\''>S' > IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) A /. r// -.^^^ ^^ /. ^/. 1.0 1.1 I^|2j8 |Z5 140 i2.0 Hi lit lit I 1125 |u m. ^ 6" - ► <^ v^* V Photographic Sciences Corporation ^■^ ^.^' 23 WEST MAIN STRKT WEBSTER, N.Y. MSSO (716) 672-4503 '<^ CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHM/iCMH Collection de microfiches. Canadiair Institute for Historical IMiCroroproductions / Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques Tachnical and Bibliographic Notaa/Nutaa tachniquas at bibliograpliiquaa Tha Instituta has attamptad to obtain tha baat oHginai copy availabia for filming. 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This item is ft!med at the reduction ratio checked below/ Ce document est film* au taux de reduction indiqu4 ci-deasous. 10X 14X 18X 22X 26X 30X y » 12X 16X aox 24X 28X 32X Ills lu Jifier me ago Th« eopy fllni«d lMr« has b««n raproducad thanks to tha flanaroaity of: L4gbl«tura du QuMmc QuMmc Tha imagaa appaaring hara ara tha baat quality poaaibia conaidaring tha condMon and laglbility of tha original eopy and in kaaping with tha filming contract spaclfieationa. L'axamplaira filmA fut raproduit grioa i !a g^niroaiti da: LAlM>latur* fki QuMmc l.aa imagaa aulvantaa ont 4ti raproduitaa avac ia plua grand aoln, compta tanu da la condition at da ia nattat* da l'axamplaira film6. at an conformiti avac laa oondMona du eontrat da filmaga. Original coplas in printad popar covara ara fllmad baginning with tha front eovar and anding on tho iaat paga with a printad or iiluatratad impraa^ •ion, or tha back covar whan appropriata. All othar original copiaa ara fllmad baginning on tha firat paga with a printad or iiluatratad impraa- •iun. and anding on tha Iaat paga with a printad or iiluatratad impraaaion. Laa axamplalraa originaux dont ia cot •artura w* papiar aat ImprimAa aont film4a an commandant par la pramiar plat at an tarminant soit par la dami^ra paga qui comporta una amprainta dimpraaaton ou dIHuatration, aoit par la sacond plat, aalon la oaa^ Toua laa autraa axamplalraa originaux aont fllmAa an commandant par ia prami^ra paga qui comporta una amprainta dimpraaaion ou c^liiuatration at an tarminant par ia damlAra paga qui comporta una taila amprainta* Tha Iaat raeordad frama on aach mieroficha •hall contain tha aymbol -^ (moaning "CON- TINUED"), or tho symbol ▼ (moaning "END"), whichavar appiias. Un daa symbdaa auivanta apparaftra sur ia damlAra imaga da chaqua mieroficha, salon la eaa: la aymbolo — »> signifla "A 8UIVRE", la symbola ▼ signifla "FIN". IMapa. platoa. eharta, ate., may ba fllmad at diffarant reduction rathM. Thoaa too large to ba entirely included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand coma\ left to right and top to bottom, aa many framif aa required. The following diagrams illustrais tha method: Lee cartae, planehaa. tabieeux. etc.. peuvem Atre fllmte k dee taux da reduction diffirenta. Lorsqua la document eet trop grand ipour Atra raproduit an un aaui cilchA, il eet fiimA A partir da I'angia supArleur gauche, do gauche i droite. et do iMut en bae. en prenant la nombre dimagee nAcaeeaira. Las diagrammas suivants iiluatrent la m^thode. Bta ilure. : zx 12 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 ■PP"!!fW«wP HWPWW"^fl"ipPW* ^WWPWP lr~7 THE PEEMANENT UNITY OF THE EMPIEE. BY FRANCIS PETER LABILLIERE, BABMSTBB-AT LkW. A Paper read at a Meeting of the Royal Colonial Institute on the 19th of January, 1875. \ • UNWIN BBOTHEES, PRINTEftS, LONDON AND CHILWORTH. 1875. !«!*»■ ^t^mm^^ Ibngths equally unsound. Our grandfathers having done unwise things, we are told to show how much more sensible we are by lushing into the opposite extreme ; they having by a most fallacious policy bound and shackled the Colonies, we should embrace the opposite fallacy, and sever every tie connecting them with England. The Disunionist Echool has made but little way since its master, Professor Goldwin Smith, propounded his theses some dozen years ago. Since he v/rote, events have belied his anticipationsv His' case is weaker now than it even wis when first stated. The expense of the Colonies to this country has been greatly reduced ;* i?wrelve years' growth has been added to their strength, to their ability to defend themselves, to the weight they could contribute tb'the power of a consolidated Empire ; wisely or unwisely, British troops have been withdrawn from" the Colonies ; happily Canada has ceased to be a probable, ard has become only a remotely pos- sible, source of danger to this country. We hay* entered on an era^ of amity with the United States ; and France, the only other nation Miat could possibly have assailod^^ England in what we are told is' lier weakest point — ^her ColoniiBS— 4ias no longer the power even had she the will to do so. The unworthy' fears with which Professor Smith tried to frighten England, ingloriously to abandon her Colonial Empire,have become more unreal, and its continued growth and development must still more palpably prove them to have been baseless. Burt