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%,|. ./rC/ Umcc^^u -'^U.^^v^ /7W-<^^ 
 
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,«, 
 
 HISTORICAL GLEANINGS. 
 
 ■^- 
 
 BY HENRY YOULE HIND, M. A., D. C L. 
 
 No. I. 
 
 LIEUTENANT-COLONEL ALEXANDER MURRAY. -^ 
 1754-1762. 
 (Unpublished letters from Fort Edward and Quebec.) (l) 
 
 Two men, occupying subordinate positions in the British ser- 
 vice during the wars and revolutions of the last century, were at 
 first entrusted with duties intimately connected, but in later years 
 absolutely diverse, yet in both jcases these two men served their 
 country in measures exercising at the present day overwhelming 
 influence on the welfare of the empire. 
 
 The names of these two men were Brook Watson and 
 Alexander Murray. 
 
 Commissary General Brook Watson narrates the part he took 
 in the events referred to, in the following lines : — (2) 
 
 " In 1755 I ^V'^^s ^ v^O' humble instrument in sending eighteen 
 hundred of those suffering mortals (the Acadians) out of the 
 Province. 
 
 "In 1783, as Commissaiy General to the army serving in 
 North America, it became my duty, under the command of Sir 
 
 (') Copies of these letters were kindly placed in my hands a few years 
 ago })y Lieut. Philip ^Volfe Murray, (then Flag Lieutenant of H. AL S. 
 liellerophon,) the great grandson of Lieut. -Col. Alexander Murray, und a 
 near relative of General Wolfe. Lieut. Murray very kindly appended the 
 following note : "I believe tiiat neitiier the letter written on the day of 
 battle, nor tiie one a few days after, have ever been published. You are 
 welcome to use them if you wish." 
 
 (-) Hon. Brook Watson to Rev. Dr. TJrown, London. July, 1791, (The 
 Brown Papers), Coll. of N. S. His. .Soc, Vol. IL 
 
 
 l^i 
 
 s^ 
 
 .si) 
 
Guy Ccarleton, now Lord Dorchestei , to embark thirty-five thousand 
 Loyalists at New York, to take sheltp:r in it." 
 
 Generous provision was made for the "Refugees. The land 
 grants in Nova Scotia at the founding of Halifax in 1749, and 
 continued to the beginning of the Loyalist Refugee invasion in 
 1782, such grants including some of the lands of the expatriated 
 Acadians, were rapidly escheated. According to the returns of 
 Charles Morris, Surveyor-General in 1826, the total grants of land 
 between 1749 and 1782 within the Province of Nova Scotia were 
 as follows : — 
 
 From 1749 to 17o2 *^"!1^. ..'^ 12,000 acrea. 
 
 " 1752 to 1782 2,8!)0,0«2 " 
 
 Of this last mentioned large area, no less than 1,945,372 
 acres were escheated for the reception of the great bodies of 
 Loyalists and disbanded corps, who fled to the Province frori the 
 revolted colonies during the years 1780 to 1784. The escheated 
 tracts lay in the counties of Shelburne, Pictou, Hants, Cumber- 
 land, and in the County of Sydney, Cape Breton. 
 
 The record of the reversion of nearly two million acres of 
 granted land to the Crown, within the Province of Nova Scotia, 
 for the express purpose of hopefully receiving and willingly help- 
 ing a vast wave of Loyalists fleeing from distress, is a record of 
 loyalty and self-denial deserving of prominence. 
 
 LIEUTENANT-COLONEL ALEXANDER MURRAY. 
 
 Captain Alexander Murray was the military agent in deport- 
 ing upwards of iioo Acadians from Fisiquid (Windsor) in 1755, 
 and, as will be seen from the following letters, the first to enter 
 with his Grenadiers the fortress of Quebec on the i8th Sept., 1759, 
 a capitulation which led to the exclusion of the French regulars 
 from the Continent of North America. There he met de Ramezay, 
 who had desolated the most thriving part of Acadie from the St. 
 Croix (near Windsor) all the way through Grand Pre and its sur- 
 roundings to Port Royal, in 1746 and '47. 
 
 The father of Lieut.-Colonel Alexander Murray represented 
 the County of Peebles in several Parliaments. Captain Murray, 
 .subsequently Lieut.-Col. Murray, of the 48th Regt., married a 
 
 I 
 
daughter (1) of Sir Robert Stewart, of Tilliecoultry. He sailed 
 from England in the "Mary" during July, 1749, for Boston with 
 Marion his wife. He subsequently joined the 45th or Warberton's 
 regiment in Halifax, which had arrived from Louisburg about the 
 25th July of the same year. 
 
 Captain Murray was Commandant at Fort Edward, Pisiquid, 
 (now Windsor) in 1754 and '55. 
 
 In 1758 he took part in the siege of Eouisburg, landing as 
 Major with the (irenadiers at Kennington Cove. In 1759 he 
 was at the siege of Quebec. Two of the letters which follow 
 were written, one on the field of battle, the other just after the 
 capitulation of the town and citadel. 
 
 As Lieut.-Colonel of the 48th Regiment he took part in the 
 capture of the Island of Martinique by Admiral Rodney, and died 
 there on the 19th March, 1762. 
 
 Letters from Fort Edward at Pisiquid to his Wife in Halifax. 
 
 During Capt. Murray's command at Fort Edward he wrote 
 numerous letters from "the Hill," as he termed the P'ort, to Mrs. 
 Murray in Halifax. 
 
 These letters give some insight into the life of the garrison 
 and display the irue character of Capt. Murray. Their chief in- 
 terest arises from their being written before the " Expulsion of the 
 Acadians," coupled with the remarkable series of events which 
 subsequently brought de Ramezay, who had been one of the most 
 heartless oppressors of the Acadians, into that close historical con- 
 nection with Lieut.-Colonel Alexander Murray which the capitula- 
 tion of the town and citadel of Quebec discloses. 
 
 The following extracts are published by permission : 
 
 Dated Fort Edward, 26th July, 1754. 
 
 In this letter Captain Murray urges objections to Mrs. Murray 
 coming from Halifax to Pisiquid with "Cobb" in his vessel, the 
 clothing ship and man-of-war not having arrived. But he leaves 
 the undertaking of the voyage round the coast of Nova Scotia to 
 the Basin of Mines endrely to her di.scretion, adding :— "as I am 
 
 (1) xMarion Stewart, of Coltness, Lanarkshire. 
 
 s«;^ 
 
sure you will do every thing for the best, and be assured nothing 
 can give me any joy equal to seeing you again." 
 
 Mrs. Murray is to "bring up the last lo volumes of the Uni- 
 versal History ; Chambers ; Charlevoix ; the French Dictionary, 
 and any little things you think may amuse us." 
 
 The daily life at Fort Edward is dimly shown in the following 
 extract from the same letter : — 
 
 "The party tliat marches for this, comes with an officer to relieve 
 Waite, who is in a very bad waj'. Tlie way we mess is : — Waite, Parker 
 antl the Doctor (i) and his wife live in tlwynne's room. They are going to 
 demolish Menis Fort, (-) and I have got orders to receive that garrison 
 under my command. We shall be greatly distressed for room, but I hope 
 they will make us more quarters." "Peach, I hear, comes in Waite's 
 place. I was down at Menis yesterday. » * * j hope by next return 
 of the Couriers, Rouse, or some otiier vessel will be in, so that we may hear 
 how things go." 
 
