other than blue or blacic)/ Encre de couleur (i.e. autre que bleue ou noire) I I Coloured plates and/or illustrations/ Planches et/ou illustrations en couleur Bound with other material/ Reli6 avec d'autres documents Tight binding may cause shadows or distortion along interior margin/ Lareliure serr^e peut causer de I'ombre ou de la distortion le long de la marge intirieure Blank leaves added during restoration may appear within the text. Whenever possible, these have been omitted from filming/ II se peut que certainei pages blanches ajout^es lors d'une restauration apparaissent dans le texte, mais, lorsque cela itait possible, ces pages n'ont pas 6t6 filmies. Additional comments:/ Commentaires suppldmentaires; Thee toth( L'Institut a microfilm* le meilleur exemplaire qu'il lui a At* possible de se procurer. Les details de cet exemplaire qui sont peut-Atre uniques du point de vue bibliographique, qui peuvent modifier une image reproduite, ou qui peuvent exiger une modification dans la mMhode normale de filmage sont indiquAs ci-dessous. □ Coloured pages/ Pages de couleur D D D D Pages damaged/ Pages endommag6es Pages restored and/or laminated/ Pages restaurtes et/ou peiliculdes Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/ Pages ddcoiories, tacheties ou piqu^es Pages detached/ Pages d6tachdes Showthrough/ Transparence Thei possi of th( filmir Origii begir theli sion, other first I sion, or illi I I Quality of print varies/ Quality inigale de I'impression Includes supplementary material/ Comprend du materiel suppl^mentaire Only edition available/ Seule Edition disponible The I shall TINU whici Mapi diffei entir< begir right requi meth Pages wholly or partially obscured by errata slips, tissues, etc., have been refilmed to ensure the best possible image/ Les pages totalement ou partiellement obscurcies par un feuillet d'errata, une pelure. etc.. ont 6ti fiimies d nouveau de faqon A obtenir la meilleure image possible. This item is filmed at the reduction ratio checked below/ Ce document est film* au taux de reduction indiqu* ci-dessous. 10X 14X 18X 22X 26X 30X y 12X 16X 20X 24X 28X 32X Atails IS du nodifier ir une ilmage Th« copy fiimad h«r« hat baan raproducad thanks to tha ganarosity of: Library of tha Public Archivas of Canada Tha imagas appaaring hara ara tha bast quality possibia considaring tha condition and lagibiiity of tha original copy and in Icaaping with tha filming contract spacif ications. L'axamplaira film* f ut raproduit grAca A la gAnArosit* da: La bibiiothAqua das Archivas publiquas du Canada Las imagas suivantas ont AtA raproduitas avac la plus grand soin, compta tanu da la condition at da la nattatA da l'axamplaira filmA, at an conformity avac las conditions du contrat da filmaga. Original copias in printad papar covars ara filmad baginning with tha front covar and anding on tha last paga with a printad or illustratad impras- sion, or tha bacic covar whan appropriata. All othar original copias ara filmad baginning on tha first paga with a printad or illustratad impras- sion, and anding on tha last paga with a printad or illustratad imprassion. B8 Las axamplairas originaux dont la couvartura an papiar ast imprimAa sont filmAs an commandant par la pramiar plat at an tarminant soit par ia darnlAra paga qui comporta una amprainta d'imprassion ou d'illustration. soit par la sacond plat, salon la cas. Tous las autras axamplairas originaux sont filmAs an commanqant par la pramlAra paga qui comporta una amprainta d'imprassion ou d'illustration at an tarminant par la darniAra paga qui comporta una talia amprainta. Tha last racordad frama on aach microficha shall contain tha symbol — ^> (moaning "CON- TINUED"), or tha symbol V (moaning "END"), whichavar applias. Un das symbolas suivants apparattra sur la darnlAra imaga da chaqua microfiche, salon la cas: la symbols — ► signifia "A SUIVRE", ie symbols V signifia "FIN". Maps, platas, charts, ate, may ba filmad at diffarant reduction ratios. Thosa too larga to ba antiraiy included in one exposure ara filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent Atre filmAs A des taux da rAduction diff Arents. Lorsque Ie document est trop grand pour Atra raproduit en un seul clichA, ii est fiimA A partir da i'angle supArieur gauche, da gauche A droite, et de haut en bes, en prenant la nombra d'images nAcessaire. Las diagrammas suivants illustrent la mAthode. errata I to t I pelure. on A n 32X 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 S 6 oc N Tai Jan Mil Qu Print THE LATE OCCURRENCES ' I I N NORTH AMERICA, AND O O F GREAT BRITAIN, C O N S I D E RE D. Tantane vos generis tenuit Fiducia Veftrl? Jam Caelum Terramq: meo fine numine, VentJ, Mifcere, et tantas auditis tpUere Moles? Quos Ego, Sed Motos prcrjiat componere fluetus, ViRG. » - \ LONDON: Printed for J. Al M o n, oppofite Burlington- Houfc it Piccadilly, M.DCC.LXVI. JPRICl ON« SHiLLING.j I h ^^t iili'«IWiiil«iWt,«,^,»c»;^i*Jista ^-*:^'J^V* •k-.^., }i' '.. f i :W > lv« S /fQrt.;,' ■ f,^ n [ t] THE r OCCURRENCES,^f. THE Britifh colonies in North America were originally eftabliilied by Eng- liflimen, who fled thither from the enthufiafm, tyranny, ufurpation and bigotry, which at different times diftradled this king- dom ; as Englifhmen, they had a right to the liberties of this nation, and were under the bond of allegiance to it, wherefoevet they went. The charters granted to them by feveral of our kings, referve the one, and confirm the other. Thefe charters appear to (bme people il- legal, and beyond the power of the crown to grant; but, to judge rightly of them» we mufl carry our thoughts back to former times, when the crown had, or pretended to have, all power of government, even of B this [2] this kingdom, veflcd in liC^Ui and had nn undoubted ibvereignty over, and right of difpofitlon, of all conquefls or acquifitions wnatfoevcr j and befides, the nature of A- merica was fuch, that no encouragement could be too great to allure people to thofe countries and climates, which were then fo inhofpitable ; but, whctlicr thefe charters are legal or not, ought by no means be queflioned tiow ; for upon the faith of them many people embarked their lives and for- tunes, and, taking up their refidence in the wilds of America, cftabliflied colonies, and extended thereby the trade of Great Bri- tain to its prefent greatnefs. The colonies are fecurcd by thefe char- ters from the defpotifm of the crown, of whom they are perhaps as independant, as the inhabitants of Great Britain can be. But from this claim of independance of the crown, which the colonics infifl: on, refults the neceflity of a dependance on fome other power; — found policy, the nature of go- vernment and modern colonization require it. — This power muft be the parliament of Great Britain, which hath, and ought to have, the full and abfolute fovercignty over all the Briti(h dominions. If this fovereignty feems lately to have been called in quellion, it ought by no means to be imputed to the fpirit of dilloy- , altv al V 'i^ ^^ had rci right of uifitions e of A- igemcnt to thofi^ then fo charters ans be f them id for- in the s, and t Bri- char- n, of