if fear will not prevail with England, perhaps^ avkrice may;- 80, iiivtJae name of economy, she is told to rid harself of her splendid heritage; 5he Empire does not "pay," and it is not worth having; if its profits sml- advantages cannot be clearly demonstrated upoo Balance-sheete':- no indirect claims of advantage can be admitted; • Mr. Hamilton, in liiir paper rfead/ before the Statistical Society, gives a' table, which shows that the cost in 1870 and 1871, the two lowest years, wa» £1,319,439 and £1,04.5,212 respectively, and in 1864, the highest, £3,140,170. He also proves that in nineteen years, from 1863 to 1871, the Imperial revenutf derived from the Colonial trad^ w&8£45,000,000i and the Imperial expenditJutf dnly £43,000,000. rrr i*;,;.(K- The Permanent Unity ^qf the Empire. U • nothing that cannot be computed in pounds, shillings, anfl peno6. But to meet tliis so-oalled argument of economy upon its own loW level: even were the cost- of the Colonies to England a feVr hundred thousand pounds a year, till they become able to bear the whole expense of their own defence, would not their independence at once increase the expenditure of this Country in time of peace, there being no greater certainty of the cost and danger of irax being lessened to her ? Would she not have to pay ministers and consuls where she now sends governors at no cost whatever ? Would she not have to maintain war-vessels to protect her commerce just as at ^present ; but with the additional expense of having to form and 'keep tip fortified harbours and coaling stations, now provided for %er by the Colonies, whose ports are as much hers in time of $eace, and would be as exclusively hers in war — as hostile to het foes— as if situated in the United Kingdom ? Are not such advan- tages capable of computation in a good round sum of rb.oney$ Were it necessary to do so, would it not even be wise in England to spend hr the next few years more than she does upon Colonial defences, if afterwards the Colonies, when more populous and powerful, would contribute their dfce proportion to the joint defence of the Empire ? Those etohomists who for the sake of saving would get rid of thfe Colonial Empire, always remind me of the illustrious Mr. lE'aterfamilias, whose better half, and wiser half, is described •as complaining that her husband's savings were always so terribly •expensive. ^hose who counsel disintegration, put their caee in anothti: '^^ually unattractive aspect. They entirely agree with those who think it was wise of England to found Colonies, and to keep them till they have passed a certain stage of infancy ; but when the time comes that she can trade with them just as well if independent, the sooner they separate from her the better : as to their being people of her own blood and language, as to their union with her adding *o her prestige, it is all sentiment ; we ought to be superior to such moonshine. The only true standard of value is money, the light to see everything in is the fcolonr of gold, the glitter of guuieas. We Jiave only to state this so-called econoniioal argument in plain Enghsh to make it self-repellant. England will neve* become such a nation of shopkeepers, in the worst sense of the term, as to be utterly regardless of the great moral and material advantages she may derive from preserving in union with herself the whole of that Empire at the head of which Providence has placed her. Should the Decline and Fall of the British Empire have to be recorded by seme future Gibbon, shall it be told to our 4 6 The Permanent Unity of the Empire. perpetual shame that each a catastrophe was oooasioned by a petty, peddling, penny- wise, pound-foolish policy ? But let us see if the advocates of the unity of the Empire have not the principles of true economy on their side. We have already seen that for England the independence of the Colonies would permanently occasion expenses not at present existing, and would not insure her the certiiinty that wars would be of less danger and cost to her. The expenses of the Colonies, too, would be augmented by separation. They would have to organise a costly diplomatic and consular service, to largely increase their land and sea defences, to endeavour to create navies, unless they were content to trust for safety to their insignificance as tenth-rate powers. A certain par- manent increase of expense, and no additional security, would therefore immediately accrue to them as well as to the mother- country, were they now to separate. But what of the future ? What will it be for England if she be isolated ? The development of her manufactures within the pre< sent century has given her a population she cannot feed, and for whose support she has to send abroad from £60,000,000 to £80,000,000 per annum. The cost of living has rapidly become more expensive, and must continue to increase ; so that it is very doubtful if England will be able permanently to keep her population up to its present number. It is evident she cannot do so unless her