 The introduction of cattle from England is noticed in the 
 
 following passage : — 
 
 "Waite sent to England for a cow and calf, which is to come to 
 Annapolis. I am to buy lier for yon." 
 
 In a postscript of this letter these words are added : — "Send 
 my little Prayer Book by the Courier." 
 
 Mrs. Murray arrived safely at Pisiquid, and apparently re- 
 mained for some months, returning to Halifax early in the spring 
 
 of 1755- 
 
 On April loth, 1755, Captain Murray writes to his wife in 
 Halifax, expressing the hope that he may be able to join her there 
 and partake cf the "kid" which she has been so fortunate as to 
 secure. The matter of making a garden in Halifax is discussed, 
 and he agrees with Mrs. Murray that in her garden she should 
 only trouble herself with " plain gardening," and grow " peas, 
 beans, cucumbers, lettuce and cabbages, as these are all we have 
 occasion for." 
 
 As to the house they contemplate building. Captain Murray 
 remarks : — " I think the little house will do very well, only would 
 have it face towards Luttrell's Fort, and not be within the garden 
 
 (1) Dr. Steele. 
 
 (•-') The Fort at Grand Pre. 
 
 ■I 
 
I 
 
 at all, but that I leave to yourself entirely, having found that you 
 manage those things better than myself," (1) 
 
 In a postscript to this letter Capt. Murray says :— 
 
 " I have not been oflf the Hill since you went away excepting once I 
 went to Landry's (-') to meet Halilaue and ijought tlie skins. I forgot to 
 tell you when I left you at Dugat's, ('O and went hack to Landry's to dine 
 with the Indians, two or three, I think three, went out at the hack door 
 just as " 
 
 (There is no continuation to this Postscript in the copy be- 
 fore me.) 
 
 Fort Edward, 31st July, 1755. (About one month before 
 the Expulsion). 
 
 " I can say nothing of the people here, they are iu as great anxiety as 
 I am, about their fate ; they are poor, unlucky, obstinate, blind to their 
 own interests and insensible of every bencHt bestowed on them by an in- 
 dulgent government." 
 
 This brief and pathetic description of an oppressed and mis- 
 guided people appears to delineate the natural result of harsh if 
 not cruel measures like those of de Ramezay in 1746-47, and his 
 merciless allies the Indians, in part described in the journal of M. 
 de Beaujeu, the Nova Scotia Archives, N. Y. Col. Doc. : Archi- 
 bald, Parkman, and others. 
 
 These papers reveal the extent to which the royal missionary 
 pensioners of the King of France, De Loutre and Maillard, to- 
 gether with Germain, Miniac, Daudin and others, (4) aided in bring- 
 ing about the helpless condition of the Acadians. M. Maillard's 
 letters, some of which have not yet been published, throw further 
 
 (1) This "little house" and garden was sold by Lieut. -Col. Alex. 
 Murray, then of the 48th Regiment, to Major Patrick Sutiierland, of the 
 45th Regiment, stationed at Halifax, on the "iTth July, 17()1. In the deed 
 it is said to be situated on "the north 8i<le of the town of Halifax, the 
 second row of lots," and is described and registered as "Number 25." 
 Tlie deed is witnessed by Mich. Franklin and Matthew Leslie. 
 
 (2) Landry Village (Acadian), about a mile and a quarter from 
 Windsor on the Halifax Road. 
 
 (3) Dugat's— at the old Acadian St. Croix river Bridge, near where 
 Capt. Gorham had a skirmish with tlie Indians in 1750. 
 
 (4) "I hope, Sir, that the distinguished reputation you enjoy in your 
 Church will induce you to prevent the desolation and ruin wliich the im- 
 proper conduct of certain missionaries has nearly brought upon tiie poor 
 inhabitants of this Province." Governor Mascarene to the Bishop of 
 Quebec. Annapolis Royal, Dec. 2nd, 1742, 
 
light on the pitiless French king's influence, who so heartlessly 
 neglected the real welfare of the so called " French Neutrals," 
 and led to the foregoing description given in the extract from 
 Capt. Murray's letter from Pisiquid. 
 
 It is both instructive and interesting to recall the succession 
 of some important incidents leading to the expulsion of the 
 Acadians, followed by the fall of J.ouisburg and Quebec, which 
 framed the answer to " The most momentous and far-reaching 
 question ever brought to issue on this continent : Shall France 
 remain here, or shall she not?" (1) And, as Parkman relates, 
 opened the way to the successful revolutionary war, with Inde- 
 pendence, 
 
 JEAN DE RAMEZAY. 
 
 Those who have studied the history of English domination in 
 Acadie prior to the expulsion of the Acadians in 1755, will recog- 
 nize in Jean Baptiste Nicholas Roch de Ramezay, the King's 
 Lieutenant at Quebec, at the time of the c, >.ulation on the 17th 
 Sept. 1759, the same M, ue Ramezay who was at Beaubassin in 
 1746 with 600 Canadians, and on the ist August of that year at 
 Mines preparing for the siege of Annapolis Royal, in conjunction 
 with the Missionaries de Loutre and Maillard with their savage 
 allies, the Micmacs and Malecites. 
 
 M. de Beaujeu describes this expedition in a daily journal, (2) 
 and records that when returning to their encampment before An- 
 napolis Royal, on the 21st Oct., 1746, they found that Messrs. de 
 Loutre and Maillard, missionaries of the ravages, had arrived. 
 
 This is the same M. de Ramezay who arranged at Beaubassin 
 In 1747 the expedition to Grand Pre, which resulted in the death 
 of Col. Noble and the capitulation of the New England garrison. 
 
 (1) " The most momentous and far-reaching question ever brought to 
 issue on tliis continent was : Shall France remain here, or shall she not ? 
 If, by diplomacy or war, she had preserved but the half, or less than the 
 half, of her American possessions, tiien a barrier would have been set to 
 the spread of the English-speaking races ; tliere would have been no Revo- 
 lutionary War ; and for a long time, at least, no Independence." Montcalm 
 and Wolfe —Parkman. Vol I, p. 3. 
 
 {-) Published in French in Le Canada-Francais, Vol. II, p. 16 — 
 Documents sur L' Acadie — Journal de la Campagne du detachement de 
 Canada a L'Acadie et aux Mines en 1746-47. 
 
cartlessly 
 '^Y'utrals,"' 
 act from 
 
 accession 
 1 of the 
 ic, which 
 -reaching 
 I'rance 
 1 relates, 
 th Inde- 
 
 nation in 
 
 ill recog- 
 
 ; King's 
 
 the 17th 
 
 bass in in 
 
 t year at 
 
 njunction 
 
 ir savage 
 
 urnal, (2) 
 efore An- 
 [essrs. de 
 ■ived. 
 
 jaubassin 
 :he death 
 garrison. 
 
 )rought to 
 slie not ? 
 8 than the 
 Jen set to 
 1 no Revo- 
 Moidccdm 
 
 It is the same M. de Ramezay who, following in the footsteps 
 of I)u Vivier in 1744, and Marin in 1745, so cruelly pressed the 
 Acadians for supplies for his ('anadians and Indians assembled at 
 Mines and before Annapolis Royal in 1746, that they told him, 
 as M. P.eaujeu relates, that he would leave them utterly destitute. 
 It is the same M. de Ramezay who, surrendering contnry to orders 
 the fortress of Quebec to (ieneral Townshend, on the 17th 
 Sept., 1759, witnessed Lieut.-Colonel Alexander Murray, with his 
 Grenadiers, take possessiort of this key to Canada, as narrated 
 in the following letters. 
 
