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Copies of this Pamphlet may be iiad by Liberal Candidates from ALEXANDER SMITH, Secretary Ontario Liberal Association, 34 Victoria Street, Toronto. TORONTO: WARWICK BROS. & RUTTER, Pkintkhs, &c., 68 a»d 70 Front Stkebi' WksT. i 805, u ■'H* ' '^'- » T v; ' iV ^ :% \\\ * I ,i INV t f h V DOMINION OF CANADA. FEDEML ELECTIONS. 189!) THE ISSUES OF THE CAMPAIGN. Copies of this Pamphlet may be had by Liberal Candidates from ALEXANDER SMITH, Secretary Ontario Liberal Association, 34 Victoria Street, Toronto. TORONTO WARWICK BltOS. ft RUTTER, PRINTERS, &o., 66 ft 70 FRONT STPEST WEST. It^'i ^ J,J0') ■^ 1 conte:nts. || .^ ': The Liberal Leader and his Policy. The Liberal Platform. The Dissolution Deceit of 189L Expenditure ; Comparision with 1878. Public Debt and Deficits. Other Debts and N. P. Taxes. The Trade Question. Exports and Imports. , The Revised Tariff. The Combines with Tariff' Comparisons on Cottons. Results of the Census ; Loss of Population. The Industrial Census. The Exodus and Immigration. The Record of Scandals. Reciprocity with the United States. The Gerrymander and Franchise Acts Scheduling Canadian Cattle. The Superannuation Abuse. The N. P. and Wages. Decline of Canadian Shipping. Decline of Farm Values. Bank Records. The Business Failures. A Clumsy Cabinet. * (For detailed index see last pages.) I THE LEADER AND HIS POLICY. J ,, The Hon. Wilfrid Laurier, the Dominion Liberal leader is the central figure in the politics of Canada. Week by week his fame spreads and his influence widens. No man in the Conhervative party touches his shoulder. No other man in any party has his splendi i popularity, his commanding prestige, his per- sonal and political ascendancy. Forced against his own strenuous remonstrance to accept the first place in a great party organization he has shown a splendid capacity for leadership, for the management of men and the direction of great anairs. In Quebec he is loved, in Ontario he is honored, the great west received him with enthusiasm, the men of the eastern provinces have responded to his persuasive eloquence, and rejoiced in his patriotic zeal for the public well being. The leader of the Liberal party in all the wide scope of his sympathies, knows nu province or race or creed. He is simply a strong, clean handed, honest hearted Canadian. Jealous for the reputation of parliament, sensitive to the honor of his <50untry, in close touch with the masses of the people, impatient of the jietty trickeries of small politicians, and intolerant of the aggressions of combines and corporations upon the traders and consumers of the country. In this contest Mr. Laurier asks the people of Canada to declare that govern- ment be carried on not for a partj^ but for the country, not for the combines and corporations, but for the plain, unorganized and unsubsidized people. He sisks that Government shall not combine to be a mere agency for the ci*eation of places and the distribution of oflices. He asks the people to declare their condemnation of the enormous increase in the cost of government since 1878, the wanton waste of public money, the Lachine bridge job, the graving dock scandals, the Langevin block robbery, the Little Rapids extravagance, the Tay canal waste and a hundred other jobs and scandals in all parts of the country. He asks the farmers to say by their votes if they are satisfied that the cost of administration should go up as the prices of their products go down. He asks the workingmen to say if they are satisfied with the policy of making millionaires in a few industries, if they are prospering under the economic system that keeps down wages and keeps up the prices of store goods and household necessaries. He asks the manufacturers to say if the value of the tax on their finished product is not more than offset by a limited market, an impoverished people, and heavy taxes on raw material. He OiSksthe fishermen to say if they have received justice under the policy of the Ottawa department. He asks the Canadian people to say if they are satisfied with the lamentable failure of the Government's plans for settling the Northwest, which has cost us so much money. He asks the Canadian people to say that a Govem- faent which has wasted the public money and squandered the public patrimony, and a policy which has failed to fulfill one of the promises of its authors, and brought upon the country all the lamentable consequences foretold by its oppon- ents shall be overthrown ; Canada rescued from the domination of the combines, agriculture emancipated, progress stimulated and prosperity restored. Never mind how you voted twelve, eight, or four years ago. You are not the chattel of any party leader, or the serf of any political organization. Never mind if you were a protectionist in other days. It is your business now to consider the results of protection as demonstrated ii your own experience. When Peel intro- duced the bill repealing the Corn Laws he answered the taunt of his old pro- tectionist followers thus : " I claim for myself the privilege of yielding to the force of argument and of acting upon the results of enlarged experience. It may be supposed — some evidently take it for granted — that it is humiliating to make such an admission. I feel no humiliation. 1 do not feel abasVcd at saying that I have been in error. The question is whether the facts are .sufficient to account for the change, and whether the motives for it are pure and disinterested." The man who cannot vote against " his party " for his country is unwoithy of the franchise and unfit for citizenship in a free community. LIBERAL PLATFORM RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED BY THE NATIONAL LIBERAL CONVENTION, OTTAWA, J[TNE, 1893. Wc, the Liberal party of Canada, in convention assembled, declare : l.-FREER TRADE-REDVCED TAXATION. That the customs tariff of the Dominion should be based, not as it is now, upon the protective principle, but upon the requirements of the public service ; That the existing tariff, founded upon an unsound principle, and used, as it has been by the Government, as a corrupting agency wherewith to keep them- selves in office, has developed monopolies, trusts and combinations : It has decreased the value of farm and other landed property ; It has oppressed the masses to the enrichment of a few ; It has checked immigration ; It has caused great loss of population ; It has impeded commerce ; It has discriminated against Great Britain. In these aud in many other ways it has occasioned great public and private injury, all of which evils must continue to grow in intensity as long as the pre- sent tariff system remains in force. That the highest interests of Canada demand a removal of this obstacle to our country's progress, by the adoption of a sound fiscal policy, which, while not doing injustice to any class, will promote domestic and foreign trade, and hasten the return of prosperity to our people ; That to that end, the tariff should be reduced to the needs of honest, economical and efficient government ; That it should be so adjusted as to make free, or to bear as lightly as possible upon, the necessaries of life, and should be sd arranged as to promote freer trade with the whole world, more particularly with Great Britain and the United States. We believe that the results of the protective system have greviously disap- pointed thousands of persons who honestly supported it, and that the country, in the light of experience, is now prepared to declare for a sound fiscal policy. The issue between the two political parties on this question is now clearly defined. The Government themselves admit the failure of their fiscal policy, and now profess their willingness to make some changes ; but they say that such changes must be based only on the principle of protection. We denounce the principle of protection as radically unsound, and unjust to the masses of the people, and we declare our conviction that any tariff changes based on that principle must fail to afford any substantial relief from the burdens under which the country labors. This issue we unhesitatingly accept, and upon it we await with the fullest •onfidence the verdict of the electors of Canada. BERAL t is now» ervice ; sed, as it sep them- d private i the pre- )stacle to ivhiXe not id hasten f honest, possible eer trade 3 United ily disap- untry, in w clearly and now changes unjust to ' changes burdens e fullest ' S.-BNLARQED MARKETS-RECIPROCITY. That, having regard to the prosperity of Canada and the United States as adjoining countries, with many mutual interests, it is desirable that there should be the most friendly relations and broad and liberal trade intercourse between them ; That the iqterests alike of the Dominion and of the Empire would be mate- rially advanced by the establishing of such relations ; That the period of the old reciprocity treaty was one of marked prosperity to the British North American colonies ; . That the pretext under which the Qovernment appealed to the country in 1891 respecting negotiation for a treaty with the United States was misleading and dishonest and intended to deoeive the electorate ; That no sincere effort has been made by them to obtain a treaty, but that, on the contrary, it is manifest that the present Government, controlled as they are by monopolies and combines, are not desirous of securing such a treaty ; That the first step towards obtaining the end in view, is to place a party in power who are sincerely desirous of promoting a treaty on ternis honorable to both countries ; That a fair and liberal reciprocity treaty would develop the great natural resources of Canada, would enormously increase the trade and commerce between the two countries, would tend to encourage friendly relations between the two peoples, would remove many causes which have in the past provoked irritation and trouble to the Governments of both countries, and would promote those kindly relations between the Empire and the Republic which afford the best guarantee for peace and prosperity ; That the Liberal party is prepared to enter into negotiations with a view to obtaining such a treaty, including a well considered list of manufactured articles, and we are satisfied that any treaty so arranged will receive the assent of Her Majesty's Government, without whose approval no treaty can be made. 3.-P1JRITY OF ADMINISTRATION-CONDEMN CORRUPTION. That the Convention deplores the gross corruption in the management and expenditure of public moneys which for years past has existed under the rule of the Conservative party, and the revelations of which by the different parlia- mentary committees of inquiry have brought disgrace upon the fair name of Canada. The Government, which profited politically by these expenditures of public moneys of which the people have been defrauded, and which, nevertheless, have never punished the guilty parties, must be held responsible for the wrongdoing. We arraign the Government for retaining in office a Minister of the Crown proved to have accepted very large contributions of money for election purposes from the funds of a railway company, which, while paying the political contribu- tions to him, a member of the Government, with one hand, was receiving Govern- ment subsidies with the other. The conduct of the Minister and the approval of his colleagues after the proof became known to them are calculated to degrade Canada in the estimation of the world and deserve the severe condemnation of the people. 8 4.-DEMAND HTSICTESTJECONOMY-DECREAHED EXPENDITURE. We cannot but view witli alarm the largo increase of the public debt and of the control lablo annual expenditure of the Dominion and the consequent undue taxation of the people under the Governments that have been continuously in power since 1878, and wo demand the strictest economy in the administration of the government of the country. 5.-FOR RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT-INDEPENDENCE OF PARLIAMENT. 4 That the Convention regrets that by the action of Ministers and their sup- Sorters in Parliament, in one case in which serious charges were made against a Linister of the Crown, investigation was altogether refused, while in another case the charges preferred were altered and then referred to a commission appointed upon the advice of the Ministry, contrary to the well settled practice of Parlia- ment ; and this Convention affirms : That it is the ancient and undoubted right of the House of Commons to inquire into all matters of public expenditure, and into all charges of misconduct in office against Ministers of the Crown, and the referance of such matters ta royal commissions created upon the advice of the accused is at variance with the due responsibility of Ministers to the House of Commons, and tends to weaken the authority of the House over the Executive Government, and this Convention affirms that the powers of the people's representatives in this regard should on all fitting occasions be upheld. 6.-THE LAND FOR THE SETTLER-NOT FOR THE SPECULATOR. 8 m e t> o tl h d d P n o w \ That in the opinion of this Convention the sales of public lands of the Dominion should be to actual settlors only, and not to speculators, upon reason- able terms of settlement, and in such areas as can be reasonably occupied and cultivated by the settler. 7.-OPPOSE THEIDOMINION FRANCHISE ACT-FAVOR THE PROVINCIAL FRANCHISE. That the Franchise Act since its introduction has cost the Dominion Treasury over a million of dollars, besides entailing a heavy expenditure to both political parties ; That each revision involves an additional expenditure of a further quarter of a million ; That this expenditure has prevented an annual revision, as originally intended, in the absence of which young voters entitled to the franchise have, in numerous instances, been prevented from exercising their natural rights ; That it has failed to secure uniformity, which was the principal reason assigned for its introduction ; That it has produced gross abuses by partizan revising barristers appointed by the Government of the day ; That its provisions are less liberal than those already existing in many Pro- vinces of the Dominion, and that in the opinion of this Convention the Act should be repealed, and we should revert to the Provincial Franchise. 8.'r-A«AIN8T THE GERRYMANDER-COUNTY PRESERVED. BOIJNDARIEN SHOULD BE That by the lierrymander Acts, the electoral divisionfl for the return of members to the House of Commons have been so made an to prevent a fair expression of the opinion of the countrj' at the general elections, and to secure to the party now in power a strength out of all proportion greater than the number of electors supporting them would warrant. To put an end to this abuse, to make the House of Commons a fair exponent of public opinion, and to preserve the historic continuity of counties, it is desirable that in the formation of electoral divisions, county boundaries should be preserved, and that in no case parts of different counties should be put in one electoral division. 9.-THE SENATE DEFECTIYE— AMEND THE CONSTITUTION. The present constitution of the Senate is inconsistent with the Federal principle in our system of government, and is in other respects defective, as it makes the Senate independent of the people and uncontrolled by the public opinion of the country, and should be so amended as to bring it into harmony with the principles or popular government. 10.-QUESTION OF PROHIBITION— A DOMINION PLEBISCITE. That whereas public attention is at present much directed to the consideration of the admittedly great evils of intemperance, it is desirable that the mind of the people should be clearly ascertained on the question of Prohibition by means of a Dominion Plebiscite. FACTS FOR THE ELECTORS. The time is near when the Conservative administration must give the people of Canada an opportunity of passing upon their policy and their public conduct. The Liberals have furnished abundant evidence that the men now in power are unworthy the confidence of the Canadian people, and they believe that the Gor- •rnment has not for years possessed that confidence, though by means now well known, the leaders of the Conservative party have managed to secure the return of a parliamentary majority. Since the last general election, however, their methods have been so thoroughly exposed that the present administration will go to the polls in utter discredit with the public, irrespective of party politics. In the following pages an attempt is made to set forth facts which support numerous charges brought against the Government, but as the work is neces- sarily limited in size many matters are merely alluded to in the hope that those who desire to substantiate any particular assertion or enlarge upon particular points will investigate for themselves, with the assistance here given in the way of indicating the sources of information. Laurier on Froteotion. " There is taken out of the people of Canada over $20,000,000 every year in customs taxes. If every cent collected through the operations of the pro- tective policy went into the trtasur^'^ it could be borne, but for every $1 that goes into the public coffers $2 or $3 go into the pockets of the protected manu- facturer. ' I,' said Mr. Laurier, object to this. (Cheers.) I say that not a cent should be collected beyond what is required to meet the country's necessities. We will tax for revenue but not one cent for protection. Taxation is an evil that nothing but the requirements of the Government can justify. When we are in power — and I don't want to sell the skin of the bear until the bear is shot, yet I think the Tory bear is about to be skinned — we will relieve the people of protection, which is a fraud, a delusion and a robbery. For it is robbery to take money from one man and give it to another." — Uon. Wilfrid Laurier's Conven- tion Speech. As the price of agricultural products has been reduced to the lowest point, it should be the aim of the tariff to reduce the prices of manufactured goods also to the lowest point. — 3{r. Laurier in the House of Gomtnons. The Issue Defined. Hon. Wilfrid Laurier, speaking at the great Ottawa Convention of the Liberal party of the Dominion, spoke as follows : " The Government want a reform of the tariff only to retain the system of protection. I submit to you that the ideal fiscal system is the British system of eople iduct. jr are Got- r well eturn their L will ics. pport leces- those cular way- free trade. (Cheers.) Sir, my loyalty, as I stated, does not ooze from the pores of my body, but I do want to go for an example to the Mother Country and not to the United States, much as I respect the people on the' other side of the line. I say the policy should be a policy of free trade, such as they have in England, but I am sorry to say that the circumstances of the country cannot admit at present of that policy in its entirety, but 1 propose to you that from this day henceforward it should be the goal to which we aspire. I propose to you from this day, although we cannot adopt the policy itself, to adopt the principle which regulates it, that is to say, that though it should be our misfortune for many years to 'come to have to raise a revenue by customs duties these duties should be levied only so far as is necessary to carry ou the business of the Government. (Cheers.) I submit to you that not a cent should be extracted from the pockets of the people except every cent goes into the treasury of the people and not into the pockets of anybody else. (Cheers.) I submit to you that no duty should be levied for protection's sake but levied altogether and ?'or the purpose of 611ing the treasury to the limits required. I submit to yt)u thao every cent that is levied should be levied, first and foremost, upon the luxuries of the people. I submit to you, therefore, that the system of protection which is to be maintained by the Government, that is to say, of levying tribute upon the people not for the legiti- mate expenses of the Government but for a private and privileged class, is to be condemned without any qualification. (Cheers). Let it be well understood then that from this moment we have a distinct issue with the party in power. Their ideal is protection ; our ideal is free trade ; their immediate object is protection ; ours a tariff for revenue and for revenue only. (Cheers.) Upon this issue we engage in battle." The Dissolution Deceit. year pro- that anu- cent ities. evil a we 3hot, leof take ven- oint, also the n of n of The voters' lists upon which the general elections of 1891 were held were over two years old, and every young man in the country between the ages of 21 and 23 was thereby disfranchised, in addition to thousands of others who, by reason of removal or other cause, were not on the lists. Besides seeking to snatch a verdict from a partially disfranchised people, the Government of the day endeavored to mislead the electors as to the reasons for the premature appeal to them. First, there was a pledge given to Parliament by the Secretary of State that there would be a revision of the voters' lists before dissolution. In the session of 1890, in giving reasons why there should be no revision during the year 1890, the Secretary of State said : " But is there no other reason why that revision should not take place ? We have not yet reached the end of this Parliament. According to law this Parliament will cease in the beginning of 1892. ... If in July, 1891, the census shows that the representation must be chu,nged, it will become necessary to have new elections soon after the census, and those elections should take place at the beginning of 1892, by the natural death of this Parlia- ment, according to the constitution. There is no reason to doubt that a revision beginning in June, 1891, could be satisfactorily made, and would be ready for the eventuality of elections in 1892." Here was the pledge of the Crown that a revision of the lists would precede dissolution, and upon that assurance Parliament agreed to the suspension of the revision of 1890. 10 The Reoiprooity Deceit. After breaking faith in regard to the revision the Government deliberately deceived the people as to why they should bring on the elections with only a bare four weeks' notice. The writs were issued February 2nd, and polling was fixed for March 5th. The following statement was officially given out for publica- tion : " It will naturally be asked what are the reasons which have induced the Government to appeal to the country at the present time ? It is understood that the Dominion Government have, through Her Majesty's Government, made cer- tain proposals to the United States for negotiations looking to an extension of her commerce with that country. The proposals have been submitted to the President for his consideration, and the Canadian Government is of the opinion that if the negotiations are to result in a treaty, which must be ratified by the Parliament of Canada, it is expedient that the Government should be able to deal with a Parliament fresh from the people rather than with a moribund House." The following further statement, dictated by the head of the Government,, was also published with reference to the alleged negotiations for reciprocity : " Moreover these propositions were invited and suggested by the Washington authorities. Commissioners from Canada and Great Britain will start for Wash- ington on 4th March, the date of the opening of the new Congress, The result of the Canadian elections will be known on 6th March, the day the Commissioners reach Washington. In order that this Commission may have no uncertain sound the Government has decided to appeal to the people and ask for judgment on these proposals to the Washington authorities." After dissolution was thus obtained not a word was heard in the subsequent campaign of the pretended object of the appeal to the people. Instead, the leader of the party issued a manifesto in which the following paragraph described the issue as the Government wished it to be understood : " I commend these issues to your determination, and to the judgment of the whole people of Canada, with an unclouded confidence that you will proclaim ta the world" — a desire for freer trade with tlie United States? Not a bit of it, but— " Your resolve to show yourselves not unworthy of the proud distinction you enjoy, of being numbered among the most dutiful and loyal subjects of our beloved Queen." After having given as the sole reason for dissolution an ardent desire to com- plete a treaty of reciprocity with the United States the Government proceeded in their campaign speeches, and in their press, to declare that it would be fatal to British connection to have anything to do with the United States. The old fiag was vigorously waved, and the Government candidate at the Capital distributed small Union Jacks among the audience at the conclusion of his nomination speech. Sir Charles Tupper had subsequently to eat the leek when taken to task by Mr. J. G. Blaine, then Secretary of State for the United States, for pub- licly asserting that negotiations for a reciprocity treaty had been begun, and that the initiative had been taken by the United States. In a letter, dated April 1st, 1891, written by Mr. Blaine to Sir Julian Pauncefote, the British Ambassador at Washington, Mr. Blaine said : " I deem it important, since the matter has been for some weeks open ta public remark, to have it settled that the conference was not ' initiated ' by me 11 but, on the contrary, that the private arrangement of which I spoke was but a modification of your proposal, and in no sense an original suggestion from the Government of the United States." Sir Charles Tapper acknowledged that the Canadian Government had caused the British Ambassador at Washington to initiate proposals for recipro- city, and wrote : " I told Mr. Blaine that I wished at the outset to recognize the accuracy of the statement contained in his letter to Sir Julian Pauncefote, which I had seen, in reference to the initiation of the negotiations regarding reciprocal trade rela- tions between the two countries." Here was a confession from Sir Charles Tupper himself that he aod his col- leagues had borne false witness as to the pretended negotiations, which they found it necessary to concoct in order to deceive the Governor-General and the electors. In Parliament in 1892 the Finance Minister announced that the Gorernmeni had failed to obtain any kind of reciprocity, and they have abandoned even the pretence of trying to obtain any trade arrangement. Expenditure* The total annual ordinary expenditure for the Domin- ion in 1878 was $23,519,000 The toual ordinary admitted expenditure in 1894 37,585,000 Excess of expenditure over what it was when Mr. Mackenzie left oflSce , 14,000,000 In 1874 the total ordinary expenditure was $23,316,000, and in 1879 it was $24,455,000. During the Liberal regime, therefore, the ihcrease of expenditure was, during the five years, only a little over a million dollars. The total taxes collected in 1878 amounted to $17,841,000, and in 1894 to $27,579,000. Outside of taxes the revenue between 1878 and 1894 only increased by $4,262,000. (Page xxxii., Pub. Accts., 1894.) Civil Government, which cost $883,685 the first year the Liberals were in office, cost $823,369 during their last year of office, a decrease in the five years of $60,000, such was the economy of the administration. At the same time the population of the country was growing at a much greater ratio than it has been since. The cost of Civil Government has, under the Conservative administra- tion, steadily increased, until in 1894 the cost was $1,402,279. The Fisheries Department which cost $93,262 in 1878, cost $466,750 in 1894. The Indians in 1878cojt $421,503 ; in 1882 (only four years later) $1,182,414; and in 1894, $968,552. The number of Indians is steadily decreasing, and the increased expenditure can only be accounted for by an extravagant administra- tion and the maintenance of a horde of officials, double the necessary number. Militia and defence cost $618,136 in 1878, when the force was larger than it is now. In 1893 the cost of this department had reached $1,419,745. When Mr. Mackenzie took office the expenditure for the militia and defence of Canada was $1,248,663. Without reducing the force or impairing its efficiency the Liberals reduced the expenditure to $618,163, an annual saving of $630,000. 12 CompaxisoA in Expenditure, 1878, 1893. Service. 1878. Interest on debt $ 7,048,883 Charges on debt 189,566 Justice 664,920 Arts, Agriculture and Statistics 92,365 Civil Government .... 