IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) /. ^' jJ^ ,.. ^4^ 1.0 I.I 1^ 1128 1^' IM .1 I4£ IIIM 1.8 1.25 1.4 J4 ^ 6" — ► V] ^ ^-. M. '^1 w /A *? i? / Photographic Sciences Corporation i\ ^^ ^\ #0 #^ 6^ %' 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 872-4503 rx^ CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHM/ICMH Collection de microfiches. §] Canadian Institute for Historical IVIicroreproductions Institut Canadian de microreproductions distoriques 1980 Technical and Bibliographic Notes/Notes techniques et bibliographiques The Institute has attempted to obtain the best original copy available for filming. 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Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at different reduction ratios. Those too large to be entirely included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre film6s A des taux de reduction diffdrents. Lorsque le document nst trop grand pour dtre reproduit en un seul clich6, il est film6 A partir de I'angle 8up6rieur gauche, de gauche d droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images n6cessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la m^thode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 f h TO THE PEOPLE OF CANADA BY SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. I To the Electors of Canada : — > ■' «. \ ' ■ ' . . ' - Gentlemen, — The momentous questions now engaging public attention having, in the opinion of the Ministry, reached that stage when it is desirable that an opportunity nhould be given to the people of expressing at the polls their views thereon, the Governor-General has been advised to terminate the existence of the present House of Commons and to issue writs summoning a new Parliament. This advice His Excellency has seen fit to approve, and you, therefore, will be called upon within a short time to elect membeiN to represent you in the great council of the nation. I shall be a candidate for the representutioh of my old constituency, the city of Kingston. In soliciting at your handt^i a renewal of the confidence which I have enjoyed as a Minister of the Crown for thirty years, it is, I think, convenient that I should take advantage of the occasion to define the attitude of the Government — in which I am First Minister — towards the leading political issues of the day. As in 7^ 1878, in 1882, and again in 1887, so in 1891 do questiona relating to the trade and commorce of the country occupy a foi-emoiit place in the public mind. Our policy in rcMpect thereto iu to day what it has been for the past thii-teen years, and is directed by a firm determination to foster and dovelope the varied resources of the Dominion by every means in our power consistent with Can- ada's position SL.j an integral portion ot the British Empire. To that end we have laboured in the past, and we pi opose to con- tinue in the work to which we have applied ourselves, of build- ing up on this continent, under the flag of England, a groa*; and powerful nation. When in 1878 we were called upon to administer the affnirs of the Dominion, Canada occupied a position in the eyes of the world very different from that which she enjoys to-day. At that time a profound depression hung like a pall over the whole country, from the Atlantic ocean to the western limits of the province of Ontario ; beyond which to the Rocky Mountains stretched a vast and almost unknown wilderness. Trade was depressed ; manufactures languished, and, exposed to ruinous competition, Canadians were fast sinking into the position of being mere hewers of wood and drawers of water for the great nation dwelling to the south of us. We determined to chang ) this unhappy state of things. Wo felt that Canada, with its agricultural resources, rich in its fisheries, timber and mineral wealth, was worthy of a nobler position than that of being a slaughter market for the United States. Wo said to the Ameri- cans : — " We are perfectly willing to trade with you on equal terms. We are desirous of having a fair reciprocity treaty ; but wo will not consent to open our markets to you while yours remain closed to us." So we inaugurated the National Policy. You all know what followed. Almost as if by magic the whole face of the country underwent a change. Stagnation and apathy and gloom -aye, and want and misery, too — gave place to activity and enterprise and prosperity. The miners of Nova Scotia took courage ; the manufacturing industries in our great centres revived and multi- plied ; the farmer found a market for his produce ; the artisan and laborer employment at good wages, and all Canada rejoiced under 1 I ^• ."'V , the quickening iDipalse of a new-found life. The age of deficits was past, and an overflowing treusuiy gave to the Government the means of carrying forwai-d those great works necessary to the realization of our purpose to make this country a homo- geneous whole. , ; To that end we undertook that stupendous work, the Cana- dian Pacific I'ailway. Undeterred by the pessimistic views of our opponents, nay, in spite of their strenuous and even malignant opposition, we pushed forward that great enterprise through the wilds north of Lake Superior, across the western prairies, over the Rocky mountains to the