IMAGE EVA!.UATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) /, ^ V^ ^ls and the American sympathisers ; — to give a positive answer would be rather a difficult usk, but one thing we know, that 50,000 dollars, 5000 rifles, some cannon, and a large amount of ammunition, and provisions were offered through a foreign agent, by two foreign mercantile houses in New York or Philadelphia. This we know to be a fact. We could tell something more on this point, bat as Her Majesty's Government did not think fit to divulge any facts, so it is our duty not to do so." Canada not having been wrested from us, we are dis- posed to treat lightly this Conspiracy,"** but be it remem- bered that we took Means to avert the Danger. The Number of Troops sent^ and the Greatness of the Ex- pense incurred, display how great that Danger was, as the Necessity for sending them marks the Contrast of our present with our former Hold over our transatlantic Pos- sessions. In 1812, 4000 British Troops defended Canada against an open War, 16,000 in 1838 were judged requisite to keep it tranquil and shelter it from Bandits. The increased Military Force in Canada had allayed our Fears, while the Evil was disguised only. The administrative Experiments, which apparently were Con- cessions to the predominating Doctrines, concentrated the Attention of the Provincials within. These were the two Constitutions given, — the one by Lord Falkland to Nova Scotia, the other by Lord Sydenham to the two Canadas. By these Means the Minds of Men were for a Time carried away from Questions affecting the inter- national Position of America and England, to parish * A Member of the late Cabinet being reproached with neglect- ii>" to take Measures to prevent the Outbreak said, ** We could not get a ' mdred pounds to prevent an Insurrection, we can get millions to put it down." 18 ENGLAND IN TIIK IS; Si I I .') and Parliamentary Squabbles, and concentrated on the rival Candidates upon the Hustings. While the Canadas were awaiting the Results which the Working of the new Constitutions were to present, the English Government (a new Administration having come into Power,) conceived the Idea, tftat it would be advisable to terminate the diplomatic Differences between the two Governments. Having taken this Resolution, it became a Question only of ascertaining the Minimum of required Concession. Such a Step, by the very Adoption, involved a serious Change in the Character of England, and in the Dispositions of the United States, and it becomes us to pause upon this Event, not estimating it by our pre- sent Thougtits, but considering first what the Duties are of Governors and of Nations, that we may both perceive the Departure from the Path of Duty and of Honour, and appreciate its Consequences. This Transaction is, more- over of grave Importance in a secondary Degree, for Con- cession could not be made sa ve at a Cost, and the Price required on the present Occasion were Rights and Laws, and therein the Affections and the Loyalty of distinct Sections of our own Subjects. The Negotiator selected, had neither of the two primary Qualifications indispensable for sujh an Office. He did not belong to the Diplomatic Body. He was not versed in the Negotiation.'"' Lord Ashburton was the Man of Station in England, the most intimately con- nected with America, having Property there, and known Dispositioiij, which, to a British Government, must have marked him as the Man most specially disqualified for such a Negotiation. In the Selection alone did it therefore * No Step could be taken not injurious, in this Transaction, while the Acts of their Predecessor had not been repudiated, and the Convention of 1827, with its Corollary, the Award of the King of Holland restored. WESTERN HEMISPHERE. 19 appear that the Aim of the BritiBh Goverment was not to settle the Diflference, but to conciliate the Americans ; and so strong was this Desire, that there was a Breaking down of all Habits of Office,"' and all Restraint of Decorum,t to effect this Purpose. By the Appointment of such a Plenipotentiary, and the Transfer of the Negotiation to Washington, the Question was surrendered, and the English Government could take no Position. Lord Ashburton successfully accomplished his Mission which was not a diplomatic Negociation, but a commercial Bargain. He went to establish the Scale between British In- difference and American Desires, and he gave freely, what was valued little. The Result was Demonstration of public Satisfaction — in Great Britain, because Harmony was restored — in America, because England had been over- reached . In this ProductioPj to which it is improper to apply the Term "Treaty," the Boundary Differences are the Matter to be settled, and other Matters are introduced (as explained afterwards) in order that the Boundary Set- tlement might be obtained. These extraneous Matters were then introduced for the Satisfaction of the United States. But the Boundary is nevertheless not settled. The North-eastern Boundary is wholly ceded : for Eng- * It is a standing Rule of British Diplomacy, that no Person em- ployed at a Foreign Court shall have any pecuniary Interest in that Country. The Person on the present Occasion selected, had a deep pecuniary Stake in America — as large, if not larger than any American Citizen! The Barings have a larger Capital afloat under the American Flag, than the Astors, or any Merchant in the United States. There are nearly thirty Places in America called after him and his Family. t As subsequently exhibited by Lord Ashburton's Speech in Fanueil Hall, ** The Cradle of Independence." ii ii! SO ENGLAND IN THE land, to uge the Words of an American Statesman — M yielded the whcle Claim, as she had purchased back the Portions she retained."* The North-western (the Oregon) is not touched. There was at the Time little Excitement in America on the Subject of the Oregon, and consequently no Alarm in England. The English Gh>vernment had not then and there the Plea for Sur- render that it had to the North-east; and by leaving unsettled the Oregon Question, it conceded all that the United States sought — an available Ground of future Difference. The United States surrendered not one Subject — Eng- land surrendered Thousands ; and these not of those that bad been faithless to her— had taken Part in Insurrection or bad invited foreign Domination, but who belonged to that very Portion of her French Population that had ab- stained from all Taint of Rebellion in the late Transac- tions, and who were therefore the Stronghold of British as opposed to American Ascendancy — of Monarchical as opposed to Republican Principles. This Cruelty inflicted on that faithful Portion of the Acadians, carries Conviction to the Heart of our whole Canadian Population of the Righteousness of their Opposition to England, sanctifying to them Rebellion against a Government equ&lly ready to sacrifice their Rights to an internal Faction, or to abandon them to a foreign Foe. By the Extradition Clause, a Blow was struck at the Population the most devoted hitherto to England— the Men of Colour. Their Attachment to England was stronger than even the Ties of Patriotism or of Loyalty— they had the Character of Men only by British Law. — * By Surrenders not within the Grounds of Difference, — Money, — Commercial Facilities,— Communication and Water-ways. WESTERN HEMISPHERE. n Nov^r, England abandoned her own Position, abro> gated her own La we, for the mere Purpose of surrender- ing them to gratify by her Subserviency her Enemy. What must be the Effect of such an Act upon their Esti- mate of us, whom they revered? This is the Reply we give to their Admiration, this the Return we make for their Devotion. The First of August Celebration* will henceforward be desecrated in their Eyes, and the Flag of England will no longer be raised at this Fes- tival as the Labarum of Freedom. Frontier Differences are of a Character the most dan- gerous above all others to leave unsettled. The esta- blishment of the Landmark is the point of Departure for all Right. The leaving of it unsettled removes alike Harmony and Law. In this case the Delay of Settle- ment exasperates only one of the two Parties, and the increased Energy thereby furnished to the one Go- vernment, leads to its increase of Pressure on the other. But this hastens not a Settlement : for the Field of Interests between the two People is infinite. The more the Spirit of Aggression is encouraged, the thirstier will it grow; and the more that Sacrifice is made to attain Adjustment, the more implacable will be rendered the Passions that are at Work, and insatiable the Ambition that has been awakened. " There is hardly a boy who drives a Jersey waggon from Florida to Penobscot who is not conversant with every leading point connected with the disputed territory, who is not anxious and ardent in respect to it ; and there is in England scarcely one man, whether in Parliament or out of it, in the Cabinet or out of it, who either heeds or knows much about the matter, until he is committed to false acts, and is therefore interested in misrepresenting the facts, and in confusing the public mind." * The Anniversary of the Emancipation Act. mi ■11 ! I k ENGLAND IN THE Theee Words oppenreil in the Columns of a Daily Paper, at the time of the Minsion of Lord Ashburton ; and they are explanatory of that subsequent so-called Settlement which he effected. It may be well to exhibit, as contrasting the Spirit and Means of Action of the two People, the Difference of their Mode of Selection of Negotiators. The Negotiator on the part of the United States, that had to deal with Lord Ashburton was Mr. Webster. The Transaction seemed entirely to originate on the part of the English Govern- ment. The English Government itself thought it did so. The Transaction originated in the United States. But the United States Government did not embarrass them- selves with needless Cloaks and Forms, and on the contrary were able, because they understood the Subject better, and because they understood the People of Eng- land, who did .iot understand them, to dispense with embarrassing FormSj and to approach the Subject where they were least suspected. The ostentatious Embassy of Lord Ashburton was the Child of the unobtrusive and private Visit of Mr. Webster. He came in no official Character, and nevertheless he was selected by one State of the Union, Massachusetts, and amply supplied with Funds for this his private Visit to Britain. He was selected after having made one of the most intemperate and menacing Speeches gainst Eng- land ever delivered in an American Congress, — declaring that the Time would come when America would take Possession of the Territory she claimed, without asking England's Leave or waiting for her Consent. The Boldness of the Step taken in sending Mr. Webster to England, was a Subject of Surprise and Comment in America, and when he was asked how he could dare to go to England, after what he had said in Congress, his Reply was — " / k?w7V the elder Branch.'' And what Evi- WE8THUN I1EMI8PIIRKE. 