It, as fi be. f the efuJts other lufre It of t to Dver lave no )y- iltv [3] jilty or indcpcndance, but to thofe errors which the befl-intcntioned men fometimes f^\ll into ; for evidently feeing the futility of thofe reafons, which are generally thrown out to prove the right of the fovereignty of parliament, they have been unhappily led to doLiht the right itfelf. They protell againfl the principles of the writers on the laws of nature and nations, as deflrudive of all liberty ; the writers on the civil law they confider as the tools of power ; and the writers and expofitors of the common law of this land had not, they fay, the colonies of Great Britain in con- templation, when they delivered thofe Jic- ta, which are difingenuoufly made ufe of againfl them. They acknowledge, that the people of Great Britain may be either adlually or vir- tually repreiented in parliament, but deny that the colonies can in' any manner be coii" fidered in that light : the putting them on the lame footing with Birmingham, Man- chefler, and Leeds, rich and flourifliing towns, when an argument is to be raifcd ngainfl their liberties, and denying them in the f-une breath, the right of Old Sarum, Aldborough, and fifty other impoverifhed boroughs, is mofl ridiculous and unfair. The comparing them to copyholders, for- merly in the vilefl bondage, and therefore particularly excluded the leafl fhare in go- B 2 vernment, ) [ + ] vernment, they confider as aninfiilt; the treating them as women, as infants, and the dregs of the city of London, is a plain declaration of your opinion, that they are Avithout property and integrity, will or ca- pacity, to reconcile them to the want of reprefentation. You tell them, not one third of the kingdom is reprefented ; but they deny it, and infift with Mr. Blakftone, in his late mafterly performance, •* that fuch *' onfy^YC entirely excluded from the right •* of voting, as can have no will of their " own, and that there is hardly a •* free agent to be found, but what is ** entitled to a vote in fome place or other ** in this kingdom." Have we, fay the Americans, no wills of our own ? Are we not free agents ? but could it be proved, that not one third part of the kingdom have a right of voting, yet it would not avail, unlefs you fhewed at the fame time, that the interefts of all the kingdom was not the fame ; that the reprefentatives of the third part of the kingdom had no knowledge of, and therefore neglected or in- jured the interefts of the other two; you muft (hew likewife, that the interefts of minors and women, copyholders and the loweft handycraft man in the kingdom, are not interwoven with the interefts of every family and man in the kingdom; you muft fhew too, that minors and women have t; the -S and » phin ley are or cn- ant of ^ third they t in ■ inch right their at a is other ' the e we 3ved, :dom not inie, was ' of no in- you of the >m, of ou en ve [ 5] _ have no relations, and that their eftates givo them no influence ; that tht; fame man who wns a copyholder, might not have freehold lands; and that a tax upon trade if: not felt by any but the nrierchant and nvri'ji'afturcr. The comparing them to Jerfcy and Gucrnfey, the mircral)le remains of your Norman dominion, and mere appendages of the crown, cannot fubjed: them to the fam? laws i and that even Ireland itfslf, which is Jooked upon as a conquered country, ought not to be mentioned as a rnl'jfor your conduit towards the colonies, which were originally ellabliflied by Engliflimen, with afTurances of the fullefl enjoyment of liberty. But that, with regard to Ireland itfelf, tho' the fovereignty of the parliament of Great Bri-» tain over it is plainly aflerted, yet you arc very cautious in the exercife of it, particu- larly with refpedt to internal taxation. Thefe reafons, which are generally urged as a fuiiicient ground for eftablifhing the right of the fupremacy of the parliament of Great Britain over the colonies, not being quite fatisfadtory to the Americans, they have been led to queilion the right itfelf, and conlidering the grounds thereof, and the principles of the Britifh conflitution, they have taught themfelves to think. That whatever aifedts al', (hould be de- bated by all, fo that knowledge and mutual intereft [6] intercft will prevent miflakcs and partiality; that it is not to be imagined every rcprcfcn- tative of the people of Great-Britain has a knowledge ofAmerica, for tho'thcy may have taken much pains in eroding the Alps, and had much pleafure in converfmg with the Ci- ceroni of Rome, yet it is pofiiblethey may be entirely unacquainted with the condition of New England, and the nature of lumber, "liat if a tax is laid on any branch of bufi- nefs, or upon a particular part of Great Bri- tain, a knowledge can be foo!i had of the propriety and expediency of it : that the in- terells and condition of America is but little hnown : that no impofition can be laid on one part of the kingdom, without affeding the reft : that tlie taxing America falls folely upon tliat country, without affeding Great Britain, which alTuinvTs that power for its own peculiar eafc and emolument, which is not a very delicate light to confider this country in. That countries and places, whicli have particular intcrefts to fupport, ought to be reprefcnted in parliament : that it was on this principle the two Univerfities liad the power given them of elcdling mein- bers 'j andthat if a body of people are to be taxed by laws, which they have actually no ihare. in making, the fame mifchiefs will cnfue which are marked in tlie preamble to 34 and 35 H. viii. c. 13. which gave a right to the city of Cheftcr of chufmg re- prcfcntativcs. <( €i <( it ti (( i< f 7 1 picTcntatlvcs, ** That the inhdbltants thcrc- " of have been oftentimes touched and grieved with ads and ftatutes made with- in the faid court of parhament, as well derogatory unto the mofl: antient jurif- didion, hbertics, and privileges thereof, as prejudicial unto the common weal, qui" etnefs, and peace, of his Majcfty's fuh- jcdls." If then the fovcreignty of the parliament of Great Britain over the colonies is founded on policy of government, and not on the prin- ciples which demand the fubmifTion of the inhabitants of Great Britain to the laws, namely, their confcnt to them, as either adually or virtually reprcfcnted in the mak- ing of them, it behoves thofe who have this right to be particularly attentive in the ex- ercife of it. And for that purpofe, it is their eflential duty not to defpife the colo- nies, but to attain the befl: knowledge of them in their power : not to confider them as a fet of vagabonds and tranfports, but an indurtrious, honcfl, and free people. And in a word, not to adopt any iyftem of partiality or prejudice, of fufpicion or contempt, the marks of a wicked and weak miniHry, but in all inftances to treat them with tendernefs and liberality as fellow fub- jeds, and be convinced and a6t accordingly, that the interefts of Great Britain, and its American colonies, arc infcperable, and that tlie i : ii the' advantages of the one will n6i he Vven- tually promoted, if the