823,369 Fisheries . . . « 93,262 Geological Survey 96,049 Immigration 154,351 Indians 421,503 Legislation 618,035 Mail and Steamship subsidies 257,534 Militia andDefence 618,136 Miscellaneous 62,968 Mounted Police 334,748 Northwest Government 18,199 Penitentiaries 308,101 Public Works 997,469 Superannuation 106,588 Customs 714,527 Excise -215,024 Post Offices 1,724.938 Public Works 97,123 Railways and Canals 2,375,438 1893. 9,806,888 212,690 736,457 258,635 1,367,570 482,381 124,512 180,677 956.552 867,231 413.938 1,419,745 284,678 615,479 276,446 346,353 1,927,832 263,710 901,946 387,673 3,421,203 149,390 4,086,041 Total expenditure of all kinds. .$^3,503,158 $36,814,05% The multiplication of officials is a favored method of the present Govern- ment to enable their friends to feed at the public cnl . As an example, in the county of Kent, Ont,, the senior judge, when asked by the Government if he wanted an assistant, replied that he did not, that he was able to carry on the work better alone ; and yet an old hangei--on of the Government was forced on that county, and the country is row paying him $2,000 a year and $200 for travelling expenses. Expenditure sinoe Confederation. (On Yccount of Consolidated Fund.) The total expenditure in each year since 1867 has been as follows: 1868 $13,486,092 1869 14,038,084 1870 14,345,500 1871 15.623,C81 1872 17,589,468 1873 19,174,647 1874 23,316,316 1875 23,713,071 1876 24,488,372 1877 23,519,301 1878 23,503,158 1879 24,455,381 1880 24,850,634 1881 25,502,554 1882. 1883. 1884. 1885. 1886. 1887. 1888. 1889. 1890. 1891. 1892, 1893. 1894, 27,067,103 28,730,157 31.107,706 35,037,060 39,011,612 35,657,680 36,718,494 36,917,834 36,994.031 36,343,567 36,765,894 36,814,062 37,585,025 8 10 7 t5 ^0 il L2 7 )2 U 18 1.5 78 79 1.6 53 32 10 46 73 03 90 41 58 tovern- in the t if he on the 'ced on >00 for 13 l03 57 06 ►60 12 80 94 134 >31 67 (94 )62 )25 Why Saa Ezpenditnre Z&oreased? The annual expenditure has increased chiefly because of the extravagant and corrupt administration of the men now in power at Ottawa. See chapter devoted to scandals and jobs. The Fublio Debt. The net public debt of Canada, when Mr. Mackenzie left office in 1878, was $140,000,000 ; in 1894 it had been swollen to the enormous figure of $246,000,000, an increase of $106,000,000. The increase during the year 1894 was $4,502,000 and the increase for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1895, will be more than double the increase for 1894. The net debt per head of the population is $49, while in 1878 it was only $34, an increase of 45 per cent. The net debt of the United States, Federal and State, in July, 1893, was $16 a head. The population of Sweden is the same as Canada, and the net debt of Sweden in 1890 was $13.73 per head, and Sweden has to support an array and navy, and bear many other burdens from which Canada is exempt. The following table shows the increase of the public debt from year to year since 1878, as taken from the Public Accounts : 1879 $ 2,628,117 1880 9,461,401 1881 2,944,191 1882 1,734,129 1883 4,805,063 1884 23,695,135 1885 14,245,841 1886 26,751,414 1887 $4,155,668 1888 7,216,582 1889 2,998;682 1890 3,170 1891 275,818 1892 3,322,403 1893 549,606 1894 4,502,000 Increase under Conservative atlministration $105,801,851 The Debt— Ten Year Periods. 1872. Net debt $82,187,000 Annual interest .... 6,267,000 1882. $153,661,000 7,740,000 1892. $241,131,000 9,763,000 Deficits. It is the fashion to sneer at the Libei-al administration of the finances as an " era of deficits," but Liberals have no cause to fear comparisons as to deficits. The fact is that the Conservative administration, which replaced Mr. Mackenzie's, had a larger deficit in one year than the Reform administration had during the whole five years of its existence. The Liberal Government had a surplus both in 14 1874 and 1875 of $888,000 and 8935,000 respectively. There were deficits in 1876, 1877 and 1878, amounting in all to $4,489,000. The Conservative deficits since Mr. Mackenzie's time have been as follows : 1879 $1,937,999 1880 1,543,227 1885 2,240,058 1886 $5,834,571 1888 810,031 1894 1,210,332 There is a heavy deficit for 1895, which will probably reach five million dollars, and the. Finance Minister was obliged to go to England in October, 1894, and borrow $12,000,000. This new loan will increase the public debt to a figure representing over $50 per head of the population. Net debt of Canada, June 30th, 1894 $240,163,920 Increase of debt during 1894 4,483,948 Annual charges, interest and management, 1893 .... 10,020,682 It takes one-half of the total customs duties collected in Canada to pay the charges on the debt. Other Debts- Under ordinary circumstances Canada should have developed enormously along with this immense expenditure of borrowed money. Besides the increase in the public debt since 1878 of $105,000,000, the people are in debt to the loan companies to the extent of $109,807,1356. (See page X, Government blue book, 1893). These loans are all secured by mortgage, given, of course, chiefly by farmers. In 1879, when Mr Mackenzie left office, the amount of these mortgage debts was only $34,781,000, or less than one-tliird of what they were in 1892. In 1892 chattel mortgages in the Province of Ontario numbered, according to official returns, 20;000. One of the saddest t'eatui'es of the returns was that the larger proportion of the total number of chattel mortgages was given by farmers. In addition to the loans of which returns are made to the Dominion Government, there were additional loans made V)y purely provincial companies in Ontario in 1892, amounting to $6,031,000. This brings the total loans on mortgages, of which official returns are made, up to $115,000,000, secured by mortgage on real estate, and $10,045,000 secured by mortgages on chattels. A measure of the bu^'dens imposed upon the Canadian people since the in- ception of the National Policy is seen in the following figures, of liabilities incurred since 1879 : Increase of public debt $105,000,000 Increase of moi-tgage debt 85,000,000 Debt for railway bonds 280,000,000 Total $470,000,000 In addition to all this, the amount taken from the people by taxation in excess of the requirements of honest and economical government, and for the benefit of private interests, has to be added on, as well as 50,000,000 acres of land disposed of into the hands of corporations. 15 Reoeipts from Taxes- The following table shows the amount of money collected each year since Confederation in taxes, both customs and excise : 1S69 $11,112,000 1870 13,087.000 1871 Ii3,320,000 1872 17,715,000 1873 17,616,000 1874 20,129,000 1875 20,664,000 1876 18,614,000 1877 17,697.000 1878 17,841,000 187!> 18,476,000 1880 18,479.000 1881 23,942,000 1882 $27,549,000 1883 29,269,000 1884 25,483,000 1885 25,384,000 1886 25,226,000 1887 28,687,000 1888 28,177,000 1889 30,613,000 1890 31,587,000 1891 30,314,000 1892 28,446,000 1893 29,321.000 1894 27,579,000 Taxes collected during last five years " live years Liberal administiation . .$147,247,423 . 94,199,083 Excess Under Conservatives. $53,04H,340 This Is over $10,000,000 a year taken from the people in taxation in excess ot the requirements of the Liberal regime. N. P. Taxes. Since 1879 the people have paid the following sums in customs duties alone t 1879 $12,939,000 1880 14,138,000 1881 18,500.000 1882 21,708,000 1883 23,172,000 1884 20,164,000 1885 19,133,000 1886 19,488,000 1887 $22,469,000 1888 22,209,000 1889 23,784,000 1890 24,014,000 1891 23,481,000 1892 20,550,000 1893 21,161,000 1894 19,200,000 Custom taxes last five years $108,408,000 Custom taxes Liberal five years 67,960,000 Increase under N. P. for period of five years alone $40,448,000 When Mr. Mackenzie entered office the taxes, customs and excise, collected for the year amounted to $20,129,000. The taxes collected for the year 1878 amounted to $17,841,000, a reduction of something like two and a half millions of dollars. Under the N. P. these taxes were increased in fifteen years by $12,000,000. In addition to this it is estimated that the people paid several times as much to the protected manufacturers, the trusts and combines, and monopolies, which exist by reason of the tariff, as they do into the national treasury through the customs houses. IG The Question of BeTenxie. A favorite argument by Conservative speakers and writers is that the Liberals if they were in power could not relieve the people of burdensome tax- ation without beinpf at a loss for revenue. Although this has been answered over and over again by Liberal authorities, it is just as well to silence criticism on this point by quotir ^ a Conseivative authority. Speaking in the House of Commons, in reply to Mr. M«Carthy, in 1894, Dr. Montague, M.P. for Haldi- mand, Ont , one of the leaders of the Conservative party, said : " In 1882, 1 think, the duty was taken off tea, but the revenue bounded up in a very short time. In 1891 $3,000,000 in duties was taken off sugar. The Minister of Finance acknowledged that theie must be a decrease in revenue ; but after one year's decrease in revenue, the improved condition of the people enabled them to purchase more, and tlie result was that the revenue bounded up again." Here is good Conservative proof of the way it works to reduce the taxes. The improved purchasing power of the people increases the consumption of goods, and even when the taxes are thrown off maintains the buoyancy of the revenue. This fact, taken in connection with the large reductions which would take place, under a Liberal administration, in the public expenditure, is sufficient of itself to justify any man in voting for a reduction of taxes. The fact is that a high protective tanff prohibits importation, thus reducing revenue, but increasing to the consumers the price of the protected article, whilst under a revenue tariff the customs taxation is reasonable and moderate, allowing importation, on which a revenue is collected for the public treaaurj^ and keeping down the selling price of both the imported and domestic manufactured article. 01 d The Trade Qaestion. The following is the text of the tariff resolution adopted by the Liberal Convention at Ottawa in June, 1893 : That the customs tariff of the Dominion should be based, not as it is now, upon the protective principle, but upon the requirements of the public service ; That the existing tariff, founded upon an unsound principle, and used, as it has been by the Government, as a corrupting agency wherewith to keep them- selves in office, has developed monopolies, trusts and combinations ; It has decreased the value of farm and other landed property ; It has oppressed the masses to the enrichment of a few ; It has checked immigration ; It has caused great loss of population ; It has impeded commerce ; It has discriminated against Great Britain. In these and in many other ways it has occasioned great public and private injury, all of which evils must continue to grow in intensity as long as the pre- sent tatiS system remains in force. s that the msome tax- n answered ce criticism ~ie House of . for Haldi- bounded up jugar. The in revenue ; E" the people bounded up ;e the taxes, lumption of ancy of the would take sufficient of lus reducing tide, whilst te, allowing ind keeping ed article. the Liberal s it is now, service ; used, as it keep them'. md private as the pre- 17 That the highest interests of Canada demand a removal of this obstacle to our country's progress, by the adoption of a sound fiscal policy, which, while not doing injustice to any class, will promote domestic and foreign trade, and hasten the return of prosperity to our people ; That to that end, the taritt should be reduced to the needs of honesty economical and efficient government ; That it should bo so adjusted as to make free, or to bear as lightly as, possible upon, the necessaries of life, and should be so arranged as to promote freer trade with the whole world, more particularly with Great Britain and the United States. We believe that the results of the protective system have grievously disap- pointed thousands of persons who honestly supported it, and that the country, in the light of experience, is now prepared to declare for a sound fiscal policy. The issue between the two political parties on this question is now cleai'ly . defined. 4 The Government themselves admit the failure of their fiscal policy, and now profess their willingness to make some changes ; but they say that such changes must be based only on the principle of protection. We denounce the principle of protection as radically unsound, and unjust to the masses of the people, and we declare our conviction that any tariff changes based on that principle must fail to afford any substantial relief from the burdens under which the country labors. This issue we unhesitatingly accept, and upon it we await with the fullest confidence the verdict of the electors of Canada. Failure of the ITatio&al Policy When the trade policy of this country was changed from a tariff for revenue to a protective tariff", the change was based upon a resolution moved by the leader of the Conservative party in the House of Commons, as follow* : "That this House is of opinion that the welfare of Canada requires the adoption of a national policy, which, by a judicious re-adjustment of the tariff, will benefit and prosper the agricultural, the mining, the manufacturing and other interests of the Dominion ; that such a policy will retain in Canada thousands of our fellow countrymen, now obliged to expatriate themselves in search of the employment now denied them at home." This was the foundation* of the National policy, and it made one clear statement, viz , that such policy would retain in Canada her own people. In 1892, in the House of Commons the Hon. T. M. Daly, Minister of the Interior, said : " 1 do not believe that our fiscal policy has anything to do with our people going to the other side of the line. No amount of talk from hon. gentlemen opposite will convince any reasonable minded man in Canada that the fiscal policy of this Government has had anything to do with the people going to the United States." As the census deprived Mr. Daly of any argument to show that the N. P. had accomplished its object, he simply declares that the N. P. has had nothing to do with it. The President of the Young Conservative Association of Toronto in 1892, Mr. Richard Armstrong, who received 575 votes to 291 against him, delivered hia. inaugural address on October 31, in the cotirse of which he said ; 2 F.E. 18 !i " The question as to why thousands are leaving this country every year and going to the United States, should engage our serious attention, and we should try and solve this question, for it is quit*' evident that the older heads are not going to do so. I am informed on reliable authority that no fewer than four thousand persons have left this city during the past year — left all that is near and dear — and gone into foreign exile. In short, there is no concealing the fact that we are being annexed in job lots every week, and there is not a voice raised against it " At the same association, at a meeting held during the following month, Mr. J. H. McGhie, a member, said : " The men who were spangled with knighthood sit talking of loyalty in the midst of luin and desolation. It was from the young men they must expect a new order of things." Evidence of the failure of the National Policy to accomplish any one of the things promised for it has been accumulating year after year, until at the last general election in 1891, it had scarcely a defender, and was kept out of the campaign as an issue, so far as the Government could do it. r The Industrial Brotherhood of Canada, at a meeting on the 1st October, 1892, passed the following resolution : " Resolved, that the fiscal policy of our country is a farce in so far tis it purposes to benefit the masses ; that it increases the cost of living, decreases the Eurchasing power of the wage laymen of all classes, is eating the vitals out of the >ominion, scattering the members of every family, so that the fathers and mothers are forced to see their sons and daughters leave home — leave home and kindred — that a few may roll in superabundance ; that every lawful means be used to rectify the wrongs created and maintained by the present system." The farmers, whose interests the National Policy was to protect, were well represented at a great convention of the Patrons of Industry, held in Toronto early in 1894>, when the executive committee was requested to submit a petition to the Government in the first paragraph of which they described their own position, as follows : " That fifteen years' experience of a protective trade policy has shown no improvement in the position of the farmer. Prices of nearly all kinds of farm products have shrunk. Farms have declined in value, until many are unsaleable, and an enormous mortgage debt has been rolled up upon them, in many cases beyond redemption." Mr. Dalton McCarthy, Q.C., M.P., has made a remarkable confession in con- nection with the adoption of the National Policy by the Conservative Party in 1878. In an address delivered at St. Mary's, October 22, 1893, speaking of the period when Mr. Mackenzie was in power, ho said.: " No doubt in the world that we were out of power and by going in for the N. P., and taking the wind out of Mr. Mackenzie's sails, we got into power. We became identified with the protective policy, and if Mr. Mackenzie had adopted the protective policy we would have been free traders. I am willing to make this confession, if Mr. Mackenzie had been a protectionist there would have been nothing left for us but to be free traders. . . . We adopted the N. P., and we told you, at least I did, because I was very young and simple at the time, that we were going to make everybody rich." The Manitoba Legislature, in adopting a resolution in February, 1894, made the following declaration : "Whereas the so-called National Policy brought into effect in 1879 when the protective tariff was adopted, and under which the duties on imports have since 19 y year and we should ids are not ' than four bat is near ig the fact oice raised ^^ >nth, Mr. J. jhthood sit the young one of the at the last out of the t October, 3 far as it creases the out of the kthers and home and means be im." were well in Toronto a petition their own shown no of farm m saleable, lany cases )n m con- Parfcy in ng of the in for the wer. We i adopted (rilling to ist there . We ry young ^94, made when the lave since been increased, thus enhancin;.^ prices and prospering combines, has had the effect «f placing furthei excessive burdens upon our settlers, thus rendering agricultural pursuits unprofitable, it is desirable that articles necessary to the prosecution of agriculture be placed upon the free list, and on all other articles a tarifl' imposed for revenue." During the visit of the Hon. George E. Foster to Winnipeg, the council of the Board of Trade of that city presented a memorial, setting forth the grievances of the people, in the following manner : " The council respectfully submit : " That the customs duties on goods coming into Canada should be reduced to the lowest point, consistent with a revenue tariff. " That all specific rates of duty be abolished, and that all duties be levied on an ad valorem basis. " That the Government be empowered, upon evidence given of the existence of a combine to maintain or increase prices, to lower or abolish by order-in- council the import duty on articles affected by such combine. " The council maintains that the increased importations at lower rates of duty than now prevail would tend rather to increase than diminish the revenue dei'ived by the Dominion ; many of the duties now in force are absolutely prohibitive and, therefore, no revenue now accrues to the Government. , "The council submits that manufacturers of many lines of staple goods in Canada have formed combines, and based their prices, not on the cost of manu- facture plus a fair profit but on the value which similar good3 from abroad cost laid down in Canada, duty paid. This being the case the consumer pays an excessive price for his goods, and the Government does not secure a revenue ; the manufacturer being the only gainer." At the annual meeting of the Dominion Grange in 1892, Master Workman Ooffatt said : " Nearly every important interest in the country is enjoying the benefit of helpful legislation, whilst the farmer is handicapped and discriminated against by railway monopolies and by AN UNJUST SYI5TEM OF TAXATION." During the session of 1893 representatives of the Patrons of Industry waited upon the Government to urge consideration of grievances set forth in a petition presented to the House, signed by 27,000 Patrons of Industry, which commenced as follows : "That the agricultural interests of the country are not in as prosperous con- dition as we would desire ; that tariff legislation for the purpose of assisting the manufacturing interests of the country has been taken advantage of by such mai ufacturing interests so as to unduly enhance the prices of many such articles as are indispensably necessary to farmers in carrying on their business." The Central Farmers' Institute, at its annual meeting in Toronto, on Febru- ary 9th, 1893, adopted a series of resolutions, including the following : " That whereas the farmers of Canada during the last thirteen years have largely supported a protective policy for the purpose of establishing and building up the manufacturing interests of this country ; and whereas such manufacturing industries as are suitable for the country have received such assistance for a per- iod long enough to enable them now to withstand fair and open competition ; and whereas the Canadian Manufacturers' Association at its annual meeting held in Toronto, February 7th, declares and re-affirms its determination to support and perpetuate the high-tariff policy ; be it therefore resolved, that this meeting here- ; 1 ' 1 ' .,» 20 by declarer and affirms that to continue and poipetuate such a high tariff' would be detrimental to the vital interosts of the agricultural commanity." The following picture of the results of the N. P. and the misguided policy of the Conservative Government was drawn by the Hon. Kdward Blake, in his fare- well letter to the electors of West Durham in 1891 : " The Canadian Conservative policy has failed to accomplish the predictions of its promoters. " Its real tendency has been, as foretold twelve years ago, towards disintegra- tion and annexation, instead of consolidation and the maintenance of that British connection of which they claim to be the special guardians. It has left us with a small population, a scanty immigration and a North- west empty still ; with enormous additions to our public debt and yearly charge, an extravagant .system of expenditure, and an unjust and oppressive tariff'; with unlimited markets for our needs, whether to buy or to sell, and all the hos*^ of evils (greatly intensified by our special condition) thence arising ; with trade diverted from its natural into forced and therefore less profitable channels, and with unfriendly relations and frowning tariff* walls, ever more and more estrang- ing us from the mighty English speaking nation to the south, our neighbors and relations, with whom we ought to be, as it was promised that it should be, living in generous amity and liberal intercourse V Worse ; far worse ! It has left us with lowered standards of public virtue and a death-like apathy in public opinion ; with racial, religious and provincial animosities rather inflamed than soothed ; with a subservient Parliament, an auto- cratic Executive, debauched constituencies and corrupted and corrupting classes ; with lessened self-reliance and increased dependence on the public chest and on legislative aids, and posses.sed withall by a boastful jingo spirit far enougk removed from true manliness, loudly proclaiming unreal conditions and exagger- ated sentiments, while actual facts and genuine opinions are suppressed. " It has left us with our hands tied, our future compromised, and in such a plight that, whether we stand or move, we must run some risks which else w« might have either declined or encountered with greater promise of success. " Yet let us never despair of our country ! It is a goodly land ; endowed with great recuperative powers and vast resources as yet almost undeveloped ; inhabited by populations moral and religious, sober and industrious, virtuous anil thrifty, capable and instructed — the descendants of a choice immigration, of me« of mark and courage, energy and enterprise, in the breasts of who.se childrem still should glow the sparks of those ancestral fires." Mr. Blake, however, is in accord with the Liberal policy, as witness the letter by him written to Mr. Younie, then Secretary of the West Durham Reform Association, as follows : " May I be permitted to say how glad I am to think that the Reciprocity resolution of the late Reform Convention (held at Ottawa, June, 1893) has ended the dift'erence which led to the severance of my connection with the riding, and that, though no longer to be associated with them as their representr-tive, I am no longer to be divided from them in opinion." BoTolt Within the Ranks. The most streaous opposition to the protective policy of the Government^ comes from within the ranks of the Conservative party. For instance Mr. Dalton McCarthy, Q.C., speaking at Creemore, July 20th, 1894, said : " I was, as you all know, a National Policy man, and now I tell you that I am for as much free trade ariff' Would 1(1 policy of in his fure- prodictions disintegra- hat British d a North- .rly charge^ irirt"; with tlie hos*^ of ^ith trade inneJH, and re estrang- vhborB anil I be, living blic virtue provincial it, an auto- ng classes ; est and on a,r enough 1 exagger- 1. in such a ch else w« .ess. endowtd eveloped ; tuous and m, of mea e childrea the letter n Reform ihink that wa, June, ?tion with as their as wo can got. We would be all the better if we could have it as it is in Kngland. But that is impossible, and so I say that what this country needs now is tO get down to a tariff for revenue " Senator Boulton, of Manitoba, who was not very long ago in good standing as a member of the Conservative party is now the most pronounced free trader. Rev. Principal Orant of Queen's University, Kingston, was in Sir John Mac- donald's time always a strong and pnmounced ally of the Conservative party. In 181)3, however, he spoke as follows : " The right principle is free trade, modi- Hed only by nsvenue I'ocjuiremonts or national ronditions. We, however, have fostered protection until it has become a virus in the blood. It must be purged away." In a series of political papers written in Noveniber, 1893, Principal Orant wrote as follows : " A low taritt' means incroiised imports as well as steady and normal trade, and in all probability there would be no deficit. . . . There are certain lines of manufactures for which Canada is fitted and these would be benefited. We have given all others plenty of time to get on their feet, and those that are still unable to stand had better stand from under." Hon. Peter Mitchell, who was once a member of a Conservative Cabinet, is to-day sternly opposed to the trade policy of the present Government. Mr. Cal- vin, the Conservative member for Frontenac, Ont., voted in the House of Com- mons in 1893 for Sir Richard Cartwright's amendment to the Government's bud- get. Col. O'Brien, M.P., a well known Conservative is strongly opposed to the protective policy, which he formerly as strongly supported. Many other names might be mentioned, and as an instance of how the rank and file of the Conservative party feel, the following resolution of the Conserva- tive Association of Chester, in the riding of East York, Ont., passed in 1893, is given : " In view of the prolonged commercial depression throughout Canada, and on account of the heavy duties upon imports, reducing the purchasing' power of our currency by nearly forty per cent., as a matter of principle we object to such high taxation made solely in order that we should be compelled to purchase at the highest price the, for the most part, very inferior manufactures of this country to the exclusion of cheaper and superior goods manufactured in Great Britian, and on the principle that Canadian manufactures, if any good, can easily stand upon their merits, and need not therefore fear a rivalry that has to come a matter of 3,000 miles to compete with them, while on the other hand if they are not good enough for that, then they are not