23 ilcTice nns iiniiicUiuttly atTordt;*! of the Accuracy of liis Judgment, in tliosc fulsome Compliments that were bandied about, accepted from him and heaped upon him by a discarded Whiff and an expectant Tory Minister! This too at Oxford, where one would have supposed the least of Sympathy for American public Institutions or pri- vate Character; where above all we might expect to find a Reservoir of British Feeling, raised high and kept tran- quil, not flowing idly or uselessly down into the vulgar Channels of Politics and Faction. Upon this follows the English ambassadorial Expe- dition. The Plenipotentiary is not selected for having made Speeches in Parliament, menacing to America — he is not selected because all his Sympathies and Feel- ings arc English, and hostile to the United States -he is not selected because he is deeply versed and warmly interested in the Settlement of this Question, to the Honour and Profit of England ; and, yet, for any Terms of Parity between the Cases, of Equality betwee.i the Negotiators, this at the very least was requisite. He was selected for Reasons the very reverse, — that his Feelings were American, and not English — that he was agreeable to the American, and not to the English Nation. He goes forth, and in the Arena of this Contest, he meets the very Man that had been sent to England. We require to know nothing of the Contents of the Treaty; we have enough in the Character of the Nations here revealed, and in the selection of the Men. We further now know that the Weakness of England was greater even than the Americans had anticipated. The Results of the Negotiation were then necessarily such as to be hailed with Exultation by the United States; and that Exultation we may expect to find accepted as a Source of Congratulation and Satisfaction by the English Nation. The Demonstrations of Joy which hailed the Ashhurton c '■ni 24 ENGLAND IN THE Treaty in the United States, which might have awakened the English Government to a Sense of its Infatuation^ were accepted bg it as a Proof of its Intelligence, and put forward hy it as an Evidence of its Success. Yet tht; English Mi- nister in the same Breath taunted the Americans with the " useless Swamp" which they had obtained, and assigned the Dangers of a War as the Reason of the Concession ! The Ashburton Treaty produced a Lull. It required Time to digest. It required Time for the Americar" to familiarize themselves with the vast projects to which such a Triumph invited — Extension of Dominion northward — England's abolitional Act to be blotted out— Texas to be annexed — Mexico broken and gradually incorporated — the English Possessions in the West Indies to fall with her maritime Supremacy. These were the Vistas opened up by the Ash- burton Treaty ; and soon followed Indications that their Mind was made up, in the Stride made across the Rocky Mountains, to the occupation of the Oregon, simulta- neously with another Grasp southward to gather in the Texas. The growing Feeling of Ill-will to England in the United States, has exhibited itself in a Restoration of the •* Hunter Lodge" Organization already described, but on which is now engrafted a bitterer Spirit, and to which is givenv; wider Scope. We must, however, before touching on this Matter glance at the Subdivisions of Opinion throughout the United States. Wc have been in the Habit of curiously inquiring into these Divisions, anxious to discover them, and disposed to exaggerate them. The first is on the Subject of Sla- very, producing Hatred of the White and Black Popula- tion, and the Separation into hostile Bodies of the Nor- thern and Southern States. From this we anticipate a weakening of the Union by the Fact of the Division, and an Alliance with ourselves of the Blacks, of the WESTERN HEMISPHERE. 25 Men of Colour, the Partizans of Emancipation. Secondly, there is the Question of the Tariff producing Antagonism within, and Dissensions in the Federation ; on this we reckon as an Element of Weakness for them, and as rendering friendly to ourselves one of the Parties in the Debate, and the Portion of the Union that is opposed to the Tariff. Thirdly — the Incorporation of Texas ; we look upon the Division respecting that Question, as again & Source of Weakness internal and external, as involving the United States with Mexico — Weakness again by connecting with ourselves those Portions of the Union that are opposed to the Incorporation, especially the Northern States, who fear the Preponderance it would give to the Slave-holding Portion of the U- on. Now we shall have to shew, that in each of these Sec^ tions, the previous Good-will towards England has failed to counteract the growingExasperation, which, like Aaron's Rod, has swallowed up the other Vipers ;* so that while we have been dwelling upon the Differences of the Americans, as relieving us from Apprehension, we have effaced these Differences by our Acts ; and we have sub- ministered to the United States new Elements of Concord and of Action, when their internal Bonds of Union were escaping from them, and when, but for this Object of external Ambition and Passicn thus furnished, it would have become more and more separai^d within, both by State and Opinion Differences, and the general Govern- ment less and less capable to use the Powers of the Ex .^cu- tive for any external Purpose. Nay, more than this, — the very Subjects of Difference, and the Bones of Con- * During the last Summer, when thi. Excitement in Ireland was at its Height, on tlie Arrivals fror. England, the Population of New York rushed to the Quays in the expectation of Intelligence of an Outbreak : with equal a ''f':ty were sought the News from China, &c. C '2 . ""^iMMftJWaiMM g l' \i\ u \irr- n r.ntry or of whatever Faith, in Defence of British Supremacy, (and for this end many Irishmen came from the United States,) are now of course enrolled under the Banner of Repeal.* Amongst the British Popula- tion there are other subdivisions, Scotch Presbyterians^ Military, and Roman Catholics, The Scotch have their peculiar cause of Grievance in the Church Reserve Question, which places them as no longer upon an Establishment. The Militaryf are disgusted by the Dis- * There is an Exception to be made in favour of some of the Orangemen, and perhaps the Suspension of the Assent of the Governor to the Bill for their Suppression may have reference to this. The present Governor of Canada is a man whose every act must have meaning. t The Case of Capt. Drew is sufficiently notorious, and though the Government has granted a tardy Recompense, he is still under the ban of Piracy in the Courts of the United States. Sir Allan McNab, as has been publicly stated in this Country, would be in Danger, if he followed the direct Road to attend to his Parlia- mentary Duties, of being seized and hung as a Felon. Some fifty Men engaged in the fresh-water Navigation were obliged to abandon their Employment from Danger of being caught by the Americans. A more fiagrant Instance, if not of our Shame, at least of our Ingratitude and Infatuation, is to be found in the Case of Colonel Fitzgibbon. At his own Cost and Risk he armed himself and his Family, and a few Adherents to defend Toronto, and it was this 3^ fiNOLAND IN THB grace that 1ms been attached to, and the Punishment inflicted upon, those Officers who served against the United States, many of whom have stood by name marked as Felons in the Courts of the United States. The Roman Catholics have been as a body the most obedient in the Colony; their Clergy, who hitherto had abstained from all Share in Agitation, are now, through Causes wholly inde- pendent of Canada, but emanating from nearer home, gradually drawn into the vortex of Sedition now connected with Repeal. Thus, whereas formerly from separate Causes each branch of the Population was attached to England, now has a separate Alienation of each been effected, and a general chilling of the Affections of the whole. The Connection with the Mother Country, except where it is taken as a Symbol of Faction, is a matter of cold Indifference, while there are Portions of the Commu- nity, and these the most active, vehemently engaged in projects of Dismemberment. The following Table will present at a glance the Con- trast o' our past and present Position — The UNiTiiD States. 1811-12. 1837. The New Englanders taking Organizing in every District Steps to stop the Supplies of to invade our North American their own Government to arrest Colonies. the War against England. Step that saved Western Canada. He received from successive Parliaments a vote of 5000 acres of Land This Vote was succes- sively vetoed by the Home Government. While this Man is con- signed to comparative Penury, the Leaders of the Rebellion were seated, until their late removal, in the posts of Profit and Honour. It is needless to repeat the Case of McLeod. That Name conveys at once the Sense of the most utter Indignity that one Nation can inflict or endure. WESTERN HEMISPHERE. S3 North American Colonies. 1812. Canadians organized to the Amount of 80,000 Men to re- sist the American Invasion. 1837. Engaged in a Rebellion against Great Britain. 1837. 1844. Coloured Population atmxng Exasperated against Great to defend England. (American Britain. (Surrender of Nelson Schooner, Anne.) Hackett. Ashburton Treaty.) 1837. 1844. Irish Population^ — Orange- United in Repeal Associations men, Catholics — Corkmen, Con- from Labrador to Mississippi naught Men, united to maintain (excepting the Orangemen). English Supremacy. 1837. Acadians faithful while the other Population of French Ori- gin were rebellious. 1844. Given over to the Americans. 1778. New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Newfoundland, , 1844. alienated by Timber Duties. Coast Fisheries surrendered to the Americans. Sea Fisheries surrendered to the French and Americans. To the List of Adhesions to the Hunter Repeal As- sociation, must be added the British Subjects in the United States (Irish), who, on the Canadian Rebellion, were all on our Side, and who are now enlisted to a Man — Purple and Green, equally against us. This Kepeal Association, which in Ireland means — of the Legislative Union, across the Atlantic means — Seve- 34 ENGLAND IN THE ii ii :i: ranee of the Empire. The Adoption of the ambiguous Term, seduces in the first Instance our Transatlantic Subjects, by not feeling its full Import, and the deepened Sense it gains in America, will, through that same ambi- guity be reverberated back to Ireland and Britain. In the Unit<^d States, at the first Period referred to in this Table, there was a general Estimation of England, and a Disunion between themselves because of England. At the present Period there is a universal Hatred of us becoming the Bond of Union among themselves In the North American Colonies, there was in the first Period a separate Attachment to Great Britain, of all the Portions, Sections, Colours, and Races, and thus re- sulted among themselves Union and Strength. Now, there is separate Aniu)osity of each against England, leading to at once a factious Disunion within, and a general Association with America, and general Animosity against England. To these Evils two Remedies have been applied, — the Constitutions within, and the Ash burton Treaty. Three Years have sufificed to shew the Canadians, that the Re- medy they had embraced was but an Ixion's Cloud, and two Years to dispel from us the Illusions of restored inter- national Harmony. Here is a Question of a difference between two States — one Powerful, and the other Weak. It is not the Power- ful one that is instant and vehement — grasping in Dis- position, and outrageous in Speech. It is not the Weak one that is mild and deprecatory, and that imploringly appeals to " cognate Race," and " common Ancestry," jfcc. The parts are reversed, the strong Government de- precates—the weak one threatens — the first deprecates in vain, the last threatens with success. It is England that yields — and yields to Menace what she had not conceded WESTERN IlEMItfPHERE. 