interell;; cf the other are facrificed to low and tern porn ry expe- dients, and on the fpur of pai ticulir occa- fions. Should this cv-r be the cafe, we ought iiot So be furprifed they Ihould loudly coinplain and boldly proteft again 11 being made the property of an unpopular minifler, who, "nable-to raifc the ncccflary fupplies in Great Britain, fhould fjize on the friendlefs and unfupported Americans, and propofing plans of (Economy to this country, and pretending an extraordinary faii^acity into future events, fliould form a fyflem deftrudlive of public confidence, and the commercial intcrefls of both countries. But it is urged, that howcvet' this right of parliament is founded, the Americans openly declare againft it ; and infolently claiming an independency, they are ginlty of treafon, and ought to be treated as re- bels. But nothing can be more unadvifeable than the making ufe of opprobrious expref- lions, and the utmoft exertion of pov/cr againfl fuppofed ad:ion, the nature and com- plexion of which we have no authoritative judgment of: the late occurrences in North America arc of that kind, we neither can, nor ought to give a particular name to thiem, until we have information of their motives r for I tile •3f in . fbr fliould we ra(hly and falfly brand tKe cbndudt of any part of hi^ Majefty's fubjedts with odious appellations, it will appear to every One as proceeding from the malice and indignation of party : but fhould we adt (cf very injudicioufly, as riot only to call, but treat our / " lerican brethren as feditious, re- voltingi and rebelliouSi at 1 titne tvhen no- thing tart be farther from their tbotlghts, wc muft cxpedt our want of charity irt ipeech and violence of condudt will be referiCcd by that fpirit, which virtue arid loyaltyj once queftioned, cannot hclj) fhewing. And how much would they have to anfwer for, whole blindhefs and obftinacy brought dri an adual defedl.* )n of as beneficial and aS Idyal a part of th( dominions of this kingdoni as his Majeft can glory in ? Biit (hoUld thfe crolo- nies bt really averfe to this gdvet-nment^ and fh< aid we have full proof of their in- clinati i to fall off from that duty and affec- tion t} -7 have hitherto (hewed, feverity and rigour 'ould be exerted even then too foon, if we heard not their grievances, and cor- dially endeavoured to give a reafonable fa- tisfaftion to their juft complaints ; for tho* wc live in fociety, we muft attend to the feelings of nature ; and as we live in a land of liberty, we mufl make fome allowances even for the groundlefs refentments of free- men. — Our news papers and coffee-houfe joliticiang have been lately full of invectives Q again(i ! iii ii i, i 1: i -4' tio] Qgaitvft the difpofition and condud of the Americans, and ufmg foul mouthed re- proach, and infligating the moft -violent methods, feem to be endeavouring to drive matters to the word and laft extremity, a civil war : and yet the fame news papers and coffee-houfe politicians, not long fmce, made ufe of every plauliblc turn, and every palliative, to excufe, nay, to juftify the chicanery of the French, in not paying the Canada bills ; and the want of honour and humanity of the Spaniards, in refufing to difcharge the ranfom of Manilla. Thefe two nations were lately declared enemies to Great Britain, and will ever be the oppofers of her interefls ; and yet we treated both with tendernefs, politenefs, and condefcen- tion, becaufe we were by ail means to avoid a war, though nothing can be worfe policy than to preferve the public repofe by yielding any point of interefl or honour. What can we think of fuch men and fuch politics ? they pafs over unnoticed the open violations of iblemn treaties, and blacken with fcurri- lity and ignominy adlions and men, whofe motives and temper they are grofsly igno- rant of, A war is to be carefully avoided, in their opinion, with aliens, and the eter- nal enemies and rivals of this kingdom, but to be immediately entered into, and purfued with rigour and vengeance againil its de- fceiidants and fubjefdts. A civil war is per- haps hapi nati( nev( poll not la ps of the ed re- Tiolent drive nity, a papers 1 fince, every fy the lig the ur and (ing to Thefe nies to ^pofers i both lefcen- -> avoid policy iclding iat can Htics ? lations fcurri- whofe igno- oided, : cter- 1, but irfued s de- s per- haps haps in their notions lefs injurious to the happinefs and interefts of a people than a national one ; but 1 hope Great Britain will never be governed by fuch men, and fuch politics 5 the prcfent times, I am fure, do not require fuch councils. ; The critical fituation we are in demands deliberation and tendernefs, and not rafhnefs and violence j we ought to zG: difpaffionatcly for the mutual interefts of both countries, and not in a fpirit of party to the public confufion. We ought to confider the ob- ject for which our colonies were eflablifli> ed, and how far it has been purfued and encouraged, or negledted and ruined ; we ought to be fully acquainted with the tem- per and condition of thofe who compofe them, and of what benefit they have been, and what difpoiition they have had hitherto to this kingdom j but we ought above all things to weigh in our minds, over and over again, the probable and poflible confequences of treating thofe as enemies who have it in their power to be our moft beneficial friends : we muft conlider, whether the terror of arms ever convinced the judgment, and con- ciliated the affedions, and whether the Americans can, or will, ever be cordially united to you, if moderation, the befl: means of governing, is called pufillanimity, and looked upon as below the dignity of autho- , Q Z rity^ I) H..Xi.Ll..iIlil ' .L ^BTWSn II ■t hi ili 1: f 12] jrjty. . Should compulfory mea^?, bp deter-f liiin^d on as abfplutely neceflary to, quiet the Americans, the die is caft, auf Cafar au( tMUus, Every man of the leaft experience ifr Great Britain knows the qonfequence ; eVery man in America trembles at it ; it wijl be the ruin of both countries. It is proba- ble indeed^ confideripg the weaknefs of the Americans, that Great Britain will cpme off triumphant in the conteil, but the vidory will DC truly deplorable, Should it be doubtful for any time, that alone will make you repent your recourfe to violence i but ihould you fucceed at laft, all confidence and cordiality being interrupted, you neither can, nor will, treat the Americans for the future as fubjedts, but will reduce them to the moft implicit obedience. But remem- ber, that though the Americans are natural- ly good fubjedts, they \yill ever l|s bad flaves, the difficulty will be great to keep them in the irkfpme flate of fervility, and the ex- pence and watchfulnefs neceflary for it will entirely exhauft you : fpr though the En- glish, as it is faid;f will, when they cej^fe tq be freemen^ be the inpft abjed: flaves the Americans, on the contrary, fhpuld they now be reduced to that miferable fiate, will ever retain a fpirit fpr, and longing after li- fcerty j and the difference between the tem- per of the two people in this deplorable pvent;^ will be owing to the different caufes ' . _ ., y^hicl^ in] I J- the pcoplj5, of which produce It. Whenever the pcopijc, oi this ifland ceafe to be free, it will he whea they are fo thoroughly corrupted, as hafcly. to betrr.y their own rights, and become wiU. ling flaves; but the Americans now have .ing the independance which a bountiful nature^ gives, and the ftrongeft fenfe of liberty i and therefore force alone can deprive thci?