 The different parts taken by Brook \^'atson, Licut.-Col. Alex- 
 ander Murray and Jean Baptiste Nicholas Roch de Ramezay, in 
 the " Expulsion of the Acadians," the surrender of Quebec, the de- 
 portation of the Loyalists, are striking instances of the fortune of 
 war or revolution, and the stern vicissitudes of official duty. The 
 full story of the Acadians has yet to be written. It is, in one form 
 or another, a "thrice told tale," but some of the .salient points 
 have been obscured, striking details left veiled, and the political 
 joined with the ecclesiastical influences leading to their continued 
 deportation or supijrtssion during seven years, is, as yet, largely 
 an untold tale. 
 
 LETTERS FROM QUEBEC. 
 
 (Published by permission.) 
 
 Every scrap of authentic information connected with the fall 
 of Quebec is of interest to Canadians. The 13th Sept., 1759, is 
 a day of days in the political history of this continent. It practi- 
 cally closed a series of wa;s for tlie dominion of North America, 
 and shaped in a marked degree the future of nations. 
 
 The following letters by Lieut.-Col. Murray, written on the 
 spot and during the tremendous issues to which they relate, have 
 a specia! interest. The wording and punctuation is strictly pre- 
 served. The letters, it must be remembered, were hurriedly 
 written, and in moments of great excitement. 
 
 , p. 16— 
 enient de 
 
XO. I. 
 LiEUT.-CoL. Alexander Murray's Letter to his Wife, 
 
 WRITTEN ON THE PLAINS OK AURAHAM AFTER THE 
 
 Battle, on the 13TH Sei'T., 1759. 
 
 Field of Battle alxwe or rather behind Quebec — to Mrs. Murray 
 after the Juittle of Quebec, 13th Sept., I'jsg. 
 
 My Dear Life. — This day we forced the lamling above Queliec. Wc 
 got ashore by surprise, as at Kennington Cove, (i) When we had been 
 about t'.vo hours ashore, the French Reguhirs ami Canadians, about 12,000, 
 attacked us as in a set l)attle, when we beat them in about an liour. Our 
 loss is great, as {)oor Wolfe is killed, Montcalm wounded, Coman, Pinkorno 
 and Niven wounded. I escaped unhurt, according to my usual good luck, 
 by the blessing of (lod. Adieu, my dear, l)elieve nie, always truly, yours 
 always. A. Mukkay. 
 
 * # NO. II. 
 
 Further Account of the Battle of Quebec. 
 
 20th Sept., 17o9, Quebec. 
 My Dearest Mamie.— I had the pleasure to write you from the field 
 of battle, the 13th, by Captain Brown. I will now give you a more cir- 
 cumstantial account of it. 
 
 After many marches and counter-marches to try either to steal or force 
 a landing, which the wary Montcalm alw ays prevented, we at last crossed 
 over to Saint Levi, and marched tlirougli the woods under the command of 
 Brigadier ^Lirray, (-') to tlie entrance of the River litchenune, with about 
 3,000 men, and embarked on board some Frigates and Transports. 
 
 Brigadiers Townshend a.id Monckton, with about 2,000 men, followed 
 us the ne.xt day by the same route and embarked at 10. 
 
 That day the (ieneral (3) joined us, and after several feints to land at 
 different places, we were put into boats about 12 o'clock at night, the 12th 
 instant. The light infantry and Anstrutiier's landed first and scrambled 
 up just behind tlie town, up such another rock as tlie back of the Castle at 
 Edinburgh at the West Kirk. The (ieneral Iming surprised, made but 
 little resistance ; we immediately all landed, and got up the best way we 
 could and formed. 
 
 General Wolfe very judiciously took the heights M'ithin cannon shot 
 of the town. I, with the Grenadiers, was on the right flank, the Light 
 Infantry and Amherst on the left landing place to secure our retreat. 
 
 (1) Kennington Cove, or Fresh Water Cove, near Louisburg, where 
 Wolfe landed in 1758. 
 
 
 (2) Elibank. 
 
 (3) General Wolfe. 
 
 mm/mm 
 
 «ft 
 
Moncktoii coininundcd the Riglit witli (Jeneral Wolfe; Munay the Left ; 
 TowiisIicirI the Cent re. 
 
 The French iinmeiliately poured in from Beauport, and the Indiana 
 and CiumilianH Itcpt harassing our fliinks, and popping at a distance on our 
 front, whicli killed and wounded a good many men. 
 
 About 8 o'clock, contrary to our expectation, the French army ail- 
 vanced in a colunm, to try and break our centre, and surrounded our left 
 flank. We advanced very slowly anil resolutely to receive them, the men 
 being determined to cont^uer or die in their ranks ratiier than be scalped 
 and hacked. 
 
 The French tired at a di.stance, and from tlie centre of their column, 
 which all went over us ; so soon as we had got about 20 paces from them 
 we began to platoon, ar.d tiien gave a general fire ; after that, there was 
 no lestraiuing the men ; the Grenad'ers ran in with tiieir bayonets ; Clan 
 Devil, tlie Highlanders, with their swords ; and a general route ensued, 
 and to our great horror, the soldiers used tlie regular!- with all the clem- 
 ency possible, indeed, the Canadians paid the * » « » (gio) at first ; 
 several of my (irenadiers' bayonets were bent, and their muzzles dii)])ed in 
 gore, but so soon as the action was over, there was no slaughter, (i) 
 
 Never was there a greater victory. Our loss is great, as poor General 
 Wolfe was killed on the right with mj' people. 
 
 Brigadier Monckton wounded, but will do well. Our losses, killed, 
 officers and men, are but 'u ; woun<led, /iOO ; the French own to liJOO men 
 killed and wounded, but I think there must be many more, as I saw five 
 hundred left on the field. 
 
 We have a vanst number of prisoners, a great many officers, all with 
 'Croix de St. Louis.' 
 
 Of my corps, there was poor Jones of Whitmore killed, Coman, Pink- 
 orne and Niven wounde<l ; killed autl wounded 74, rank and file. 
 
 The French lost Monsieur Idontcalm, who was mortally wounded and 
 carried off. Brigadier Senezergues killed on the spot. 
 
 (1) The following extract from "Operations of the army •uider M. 
 de Montcalm before Quebec," published in the " Paris Documents" of the 
 Colonial History relating to the State of New York, Vol. X, Page 103!), 
 explains the different treatment accorded to the French Canadian Militia 
 and the French Regulars. 
 
 "The English received our first firejn good order, without giving 
 way. They afterwards very briskly returned our fire, and tlie advance 
 movement made from their centre by a detachment of about 200 men with 
 fixed bayonets, sufficed to put to flight almost the whole of our army. The 
 rout was total only among the Regulars ; the Canadian.s, accustomed to 
 fall back Indian fashion (and like the ancient Parthians) and to turn after- 
 wards on the enemy with more confidence than before, rallied in some 
 places, and under cover of tlie brushwood, by which they were surrounded, 
 forced diveis corps to give way, but at last were obliged to yield to the 
 superiority of numbers." 
 
lO 
 
 We immediately secured our camp with Redoubts, worked all the 14th 
 and the loth. At night I was sent to tlie General Hospital and Bridge and 
 River Charles with my corps, which consists of my general and Monckton'a 
 incorporated into mine, and took post there, which quite invested the place. 
 