manufactures and trade continue as highly prosperous as they now are. Should they decline from any cause, such, for instance, as the giadial exhaustion of the supply of coal or iron, the inha- bitants of this country must considerably diminish. They can never attain the number the United States will possess within the lifetime of men now living. For England to be separated from the rest of her Empire, will be to remain stationary, or comparatively so, while new countries grow up to and outstrip her in population, wealth, and power. The United States have gained considerably upon her within the last few years ; their inhabitants, according to the last census, numbering thirty eight millions and a half. Then, too, if the Colonies became independent, what figure would they present beside this great young power ? When would Austra- lia, great and populous as she is destined to become, attain a posi- tion of anything like equality with America ? She has not yet two millions of inhabitants. In what century, then, could we expect the territories of the great transatlantic Bepublic to become so over- crowded that the rate of increase of population will be sufficiently checked to allow Australia to overtake America ? United in a great British Imperial Union, we shall in the fnture T~7 fkt P§rmatmU UnUy qf the Empire. 7 itaad in * position of equality bende the American Union, or any other great power : divided, neither EngUnd nor any of the C!olo- nies, for generations, will be able to do so, and we must at no distant date resign the leadership of the Anglo-Saxon raoe to our American cousins. Far be it from us to think the growth of the United States a danger to us, or to regard them with the least jealousy. A laudable pride, however, would make us desire and strive tiiat in the future ours shall be a great British Empire, which, if its union be cemented and power consolidated by means of some federal organisation, may be as strong and influential — a British union which shall never be the foe, but always the rival of the American Union in carrying forward that civilisation of the world which Providence seems to have destined the Anglo-Saxon race to accomplish. A French writer has said that the world of the future will be Anglo-Saxon. If so, it will be better that the race shall form two great nations than one first-class Power and a number of inferior States. It mast obviously be much more economical in the future for England and the Colonies to contribute fair proportions to the de« fences of a United Empire, than for each separately to maintain its own. The ships — though for years of little account as the navies of independent States — which the different groups of Colonies could contribute to that maritime force which would be the chief strength of the Empire, would, acting together and with the fleets of England, make up a mighty and irresistible navy, with which we should be able to keep the oceans of the world free for our com- merce, and to prescribe peace upon them. Another important economic consideration, to put it on the lowest ground, is that union will mean peace as well as strength ; for the greater the number of independent states in the world, particularly if they be small ones, the more are the chances of war increased. So great a power as the Confederated Empire would become,* would not be aggressive ; it would be large enough not to covet its neighbours' dominions, and strong enough not to feel that weakness which sometimes makes nations go to war to test their strength, or to show they are not afraid to fight. We are sometimes told that the persistence of some of the Colonies in the policy of protection will be fatal to our permanent union, and some indignation was expressed at the idea of the Australian Colonies wanting to adopt differential duties in each other's favour. It would be easy to conceive of a Federation, even had we no existing example of one in Switzerland, in which the provincial governments might confer exclusive privileges upon mmm ^ The pervntment Uni^f qf th§ fjn^p^re. local populations. Most objeotionable as auph » policy undoub^. ed)y is, there is no .reason to prevent the States in whic^ it obtains from being united in a Federation. Oontiniianoe in union is mor« likely to load to the removal of such invidious distiuotions thaq separation, which must make them permanent and more numerous. Would it not also be better to recognise differences as to the truths of free-trade than quarrel about them ? And if Ve can agree to continue united, and, for the purposes of mutual sujiport, weld ourselves into an Empii'e in reality as nfell as in name, let us uoi think of disputing the right of the provincial legislatures to adjust their own revenues and madagd their local affairs in their own tt^ay/ without seeking to impose upon them, save by the force of conviction, a uniform free- lade poUcy. Were England to separate from the Colonies on account of protection, would they be as likely to adopt a wiser system than if she remain