worth bolstering up by an exceedingly high tariff." At a meeting of the Vancouver, B. C, Trades and Labor Council, held Decem- ber 11th, 1893, a strongly worded I'esolution was passed unanimously condemning the existing tariff as oppressive to the masses, and declaring in their opinion that the principle of protection was unsound end unjust to the masses, and that the highest interests of the country demanded its repeal. A Distinct Issue- vernmenfc Ir. Dalton as you all free trade The state of things referred to in the preceding pages exists in Canada to-day, and a far worse state, as will presently be seen, and the question arises, what is the remedy ? Protection has been tried and found wanting. The liberals offer a policy of free trade, limited only by the necessities of the revenue required for 22 ! t lit I honeet and economical administration of the government. The ninth section of the platform of the Pa.trons of Industry reads as follows : " Tariff for revenue only> and so adjusted as to fall as far as possible upon the luxuries and not upon the necessaries of life." As against the policy of the Liberals the Government adhei:e to the old policy. In proof of this s6e Mr. Foster's budget speech of 1894, in presenting the revised tariff to the House, when he spoke as follows : " The arrangement of a tariff and the principle which is to be adopted has two aspects — it looks to the revenue which is required in a country, and it looks as well to the general trade and development of a country. I wish, at this early stage of my remarks upon this subject, to say that, so far as the revenue aspect is concerned, it is of infinitely less importance than the effect of the principle and the details of the tariff upon the trade and development of the country." Here is a plain declaration from the Finance Minister that the first duty of the Government is to protect certain private interests, and not simply to raise a revenue. In a speech at Fredericton, N.B.,on August loth, 1893, delivered by Hon. G. E. Foster, Minister of Finance, he declared that the Conservative policy was firmly, based on the principle of protection, and if it required fifty per cent, to maintain oui industries that would be put on. It is easy to understand how the tarift' revision of 1894 was in no sense tariff reform, as will presently be shown. The Trade Figures. The evidences of the failure of the policy of protection are abundant, and it is easy to convince any intelligent man that the commercial life of the country was healthier during the period of a revenue tariff than it has been since. It must be born in mind always that the population of the country has in- creased during the last fifteen years — not anything like what it should have done, but nevertheless there has been a small inci-ease, amounting to about 750,000 souls since the inauguration of the Mational Policy ; and consequently the con- sumption of goods and products, both natural and manufactured of Canada should have increased correspondingly. To saj'^, therefore, that the total volume of our trade in 1894 was greatei- than in 1878 iseciuivalent to stating that these 750,000 persons must be fed and clothed and would produce something for export. The real question is whether the total trade per head of the population has increased. Is the foreign trade of Canada greater to-day per head of the popu- lation than it was in 1878 ? Trade Per Head- {Page 397, Year Book, '93 ) According to the figures officially published the total volume of trade per head in 187IS was $59.37, and 1893, $49.41, or a decrease in twenty years of about $10 a head, equal to a total decrease for the dominion of $50,000,000. The total trade per head in 1874 when Mr. Mackenzie was in power was $56.88. Compared with 1874 Canada's foreign trade was less, after fifteen years of protection, by $7 per head, or a total decline of $35,000,000. The reply to this always is that the home market consumes more now than it formerly did, and thus accounts for the decrease in foreign trade. If so the imports from foreign countries will be less, whereas the fact is that the imports per head are greater to-day than in 1878 and the volume of imports for the 10 years, 1883-1892, inclusive is greater than during the deriod 1873 to 1882 inclu- '< g'l tl li U UJ] w| t8 23 I section of i'enue only^ t upon the to the old lenting the lopted has id it looks this early :e a&pect is nciple and 'st duty of to raise a Hon. G. E. v&a firmly. » maintain ense tarift* nt, and it i country ce. r has in- lavedone, 750,000 the con- da should ne of our 6 750,000 t. tion has he popu- lade per of about he total ompared tion, by ow than so the imports the 10 J2 inclu- sive, by $82,000,000. In other words Canadians have consumed more foreign goods during the N. P. period than they did under a tariff for revenue. In 187& the value of dutiable goods imported for home consumption was $59,773,000 ; in 1883 it was $91,588,000 ; in 1888 it was $69,945,000 ; and in 1893 it was $69,^ 160,000, so that it will be seen more foreign goods have been imported by far under the National Policy than before it ; yet the 'declared object of the N.P. was to diminish importation. It has therefore failed of its object in this impor- tant particular. From Whom We Buy. This increase of imports has not been from the Mother country, but altogether from the United States. Total imports from Great Britain, 10 years ending 1882, $469,319,462 1892, 430,843,001 Decline of imports from Great Britain in 10 years, $38,476,461 Our total trade in 1893 with Great J^ritain — that is to say our imports and exports combined — was less than it was in 1874. Total imports from United States, 10 years ending 1882, $456,918,342 1892, 501,775,955 Increase of imports from the United States $ 44,867,613 Some Exports. Here are some other tests of the working of the N. P. on our foreign com- merce. The calculations have been made from the blue book, where the returns begin with the year 1873, and include two ten-year periods, the first being nearly altogether a tariff for revenue pei'iod, and the second a full-fledged high-tariff National Policy period. Exports, 1873-1882. Exports, 1883-1892. France $ 5.370,530 West Indies ; 35,778,834 Italy 1,668,192 Newfoundland 19,029,253 Holland 928,897 Totals $62,775,706 $ 3,819,696 27,726,275 1,283,680 16,483,863 674,901 $49,988,421 Here are five countries, the trade of which is very important to Canada, where the N. P. has ignominiously failed to increase our exports, the task which it was set to do. In these ten years' exports to the West Indies, a near market we ought to command, have fallen off by no less tjjan $8,000,000, notwithstand- ing the establishing of subsidized steam communication. To restore that $8,000,- 000 would pay Canada bettor than to spend money in establishing a line of steamers to Australia, which country only took during the same period $4,426,000 of total goods. At the same time our exports to the West Indies were falling ofl by double that sum. 24 Our exports to the West Indies were greater in 1875 than they are to-day. 1875 $3,945,000 1893 3,145,000 From the above figures these propositions are evident : The N. P. has borne heavily on trade with Great Britain. The N. P. has failed to decrease importations. The N. P. has failed in most important instances to oven maintain a volume of exports up to the standard of Mr. Mackenzie's time. Take the commerce of the Maritime Provinces. In Nova Scotinrin 1873, the imports were $11,000,000; in 1893 they were $9,256,56? The exports of .Nova Scotia in 1873 were $7,372,000, and in 1893, $10.:^08,G28, an increase I'epresented by the trade brought from the west by the railways. In 1873 New Brunswick imported $10,849,000 ; in 1878, $8,500,000, and in 1893, $5,763,884. The exports from New Brunswick in 1873 were $6,487,000 ; in 1878, $6,208,000, and in 1892, $6,183,000. Diminished A^rioultural Ezports. If the Conservative policy were the means of developing the natural resources t>f the country, then the exports of these natural resources would prove it. The total exports of all agricultural products (the greatest source of our wealth) during the ten-year periods before quoted were : ^ 1873-1882 $249,855,184 1883-1892 216,384,141 or a decline of three and a quarter millions a year during the last ten years. In the blue book, from which these figures are taken, the exports called " agricultural products " do not include " animals and their products," which are classified under a separate head. Exports of Itlanufactures. E M One would think that if the N. P. stimulated anything at all it would be the exports of manufactures, yet the figures for the same periods of exports of manufactures are, according to the blue book, as follows : 1873-1882 . . $41,328,587 1883-1892 49,530,211 At this rate of progress the exports of manufactures from Canada would in about two hundred years equal the exports of agricultural products. Taking the number of employees in manufacturing establishments as given by the industrial census the result would be as follows : Production for export, 1881, per man $162 1891, " 134 are to-day. ,000 ,000 n a volume inrin 1873, exports of .n increase '00, and in ^6,487,000 ; il resources B it. rce of our 184 141 ^ears. )rt9 called which are would be xports of 87 11 would in as given 26 The largest item of manufactures appearing in the last schedule is settlers' effects. A commentary indeed upon the N. P., in regard to the export of manu- factures. If it is believed that there is an increase in the number of employees of industrial establishments of 112,000 it must also be believed either that these men worked three-quarter time in the last ten years as compared with full time under Mr. Mackenzie's Government or that the capacity for producing go( ds is very much less in the artisan of to-day than in the artisan of Mr. Mackenzie's period. It cannot be that the home market has consumed more manufactured articles because, as before pointed out, the importations from abroad have increased instead of diminished. Total Foreign Trade- The total foreign trade of Canada, on the basis of goods entered for consump- tion and exported, years 1874 and 1893 : 1874. 1893. Great Britain $108,083,642 $107,228,906 United States 90,524,000 102,144,986 Total for all countries 216,756,097 240,269,382 The National Policy was ostensibly aimed at the United States, but it struck the Mother count) y hardest, as the above figures show. In 1888 our total trade with foi'eign countries, on the same basis of goods entered for consumption and exported, amounted to $193,050,100, compared with $216,756,097 in 1874, a decline during the fourteen years of $23,000,000. In 1891, twelve years after the introduction of the N. P., our total foreign trade was $211,762,420, or $5,000,000 less than it was in 1874. Question. — If the effect of the National Policy was to make the total foreign trade for 1894 greater thanit was in 1878, what was it that made the total foreign trade in 1888 and in 1891 less than it was in 1874 when Mr. Mackenzie was in power ? The Tariff. Compare the l*romise.s of the Conservatives in 1878 with tlieir Performances. The Conservative pledge in 1878 was that the tariff should not be increased but merely readjusted, yet the blue book shows that the customs taxation has increased from $3.13 per head in 1874 to $4.84 in 1891, the date of the census. The duty on some articles was made considerably over 100 per cent., and to-day the duty on coal oil is 93 per cent. (^Sept., 1894, imports), and the duty on com- mon window glass was made as high as the daty on manufactures of gold and silver. The duties on iron manufactures, woollen manufactures, cottons and all the necessaries of life were increased from 17|^ per cent, to 30, 40, 50 and 60 per cent. The ReTised Tariff of 1894. The revised tariff, which is the law to-day, was introduced in the House of Commons March 27, 1894. Since that a member of the Cabinet has claimed that it reduced taxation and relieved the people of many of the burdens under which 26 they labored between 1879 and 1894. Though the Government cahnly imposed during all these years many unjust and unnecessary burdens they are now to be forgiven because they have mitigated the injustice by about two per cent. An examination of the new tariff, however, would show that the new tariff is fully as burdensome and as unjust, if not more so, than the old one. In the first place more than one-half the total number of dutiable articles remained unchanged, and the changes that were made were not always, or even often, in the direction of a reduction. A number of reductions were certainly made in the changes as announced in the budget speech, but the Government, subsequently changed about one hundred items, in nea'rly every case increasing the duty on them, and in a great many instances the universally condemned specific duties were restored. The Government had gone a step forward in the direction of public opinion but they were speedily pulled back by the beneficiaries of the tariff". Charaoter of Eevised Tariff. " i-' ,: m Calculations can easily be made by anybody to show that the revised tariff of 1894 retains most of the follies and every one of the injustices of the old tariff. It is on the whole quite as high a tariff, and in some inst^inces higher, while in a very few cases tfiere are reductions of any moment. In a large number of cases the reductions are from 35 per cent, to 32^ per cent., and in others from 30 to 27| per cent. An idea of the increases made will be found in subsequent pages. The character of the revised tai'iff is described by Mr. Dalton McCarthy In his speech in the House of Commons, April 11, 1894, as follows : " Now, sir, what do these tariff amendments mean ? If I have grasped their meaning at all, I would venture to say — and, in fact, it is not seriously questioned — ^that the tariff is still to be regarded as a tariff in the interest of the manufac- turing classes. That is the keynote of the changes which have been made — that the tariff is still a protective tariff, and that those changes are in the interest, not of the great consuming masses, but of those who are recognized as the protected classes. . , , Speaking of the tariff as a whole, I think I may characterize it as an ad valorem tariff of from 30 to 35 per cent." Col. O'Brien, M.P., in the House of Commons budget debate : " Now, sir, let this tariff go. I do not consider these reductions — and I do not believe they will be considered by the people — as of value. I do not consider that anyone can say that a tariff of 35 per cent, is a farmers' tariff or anything but a manufacturers' tariff. Yet the hon. gentleman has the audacity to ask us to pay $750,000 a year for a fast line of steamers in order to promote a foreign trade. Well, I think the hon. gentleman has to learn the A B C of ))olitical economy if he thinks he can have a foreign ti'ade and a protective system com- bined." In order that there may be no mistake as to the action of such a prominent Conservative — because Col. O'Brien always' has been and still is a strong Con- servative — here is another quotation from his speech : " Under these circumstances, also taking into account the speech of the hon- orable gentleman (Mr. Foster) — fearing that if I supported this tariff I would be committing myself to the principle of protection, which I never have and do not accept — I certainly cannot support the Government in the tariff' they now sug- gest. . . . . I can tell the Hon. Finance Minister that he will fi.'id at the next general election that there are thousands of Conservatives in the Dominion of Canada who will not accept his protectionist doctrines." T imposed now to be sent. An is fully as le articles s, or even certainly vernment. nereasing >ndemned rd in the leficiai'ies sed tariff old tariff, labile in a r of cases om 30 to nt pages. iarthy In 3ed their lestioned nanufac- de — that rest, not )rotected terize it nd I do consider nything ask us foreign ])olitical iin com- oniinent ag Con- ;he hon- ould be \ do not ow sug- at the Dininion 27 Higher than the U. S. Tariff. The Canadian tariff of to-day is higher than the tariff of the United States, taking it all round, and there are many important differences. Agricultural implements under the United States tariff are free, while here they are taxed ons-iifth of their value, and, under thokAdministration of the Act, 25 per cent, is exacted instead of 20 per cent. Besides this many agricultural implements are dutiable under the Canadian tariff at 35 per cent. The Fookets of the People. n When Lfrt the stump the Minister of Finance asserts that ho one need pay any taxes at all by the simple method of purchasing home-made articles, but here is what he said in the House of Commons budget of 1894 : " The aggregate amount of taxation remitted since 1883 on the articles I have enumerated amounted to $29,500,000, or an average of about $2,500,000 a year. In 1892-3, when I had the honor of announcing to Parliament that we had a surplus of $1,354<,000 had we kept the taxation on these articles — taxation which was imposed upon them when the National Policy had its inception or in its first year — I should have had to add to that surplus the sum of $5,600,000, which would have represented so much more taken from the pockets of the people." So taxes when imposed miy be easily avoided by patronizing home indus- tries, but when these taxes are remitted or taken off they represent so much which would otherwise have been taken from the pockets of the people. Average Bate of Duty. If Mr. Foster, as he says, took off $30,000,000 of taxes l^etween 1882 and 1893, it would follow that the average rate of taxation would be much lower now than it was when all these extra taxes were being collected. In fact the average rate is higher if Mr. Foster is to be believed. Speaking in the House of Commons, budget, 1894, he said : " If you take the average of the ad valorem duty paid on all dutiable goods imported into this country for home consumption from 1879 to 1893 you will find in no year has the average rate exceeded 31 per cent., and that the average of those years has been 28| per cent." Therefore, after reducing the duties between 1882 and 1893 by taking off, Mr. Foster says, $29,000,000. and after revising the tariff of 1894, ostensibly making further red:ictions, one would think that the tariff taxation would be certainly very much less than it was in 1882-1893, when it averaged, Mr. Foster says, 2^^ per cent. ; but the monthly returns of importations for home consump- tion as published in the Canada Gazette during the last half of 1894, show that the operation of the new tariff imposes an average of about 30 per cent, on duti- able goods. Mr. Foster has proved too much. Mr. Foster says, as quoted above, that his Government has taken off $30,- 000,000 from the taxation imposed in 1879, or an average of about $2,500,000 a year; yet the people who paid $14,138,000 in 1880, paid $18,500,000 in 1881, and $21,161,000 in 1893 in customs duties. The fact is, Mr. Foster omitted to mention the constant imposition of new duties, which have been imposed upon the people nearly every year since 187^. The amount of duties collected by the customs in 1879 was $3.12, and in 1880 $3.35, and in 1893 $4.27, or an increase per hesul as comparied with 1880 of nearly a dollar. 28 111 if (!i The per capita tax of customs duties in tlie United States in 1893 was $3.08, or $1.19 more in Canada than in the United States, a difference of 35 per cent., and under the Wilson Bill the United States figures will be very greatly reduced. The only reductions calculated to be of any benefit to the general consumer ever made by the party in power were the taking of duty oft" anthracite coal and the reduction in the sugar duties, in ]^ril, 1893, said : " Whenever the price of any article was inflated by means of trade condiin- ations it has either been put upon the free list, or the duty lowered to a point which rendered the abuse of the protection impossible." Mr. Bowell here admitted in the plainest and most positive manner, that com- bines can only exist under a high duty and that they can be dissolved by lower^ ing the duty or placing the articles on the free list. Mr. Dalton McCarthy, a Conservative, who supported the N. P, in 1878, and who by reason of his business comes into contact with business interests and com- mercial speculations every day, has this further to say on the subject : " I venture to say that there is hardly an industry, certainly not one of the. great indu.stries, so to speak, which have not been fostered by the pi'otective policy that is not now in one way or another in a combination and in which, in other words, there i.s not a practical monopoly." In the House of Commons during the session of 1894 Mr. Forbes quoted a form of bond entered into between dealers, in which the following paragraph occurred : " That no goods have been sold by me, nor, to the best of my knowledge and belief, by any other person as aforesaid (except to members of the said association) at any less price than that fixed by the said associations, and that no rebates, dis' counts, (except as provided for in the said agreement,) drawbacks, allowances ov inducement whatever have been made or allowed by me." This "bond was signed by those who dealt with combines, and under it com-^ bines were operating in paints, wire nails, tacks, cut nails, screws, horseshoes, pressed wrought spikes and bar iron. Combines also exist in many other lines, such as wall papers, sugars, cottons, wrapping paper, plate glass, binder twine, agricultui'al implements and so on. In 1891 Mr. Mulock showed in the House of Commons that a cordage com- pany had acquired all the binding twine factories in Canada, that it had a capital of $3,000,000, and a directorate of half a dozen persons, three of whom are Amer- can capitalists, and the president of the combine being Mr. Stairs, Tory M. P. for Halifax. The government refused relief and to escape from this oppression the farmers started the Brantford Twine Factory, and the Ontario Government also a Twine Factory, which ha-s effected to the farmers a saving of about 8 cents a pound. Mr. Charles Raymond, a large manufacturer, at Guelph, Ont., made the fol- lowing statement during the revision of the tariff in 1894, concerning the exac^ tions of the screw combine, or Canadian Screw Company : " At one time they were content with a fair price, but another concern started, the two pooled their output, prices were jumped one-third higher, but still a shade lower than the high duty and freight added to the American price. The Government should put the product of such combines on the free list to bring them to their senses." 3 F.E. ^1 I "? m^ 84 The Cotton Oom1)i2ie. Oompotioii was an essential condition of the National Policy, and one of the many grounds why it has lost favor is that combination among the manufac- turers has entirely destroyed that competition, and to-day the price of evorv article manufactured in this country, speaking in g(^noral terms, is raised just as high as the tariH' will permit. — Col. O'Jirien, it. P., (Conservative), House of Commons, April 5, 1894. The nature and extent of the; cotton combine in Canada was thoroughly exposed by Mr. Edgar, M.P.. in his speeches on the subject in the House of Com- mons. On a subsequent page it is shown that the duties on cotton goods in th(! revised tariti' are, on the average, higher than in the old ttiritf. (Jn the morning of the day on which the Finance Minister announced his tariff changes, March 27, 1894, buyers were offering 1 18 A for cotton stocks in Montreal, On April ti, ten days later, Montreal cotton stocks were sold at liS2. This is full proof that the changes made in the cotton schedule of the tariff were made in the interest of tlie combine and not in the interest of the general consumer. On April 1 4, 1893, a report was given out of the annual meeting of the Domin- ion Cotton Comi)any, at which the president, Mr. A. F. Gault, stated that the earnings for the year were about 20 per cent, on a capital of $8,000,000. On the last SI ,500,000 of this stock of $.S,000,000, however, the shareholders had only paid up 10 per cent, and 20 per cent, on !?1, 500,000 represented exactly an earning, or rather a robbery, of 200 per cent, on the SI 50,000 paid in to Imy the $1,500,000 of .stock. This watered stock was quoted on the mfirket the day before the announce- ment of the tariff changes, at 115, and on the Gth April, ten daj's after the budget, it was 122i, so that the effect of the tarift' changes in the cotton duties was to appreciate even tlie watered stock. At least $13,000,000 worth of cottons are manufactured by the companies controlling the output in Canada. Dr. Montague. M.P., in the Session of 1893 put the working expen.ses of all the mills, from data supplied to him, at $8,000,- 000. This would leave a margin for profit of $5,000,000 a year. The .same report of Mr. A. F. Gault's .speech at the annual m^^eting, April 13, 1893, reported Mr. Gault to have spoken as follows regarding the cotton mills within the control of the Dominion Cotton Company, which controls all the white cotton mills in the country : " The most modern machinery is employed, and even if the Government should come back to the tarifi' that was enforced during the Mackenzie regime, the company would be in a position to compe'te with the whole world, not even excepting England." Mr. Gault afterwards denied that he made these statements, but they were reported along with other and admitted statements. An it is, the cotton manufacturers in Canada export annually about $300,000 worth of product and sell it as far away as China in open competition with the world. Why cannot they compete in the home market ? It may well be believed that the industry would earn good profits under a tariff for revenue only, as it did before the National Policy was introduced. To show that the Government in arranging the new tariff consulted the combine and satisfied Mr. Gault and his colleagues beforehand that they would not be hurt, the following extract is given from a letter written by Mr. Gault to "^^ X 3i the Montreal Star, April 21«t, 189V: "There would l>i> doubtless some cbangoH (in the tarill") l)ut it wan hoped they would be of such a li^^ht nature that this company (the combine with eleven tnilla) would be able to go on an heretofore paying its usually (|uarterly dividend." This is what Mr. Qault himself says he told fche shareholders at tho meeting. He prophesied that the changes would be of a light nature, and that the cotton combine would not be prevented from pay- ing its " usually quarterly dividend." That prophecy came true, as the following list will show : T Comparisons in Oottons. 1 Old taritf. Revised tariff. Sowing thread 25 per cent. 25 per cent. Mosquito nettings 25 " 30 Braids and cords 30 " « 80 *' Corsets 35 " 32,1 Crapes . . . , 20 " 20 Elastic webbing 25 " 20 " Non -elastic webbing 20 " 20 " Cotton twine 25 " and 1 c. lb. 25 Unbleached sheeting.s 24 " 22^ Ginghams and plaids 34 " 30 Flannellettes and colored cottonades . . 31 " 30 " Printed or ilyed fabrics 32.1 " 30 " • Clothing 35" " 32^ " Hosiery 42 " (average). 