35 to Argument. Atul herein lies the whole Difference. The original Dispute, and the subsequent Exasperation deiwnds entirely on the Knowledge of the United States, of Eng- land's physical Strength and intellectual Weakness. Mr. Kennith llayner, of South Carolina, an important Member of the Senate, thus described the relative Position of the two Countries. I', 1 I I I ! " Suppose we should be precipitated into a war with England— what would be our condition ? Our army reduced to a handful, and they in the swamps of Florida, held at bay by the savage. Our navy consisting of but a few frigates, and still fewer ships, and they unfit for service. Our fortifications unmanned and decaying for want of repairs. Without barracks, without ordnance, without munitions of war ; and what is still worse than all these, with an empty Treasury and no means of supplying it. With twenty thousand veterans on our Northern border, England would invade our territory and lay our frontiers in ruins. With a fleet of steam ships, she would ravage our coasts, and lay our cities in ashes. By throwing a few regiments of her manumitted West India slave troops upon our Southern coast, she would excite a domestic insurrection. Her machinations would soon reach the sixty thousand Indian warriors that are congregated on our Wes- tern border, whose yell would resound from the Mississippi to the Alleghanies. This Indian population is already restless and dis- contented. With a lingering eye they look back upon the deserted graves of their fathers ; and with feelings exasperated and almost goaded into madness, by the infliction of their accumulated wrongs, they are prepared for a sudden outbreak, whenever there is the least prospect of success. Thus hemmed in on all sides — on the North, on the West, on the Eastern and Southern coasts — what would be our situation ? .... In the mean time, what would become of our com- merce, which is extending itself into every part of the world ? Ex- posed to the power and rapacity of our enemies, our little navy 36 KNOr,A\n IN THE l< iii: would he shattered to pieces, and our commerce driven from the ocean I"* And is this Picture drawn and overcharged to justify some base Project of Surrender ? By no means. It occurs in a Speech in which is to be found the following Passage — " Sir, this is no northern question — no sectional (piestion — btit a great national question, involving national honour and na- tional rights. And if force does become necessary to vindicate the natio7ial character, we of the South, as well as the North, will not only pour out our revenue, but we will pour out our blood." This Speaker calls himself the Advocate of Peace. So in the recent Debates in Congress do the most vehement Speakers call themselves the Advocates of Peace ; so in Ei.gland Lord Brougham was the Advocate of Peace. Sir * " ' Troubles with England.' " — The attentive observer of recent evnts will not be surprised that we express our opinion that the course of events on our Northern and Eastern border is tending ra- pidly and surely to a serious rupture, and probably a war between the United States and Great Britain ! This opinion has not been lightly or hastily formed ; we shall be grateful if the future prove it mistaken — but unfounded it cannot be. " That we are totally unprepared for a war with the most formi- dable naval power on the globe — that England would sweep our commerce from the seas, burn our sea-ports, ravage our borders, slaughter thousands ofour people, and probably send the flame of fierce insurrection through our Southern States before we could commence the fight in earnest, are obvious enough. That we should even- tually vindicate our national fame, drive the enemy from our territory, and probably retaliate upon them some of the evils they had inflicted upon us is very probable. But would this be worth its cost of one hundred thousand lives, five hundred millions worth of property, and the loss of half a century in the cause of virtue, happiness, and social order ? Wc think not." — From the New Yorker. w KST i: UN n i: M I H FH K n k . 37 R. Peel was the Advocate of Peace. They are on all sides, the Advocates of Peace. Of course, they all mean same thing ; -the Americans— that they should take ; the Kngliahmon— that they should not be hindered. ** Let us |)our forth our Blood," " Let us surrender Canada," im- ply the same Christian Spirit, and Political Foresight. At the Time that Sir R. Peel justified the Ashburton Treaty, on the Dread of War, our whole Power was avail- able to bring to bear upon America, she had no Means what- ever of Resistance ; so that England might have dictated her own Terms, and nothing less than an Attempt to dismember the United States, or to subject the Federation to Tribute, Indignity, or the like, could have produced War. There were two Questions then pending — the one the Invasion of British Territory by American Citizens, the other the Boundary. As to the first, England, in taking Measures against the United States, would not only have been justified in the eyes of the World, but in their own ; they were ashamed of their Act, startled at its Impudence, and fearful of its Consequences. That Matter had to be settled, by doing what ought successively to have been done from J 838 downwards; that is, by calling the United States to account for these Invasions, requiring the Expenses which they had occasioned to be refunded, and Atonement to be made for the Measures taken against our Officers. Thus dealt with, this Matter presented no Difficulty — thus dealt with, all other Difficulties were at once removed. As to the Boundary, there could be no Question of War on the Part of England, except a defensive one. The Matter was in her Hand, the simple Indication that she knew that it was so, sufficed at once to settle the vapouring of the United States, and to re-awaken the J^oyalty and Patriotism of our North American Subjects; \ ;i i 0t 38 7-.NGI,ANl) IN THE n no Force was wanted to support such a Decision — alone it was a Host. Here is a Claim made by the United States for Terri- tory, which Britain vfver had surrendered. Britain has admitted the Discussion of the llight, but ha:, held the Territory. It is not a Difference arising from undefined Limits between ancient Kingdoms. No Portion of the States became Independent except by the positive Sur- render of Great Britain. The Territory cl.''imod by the United States on the Ground of doubtful British Ces!="0ii, had previously been Britain's without dispute, and ishe had asserted and maintained throughout its extent Jurisdiction and Military Occupation.* The Parties then submitted to an Arbitration, and Eng- land had notified to the Arbitrator its Acceptance of the Award, by which she gave up *o the Americans two-thirds of what they claimed. The United States relinquished the Award ; they of course lost the Benefit, and moreover broke the Compact which bound them to an absolute Sub- mission to the Decision of the Arbiter. Ihey had no longer a Shadow of Claim ; and if they had, England could proceed to no new Arbitration. T^at Act of the United States placed England in the full Possession of the Terri- tory dejure which sh held de facto. This was the Position 'hat had to be taken up by the new Administration, this was their Duty ; and they possessed overwhelming Means to support that Deci- sion against any attempt to invalidate it, which could only have been by an Army crossing our Frontier from the * The Infractions upon this Point in recent Times have bsen unavowed as international Acts, they were but private Communica- tions from the then Foreign Mmistei . It was for the Gov«?rnment that came into Power to disavow tbf;m, as they had disavowed the reasonings of the same Functionary upon the Right of Search. WESTKHN HEMISPHERE. 39 United States. Having taken this Ground, then, England might have suffered the Settlement to be made according to the Award of 1831. So her Moderation would have been appreciated, and it would have been known that in her were united Strength and Liberality, and knowing and asserting her own Rights, she yet knew how to prize and secure tho Affection of her Neighbours. This Ques- tion thus settled, all the others were settled, and all Wounds closed. But the Right was abandoned, the Opportunity neglected, and the Consequence is, that the Hatred which by alternate Irritation and Provocation we had aroused, is converted into Contempt. With the common Transatla.-tic Speech, Expressions are interwoven to be compared only to those which, in Europe, we apply to the Turkish Power. These have grown not out of Weakness that could be trampled on with Impunity but — Strength ! " The Pear is ripe ii4 the East." " Mahometanism must be driven from the Soil of Europe." " The Crescent wanes before the Cross." It is these crushing Sentences that have leagued the European Powers with the Enemy of Turkey to effect its Fall. These Words will bring on Europe and Asia wider Devastation than the Hordes of Moguls and Huns. Yet why should these Words have found Favour ? Turkey has not, like England, given Cause for Animosity ; she has embittered no Nation by commercial Competition, exasperated none by struggle for political Pre-eminence; she has oppressed no World with maritime Preponderance, and neither did she sign perfidious Treaties against friendly Governments, nor assauU innocent People, to set up x^retenders, to sell Drugs, or depose Ameers. She has made no craven Surrender of Territory, Subjects, or Rights, where she apprehended Resistance, nor cowardly Assault where siie reckoned on impunity. " When the F^uit is ripe it will fall of itself." " The Eagle will pluck out the Eyes of the Lion and Unicorn." D 40 ENOLAI D IN THE m :S !| " Monarchy, like Masonry, must be driven from the Western Hemisphere." Such Expressions are now cur- rent in the Transatlantic Continent, and they will find kindly Reception, and awaken responsive Echoes in the Continent of the East. And when they have brought for England such Consequences as she herself has mainly con- tributed to bring upon Turkey — when she finds herself exhausted by an objectless War, torn by Insurrection, and disposed of by a Protocol, then may she learn, too late, that there is no Strength so great as to be able to dis- pense with Honour and subvert Justice ; and that no Nation is strong that has deprived itself of Friends. Then shall we discover what the Riches are which we have been treasuring up against the evil Day, when, know- ing not how to merit Friendship, we sought to extort it by AsFault, and to purchase it by Concession.* Let it be here clearly understood that, when we speak of Dishonesty, it is heedlessness of Guilt and Transgression that we mean. There nas been no Design or Object of Englishmen in any of the Crimes that their Government has committed; they are indeed guilty as 'i they had cherished Deaign; but it is not that Guilt which we charge upon them. By the absence of Design against their Neighbours, they are destitute of Craft and Cunning ; by confidence in their own Strength they have lost Watch- fulness. Neither, therefore, of the Causes that lead to a Nation's Care, and thereby to its Knowledge, are in action for them ; and, moreover, living in an Island, and not having • Declaration of Simla, Ist Oct. 1838, announcing that we weve to Invade a Foreign State, " to substitute a friendly for an u'ifnendly Power on our North-west Frontier." Declaration in the House of Lords, by the Mover of the Vote of Thanks to Lord Ashburton. " Not the Madawaska Settlement, but the whole Territory in dispute ; aye, Canada itself, and the whole of our North American Possessions would he give up sooner ihnn incur the Guilt of a War with America," i ^ W£6T£HN HSMISPIIERE. 