in union with them ? Adam Smith describes trade restrictions existing in his time, not only between these three kingdoms, but even between thd • people of England themselves, which were much more incompati- ble with the union of the same people under one oenti'al govern- ment than any restrictions imposed by Colonial tariffs. To say that people of the same State cannot t'emain united and impose taxes upon each other, is also opposed to present experieilce. On the Continent octroi duties are levied by towns, and free cities exist with exeiuj^ions ffom taxation not enjoyed by the rest of the l^ate. But, howevef opposed to sound principles of poUtioal economy it may be thus to favour {^articular communities in the Same State, there is nothing in cloiiig bO inconsistent with their being united under one government. Non?*, in principle, the taxa- tion of imports from other parts of the^Empire by the Government of any of its provinces, is similar to the foreign octroi, and the favour shown by some Cobiiies to their ow'n j^roSttctions is suffi- ciently analogous for my afgtjment to the system of free cities or i^rts. Therefore, though strongly disapproving of Jirotection, we should be unreasonable in our condemnation of it "^Ste we to hold that it TCttiSb make all the differe^de i'dttreen our permanent union being possible' oH impossible, desiraHe crv undecii'afcle. The wish of coirtiguous Colonies to fidoj/t differential duties in each other's favdrtr ie perfectly i'eaSouaMe/ flrd oiily the existence of protection could excite anything like hostlHt^ ^6' the idea. It id extremely inconvenienf fo* Golot&eS; Kkc t'hc'scf 6*f Australia, with artificial boundary lines hundred? d iriLes loilg^ dften in unpeopled regions, to keep up a sti-ic;t custom-llouse system, and without de- siring to make any distinction to the disadvantage of their fellow- T~T Th« Pertnanent Unity e^ the Empire. 9 Nbjeots in other parts of the Empire> they may well leek to modify or abolish it, levying duties, whether free trade or protectionists, otUy upon imports from the seaboard. It is quite a different matter^ and would be incompatible with the Imperial relation, to allow differential duties and reciprocity treaties between provinces of the Empire and governments outside it, whereby foreign goods should be admitted on terms more favorable than those extended to British trade. In the preceding remarks I do not wish to make the least excuse for protection, to which I am everywhere most decidedly opposed. Every available argument by which it it attempted to prove con* tinned union with the Colonies undesirable for England, and many weighty reasons besides, may be applied with greater force to the possession of India. Indeed, Profesiioir Goldwin Smith has declared the acquisition of that country to liaVe been a mistake, and that its abandonment would be desirable, could England with honour free herself from the obligation i she has contracted to govern iti And, certainly, India has been in the past, and is likely to prove in the future, a more fruitful source of danger and disaster td England than the Colonies eter vfere, or can possibly be. Were the people of England and of the Colonies to be persuaded by those who counsel them^ with arguments of fear or of avarice to abandon the Empire, Burke's famous hyperbolical sentence woiild become hterally true of them— ^" the age of chivalry is gone. That of sophisters, ecoilomists, and calculators has succeeded ; and the glory of Europe is extinjguifihed for ever." Having, as far as the eipaceT^anafiOTHtb that head of my sub- ject will permit, touched upon the leading points showing that the permanent union of the Empire is desirable, and endeavoured td prove the objections to it to be unworthy and unreal, I shall nowj as briefly as possible, consider what form of Imperial government will ultimately be indispensable. The more permanent bonds of iinion which will be required when the Colonies attain a more mt^ ture growth are still tdo little thought of by most reformers df Imperial relations, who continue considering what Will be required for the short transition period between the infancy and maturity bf the Colonies, forgetting that that period is rapidly passing away Vhile they leisurely devise policies for it which, if ever matured^ Vill never be needed. That cannot be called statesmanship which would only deal witU the Golouial question of the moment. It is time to think what may be required twenty, thirty, fifty years hence, and shape accordingly bnr policy. We may wisely determine what direction to take, and -m^^^^ . a" •BfiBSC^*^-. ip™p 10 Tke Permanent Unity of the Empire, hf steadily steer in it, even if the point for which we are bound be many a long day distant from us. The only ultimate goal for us, if the union of out Empire is to be real and lasting, is Federation. " Political inventiveness " may possibly produce new systems of government, but that is the only known form which can weld the Empire into one great power, giving all