 The 17th they sent out to capitulate, and on the 18tii I took posses- 
 sion with the (iranadiers of the army, — Hurrah. 
 
 I have stolen this time to tell you this story from sleep, for I am now 
 regulating officer to lirigatlie.- Murray, as I Wiis to Brigadier Whitmore at 
 Louisburg. 
 
 I had almost forgot to tell you that I am a Knight of the Order of St. 
 Louis myself, for I took a Cross and a Sword in the action witii my own 
 hands from an officer of the Regiment of (iiiyenne. 
 
 I beg you will send tliis to (ioiieral Wlutmore, as I have not time to 
 do nij'self the pleasure of writing to him, which I hope he will excuse ; also 
 to Lord Rollo. 
 
 I hope soon to have the pleasure to see you, as I fancy the Grenadiers 
 and I will be ordered to join their corps. They are tine fellows, and I be- 
 lieve would lay down their lives for me. 
 
 Adieu, my dearest life, God bless you and the children, believe me, 
 with sincere aflection, 
 
 Yours ever while 
 
 A. MURKAY. 
 
 To Mrs, Murray at Louishiiri/. 
 
 In 1758 I.ord Rollo, as narrated by Parkman, took possession 
 of the Isle St. Jean (I^rince Edward Island), with the 35th Regi- 
 ment and two battalions of the sixtieth. He endeavoured to 
 secure the Acadians, who v.-ere in large numbers on the Island, 
 asserted by Villejouin to number 4000 souls. Of these unfortu- 
 nates he took about 700. In 1760 Lord Rollo followevi (leneral 
 Murray to Montreal, bringing with him thirteen hundred men 
 from Louisburg. On the 8th Sept. Montreal capitulated, and 
 Canada became British. 
 
 CONSEQUENCES CF THE SURRENDER TO THE ACADIANS. 
 
 A proper conception of the relation of Canada to the King of 
 France prior to the Conquest, is of the first importance in all en- 
 quiries into the history of Acadie, particularly as concerns the im- 
 posed duties and gathered influence of the missionaries who were 
 sent from Quebec to British Acadie or Nova Scotia, or directly 
 from the Se?ninaire des Missions Etrangeres in France. 
 
 ^A 
 
II 
 
 ed all tlie 14th 
 >m\ Bridge aiid 
 id Moncktou's 
 sted the place. 
 
 I took posses - 
 
 for I am now 
 Whitmore at 
 
 le Order of St. 
 with my own 
 
 re not time to 
 
 II excuse ; also 
 
 lie Grona<liers 
 nv.s, and I be- 
 
 II, believe me, 
 .. Murray. 
 
 k possession 
 ; 35th Regi- 
 .'avoured to 
 the Island, 
 ese unfortu- 
 ved General 
 indred men 
 iilatod, and 
 
 VCADIANS. 
 
 the King of 
 :e in all en- 
 ;rns the im- 
 !S who were 
 or directly 
 ice. 
 
 Lieut.-Governor Milnes describes this relation of Canada to 
 the French King in the following words : — 
 
 " In the time of French Government, an Ordinance issued in 
 the name of the King was sufficient to enforce the Execution of 
 any measure that was deemed expedient, without any discussion 
 taking place upon the subject, or it entering into the mind of the 
 unlettered Habitant, to doubt for a moment the propriety of the 
 Measure.' (1) 
 
 This relation seems to imply absolute and unquestioning 
 obedience in all matters. 
 
 The ordinances, etc., of the French Government were pub- 
 lished in three large volumes by the Legislative Assembly of 
 Canada, in 1854-55 and '56. The title of the first volume of this 
 work, so important to historians, is given in the footnote. (-) 
 
 The Seminary of Quebec, so intimately connected with the 
 French missionaries in Acadie, was outlined in 165 1, and founded 
 by the Bishop of Quebec, 26th March, 1663. The objects of the 
 Seminary "were (i) to train youth for the service of the Church ; 
 (2) to estai)lish a Chapter ; (3) to have in concert with the Bishop 
 full control of the Parochial Clergy, who were removable at the 
 will of the Bishop and the Seminary, and were not to receive tithes, 
 these being payable at the Seminary, from whom the Cures were 
 to receive their subsistence." (Can. Arch.) 
 
 In 1665 the Seminary at Quebec became a part of the Semi- 
 naire des Missions Etrangeres at Paris, and in a great measure 
 subject to it. This important change seriously affected the rela- 
 tions of Acadie to Canada, through the missionaries sent out by 
 the Seminaire des Missions Etrangeres. 
 
 The Conditions of Union will be found in the " Edicts, Royal 
 Ordinances," etc., already referred, page 80, The miscsionaries 
 Ee Loutre, Maillard and some others were sent out to Acadie 
 by the Paris Seminary. 
 
 Lieut.-Governor Milnes has pointed out the wealth of the 
 Ecclesiastical Institutions of Canada at the time of the Conquest, 
 
 (I) Report on Canadian Archives for 1S!)2. 
 
 C^) Edits, Ordonnances Royaux, Declarations et Arrets du Conseil 
 D'Etat du Roi Concernant le Canada. — Quebec, 1854. 
 
12 
 
 and the disproportion between the Crown Lands granted to tliese 
 bodies and to the people. The following details are taken from 
 the Lieut.-Governor's report in 1800 to the Duke of Portland, pub- 
 lished in the Canadian Archives for 1892. 
 
 The population of Canada, or New France, in 1760 was 
 stated to be 70,000. (1) 
 
 It appears from this report that the total amount of land 
 granted in Canada prior to 1760 amounted to 7,985,470 arpents 
 or acres, the memorandum does not say which. 
 
 The memo, distinguishes between the Land Grants to the 
 Church and to the La^ty, and calls attention to the fact that of 
 State Lands in P>ench Canada in 1760, 2,096,754 arpents or acres 
 had been granted to the Church, being between one-third and 
 one-fourth of the entire grants. (2) Also, that the Priests had one 
 twenty-sixth of all the grain. (3) 
 
 The following table exhibits the details of these remarkable 
 grants. 
 
 Memorandum of the total quantity of land granted in Canada, 
 previous to the Concjuest, with the proportions thereof granted to 
 the Church and Laity : — 
 
 Total amount of CJrants 7,98o,4T0 
 
 To THE Chukch. 
 
 Quebec Ursulines l(J4,Gli") 
 
 Thiee Rivers Uisuliues .SS,!I09 
 
 Recollects 94.") 
 
 Bishop and Seminary of Quebec 69.S,.S24 
 
 Jesuits 891,,S4r>(-») 
 
 St. Sulpieiens 250,191 
 
 General Hospital, Quebec 73 
 
 " " Montreal 404 
 
 Hotel Dien, Quebec 14,112 
 
 Soeurs Grises 42,336 
 
 Total to the Church 2,09(),7r)4 
 
 To tiie Laity 5,888,711) 
 
 Grand Total 7,980,470 
 
 (1) Archives de Paris — Census of Canada, 1871. 
 
 (2) Report on ('anadian Archives, 1892. 
 
 (3) According to Halliburton, who appears to iuive deriveil his infor- 
 mation from Abbi' Raynal, the Acadians contributed one twenty-seventh 
 part of their harvest to the Priests. 
 