35 Shirts 47 " - 25 & 50 p. c. Ladies collars 130 (24c. doz. & and 25 p.c.)125 Cordage of all kinds 23 per cent. 23 " Drills and ducks 24 " 26 Colored fabrics dyed 26 " 30 " Velveteens, cotton velvets 20 " 80 " Handkerchiefs 25 " 30 Winceys 22A " 32| All manufactures of cotton not specified 20 " 32^^ " To make this last unjustifiable increase more monstrous still, there are very many more articles not specified iu the revised schedule than in the old tariff. In the old tariff 45 different articles of cotton were specified ; in the new tariff there are not more than about 20. (For interesting example of how the cotton combine deals with the working- men, see chapter devoted to wages.) (Also see chapter on industrial census for number of employees in cotton mills.) The Sugar Combine. When the Government in 1891 reduced the duty on sugar they made all sugars above number 14 Dutch standard in color and refined sugars of all kinds bear a specific duty of i*o of a cent a pound. Mr. Paterson of Brant, moved an 36 amendment that all sugars under number 16 Dutch standard should be admitted free of duty, and all over that be reduced to ^ of a cent a pound. Mr. Paterson's motion, which was supported by every Liberal in Parliament, was vor;ed down, but Mr. Paterson had the satisfaction of seeing the Government adopt hjs resolu- tion \i ith a slight variation in 1894. On his motion Mr. Stairs, M.P., for Halifax, whose company has a monopoly of the sugar industry in the maritime provinces, controlling three factories which were formerly independent, said : " The Canadian refiners, I believe, can refine sugar as cheaply as American refiners ; at least so near it that the difference does not affect the calculation at all. But why is it that they want a little more protection ? It is because the market of Canada is not so large." The whole iniquity of the protection system is confessed in these half-dozen lines b>' one of its chief beneficiaries. Another sugar baron, Senator Drummond, stated in his place in the Senate as follows: • " Now as a manufacturer, I say that my preference is distinctly to be placed in the position of the manufacturer of cotton and have my raw material duty free. If that were so, I honestly believe that I could supply ' the trade and the country with sugar as cheaply as in England ; but as a manufacturer it is perhaps stepping out of my province to suggest." Well, Mr. Drummond ha« his raw sugar admitted free of duty and his finished product protected to the extent of over six-tenths of a cent per pound. Under this arrangement the refiners make about $1,500,000 annually over and above a fair profit. Under the old tariff refined sugar up toNo. 14 Dutch standard came in free, and when the price of low grade sugars went up too high in Canada, Scotch refined, grading less than 14, was imported and this to some extent kept down the price of low grade sugars. Under the new taritt'of 1894 refined sugars up to No. 16 Dutch standard are dutiable, and to this extent the refiners are benefited by the change. In the discussion on admitting duty free raw sugars up to No. 16, Mr. Stairs who is closely connected with the West India trade in sugars, said in the House of Commons: "The consumers will have refined sugar because we cannot get any considerable quantity of raw sugar of a suitable character from the West Indies." He also said that raw sugar up to No. 16 was so dirty they would not be able to import it from the West Indies for direct consumption. It is well known that uhe manufacturers try to frighten the people when they are threatened with a reduction of their protection by telling the people that if the protection is reduced they will have to close up their factories, and the workingmen will be thrown out of employment. In speaking in the House of Commons against the motion by Wm. Paterson, Liberal M.P., South Brant to reduce the duty to five-tenths a cent a pound, Mr. Stairs «aid : " The refineries, therefore, would have to shut down and the classes to whom I have referred as being benefited by this industry would be thrown out of work " The Liberal Opposition and the public demand brought such pressure to bear that a reduction was made, but the refineries have not closed up, simply because the protection is still very high, very much higher than in the United States, even urder the McKinley Bill. The following is a table which was rtad to the House of Com- mons, giving the prices as to refineries, to the wholesale trade, of granulated sugar in London, New York and Montreal. The London quotations were taken from 87 the " Daily Telegrap\," the New York quotations from the " Tribune," and the Montreal quotations from the " Gazette," of the respective dates. The '^tuotations are per hundred pounds : Date. London, Eng. New York. Montreal. Jan. 5, 1894 $3 58 $3 Slj $4 25 Jan. 12 •' 3 58 4 061 4 25 Jan. 19 " 3 52 4 ISf 4 37^ Jan. 26 " 3 52 4 12| 4 37| Feb. 2 " 3 52 4: 06{ 4 37^ Feb. 9 " 3 64 4 12i 4 37| Feb. 16 " 3 58 4 06| 4 50 Feb. 23 " 3 58 4 25 4 50 Mar. 2 " 3 58 4 25 4 50 Mar. 9 " 3 58 4 25 4 50 Mar. 16 "..... . 3 58 4 25 4 50 Mar. 23 " 3 58 4 06^ 4 37i 12 weeks 42 84 49 50 52 87| Average 3 57 4 12i 4 40i Here we have refined sugar, of which we use 250,000,000 lbs. every year, sold here at an advance on the price in London, deducting $5.50 per ton for freight, amounting to $1,625,000. It is thus clearly shown that the refiners in Canada took $1,500,000 of unearned profits in a single year from the people of Canada. For all that the revenue in 1893 only received $10,000 from the sugar duties, owing to all raw sugars for refiners' use being admitted free, Speaking in the House, Mr. Haggart said : " To-day we are getting sugar of a finer qua''*-v for half the money we had to pay for it in the years from 1874 to 1878." The jUestion is if sugar is as cheap as it would be without the protection of the tariff, and if it is, or was at the time Mr. Haggart spoke, half the price, why did the Government reduce the duty on sugar :* There are hundreds of things not costing half the money they did twenty years ago, but improved machinery, cheaper raw material and the progress oE the age are responsible, and not the tarifi". Paper Combine- A combine exists among the white and manilla paper makers, and not long ago the owners of the ten mills in the Dominion manufacturing wrapping papers combined to limit production and fix prices at a paying figure. They met at the Queen's Hotel, Toronto, adopted a price list, and the basis of the combination. There was one mill in Canada not represented at the meeting and steps were taken to procure the co-operation of this remaining mill, so that competition would be entirely killed as far as prices were concerned. Some of the leading- firms represented in the combine are the E. B. Eddy Co., of Hull, J. C. Wilson & Co., of Montreal and Lachute, Taylor Bros., Toronto, The Canada Paper Co., Toronto, and the Lincoln Paper Mills Co., of Merritton. ICillionaires and Paupers. Mr. George Taylor, the Government Whip in the House of Commons, used the following language in the budget debate of 1894 : " I do not think we have in Canada, all told, over 20 men who are worth a million dollars and upwards, and I do not know of a millionaire engaged in. the business of manufacturing." 38 Let us see what a much better authority than Mr. Taylor liad to say on the subject three years before. Speaking in the Senate, 1891, the Ho'n. J. J. C Abbott, then Premier of Canada, and Mr. Taylor's leader, said, in a debate on the salaries of judges : " I remember when a man could live in this country for one-half the amount he can live on now — when the fortunes which judges, in the attempt to maintain their social rank, had to compete with were not one-tenth or one-hundredth part of what they are now. It is not so long ago wiien the sight of a millionaire would have attracted crowds in the streets ; now there is not a town in the country where you could not find men who are several times millionaires. The cost of living is greater." Which argument do the Conservatives wish the people to believe ? The tariff certainly has not made any of the farmers millionaires, nor has it distrib- uted wealth among the general consuming population. Sir John Abbott knew well that the effect of the policy which he and his colleagues adhered to was to make certain persons in the cities and towns rich at the expense of ninety-nine- hundredths of the people. His testimony that the cost of living is pretty well twice as great now as it was under a tariff for revenue is valuable, because Sir John Abbott was in a position to know, and on finding himself advocating a question which was non-political, viz., the increase in the salaries of the judges, he stated facts, which every man in this country can confirm frc n his own experience. One of the latest examples of how the new tarift" still affords temptations to combine is found in the following news dispatch sent out from Montreal : Montreal, Jan. 11, 1895. — " Another nail combine has been formed here, with the result that the base price of cut nails has been advanced 50 cents per keg. To-day the mills quote $2.10 as the base price." The Eice IConopoly. For the benefit of the owners of one single mill engaged in cleaning or hulling rice in Canada the duty upon hulled rice was fixed at 1| cents a pound, equal ca fifty-five per cent., while the uncleaned rice was admitted at 17A per cent. This duty of fifty-five per cent, upon cleaned rice was not imposed for purposes of revenue but to enable the owner of the rice-cleaning niill to compel the people to purchase the product of his factory at a price fixed by himself. There are now two rice-cleaning factories, one in Victoria, B.C., and the other in Montreal. According to a statement by the finance Minister in the House of Commons these mills employ a total of 75 men. According to the facts and figures contained in House of Commons Hausard, April 20, 1894, these two mills employing 75 hands cost the people of Canada under the new tarift $200,000 at least, a year, on the basis of an importation of 25,000,000 lbs. as in 1893. The very lowest figure of what this tax lays upon the people is $150,000 a year. The duty on cleaned rice in the new tariff is the same as in the old, l^c. a pound. Every man having employment in the rice-cleaning mills could be pensioned off at $2,000 a yeai paid out of the public exchequer, and the people would not be a penny worse off. In the budget speech Mr. Foster announced a reduction of duty on cleaned rice from 1^ c. a pound to 1 c, but three weeks later at the request not of the people or their representatives, but at the request of the parties interested, the duty was put back at the old figure. a 5(1 39 A pi.'actical illustration of how the duty on rice works was given by Messrs. John Pinder & Co., of Montreal, dealers in rice, over their own- signature, in a letter dated May 24tli, 1894, as follows : Invoice cost of 1,500 hundred bags imported rice, 360,452 pounds at If '~. a pound- $5,857; duty thereon, \ c. per pound, S4,405 ; duty on bags at 20 per cent, $60 ; freight to Montreal, $542 ; insurance $117, or a total in duty and freight of $5,286, making the total cost to the importer for the $5,857 worth of rice of $11,088. Mr. Pinder further says : " This makes the cost of the rice a fraction over three cents a pound laid down in Montreal, and gives the rice mill a protection of 80 per cent on the first cost of the rice, or nearly lOO per cent if the freight and other charges are added. The Rice Milling Co., who employ from 50 to 75 men (some assert that they do not employ more than 20 hands), enjoy a pro- tection of 1 c. per pound, or equal to $243,184 per annum. No one pretends that we can grow rice in this country, and the present duty i» simply downright robbery. The Government gets scarcely any revenue from what is milled here, and the consumer is obliged to buy the lowest grade produced in order that the rice mill may make a fortune every year." The tax is one out of which the Government receives $1 and the rice- cleaner $4. The only compensation to the Government for maintaining an odious monopoly in such a wholesome article of general consumption as rice, is the handsome contribution to their election fund which the rice milling company doubtless gives. Wall Paper Duties- Wall paper is another article in general use which is unjustly taxed for the^ benefit of the few, the specific duty being used to conceal the heavy nature of the tax. Under the old tariff brown and white blanks were taxed 51 per cent ; white and grounded papers, 67 per cent ; print and colored bron/es, 71 per cent ; embossed bnmzes, 50 per cent ; colored borders 61 per cent ; bronze and embossed borderS; 70 per cent. On paper costing 2 cts. a roll the duty was 2 cts. a roll. Under the new tariff wall paper was divided into two schedules, first, wall paper on plain ungrounded paper, 35 per cent ; all other papers 1^ c. per roll and 25 per ce nt. A Duty of 70 Per Cent- The dut)^ on syrups and naolasses, the product of the sugar cane or beet root and all other syrups and molasses is, in the new tariff, half a cent a pound. In the old tariff it was 1^ c. per gallon, which on the lower grades, worth about 10 c. a gallon, amounted to about 15 per cent. In a gallon there are 14 lbs. and at ^ c. a pound the duty will be eiiual to 7 c a gallon, and on syrup worth 10 c, per gallon this is equivalent to a duty of 70 per cent. This is a very fair sample of the iniquity of specific duties, which press with the greatest weight on the poorer people. This is also a fair sample of some of the changes made in the tariff. Speaking on the tariff in the House of Commons in 1894, Mr. W. F. Maclean, Tory M.P., for East York, said : " I take no stock in tariff reform or tariff revision. And in regard to what is called clo.ser trade relations with the United States, in regard to reciprocal trade with the United States, I must say that I take no stock in that, at present." ., 40 It is true that there are some reductions in the new tarriff, and, insignificant though they be, prove the strength of the movement in favor of a real tariff reform. Moreover, the concessions, such as they are, were wrung from the Oovemment by the opposition, backed up by the force of public opinion. Bow the Farmer is Taxed The object of a protective tariff in its initial stages is to give a vantage ground, and in giving it I frankly admit that in the initial stages the price will be ra:sed to a certain degree I say that in the initial years of the National Policy with a protective principle in it that it will have the effect of enhancing the cost of goods, and that at the first the cost of goods will be very closely up to the measure of the protection which was given. If it does not have that effect why should it ever be adopted at all, and what is the good of it? — Hon. Geonje Foster, in budget speech, March 27, 1894., Hansard, page 310. This admission, from the highest authority in the country, that the manu- facturer takes advantage of the dut}' almost to the full extent by adding it on to the price of his goods, should be borne in mind. Under the revised tariff of 1894 the following articles, necessaries of the farmer, are taxed as follows : Threshing machines 30 p. cent Lubricating oil 6c. a gal. Axle grease 25 p.cent. Drain tiles 20 " Ler -her belting 20 '• Harness 30 " Cut nails(75c.perl00pounds)70 " Scythes, etc 35 " Shovels and spades 35 " Pumps and windniills 30 " Wire fencing (|c. lb.) 30 " Pails and tubs 20 " Waggons ""5 Buggies 35 " Binder-twine 12^ " Horse blankets 32| " Fertilizers iO " Builders' hardware 32| " Rope 30 " Iron 45 " Tools 30,!c 25 " Chopping axes 35 p.cent. Coal oil 85 to 95 " Window glass 20 " Hats and caps 30 " Mitts 35 " Firearms 20 " Umbrellas and parasols .... 35 " Woollens 30 " Cottons 32i " Furniture 30" " Carpets 30 " Flour 75c. brl. Ready-made clothing 35 p.cent. Rice 60 to 70 " Jugs, crocks and churns, (2c. a gal) 45 Stoves '. 30 Sewing machines 30 Woollen socks 35 Children's clothing 32^ What does the free list contain for the farmer ? It contains thoroughbred stock and fowls, tea and coffee, timber, corn for ensilage and some kinds of lumber partly manufactured. There is nothing else in the three hundred articles on the free list which can be construed as of any benefit at all to the farmer. Compare this with the free list for the benefit of the manufacturers. Mr. Bowell stated in a speech delivered January 13, 1893, at Toronto : " No less than 113 articles have been put on the free list, and many of them placed upon the free list for the express purpose of aiding the manufacturing industries of the country. This is a practical specimen of what I consider to be tariff reform." ( ( ( C 41 Articles Free or Lightly Tazed- Lest it should be said that all the aiticles on the free list are not for the express benefit of the manufacturers the following list of other articles is given : Mass and seaweed Musk Oil or water color paintings, copies old masters Phos])horus Precious stones in the rough . . Quicksilver Quills Rags Roots Sand Sausage skins Mother of pearl shells Silver in sheet Skins of birds Tails, undressed Tobacco, unmanufactured .... Turtles Horse hair Sawdust Grass Free. « Free. II II (I Arsenic Dragon's blood Curling stones Ice Hair Tvory tusks Leeches Skeletons '"' Collections of coin " Crude bones " Collections of postage stamps " Unset diamonds " Palms, orchids, cacti " Imported labor " Yankee protection theories . . " American gerrymanders " Watch movements 10 p. c. French pomades 15 " Precious stones 10 " Manufactures of gold and silver 20 " Is the Eevised Tariff an Improvement ? . The following is a list of some 70 articles with the duties as under the old tariff and as under the new tariff of 1894 : he i,re in ,ve he is Article. New N. P. Tariff. Old. Living animals. . 20 per cent. 30 per cent. Canned meats , 25 " 30 " Extracts of meat 25 " 25 " Mutton and lamb 35 " "^ 42 Lard and stearine 2 cts. lb. 2c. lb. Beeswax 10 per cent. 20 per cent. Tallow candles 25 " 18 " Common or laundry soap 20 " 30 " Castile or white soap 40 " 40 " Eggs '. 5 cts. doz. 5c. doz. Butter 4 cts. lb. 4c. lb. Cheese 3 " 3c. lb. Condensed milk 3 " 35 per cent. Oatmeal « 20 per cent. 15 " Cleaned rice 60 " 60 " Mustard 25 " 25 " i! 1 42 Ai-ticle. ' New N. P. TarifF. Old. Pickles 35 per cent. 35 per cenk Blank books 35 " 35 " Patent medicines, pills, etc 50 " 50 " Coal oil (Sep. 1894 imports) 93 " 98 " Varnishes, etc 36 " 36 " Common window glass 20 " 20 " Cement 40 cts. brl. 40c. brl. Slate pencils 25 per cent. 25 per cent. School slates 30 " 65 " Roofing slate 30 " 20 " Caps and hats 30 " 25 " Harness and saddlery 30 " 35 " Whips 35 " 45 " Boots and shoes 25 " 25 Waterproof clothing 35 " 35 " Axles and springs 20 per cent, and 1 c. lb. 50 " Nails and spikes, wro^ijiht 30 " 35 " Wire nails 66 " l^c. lb. Screws 35 " 25, 35 and 20. Iron 35 " 45 per cent. Cutlery 25 " 25 " Picks, hoes and tools 35 " 40 Axes of all kinds jr- " 35 " Scythes, hay knives, etc 35 " 50 " Shovels and spades 35 " 43 Files 35 " 35 " Builders' and cabinetmakers' ware .... 32^ " 35 " Saws 32^ " 35 " Tablecutlery ,. 32i " . 25 « Weigh scales 30 " 35 Sewing machines 30 " 33 " Pumps and windmills 30 " 35 Barbed wire fencing | c. lb. 1 |c. lb. Pins 30 per cent. 30 per cent» Firearms 20 " 20 " Tinware 25 " 25 Granite or agateware 35 " 35 " Plated table knives 35 " 25 " Dolls and children's toys 35 " 35 Furniture 30 " 35 " Baby carriages 35 " 35 " Knitted goods : 35 " 33 " Carpets and mats 30 " 25 Cotton carpets 40to50 per cent. 25 " Two and three-ply carpets 5 c. yd. and 25 per cent. 25 " Window shades 35 per cent. 30 " Gloves and mitts 35 " 35 Suspenders or braces 35 " 35 " Ready-made clothing of wool 35 " 33 " Combs for toilet 35 " 35 " Tobacco pipes 35 " 35 Trunks and valises 30 " ^ 30 " Currycombs 32.1 " 35 " •A 1 43 0. The NoT^ Tariff Higher. It will be noticed that the old tariff was in some cases, such as school slates, so extraordinarily high that a reduction could not be avoided. As the French Minister at Paris wrote Sir Charles Tupper when negotiating the French Treaty, Canada had " A Unique Tarift'." Tlie slight reductions made are offset by the increases, and on the average the new tariff is fully as hieh as the old one. This is shown by the official returns. The total imported dutiable goods for the month of July, 1894, was $4,-574,6 10, and the duty thereon $1,372,000, or about 30 per cent. The returns for the same month in 1893, when the old tariff was in force gave the same average, 30 per cent. The imports of manufactures of cottons in July, 1893, amounted to $30G,39o, on which there was collected a duty of $82,067, or about 26^ per cent., as against imports of manufactures of cotton in July, 1894, of $294,169, with a duty of $71,21(3, or 28A per cent., an increase in the average duty on cottons under the new tariff as compared with the old of 2 per cent. The returns for the same mouths in the woolens class as compared with the same month in 1893, were as follows : Imports. Duty. Per cent 1893.... ... $1,154,483 $254,801 22 1894 873.228 280,367 32 According to these official returns woolens were taxed in that month 10 per cent, higher than under the old tariff. It is not true that this was caused by an increase in the fi'ee importations, because the percentage of free goods imported that month was smaller than under the old tariff. According to the October, 1894, returns of imports the value of rice imported was $9,550, and the duty paid thereon $5,622, or about 60 per cent, according to the October valuations (see official Gazette, page 796.) The value of sparkling wines imported for the same month was $12,445,.. upon which duty amounting to $7,073 was collected, or equal to 57 per cent.; s« that sparkling wines were taxed less than the wholesome and necessary article of diet, rice. The value of coal oil imported during Octobei", 1894, was $74,270, and the duty paid thereon $64,918, or 87 per cent. The Iron Duties. The Conservatives are always predicting gi-eat results to flow from their policy. Not being able to point to any present results of permanent value they conjure up visions of great things which are to occur either to-morrow or next year, or within a few years. In 1887 Sir Charles Tupper introduced the new iron duties which were a heavy increase on the duties existing up to that time and kept the House of Commons hanging upon his largo predictions of the great prosperity which was to flow from the increased duties. Blast furnaces were to !i ii| i ^-' 'f! 44 be esfcablif?hed in every province in the Dominion and in the Territories as well. He even specified places. One was to be opened up at Carleton,N.B.,at Cobourg, Ont., Weller's Bay, Ont., and Kingston, Ont. Sir Charles proceeded as follows : " Now. sir, the result is that by the adoption of this policy you will give per- manent employment to an army of men, numbering at least 20,000, increasing our population from 80,000 to a hundred thousand souls, and affording a means of supporting them in comfort and prosperity. . . Were we to manufacture castings and forgings, cutlery and edged tools, hardware, machinery or engiiiet> and steel rails, and there is no reason wo should not steadily progress to that point, the population I have mentioned of one hundred thousand souls would be no less than trebled." Under the influence of these arguments Parliament submitted to the increased taxes, which since then have I'anged at nearl}' a million dollars a year. Of one thing Sir Charles was certain, that under his new policy all the pig iron needed in Canada would be produced in Canada. Four years later the pro- duction of pig iron in Canada was not one-third what it was in 1887, and in 1892 it was a little more than one half. The importation of pig iron, which the new policy was to cut ofl^ was 4.5,000 tons in 1887, the year of the new polic3^ In 1892 the importations were 68,918 tons, and in 1893 they amounted to 56,584, or an increase of 11,000 tons above 1887, when they were to utterly cease; but some- how or other the only effect of the Government's great iron policy was to accom- plish exactly the opposite of what was predicted. The importations of iron manu- factures have continued to increase, until in 1893 the value of the total impor- tations of iron and steel was $10,140,050 compared with S9,746,667 in 1887, and the duty paid rose from 12,168,392 in 1887 to $2,878,368 in 1893. The explanation of all this is that not a single blast furnace has been estab- lished in Canada since 1887, and instead of the increased taxes furnishing; support for a hundred thousand souls they only furnished an additional load of taxation for the already over-burdened taxpayers to bear. The changes in the duties on iron made in the revision of 1894 were to reduce the duty on bar iron from $13 to $10, and the duties on puddled bar from $9 per ton to $4 per ton, and to increase the duty on scrap iron from $2 to $4, and a bounty of $2 per ton given upon puddled bar and what corresponds to that in steel, to run for five years. The duty of $4 per ton on pig iron and the bounty of $2 per ton upon all pig iron produced in Canada, making a net pro- duction of $6 per ton on pig were left as they were under the old tariff. In these changes the owners of the rolling mills of Canada were hit by the increase of the duty on scrap iron of 100 per cent., and on the other hand the pro- ducers of pig iron in Canada for whose benefit the duty on scrap was doubled, were hit by the reduction of the duty on puddled bar, and the manufacturers and con- sumers of iron as a whole were displeased with the shuffle which on the whole enhanced the cost of their raw material. Pig iron and scrap iron formed the raw material of the manufacturers, and while the very high duty of $4 a ton was left on pig iron the duty on scrap was doubled. The govei-nment will claim credit for reducing the duty on bar iron from $13 to $10 a ton,and while this is in the right direction as far as that one article is concerned, the question is why should the duty be as high as $10 a ton. The government declare themselves in favor of a cheapening of raw materials, but deliberately tinker the tariff in regard to the most important raw material, iron, and leave the duties so high that the manu- facturers all over the country using iron protested against the changes. Mr. Chesley, the member for St. John, N.B., a practical iron manufacturer, stated from his place in the House, speaking of the effect of the new duties on the rolling mills, that "the inevitable result must follow, that they must all pay more c t f a 1 t ii a li b w w h 45 for their raw material in consec|uence of this additional duty (on scrap), and the price of iron must be increased to the consumer. . . . Scrap iron will continue to be used here and puddled bars will not b3 made." The following table shows the production of pig iron from the inception of the bounty system down to the present time : No. of tons Amount of claimed upon bounty paid, 1884 29,388 $44,089 1885 25,769 38,654 188G 26,179 39.259 1887 39,717 59,576 1888 22,209 33,31 4 1889 24,822 37,333 1890 24,373 25,697 i891 20,153 20,153 1892 30,289 30,294 1893 35,268 67,590 1894 Taking the duties and bounties together the cost of the Government's attempt to " develop " the country by taxing the people has cost the people of Canada since 1884 $10,000,000. In other words, the people are that much poorer and the owners of iron mines no better off. Notwithstanding that we have in Ontario, Quebec and the Maritime provinces unrivalled deposits of iron, this great wealth still lies concealed beneath the surface. The official figures show that the production of pig iron instead of being encouraged by the increased iron duties of 1887 began to diminish from that year, and it took seven years for this industry to recover from the blow The tacts are so plain that the Toronto Empire, the Government organ, speaking of the then pending tariff' revision, .said : " The iron duties were imposed in 1887, and if development has not been as satisfactory as was hoped that fact can hardly be wondered at." the Dro- were con- vhole raw ft on for right dthe of a o the The Price of Wheat- The farmer was promised higher prices under the N. P. for everything he produced, especially wheat. During the cainjiaign of 1878 he was told over and over again from every platform and by every Tory newspaper in the Dominion that the N. P. would give him a home market, and that the occupants of the factories which the N. P. was to create would purchase everything he had to sell at big prices. Nevertheless Mr. Masson, Tory M.P., speaking at Owen Sound, October 4, 1893, said, " If any person had told the people that in Canada by adopting the N P. the farmers would get $1 per bushel for their wheat when it was worth only 70c. in New York and Liverpool, it would not have been believed by any one. Such a statement would never have misled people." Mr, Masson, who was not in pub- lic life at the time, cannot believe that the farmers were credulous enough to believe the tine promises made by his leaders and his friends. The average price of wheat dui ing the five years Mr. Mackenzie was in office was $1,11 per bushel, and in 1878 it was $1.25, In 1894 the best wheat in the world sold in Manitoba at 36c. a bushel, although Manitoba No. 1 hard went as high as 42c. a bushel. It actually cost, more than that to carry it to market. il t i 40 Speoiflo Duties- Hon Mr. Foster, in his budget speech of 1894, when bringing down the revised tariff, condemned specific duties " where they act so as to raise the rate upon the cheaper tliough good articles, thus discriminating against a class of con- sumers in the country." Notwithstanding this, in a score of cases the first draft of the new tariff was changed from ad valorem back to specific duties. The Con- servative campaign sheet, " The Trade Question Discussed," defends this lapse into the old evil ways by saying that the people — that is the interested people — asked for the change and adds : " The Government have changed the duties back to specific ; they listen to the people and take the people's judgment." The Government had a year and more in which to prepare tlieir revised tariff, being engaged, as they said, in obtaining the opinion of the people throughout the country. Notwithstanding this tney subsequently made a hundred changes in response to small deputations of interested parties, and on each occasion the -change was against the wishes and interests of the people at large. The Dry Goods Trade- The Dry Goods Association of Montreal declared itself in favor of ad valorem system of duties and opposed to all specific duties. Mr. E. B, Greenshields, Vice-President of the Association, in summarizing the effect of the revised tariff upon the dry goods trade, said the Government had increased the duty on tapestry and Brussels carpets by 20 per cent., and the increase of duties on woolen and union dress goods was 20 per cent. The duties under the old tarifi' upon these last named goods were, according to cost price, 22^ per cent., 25 and 27i, an average duty of 25 per cent. Under the new tariff they are put with imported woolen goods and taxed 30 per cent. Velveteens were increased by 50 per cent, and shawls after the same fashion. The dry goods importers and the manufacturers of ladies' cotton goods agreed that the rate of duty on cottons should not be more than 20 per cent, ad valorem. The Coal Duty- Sir Henry Tyler, chairman of the board of dirf ctors of the Grand Trunk Railway Company, at the annual meeting in October, 1893, dwelt upon the im- portance of abolishing the duty on bituminous coal, which is 60c. a ton, because it meant a saving to the company of about S400.000 a year. There is not a manufacturer in the country west of Montreal who does not loudly complain of the duty on coal, which is his raw material. Sir John Thompson and his Gov- ernment promised to take the duty off coal altogether provided the United States did the same. The United States cut their duty in two, bringing it down to 40c. a ton, but the Canadian duty remains unmoved at 60c. Every manufacturer and every consumer in the Dominion would be greatly benefited by the removal of the duty on coal, as manufacturers have been benefited bj'^ the removal in 1894 of the Canadian duty on coke. » th CO tn to .