its people a voice in what- ever poUcy concerns them, and utilising for their peace and security the great strength which, if solidified, they will be able to command. Federation implies that there shall be a central Parliament and Executive of the Empire, like those of America, Germany, or Switzerland. This paper cannot be prolonged to examine the different forma of Federal Govemraent. In my paper on " Imperial and Colonial Federalism," read ac the Conference at the Westminster Palace Hotel, and pubhshed in the " Discussions on Colonial Questions," I have endeavoured to sketch out a system of Federa- tion, the outlines of which are, I believe, capable of being filled in. I point out how a Parliament of the Empire might be elected, each Colony, or group of Colonit 3, having a due proportion of members chosen either by direct election or by its Parliament, and I ex- press a decided preference for the former mode of selection. The only obstacle suggested to our federal union not afiecting existing Confederations, is that oceans would roll between its several portions, and that its extremities would be more remote than those of other Confederations. In reply it may be asked, Is the federal union of Canada with England impossible, becati<>e Canadian representatives would have to cross the Atlantic in steamers, whilst that of California with the United Stutes is quite practicable, because representatives can mt^ke about an equally long journey by railway from San Francisco to Y/ashington ? And woiild the fact that the voyage from Australia to England takes six weeks or two months, instead of a week or fortnight, make all the difference between Federation being practicable and impracticable ? In fact, I believe that the separation of its territories by sea might even strengthen a federal union, by necessitating less inter- ference with provincial self-government. For instance, the Western and Eastern States of America seriously differ about free-trade and protection ; and both being on the same mainland, each cannot have the policy it prefers. Did a sea separate them they might have different tariffs, and thus a danger to the Confederation would be removed without its strength as a great power being impaired. In his paper on the Colonies in the " Cobden Club Essays,'' Professor Thorold Bogers takes the same view of the objection of T"^ =,^^ The Permanent Unity of the Empire. 11 distance as that for which I now contend, and also in my paper on •'Imperial and Colonial Federalism." Speaking of Colonial repre- sentation in the British Parliament, he says : " There is no diffi- culty in carrying out the project, because the Colony is distant from the seat of government ; " and that Federation " would be undertaken if the British Parliament were less of a Chamber in which peddling interests were discussed and settled by compromise, and more of a Senate where great questions of policy were debated and determined." Professor Sogers, like many others, rejects the idea of Federation because he conceive! it to mean representation of the Colonies in the British Parliament. And certair ;; they could expect but httle benefit from having a few members in an Assembly which almost exclusively devotes itself to the provincial concerns of the United Kingdom, and in which really Imperial questions are liable to be de.^ide J by a count'Out. To give all parts of the Empire a voice in its Government, a truly Imperial Parliament would have to be created the present Parliament being left to occupy itself with the concerns of Great Britain and Ireland, which monopolise its attention and supply it with more business than it can conve- niently get through. Bepresentation of the Colonies in it could not be made sufficiently federal in its character unless the number of members of the House of Commons, already large enough, were increased, or those for the United Kingdom diminished, in order to make room for a due proportion of Colonial representatives. Neither would it be desirable that in those numerous questions exclusively affecting these kingdoms, any but their own representa- tives should take part. The only conceivable advantage of ha> lUg a few members for the Colonies in the British Parliament would be that their presence would be an admission of the federal princi- ple, and might demonstrate the necessity and stimulate the desire throughout the Empire for a complete Federation. An Imperial Council like that for India is another expedient suggested by some who do not yet see their way to Federation. But of whatever value such an institution might for the present be, it would be perfectly inadequate as a permanent central governing body for the Empire. It could be entrusted with no powers of legislation or of raising an Imperial revenue ; it would give the Colonies no such real voice in Imperial policy as that to which their increasing populations will render them entitled. In fact, the proposals to have Colonial representatives in Parliament, an Imperial Council, Colonial members