41 before them an arbitrary Frontier, presenting either the Thought of Danger, or the Desire of Acquisition, they have ceased to understand the Feelings of other Nations other- wise situated, or the Estimate they form of England, or the Schemes into which they may enter, either under a sup- posed Necessity of counteracting her Ambition, or in the Hope of profiting by her Weakness. All that is addressed to Englishmen upon such Subjects are as Sounds to the Deaf, and as Colours to the Blind. The Citiisen of the United Stat^i is, on the other Hand, aroused to Watchfulness, and impelled to Knowledge alike by his Dread of the Power of England, were it exerted, and by the Desire of Gain, of which England's negligence opens to him the Hope. The United States Citizen has gradually attain. ^. I ')is Science; he has marched from Surprise to Surpii e b^ our Admission of groundless Preten- sions; he has gone on from Discovery to Discovery in the illimitable Field of English Pusillanimity, until he has in- volved himself in Schemes of Robbery, Conspiracy, and Insurrection. So committed, he has seriously to apply himself to find the Means by which England's false Security shall be prolonged, and her Vengeance effectually counter- acted, should it ever be aroused. To spy out throughout the World the Infirmities and the Dangers of Britain, be- comes his Task, and proves his Patriotism. We have given the Oaths sworn by one P ^, . and formal Resolutions passed by Another, pledgih^ ^ j\ to the Invasion of the British Territories, and to r V rooting of the British Power from the neighbouring boil. They cannot pause in such a Course ; they must be busy no less on the Continent of Europe* than at Home and in Canada ; they itiii m 111 : :; < hi * The Labours of Americans and iheir German and French paid Writers, to vituperate England through the Continental Press, are well-known, and though tl< Action was originuily directed to the 42 ENGLAND IN THE m must watch and foment the Progress of Repeal in Ireland, of Chartism and Corn-law Agitation in England, and thus draw within the Sphere of this Agitation the Elements of Confusion that foment in every State.* Thus very reasonable Grounds present themselves for anticipating such Weakening of England's Power in America and Europe, as to make the Scheme appear no longer absurd. They may justly expect that the Vexations, Distractions, and Irritation into which England will be plunged, will call away the Attention of Government and People from all external Questions whatever, to their in- ternal Difficulties and Animosities; and bus being effectually blinded to the Sources whence thj hunger flows, every Effort they make will only increase i But above all, will they seek the Assistance of, and offer their Co-operation to, the known Enemy of England in Europe? Asia, and America ; and the Czar may soon receive in one of his Camps of Parade,f Deputations from Hunters' Lodges and from Repeal Associations, to be there brought into Fraternity with discontented Applicants from Italy, Greece, Turkey, Germany, Scandinavia, and India, to take Counsel respecting their Grievances, and to magnify in concert one common I/iberator. Nor are the Promoters of this Scheme a Knot of foolish Reasoners or raving Bedlamites. Men of Weight and Importance are not ashamed to belong to the Association, Right of Search Question, it will soon extend to Repeal, interpret- ing that Word in the American Sense. * The recent AttemjU of the Americans at Canton, to embroil us with the Chinese, is an indication of their Alertness at the remotest Points to act in concert on this System. + At Vojnozcnk the Deputies from Seriria met the Republicans from Italy coming on the same Errand, to confide their Hopes, and entrust their Plans to the faithful Ear of the Emperor, and to receive his Directions. ¥ WKSTSRN IIBMISPHERC. 43 and the Question is a rising one in the Union. Members of the Senate— Men holding responsible Offices, and even the nearest Relatives of the President are actually engaged in this Agitation.* And such if the estimate of its Effects by those oppo&ed to its Object, that the Person most likely to fill the President's Chair at the next Vacancy, recently used these Words to an English Traveller, " Should I be elected, I shall have before me an almost Herculean Task — that of preventing a War l.-tween your Country and Mine." We have already stated that in the Union, in the Course of the year 1841, the Hunter Lodges could dispose of a hundred and twenty thousand Voters. Thus may we expect to see the Adoption of its Views become a Condition of a Presidental Election. Through the European and Con- tinental Questions therewith interwoven, may an Impulse from America in like Manner acton the Fluctuations of Majorities, and influence the Executive of a Ministry in England and in France. " Can the Ministry stand ?" " This," says the Hamburgh cor- respondent of the Chronicle, "is a question which is viewed with great interest throughout Germany — not that the affairs of Ire- land absorb it. Tliey are considered as matter of internal interest only. But the great question of free trade comes too close home to the German's pocket. It would require but a very short period to knock the " Zollverein" on the head, dissolve the confederacy altogether, or force it to a general reduction of duties, which would make Germany the very best customer that Great Britain could desire. // 15 with this view that a change of ministry in England is regarded with interest, and such is the opinion of all journals throughout Germany, that are not known to be, or strongly sus- pected of being, under the influence of Russian gold."^ * Sympathizing deeply with the Wrongs of Ireland, he (Mr. Tyler) was bound in Justice to say that he was chiefly moved by Hatred — unextinguishable Hatred to England." f It may not be in the Recollection of the Reader that the Zullverein — a commercial and financial Bond that places inferior n- 9.1 i II i' i 44 ENGLAND IN THE m Such are the Consequences of the Growth of Division within States, and of the Overthrow of the Laws, that, defining their Rights, regulate their Relations the one with the other ; each Man ceasing to belong to his Country, and enlisting in a Party — these internationally array them- selves against each other in frantic Struggle, and present to Craft larger chances of Profit, with smaller Means than ever has been presented by the Folly or Corruption of any preceding Age. In the present Case, the common Bond, uniting Repealer and Free Trader* in England, Free Trader on the Continent and Repealer in America, is strong in France and the United States through Hatred for England; it is strong in England not through Hatred against these Nations, but by our factious Associations with the Enemies of our Country. Thus one aggregate Ques- tion is to be made out of Corn-Law Abolition, Repeal, Texian- Canadian Anr .nation, Oregon Settlement, Slave Trade, Right of Search, and into this one all overshadow- ing Cloud is to be drawn up every noxious Exhalation of Ambition, of Agitation within, of Aggression around — to fall back upon the Earth in Hurricanes that will Sweep its fairest Provinces, and in Lightning that will shiver its and small St. •.- under the Dependence of a great one, and which was therefore a Measure not to be suffered by an upright Govern- ment, took place while this very Ministry was in Power ; not only so, but that M 'nistry made itself even the Advocates of the ZoD- verein — scoffed at those who pointed out the Consequences, and in the House of Commons declared, through the Mouths of Lord Palmerston and Mr. Powlett Thompson, that it would prove beneficial for England. So much for the Acts of the late Government — so much for their Sense or Honesty. * Advocating, as we do, the Restoration of England's Consti- tution, which involves Local Administration and Direct Taxes — Denouncing Parliamentary Usurpation, whether as to Legislation or Finance — we desire Repeal and Free Trade more ardently and amply than the factious Advocates of these Measures. WESTERN HEMISPHERE. 45 loftiest Structures. The Thunderbolt forged from this Mass of 111 •will and Passion, who shall grasp but the Eagle of the Czar ? What other Spirit is there to govern such a Storm i — What other Lord to smile on such Desolation ' The Similarity of Forms and Principles in the Con- stitution of England and the United States, might lead to the Inference that they stood in respect to any Diplo- matic Difference upon the same Grounds, and fought with equal Weapons. If popular Will act upon the Go- vernment of America, so does popular Will act on that of England. If the Executive be subject to Parliamentary Control in America, so is it in England ; in neither Country is there peculiar Study required, or marked Superiority found in the Diplomatic Service ; in neither is there the Facility and Rapidity of Execution supposed to be the Attributes of despotic Government. In other respects also, the two People appear to stand upon the same Footing. Factions reign in both. If, therefore, we in England explain our Failures or Neglect, by the absence of Parliamentary Control over the Executive, or by Excess of that Control, or by factious Divisions in the Parliament, or by Freedom, or by Civiliza- tion — the same supposed Cause will equally be found in the United States, coinciding with opposite Effects. There is identity of Constitution, and Practice. There is perfect Antithesis in Results. The Thoughts of the Nation are different, therefore do their Institutions work differently. Being anxious upon the Subject of the Differences be- tween us, the Parties in their State compete, to merit by their Activity and Zeal public Confidence and Ap- plause. We being indifferent upon this and all such Matters, they affect not the Question of who sha!l possess Office, and are therefore excluded from all Attention whatever. Every Citizen belongs to one or other Party -there is no Man who will take Interest in what the Parties, as Parties, I 46 ENGLAND IN THE ill '^■ do not adopt. The Members of each Party look to its Objects, and not to his Country's, as "Me Cause '' for which he has to fight; looks upon his opposing Fellow-citizens, and not the Knemies of his Country, as the Foes he has to combat : and rates Events not by the Standard of national, but of factious Prosperity. He goes even further. Whatever is calculated to damage the Popularity of his Home Antagonist, and thereby to diminish his Hold of Office, the rival Partizan hails with Satisfaction,* even when knowing it to be injurious to the Community. When the llage of the Disputants rises to its height,no external Disasters can withdraw them from the Busi- ness of injuring each other. Great States have thus perished, though warned at the Time by living Voices and in Pre- sence of memorable and melancholy Examplt ^ of those who had walked before them, alike in Greatness and Decay. Thus does this one and the same external Transaction, viz. the Differences between America and England, with the same Form of Government, and with the same Political Disease, unite and strengthen the one Country, disunite and weaken the other. What to us is the Excuse for In- difference, is to them the Source of Energy. The Failure that attends the one, the Success that crowns the other, reacts on the Diffei'ence of Character, making our Anta- gonists more wicked, and leaving us more vile. The Evil engendered by our Negligence of Affairs, we now run the Risk of seeing frightfully augmented, by reawakened public Attention to those Subjects, as they now are changed and perverted. For Years, in the din of Parish Squabbles * " Rather than that Ireland should be without her Local Par- liament, the Disuieuibernicnt of the Empire, of which England and Ireland arc but two integral Portions, would be endured by many Irishmen. The invasion of Canada by an armed American Force would be a God-send to them. It would be a God- send to the Whigs. If the Tories were out of Office, it would be a God-send to the Tories. "—Porif/^/to, No. 2. WliSTERN HEMISPHEKE. 