>._ of their enjoyment cf it. I faid it was pro-^ bable that Great Britain would at laft be triumphant, but it is pofnble chat her mofl vigorous efforts may be baiBcd ; notwith- flanding the greatnefs of her power, and the weaknefs of America. . ! ^','' Every war is doubtful, power has fre- quently ruined itfclf by confidence, and iVeaknefs grown ftrong by defpair. Hiftory affords many examples to prove the truth of this obfervation : the ellabliihment of the United Provinces, about two hundred years ago, is an incontcftablc one ; and is well worthy of pur particular attention at this time ; for it will en able us to obfervc the confequences of weak or violent coun» cils, of corrupt or ill condud, of fadion or obflinacy, which weakens and difTolves the firmeft government; and if qur condition is fq critical, as to confound even the heft heads and heft hearts in the kingdom, in 4etcrmining what oueht to be done, to ex- tricate us from our difiiculties j the rife and rrogrefs of the dillurbances in the Low Coun- i^! I I It - ill m I n'- [14] Countries will inflru^ us at lead in the ne- gative kind of knowledge, of what ought not to be done. Some people may, perhaps, imagine, that the wifdom, thus attained, is at beft very uncertain 5 for tho* all things are pofllble, and what has been, may be ; yet hardly any one thinks he is liable to the fame miiery another has fallen into, bc- caufe a change in time, fortune, condition, and a variety of other circumftances, make him an exception to the former rule. But the truth is, that fo long as human nature continues what it is, the fame caufes will generally produce the fame efFeds -, at lead it will be confident with human prudence, to condud ourfelves as if they would, when the circumftances of the times are fuch, as to leave us no other rule to go by. The Spanifh monarchy was, about the year 1559, when the peace of Cambraywas made, the mod reipeded power in Europe. Spain, the Milanefe, the Two Sicilies, the Low Countries, and the new difcovered World, were the formidi^le members of it : the ambition of France W^s checked, it held Italy in awe, and England was fubfervient to its purpofesj confiderable acquilitions were made by the peace, befides the par- ticular objedls of the war. Thus circumdanced, Spain had nothing to do but, by cultivating the arts of peace, cflablifli its extenfive empire on the firmed fpun-s founds ofCai declaH fities, amonj indivil pire. Tl brouj The quan ncfs Spal whic and mea T Witl mer tion rop arn wh oul th( thi be th tb 1^ n( tl the nc- t ought erhaps, ed, is at ings are be; yet to the to, be- ndition, make t' But nature fes will at leaft udence, when uch, as >ut the ray was 'Urope. \ -s, the overed 5 of it : it Held rvient itions ; par- thing cace. :l if foundation. But, unfortunately, the peace of Cambray, which reftored quiet to all the declared enemies of^Spain, produced animo- fities, civil diflentions, and open ruptures amongft her own fubjedts, to the mifery of individuals, and difmemberment of the em- pire i' A. ' - ,4. 4 A V<' X.. ^1 The means by which this lignal ruin was brought about , may be worth inveftigating. The firft blow given to^ it, came from a quarter the leaft expedled, from its weak- ncfs and former loyalty of condudk towards Spain. But there is nothing fo unlikely, which particular accidents may not produce; and the greateft empires have fallen, by means apparently the moft contemptible. - The Low Countries, which were divided with many flates, with diftindt govern- ments, were over- run by the northern na- tions, who- ravaged the greateft part of Eu- rope, particularly the Saxons, who, fierce in arms, eftablifhed and maintained freedom wherefoever they went ; for, fighting with- out pay, and not for the ambition of another, they conquered for themfelves, and were therefore attentive to fecure the public li- berty againft the artifice or violence of thofe who might claim a fuperiority over them. As they were bred to arms, they never forgot the ufe of them, and kept themfelves free thereby from open infults ; and^ left cunning and time fhould injirre their j m m [t6l their rights, they claimed and exefcifed tic greateft liberties; and, amongft the reft^ the right of determiding difputes about the fucceffion of their princes, when doubtful or controverted ; and deciding thofe between the feveral towns, of raifing a militia for defence of their countries, in a war amongd their neighbours; of advifing, in time of danger abroad, or dilcon tents at home; and upon any new impofition that was neceA fary upon the people : the ufe of the free aflemblies was another of thofe liberties, whereof the inhabitants of thofe provinces were fond and tenacious. Thefe rights leem to be efTential to contribute them free- men, but there were other conceffions and graces from their princes who ruled over them, which, being once granted, they had a full aad complete title to. '^ Their wars, which were generally fhort, were with princes and competitors of their own lize and ftrength, unlefs indeed they fell into the quarrels of England and France, and then they were engaged on the fkirts only, the grofs of it being waged between the two kings, and their fmaller ftates were made ufe of for the commodioufnefs of a diverlion, rather than any great weight they might have in the main of the affair. The mighty growth of the commerce of this exteniive country (attributed by Com- bines to the goodnels of the princes, anct tlic tlic Spai mate cfpe edb miei •^a ff *4 >f fed tie e redg ut the ubtful tween tia for ongrt: me of ; and neceA e frcQ erties, vinces rights 1 free- is and dover y had (hort, their they ance, (kins Ween were of a they :e of om- ami tliC V' the cafe and fafety of the people) enabled Spain, into wtiofe hands it came, to be a match for France. Philip of Burgundy efpecially was a wife and good prince, lov- ed by his fubje * But the richer and more prudent men of the provinces, particularly the Prince of Orange, and the Counts Egmont and Home, feeling the ill efFeds, and abhorring the rage of popular tumults^ as the worft mif- chief that can befall any ftate, exerted their utmoft vigour, loyalty, and that influence which the public affedlion gave them, to appeafe the general difcontent ; by which means, and the prudent and moderate ma- nagement of the governed, all the provinces were rcftored to their former peace, obe- dience, and appearance at lead of loyalty. But fcarce was this happy event brought about, when the arrival of the Duke of Alva, with ten thoufand of the beft Spanifli and Italian foldiers, under the command of the choicefl officers which the late war had bred up, ftruck all the Low Countries with aflonifhment, fubmiflion, and deipair. The trading part of the town and country retired out of the provinces in fuch vail numbers, that in a few days one hundred thoufand people, taking their money and . . efFeds i I !i" M I'l *^'i?V, Ml ':! ■>i.!