 (•*) The Jesuit Estates were absorbed by the Crown some years prior 
 to 1800 — the date of the al)Ove memo. 
 
ted to these 
 taken from 
 rtland, pub- 
 
 11 1760 was 
 
 uiit of land 
 470 arpents 
 
 ntS TO THE 
 
 Aict that of 
 lints or acres 
 le-third and 
 csts had one , 
 
 remarkable 
 
 1 in Canada, 
 f granted to 
 
 . . . 7,985,470 
 
 61") 
 1»(J<) 
 945 
 1^24 
 S45(-i) 
 191 
 73 
 »()4 
 11-2 
 
 m 
 
 ■54 
 
 r,9c8;),470 
 
 e<l his infor- 
 inty-seventh 
 
 1 years prior 
 
 13 
 
 The retention of these enormous estates was guaranteed at 
 the Capitulation, on Sept. 8th, 1760, No data are at present 
 available showing the nature of the arrangements between the 
 Bishop and Seminary of Quebec and the Seminary of Foreign 
 Missions in I'aris, with respect to the 693,324 acres granted to 
 the Bishop and Seminary of Quebec. 
 
 Considering the nature of the duties and obligations to the 
 French King, continually urged by the missionaries u|)on the 
 Acadians, it becomes of interest to trace the relations of tliose 
 people with the Bishop and Seminary of Quebec. Also to ascer- 
 tain how far the various Ecclesiastical bodies in Canada enjoying 
 the emoluments and privileges conferred by 2,096,754 of the best 
 and most favourably situated lands, and the twenty-sixth part of 
 the grain, assisted their alleged compatriots, the Acadians, in 
 their many times of trouble and almost hopeless distress, both be- 
 fore and after the Conquest. 
 
 POWER CLAIMED BY THE BISHOP OF QUEBEC. 
 
 The assumed power of the Bishop of Quebec over the Acadi- 
 ans is sufficiently shown in Governor Shirley's letter to the Marcjuis 
 of (lalissoniere, Ciovernor of Canada, dated Boston, May 9th, 1749, 
 without any special reference to the prior letters of Governor 
 Armstrong to the Bishop of Quebec dated Annapolis Royal, 21st 
 Nov., 1732, and letters of Mascarene to the Bishop of Quebec 
 dated Dec. 2nd, 1742. Even so early as 17 19 Governor Phillips 
 wrote to the Board of Trade respecting the work of Pt;res Vincent 
 and Felix, " who distinguish themselves for most inveterate ene- 
 mies to the British Interest, and preside in the quality of Gover- 
 nors over MiNAS and Chignfxto, two most considerable settle- 
 ments in Nova Scotia. 
 
 Governor Shirley's Letter. 
 
 " The right you claim, Sir, of sending missionaries from France to 
 reside among His Majesty's snJ)jects of Nova Scotia as their priests, and in 
 conseque hat, your forbidding His Majesty's Governour to make any 
 
 alterutii •■ ..o State of Religion and its Ministers there, is still more ex- 
 traordinary, and I umst not omit upon this occasion to remark to you that 
 I think the letter which the Bishop of Quebec (i) lately wrote to Mr. 
 
 (1) Right Rev. Henri du Breil de Pont Briand, 6th and last Bishop 
 of Quebec, before the Conquest. N. V. Col. Doc. 
 
 ^^ 
 
 ^ & 
 
I 
 
 14 
 
 Maacarene concerning his intended visitation of His Majesty's subjects in 
 that government in such terms as stiewed he looks upon 'em as a part of 
 his Cure of Souls and within his jurisdiction, was likewise an extraordinary 
 attempt and can't be admitted." 
 
 REFUSAL OF GENERAL AMHERST fO AWARD PRIVILEGES 
 TO THE ACADIANS AT THE SURRENDER OF CANADA. 
 
 In the articles of Capitulation for the Surrender of Canada 
 agreed upon by General Amherst and (iovernor the Marquis of 
 Vandreuil, all the communities and priests in Canada were allowed 
 to preserve their movables, the property and revenues of the 
 Seignories and other estates which they possessed, of what nature 
 soever they may be ; " and the same estates shall be preserved in 
 their privileges, rights, honors and exemptions." 
 
 But the Acadians, who had no priests of their own. no Bishop, 
 no Seminaries, iieing, according to their choice, subject to the 
 ministrations of French priests approved by the Bishop of Quebec, 
 were excluded from certain immunities and privileges accorded to 
 the French and Canadians. Even the Indians were permitted to 
 retain their lands, and keep their missionaries. (1) Those only of 
 the Acadians who had left Acadie and were found in Canada, in- 
 cluding the frontiers of Canada on the side of Acadie, were ad- 
 mitted to the same treatment as the Canadians, 7rnU7 the English 
 King's pleasure should be made ktwwti in the matter. (2) 
 
 While also, it was stipulated that none of the Canadians or 
 French found in Canada should be carried or transported into the 
 British Colonies or to Great Britain, and that they should not be 
 troubled for carrying arms, the unfortunate Acadians were excluded 
 from this privilege by Art. 39. C-^) 
 
 The further deportation of the Acadians after the Conquest 
 (1760) had to he accepted as a condition of the Surrender of 
 Canada by Vaudreuil, who, with his father before him, had so 
 grievously misused and misled them in their Acadian homes. No 
 
 (1) See Articles 39, iju— Knox's Journal. 
 
 (-) Answer of General Andierst — " It is for tlie King to dispose of hia 
 ancient subjects." — Art. 38. 
 
 (y) Knox's Journal. 
 
 wmmmm 
 
15 
 
 sty's subjects in 
 "1 as a part of 
 extraordinary 
 
 PRIVILEGES 
 CANADA. 
 
 er of Canada 
 e Marquis of 
 were allowed 
 ^nues of the 
 f what nature 
 preserved in 
 
 n. no Bishop, 
 ihject to the 
 P of Quebec, 
 
 accorded to 
 permitted to 
 'hose only of 
 
 Canada, in- 
 ^ie, were ad- 
 the English 
 2) 
 
 anadians or 
 rted into the 
 ould not be 
 re excluded 
 
 ' Conquest 
 irrender of 
 m, had so 
 omes. No 
 
 isprise of his 
 
 effort seems to have been made to secure better terms for these 
 unfortunate people. 
 
 (leneral Amherst insisted on the relation, which all under- 
 stood, that they were the subjects of the King of England since 
 1713, the date of the Treaty of Utrecht. 
 
 Herein lies a neglected record of much historical value in 
 relation to the history of the Acadians. For it is retrospective in 
 its bearing on the methods of the governors of New France and 
 their agents, such as Marin, de Ramezay, Le Loutre, Maillard, etc. 
 It must be studied with the "Edits, Ordonnances Royaux, etc., 
 Concernant Le Canada," and particularly in connection with : 
 
 ist. The Establishment of the Seminary of Quebec by 
 Monseigneur 1' Eveque de Petree, in 1663. 
 
 2nd. The " Approval of the King for the establishment of 
 the Seminary of Quebec," (1663), and 
 
 3rd. The " Lottres d'union du Seminaire de Quebec a 
 celui de Paris, rue du Bac," (1675). 
 
 It cannot be doubted that the long duration of the deplorable 
 treatment of the Acadians was the outcome of that disastrous 
 teaching which they had received from the missionaries, particu- 
 larly those sent from the Seminary of Foreign Missions at Paris, 
 and from the Seminary at Quebec, after Acadie had been ceded 
 to the English in 1713. 
 