47 and Legislative Principles, hasevery Whisper upon such Sub- jects been drowned, the very Words have been forgotten. Now at length they reappear. Where ? In popular Assem- blies. In what Spirit? Is it to call Attention to Subjects that Citizens ought not to neglect or to rebuke the Go- vernment for doing so ? Alas, it is to glory in our Shame and in our Disgrace, to invite the one and the other, and to use foreign Danger as an Instrument of internal Faction. See, in the following Words, how the Disquietude of Ireland is taught to fix itself upon the study of Foreign Affairs, and the Use which she is taught to make of that revived Science. *' Oh ! should Louis Phillippe march an Army into Spain, or the United States occupy the Oregon Territory, or Russia menace the East, — then, Hurrah I for the Repeal !" Suppose an American Agitator appealing to an Inva- sion of Maine, as a Means of carrying some domestic Question. How many Hours would that Man live ? But on the Soil of America there is no such Monster to be found. The Man who invokes foreign Aggression, exults in foreign Hostility and Crimes, flatters their Rage and points their Weapons, — in England is a Senator, a Person of Repute and Authority. Convicted by the Tribunals on a venial Delinquency, he only swells in the public Eye, and merits the Applause of the Body instituted to make and protect our Laws ! Yet he does gain in the Weakness of the Commonwealth. In plotting the Means of diffusing the Poison, or hastening its Effects, — he at least has a Purpose to serve. But what is to be said of the wretched Dupes and Instruments, whose malignant Zeal can be made so fierce, that, to satisfy Vengeance on their Fellow- Citizens, they will hail with Joy, Disgrace, Infamy, and Danger, for their common Country ? What is the Position of the Government that can pursue such a Man for Se- i\ m I'* VA 48 ENGLAND IN THE I dition, and that dares not arraign him for High Treason ?* — And there is a Son worthy of the Sire. " He," Mr. John O'Connell, " glanced at the present "relations of England with the Foreign Powers, at the " cavalier way in which the President of the American Re- *' public talked of taking the Oregon Territory, and annex- '* ing Texas to the States ; of the aggressions of Russia on " the Danube, and by the decree against the Jews, who '• were the traders for English goods ; of the determi- " nation of France to do what she would in Tunis, and " what she would in Spain, without regard to England's " pleasure or displeasure The cloud was darkening round " her. The Irish people would not give vent to open out- " spoken Jeclarntions of joy at her distress but would they '♦ be not less or more than human, if they could refrain " from feeling pleasure, when they saw their oppi ssor hum- *' bled, and her who had trampled them in the dust herself " humiliated? (Hear.) Let her make a friend of Ireland, " and be safe. But, if she would still reject her as an ally, '* and desire to make her a slave, why then — •' ♦ Yon Britain soon shall own a Master's power. And those kind friends whose friendship now you scorn, Whose cries you scofF at, and whose claims you spurn, Shall WITH less grief to Caesar bow the knee, When in their Lord your Tvrant too they see 1' " This Knowledge is only obtained from the existing Hatred. But the People of the United States have long made these their common Studies. They have not yet, indeed, disco- vered that the Fall of England will he hut the Prelude to their own ; they have not discovered, that they are used by a Government their Foe as well as England's, and as much higher above them in Intelligence, than they are above her. Would that they pursued those Studies to that Con- * At the Assembly in the United States, where the Resolution above quoted was passed, a Letter was received and read from Mr. O'Connell. WESTERN HKMISPHBRK. 49 elusion ! If they did, then might they relent. Not so internal Faction, — not so internal Agitators ! The first is blind, and will not see, — the second are the more dan- gerous,the clearer thatis their Sight. What American would not become the sworn Ally of England, if he had to admit (as the Irish Agitator has) as a preliminary Condition to gaining a Tyrant for England— a Master for themselves ? Thus, then, has England, by neglecting Diplomacy, — that is, the Law of Nations and her own Rights, — brought upon herself and others incalculable Evils, perverted the Hearts and the Judgment of the human Race, and con- verted the whole World into Speculators in Foreign Policy. She has converted all Agitators'* into Diplomatists, and then into Conspirators and Traitors. Let it be clearly understood, that the Relationship between the Boundary Differences and the Animosity of the People of the United States to England, is the Converse of the Relationship of that Feeling, with the Question of the Right of Search. The latter has sprung out of that Animosity,— th ^ former has produced it. France offers an Incident exactly parallel. The Difference on the Right of Search, as well as the other Differences between Eng- land and France, have sprung from a Treaty which in no Ways touched upon those Questions. The French Minister, M. Guizot, has from the Tribune declared this to the World ; and yet the English People can learn Nothing when it hears those W^ords. The Minister of England responds thereto. The Directors of both Countries comprehended that the Treaty of the 15th of July is the Cause of these Dissensions which they can not remove ; yet they have not the Idea, or the Faculty, to reverse the Act from which they recognize that the Evil springs. We are now establish- ing by Example the greatest and most hidden of Truths,— * We refer the Reader to the Article in this Number, entitled, " Home Distress produced by Foreign Policy." \ till' m ill 50 KNOLAND IN THE m via., that the Aflairs of a Nation, if embroiled, have to be uifted, and that Mismanagement must be dealt with in its Source, and not in its Consequences. We vehemently urge this great Discovery, as it is as important as unknown, — and may appear trifling and insignificant, as it is what every one knows and practices in his petty Concerns. We appeal, then, to great, gigantic Examples, to prove, that while familiar, it is unknown, — to great and lamentable Results to shew, that it is as important for Good if applied, as conducive to Danger if neglected. There is Ill-will to England in the United States and in France. In both Countries the Ill-will is produced by an unheeded and uncomprehended Act of our own. Our Leaders recognize this to be the Case, but they do not know that the Effect can be remedied only by rectifying the Cause. The Question of tine Right of Search is a Matter the most insignificant, it is a common Police Operation which the Weakest have practised, and the Greatest submitted to. Now Debates on such a Question occupy the Public Press, foment in the Public Mind, excite angry Recrimination between Governments, and against them, increasing the Ill-w ill of the greatest Nations, and endangering the Peace of the most powerful Empires upon Earth for a despicable Nothing. At the same Time their chief Authorities admit that the Matter of the Right of Search is only a Consequence of Something else ; this other Thing is therefore the impor- tant one — it is the Fons malorum. This they will not touch, they venture not so much as look at. This Treaty of the 15th July, was enacted without Parade or Agitation; it was done without their Knowledge, and so stealthily, that it was executed before it was ratified. At the time no Consent was asked, and no Explanation afforded ; and since it has borne these bitter Fruits, has Account neither been required. Enquiry instituted, nor the Act itself torn and denounced. \ WESTCKN HEMlhPflEHE. 51 Such precisely h the History of the Act which has given Importance to the Uight of Search Question in the United States, and that was the setting aside of the Award of the King of Holland,— equally an Infraction of the Law of England, of International Law and Practice — equally done in the Dark, concealed, that it might bo done, and, unquestioned and unreversed when its bitter Fruits have reached Maturity I Thus, thirteen Years afterwards, the whole Nation is agi- tated by the Passions it has aroused, and the Difierences it has created ; and no one dreams of going bu-k to t>'ace the Causes, to unravel the Skeins, and detect the Purposes ; yet thus alone could the Evil bo remedied, or even our Position understood. We have hitherto charged upon the United States the Crime and Sin of these Difierences, because they entertain unjust Designs against the Property of others ; we have in like manner charged against the British Nation the whole undivided Sin, beca 3 of their criminal Negligence. But neither the Desire he Americans, nor the Negligence of Englishmen, unassisted, would have brought these Results While there are two distinct Causes for them, there is also a third one, and a more active than either, which has used the other two ; and that has been the Design to produce Differences between England and the United States in the Cabinet of Russia, \/hich that Cabinet found the Means of carrying into Effect through the conscious Agency of a Minister of the British Crown. The Matter in Dispute was settled— it was settled by the Convention of 1827,* and closed by the Award of January, 1831. The American Nation was then favourably disposed to a SetMement, and it was an * Article 1.— It is agreed that the poi ts of Difference which have arisen in the Settlement of the Boundary, &c. shall be referred, &c. Article VII. — The Decision of the Arbiter when given shall be taken as final and conclusive, and shall be carried without reserve into immediate effect. t i' t 52 kngland in the Obligation upon them from which it was impossible for them to have withdmA^n, had it not been the Object of the British Minister to break up this Settlement. It was understood by some Persons connected with America at the time, thai the Award had been rendered, and it was called for in l*arliament. Lord Palmerston refused it to I*arliament, and refused it on the Ground that it was an unsettled Question.* Thus was the Parliament kept in Ignorance, that an Award had been rendered until it had been invalidated ; and it is informed only of the Existence * Debate in the House of Commons, March 14, 1841. Mr. Robinson said, ** I understand that the Decision of the King *' of Holland has recently been given » * * * the people in the " North American Provinces ougiit to know immediately what *• they are to expect, and whether this Government intends to " abide by the Decision given by the King of Holland." Viscount Palmerston said, " The Honourable Meinber has no right * io assume whether or no any decision has been given * * * * he has *< no right to make the gratuitous assumption which he has made " respecting it. I shall not attempt to answer the Observations of '* the honourable Member, as in doing Sv^ I should be necessarily '* drawn into explanations which I feel I ought nut to enter into. " It remains for the House to determine whether or no it will place '* sufficient reliance on the declaration I now make in my ministerial " capacity, that the motion of the honourable Me.-nber (for the pro- " duction of the Award) cannot wich safety be assented to, '^.'id " this because the question is not yet finally closed." Mr. Robinson having remonstrnted. Viscount Palmerston again rose and said, " I trust that the House will nct suppose the circuin- " stances of the case to be such as stated by the honourable gentle- " man, in consequence of my not answering them." The motion was th'n put and negatived. Every statement of Mr. Robinson has b^en fully justitl^d by the Official Papers since published. Lord Palmerston had written to Sir Charles Vaughan (the Envoy at Washington) thiiiy-five days before, — '* His Majesty " has not hesitated to acquiesce in that Decision." WESTERN IlEMISPHERK. 