( ■Mi! 4t [22] cffedls, abandoned their country. «* So great antipathy ever appears (fays Sir William Temple) between merchants •* and foldiers, the firft pretending, to be ** fafe under laws, which the other makes ** fubje^t to his fword and his will." .a The Dutchefs of Parma, who i^as al- ways for the mildeft meafures, thoilght the public tranquility ought not to be difturbed by new oppreflions, nor the royal authority leflened by being made a party to a war againft its fubjeds, conftantly diffaadcd againft the prefent condudt ; but her advice being difregarded, fhe retired from th'5 go- vernment of the Low Countries, not chufing to be ?nfwerable for meafures fo pernicious to the public intereft. The provinces had demanded, fome time before, the recall of the Cardinal de Gran- ville, who returning to Madrid, hated by, and hating the country he came from, in- fluenced the court in all its meafures, and the Duke of Alva, inverted with unufual powers, exercifed them accordingly with the utmofl: rigour in violation of the laws of the country and humanity, and to the dif- honour of the King, and the ruin of the Auftrian greatnefs. ,. -.r ^ The mif'ery which thefe councils intro- duced arc fo fhocking, that we cannot read of them, even at this day, without horror and detejftation. , . . - * •* The h d 1 ;f ''?Ei •' So |ys Sir 'Hants to be lakes IS aU It the [urbed iority war baded idvice -go- u/in^ cious time »ran- 1 by, . in* and ifual vith s of dif- the ro- ror he :•>>■ ■»J^' [ ^3 ] " The towns (fajrs Sir William Tcmplcy flomacbed the breach of their chartew ; the pet^le of their liberties ; the Knights of tne Golden Fleece the charter of thcif order ; all complain of the new and odi-* ous courts of judicature j of the difufe of " the Aates, and introdudioa of the fcwrces j but all in vain> the King was eonflant to what he had deternuned^ the Duke o£ Alva was in his nature cruel and cxora- ble J the new army was fierce, brave, and defirous of nothing more than a rebellionr i^ that country; the people were in ft rage, but awed and unheaded ; all was feizure and procefs, confifcation and pu- nishment, blood and horror, indolence and dejed:ion, puniflimeats executed,, and meditated revenge." The council of Blood, which Alva had cftabliihed, foon lopt off the lefTer branches, but the greater took longer time in hewing down ; but at length the Counts Egmont and Home, notwithilanding their merits to the crown of Spain, andt:arnefl follicitations from all quarters in their favour, were fa- crificed to the fpirit of pride, cruelty, and diftruft.— 'Their blood was the firft cement of the republic of the united provinces. - William Prince of Orange, ananceftorof our great deliverer,, finding his life fought after, fled into Germany, being unable, without one foot of land, and without men or t( t( ver- ». re- t up turn exes mto • • tbJe s is :n9 [ 25 1 a fcene too dreadful to fee long dwelt on. In fliort, therefore, the Auftrfan greamef^, after having tried every method which force, policy, and wickednefs could fuggcft to re- duce its revolted fubjeds, was obliged at lad to treat with, and acknowledge them, fri the moft humiliating manner, as a free and independent people. It is not to be imagined however, that na- tural courage, or even defpair, could have brought the affairs of the united provinces to this fortunate conclulion, if they had not been fometimes underhand arid at other times openly affifted and fupported by the other powers of Europe, who envied or dreaded the grcatnefs, which Spain had attained to by the peace of Cambray. Many obfervations might be made on this detail oSf the rife and progrefs of tjie diflur- bancesin the Low Countries 5 one is moft ob- vious, which is : That the impoling taxes and introducing troops into the country, when a general peace made both unneceiTary, were the firil: grounds of difcontent, which was fermented by eftablifhiiig bifliopricks and judicatures, unknown to the antient laws and cuftoms, and queftioning at the fame time thofe rights and charters which the people claimed from their former pnnces; but that the general uneafmefs, occafioned by this condud, might have been cafily ap- peafed, if the miilakcs in government had £ been 'P i ' SI I i ■ i 26 ) been correcfled in time : Tlic dutthcfs of l*aima, wife and moderate in her difpoii- tibri, advilcd it ; but the cardinal de Gran- ville, thinking his reputation for integrity, 'fagacity and knowledge, depended on the profecution of thofe meafures he had for- merly advifed, ftrenuouflyoppofed every mi- tigation, and infifted on the vigorous exe- cution of the edi(fl&.— This violence the times would not bear — and therefore the lofs of the United Provinces, with their extcnfive and beneficial trade, mufl be imputed to this o/je m n, " - ■ • , J. "A ferious confideration of this remarkable event in hiftory ought to alarm thofc, who now fcem eagerly bent to drive tilings to ex- tremities. But perhaps, however paflionatc they may appear in fpeech, they are in their own natures timorous, and would be fearful of anfwering for the effe6ls and confequences of thofe violent councils which they giv& to others. Should this be the cafe, their condud: mufl: be imputed to the rage and in- dignation of party and difappointed ambi- tion. It is in vain then we trouble curfel . cs Vv'ith fuch men, but let us rather apply to thofe whofe principles are founded on li- berty, and are guided by moderation ; and thofe who have inclination as well as abili- ties to extricate this kingdom and its domi- nions from their prcfent confufion and mi- ierabie condition. - ' ' ' The i '■•fll ii ^hi.'Q of ciifpoii- le Gran- itegrity, on the ad for- gery mi- lls exo- ice the the lois 'f ten five I to this arkable ^» who 5 to ex- ^onatc n their fearful uences y §ivi^ their nd in- ambi- fd. cs >iy to •n ji-, : and ibih*- omi- [ mi- The ( » [27] The difcontent and uneafihcfs, fo univer,- fal amongft his Majefty's fubjcdts hi Nonb- America, cj^nnot but have the worft eff^^ on the intercfts of both countries ; it would therejfore be the honeftpartof all thefubj^^:!;^^ on both fides of the Atlantic, to endeavour to appeafe tlie prefent ferment : For (liould it be in jre:ift'd,or even be kept up to thepUcn it now is at, the confequences will be mo{l ruinous. If it arifes from the fpirit of ab- folutsi indepcndance, that fpirit ought to be checked; but if from an injudicious con- du^^l andharJand undeferved treatment from this country, that conduct and treatment ought to be changed. The loyalty of the American colonies, has, till very lately, been unimpeached ; they have diligently laboured for you in peace, and zealoufly co-operated with you in war -, de- fcended from tliis country, they have the flronged attachment to it ; and clofely con- ne(!ted with it, all their produce centers here ; they glory in the fame king, have the fame religion, and claiqi a right to tl«e fame