cf the Privy Council, and Se- cretaries of State sent by the Colonies to sit in the English cabinet, muit all, however valuable they might be for a time, prove only 12 The Permanent Ifnitp of l^e Empire, temporary expedients, not to be teconimended, but as means t6 produce something much mote complete and permanent. Their ^xisten'ie would soon demonstrate their dwn insufficiency ; and the ttnly good to be hoped from them ^ould be that they might assist to create and then make way for a real federal organisation. From the list of possible sugge^tioni^ just referred to, I think the proposal should be excluded that the Colonies should have in this country representatives similar to the auibassadors sent by Foreign Powers. As one born and brought up in the Colonies, I should strongly object to anything sounding and looking so Uke Colonial independence. May the niost marked distinction ever exist between foreign ministers and the representatives of tlid tJolonies in this country, whatever may be their status \ It may perhaps be said, How can we expect ColonieiS t6 agree to the greater scheme of Confederation with the mother-country and th^ rest of the Empire, when their jealousies prevent them from form- ing federal unions among themselves ? Canada would not have united herself in a confederation had she not felt the need of that strength which union alone could give her; Australia, not so urgently feeling the want of a federal government, does not seem inclined to form one, though it would be of undoubted advantage to her. The objection seems to nie capable of being more briefly answered than stated. Confederation implies a certain amount of Concession, and young communities may resolutely refuse to give way to each other, though they w'Ould not have the slightest hesi' tation in yielding precedence to the old country ; so that really it would probably be more easy to form an Imperial than an inter- Colonial Confederation. Besides, the Colonies would feel that it 'would add to their prestige to be taken into council, to be admitted to a share with the old country in the government of the Empu'e. Imperial Federalism and Irish Home- Rule are in no way neces- ftarUy connected. In fact, I am decidedly opposed to the latter— ft question with which, however, the inhabitants of the United kingdom should alone be loft to deal. The whole sum of the matter seems to be, that the maintenance bf the unity of the Empire is desirable, and consequently a central "government will be required to represent all its portions, giving bach that weight which, from its importance and the share it will take in the defence of the Empire, shall be its due in all Imperial questions, such as peace, war, defence, foreign affairs, and the laws of naturalisation, domicile, and marriage. If this is to be effected, our childi'en, if not ourselves, must see the establishment of a i'eal Federation with a Parliament and Executive as distinct from T~7 The Permcmtnt Unity of the Empire^ 13 and superior to those of England and of the different Colonies as' the new Legislature and Government of United Germany are dis- tinct &om and superior to the Chambers and Miristries of Prussia and Bavaria, or the federal governments of the American Union or of Switzerland are distinct &om and superior to those of the States or Cantons of which these confederations are^ respectively eomposed. Such a federal government need not interfere with the present full and free control of the provincial governments over local affairs. We should not perhaps at first attempt to set up a- very complete federal government. Our object may probably be best reached by beginning with the simplest form of Federation we can devise — ^perhaps one of those systems which I have spoken of as temporary expedients — always keeping in view and moving for- ward towards something more perfect ; for the history of federalism in America, Germiany, and Switzerlajid, where it has had as many and greater difficulties to surmount as- any it will with us have ta encounter, shows that the tendency of the system when once it is planted is to take root, grow, and ripen into greater perfection. It^ introduction among us would assuredly create throughout om* Empire an enthusiasm for and loyalty to our union, as strong as that of Americans for theirs, when it became apparent to what a position Federatioii would elevate both England and the Colonies^ what strength^ what gjJeatness, what security, what peace it would^ with the blessing of God, ensure us. Proud as we all are of the glori- ous old Union Jacky of being British subjects, how much more proud Mght we justly be could v/e regard that flag as the emblem of a Still greater u'nion, could v^e call ourselves citizens of a still greater^ British Empire, of an Imperial Confederation of which th& Sovereign of England should be Empress or Emperor. I have endeavoured to give a sHght sketch of a question upon; which many volumes might be written and spoken. Confederation is, I believe, a perfectly