 It is noteworthy that in far-off Montreal, when in the articles 
 for the Surrender of Canada and its dependencies the French and 
 Canadians were most liberally treated, the Acadians were left 
 helpL'ss, and this, too, by the side of those who had persistently 
 claimed them as compatriots and taught them "their duties." The 
 only teachers they had were the missionaries, under the joint 
 control of the Seminary of Foreign Missions at Paris and the 
 Bishop of Quebec. Abb^ Maillard's unpublished letters di.sclose 
 this relationship. 
 
 The vast possessions left undisturbed in the hands of the 
 Bishop and Seminary of Quebec in 1760, notwithstanding the re- 
 lation of that community to the Missions Etrangcres at Paris, as 
 displayed in the " Letters of Union of the Seminary of Quebec 
 
1 6 
 
 with that of Paris, rue de Bac," (1) (1675), should have ensured 
 this helpless people the utmost solicitude and material help, both 
 of which appear to have been utterly inadequate, if, in any sensible 
 degree, proffered after the Conquest. 
 
 There is yet much to be wrested from obscurity, and fairly 
 displayed to view before the true history of ihe Acadians can be 
 outlined. General Amherst's stern answer to Vandreuil at the 
 Surrender of Canada respecting a safeguard from the Indians, is a 
 text for a volume. (-) 
 
 fi) Edits, Oi'flonnances Royaux, etc. — Page 79. 
 (2) Knox's Journal. 
 
 * * * 
 
 ^^^^-^ 
 
 - n 
 
 M 
 
 I ,.,■., 
 
l. 
 
 j have ensured 
 :rial help, both 
 in any sensible 
 
 irity, and fairly 
 cadians can be 
 mdreuil at the 
 le Indians, is a 
 
 
 ■if 
 
 HISTORICAL GLEANINGS. 
 
 No. II. 
 
 THE MICMACS AND THEIR ALLIES. 
 
 1713 to 1762. 
 
 The part played by the Micmacs and the Abnaki under the 
 guidance of the French during the wars for the retention or con- 
 quest of the north-eastern part of North America, is not only 
 worthy of special notice, but of detail brought into prominence. 
 
 The "Paris Documents" (D published some years since, 
 coupled with the "Isle Royale" papers and Missionary Letters, 
 disclose the secret intention of fomenting Indian warfare with the 
 English, which the French monarchs and rulers adopted in time 
 OF PEACE, together with the means by which this kind of work 
 was sought to be accomplished, and the sacred mantle with which 
 it was oftentimes cloaked. Many features of the fomented strife 
 cast a blur over bravery, and envelop alleged religious zeal with 
 mistrust. The discovered motives and means employed for domi- 
 nation in North America during a time of " Peace," are among the 
 outcomes of the ransacking of Archives. These motives and 
 means were suspected at the time, but they are now exposed to 
 view, and understood. 
 
 The tabulated list of documents in the Reports on " Canadian 
 Archives" for 1874 to 1893 inclusive, in relation to the history of 
 
 (1) Documents relating to the Colonial History of the State of New 
 York. 
 
 M 
 
 ■m 
 
i8 
 
 Isle Royale (M from 17 13 to the Conquest of Canada, is of great 
 value. Until these were examined and their contents noted by 
 Mr. Marmette, the Assistant Archivist, comparatively nothing was 
 known of the history of Cape Breton during the French rule. The 
 examination of these records has disclosed the relations of the 
 French missionaries to the State, as well as to their ecclesiastical 
 superiors. It was a relationship which explains much lying 
 hitherto under a veil, and the lifting ot this veil has exposed the 
 interference which led to the sufferings of the Acadians. 
 
 That the Indians exercised a very powerful influence over the 
 destiny of Acadie and the melancholy fate of its inhabitants, is 
 now so clear that no one who cares to study the matter can pro- 
 perly profess to doubt these conclusions. 
 
 And it is equally clear, from the records of Isle Royale, or Cape 
 Breton, during the time it was under French domination, that 
 some of the missionaries were specially employed by the State 
 to foster Indian hatred for the English, and foment Indian wars 
 against the English during a time of peace. It is further demon- 
 strated in these Isle Royale records that the efforts of the French 
 to induce the Acadians to leave Nova Scotia and settle in Isle 
 Royale were incessant, yet ineffectual. (2) 
 
 Isle Rovale. 
 
 The French power in Cape Breton, or Isle Royale, after the 
 Treaty of Utrecht, became the source of nine-tenths of the trouble 
 which the English subsequently had with the Acadians and In- 
 dians, until the fall of Louisburg in 1758. 
 
 By the Treaty of Utrecht (17 13) France gave up Acadie, or 
 Nova Scotia, and Newfoundland, retaining the island of Cape 
 
 (1) The remarks of Joseph Marmette, Assistant Archis'ist, in the Re- 
 port for 1888, are sometimes instructive and important in relation to the 
 documents concerning Acadie and Isle Royale. They create a craving for 
 further information. These documents are now catalogued, and copies of 
 some of them in possession of the Dominion Government, or otherwise ac- 
 cessible. With respect to Cape Breton, M. Marmette says : " But with 
 thiij reservation as to the defective colonial policy of France under the re- 
 gency and during the reign of Louis XV., we may at once say that vothituj 
 can be. more iiiterestiiii/, nx noihiiKj in fes.s knninii, than the annals of Cape 
 Breton during its short half century under the flag of France." 
 
 (2) St. Ovide complains repeatedly of these ineffectual eflorts. 
 
 ■iSt 
 
 « 
 
 9 
 
^ii 
 
 of great 
 loted by 
 hiiig was 
 lie. The 
 IS of the 
 esiastical 
 ch lying 
 losed the 
 
 2 over the 
 itants, is 
 can pro- 
 
 -■, or Cape 
 ;ion, that 
 the State 
 dian wars 
 ir demon- 
 ic French 
 le in Isle 
 
 after the 
 lie trouble 
 s and In- 
 
 \cadie, or 
 i of Cape 
 
 , in the Re- 
 ition to the 
 
 craving for 
 id copies of 
 herwise ac- 
 
 "But with 
 luler the re- 
 that uothiiiy 
 ala of Cape 
 
 orts. 
 
 Breton, which was re-christened Isle Royale. Very great import- 
 ance was attached by the French to this island on account of the 
 fisheries, as well as of its commanding position. To Isle Royale 
 were transferred the P'rench settlers in Placentia Bay. The minis- 
 try, indeed, proposed to move all tl.e Abenaquis Indians to Isle 
 Royale, but this insane proposition was strongly and effectually re- 
 sisted by their missionary, Pere de la Chasse. Numerous and 
 continuous efforts were made to induce the Acadians to migrate 
 thither, but the conditions of soil and climate repelled them, few 
 being found to accept the changes. 
 
 St. Ovide de Brouillan took possession of Isle Royale (1) in 
 Sept., 171 3. In 171 4, Placentia Bay in Newfoundland was or- 
 dered to be evacuated, and the people transff rred to Isle Royale. 
 The harbour of Louisburg was selected to be immediately fortified, 
 and in the following year Port Dauphin (St. Anne), Port Toulouse 
 (St. Peter's), began to be settled ; fifteen Acadian families were in- 
 duced to go to Port Toulouse, but St. Ovide reported on the dis- 
 like of the Acadians to come to the island, saying that they pre- 
 ferred Isle St. Jean, the Epayguit of the Micmacs. ('■^) (P. E. I.) 
 