-»► 47 Flaying Different Tunes. Mr. W. K. McNaught, president of the Canadian Manufacturers' Association, in the course of his annual address, January 15, 1892, as published in the Empire of the following day, Buid : " A favorite fallacy of free traders is that the imports and exports, in other words, the foreign trade of any country, must be taken as the measure of its prosperity. The absurdit}^ of this contention becomes apparent when we consider that nations, like individuals, sell only the surplus products which cannot be •onsumed at home, and that as a rule the prices obtained at the home market are at least equal to the best prices obtained abroad." • Editorially the Em'pwe pronounced Mr. McNaught's address as " the best antidote to the flood of silly talk from persons not qualified to judge of national business interests." , The Empire, however, in 1893, commenced a leading article on foreign trade as follows : " Exports afford a most valuable indication of a country's prosperity. If increasing tliey prove that production is being added to and that enterprise is an increasing factor in popular progress. They show that more of the products of home labor are leaving the country, and mor.§ money coming back in payment." An address which describes the Empire's arguments in favor of the N. P. as absurb is said by the Empire to be " the best antidote to a flood of silly talk." But in its issue of February 19, 1894, the Empire has forgotten that *' exports afford a most valuable indication of a "country's prosperity," and declares : " It would be misleading to base national prosperity on foreign trade, as the free traders are prone to do." These quotations are given in order to show how very much at sea the Conservative party are on the trade question, how they vary their arguments to suit the circumstances of the moment, and how entirely they lack any guiding principle. One Conservative dubs an argument absurd and attributes it to the free traders, when along comes the chief Conservative organ and appropriates the argument as a fundamental proof of the success of protection, and a few months later the same organ swallows its own words and describes its own arguments as *' misleading " free trade arguments. Trunk le im- ecause not a ain of Gov- States to 40c. rer and )val of 1894- No Principle and No Policy- " There is scarcely a page of our tariff from which illustrations could not be drawn to show that our tariff discourages industry, or that it is constructed not so much in the general interest as in that of some particular pei'son or company that has managed to get the ear of the Finance Minister. — Principal Grant, Queen's University, Kingston. Speaking in the House of Commons in April, 1892, Hon, George E. Foster, Minister of Finance, said : " If I read public opinion in the old country aright I believe that the free trade sentiment pure and simple is founded upon what was thought to be irrefutable principles, almost divine in their origin. , . . It is coming to be felt that there is no such thing as a divine principle underlying trade, and that tariff conditions are simply expedients, which must vary from age to age and from day to day, and from circumstance to circumstance." 48 Every business man who carries on his tra'i 52 An Anti-Bricish Tariff r I I ^< n I say the policy should be a policy of free trade, such as they have in England, bub I n,m sorry to say that the circumstances of the country cannot ad- mit, at present, of that policy in its entirety. But I propose to you that from th'is day henceforward it should be the goal to which we aspire. — Hon. Wilfnd Laurier. It is clear to me that our policy should follow henceforth the British rather than the United States system. — Principal Orant. The N. P. since its introduction has been the means of diminishing our trade with Great Britain. It has always taxed British goods higher than American goods, and the consequence is that while our purchases from Great Britain amounted to very much less in 1894 than they did in 1874, our imports from the United States were in 1893 $12,000,000 in excess of what they were in 1874, and we returned to the United States $7,000,000 in excess of what we exported in 1874. Our total trade with England as has been shown by ten year periods was greater under a tariff for revenue than under the N. P. * An official book was printed by the Ottawa Government to show how much higher the tarift' was on British goods than on goods from the United States. That statement, prepared for the private information of the governinent, fell into the hands of their opponents and gives the following as the ad valorem rates paid upon woolens imported into Canada during 1892 : M ■ m lil; From Great Britain. Blankets 55 per cent. Cashmeres 34 " Coatings 3G " Feltcloth 30 Flannels 34 Other cloths 33 Woolen cloaks 32 Coats and vests 34 " Shirts and drawers :38 " Horse clothing, bhaped 42 " Other clothing 32 Woolen socks 39 " The following is a continuation of the list on other articles From Great Britain. Cotton shirts 48 per cent. Cuffs ^J^ Cotton stockings 42 Hoes 52 Axles (il Bar iron 38f From United States 37 per cent. 26 « 27 « 29 C( 31 « 28 « 29 <( 30 (( 32 C( 33 (.' 29 1« 38 « From United States. 44 per cent. 48i " 41 47 27J e in I ad- vou 'ion. ither rade rican itain 1 the L874, )rted riods nuch bates. into paid btes. mt. es. ■nt. 53 , ■ From From Great Britain, United States. Boiler and sheet iron 41 per cent. 23^ per cent. Cast iron pipe 52 " 43| Cut tacks and brads 133^ " 39 Iron in slabs, blooms, etc 53 " ,42 " Iron bridges 42 " 37 Railway fish plates 41 " 30i Rolled iron 45f " 29| " 1 ron or steel screws 64 " 37 " Showcases 76 " 52 " Buggies costing under $100 .... 52 " 44 " Other buggies 47 " 35 Pianofortes 41 " 33 Sauces in bulk 107 " 97^ Slate for roofing 65 " 31 These are a few of the many examples which might be given to show that British goods pay a much heavier duty than goods from the United States. Why it does so is easily explained. Ostensibly the tariff i:? the same as against all countries, but it is the practical operation of the specific duty Vhich makes the tailfi" fall heaviest upon the low priced articles, and British manufacturers export tf Canada very low priced goods in large quantities. A duty of $10 a ton on bar ifon would be the same on a ton of iron from Great Britain costing; $5 less than f. ton of the same iron from the United States, and the same principle would apply to hoop iron, pig iron or any other article. Although many of the duties have been changed the new tariff discriminates against British goods to quite as great an extent as did the old. Indeed, there is easy pi'oof that the Conserv'atives knew well when they adopted their protective policy that it would inevitably discriminate aifninst Great Britain, and hence the celebrated Tory phrase " So much the worse for British con- nection." But further proof was afforded in the following admission by Sir Charles Tupper, when Finance Minister, in a speech delivered on the floor of the House of. Commons, Apiil 27, 1888 : " When we took up this (juestion of /oterinij our native industries many parties in Eni;land attacked me in reference to it, and asked ' What do you mean by turninif your back upon the English free trade policy and taking up the United States protective policy ? ' " According to the official trade returns for 1893 the duties levied upon British goods were 8 per cent, higher on the average than the impost on goods from the United States. Eliminating all free goods from both countries, imported for the benefit of the manufacturers, it is found that $1), 500,000 in duties wero levied upon $:i2,000,000 of British irooils, or :\0 per cent., and that $7,600,000 were collected in_duty upon $2.S,500,000 worth of goods imported from the United States, or 27 per cent., leaving a straight discrimination against trade with Great Britain. The (conservative argument in explanation of the above facts is that we obtain mo^t of our raw materials, which are free, they say, from the United States, and that the goods which wa import from England are largely luxuries. This was the argument adopted by the Hon. Mr. Wood, Controller of Inland Revenue, in a speech at Oiangeville, June, 1893. But it is difficult to ^ret them in any particular spot on the tariff question. Just three days before Mr. Wood I 111 It; I ■:i; I i ill' I i ' i; li li :!l 'lil^ Si ' i 54 delivered his speech the newspaper organ of- his party, the Toronto Empire, was trying to explain the same difficulty, namely, the way the tariff discriminates against the Mother Country, and did so in the following manner : " We have more than double the imports from Britain coming in free. Our free imports from the United States are actually less than in 1878. Canada is importing a much larger amount of free goods, proportionately, than in 1878, but Great Britain and not the United States is getting the benefit of the change." — loronto Empire, May 29th, 1S93. The Controller explains the discrimination by saying that most of the free goods come from the Uni>ted States, and the Empire explains it by saying that our free imports from the United States are less than in 1878, and that we have more than double the imports coming in free from Great Britain. The " luxuries " coming from Great Britain consist of iron goods, woolen goods, cotton goods, common window glass, spool thread, earthenware, umbrellas. Among the " luxuries " from Europe which, according to Mr. Wood, are highly taxed are " oil paintings and copies of the old masters," purchased only by the rich, and which in that year were imported to the value of $362,000, and yet they are on the free list, even in the revised tariff. Indeed if there is one feature of the tai'iff more prominent than another it is that the highest tax falls on the low priced article. Silk i« taxed 30 per cent., and cotton shirts 35 per cent. ; silk velvet is taxed 30 per cent and rice 60 per cent. Manufactures of gold and silver are taxed 25 per cent., while coal oil is taxed between 80 and 90 per cent. Whatever explanation is given of the harshness of the operation of the tariff towards the Mother Country, the fact that the tariff does discriminate in this way is admitted and further testimony of this fact is found in the following from a paper written by Principal Grant, November 6, 1894) : " We must get into the British or the American system. At present we are copying the United States and, without intending it, discriminating against our best customers. Let us take the other tack now. The British system is right." Crying Down England. lu order to support the protectionist theories it is necessary to show thai free trade has been a bad thing for England and the Canadian Conservatives are actively and constantly engaged in that propaganda. For example, Mr. McNeill, Conservative M.P. for North Bruce, speaking in the House of Commons, April 5, 1892, of the condition of England, said : " We find that the condition of things is most serious with regard to the manufacturing industries of England to-day. We find that this inroad of foreign goods is attacking the very staples of her industry. . . , The silk looms of Coventry are standing idle, and the foreigner poured into England last year £11,000,000 sterling worth of silk manufactured goods. ... I wonder that the hon. gentleman should require any proof of the statement that the markets of France, Germany, Russia and the United States, and all the great civilized countries of the world are being closed against England at the present time, and the products of these foreign countries are being poured on the open markets of England." This is not the only statement emanating from Canadian Conservatives to produce the idea that England's great free trade policy is confining the sale of her goods abroad to uncivilized countries and barbarous nations. In the session 55 ml ire ill. 5, bhe Ign oi jar lat lets sed Ind of to of ion of 1894 Mr. Laurier thought it his duty to take a Cabinet Minister to task for the same mendacious and slanderous statement. Sir Hibbert 1 upper, Minister of Marine and Fisheries, made use of the following language, in respect to England : " Driven from the civilized markets of the woi'ld, steadily and every year findinjj their output to those markets decreasing, they spend millions on their navy, and millions on their army, to force their wares, and their goods, and their merchandise into the uncivilized markets of the world." Mr. Laurier indignantly declared that he had never yet heard the fair name of the great English nation so slandered and insulted, and that, too, by a member of Her Majesty's Privy Council of Canada. England since the adoption of free trade in 1846 has reduced her national debt by $900,000,000, and at the same time increased her aggregate foreign trade by $100,000,000. Canada since the adoption of the protective policy, which was cast away by England hfly years ago, has increased her national debt by over $100,000,000, and her aggregate foreign trade (exports and imports for consumption) by only $23,000,000, over what it was in 1873. Mulhall, the great authority, says : " The progress made by the United Kingdom during the last fifty years is wholly unprecedented in our annals, and has not been approached by any other nation in Europe. We may divide the whole period into two almost equal portions, the first terminating in 1860, the second coming down to 1886, and a comparison of the statistics bearing upon principal points of national welfare wiU show that the relative progress has been as follows : / , 1837-40. 1860. 1886. Population 100 110 142 Wealth 100 . 134 224 Trade 100 265 5r2 Shipping 100 175 688 In speaking of the great increase in wealth, which has more than doubled since the adoption of free trade, Mulhall says : " The ordinary accumulation is £150,000,000 yearly, or about half a million daily ; nor does this wealth become congested among a small number of people ; on the contrary the rich grow less rich and more numei'ous every yea-., the poor become fewer in ratio to population." OflBcial returns, showing England's commerce may be found in The States- man's Year Bock. Trado 'with Q-reat Britain. Mr. McNeill's resolution in the House of Commons, April, 1892 : " That if and when the Parliament of Great Britain and Ireland admits Canadian products to the markets of the United Kingdom upon more favorable terms than it accords to the products of foreign countries, the Parliament of Canada will be prepared to accord corresponding advantages by a reduction in the duties it imposes upon British manufactured goods." In supporting this resolution Mr, McNeill, Tory M.P., labored to show that England's trade was going to decay, and that if they imposed customs duties upon food products from all the world except Canada, it would furnish a remedy. 'I I I. '4-, iMtl 66 Mr. Foster, the Finance Minister and Mr. McNeill's leader, pointed out the many and insuperable difficulties in the way of carrying any such resolution into effect. He pointed out that we would first have to overcome the free trade sentiment of England ; that the other nations of the world would retaliate and raise their tariffs against British and Colonial products ; that England was bound by treaties not to do anything of the kind ; that there were difficulties even in Canada, such as the ^doctrine that it inures to our benefit to keep out British manufactures, and the revenue difficulty. Hon. L. H. Davies, Liberal M.P., moved in amendment the following : " Inasmuch as Great Britain admits the products of Canada into her ports free of duty, this House is of the opinion that the pre»ent scale of duties exacted on goods mainly imported from Great Britain should be reduced." The follovj ing members voted for Mr. Davies' proposition : Allen, Armstrong, Bain (^Ventworth), Bt^chard, Beith, Bourassa, Bowers • Bowman, Brodeur, Brown, Bruneau, Campbell, Carrol, Cartwright (Sir Richard). Casey, Charlton, Choquette, Christie. Colter, Davies, Dawson, Delisle, Devlin, Edgar, Edwards, Featherston, Flint, Forbes, Fremont, Gauthier, Geoffrion, Gill- mor, Godbout, Guay, Langelier, Laurier, Lavergne, Leduc, Legris, Lister, Living- stun, Macdonald (Huron), McGregor, McMillan (Huron), McMuUen, Mignault, Mills (Bothwell), Monet, Mulock, Murray, Paterson (Brant), Perry, Proulx, Rider, Rinfret, Rowand, Sanborn, Semple, Somerville, Sutherland, Vaillancourt, Watson, Welsh and Teo.— 64. The following members voted against Mr. Davies' motion : Amyot, Bain (Soulanges), Baker, Barnard, Bennet, Bergeron, Bergin, Bowell, Boyle, Camei'on, Carignan, Carling, Caron (Sir Adolphe), Corbould, Curran, Daviu, Davis, Denison, Desaulniers, Desjardins (Hochelaga), Desjardins (L'Islet), Dewdney, Dickey, Dugas, Dupont, Dyer, Earle, Fairbairn, Foster, Frechette, Gillies, Girouard (Two Mountains), Gordon, Grandbois, Guillet, Hazen, Hender- son, Hodgins, Hughes. Hutchins. Ives, Knulbach. Kenny, Kirkpatrick, LaRiviere, Lupine, Lippe, .Macdonald (King's), Macdonald (Winnipeg), Macdonell (Algoma), Mackintosh, McAlister, McCarthy, McDonald (Victoria), McDougald (Pictou). Mc- Dougall (Cape Breton), McKay, McLean, McLennan, McLeod, McMillan (Vaudreuil), McNeill, Madill, Mara, Miller, Mills (Annapolis), Moncrieff, O'Brien, Ouiinet, Patterson (Colchester), Patterson (Huron), Pelletier, Pridham, Prior, Putnam, Reid, Robillard, Roome, Rosamond, Ross (Dundas), Savard, Simard, Skinner, Smith (Ontario), Stairs, Taylor, Temple, Thompson (Sir John), Tisdale, Tuppcr, Turcotte, Tyrwhitt, Wallace, White (Cardwell), White (Shelburne), Wilmot, Wilson and Wood (Brockville).— 98. Manufaotures in 1878. The advocates of the N.P. talk in such a way as to try to lead those who do not know, especially younger men who are not old enough to remember, to be- lieve that manufactures did not exist at all in Canada prior to the N.P. The fact is that all the great manufacturing industries of the country at the present time were then iu existence and doing well. Proof of this is furnished by the exhibit Canadian manufacturers made at the World's Fair in Philadelphia in 13amstrosses 10,081} Carpentering 4,618 10,137 Watchmaking and jewellery .... 655 1,619 Plumbing and gasfitting 144 1,268 Butchers .' 7,252 Blacksmiths 9,423 17,935 Compositors and pressmen 6,055 Painters and glaziers > 10,017 None of these look to a protective tariff and nearly all of them have no claim whatever to be termed manufacturing establishments. A plumber manufactures nothing ; there is a special column for the maker of plumbers' supplies. The 7,000 butchers who sell meat are not manufacturers. The farmer who fattens the animal the butcher cuts up is the real manufacturer. The Few Protected. The following is an estimate of the total number of persons employed in manufacturing establishments which can in any way be supposed to be benefited by a protective tarifi'. The figures are taken from the census of 3 891 : Agricultural implements 3,856 Cotton operatives 6,053 Woolen operatives 4,241 ' .. Mill and factory operatives (textile) 3,876 Iron and steel workers 2,804 Machinists 9,572 M-'ulders 4,070 • Tool and cutlery makers 964 . ' Wire workers 283 Sugar relineries 1,700 Rope and cordage operatives 412 Oil well employees 344 Starch works employees 62 " Manufacturers and officials " 6,169 Total , 44,446 It will thus be seen that out of an alleged total of 367,000 employees of manufacturing establishments less than 9 per cent, can be said to work in factories to which the tariff might be some advantage. 71 establish- ees. k; 2 8 7 7 » 7 9 8 2 5 5 7 e no claim ■nufactures The 7,000 uttens the nployed in benefited 9 6 plor Com- missioners shall be so paid from time to time as the work proceeds upon the report of the Minister of Public Works." The Department let the contracts and the works wfre carried to completion under the immediate supervision of the Minister and his officials. These works were all constructed by the firm of Larkin, Connolly & Cg., consisting of Patrick Larkin, N. K. Connolly, Michael Connolly, Owen E. Murphy, Robert H. McGreevy was given an interest in the profits (jf the firm in nearly every one of these contracts for the purpose of procuring the interest of his brother, the Hon. Thomas McGreevy, and through him of Sir Hector Langevin, then Minister of Public Works. Up to 188!), Ktjbert McGreevy was confidental agent for his brother 'J'homas and the manager of his private ail'airs. Thomas McGreevy and Sir Hector Langevin had been for a life-time intimate friends, and while in Ottawa during the session, representing Quebec West in the House of Commons. Thomas McGreevy lived with Sir Hector, to whom he had loaned iJlO.OOO and never asked it back. Between 1878 nnd 1891, inclusive, this firm received in public money S3,- 138.234, for which they did $2,000,000 worth of work. They expended in bribery and corruption $170,447 according to their own books. Robert Mc- Greevy, who contributed no capital to the firm, received as his share of the pro- fits $187,800. The Hon. Thomas McGr6evy received very large sums of money from the firm, and, accord! i;- to the sworn evidence, Sir Hector Langevin received $10,000. Thomas McGreevy admitted receiving $60,000, but the accountants who examined the books of the firm showed that at least $130,000 ptussed into the hands of Thomas McGreevy. Thomas McGreevy explained that he received this vist sum of money in his capacity as treasurer for the Conservative party in the district of Quebec, but he refu.sed to say to whom he had given the money, and when threatened with punishment for contempt of Parliament if he did not tell, skipped out. Evidence showed that out of this fund Thomas McGreevy paid $2.j,000 to subsidize the personal newspaper organ of the Minister of Public Works, a paper in which Sir Hector had the controlling interest. As noar as c )uld be judged from the evidence, Thomas McGreevy handled $170,000 out of the money stolen from the people, and ac.-ording to his own evi- dence as well as tliat of others, he disbursed it for the benefit ol the Conservative party in the elections. Facs Connectod wifb. the Dredging Contraot. In this contract Robert McGreevy was given an interest of 30 per cent. It was to terminate in 1884, but was continued lintil near the end of 1886. There was a lot of underhand work in procuring the contract, such as the put- ting of a bogus tender in the name of Beaucage, and the freezing out of contrac- 76 tor Askwith, and the dismiHsal of Kinnipple and Morris, the en|,^neerH, who wore replaced by engineers chosen by McQrcevy, namely by Perley and Boyd, both engineers in the Public Works Department. Faots Connected with the Dredging of the Wet Baoin* Tn the winter of 18HG-7 Thomas McOreevy made an armngement with Larkin, Connolly «te (Jo., whereby the Hrm undertook to pay him $25,000 on con- dition that he would obtain for tlienj the sum of ')!) cents a yard for the dredging of 800,000 cubic yards, though McMreevy knew, as the leading mem- b«r of the Quebec Harbor Commission, that dredging of the same kin*], and even of a more difficult kind, bad before been executed fcir 27 cents a yard and for less. This was in December, 1886, or January, 1887, when Thomus McOreevy wanted money for the Dominion elections which took place February 22nd, 1887. This agreement was in writing and was produced at the investigation. The Government of ct)urse, knowing the neetl of money in the elections, gave the contract at this scanecau8e it was necessary to assist them under the peculiar conditions existing in the district of Quebec, which I was looking after. ... 1 am prepared to stand (ir fall by what I liave done, and considering that I have helped my friends to the extei t that I have considered legitimate, I say that under the same cir- cumstances what I dif being expended in elections in the interest of the Conservative party, and for distribution by Sir Hector Langevin, M.P., and Sir Adolphe Caron, M.P., for the (dection of themselves and of othtsr supporters of the Government at the general elections held in February, 1887. "Tliat it further u{)pears that large portions of the said moneys, together %vith other large sums collected by Sir Adolphe Caron from those interested in Governmental railway subsidies, were expendcnl and distributed by Sir Hector Langevin and Sir Adolphe Caron, and in lavisli and ilh^gal amounts, to assist in the election of themselves and of other supporters of the Government, in the Dis- trict of Quebec, at the gem-ral elections of 1H87. " That the said Sir Hector Langevin and Sir Adolphe Caron were then, and are now, members of tliis House, and on the roll of Her Majesty's Privy Coun- cillors for Canada, and the said Adolphe Caron is a Cabinet Minister and Post- master-General. " That in the opinion of this [House, the said Sir Hector Langevin and Sir Adolphe Caron are deserving of the severest censure for their connection with the said tratisactions, and that it is a public scandal and an injury to the reputa- tion of Canada that Sir Adolphe Caron Jihould continue to hold the position of a Minister of the Crown." This motion was voted down by 102 to 65, every Conservative in the House voting against it. Mr. Calvin was not present but was " paired " against it. Dr. Weldon voted against it. Messrs. McCarthy and O'Brien were both absent. Opinion of B. B. Osier. Q.O., and l^r. Justice Eose. Messrs. McGreevy and Connolly were sentenced November 22, 1893, after a delay of two years. Their guilt was established in connection with the Quebec Harbor improvements and the Es((uinialt graving dock. The evidence in the court showe000 in One County, It lias been shown that a hti^e corruption fund was created by the contribu- tions of contractors of public works, and railway contractors, and subsidies hun- ters, and that Sir Adolphe Caron himself raised S25,00() of the " swa<,'," and that when the money was all pooled it was drawn out and distributed after discussion between Sir Hector Langevin, Sir Adolphe Caron and Hon. Thomas Mcdreevy. It is furth(u- shown that as much as $18,000 was spent in one county to defeat tlie Liberals. It was not to be expected that when Mr. McGreevy got into gaol under a twelve months'sentonce along with Mr. Contiolly that the Cabinet would allow them to remain there any i.