shore of the Pacific, with such in- flexible resolution that in seven years after the assumption of offiee by the present administration the dream of our public men was an accomplished fact, and I, myself, experienced the proud satisfaction of looking back from the steps of my car upon the Rocky mountains fringing the eastern sky. The Canadian Pacific Railway now extends from ocean to ocean, opening up and developing the country at a marvellous rate, and forming an imperial highway to ihe Kast, over which the trade of the Indies is destined to reach the markets of Europe. We have subsidized steamship lines on both sides of the ocean — to Europe, China, Japan, Australia and the West Indies. We have spent millions on the extension and improvement of our canal system. We have, by liberal grants of subsidies, promoted the building of railways, now become an absolute necessity, until the whole country is covered as with a network, and we have done all this with such prudence and caution that our credit in the money markets of the world is higher to-day than it has ever been, and the rate cf interest on our debt, which is the true measure of the public burdens, is less than it w;m when we took office in 1878. During all this time what has been the attitude of the Reform party ? Vacillating in their policy and inconstancy itself as regards their leaders, they have at least been consistent in this particular, that thoy have uniformly opposed every measure which had for its object the development of our common country. The National Policy was a failure before it had been tried. Under it we could not possibly raise a revenue sufficient for the KX,. pablio requirementH. Time exposed that fallacy. Then we were to pay nibre for the home manafactnred article than we used to when we imported everything A'om abroad. We were to be the prey of rings and of monopolies, and the manuflMtnrers were to extort their own prices. When these fears had been proved vnfounded we were assured that over-competition would inevi- tably prove the ruin of the manufacturing industries and thus bring about a state of p.ffairs worse than that which the National Policy had been designed to meet, it was the same with the Canadian Pacific Bail way. The whole project, accoitiing to our opponents, was a chimera. The eoginooring difficulties were insuperable; the road, even if constructed, would never pay. Well, gentlemen, the project was feasible, the engineering diffi* oulties were overcome, and the i-oad does pay. Disappointed by the failui'e of all their predictions and con- vinced that nothing is to be gained by further opposition od the old lines, the Reform paity has taken a new departure and has announced its policy to be Unrestricted Reciprocity — that is (as defined by its author, Mr. Wiman, North American Review of a few days ago) free trade with the United States aud a common tai'iif with the United States against the rest of the world. The adoption of t*.iis policy would involve, among other grave evils, discrimination against the Mother Country. This fact is admitted by no less a peraonage than Sir Richard Cartwright, who in his speech at Pembroke on October 2l8t, 1890, is reported to have said : — " Some men whose opinions I respect entertain objections to this (unrestricted reciprocity) proposition. They argue and argue with force, that it will be necessary for us, if we enter into such an arrangement, to admit the goods of the United States on more favorable terms than those of the mother country. Nor do I deny that that is an objection and not a light one." It would, in my opinion, inevitably i*esult in the annexa- of this Dominion to the United States. The advocates of unrestricted reciprocity on this side of the line deny that it would have such an effect, though its friends in the United States mrge as the chief reason for its adoption that unrestricted rscipro^ •ity would be the first step in the direction of political union. There is, however, one obvious conseqaence of thiH soheme which nobody has the hardihood to dinpute, and that is thatunre* atrioted reciprocity would neceBsitate the imposition of direct taxation, amounting to not lees than fourteen millions of dollars annually, upon the people of this country. This fact is clearly set forth in a remarkable lettor addressed a few days ago by Mr. B. W.Thorapson — a Kadical and free trader — to the Toronto Globe, on the Htaff of which paper lie was lately an editorial writer, which, notwithstanding, the Globe, with characteristic unfairnoss, re- fubcd to publitih, but which, nevertbolesH, reached the public through another soui-co. Mr. Thomjjson points out, with great clearness, that the loss of customs revenue levied upon article!) now entering this country from the United States, in the event of the adoption of unrestricted reciprocity, would amount to not less than seven millions of dollars annually. Moreover, this by no means reprCMonts the total loss to the revenue which the adoption of such a policy would entail. If American manu- facturers now compete favourably with British goods, despite an ei|ual duty, what do you suppose would happen if the duty were removed from the American and retained, or, as is very probable, increased, on the British article? Would not the inevitable re- sult be a displacement of the duty-paying gootis of the mother country by those of the United States ? And this would mean an additional loss to the revenue of many millions more. Electors of Canada, I appeal to you to consider well the full meaning of this proposition. You — I spe.