 The Acadians settled at Toulouse were visited in 17 15 by 
 Brother Dominique de la Marche, Superior of the Recollects, and 
 he was employed by the government to induce more Acadians to 
 migrate there, but with poor results. In 1 7 1 7 the Indians of Anti- 
 gonishe and Mirimichi were collected at Port Dauphin and pres- 
 ents made to them. Pere Gaulin, their missionary, left the island 
 in November for a visit to France after this assembling of the In- 
 dians. Isle Royale soon became the stronghold of the French 
 missionaries appointed to serve in Acadie, or Nova Scotia. 
 
 Enormous sums were spent on the fortifications of Louisburg 
 by the French government. Port Dauphin and Port Toulouse 
 were fortified. Some of the missionaries were placed on the staffof 
 Isle Royale. The Royal Council in 17 18 reported and approved 
 Pfere Gaulin's work, and declared that "the mission of the 
 Savages under the care of this missionary is useful to Isle Royale, 
 and it is very necessary to have them in our interests. * ■* * 
 
 (I) Tlie " Oomnnahghee" of the Micmacs. 
 ('-!) "It floats upon the water." 
 
 «» 
 
 v» 
 
 5i'# 
 
 • 
 
20 
 
 M. Gaulin is capable of organizing and even conducting ihese 
 Savages on an expedition." (1) 
 
 Thp: Missionaries. 
 
 The bearing and assumption of some of the missionary pen- 
 sioners of the French King show that they not only comported 
 themselves as members of the staff of Isle Royale, but sometimes 
 as above and beyond the authority of the (jovernor of Canada or 
 the Governor of Isle Royale, and subject only to direct orders 
 from P>ance. 
 
 Early in the century De Subercase reported to the minister 
 in France that the priests in Acadie were desirous of taking cog- 
 nizance of all matters, and of holding the balance in temporal as 
 in spiritual affairs. C-^) 
 
 The angry complaints of General Phillips in 17 19 and 1720, 
 of Governor Armstrong in 1732, of Mascarene in 1742, and of 
 Shirley in 1749, have been referred to on page 13 of " Historical 
 Gleanings," No. I. The records of Isle Royale furnish a still 
 stronger protest, and from a high French officer. These indig- 
 nant complaints and protests must be read in con' action with 
 Louis XV's secret instructions, fortified by his aniuial contribu- 
 tions towards the emoluments of the priests sent from France, 
 and the objects for which those contributions were so long con- 
 tinued. (3) 
 
 M. de Pensens writes to the minister (de Maurepas) from 
 Louisburg in Oct., 1734, respecting the priests in Isle Royale, in 
 the following terms : " These gentlemen, when they are left 
 alone, imagine that they have a tiara upon their head, and desire 
 to be out and out little Bishops ; they wish to be Supreme in 
 SPIRITUAL AS WELL AS IN TEMPORAL MATTERS, and if any One re- 
 
 U) Documents sur L'Acadie, p. 192. 
 
 (2) Kingsfoid, Vol. Ill, page 87. 
 
 (3> For che purpose of secnriiig the frieiulship of the Indians general- 
 ly in North Amerioa, after Nova Scotia had been conquered, Vandreuil 
 proposed to the Regent of France in 171H that a subsidy of 30,000 livrea 
 worth of "presents" should he made by France to the Indians generally, 
 and that the customary subsidies should be continued annually. He wanted 
 40,000 weight of powder, 80,000 weight of lead in pigs, 600 Tulle fowling- 
 pioces. 
 
 , 
 
21 
 
 icting ihcse 
 
 jioniiry pen- 
 comported 
 t sometimes 
 f Canada or 
 lirect orders 
 
 he minister 
 • taking cog- 
 temporal as 
 
 9 and 1720, 
 742, and of 
 " Historical 
 rnish a still 
 riiese indig- 
 cction with 
 lal contrihu- 
 oni France, 
 o long con- 
 
 jrepas) from 
 ; Royale, in 
 hey are left 
 1, and desire 
 Supreme in 
 ' any one re- 
 
 (lians geueral- 
 eil, Vandreuil 
 if ;^0,()()0 1 ivies 
 ans generally, 
 He wanted 
 Tulle fowling- 
 
 sists them it is thk crime of treason aoainst the Divine 
 Being." (1) 'J'his passage will be found in Sessional Papers No. 
 4a, Aniio 1888, page cccxviii, of the Dominion of Canada. It is 
 very important, because it agrees with the description given by 
 the English (lovernors of the assumption and demeanor of the 
 French priests in Acadie or Nova Scotia. Some of these gentle- 
 men were on the Staff of Isle Royale, or directly pensioned by the 
 French monarch, Louis XV, or by the Regent, as is more precise- 
 ly shown in the following pages. 
 
 The authority above quoted is, moreover, especially interest- 
 ing, because it has been asserted that the French missionaries in 
 Acadie were religious enthusiasts, devoted to their exalted ofifice, 
 and mindful only of the cure of souls. But here, in these Isle 
 Royale records, we have the official complaint of one of their own 
 government in Isle Royale, living among them, knowing their 
 methods, yet writing of them in terms not one whit less pointed 
 and condemnatory than the British officers in Nova Scotia, who 
 suffered from their ceaseless intrigues and were the victims of their 
 unhallowed work. 
 
 In the records of Isle Royale we find further notices of the 
 independent authority and relations of the Priests in such papers 
 as: — " Louisburg, Nov. 30th, 1731 — Brother Zacharie Caradoc, 
 Superior of the Missions in Isle Royale to the Minister, respect- 
 ing the tithe of a cwt. of codfish to each boat." The Superior of 
 the Missions, it will be observed, did not connnunicate with the 
 Marquis de Beauharnois, (lovernor of Canada, nor with M. de St. 
 Ovide, Governor of Isle Royale, but directly with the Minister of 
 Marine and Colonies in Paris, M. de Maurepas. 
 
 In the following pages an attempt is made to outline from the 
 Isle Royale Records, etc., the true relation of certain so-called 
 " Missionaries " to the King of France, the worldly and secret 
 militant duties expected from them, and the means employed to 
 
 (1) In 1694 M. (le la Mothe Cadillac made a similar complaint against 
 the western missionaries. He says — " These poisoned memoirs cannot go 
 down, and cross the ocean except by means of the missionaries who wish 
 to be masters wherever they aie ; who cannot tolerate any one above them- 
 selves, much lessinspectorsover their interests." — Paris Documents, N. Y, 
 Vol. ix, p. 587. 
 
f 
 
 22 
 
 enalile them to execute their work .is fomentors of Indian warfare 
 in times of Peace. Only the leading episodes of the Indian ag- 
 gressions are enumerated ; the heartrending details are not re- 
 corded. 
 
 These Militant Missionaries of France are always to be dis- 
 tinguished from those French missionaries whose faithful work is 
 to be traced or found in every quarter of the globe for centuries 
 past. There is, indeed, no country whose history presents such 
 successive examples of true missionary work, pursued amidst ap- 
 paling and repulsive dangers, as the records of France. 
 
 THE MICMACS. 
 