liberties. Thefe are ihong motives of af- fedlion to you,but fhould thefe tics be loofen- ed, the difficulty of fucceeding it\ the at- tempt of independency is Co great,'that nothing but the mcft unhappy times can force them to venture on it ; but, I mufl confefs, the beft fecurity this country can have of the obedience of the Americans, is their con- E 2 ' victioa III ii 1i:. I:. ■ [28] vidion of yourgood in tendons towards them; for defpair will give fupernatural ftrength. Weak as they really are, fhould ever their fidelity be lliaken, they will foon become flrong by the malicious affiftance of your ri- val neighbours, who will offer their fervice witheagernefs to your revolting fubjeAs, and then contending with the powers of Europe, and with enemies flill more hoftile, becaufe, actuated by defpair, the event will be doubt- ful. -■ A-'iJ vi :\l.: •^ However, the imagination of thoie peo- ple, who think that America will one day or other be independant of Great-Britain, is certainly not groundlefs. >'tjijh But this is no fufiicient reafbn for fear, for this independance can hardly be brought about until fome general calamity falls on Europe, or the prote(flion which the colonies now claim from their feveral mother countries, is denied, or unable to be given from the particular diftreffes at home, power is fubjed: to change ; it is the natural cour(e of things. The grandeur of the Roman empire is annihilated, and 'this ill- and, formerly a province to it, and looked upon as almoft out of the world, has a great- er dominion than Rome ever prided itfelf in, and is now the centre of riches and autho- rity. May it ever continue fo ! Nothing but its own bad policy can prevent it, the fear {;■;?'.. ■ • • e- r;i . of '■J ^m^ < fr. ii M Jsthem; Jngth. ver their become your ri- r fervice 're peo- )ne day itain, is )r fear, ily be alamity »ich the mother e given home, natural of the his iil- looked great- ^df in, lutho- igbut e fear of {29] ♦f evils may produce them> as the dreidof death frequently puts a period to lifc^j lui There .are indeed a fetof men, who from dullnefs being totally ignorant of the coli[>- nies, or from pride, ailiamed to have a knowledge of them, talk of what w^, for fuchis their language, have done for them; what money u'^ have fpent; what blood we have lavifhed ; and what trouble "ive have had in eftablifhing and protecting them to this day ; and after a thoufand foch felf applaufes, declaiming againft the bafe- nefs ingratitude and rebellion of an obfti- nate, fenfclefs and abandoned fet of con- vidts, declare, if they had the government, they would* — they know not what they Vi»3uld— Thefe therefore fo prefuming and uninformed, it mufl be confefled, the Ame- ricans acknowledging only the authority of the parliament of Great-Britain, difclaim even now all fubordination. The duties of a mother country and its colonies are reciprocal ; the one expedts en- couragement and protedion, and the other claims and fecures to itfelf every advantage that an extenlivc commerce can produce. I will not make any comparifon between Great-Britain and her American fettlements, or fay which of them has been moft atten- tive lo the difcharge of their feveral duties. It would irritate perhaps one fide or other ; md this is not my inclination or defign, but the ! 1 . II I HI n !:: [30] the Americans ought not to be accufcd of ingratitude, the exports and imports of Great-Britain will free them from that charge. If it is expected they fhould for the future protect themfelves, it will, I am afraid, give them at leaft that independance of mind, which a man, who hopes for no favours, ge- nerally has. It is podible indeed they may feel your coolnefs towards them in a worfe light : for recolledling the immenfe fums of money you have fpent in the defence of the GernfKins, Dutch, and Portuguefe, and in- deed of almoft all the other nations of Eu- rope they think they have an equal right to your protection. You have entered, fay they, into the wars of thefe aliens to fupport a fanciful bakitje of power, and that too with a profulion of blood and money which has aftoniflied Eu- rope; but repine at, and grudge the expencc of defending your brethren, and your ef- fential commercial interefts in America. It is perhaps difficult for an Englifhman to ac- count for this condudl upon the common principles which adtuate the world ; but the Americans imagine they fee the grounds of it. The miniftry of Great Britain, they fay, being taken up with the more a:duous af- fairs of Germany, and the ftruggles of par- ties at home, negledted America ; the value of which was unknown until France gave you ■m 7< It w ufcd of ■orts of harg?. future d, give mind, rs. ge- y may vvorfe urns of of the nd m- f Ell. ^i\t to ; wars akiice ion of dEu^ pence ir ef- ;a. It o ac- imon but >unds fay, s af- par- alue 2;ave you no you an idea of it, by endeavouring to take it from you. This roufed the 6riti(h natbn» who, immediately feeing its importance, thought ea negle^a civitas fiare mn foffit^ The war, thus undertaken for the defence of your effential intereils, was proiccuted with vigor, and its confequential fuccefs gave you a right to demand much more than the original objeds of it. The Americans, who had exerted themfelves to the utmoft, as in a public caufe they were bound to, flattered themfelves that the peace would have en- abled them to recover their ftrength, by ef- tablifhing and extending their trade> which had been almofl ruined during the courfe of the war ; but unhappily for them, fcarce had hoflilities ceafed againfl France and Spain, the declared enemies of Great Britain, but the cry was— In T us est Host is. We at once became feized with fear and jealoufy of our fellow fubje(fts in America j for, vie wing a map made on a large fcale, we found them fcated on an extenfive continent, which, we heard, nature had done much for, and which we dreaded, leaft time fliould edabiiih into an empire of dangerous con- fequence : we faid we had ruined ourfclv^s for the fake of America, which would one day or other be the fcourge of Europe ; and that the blood we had {bed would nourifh a viper, which would fling us to death. Thus, jealous of our fellow fubjefts, we repented of 1 [ 32 ] of wbal we had done ; and, fearful of the ilrength which fecurity from future encroach- ments would naturally increafe, it was de- lerinined, fay the Americans, to keep the colonies in that kind of dependance which IS occafioned by weaknefs and poverty, and not in that fubordination and obedience which arifes from gratitude and the volun- tary duties of children to parents. it is this fyftcm of policy, founded on our jealoufy and diftruft, that k the ground of the prefent difcontent in Anicrica j for no- thing can be more natural, than that jea- loufy and diftruft on one fide, (hould pro- duce on the other the (&me bad and illiberal qualities, to the interruption of the moft cor- dial friendfhip, and breach of the llrongeft duties. It is to this policy they impute the ruin of the Spanifh trade, by the royal navy of Gr«at Britain adting in the fpirit of theGuarda Coftas of Spain. It is true indeed the im- propriety of this condudt was feen when wc found it muft ultimately afFedt ourfelves; ind, therefore, though the ad: is ftill in force, the execution of it is fufpended ; but the condition of the Americans is bad in- deed, for the blow aimed at them, took |>lace 1 and the dagger remaining rankles in the wound. The rumour of quartering foldicrs on pri- vate houfe«, on the jftale plea of neceffity, which A wl th til tl li,;J c of the Icroach- 'as de- -ep the which f.v, and 'diencc volun- on our •und of or no- at jea- d pro- Iliberal )ftcor- •ongeft e ruin avy of 'uarda e im- en wc elves I iJI in ; but id in- took les in I pri- ffity. 