«k now more par- ticularly to the people of this Province of Ontario — are already taxed directly for Hchool purposes, for township purposes, for county purposes, while to the Provincial Government there is ex- pressly given by the constitution the right to impose direct tax- ation. This latter evil you have so far escaped, but as the ma- terial resources of the province diminish, as they are now dimin- ishing, the Local Government will be driven to supplement its revenue derived from fixed sources by a direct tax. And is not this enough, think you, without your being called on by a Do- minion tax gatherer with a yearly demand for $15 a family to meet the obligation of the Central Government ? Gentlemen, this is what unresti'icted reciprocity involves. Do you like the ^' 6 prospect ? This is what Wo aro opposing, and what wo ask you to oppose by your votes. Under our present syntem a man may largely determine the amount of his contributions to the Dominion exchequer. The amount of his tax is always in direct proportion t<> his moans. If he is rich and can atlbrd to drink champagne he has to pay a tax of f l.AO for ovury bottle he buys. If he is a poor man ho contents himself with a cup of tea, on which there is no duty. And so on all through the list. If ho is able to afford all manner of luxuries he pays a lar^o Hum into the cotters of the Government. If he is a man of mcxloruto moans, and able to enjoy an occasional luxury, ho pays accordingly. If ho in a poor man his contributions to the treasury are reduced to u minimum. With direct taxation, no mutter what may bo the pecuniary position of the tax-payer — times may be hard — crops may have failed — sickness or other calamity may have fallon on the family, still the inexorable tax collector comes and exacts his tribute. Does not ours seem to be tho more equitable plan ? It is the one under which we have lived and thrived, and to which the Government I lead proposes to adhere. I have pointed out to you a few of the material objections to this scheme of unrestricted reciprocity, to which Mr. Laurior and Sir Richard Curtwright have committed the Liberal party, but they are not the only objections, nor, in my opinion, are they the most vital. For a century and a half this country has grown and flourished under the protecting CDgis of the British Crown. The gallant race who first bore to our shores the blessings of civilization passed by an easy transition from French to English rule and now form one of the most law-abiding portions of the community. These pioneers were speedily recruited by the advent of a loyal band of British subjects, who gave up everything that men most prize and wore content to begin life anew in the wilderness rather than forego allegiance to their sovereign. To the de.scen- dants of these men and to the multitude of Englishmen, Irishmea and Scotchmen who emigrated to Canada, that they might build up new homes without ceasing to be British subjects— to you, Canadians — I appeal, and I ask you what have you to gain by ^^^^ Hurrenderin^ that which your fat hors hold mont dear .^ Under tho broud folds of the Union Jack wo onjoy the mo»t ample liberty to govern oursolvoH an wo please and at the Hame time we participate in the advantagoH which tlow from aNHO(;iation with the mi^htioHt empire the world hoH over seen. Not only are wo free to manage our domestic concorriH, but, practically, we poar'-ess the priviloji^o of making our own troaties with foreign countrioH and in our relations with the outside world wo enjoy the prestige inspired by a consciousnosH of the fact that behind uh towerd the majesty of Flngland. The quuation which you will shortly be called upon t^) deter- mine rosolvos itsolf int^ this, shall wo endanger our possession of the groat horitage boquoathod to us by our fathers and submit ourBolves to direct taxation for the privilege of having our tariif fixed at Washington, with a prospect of ultimately becoming a portion of the American union ? I commend these issues to your determination and to tho judg- ment of the whole people of Canada with an uncloudeng tho most dutiful and loyal subjoctii of our beloved (^uoon. As for myself, my course is clear. A British subject I was born, a British subject 1 will dio. With my utmost effort, with m ' latest broi th, will I oppose the " veiled treason" which attempts, by sordid means and mercenary proffers, to lure our people from thcii- allegiance. During my long public service of nearly half a century I havo been true to my (iountry and ita best interest, and I appeal wilii equal confidence to tho men who have trusted mo in the past and to thoyoimg hope of tho country, with whom rests its destinies in tho future, to give um their united and strenuous aid in this my last effort for tho unity of the Empire and the preservation of our commercial and political freedom. I remain, gentlemen, Your faithful horvant, JOHN A. MACDONALD. Ottawa, 7lh February, 1881. 'M •' •