>nger than could lie helped. At the end of three months the Minister of Justice call' I for a certificate on the state of their health and Dr. Church, the gaol physician, employed by the county of Carleton in that capacity, gave the desired certificate that their health was being impaired by confinement in gaol. Dr. H. P. Wright, being asked to corroborate this certificate did s(\ and the men were released when one-fourth of their sentence only had expired. Those who saw them when they came out testified that to the ordinary eye they were looking as rosy and fat and sleek as when they went in, though no doubt th3 want of exercise interfered with their good digestion. Durinu their confine- ment they were visited in gaol by Cabinet Ministers — ccnurades all ; and on the night of their release were given a champagne supper at Montreal by Government supporters. Section " B" Scandal. . On September 23, 1891, Mr. Lister formulated charges on the floor of Parlia- ment against the Hon. John G. Haggart, Minister of Railways and Canals. He charged that in the year 1879 Messr.s. Alexander Manning, Alexander Shields, J. J. Macdonald, Alexander MacDonnell, James Isbester and Peter McLaren entered into a contract with the Government for the construction of a portion of the C. P. R between Port Arthur and Rat Portage, known as Section " B.," and that Mr. Haggart, who, during the whole period of the contract, was a member of the House of Commons, was beneticially interested iu the profit of the contract "which accrued to the share standing in the nannj of Peter McLaren and received large sums out of the profits and otherwise derived direct and substantial pecuni- ary benefits from the contract : and that the contractors during the progress of the work made large contributions for political purposes with the knowledge and assent of Mr. Haggart which were charged against the profit;^ of the firm, and that unsettled matters relative to the contract, which were in dispute between the firm and the Government, were at that time, or subsequently, settled in favor of the contractors. Mr. Lister moved for a select committee to exanune into these charges and report to the House. The committee named by Mr. Lister in his motion were four Conservatives and three Liberals or .seven in all having the right to vote. Mr. Haggart denied the truth of the charges, as had Mr. Rykert, and Mr. McGreevy, and Mr. Turcotte, and Sir Adolphe Caron and others who were subse- quently shown to have no good defence to the respective charges brought against them, and two of whom were expelled from the House in consequence of the charges being established which they at first denied. Mr. Haggart stated that he had arranged the partnership between Mr. McLai'en and the other partners for the purpo-e of constructing section " B." and overlooked the carrying on of the contract and the final settlement, but said he got no large sums from Mr. McLaren IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) // 1.0 I.I M lllll^ 2.0 1.8 1-25 1.4 1.6 ■• 6" ► p^ ^ /a /a O / Photographic Sciences Corporation rv <^ 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 872-4503 \1^ C/j <\ 90 ' In the debate which followed the Government practically took the stand that it was nothing wrong for public contractors to pay back to the party composing the Government tens of thousands of dollars for the purpose of debauching and corrupting the electors. Section " B." contract involved over $4,000,000 and was not finished until 1885 or 1886. The Liberals took the ground that if the charges were true Mr. Haggart was not the kind of man to continue to be an adviser of the Crown. Notwithstanding Mr. Haggart's statement that there was no truth in the charges and that he could get a declaration from M.'. McLaren in confirmation of his denial, he refused to consent to an investigation and the Government sup- ported him in that refusal, and every Conservative member at that time in the. House voted down the motion for an enquiry, the division being 102 to 78. The Post Offioe Scandal. Mr. Haggart was Postmaster-General at the time it was proved that a girl employed in the Department who left for good continued to draw for some months afterwards her salary, and it was shown that some of the cheques illegally and scandalously sent to her were sent through the Postmaster-General's private sec- retary. In the investigation a question as to Mr. Haggart visiting this girl at her house was not allowed by the chairman of the committee to be answered. The Harris Land Job. The Government purchased a picee of propei'ty in St. John, N.B., containing about 216,000 square "oet for the purposes of the Intercolonial Railway and paid S200,000. The land first required was covered by a vote of $80,000, but by a private arrangement, in violation of a pledge which had been given to the House that nothing would be done except by way of legal expropriation, the whole of the Harris property was purchased, 1892, and the sum of $200,000 paid. That this was a sum fully $100,000 in excess of what should have been paid was made very clear. Within a year of the time of the purchase the owners of the land swore that the value.was $03,401, and the property was assessed as of the value of $66,000. In the opinion of Mr. Adams, the Conservative member for Northumberland, N.B., the land had been purchased for thr6e times its value. Without going into the details of this job, the language of Mr. Adams in the House of Commons, May 13» 1892, may be quoted. He said : " You are to-night committing a public crime. You are trying to force an expenditure upon the people you cannot jastify. There is no evidence to justify this Legislature in passing $200,000 for the purchase of this property- No Grit, no Tory, high or low, from the richest to the poorest, coul^ say that $200,000 was the actual price paid by common law, prudence, or justice. It is simply a job. It stands unparalleled in the history of purchases. I am quite clear that this property had been purchased for three times its value, beyond all question." This was the language not of an opponent but of a supporter of the Govern- ment, and one who knew th« City of St. John and the property in question. It was generally understood in St. John that part of the money paid over by^ the Government, ostensibly for this land, was applied in repayment of electioo- expeiises in St. John. 01 The Coohrane Scandal. Mr. Edward Cochrane, Conservative member for East Northumberland in the House of Commons, was charged on the floor of the House with having sold public appointments for a money consideration and for other considerations. He denied the truth of the charges, but the Government did not accept his denial, as they did in the case of Mr. John Haggart, but consented to the appointment of a Select Committee of the House to take evidence, which was done, but although a large number of witnesses were examined whose evidence seriously implicated Mr. Cochrane, he declined to take the witness stand himself, which was practically an admission of guilt. It was established that Hedley Simpson paid $200 and was appointed to the charge of the lighthouse at Presque Isle ; John Fitzgerald paid $150 and was made a bridge keeper ; William Brown paid $150 and got a bridge ; Robert May paid $125 and got a bridge ; John Clouston paid $150 and he got a bridge ; Wesle} Goodrich paid $200 and gave a life lease of a farm to another man, and got a bridge. On the 24;th January, 1888, Hedley Simpson, having been recommended for- the lighthouse, took his $200 to Col- borne and the next morning it was paid into the bank on account of the note of Edward Cochrane and th ae others. This was a note that the member was about to be sued on and on which he was liable for "election debts, and so this payment went directly to the benefit of Mr. Cochrane. Three months afterwards, on the 26th April, 1888, Mr. Cochrane wrote to the Department of Marine and requested tlio appointment of Hedley Simpson, and he was appointed. The game of these appointments was worked by means of a committee, who promised the appoint- k/.ent and stipulated the price that should be paid for it, and Mr. Cochrane carried oit the promise of the committee and was one of the parties benefited by paying off the election debts, for the wiping out of which it is said the offices were sold. Johii Clouston, a strong political supporter of Mr. Cochrane's, who came to give evidence in his favor, swore that he had a conversation with Mr. Cochrane about the sale of bridges, and on being pressed, admitted that Mr. Cochrane might have told him that certain parties were giving $150 each for the appointments, and that Cochrane might have said something to him about paying the same sum for another appointment as bridge tender. When pressed to be more definite and to try and think of exactly what v?as said between therti, his reply was : " I do not know that I had better think much about it." Wesley Goodrich wanted the position of bridge keeper, which, however, had been promised to Obadiah Simpson and spoke to Mr. Cochrane about it. who mentioned that Simpson was applying for it and was to get it. Subsequently, when he learned that he could obtain the position by giving Simpson a life lease of his farm and paying $200 in cash for political purposes, he went to Mr. Coch- rane and asked him woidd he take the money. Cochrane took it and counted it and handed it to one Wallace, who was standing by about to go to Colborno, and instructed him to give it to Mr. Payne, the solicitor for the bank in Colborne. This evidence is found on page xiv. of the blue book, and the following question was then put to Mr. Goodrich : " What did you give that $200 for ? " A. " I got the situation — the bridge." The report of the special committee drawn up by the Conservative members of it and adopted by the House of Commons, admits at once that these offices were corruptly sold and that the nioney was required to pay off debts amounting to about a thousand dollars, incurred by the Conservatives of East Northumber- land ; that Mr. Cochrane was liable for $619.69 of this debt until after the MMM 92 payment by Hedley Simpson was made ; that a committee of certain Conserva- tives, namely, Messrs. May, Adam, Stanley, Lawson an(J Bullock constituted themselves a committee for the purpose of raising this money, " and the mode they adopted was by recommending certain persons to Edward Cochrane as fit and proper persons to fill certain Government offices, the said Edward Cochrane then recommending such persons to the Government, the persons so recommended as willing to pay a certain price or sum for said offices ; that Edward Cochrane was not a member of the committee, but he knew the purpose and object of its existence, attended one or more of its meetings, when matters relating to the said offices were discussed, acted on the committee's recommendations, and when persons made applications to him for offices he referred them to the said com- mittee for a recommendation, which he acted on." Thus, a man wanting a Government office in East Northumberland applied as usual to the member of Parliament for it. Mr. Cochrane would say to him, " If you get the recommendation of the committee it will be all right." The applicant then went to the committee and was bled to the extent of his resources and if he agreed to pay more than anybody else the committee recommended Mr. Cochrane to secure his appointment, and Mr. Cochrane acted on the recommen- dation. Mr. Bullock, one of the committee, gave the following evidence : Q. What were the duties of fehat committee ? A. The duties of the committee were to see if we could not appoint some- body on the canal for the bridges there. ■Q. How much was each of them to give ? A. We exacted $150 from every one of them. That is what we wanted. Q. You told Mr. Cochrane that Hedley Simpson gave $200 1 A. Yes. ■• V The Conservative majority of the Special Committee in their report, which was subsequently adopted by the House of Commons, found that the appoint- ments of Simpson, Goodrich, Clouston, Brown and May were all recommended to Mr. Cochrane by the local committee and by him recommended to the Govern- ment. In fact the majority of the committee were forced to admit the substantial accuracy of the charges. Mr. Cochrane knew that the offices were being bartered. He actually took with his own hands the $200 paid by Goodrich, and Bullock swore that he told Mr. Cochrane that Hedley Simpson was to pay $200 for his appointment as lighthouse keeper. This $200 paid into the bank directly relieved Mr. Cochrane of so much of his indebtedness on the note for $619.69. It came out also in the evidence that" James Stanley, a confidential friend and warm political supporter of Mr. Cochrane's, and a member of this local committee promised to Arundel R. Simpson the office of bridge keeper if he would pay $150 and give the life lease of his farm to his father, Obadiah Simp- son, who had been promised the office, and that afterwards Mr. Cochrane told Arundel R. Simpson that they could not take the $150, that Stanley should not have made that offer, and that other arraagements had been made' with Wesley Goodrich, who had agreed to pay $200 and give a life lease. Mr. Cochrane then corruptly proposed to Arundel Simpson that if he would pay him as much as Goodrich he would get the appointment, but this Simpson refused to do. The transactions here exposed were so scandalous and .so discreditable to Mr. Cochrane that the member who presented the I'eport whitewashing Mr. Cochrane refused at first to say a word' in its "Support and during the long debate which followed only one of Mr. Cochrane's colleagues from the Province of Ontario I . •T^ ] 98 came to his defence, and in fact only three members of the House of Commons were found ready to condone the corrupt transactions of which Mr. Cochrane stood convicted by the evidence of his own friends. Tho report of the majority of the committee, which refrained from condemning Mr. Cochrane, although it condemned the transactions, was adopted by a vote of 98 to 75, and Mr. Coch- rane is still a supporter of the Government in the House. i ' The Tay Canal- The Tay Canal is another example of the spendthrift character of the present Government. In 1882, when a vote for $50,000 was taken for the con- struction of this canal, which is a ditch running from the Rideau Canal six miles to the town of Perth, the home of the Hon. John Haggart, the Minister of Railways and Canals said that the total cost of the work, exclusive of the cost of the land required, would be $132,660. In 1883 another vote was taken in Parliament, when Sir Charles Tupper stated that the canal would cost $240,000. In that year to justify the vote, and to reply to the protest of the Liberals, Mr. Haggart promised that smelting works would be erected at Perth, which would require this canal. In 1884 another $100,000 was ajsked, and very little more was heard of the work until tho session of 1887, when an additional vote of $55,000 was asked. The Government then stated that the expenditure to- date had been $256,000, and that $55,000 would complete the work. In the session of 1888 there was voted an additional sum of $78,000, and in reply to some Opposition criticism the Government said that the work had been finished. The demand for money for " Haggart's Ditch " nevertheless continued, and in 188!) Parliament was asked for a further sum of $25,000 " to complete the work." At that time the total cost was $'iG4,951, or $124,951 more than Sir Charles Tupper told the House in 1883 the total cost would be. In 1890 a further sum was asked of $11,000 for the Tay Canal, and the then Minister of Railways and Canals was a^ain questioned by Sir Richard Cartwright, who made the following sarcastic remark : " This, I understand, is really a useful work ; it drains the county of Perth." to which Sir John Macdonald made the following reply : " If it does not drain the county of Perth it drains the public treasury- pretty well." It was officially stated that this last vote of $11,000 was " to settle with the contractors* and finish the Canal." Notwithstanding this, and during the .same session, another sum of $20,000 was asked and voted, making the cost so far $440,613, or $200,000 more than the Government assured Parliament at the beginning the work would co.st. In the estimates for 1891-92 there appeart-d a further vote of $30,000 to " complete " the Tay Canal. This was found to be all the public money that could possibly be spent on this work without actually pouring it into the ditch from a dipper, so an extension of the Canal was undertaken and placed under contract, namely, an extension from the basin in the centre of the town of Perth to a place called Haggart's Mill, an extension not constructed in the public interest, and under- t#Ken without the sanction of Parliament at a cost of $18,466. Up to date the total sum expended on this work has been about $500,000 ($476,128), or four times the amount of the original estimate. Si^ -^n"-i~rf«r- iMU 94 . According to the official returns the vessels using the Tay Canal consisted of two tugs, one pleasure boat of fifteen tons, two small boats of eight tons each, one scow of 30 tons, and one skiff of one ton. The canal is five and a half feet deep, which justifies the name applied to it of " Haggart's Ditch.-" The extension of the canal to Haggart's Mill was made for no other purpose than to give the mill a greater head of water. The annual cost of maintenance, including interest on the capital invested, was about $28,000, or about $4,700 a mile. The revenue from the Tay Canal amounted in "1891 to the total sum of $58.81, and the revenue for the year 1893 appears to have been nil, as no mention is made of 'it in the Auditor General's report, where the receipts from all the canals appear. - ' Mr. Haggart defended the expenditure in the House, and claimed that his county was entitled to something. A motion made by Mr. Cameron, of Huron, that the expenditures on the Tay Canal were in violation of pledges to Parliament, and the extension to Haggart's Mill an unwarranted undertaking, was voted down by 100 to 82, every Conservative in the House voting approval of the expenditure. '^ The Ziittle Bapids Look Orij^nal Estimate of Cost, $44,000 ; Aotual Cost, $300,000. In the month of December, 1886, two months before the genei-al election of 1887, the Public Works Department entered into a contract with Mr. W. J. Poupore, Conservative M.P.P. for Pontiac County, Quebec, for the construction of a lock and dam at Little Rapids, on the Lievre river, a stream running through Ottawa county, and discharging into the Ottawa river at Buckingham, twenty miles below Ottawa city. The idea, it is said, was to facilitate the ship- ment of phosphates, though, as a matter of fact, th(J effect was to largely increase the cost of the phosphates reaching the railway at Buckingham station. Work was not begun until the latter half of 1887, and dragged along until April, 1892, so that it extended over two general elections. After the contract was let, the Department of Public Works extended the work so as to include a guide- wall, a retaining-vYall, a cross-wall, and a landing wharf at the lower end. All this additional work was let to Mr. Poupore without tender, and at greatly increased prices over and above the prices of the original contract. ^ ^. The original estimate for the work was $44,000, but when the original contract was completed the final estimate made by the Department ajnounted to $76,680, exclusive of the lock gates, which were built of Michigan pine by the Government at a cost of about $10,000. Mr. Poupore, however, has received, so far, $260,000, and has claimed for extras $61,000. If he receives one-half of these extras, the actual cost of the work will be $300,000, for which the original estimate was $44,000, and the final estimate $76,000. The original contract included nine-tenths of the work finally built, and the cost at Mr. Poupore's own prices of nine-tenths of the work amounted to $76,000, yet on one pretence or another, and for one corrupt reason or another, the Department have paid out ■*169,000 additional, and as late as the session of 1894 an additional vote of $5,000 was taken on account of this work. , ^ Now, an important fact is this : the work is entirely useless for any purpose whatever, and is just so much money thrown into the river. The river runs through a wilderness, and is used for the floating of logs. There is one solitary 96 ti s le ' little steamer running up the river from Buckingham village for a distance of 25 miles. Before the construction of the lock and dam this steamer used to go up and down just as she does now. There is not now a pound of" phosphate mined in that district, nor has there been since the lock was completed, so that it stands there a monument to the imbecility or corruption of the Department of Public Works. All the phosphate ever exported from Canada could have been trans- portea from this district to Montreal for twenty years for the money thrown «way on this lock and dam. Now that it is there it takes a lock master and an assistant lock master to look after it, and an annual expenditure, which i.s a fixed charge on the revenue of the country. The Gl-alops Channel; Estimate $300,000; Expenditure $900,000. What is known as the Galops Rapids scandal consists of a scandalous waste of public money in the dredging of a channel on the north .side of the Galops Rapids, opposite the electoral district of Dundas, St. Lawrence River. A channel, known as the South Channel, already existed and is still used at the present day. The contract for this work was awarded in 1879, when Sir Charles Tupper was Minister of Railways and Canals to Denis O'Brien for the sum of $239,750 for a fourteen-foot navigation. Mr O'Brien withdrawing, the contract was awarded to Messrs. Davis and Sons of Ottawa for the sum of $306,600 for a fourteen-foot navigation. Davis and Sons assigned their contract to Messrs. Gilbert and Sons at Montreal, who were subsequently i-equired by the department to make a seventeen- foot navigation. The contract was entered into August 5, 1879, to be completed in 1881. It was not completed until 1888 when it was taken over by the depart- ment, whose engineer reported the work to be completed and stated that it was " two hundred feet wide, thirty-three hundred feet long, straight, and from sixteen and a half to seventeen feet in depth." Although it was officially reported as completed in 1888, it was officially stated by the Minister of Railways and Canals in the House of Commons in 1894 that it was of no use, .that is, it was not used. The following is extracted from page 3531 of Hansard, 1894. Mr. Davies : Is this channel used for navigation ? Mr. Haggart : No. The Minister admitted that up to that date there had been an expenditure of $44)6,500 and that the contractors had claims amounting to a further sum of $130,000. In order to prove that the department's engineer, Mr. Rubidge, who had the general direction of the work, had given a wrong certificate in certifying that the work had been completed according to "contract, the sum of $18,000 was expended in a new su^ve3^ The department appeared to have had no proper oversight of the work, and no care as to the amount of work being sunk in it. Warnings were given how- ever just as the work was about to start in 1880 that the proposed channel would, when finished, not be used by navigators. These warnings were given by practical men, such as Calvin and Breck of Garden Island and other navigators It was pointed out that the old channel, the south channel, could easily be im- proved by the simple operation of taking out one large lOck from the centre, but this advice was ignored. The Iroquois paper of Sept. 15, 1893, published a re- port of the wreck of the barge " Huron," ilrawing only nine feet of water, in tow of the tug " Petral," and makes the following comment on the occurrence : 96 ' " Since 1879 the government has been very busy pitching about three quarters of a million dollars into these very waters where this barge struck and what good has it done ? A barge strikes, and fastens on a rock. Very fortu- nately it does not drift into deep water or what would have become of the crew ? The next vessel to strike may be the " Empire State " or the " Merritt " with its living freight or pleasure-seeking excursionists. Would they find a convenient rock on which to become shelved until rescue, or would the creamy waves be dotted for a fev/ minutes with the struggling mass of humanity and then hide them as secretly as they hide the iniquities that have cost the nation nearly a million." The pajjer from which the above extract is made, the St. Lawrence News, is a paper of Conservative leanings. The total expenditure, departmental and contractors, upon this ditch in the St. Lawrence has been about $900,000 and yet the Minister in charge states officially in Parliament six years after the work was taken over as completed that no one will use it. The Sheik's Island Dam. The Auditor-General for Canada in his public reports to Parliament took the Government to task for passing an order-in- council on March 26, 1891, author- izing the loan of $60,000 of the public money to Messrs. William Davis and Sons of Ottawa, government contractors. The Auditor-General pointed out that there was no legal authority for such an act, but he was overruled by the Government. The date of this order just three weeks after the general election, and the fact ^hat the Government desired to protest sixty elections, requiring a deposit of $1,000 each, made this extraordinary advance of $60,000 to Davis and Sons, a peculiarly suspicious transaction. The Messrs^ Davis were the chief contractors for the en- largement of the Cornwall canal, a work still in prog,.'ess, althouuh the contract provided for its completion, April 5, 1891, and they have been paid about a mil- lion and a half on account of the woik. It will be seen that Davis and Sons are favorites with the Government, and so the whole scheme of the enlargement of the Cornwall canal was changed in 1893, by which Davis and Sons obtained without tender a new contract worth $384,000 for building what is known as the Sheik's Lsland Dam. The object of this dam was to convert the north branch of the river into a navigable channel by throwing dams across it at the head and foot of Sheik's Island, forming a deep water basin about three miles long. This basin would form a navigation past sec- tions 6 and 7 of the Cornwall canal, which were under contract to Messrs. Gilbert and Son of Montreal, who had already been paid $125,000 and who were after- wards paid a further sum of $bO,000 as damages for the loss of their contract, be- cause sections 6 and 7 were rendered useless by tlie adoption of the Sheik's Island Dam scheme. ' The best engineer that the department ever had, the late Mr. John Page, fully considered the scheme of erecting dams at this point, when the enlargement of the canal was undertaken, and reported in February, 1889, against the scheme, and it was decided not to adopt it. When this polic}' was reversed by Mr. Hflggart for reasons best known to himself, and when the beneficiaries of the new policy, to the extent of the profits on $384,000, were Messrs. Davis and Sons it is not hard to smell a rat. To give Messrs. Davis this new woik it was necesf«arv to break the law, which provided that no contrrct is to be given without tenders being called for. 97 According to the admissions officially made the public lost Si 50,000 by the cancelling of the contract to Messrs. Gilbert and Sons ; what they will lose by the favoritism shown to Davis and Sons or how much Davis and Sons will contribute to the Conservative campaign iund are matters of conjecture. A resolution introduced by Mr. Laurier in the House July 3, 1894, reciting the facts and censurin},' the Government for thtir course was voted down, every Conservative present voting against it. It remains to be seen whether these gentlemen can convince the electors that the Government was not to biame for throwing away $12.5,000 and for incurring $30,000 damages which they had to pay to the contractors for cancelling their contract, not to speak of the violation of law in giving to favorites a heavy con- tract without tender. The whole management of the Department of Canals of the works on the St. Lawrence has been of an extraordinary character. " Rotten " might be a bet- ter word than extraordinary. The Cornwall canal, which is less than 12 miles long, has cost over $5,000,000 to date, and yet in the blue book the superintend- ing engineer says that even after Messrs. Davis get through their a'leady over- run contracts, " the class of vessels for which the enlarged canal is designed will have great difficulty navigating it," The Galops Channel job is quite close to the Cornwall canal and the millionaire mistakes at these points form the most colos- sal blundering on reoord, not even excepting Sir Hector Langevin's record in the Department of Public Works. Cm\ Service Corruption- In 1891 in one department alone it was discovered through the effiarts of the Opposition in Parliament that half a hundred of the officers of that depart- ment had obtained money illegally and by fraud, including the Deputy Minister of the department. By the efforts of the Opposition the most glaring frauds in the Department of Public Printing and Stationery were exposed, and the Government di.smissed Mr. Senecal the superintendent of printing, and dismissed the superintendent of stationery, but nothing was done witL the members of the Government who were responsible for the sweating of contractors furnishing supplies to the Printing Department, for contributions to the Conservative campaign fund. It was testi- fied under oath that the address of the President of the Conservative Association of Montreal was furnished to the firm of Potter & Company of New York, when they were given the job of supplying the presses for the Printing Bureau. Many of those who supplied material for the Bureau, such as type, paper and machinery had to pay the Superintendent of the Bureau considerable sums of money, and there is reason to think that they believed he wa.s merely the channel through which they were contributing to the Conservative campaign funds. At all events he has never been punished, Hor hav^e an}'' of the threatened actions against the firms who furnished supplies been pushed forward. There were many frauds discovered in the Department of Public Works, besides the colossal swindle for which Sir Hector Langevin was responsible and in which he participated. The Liberals exposed these frauds so thoroughly that the Government were forced to prosecute Messrs. J. Arnoldi, Horace Talbot and A. C. Larose. Mr. Arnoldi spent a couple of months in gaol. The whole matter, all the developments in the ^--epartment of Public Works, showed such a lack of business oversight on the part of those whom the public paid to see that things go right, that it would be wise to put a Minister at the head of that Department who would purify it from top to bottom and save the millions of dollars wasted under Conservative administration. 