'hich - [ 33 ] wiiich may be urged, and generally is f(?, to jadity rhj worfl acftions ; thg erecting of civil law courts; the efliiuliiliing of. an army, wiit^n all danger of an enemy is rctnoved ; the reafons which are generally urged for lavincT taxes on the colonies, namely, that tlie war v/as underraken on their account; that Great Britain is exhaufted, and that America is enriched by it, and therefore ought to pay its proportionate (hare, have alarmed them greatly, and given them fears which make them jealous of every (lep you take. They inlift, if ever Great Britain had a war peculiarly her own, the laft was ; her cffenaal and not fanciful interefls being deep- ly concerned in it j and that it was as little undertaken for America, as that you fent forces to Portugal for the fake of that king* dom : they deny that. Great Britain was ex- hauiled by it, notwithftanding her pretended, or even real want of money : the pretended want was raifed by the clamour of party and ftock-jobbers, and the real one was owing, not to a decay, but increafe of trade, which your unparalleled fuccefsoccafioned, demand- ed greater capitals than ufual. They declare they exerted themfelves to the utmofl they were able j that their public and private debts, and the deftrudiion of their inhabi- tants, {hew it ; and that as they are obliged to confume the manufactures of Great Bri- tain, they adually, though not named hy F the k ■■i [ 34 ] the parliament, pay every tax which Is laid on Great Britain. .•^I mention thefe grounds of their prc- fent uneafinefs without any endeavour to fliew their reafonablenefs ; but I muft beg leave to infift, though it fhould be allowed, the war was undertaken merely for the fake of the Americans, and that they had not contributed one farthing to its expence, yet that laying taxes on them is contrary to found policy, and the objedt Great Britain had in view in eftablifhing colonies. The firfl conqucfts and acquifitions made by the P.omans, were made, like thofe of the Tartars, in a fpirit of union, who adopt- ing or blending themfelves with thofe whom they had lately fubducd, fixt their foundation on the firm bafis of one infepa- rable intereft. But as foon as the Romans found their empire fufficiently ftrengthened to enable them to adl ofFenfiv^ely, to the difturbance of the whole world, they poured their armies into all quarters, and conquered it, for the purpofes of avarice and ambition. The ob- jeds they had in their view were, the glory of the Roman name, and the plunder of the reft of mankind, for the fole benefit of the Roman people. The colonies eftabliflied by the modern European nations, in uncultivated and un- civilized countries, have had two apparent views j vie reli objl coi| th( nii eir prc- voiir to luft beg illowed, the fiike had not ICC, yet trary to Britain s made hofe of adopt- thofe t their infepa- i thci'r enable nee of armici >r the leob- glory ier of ^fit of odern 1 un- 'arent ews; [35] views i the cftablifhment of the Chriftian religion, and increafe of dominion. Thcfe objeds are generally fet forth in all their commifTions and charters, and the hrfl of, them was impioufly afTerted by the Spa- » iiiards, to fandllfy the mofl dreadful inhu- manity ; the reft of the European nations have had more religion, than tc make ufe of the fword, to inculcate the doctrine of the true God. England in particular hath a<^ed in this refpedt with real wifdom and ^ piety. The extention of dominion, the other obje<5t which the European nations had in ,, view in eftablidiing colonies, feems, con- -. fidering the times when they were under- taken, to imply the extenticn of arbitrary power ', for the kings of Europe then poi- fefTed, or claimed, the mod abf:)lute autho- rity; all acquilitions therefore, however made, belonged peculiarly to them ; colo- nies in particular, being undertaken by com- miflions from them, feem to have been originally eflablifhed for their ufe and be- nefit ; and fo perhaps, confidering the foi- rit of our laws at that time, they really would have been, even in this country, if the nature of our government had not changed, or our fovereigns had not diverted themfelves of thofe powers, which the com- mon laws of the land gave them over new ac^uifitions, F z But f!i [ 36 ] But as Englifhmen could not be allured to leave their native homes, to labour in un- cultivated countries, vi'ithout a full fecurity for the enjoyment of thofe liberties, which they had a right to from birth, the fulkfl alTurances and moft ample concefTions were made to the adventurers, for their encourage- ment in fo arduous an undertaking. By thefe charters and grants the fettlers of the New World were as free, when they crofTedthe Atlantic, as they had been in this ifland ; but as new-difcovered countries and acquifiticns were the immediate property of the crown, and confequently fubjedt to its immediate government, the liberties which the inhabitants of them enjoyed, it is pretend *:.d, mufl be conlidered as mere conceilions from the crown, and not as they are in this country, indepen- dant thereof, and coeval with preroga- tive itfelf j but fliould this be the cafe, the liberties of the colonies cannot be infringed, for the crown has parted with all means of oppreflion, by granting them every right for the fupport of civil liberty, which this country enjoys; and as thefe grants and fuppofed conceflions have been made vo- luntarily, for the encouragement of a brave and laborious people, they muft have at leaft as much force and validity, as thofe which have been extorted and demanded in the field of battle. The allured in un- ecuri ty which fuliefl s were )urage- fettlers n they in this ies and erty of : to its which it is mere d not depen- reroga- fe, the ringed, means y right :h this :s and le vo- L brave ave at thofe ded in Th^ ':i'. t 37 ] The extcnfion of dominion therefore, which is one of the expreffed objeds of our cdabljfliing colonies, cannot mean an un- conrroulcd power over flaves, but a domi- nion fcunded on freedom ; and not founded for the purpoies of ambition and vain glory of a monarch, or a partial regard to this or that country, but for the eflabhfhment and extention ox the commerce of the Britifli dominions. , Here then is an efTentlal difference, be- tween the colonies eflablifhcd by the Eng- lifh, and the countries which were con- quered by the Romans -, the firll were com- pofcd of freemen, leaving their native homes to extend its