53 of an Awurd, after Negotiations had been entered into for setting it aside, and after both Parties had agreed to set it aside, and then the English Nation is informed that the Object of the Minister in setting it aside was to obtain better Terms! The Award was accepted as final by the Crown of Eng- land. Why then was it not produced to the Nation i What was the Character of the Minister who withheld an international Compact, a solemn Decision, with the View which he himself states, of getting better Terms for Eng- land, — that it is of overreaching the other Party ? But this same Minister invited. Step by Step, Pr^^tension and Aggres- sion, and surrendered, Step by Step, the ^jomplete Jurisdic- tion and Military Occupation of the Territory in Dispute by the British Crown, until he admitted and established conjoint Jurisdiction and conjoint Military Occupation on the Part of the United States, so as to lead to the Decla- ration of Mr. Fox, that the whole Question had been already surrendered, and to the Exposition by Sir Howard Douglas in the House of Commons, of the gradual Process by which the Man, who pretended tlj :* his Motive in breaking up the Awa.d was ^o gain better Terms for En^iand had, through a series cf Years and complicated Transactions, sacrificed in Argument the Right, and practically de- stroyed our Jurisdiction over Territory, the Claims to which were thu^ kept in Dispute. Here then there is Fraud upon the English Nation in withholding the Award, Fraud in Declaring the Question not to be settled when it was : nor would he have suf- fered him in the Face of the House to deny the Statement that he had made, that an Award had been rendered. That Document then produced, none of the subsequent Com- plications were possible, and the Consequences that have followed can now be arrested only by the rendering of their Author responsible for his Acts. As further Confirmation of such being the Design of the Minister, observe his Course previously to quitting Office. He sends out a Commission — he publishes their Report, in which the most extravagant Claims are put forward in respect to the Question which he had already surrendered. And in order to prevent his Object from being detected in England, by having the Passions of the Americans first aroused, he does not reserve this Report for any means of Arbitration which might be devised ; but he publishes it — he does not publish it in England — he sends it out to America, concealing it in England. When it is asked for in the House of Commons, he denies that it is ready; the Report having been completed three Months before, and dispatched to Washington forty Days before he made this Assertion.* He had just, before leaving Office, alarmed the United States by a menacing Attitude and threatening Words — he had been speaking of sending out a Squadron to sweep their Shores : — the new Ministry * On the 13th of July, 1840, Sir Robert Peel asked for the Report, which early in the Session the Noble Lord had given the House the positive Assurance should be laid on the Table imme- diately before the Holidays. Viscount Palmerston admitted "that he must take upon himself all the responsibility of the delay, The Report was not vet readv." The Report is dated April 1 8th, it was conveyed in a printed Form to the United States Government, accompanied by a Dispatch, dated " Foreign Office, Srd June." On the l4th July, that is the Day subsequent to the Debate, the intelligence from the United States mentioned ;hatthe printed Report had arrived at Washington. See Case of McIcoJ, p. 152. 4th Edition. £ i i:i ( ! u u ^ 56 ENGLAND IN THE i ;J A' find the Question surrendered, Jurisdiction given up, Joint Occupancy establiahed, both the Parties so exasperated that the British Authorities are in doubt whether they shall have to attack the Citizens of Maine or of New Brunswick. They think of nothing but Compromise, and then the Man who has placed them in this Position comes forward to attack and to denounce them, and to hold them up to tho British Nation as obnoxious to Obloquy for the Conse- quences of his own i\cis. But such a Scheme — a Design so villainous, so systema- tically prosecuted, involving the Knowledge of so many Persons, and thv' Employment of so many Agents in the separate Parts of it, it may be said is inadmissible. So it might be, if it stood alone, but there is nothing incredible here, that may not be corroborated in every external Trans- action into which we inquire. The Speech of Sir Howard Douglas, detailing the suc- cessive Surrenders made by Lord Palmerston, and known to him officially as Governor of one of the Provinces of North America, was one that, as characterized at the Time by Sir F. Burdett, " had only to be divided into Counts to become an Impeachment." Sir Howard Douglas was, therefore, in the Possession of Evidence establishing High Treason — he suppressed that Knowledge, and only brought it forth in the House of Commons to justify Sir R. Peel; and there was not a Man in the House of Commons that got up to charge Sir R. Peel or Sir Howard Douglas with Misprision of Treason. The Laws have, therefore, fallen into Desuetude. This Nation believed that the Ashburton Treaty had settled the DiflFerences with the United States. It has rendered its Contentment, therefore, flagrant to all Time ; having set a Mark upon it, such as never was set upon an Act of the Kind before. It rejoiced when it gained Nothing, and was extravagant in Joy when it had given away. The Vote of Thanks to Lord Ashburton, for settling the Boun- dary Differences with America, was passed in the Year i WESTERN HEMISPHERE. 57 1843. The Year had not closed, when the President of the United States, in his Message to Congress, utters Words upon the Subject of Boundary Differences more menacing than any that hitherto had been uttered. We are now about to open Negotiations with the United States again upon a Boundary Difference, Therefore has the Sense of the Nation disappeared. If Laws have fallen into Desuetude, any Crime may be committed with Impunity; and if Sense has disappeared, no Crime can be detected ; therefore is there no Improba- bility in the Cause that we have assigned for our Differences with the United States ; and the Existence of that Cause is established in manifold other Transactions. This is the History of a plodding People, not a Story from the Arabian Nights ! Who heard of the Question of the Oregon when the Boundary Matter was first debated? Where was the Question of the Right of Search when the Award of the King of Holland was rendered? Surrender the Oregon Territory, or settle it, as you call it, — surrender the Right of Search, or settle it again, as you call it, — will you satisfy thereby the Ambition of the United States ? Will you appease its Rancour?— will you disarm its Hostility? — will you close the Door of new Questions that may be opened?— will you prevent the World from coming to a Know- ledge of your Baseness, and profiting by it ? The Course in which you are engaged, — not as the result of a Will or an Intention, but of Imbecility and Ignorance, Characters unfathomable to yourselves, because they are your own, — will, with the certainty with which Death follows upon unchecked Disease, or Ruin from uncorrected Mismanage- ment, bring upon England Consequences no less dreadful, and no less certain. When they were friendly, we p\claimed, " We are pow- erful ;" we make them unfriendly, and we exclaim, " They are detestable." We gratify our evil Passions likewise at their Expense ; first, our Pride — then our Animosity. It E Q i r ' II ii 'li 11 in k 58 ENGLAND IN THE S^ is by our secret Acts that we have disturbed their Peace of Mind, and ruined their Character, by destroying their Re- spect for us, by leading them into unjust Projects — by consequently spreading throughout the Union a Spirit of Immorality that degrades every Man it contains — prepar- ing for them new Evils in the Hatred aroused in England against them, by which England will suffer as much as they, cand in which England will be punished without being re- claimed ; and they will not have been saved from Sin, by being justified in Vengeance. If the Failure of our Expectations regarding t'r? Settle- ment of Boundary Difference with America, shews that the British Nation is incompetent to managr its Affairs, it shews, in like Manner, that it has followed faithless Guides, and that it has despised those that might have saved it. Is it not clear that the Discrimination that is left to it serves but to cling to Folly and to eschew Wisdom ? We take our Stand upon this Testimony, again to protest and bear Witness against the Times and the Rulers. We call upon our Fellow Citizens to examine and see whether their Prognostications have not been falsified, and whether ours have not been realized ? And now, announcing new Consequences that will follow, y,e shall presently return to these, to use again as the Prognostication of the past. While we tell them that Ruin awaits them in the Course that they follow, we reiterate upon each Occasion the Declaration that that Ruin it is in their Power to avert, because it flows from their Ignorance. And yet, to a Stranger, it might not seem difficult to persuade the People of this Country of all that we wish to persuade them. The commonest Bill that is passed in Parliament requires the Union of the Opinions of Parties, in order to give it the Force of Law. A Majority is ne- cessary, to carry the smallest Measure. The most insig- nificant Subject, when Doubts arise or Ignorance is asserted, becomes a Matter for Parliamentary Inquiry — of Com- mittee Investigation. How is it then, but without Union WESTERN HEMISPHERE. 59 of Opinion, the Nation may be plunged in War ? Without a Majority, or without consulting the House at all, it may be committed to a Quarrel, with jDishonour and Disgrace. Ignorance can be asserted, Malversation alleged in the gravest Affairs, and there is no Parliamentary Investiga- tion — no Committee of Inquiry. Let this Nation but apply the commonest Rules of its Constitutional Practice to its gravest Matters, and all the Dangers that we apprehend will be averted. There is a further Reason for their doing so. The Nation has deprived itself of the controlling Power of a Monarch, because the House of Commons takes upon itself to appoint the High Officers of the State by its Majorities. The Foreign Minister is not selected for his previous Knowledge, he does not rise to the Height of his Department by anterior Service. Mismanagement therefore is to be expected, and you see around you the Evidence that it does exist. All those to whom suc- cessively has been confided the Conduct of external Affairs, must be, if Mismanagement exists, interested in stifling Inquiry, and keeping the Nation in dangerous Security and criminal Agitation. But it is said the days of Impeach- ment are gone by, and Inquiry into Matters of such a Description* would lead to a general Disturbance of our Affairs, as at present conducted, and to the Impeachment of the Men who have brought them to this Position. Here then is it clear that the Danger has come because of the Dictum, that the Days of Impeachment are qone by. The Means of Safety lies then in the Restoration of that ancient Safeguard of the Constitution, which, in the words of Burke, is a " precious Deposit, which we must gui.rd with a religious vigilance, and never suffer it to be discre- dited or antiquated Deprived of this resource, the Constitution is virtually deprived of every thing that is valuable in it, for this process is the cement which binds the whole together." This alone can avert the Desolation of Europe, Asia, and America ; the Fall of England — of the * See Speech of Sir Robert Peel, March 1st, 1843. il !:{i I ,H T it i 60 fiNOLAND IN TilE great States her Compeers, by their mutual Hands— this alone can falsify the Prophecy of Napoleon, and prevent the Enthronement of Muscovite Despotism upon the Ruins of the World. We end with the Words elsewhere employed, in conclud- ing an Exposition of this Matter.