7 F.E. f 98 w, ni TI lii ro d< ill a a Si o£ m Qi izi o« wi T) th ea su la S n $1 tl b ti ^ ti E c a I a 1 i Tho LangOTin Block , The Qovornment could not erect a new departmental block in Ottawa with- out the grossest extravagence, extortion and fre^ud. They allowed a contractor under Sir Hector Langevin, who had the contract for the walla of the building known as the Langevin Block and was the main contractor, to charge all the other contractors for the privilege of entering on the grounds and building to put in their work. The ])epartment agreed to a clause, which read as follows : " The contractors will agree to bind themselves to buy the right of way from the con- tractor, Mr. Charlebois." Mr. Fen-son's tender lor the construction of the eleva- tors in the building had to include $8,000 which Mr. Charlebois exacted for allow- ing him in the building. There were other contractors who had to pay percent- ages to Mr. Charlebois. The total cost of the building was close upon a million dollars, and there are still some extras claimed by the contractors. Charlebois' contract, if carried out according to tender entitled him to $355,000. Up to 1891 he had been paid a bill for extras amounting to $213,000. The root alone cost as much as the original estimated cost of the whole building. Frauds were discovered in connection with the Department of Agriculture relating to immigration. There were frauds in connection with the payment of fishery bounties by the Department of Marine and Fisheries. Frauds were exposed by the Opposition also in the Department of Railways and Canals and the Government were forced to dismiss the secretary of that department. Tn fact there was scarcely a department where frauds on the public revenue had not been committed. One or two minor officials have been prosecutfed, but the bulk of the wrongdoers still retain office and all their old emoluments. The only remedy ia to turn the rascals out. The St. Charles Branch. Tlio St. Charles branch of the Intercolonial Railway branches off from the Intercolonial road to Point Levis, a distance of fourteen miles. When the Gov- ernment entered upon the project it wa.s estimated to cost $136,000. Up to May, 1894, $1,72!'5,000 had been paid on account of this branch, and there were other outstanding claims amounting, Mr. Haggart said, to $37,719 and the Government were taking at that time a further vote of $17,000. Mr. Haggart stated that the road itself cost $822,000 but that the amount required for land, damages, and expenses was over $900,000. It is very evident that the people along the route of the branch were in some cases dealt with very generously by the Government. If they voted right they must have been allowed to claim almost anything they pleased, and although the Government might refer it to arbitration, or some other tribunal, they would take care not to make any good defence. The only other explanation of the scandalous expenditure of almost $2,000,000 for 14 miles of railway is that the Department of Railways has been administered by incompe- tents, but whether it has been incompetency or corruption the public have had to pay for it. 99 Scandals by the Dozen- space does not permit of an account of all the Hcandalous and corrupt actions of the Government, and its 3upporter.s, but the above, taken with the following list, gives a very fair idea of the record. Besides those mentioned we have htA scandals connected with the following matters : Land-grabbing in the Northwest. The J. C. Rykert affair. The Caraquet Railway scandal. The Turcotte Whitewash. The Queen's County, N. B,, election outrage. The Dead Meat Scheme. The Blind Shares Scandal. The Oxford and New Glasgow Railway. The Yamaska Dam. The Farnham Post Office. The looting of Furs in the Northwest. ConseivatiYe Corruption Oondem!ied by Impartial Opinion. The London Times : " Here in the Mother Country there can be only one feeling, that of deep regret for the wrong done to the fair fame of the eldest of her daughter nations by the lax morality of her politicians." London Daily Chronicle : " It seems to be possible in the Dominion to secure the political support not only of individuals but of whole provinces by gifts of money. The locality is bribed as well as the member, and the consequent demo- ralization spreads through all ranks." London Graphic : " It is no longer possible to doubt that corruption in its worst form is rampant in a large portion of the Canadian civil service." London Telegraph : " Enough, unfortunately, is already known in England to make it clear that only the uio.st resolute and drastic purification can redeem public life in Canada from the taint of corruption, the like of which we have not seen in our own country for hundreds of years." Birmingham Gazette : " Rascals out of office defraud the public in order to bribe rascals in office, and rascals in office prostitute themselves, sacrifice their honor and forsake their tiust in order to keep on good terms with the rascals out of office." London Echo : ." No country can prosper where public departments are in league with fraudulent contractors, and where Ministers ovs open to offers." SL James Gazette : " The existence of an organized systent of corruption among public officials in Canada has been conclusively proved, and like every- thing else on the American continent the bribery has been colossal." The Graphic Despatch : " The secret of Sir John Macdonald's electoral vic- tories is out. On this side of the water surprise has often been expressed at the patience with which our Canadian cousins submitted to the Tory protectionist rule of that prince of political intriguers. There is now, alas, no difficulty in explaining that curious situation. Sir John's government rested on a stupendous and all prevailing system of bribery and corruption. Even Tammany Hall smells sweet and clean in comparison with the huge stink-pot of Sir John's gov- ernment." The above extracts are all from English papers. 100 Condemxied by the Clergy. Rev. W. T. Muoklestone, a rector of the Church of England, in the course of a Berinon preached at Ottawa, June, 189;i, naid : " The public Hcandals of two years ago revealed thieves and boodlers, and the fact that the oleciors failed to condemn them proved that the public conHcience was 2 ; now she has 1,011 vessels with a tonnage of only 156,645. Prince Edward Island in 1884 owned 234 vessels, with tonnage of 39,213 ; now she has only 188 vessels, with tonnage of 19,409. Nova Scotia has 302 vessels and 148,974 tons less ; New Brunswick, 85 vessels and 152,117 tons less; Prince Edward Island, 46 vessels and 19,806 tons less. The ship-building industry, which was one of the most thriving in the country during the period of a tariff for revenue, shows the same unhappy decline. The annual tonnage of vessels built last year was less than 40,000 tons. When the present Government took office 190,000 tons were built and the export of ships built was, during Mr. Mackenzie's time, of the value of several millions annually. The number of new vessels built and registered in the Dominion in 1876 was 420 of 130,901 tons, of an estimated value of $5,890,000 built that year. In 1893 the tonnage of ships built in Canada totalled only 38,521 and the number was 107, or just one-fourth the number built in 1876. Yet the Con- servatives have the hardihood to claim that because the coasting trade of Canada, that is of vessels going from one port to another within the Dominion, has largely increased it is proof that the National Policy "is doing what was hoped from it." Decline of Farm Values. Mr. G. R. R. Cockburn, Conservative M. P. for Centre Toronto, is a financier in good standing and some authority, owing to his connection with loan and other companies, on the values of farm lands in Ontario, and here is an extract from his speech in the House of Commons, February 23, 1893 : " But, Sir, I am free at the same time to confess that there has been a material reduction in the selling value of the farms of Ontario. I am perfectly free to accept the statement of my honorable friend (Mr. Charlton) that that reduction has been 25 per cent." The N. P. and Wages. The fact that everything the workingman consumes in Canada is protected, but that there is free trade in labor leads to the conclusion that the capitalist will obtain labor as cheap as he can, and that the wages he pays have no relation to his profits. Mr. John Burns, M.P., the English labor leader, speaking in New York, on Janu aiy 2, 1895, said : " Capital, which knows no race, religion or patriotism, gets its labor at the lowest possible prices whenever it can. Now that capital has mastered America, and monopoly dominated it, labor, with the aid of the general community, will have to fight relatively harder than we in England to maintain and improve our present condition." England is acknowledged to be the best wage-paying country in Europe, and she is the only free trade country in Europe. What is the inference ? Let us give the N. P. all the credit whicli is claimed for it in regard to wages, namely, that the average rate of wages which was $233 in 1881, was $272 in 1891, an increase of $39 in the ten years. This would not begin to pay the increased taxation levied under the N, P. on the necessaries of life. iJut if protection has increased the wages of the mechanic, how does it come that the X sfar 106 census shows the average wages in the wall-paper industry to be $407 per annum, compared with $400 in 1880 census ? Wall paper has been and is one of the most highly protected articles sold in Canada, and yet, according to the census, wages in that industry are only two cents a day higher than in 1880. The ordinary growth of a young country like Canada would naturally in- volve greater remuneration to labor. For example, according to the census of 1871 the average wages amounted to $217, and in 1881 the figure was $233. As the census was taken in 1880 the N. P. had of course no influence, either good or bad, at that date, as it had only been put in force for a few months. We are short of reliable labor statistics, and the labor organizations of the country have been asking the Dominion Government to establish a bureau of labor statistics for at leasjt ten years, ami repeated promises have been made, but up to the present moment every single one of them have been broken. There was a labor commission appointsd by the Dominion Government about nine years ago, but not one of its suggestions have ever been acted upon and no one but the members of the commission have ever received any benefit from it. That there is great need for labor statistics is illustrated by the value of the in- formation contained in the enumeration of 1891, which showed 1,450 women and children employed in the cotton mills against 1,045 men. All the industrial returns of the census of 1891 are unreliable, and furnish the strongest arguments in support of the demand for a bui-eau of labor statis- tics. For instance, the average wages of the men employed in brick and tile making amounted to $210, according to the census of 1891, as compared with $219 in the census of 1881 ; but according to the report of the Ontario Bureau of Mines for 1893, the average wages in this industry in that province only amounted to $170 per annum, and over three-fourths of these manufactures are situated in Ontario. Question — If the N. P. put up wages how does it come that the three or four thousand men employed in brick and tile making receive from $9 to $49 less than thev did in 1881 ? The Army of TTnemployed- Within the last couple of years large numbers of unemployed men have be- siegeu the municip'x.l authorities of all the leading cities of Canada, asking for work. There were thousands of men out of work in the city of Quebec in 1893 and 1894, and the situation was so bad that they waited upon Sir AdolpheCaron to ask for relief from the Government, and the following is an extract from a news- paper report cf Sir Adolphe's reply to these men, December 28th, 1893 : " Sir A. P. Caron said the Government fully sympathized with the distressed working- men, but unfortunately, had no appropriations at their command at the moment to furnish them with employment. However, when Parliament met an effort would probably he made to come to their relief." At Halifax the same winter three hundred citizens appealed to the muni- cipal authorities for work and declared they were without means of subsistence. In Montreal, on the morning of December 20th, 1894, and again in Janu- ary, 1895, a crowd, consisting of four or five thousand of the unemployed, marched through the streets to the city hall, which had to be guarded by police. There were threats made to seize the bread carts passing through the streets, but as evidence that these men were not hoodlums no violence was attempted and no serious disorders occorred. 107 Montreal and Halifax contain large numbers of men made millionaires by the N. P. These are the chief homes of the cuinbines, and here additional proof is furnished that the system of protection makes a few men richer and oppresses the mass of the people. Combines and the Workingmen- In June, 1894, a cut of ten per cent, was made on the wages of the weavers of the Brantford Cotton Mill, numbering 85. Early in October of the same year, or about four months after the cut of June, another notice was posted up ia the factory putting in force a new schedule of wages and meaning, the weavers said, a reduction of 18 per cent. As the men said they could not earn $5 a week under the terms of the new schedule, they had no alternative but to walk out. The Brantford mill is only one of the mills controlled by the cotton combine, the Dominion Cotton Company, and when Mr. Cook, the manager of the Brantford mill, telegraphed to the head oflBce at Montreal for advice he received the follow- ing telegram : " Cancel all orders on your books to Montreal. Mill will remain closed until you work on new schedule. (Signed) James Jackson, General Manager." This is the amount of protection afforded to the workingman by the Gov- ernment policy, which by Act of Parliament extends a protection to the cotton lords of over 30 per cent. What Sovereign Says- Mr. Sovereign, the Master Workman of the Knights of Labor in America, speaking at Washington shortly after his election to that office in 1894, said : " I am an out and out free trader. I believe in no make-shifts or partial reductions of tariff taxation. The so-called protection to American labor is a delusion. Labor is not protected. Invested capital receives a bonus in the form of protection, but the workingmen have to compete on even terms with world'a prices. There is no duty upon imported labor." ' The Superannuation Abuse- The system of superannuating civil servants, began in 1871, was based upon the idea that after a public official had become feeble and worn out he should be retired from the public service and his place tilled by an efficient substitute. A fund was created to supply which two per cent, of the salaries of civil servant* was retained. In 1871 the receipts of this fund amounted to §50,000 and the expenditure to only $13,000. In 1893 the receipts were $G4,433 and the expen- diture $263,710. in 1894 there was paid into this fund $63,974, while there was paid out of it the enormous sum of $262,302. In the twenty-three yeai'.s since the inauguration of the system we have paid $2,500,000 over and above the receipts. The total number on the superannuation list on the 30th June, 1893, was 551. Of those, 173 were under the age of sixty, whicli is the limit fixed by the Act, and below which the Government is not supposed to go unless for very special reasons ; 73 were under the age of fifty. The needy followers of the Government, and some who are not needy, haver had to be provided for and the superannuation system has been used to provide places for hungry followers. Mr. Dansereau, a leading Montreal Conservative, ! I * 108 desired the postmastership of that city, and Mr. Lamothe, the postmaster, vas superannuated. He was entitled to a retiring allowance of $1,360, but the Gov- ernment added eight years to his time, and Mr. Lamothe is drawing $2,000 a jj^ear and Mr. Dansereau is receiving as postmaster $4,000, which makes the cost of that office $8,000 a year. Mr. Robert Wallace, postmaster at Victoria, B.C., strenuously resisted being superannuated, but his place wcs wanted for Mr. Shakespeare, then a member of Parliament. To quiet Mr. Wallace eight years was added to his length of ser- vice, and he is now living in England drawing a pension of $1,300 a year and Mr. Shakespeare is doing his work at a salary of $2,000 a year. Mr. Charles Thibeault was appointed Secretary of the Board of Dominion Arbitrators, a sinecure, and after drawing $2,000 a year for nine years was sup- erannuated at the age of 49 on a pension of $760 a year. Mr. Vankoughnet, Deputy Superintendent General of Indian Affairs, was superannuated in 1893 at the age of 57 against his will and against his strong protest that his health was quite good. Jn order to force him to apply for sup- -erannuation the Minister threatened him that it would be worse for him if he did not, but if he did all would be made right. (See official letter from Minister, June 28, 1893, page 4326 Commons Hansard, 1894.) Mr. Vankoughnet is now living in England drawing $2,112 a year for the rest of his life. The rea3on Mr. Vankoughnet was forced out was to supply Mr. Hayter Reed with the position. Mr. Reed is the gentleman who was chiefly responsible for the looting of furs after the Northwest Rebellion, but he sheltered himself behind General Middle- ton and destroyed a letter which convicted him of complicity in that disgraceful afiair. Mr. Trudeau, Deputy Minister of Railways and Canals, was superannuated .against his will on an allowance of $3,756 a year. H. A. Whitney, Mechanical Superintendent of the Intercolonial Railway, was superannuated at the age of 58, and Mr. A. S. Busby, of the same road, at the age of 54, on allowances respectively of $1,280 and $1,000 a year. Mr. John Tilton, Deputy Minister of Fisheries, was superannuated at the age of 55, and can be seen any day in Ottawa, a strong, healthy, vigorous man in the prime of life ; yet he is drawing a pension reserved for sick, feeble and aged persons, of $1,536. During the five years of the Mackenzie Government the receipts of this fund averaged more than $40,000 a year and the payments were under $100,000, whereas we are now only receiving $64,000 and paying out $263,000, a deficit of $200,000 a year. A resolution moved by Mr. McMullen, Liberal M.P., No'^-'.i Wellington, Ont., in Parliament, declaiing that the Superannuation Act had been administered by the Government in a loose, and unjustifiable manner and that the system as now established should be abolished, was voted down by 91 to 55, every Conserva- tive in the House voting against it. The Liberals di.sclaimed any intention of interfering under that resolution with the rights of those who have paid money into the fund, but they held that it was unfair to the laboring men and to the farmers of this country that they should continue to be taxed $200,000 a year to keep half a thousand men idle, when half of them are well able to work, and when scores of them are living a life of ease in foreign lands, drawing fat pensions from the Canadian taxpayers. 109 being iber of of ser- }ar and Scheduling^ Canadian Cattle. Up to a recent date Canada was permitted to export cattle into Great Britain, a privilege denied to the United States because of the existence of pleuro-pneumonia there. In July, 1893, Great Britain took away this privilege from Canada because of the bad faith and negligence of the Canadian Govern- ment. The result is tremendous loss to Canada, amounting to at least one penny a pound, as reported by the Deputy-Minister of Agriculture at Ottawa, live weight, on all cattle shipped to England or fit for the English market. This amounts to an average of $25 a head on each beast, or a loss of over $2,000,000 on the cattle actually shipped to England, and a corresponding loss on those sold in the Canadian market. Before Canada was scheduled our cattle brought pound for pound as much as the English cattle in the English market. The moment the scheduling took place our cattle dropped in price, because having to be slaughtered before passing out of the control oti the Government. There are on the Thames, near London, two cattle markets a couple of miles apart.. Canadian cattle are landed at the Canadian market there, called the Deptford market, and sold there, and must be slaughtered before removal. The British cattle are brought for sale to the other market, and the prices, because of the scheduling, differ to the extent that a 1,500 pound beast will not bring within six pounds sterling, or $30, of the price of an English beast of the same weight and quality. This terrible blow to the Canadian cattle industry was brought about in thj following manner, and it may be stated that all the facts herein stated are taken from Government records produced by order of the House of Commons in the session of 1S94. and which are set forth in full upon the records of Parliament of the 4th of July, 1894, in connection with a motion made that day by Mr. Mulock, M. P., to censure the Government for this great calamity, the outcome of their neglect of duty. The plain facts of the case are as follows : Pleuro-pneumonia was prevalent in the Western States. Great Britain thern scheduled the United States and notified Canada that if American cattle were.; allowed to come into Canada, Canada also would be scheduled. The Canadian Government requested the English Government to allow American cattle to be shipped from Detroit thi'ough Canada to the Eastern States in bond, stipulating that the animals would be examined by a veterinary surgeon as to their health before entering Canada, and if all right would then be secured in cars so con- structed that no droppings should escape during the journey, that the conductors would move the trains without delay, not allowing the cattle trains to stand on sidings near Canadian cattle trains, and when the cattle were unloaded in the United States all cars would be cleaned and disinfected before being allowed to return to Canada ; and, to secure the due performance of all these precautions,, the Canadian Government undertook that an independent Dominion officer would accompany every train the whole journey through Canada and then see that the railway men did their duty and that these precautions were observed. The Dominion Government further undertook that, with the single exception of allowing cattle to go through in this way, not one single American beast was to be allowed to come into Canada. Frdoantions Abandoned- On the strength of these proposals the English Government agreed for the time being not to schedule Canada. Now, why did the British Government schedule Canada ? The reason appears from the documents in question. Instead of an independent oflBcer being appointed to see that the trainmen did their duty the Government sent out blank appointments to the railways to he fille I ■| i 110 up with the names of the conductors in charge of the trains, thus in bad faith violating the one stipulation which alone could secure a proper observance of all ithe details in question. The railway companies then filled these blanks with the mames of their conductors, who were supposed, as Government officers, to watch themselves as railway officers and see that they did their duty. As a result of >this fraud all the promised precautions were abandoned. The railways asked to have the inspection take place at night. This the Government authorized to be done. The veterinary surgeon applied to the Govertunent for lights, so that he might do the work honestly at night, if it were possible. This was refused, and thus the farce began. Being ordered to inspect at night, and knowing that :such inspection was a mere farce, the veterinary sooA fell into loose ways, issu- ing to the railways blank certificates of inspection without ever having seen the •cattle or the cattle trains, sometimes going through the form of inspection, walking through the cattle yard at night, sometimes with a lamp in his hand, sometimes in the dark — at best only able to see the feet of the cattle in the cars. Sometimes for months the work of inspection was done by a shoemaker, etc. Again, the cars after delivering their cattle in the United States were not cleaned or disinfected, and were allowed to come back into Canada and be distributed on sidings throughout the country to carry Canadian cattle for Great Britain. At one point on the journey through Canada, namely, Lynn, the cattle were allowed to be removed from the car and to be watered in a field tightly boarded. The fence was allowed to become dilapidated, and the manure "was given out to the farmers to fertilize their land, spreading the deadly anthrax disease all through the district. Then, instead of living up to the stipu- lation with the British Government that with the exception of cattle going through in bond no American cattle were to enter Canada, the Government grossly violated this provision, and the public records of Canada show that there -were imported into Manitoba and the North- West Territories from the Western "States, where pleuro-pneumonia was known to exist, the following number of cattle, during the following years, namely : — In 1881 2,963 head In 1882 7,718 " In 1884 11,466 " In 1885 .S,419 " In 1886 10,726 " In 1887 13,558 " A Stipulation Violated- Making a total of 49,850 heud of cattle imported into Manitoba and the North-West Territories from the Western States, where pleuro-pneumonia was iknown to exist, in violation of the express stipulation as to total prohibition as aforesaid, and several thousands of these cattle so imported were not even subject to any quarantine regulations. The language of the Canadian Minister in agree- intr with the Imperial Government as to the prohibition against American cattle entering Canada appears in the proposal of the Canadian Minister to the English Privy Council, and is in