commerce for the pub- lic good; the latter went over nations for the fake of plunder and vain glory : the re- turns which one country claimed from thofe, which were fubjedt to it, were tri- bute and fcrvility; but that which the other hath generally expedted, are a liberal obe- dience, filial affedtion, and thofe advantages which the balance of trade gives, for the benefit of both countries ; I fay for the be- nefit of both countries, becaufe Great Bri- tain being enriched and ftrengthened by it, is better enabled to give that protection which the colonies have a right to expe(fl from her. The Roman* adled confidently when they treated the conquered provinces with rapa- . city 11 11 ■i:-l- 1: I 1 1 [S8] city ahd infolence for not being con:^pored of Romans, but of aliens and enemies to the Roman name j they were fubjedt to the will of the conquerors ; Rome was itfelf alone ; and therefore, difregarding the com- mon rights of mankind, (he endeavoured to fubdue and plunder the reft of the world for her fole aggrandizement. But the condudl of Great Britain ougbt to proceed on different principles ; for as its colonies are compofed of Engli(hmen and freemen, they ought to be treated as fuch— the interefts of the mother countries, and its colonies, are infeperable — no par- tiality for the benefit of one to the prejudice of the other ought to be admitted ; and their mutual advantage can only be obtained by the fources of trade, enriching the feveral channels through which it flows. It is then by trade alone that Great Bri- tain, adling in a ipirit of true policy, will endeavour .to draw the wealth and produce of America to herfelf ; all other methods will deftroy the objedl for which the colo- nies were eftablilhed. If the Americans indeed, poffefled of valuable mines of gold and filver, or a lucrative commerce, ftill re- tained more than the ballance of trade drew from them. Great Britain might, perhaps, confiftently with felf-intereft, take the overi- plus. But the fad: is otherwife, all their gains and produce now centers here in the way » [39] way of trade, and therefore the fyflem of taxing them is diametrically oppofite to the real benefit of the nation in general, though it may ferve the purpofe of a temporary ex- pedient. — The Treafury may fvvell a little, but commerce will fhrink to nothing. But it is better for the nation, that the riches of the Americans (if they have any) fliould pafs through the accompting-houfes of the merchants of London, than be paid in at his Majefty's Exchequer at Whitehall. A minifter will propagate a different doc- trine; he may, perhaps, wifh to make the colonies a convenient property, to fupply his want of popularity or knowledge in the refources of the kingdom ; and reafbns may be given by him for this kind of policy, fuf- ficient to impofe on the generality of the na- tion ; but it is probi^ble the Americans will never be fatisfied with the exertion of "his kind of power, and fubmitting to it with reluctance, will rejedl it whenever they are able. And, indeed, however ready we may be to eafe ourfelves by taxing them, and reaping apparent emolument at their ex- pence, we fhall foon repent of our partia- lity ; for however weak and wicked a future minifter may be if this fyftem is adopted and purfued, the fpirit of liberty will ex art itfelf in vain againft him ; for pretending hereby to fecure the dependency of Americii, he will himfelf become independent of the Com- m m Hi li ii m i?:^: ''1 !■■:{ ■Si I 40 ] Commons of Great Britain, by the eafe and facility with which he will raife the necef- fary fupplies. Cromwell, though an arbitrary ruler, and Charles the lid, a necefTitous Prince, purfued, in this refped:, the true interefls of Great Britain; for notwithilianding the extravagance of the one, and defpotifm of the other, they plainly faw, that real power, and fubftantial and permanent wealth, could only be attained through the channels of commerce, and that there would be a fuffi- cient fund eftablifhed for diffipation and corruption, and the higheft power exer- cifed, by<« rendering the trade of the colonies fubfervient to Great Britain ; and therefore Cromwell had the fagacity to plan, and Charles the good fenfe to adopt the famous aSi^ of navigation, which the Britifh colonies have to this time dutifully and implicitly obeyed ; for though it has reduced tliem to a kind of political llavery, yet being founded on the founded policy, they have fubmitted to it with chearfulnefs and affedion to this country; and fo long as they do fo, you need no other evidence of your fovereignty over them ; for let any one con fid er the nature of it, and he will find it the ftrongeft mark and badge of fubfervicncy and dependence. Let then the mutual, which is the real interefl of Great Britain and her colo- oies, be promoted, by conflantly purfuing the fe and necef- riiler, ■^rince, tereils .g the Cm of •ovver,. could els of Ifuffi- 1 and exer- lonies refore , and imous lonies licitly sm to -inded lifted 3 this need over ature mark ice. real :olo- liing the '\ [ 42 ] ' the true objed for which the latter were cf- tablilhed, and let us not cut down the tree to get at the fruit. Lef us Jiroke and not ftab the cow, for her milky and not her bloody can give lis real noiirijlmient andjirength ; and for this purpofe, let the Jpirit of the a^ of na- vigation (for found policy has long lince varied from the letter^ be ftridtly adhered to ; and then, however flourKhing th^ com- merce of America may become, either by its own efforts, or by the judicious encou- ragements and bounties given by this coun- try, the whole advantage thereof muft ulti- mately center here, arid that without dif- content and difturbances, to the honour and fatisfadion of his Majefty, and promotion pf the public good. FINIS. \ Hi iC r 1 II 111; I! ■Kt ill! Speedily will be puhliJJ:eJ. AN authentic CoIIe^ioh of the Debates in Par- liament, from 1742 to the Peace of Aix-la-ChaJ pelU, in 1748; in 2 Vol* Oftavo. Printed for J. Alm o n, oppofite Burlington- Houft m Piccadilly, Of whom may be 'lad, juft publifhed } L Tiie Double Mistake j a new Comedy ; as it is n9.w performing at the Thcatre-Pwoyal, in Covent- Gariifen. Price is. 6d. IL The Royal. Kalendar ; containing new and very correft Lifts of all the public Offices, and both Houfcs of Parliament. Price only 6d. — The fame in an Annual Pocket-book. Piice is. 6d. ni. A Vindication of the Authority of Parliament to tax the Americans 4 Price is. IV. Confiderations on the Propriety of impofing Taxes in the firitifh Colonies. Price is. 6d. V. The Neceflity of repealing the American Stamp- A£t, demonftrated. Price is. VI. The Grievances of the American Colonies, examined. Price is. VII. Dummer's Defence of the Provincial Charters, ice is. 6d. ^ . And in few Days will be publifhed. An Application of fome general Political Rules, to the prefent State of Great Britain, Ireland and America. In a Letter to the Right Hon. Earl Temple. / i' I f; in Par- la-Cha-^ n-Houft edy ; as Covcnt- new and nd both fame in xliamenf impofing n Stamp- uolonies^ [Charters. / >plicatIon t State of Letter to ii I