* " I trust, however, that for such anticipations the time is not yet come. I trust it is not yet too late to rest the question on the basis of Justice ; to appeal to Anglo-Saxon sympathies not yet effaced. A semi-barbarous race, the subjects of different crowns, with their language separated into distinct dialects, yet impelled by the memory of a com- mon origin, and attracted by the instinct of future glory and supremacy in their union, — exhibits to those who speak the English tongue, a subject of humiliation in its mutual sym- pathies,— an object of dread in its growing power. Can the Muscovite subjects of the Russian sceptre glory in mutual affections, to which the sons of Britain are dead ? Can the Slavonian subjects of the three North-east powers of Europe look with the kindness of fraternity on each other, and sigh for the day of their union — whilst no such impulses are known or felt throughout the forty millions of educated and polished inhabitants of the British Isles, and of the Ame- rican union ? The children of a common ancestry — the co-inheritors of political freedom — the joint masters of the seas, the common explorers of the remote regions of the earth, the favoured children of science, the subduers of time, distance, difficulty, and nature itself— do they own no honourable and honest pride associated with their common name ? Throughout such a population — so distinguished and so blessed — are no fraternal yearnings spread, linking their hearts ? Is it possible that one or both of them, forgetful of the past, and heedless of the future — deaf to the promptings of charity, to the dictates of religion, to the voice of honour, and the suggestions of policy, should rush into mutual de- struction ? Is it possible that, with infirmity of mind, equal * Boundary Difference, p. 94, quarto ed. WESTERN HEMISPHEHE. 61 to such extravagance of passion, they should so rush without an intention ? Will they tear down, labouring for their own destruction, the large prospects of their future fortunes ; — raise the Sclavonic above the English tongue, and place, by the crimes of freedom, the sceptre of the world in a despot's hands ?'* EXTRACT FROM A LETTER (found among Aknold's Papers) FROM THE PROVINCIAL CONGRESS o? NEW YORK to the gentlemen MERCHANTS of QUEBEC. [The picture presented in the foregoing Article of the dispositions of the British Colonists and Canadians after the War with France, and before the American Insurrection, is singularly confirmed by the Letter which we subjoin. It will be seen that the Colonists find it necessary to justify themselves to the Canadians on account of their differences with the Mother-Country ; and also to explain to them that they take their stand upon Rights and Principles common to all Englishmen, of resisting " Ministerial Measures'' and " Par- liamentary Taxation ;" — taking their Stand upon the " Rightful" Authority of the Sovereign, and the "Constitutional" Power of the Supreme Legislature. This it was necessary to explain to the Canadians, because on the one hand they were not Sharers in those British Feelings and Rights ; and on the other they had not been made the Victims either of Ministerial Measures^ or of Parliamen- tary Taxation. *• The Idea of Freedom " which the Colonists present as British, had it been thus distinct in the British Mind, would have prevented all the Errors for America as for England — would have prevented the American War — the Wars of the Continent— saved Oceans of Blood, and the Sufferings and Misery of hundreds of millions of Men. More than this — it would have kept alive juster Thoughts on Government, which being for all time, are of all things the most im- portant ; for in it is included, besides the well-being and permanency of States, the S.nse of Justice in the B.east of each Man, without which Men cannot be said to live. In the subjoined Letter the Kindness of Disposition, as well as the Sense of Integrity, cannot fail to strike ; and the cordial Feelings existing between the two Classes ! 1 ;'« i.'-. I !■: I '! 02 ENGLAND IN THE i i K> I f and Sections of our Subjects and Provinces, united alike in tlitf Spirit of Freedom and Loyalty."] " New York, June 12, 1775. ** We should be extremely sorry should the misrepresentations of the enemies of America impress our bretlircn in Canada with an opinion that the confederated colonies on this continent aim at in- dependence. Our allegiance to our Prince, and our attachment to the illustrious House of Hanover, we rank among our most singular blessings. A due subordination to Parliament, in matters for which they alone arc competent, we wish firmly to maintain. Our resist* ance to ministerial measures proceeds not either from a desire to oppose the I'ightful luthority of our sovereign, or the constitu- tional acts of the supreme legislature of the British Empire. But while we are contented that Great Britain should enjoy that pre- eminence alone which properly belongs to the Parent State, as indi- viduals, we are resolved to stand upon the same secure basis of Liberty with our fellow subjects on the other side of the Atlantic, which can never be obtained under taxations by authority of Par- liament. In presenting this idea of freedom, we include our brethren the inhabitants of the Province of Quebec, as far as will consist with the utmost of their wishes . [The Vehemence of the internal Struggle which ended in the Rup- ture of the Loyalty of our Colonies, is represented in the following memorable words of Patrick Henry.] *' Let us march against Philip— let us conquer or die. I call for an armed organization and frontier against the British armies in the r^ortli. What enemies has Great Britain in America to require and to employ these ? She has none. They are meant for us — they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to rivet upon us those chains which the British Minintry have so long been forging. And what have we to oppose to them ? Shall we try ?,rgument ? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. We have done every thing which could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned — we have remonstrated — we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its inter- position to arrest the tyrannical hands of the Ministry and the Par- liament. Our petitions have been slighted— our remonstrances have WESTEftN HEMISPHERE. G3 produced additional violence and insult — our supplications have been disregarded — and we have been spurned with contempt from the foot of the throne. In vain, after these things, may wc indulge the fond hope of peace and recoi.ciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free — if wc mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending — if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which wc have pleoged ourselves never ^o abandon, until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained — we mustJigUt -I repeat it. Sir, we mustjiylit. I know not what course others may pursue, but as for me — as for me — give me Liberty or Death !" TO THE EDITOR OF TUB PORTPOMO. Sir, — I beg to suggest to you the republication of the address of M. Papincau on the death of George III., delivered at a Meeting at Montreal, which breathes sentiments of the most fervid attachment to that Monarch and the British Nation. The coincidence of the views of M. Papincau on this subject with those put forward by Mr. Urquhart in May, 1842, would make the reprint of their Speeches in juxta-position desirable for those interested in North American affairs. The writer, knowing that Mr. Urquhart was at the time unacquainted with the views of M. Papineau, is most anxious that this remarkable concurrence of distinct judgments should have its due weight. A Canadian. [We are unable to comply with the Suggestion of our Correspon- dent (who belongs neither to the French Population, nor to the libe- ral Party in the Canadas) from Inability to find the Speech of M. Papineau. We insert, however, his Letter, because of the Coinci- dence that it marks, and we subjoin Extracts from two Speeches of Mr. Urquhart's bearing on the Subject, and delivered on the Occa- sionb of two Dinners given to Sir Allan M'Nab, one on his Arrival, the other on his Departure. The first of these Speeches gives the Key by which all the Di£5cul- ties of North America are solved in respect to internal Government. The second Speech lays bare the Caroline Transaction, and is im- portant as having been delivei?d in the Presence of the chief Civil and Military Authorities of Canada at the time of its Occurrence.] J" fW {;!' 3 61. ENGLAND IN Till: ■ On the value to ENGLAND op her NORTH AMERICAN POSSESSIONS. i (Extract froftn a Speech at a Dinner given to Sir Allan M'Nab in May, 1842.) At a moment when clouds are gathering around and storms bursting upon us — when forebodings rise in the hearts of men, and danger springs even from the remotest corners of the earth — a Britisli Parliament is occupied in the pettiest and most insignifi- cant of internal interests, and a nation is ngitatod with parish affairs! Questions involving the rights, security, integrity, and honour of the nation itself, can inspire neither Parliament nor people with thought or care. Look at the map, and ask yourselves where on the fuce of the earth do you find any thing to be compared to the position of Nova Scotia and Cape Breton ? Where do you find elsewhere throughout the globe anything equal to its harbours, mines, facility of transport, and everything that has furnished the rich- ness of England, — its fisheries, its navigation, its maritime great- ne:?s, the means of constructing ships, and of forming the men by which thty have to be navigated ? Cape Breton and Nova Scotia are the very sources of maritime power — it is there that the trident has sprung : England has held that trident only since she has possessed them — when she loses them it will have fallen from her grasp, if it has not been already shattered in her hand. We stand and have stood in war invulnerable, not merely because we are an island, but because our island is con- structed in a peculiar manner. It has the advantages of attack without being liable to the injuries of assault. We have harbours looking upon and threatening the shores of France and Germany, whilst they have no corresponding fastnesses and keeps. Further, we are to windward and they are to leeward, we can send forth fleets to their coasts, favoured by the winds by which they are oppressed. This controlling power possessed by England over the continent, is exercised by North America oi>tjr Europe. As WESTERN HEMISPHERE. C)5 Knglmid staniU with respect to the coasts of the Northern Ocean and to France, so does Nova Scotia stand with respect to Europe and to Enghind herself. Westerly winds blow during two-thirds of the year ; and from Nova Scotia's thousand harboure, fleets may reach the Mediterranean sooner than from Plymouth or the DownH. Look at this position, and look then at the fortune you hold out to other powers the moment you are regardless of the value of your own possessions. In these Colonies reside manufacturing means equal to those that England possesses — there is the same happyjuxta-positionof iron and coal — there arc fisheries equal, and superior to those of England — there are to be found coasts and harbours and extensive means of water com- munication still greater than even the wonderful natural advan- tages of England can rival — there resides the maritime power which must command Europe, both by its timber and its naval position. Put beside these things the spirit and the tendencies of the United States. If you see, then, that there are those in the world who are ready to take advantage wherever there is weak- ness, and wherever there is wealth, be assured that the wealth and the riches you possess will nnt be long yours — unless there be such a change effected in yoi.r n^ind as shall make it equal to your fortunes and your difficulties. Recall the past — reflect on what we have lost— what perpetrated in America ! We have there a position now, only because we had won the affection of a population of French origin. TJiey were faithful when those of our own race were rebellious ; and they have defended us when we were heedless of them. How is it that there is a British race in America not subject to the British Crown ? Only through the injustice of our fathers — yet fathers worthier than their sons. This great blow, because the first step in our decline, was an act of injustice. By this we degraded our fellow-citizens across the Atlantic from their allegiance, rent asunder their affections, and drove them into revolt. Thence are they a separate, and now, from similar causes, are they rapidly becoming a hostile people. Now, then, take a lesson from the danger, and there is no danger for England, save from herself. In that French population you find loyalty and affection ; and even in the English population of the Canadas mismanagement and corruption have not yet alto- ;H ;i. I 1*1 i' , :i ! 