these words : " I would therefore respectfully ask their Lordships to consider whether the prohibition of the importation of foreign cattle into Canada, with the sole exception of such importation for the purpose of transit under proper provisions against infection " would not satisfy them so as not to require Canada to be scheduled ; and then he adds : " If their Lordships should become satisfied that such a law would be sufficient, the existing prohibi- tion would be continued after a further provision creating the only exception to its universality, namely, that cattle might pass from one point on the frontier to d faith i of all ith the watch suit of ked to to be that he efused, g that S, i38U- en the )ection, band, in the maker, 111 another subjeot to such conditions as might be imposed upon such transit from time to time by o'-ders-in-council," etc. That American cattle were, in violation of this stipulation, imported into Canada appears on page 3 of a book issued by the Department of Agriculture, setting forth the official action of the Govern- ment regarding cattle regulations. On page 3 appears under heading " The Order-in-Council of September, 1884-, established cattle quarantine in Manitoba and the North- West Territories." "This order contained the first restriction of th6 free importation of cattle from the United States into Manitoba and the North- West Territories. Before its date there was, as regards quarantine, untrammelled importation." When the English Government learned that Ameri- cattle were being imported into Canada they wrote to the Canadian Government in December, 1886, and January, 1887, pointing out the risks the Canadian Government was running in violating the a.grcoment in question by allowing cattle from the pleuro-penumonia districts of the Western States to come into Canada, but these warnings were not regarded, but on the contrary, in that same year of 1887 after these warnings, over 13,558 head of Ameri- can cattle from the Western States were imported into Canada and nine months were allowed to elapse before the Canadian Government even answered these English warnings, and then the only answer sent was a letter from Sir John Carling to the English Government saying that he was satisfied with what the Canadian Government was doing. The result was that certain cattle from Manitoba shipped to England were said to have pleuro-pneu- monia, and immediately the English Government scheduled Canada. This scheduling is still in force, and has been brought about by the negligence and breach of contract on the part of the Govei'nment. It is a significant circum- stance that the cattle which the English inspectors said were suffering from pleuro-pneumonia, came from the district in Manitoba into which large quantities of American cattle from the pleuro-pneumonia districts had been imported into . Manitoba. Sir Charles Tupper endeavored to induce the English Government to repeal the scheduling on the contention that the Canadian cattle had not real pleuro-pneumonia, but the English Government dealt with his application by the following decision: "The question of the existence of the disease in Canada is not, however, the only factor which the board are required by law to take into account in this matter. They are also bound to be satisfied with the Canadian laws relating alteralia to the importation of animals as sueh as to afford reason- able security against the importation into this country of diseased animals brought therefrom, and even if it were established beyond all question that the diseased animals imported in the " Monkseaton " and " Huronia " (referring to the vessels in which the alleged diseased animals were carried over to England) were not affected in Canadian territory, the board could only conclude that the law and regulations regarding the admission of cattle across the Canadian frontier were either in themselves defective or that they were not enforced with complete efficiency. Eesolution in the Souse of Commons In other words the English Government is of opinion that the Canadian regulations are lax. and have been so badly enforced as to admit pleuro-pneumonia into our midst, and have no confidence in our management of this great industry. In view of these circumstances Mr. Mulock moved the following resolution : Resolution. That all the words after the word " That " be left out, and the foUowin inserted instead thereof: — "the Imperial Government having scheduled the United States by reason of the existence of pleuro-pneumonia and other con _ 112 liVl if; tagious cattle diseases in that country ; that the Canadian Govornment were desirous of allowing American cattle to be carried by rail from the west to the east through Canada ; that the carrying of such cattle would also have caused Canada to be scheduled by Great Biitain unless measures were adopted by the Canadian Government of a character sufficient to prevent the introduction of diseased cattle from the United States into Canada ;. that it was necessary, in order to prevent such schedulin.,', tliat the Imperial authorities should be satisfied as to the sufficiency of all such proposed measures ; that on the condition that Canada was not scheduled — the Government of Canada undertook with the Imperial Government, to carry out certain named and other regulations in so effective a manner as to sitisfy the Imperial authorities that the transit of American cattle through Canada would be so conducted as to afford niasonable security against the importation into Canada of diseased cattle ; that relying upon the Canadian Government enforcing all necessary regulations and observ- ing said undertaking, the Imperial Government granted permission for the car- riage of American cattle through Canada upon the distinct understanding that such traffic was to be conducted in every respect so as not to bring Canada within the provisions of the Imperial Act respecting scheduling ; that the Can- adian Government disregarding such undertaking, and neglected to enforce proper regulations sufficient to satisfy the Imperial Government upon the subject ; that during the continuance of the permission granted by the Imperial authorities for the maintenance of such traffic, representations were tnade by the British Govern- ment to the Canadian Government that pleuro-pneumonia existed in the Western States, that it was the duty of the Canadian Government to enforce stringent regulations for the prevention of its extension into Canada ; that notwithstanding such warning, the Canadian Government allowed the said traffic to be con- tinued in a lax manner, and also permitted very large numbers of American cattle to be imported into the North-West Territories from the United States whilst pleuro-pneumonia was there existing ; that after such repeated warning, and owing to the negligence and bad faith of the Canadian Government in the premises, the Imperial authorities did in the month of November, 1892, schedule Canada to the great injury, not only of the farming community, laut of the trade of the whole country, and that such scheduling is fairly attributable to the negli- gence of the Government. That in view of the foregoing facts of such negligence and bad faith, this House is of opinion that the Government is deserving of the censure of Parliament. I The Vote in the Bouee. This resolution wa3 defeated on the following division : Yeas — Messieurs Allan, Bain ( Wentworth), Beausoleil, Beith, Borden, Boston, Bownim, Brodeur, Brown, Bruneau, Campbell, Carroll, Cartwright (Sir Richard), Casey, Charlton, Choquette, Christie, Dawson, Edgar, Edwards. Featherston, Flint, Forbes, Eraser, Fremont, Gibson, Godbout, Grieve, Harwood, Innes, Lauderkin, Laurier, Lavergne, Leduc, Legris, Lister, McCarthy, McGregor, McMillan, McMullen, Martin, Mignault, Mills (Bothwell), Monet, Mulock, O'Brien, Paterson (Brant), Perry, Proulx, Rider, Ilinfret, Rowand, Sanborn, Semple, Somerville, Sutherland, Tarte, Vaillancourt, Yeo — 59. Nays — Messieurs Adams, Amyot, Bain (Soulanges), Belley, Bennett, Bergeron, Blanchard, Boyd, Boyle, Calvin, Cargill, Carignan, Carling (Sir John), Caron (Sir Adolphe), Carscallen, Cleveland, Cochrane, Cockburn, Corbould, Craig, Curran, Daly, Davin, Davis, Desaulniers, Dickey, Dugas, Dupont, Dyer. Earle, Fairbairn, Ferguson (Renfrew), Frechette, Gillies, Girouard (Jacques Cartier;, Girouard (Two Mountains), Grant (Sir James), Guillet, Haggart, Haslam, Hazen, ^flj 113 HenderHon, Hodgins, Hutchin.s, Ingram, Ivos, Jeannotfce, Joncas, Kenny, Lachapello, Langovin (Sir Hoctor), Lipp6, Macdonald (King's), Macdt)nell (Algoma), McAlister, McDonald (Aasiniboi), McDonald (Victoria), McDougald (Pictou), Mclnerney, McKay, McLean (King's), McLennan, McLeod, Madill, Mara, Marshall, Masson, Metcalfe, Miller, Mills (Annapolis), Moncrieft", Montague, Ouimot, Patterson (Colchester), Pelletier, Pope, Pridhani, Prior, Roome, Rosamond, Ross (Lisyar), Ryckman, Simard, Smith (Ontario), Sproule, Stairs, Stev6uson, Taylor, Thompson (Sir John), Tisdale, Tapper (Sir C. llibbert), Tyrwhitt, Wallace, White (Card well), White (Shelburne), Wilmot, Wilson, Wood (Brock- ville). Wood (Westmoreland)— 99. Pairs. Ministerial — Messieurs Bergin, Barnard, Temple, McNeill, Bryson, Baker, LaRivi^re, Reid, Ferguson (Leeds), Sir Donald Smith, Coatsworth, Denison, McLean (York), Burnham, Northrup, Patterson (Huron), Costigan, Kaulbach. Opposition — Mesfieurs Devlin, Davies (P. E. L),Gillmor, Macdonald (Huron), Guay, Welsh, Geoffrion, Bernier, Scrivcr, Prefontaine, B«^'chard, Livingston, Beurassa, Colter, Delisle, Fauvel, Lowell, Bowers. Of the above " Pairs " the Ministerial list supported the Government and the Opposition supported the motion. The Franohiso Act. AN V.\FAIR POLITICAL MEAHVRE, UNPOPULAR AND EXPENSIVE TO THE COUNTRY. The Franchise Act was passed in 1885 against the protests of the Liberals. Under it partizan revising barristers riiake up the voters lists, and the printing is done at the Government Printing Bureau, Ottawa. The revising barristers are appointed by the Government, who in each case see that the appointees are sound party men. It is admittedly a cumberous piece of legislation, uncalled lor, supplanted an efficient system which had been in operation for 18 years, and in every detail presents obstacles to the preparation of an honest voter's list. In England the revising barrister is not the creature of the Governmoit ; ho is appointed by the courts and is impartial and independent. In the United States the revision is done by the municipal authorities. Canada, of all countries in the world, is alone in having the sacred right of franchise under the thumb of the party in power. The Franchise Act opens the door for electoral misconduct and all kinds of fraud, of which the celebrated Baird case is only one example. During the revision of 1891 objection was taken in one township in the County of Grey, Ontario, to the names of 75 persons being placed on the list, as they were all residents of the United States. Owing to the complications of the Act it was found impossible to remove these names, and the owners of them were in the position of being carted across the border to vote on polling day and possibly upset the will of the majority of the residents of the township. Mr. R. W. Shannon, the editor of the Ottawa Citizen, a prominent Conserva- tive newspaper, in a letter to the Kingston News, October 23, 1891, immediately after the revision of that year, said : " The Franchise Act is complicated, expen- sive and unsatisfactory. The statute has, it is true, furnished an approximately uniform franchise, but it has failed to secure two other qualities not less import- ant, namely, simplicity and cheapnee s." 8 F.E. 114 Tho LibcT.vlH have always conton in rouri«l iuiinl>or» one million dollars, and n niodomt*^ <'«timHt(j of tho cost of the last rev ision in S25(),()0 ).()(). This is what it cosU the country. This is wliiit th« people pay out of tlu' puljlic revt'tnios to pay for an Act \vhi(;Ii is Itiirdi'nsnmc to tluin. Hut this is not all. Hesidt's the cost to the trcasui'V there is the cost to private indivichials. Some idea of this additional cost can he j^leaned by cstimatiiij^ the value of th(^ time of citizens '^Wrn to the work at what tlicy wtjuld j,'et if employed in any other way, as, for instance, juiors or witnesses in ordinal v courts, and also the actual outlay made Iiy imlividuals. There are 21.') electoral districts, averagiu}^ 0.') polling,' districts each, or in all 7,-')2.') poUin^^ districts. There are on an estimate 1,500 si ttin<,'s of courts for fijuil revision. To prepare for the pre- liminary revision, meetinp^s are called and hold, assessment rolls examintid, canvass made for names to add or romovo, form.s are piinted, declarations drawn, sworn to and filed, and often profi;ssional services used ; the value of time and cash out- lay for each pollin;,' ,'.ir>0. To prepare for fin-,! revision, includin;^' forms, notices, registrations, ."^uhixi-nas and .serving, at least the .same average of 1$I0 for each district may he estimated, thus adding another S7'"),250, At the sittings of courts the time of volunteer witnosnes, witness fees* pai's expenses, the result is that the country i.s bled by ."Sl^G 1,000 for the revision, besides the cost of $250,000 to the treasury. The revision then of l8i)4'-5 cost'J the people l?G11,000. The four revisions at this calculation cost the peo{)le over two and one-quarler millions of d«)llars. They ought to register their votes against such a system of extravagance and unfairness. Since the inception of this Act the Liberals ha\e fought firmly for its repeal and demanded that the provincial lists be uvied. Their demands had consitlenible effect ujion the late Sir .John Thompson, who introtiuced a bill dur- ing the se.ssion of 1894 to amend the Franchise Act by adopting salient features of the provincial lists. In his speech on June 14th, 1804, when introducing the Bill Sir John Thompson said : "The questions upon which so much ditlerence' has arisen in the past as to the basis of the franchise, shall be adjusted by adopt- ing the franchise of the several provinces. .... The number of differences which exist between the provincial franchises and the Dominion franchise as established by our own Act, are so few as not to bo worth the con- test and the expenses which are involved in keeping them up, and the adoption of a general system which will apply both to the Local and Dominion Legisla- tures, has recommendations as regards simplicity and facilities for economy, which cannot exist under a dual system such as we have been keeping up for the past fcAV years." Also : " It is obviously one of the most desirable features in connection with any system of franchise, and to my mind an essential feature that the system to be adopted will be such that it can be put into operation every year." Sir John Thompscm's Bill was never passed. It was not the desire of the present Ministers that it should become law. They are in favor of the perniciou.s Act. Though the redistribution Act of 1892 makes .some changes in the seats yet the revision of 1894-95 had to be conducted on the old arrangement as well as on the new and there are illustrations of portions of counties having ha'^' revi- sions by two revising officers and also of one revising officer having to make two 110 revisions of a portion of a county. Taking the old map of the electoral districts, the lists had to be revised so as to provide for lye-elections because the new redistribution does not come into force until a general election. A municipality then in one electoral district under the old conditions and in another in the new re-arransfement had its Ks*^iS revised twice in the revision of ISOi-Oo. I Tli9 Pnlilio Lands- '■: The administration of the public lands in Canada by the Conservative •Governments has been a gross scandal. The best available land was for many years locked up from settlement, despite the protests of the Liberals in Parlia- ment, but after long and persistent efforts the Governnietit were compelled to remodel their regulations. Thousands of square miles of timber limits were given away to policonal fcvorites who speculated in them to the great disadvantage of the settler and the ^general public. By an order of the House, Mr. Charlton obtained copies of Orders- in-Council which showed that 132 townships wore applied for by 23 members of Parliament, and obtained. J. C. Patterson, M.P. and associates obtained seven townships; George Quillet, M.P. 13 townships; N. Clarke Wallace, M.P. and associates 6 townships; Col. Tisdale, afterwards M.P., 12 townships; N. F. Davin got 50 miles • W.E. Sanford oO miles ; J. G. H. Bergeron, oO miles ; C. C. Colby, 50 miles, and so on. Seventeen members of Parliament obtained for themselves an area of 8.50 square miles, and seven Conservative members of Legislatures •obtained 350 square miles. Altogether there were passed 550 Ordftrs-in-Council, giving away these valuable timber limits, for the nominal rental of S5 a square mile. In one case after timber had been taken off for two years, the limit was sold for $G0,O0U. As lar back as 1882, Hon. Edward Blake moved a resolution in the House that the sj^stem of granting timber limits, was liable to gross abuse, :and the .system of public competition should be applied. This was, of course, opposed by those members who were lining their pockets at the public expense and voted down by the Conservative majority. A motion to dispose of these limits in the public interest by public a'jction, the same as done by the Government of Ontario, was made by Mr. Charlton in the House in 1891, and defeated by 10 J to 81. This maladministration of the public domain resulted in tlie Rykert scandal and the expulsion of J. C. Rykert, M.P., from public life. According to the statement of the Minister of the Interior, (page 2,274, Han- sard, 1892), 42,000,000 acres of land in the Northwest had been alienated from the public domain and given to railway corporations. With a population in the Northwest of only 250,000 this represented a thousand acres for every family, and was an extravagent and reckless policy. Under this policy lands were locked up in the hands of corporations, speculators and land sharks, to whom the settler had to pay tribute, and at whose mercy almost every settler in that country lay. Grazing and mining leases were given at the nominal sum of two cents an acre. The whole record shows that the Government parted with the public lands iraprovidently. The number of acres of public lands granted to rail wa}'^ promoters — 42,000,000. Number of acres of timber limits given away — 10,192,000, equal to 25,000 square miles. According to the promises of the Government, made through Sir Charles Tupper, in his place in the House, from the sale of lands to settlers in the North- west they would have by the year 1890, in the public treasury, after paying all .the expenses of survey and management, the sum of $69,000,000 net. districts, the new licipality the new iservative for many Parlia- pelled to policonal r and the if Orders- ambers of led seven M.P. and F. Davin C. Colby, lemselves gislatures i-Council, ) a square limit was lolution in )3s abuse, of course, J expense c a'jction, harlton in srt scandal 274, Ilan- lated from ion in the ry family, ere locked the settler untry lay. 3 cents an iblic lands t2,000,000. to 25,000 ir Charles ;he North- paying all 117 What are the actual results ? Expenditure on Dominion lands on account of capital and consolidated fund up to the 1st July, 1894, $5,277,995. Receipts from Dominion lands up to the 1st July, 1894, $1,949,905. Deficit, $3,328,090. According to the last Public Accounts, the receipts on account of Dominion lands for 1894, amounted to $210,096, and the total expenditure to $282,451, leaving a deficit for that year of $72,355. It was Sii- Leonard Tilley who, when Finance Minister in 1882, predicted that by 1890, Canada's public debt would be reduced to $100,000,000 by the pro- ceeds of the sale of Dominion lands. Amount of debt to-day, $250,000,000, and still growing. If the public lands had been properly administered, Canada would not now have to deplore the present sparse population and slow growth of her magnifi- cent Northwest. The Casadian lAilitia. A DISORGANIZED FORCE COSTING AN EXTRAVAGANT SIJIII. Incompetent Ministers of Militia have mismanaged the fine militia force of Canada for the last 15 years. Early in 1895, Col. R. H. Davis, of the 37th Battalion, who has been con- nected with the corps since 1866, read a paper before the Military Institute in Toronto, in which he said : " We have no force fit to take the field, nor organization for a campaign, nor ;itores to supply one. " The Militia Department knows nothing about the rural militia and cares less. There darkness and ignorance, or worse, have prevailed for many years. " The country well knows, and the Department should know that the militia is not only disorganized, but demoralized." The Canadian Military Gazette, in its first issue in January 1895, said : "The militia has never been in a worse condition than it is to-day. Many officers who have pluckily fought against official disappointments and discourage- ments for years have at last left the force in utter disgust, and men to take their places are not forthcoming. The rural battalions, which comprised the great bulk of the force, can hardly be said to exi.st any longer, except on paper. Igno- rance, incapacity and systematic neglect appear to be the prominent characteris- tics of the present militia policy, and it is time for the friends of the force tO' resent this treatment." The poor results obtained from the Royal Military College at Kingston were fully set forth by Mr. Mulock in his speech in the House of Commons in 1894, and Lieut-Col. O'Brien declared that we were not deriving any benefit from the College. Major General Herbert, upon examining into the condition of the militia force, when assuming the duties of his office in 1891, made an official report, published in the Blue Book, in the course of which he said : " The rural corps are very deficient in instruction, but their organization i.^ still more defective. Money is spent for instruction by officers incapable of imparting it. The arms and equipments are for the most part obsolete. There is not a battalion that cculd turn out in complete marching order on a given day." The General went on to condemn the saddles, boots and other parts of the militia e(|uipment as utterly unfit for .service. 118 This condition of affairs has occurred under the administration of the Con- servative Government ; Sir Adolphe Oaron and Hon. J. C. Patterson being respon- sible for it. Undei' Mr. Mackenzie tl>e militia force was larger than it is now and maintained efficiently, with hundreds of thou.sands of dollars less annual expen- diture. • Since 18G8, the country lias spent $85,000,000 on the militia, and is now spenditig annually al)out a million a year, and the force ought not to be iu the condition described by experts. Our Own Commercial Treaties. The Liberal party has for many years advocated the jiolicy of securing the right to make our own commercial treaties with ioi'eign nations. ' This policy was set forth in a resolution moved by the Hon. David Mills, in the House of Commons, April 7t]i, 1892. " That it is expedinit to obtain the necessary powers to enable Her Majesty the Queen, through her representative the Governor-Genei-al of Canada, upon the advice of his Ministers, to appoint an agent to negotiate commercial treaties with other British possessions or with foreign states, subject to the prior consent or subsequent approval of the ParHament of Canada." This resolution was voted down, every Conservative in the House voting against it. Canada wants this power, that she may be the better able to secure the markets abroad that are necessary to her prosperity. This progressive policy, advocated by Blake, Mackenzie and tlie present Liberal loaders, is opposed by the Bowell Ministry. The Liquor TrafHo- When Mr. Foster had to face a resolution calling for the total prohibition of the liquor traffic, he shunted the question by moving an amendment to appoint a Royal Commission to take evidence. This was in June, 1891, and although he promised a report of the Commission at an early date, four years have elapsed and the report has not yet been made. According to an official statement in Parlia- ment (see page 5,540, Hansard of 1894), the cost of the Commission, up to June 30th, 1894, had been $120,000, and the total cost may therefore safely be set down as $125,000, for a wholly unnecessary commission. The appointment of Royal Commissions has been a favorite method cf tne Government for taking (piestions out of the hands ot Pailiament, where they should constitutionally have been left, and the number of these commissions has been so large that the expense has run up into many hundreds of thousands of dollars. The Liberal Leader. Sir Oliver Mowat, in a letter addressed to the late Hon, Alexander Mackenzie, published December 14tli, 1891 : " As for the LiV)eral leaders in Dominion affairs, our eloquent friend, Mr. Lauriei*. lias no follower in an}- of the provinces who honors him more than I do, has greater confidence in his patriotism and upright- ness, or is more glad to follow him." The Rev. Dr. Bryce, Principal of the Matiitoba Pi'esbyterian College : " I liave heard constantly expressed the appreciation of Mr. Laurier's noble bearing, gentle manner and pure character. From all directions he is looked to as the future leader." Mo7it)\:al Daily Witness : " H' the people want a knightly chamj)ion to deliver them from the dragon of corruption which for the last fifteen years has folded them in its crushing coils we do not know whei"e they are to look if they seek a better one than Mr. Laurier. Without fear and without I'eproach, he has during the hmg period in which evil has been uppermo->t and powerful fought manfully and without losing confidence in the ultimate triumph of right against evil." ■?P"*n 119 Pertinent and Brief Facts. Debt, 1878, $140,000,000 ; IHO"), $250,000,000. Expenditure. 1S78, .^28,.5()O,O00 ; 1894, $87,000,000. Twelve Mini.sters and tliree Controllers cost $100,000 a yeiu-. The Senate costs $150,000 a year. The Military College cost $70,000 a year. The superannudLion system cost $200,000 a year. Con.servativcs increased tlie public expemliture l)y J?14,000,000 and the public tiebt by $110,000,000, while the population declined Ijelow its natural increase. Cost of useless Pioliibition Commission, $125,000. During 1894 the Government boirowed $20,000,000. Hundreds of Orders-in-Council in favor of the manufacturer ; not one in favor of the farmer. Dr. McLennan, Libeiul nominee for Inverne.ss, N.S., was a prominent Con- servative at the last general elections. Increase of population, 1871-81, 18 per cent. ; 1881-91, 11 per cent. Parliament loses two members owing to loss of population. Mr. D. O'Connor draws $20,000 a year in law costs, while the Solicitor-Gen- eral does nothing but draw a salary of $5,000 a year. Labor measures promised in the Speech from the Throne in 1890 have never yet been introduced. Canada's total trade per head is less to-day than in 1874. Trade with Ch-eat Britain was less in 1894 than in 1874. Duty on rice 70 per cent. ; diamonds free. Duty on woollen socks, 35 per cent. ; on silks, 30 per cent. Duty on coal oil, 90 per cent. ; on cb.ampagne, 35 per cent. Duty on rolled steel for manufacturers, 5 per cent. ; on shovels for laborer and farmer, 85 per cent. Duty on steel rails, nothing ; on sewing thread 25 per cent. Duty on lace cur head and by 10 year periods " of other e«iuntrie8 " niort^ivge, railway, etc " Sir Leonard Tilley's prediction Deficits .... Depression . . Dissolution of 1891 , Dominion lands Drawbacks Duties, average rate of customs '* specific • • • • ." . ' . ' 21, 103 J'AdE. 17 32, 14 K) i;{ Ki 14 117 l:i KM. 100 9. 10 116, 117 •27 4G B. Earnings of artisans England, decrying her greatness •' her pi ogress " trade with " her i)olicy, the goal ^. " her goods discriminated against Excise, cost of dep.artment . Expenditure, Canada Exodus, Canada . . " Ontario .... " North- West " Maritime Provinces " Quebec Exports, Fome comparisons " of manufactures " production per head Facts for the electors , Failures record Farm values, decline " articles, ciuty on Farmers and the MP.. •' decrease in numbers Fees, Lawyers .... Fisheries do|)artment Foster, Hon. G. E. , objects oF protection " " on remission of taxes Frarce, exports to . . . iFree breakfast table . Franchise Act .... 105 54 55 fi,-> 62 52 12 11, 12 17. C2-(;;i, 72 /. 74 (35