practicable policy for the future, if we only maintain and develop throughout the Empire the strong Imperial spirit and warm affection {tk the great principle of unity, of which we find in various quarters so many happy indications. Without Confederation I cannot conceive' how w© can ultimately get on ; how we can give our new and rising communities the voice in Im- perial affairs to which a few years' additional growth will entitle them ; how we can combine our defences and utilise our strength as one great united Power. The Federalists alone show how all this can be effected ; they, and they only, have a clear, definite, and satisfactory policy for the future. Those who reject that policy suggest positively nothing instead. They can see their way tamam ■^•W 14 The Permanent Unity of the Empire, ^ for no digtanoe before them, and can only hope that ont of the mist in which they are involved, they may, somehow or other, Btnmble npon a right track. In the region of politics this question towers immeasurably above all others in importance and grandeur ; it is the greatest which statesmanship can ever touch. Upon its skilful handling depends nothing less than the momentous issue whether, within a century, the greatest Empire the world can ever see shall be made or marred. The thought is supremely impressive. In its presence all petty provincialisms, strifes, jealousies, party differences should shrink into fitting insignificance. England by an unhappy policy lost her first Colonies ; she has now a second great opportunity, such as never before fell to the lot of a nation, and certainly c&q never occur again, of permanently fixing her borders far beyond her narrow sea-girt isles, and incorporating in indissoluble union with these ancient kingdoms, vast new dominions in various climes and in different hemispheres. ' ' Seeing, then, that the question of its permanent unity is of such vital importance to our whole British race, it is time to think of and form some definite ideas and plans for its future organisation. Nothing could be more practical. Only on the most superficial, shallow view of the question can it be said not to be so, or that we ought to postpone beginning to think of it. Postpone, indeed, considering this question, with Canada progressing as she is, with Australia almost doubling her population in a dozen years, with South AMca advancing with increasing speed, with the whole Empire growing so rapidly that only in the eloquent language of the famous Burke can we find words to describe its progress: " Fiction lags after truth ; invention is unfruitful, and imagination cold and barren ; " and in another passage : " For my part, I never oast an eye on their flourishing commerce, and their cultivated and commodious life, but they seem to me to be rather ancient nations grown to perfection through a long series of fortunate events, and a train of successful industry, accumulating wealth in many centuries, than the Colonies of yesterday." That great statesman, and perhaps greatest of orators, whose words are even more descriptive of our present circumstances than they were of those to which he applied them, may be said to have been the father of the great principle of Imperial unity, whi';h his immortal speeches unmistakably breathe forth. Those who re- flect 30 little on the progress of the past, and have so far failed to learn from it the lessons it should teach respecting the future, as to tell us it is too soon to speak and think about Imperial organisa- 1~T P^ A, -J V The Permanent Unity of the Empire, Iff tion, should study Burke's grand picture of the progress of the British Empire of his time, in which he descrihes how the com- merce of England to her Colonies alone had grown in 1772 to £6,609,000, only £485,000 less than the whole export trade of England in 1704. With as much truth as eloquence Burke spoke of this sixty- eight years of the progress of England and her Colonies. How, were he now living, would he describe the much greater progress of a much shorter period ? How would he speak of the sure de- velopment of the next few years ? What a theme the permanent unity of our present Empire would be for him 1 How his eloquent voice would be raised against the ignoble idea of disintegration I How it would arouse those who sleep over, and leave unthought of, the great question — ^How our future union can best be organised? I must, in conclusion, expressly guard myself against the charge of wishing to see Confederation forced on before its time, — and upon this point I believe all Imperial Federalists are agreed. Nothing is further ixom our desire ; few things could be more fatal to our object. We do not think of plucking the fruit before it is ripe ; but we do want this question, and the public opinion of the Empire respecting it, to grow and ripen in due season, under the healthy and maturing influences of timely consideration and dis- cussion. May the Author of all peace and goodvrill bless and preserve the unity of the people of our Empire.