66 ENGLAND IN THE *'v gctlier cxtingui^lied loyalty ; and, believe me, the time is come for us to reckon our means, and to secure strength and con- fidence against the evil day — the evil day of our own bringing. These Colonics have received from you no support, no favouring rights, no protection ; there has been in moments of Jutiger, and in positions of menace, neither interest in the public nor Parlia- ment. Your recent acts as a nation are such as to invite from their neighbours aggression— such as to lead every state in the world at once to hate and de^^pise you — converting the position of a Biitish Colonist from one of security and honour to one of danger and disgrace, but of these things you are unconscious, and I fear will not believe them until your belief has become of no furiher use. I will now beg you to go back with me for a moment to some past incidents in the most remarkable period, perhaps, of our his- tory, as elucidating the importance of our North Anierican possessions ; not merely for :heir value, but for the aid they have lent towards the achievement of our Indian Dominion. Our position in America becomes of importance from the beginning of the eighteenth century. It was first secured by the Treaty of Utrecht, when, by the possession of Cape Breton and Nova Scotia, we reaped the chief advantages not merely of our maritime success, but of our victories on land. In the war that broke out in 1744, France, feeling th' full importance of these possessions, made the most energetic maritime efforts known in her history to re-conquer them ; a splendid fleet of seventy sail, with a large army on board, was destroyed by storms. These were fatal only because England was in possession of the harbours. In the following year she sent another fleet, which was defeated. The first disaster was entirely owing to the possession of Louisbourg and Annapolis by the English, Halifax not having been then created. At the close of the war, England remained in entire possession of Cape Breton, St. John's, Nova Scotia, the forts of Annapolis and Louisbourg. Great was the as- tonishment, and deep was the mortification of our American interests, when, by the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, Cape Breton was again surrendered to France. But this surrender was made to obtain for England an equivalent elsewhere. By this surrender WESTFRN HEMISPHERE. 67 we regained Madras ; and lima were a portion of our conquests in Amerina employed to prepare the way for the dominion of England in India. So important was a then unsettled district of these provinrei in the eyes of England — so important in the eyes of France ! The war in 175.5 was commenced in India ; it decided in favour of England, and against France, the supremacy of India. England succeeded solely by her supremacy at sea, dependent upon the possession, during the peace, of North America. The war opened with the most formidable prepara- tions of France and England, for mutual attack and defence, in America and in India; their triumph or defeat in those remote regions being felt by each to be the most effective means for injuring the other. France's efforts were directed to recover these Colonies, holding already Canada and Cape Breton. England directed her efforts to the conquest of Louisbourg and Canada, and a powerful fleet and army were sent out for that purpose. This armament, taken in a storm off the coast of Cape Breton, was disabled. Cape Breton being then in possession of the French, it had to seek refuge across the Atlantic, in the ports of Britain. The depression produced by this great and unparalleled cala- mity in England, was such as to r'estroy the hope of reconquering America, and the spirit of atte, pting it. Naval and military commanders alike considered the case desperate ; and the resig- nation of North America to France must have put an end to the maritime and commercial greatness of England, and raised the power of France to such a pitch as to leave nothing to cope with her in the Old World or the New. These consequences were averted by an extraordinary event — the presence at that moment, and for a moment only, of the greatest of modern Englishmen at the head of the councils of this empire. Chatham was then the minister of England. To use his own words, " If Great Britain did not succeed in conquering Cape Breton and Canada, France must expel her from America, and then the sun of England would be obscured by the extinction of her colonial dominions, and the loss of her trade in ths East and in the West." When the general appointed to the command reiterated his difficulties and objections, Chatham, who was then confined with the gout. n ;ili mu l>K'! fli II I '( « 6S ENGLAND IN THE sent to him to say, that " he had to deal with u minister who knew difficuhies only by treading upon them." In a memorandum, which has been preserved amongst the papers of Chatham respect- ing the conduct of the war with France, there are these remark- able words: — •* It is earnestly recommended that the war may endure until the enemy be entirely subdued in America, and so really disabled there us to cease to be dangerous to this king- dom in future times." Europe was astonished with the measures that followed — a most formidable armament was prepared in an incredibly small space of time; Louisburg fell, Cape Breton was occupied; soon followed the battle of Abraham's Heights, the possession of Quebec and the Canadas ; the power of England permanently established in America ; and at the Treaty of Paris, in 1763, she was in undisputed possession of the whole region from Florida to the Pole. On the other hand, so proportionately reduced was not only the power of France, but of the continent of Europe, as against the maritime balance of England, that Chatham himself, when contemplating the possibility of the union of the Bourbon dynasties against England, pointed to our ships, to our American possessions, and to the two millions of British hy which they were inhabited, as a power equal to cope with and to overawe the union of the crowns of Spain and France. We now come to the measure of Pitt, in 1791. This is the annus mira6/7. THE POBTFOLIO. CONTENTS.— No. I. DMpateh from Prinee LisTen to Count Nettelrode. Connection of Repeal and the Tariff. The Roman Catholic Church of Ireland supporting the CrioiM of England. Defeat of Russian Diplomacy in Serbia. Mote fVom the Government of Serbia. Narrative of Events in Serbia. Warlike Operations in China. No. II. Despatch from Count Pozzo di Borgo, dated Paris, SSnd December, 1826. Observations on the Diplomacy of Russia. The Irish Catholic Hierarchy and the Empire. Scinde and the Consciences of Military Men. Serbia and Spain. Extract from the Journal des D6bats. Debate on Serbia in the House of Commons, August 15. Duty of the Church in respect to War. No. III. On the Relations of the Eastern and Western Churches, and of the Courts of St. Petersburg and the Vatican. Grievances of the Church of Rome, in Russia and Poland, through Viola- tions of the Treaty of 1816; of former Treaties between Poland and Russia ; and of the Pledges of the Czar to the Pope — (State Paper.) On the Study of Diplomacy as a necessary part of the Education of a Citizen. Effect of the misuse of fai^iiliar Words on the Character of Men, and the Fate of Nations.— No. I. On the English Constitution. — No. I. North American Fisheries— No. I. — Nova Scotia. Renegade Decapitated at Constantinople. Correspondence '.-Ecclesiastical Policy of Russia— Steam-Vessels to the Baltic, and the Russian Police. No. IV. On the Portfolio:— from the Conversations-Lexicon, — and from the Augsburgh Gazette. Third Attempt of Greece to Emancipate Herself. The Words and Acts of Sir R. Peel, as influencing Irish Agitation and bringing Repeal. On the English Constitution. — No. II. Effect of the misuse of familiar Words on the Character of Men, and the Fate of Nations. — No. II. Erastianism of the Church of England. Progress of the Drama in Serbia. Normal Anomalies. The Consciences of Military Men. Postscript to " Third Attempt of Greece," Sec. p. 425. No. V. Proposals for a French and Continental Portfolio. Judgment of the Nestor of British Diplomacy on Lords Auckland and EUenborough. Mask and Anti-Mask, or the two Proclamations of Simla. Military Consciences — an Anecdote of the late Duke of York. The Three Religio-Political Systems of Europe. The English Constitution— No. III. On England's Contempt for her Laws— From the German. CORRESFONDBNCIil : On the Penal Intervention of Common Judicatories to Punish Murders and Robbery, commanded by the Government and executed by the Army and Navy — On the Disorder and Immorality resulting from the modem Financial System — Mr. T. Attwood's revived Doctrine of Ministerial Responsibility — ^Tke Mouths of the Danube— Literary Pur- suits in India. !*' J ■ : V. n ■ m CONTENTS OF THE PORTFOLIO. Il i No. v.— continued. Italy— No. I. — Austrian and Papal Policy— The Holy Alliance. ProgroBi of the Drama in (jreoce and in Sprbia. Connexion of the Italian Movcmcntfi and tiie Qrceli Revolution, and their RuHian Orifir'n- Pantheion of the Modern Ooths.— A Slaavian Myth. The " Preuc" and British Diplomacy. No. VI. The Connection of Lord Palmerston with the Portfolio. Letter of Mr. Urquhart explanatory of his Position with respect to Russia, and of his Connection with the lute Adroinistratiun, Algeria. Interview of a Deputation from Olasgow with Sir Robert Peel. Memorial of the Operatives of Glasgow, for the Dismissal of Ministers. Interview with Sir J. Graham. Biographic Sketch of Mr. Urquhart. On tlie Term Urqnhartite. The Pope and the Sultan. Tractarianism and Romanism. On the Extension of the Papal Territory. The English Constitution -No. IV The Consciences of Military Men. Russian Persecution of the Jews. Auspicious Meeting of the Fifth Independent National Assembly of Greece. Has Justice to be observed with Savages'! No. VII. Despatch from Count Nesselrode to Prince Lieven. Mr. Canning and Russian Ambition. Circassia and the Caucasus. Lord Palmerston and the Portfolio:— Extracts from the Morning Chronica and the Morning Herald. — Reply of the Morning Chronicle to the Port- folio. — On the Character of a Nation lidble to Betrayal. — Interview of a Deputation from Newcastle on Tyne with Mr. Edward EUicc, Mr. Charles Buller, and Sir J. Graham, relative to the Betrayal of England to Russia by a British Functionary. Turkish Commercial Treaty. Diplomatic and Commercial Relations of Greece and Turkey. Russian Interference with Wallacliian Finance and Judicatories. Object of the Russian Government in removing the Jews from the Prussian Frontier. Persecution of Jews in the East and North. Irish Repeal promoted by Treasons at Home and Abroad. Idolu Discipulorum. — Part I. No. VIII. Home Distress produced by Foreign Policy — Reckoning between Lord Pal- merston and his Country for internal Distress and external Danger. Senatorial Morality illustrated in the Debate on Scinde. Debate on the Affghan War— March 1, 1848. The Plague in its Relations to Despotism and Ambition — (Sir Stratford Canning and the Circassians.) Letters from the Black Sea and the Caucasus — The Vixen aga'n. Let ns know our Enemy. England in the Western Hemisphere — The United States and Canau'i. Extract of a Letter (found among Arnold's Papers) from the Proviiicial Congress of New York to the Gentlemen Merchants of Quebec — New York, June 12, 1775. On the Value to England of her North American Possessions. > On the Destruction of the Caroline. Idoia Discipulorum — Part II. — Socrates and the Sophists — Socrates and his Disciples. Pacification of Ireland by a Concordat with Rome. Wi » '?*■-■ I !