 The Micmacs, (1) or Souriquois,as they were styled by the early 
 French settlers in Canada and Acadie, numbered about 3,500 
 souls in 161 1, according to the Jesuits, who in their minute and 
 valuable " Relations " describe the habits of these Indians in 161 1 
 and 1640 and 1666. Their hunting grounds in 161 1 extended 
 over Nova Scotia, Cape Breton, Prince Edward Island, the greater 
 part of New Brunswl' k and the Gaspe peninsula. 
 
 Jacques Cartier mentions these Indians in 1535, and called 
 them Gasp(^siens. The Micmacs of Gaspt^ frequently crossed 
 over to Anticosti, thence to the Mingan Islands in search of their 
 enemies, the Montagnais. On the lower estuary of the St. Law- 
 rence they had conflicts with the Bersiamits, a Montagnais tribe. 
 They penetrated early into Newfoundland, and had wars with the 
 Beothuks. 
 
 The tribal emblems of i.ie Micmacs were : "Two Indians, 
 both with paddles, in a canoe built with high middle parts, famil- 
 iarly called 'humpback,' following a deer." (2) 
 
 As hunters and warriors, but especially as canoemen, the 
 Micmacs were distinguished. Physically, they were a fine strong 
 
 (1) Mirmac — Meguinawaach. 
 
 To be of the Micmac Tribe — Megiunagoodum. 
 
 Canoe — Kwedun. 
 
 Paddle — Ootaguu. 
 
 Deer — Liiutook. (Dr. Raiul.) 
 
 (2) Report of the Bureau of Ethnology — Washington. 
 
 
 mmmsarimm^ 
 
 "W 
 
ian warfare 
 
 Indian ag- 
 
 arc not re- 
 
 to be dis- 
 ifiil work is 
 )r centuries 
 esents such 
 
 amidst ap- 
 
 by the early 
 ibout 3,500 
 minute and 
 ians in 161 1 
 II extended 
 1, the greater 
 
 ;, and called 
 ntly crossed 
 jarch of their 
 ;he St. Law- 
 tagnais tribe. 
 A'ars with the 
 
 "wo Indians, 
 : parts, famil- 
 
 noemen, the 
 a fine strong 
 
 
 23 
 
 race, tall, upright, well-built, lithe and active. In warfare, brave, 
 cruel and terrible after Indian methods. 
 
 They did not, like their continental neighbours, trouble them- 
 selves much with fixed resting places, or with the cultivation of 
 Indian corn. The sea was their great storehouse. The innumer- 
 able inlets, bays and harbours on the coast of Nova Scotia gave 
 them the finest fishing grounds in the world. The abundance of 
 seals (•) in the winter season, of porpoises and while whales in 
 summer, furnished them at all times, when at peace with their 
 neighbors, with abundance of food. The "White Whale" was 
 common in the Basin of Mines in 1720, and the walrus on the 
 Magdalen Islands. The forests were also well stocked with 
 moose, and the barrens with caribou ; the banks of the rivulets 
 abounded with beaver, and the country was dotted with lakes in 
 which fish were in plenty. 
 
 The migratory fish, salmon, shad and herring, were enormously 
 abundant in the rivers, then undefiled by the refuse of saw-mills. 
 Shell-fish on the coasts were constantly sought after, as the 
 Kitchenmiddens tCL ify. Flint arre"--heads, spear-heads and har- 
 poons, stone pipes and skin dressers, show that they were as accom- 
 plished as the Western Indians in rude Indian art. Until the rivalry 
 between the French and the English gave a settled unrest to the 
 country, Acadie seems to have been capable of sustaining a very 
 numerous Indian population. P>om spring to autumn bands of 
 the Micmacs roved along the Atlantic coast, fishing and hunting ; 
 in winter they took to the woods. 
 
 Each family, or two or three families related to one another, 
 had their river, which was their winter hunting quarters. Here 
 they stored their canoes, established their camping grounds, and 
 trapped the fur-bearing animals. 
 
 Illustrations of their method of picture-writing are still visible 
 on the slate rocks in F^airy Lake, which flows into Lake Rossignol. 
 
 (1 ) A Seal — Waspoo ; a Porpoine — Moochpiiiich. 
 Sea Cow or ffa/riM— Bastoogobajit. 
 Moose — Team ; Caribou — Kaleboo. 
 Beaver — Kobet ; Bear — Mooin. (Dr. Rand.) 
 Akkacia, Acadie — abundance of things. (E. Frame.) 
 
T 
 
 24 
 
 But care has to be taken in distinguishing between the Micmac 
 engravings and the numerous modern scrawls on the same rocks. 
 Fairy Lake is on an old Micmac canoe route from Annapolis 
 Basin to the mouth of the Liverpool River. There is some- 
 thing remarkable about the head-dress of the Micmac squaw not 
 clearly understood. The different forms and ornamentations have 
 been thought to indicate authority in some form. Representations 
 are found on the rocks of Fairy Lake. The pictographs on the 
 rocks of Fairy Lake have been carefully examined and described. (1 ) 
 The late Rev. Dr. Rand notices Micmac appreciation of art 
 in the following language : — 
 
 "The Micmac is ricli in words reLating to art, tlie making and orna- 
 menting of garments, moccasins, snowsiioes, etc., of weapons and imple- 
 ments for domestic use, making pottery and modelling in clay. For build- 
 ing and managing a canoe tliere are at least seventy-six words. They 
 have words for carving on stone, and also on wood, for making dressed 
 skins with flower patterns, for carving flowers on stone, for scraping them 
 on l)ircli-bark dishes, for drawing a likeness, making models and patterns, 
 and for working after tiiem." C^) 
 
 'I'he Micmac language, Dr. Rand affirms, is remarkable for 
 its copiousness, its regularity of declension and conjunction, its 
 expressiveness and its meliifluousness. 
 
 His dictionary, in part published by the Dominion Govern- 
 ment, gives remarkable illustrations of the Micmac language. {•^) 
 
 The Micmacs of Isle Royale (Cape Breton) and the neighbour- 
 ing coast of Acadie were long under the control of Sieur Gaulin, a 
 Priest of the Seminary of Foreign Missions in Paris. Li 17 18 
 they numbered 300 families. They were subsequently under the 
 direction, among others, of Peres Vincent and Maillard. The 
 last named missionary arrived in Lsle Royale in 1737, and was 
 shortly afterwards joined by M. Le Loutre, i)oth being sent out by 
 the Seminary at Paris, Rue de Bac. 
 
 In a record of the "Deliberations of Council" published in 
 Le Canada-Fran^ais, dated 17 18, there is a remarkable cnumer- 
 
 (1) See Report of the Hureau of Ethnology, Washington, in which 
 reference is s])ecially made to Mr. ('reed's discoveries. 
 
 ('-) Dr. Daniel Wilson — Trans. Roy. Soc. of Cana<la. 
 
 (ii) Knglisli-Micinac Dictionary, by the Revd. Silas Tertius Rand, 
 D. D., L.L. D., published by the Dominion (Government. 
 
■ 
 
 2en the Micmac 
 the same rocks. 
 From Annapolis 
 rhere is some- 
 :mac squaw not 
 mentations have 
 Representations 
 ographs on the 
 id described. (1) 
 •reciation of art 
 
 making and orna- 
 :aj)ons and imple- 
 clay. J^or build- 
 six words. They 
 r maiiing (hessed 
 for scraping them 
 dels and patterns, 
 
 remarkable for 
 conjunction, its 
 
 minion Govern- 
 
 ': language. (3) 
 
 J the neighbour- 
 " Sieur Gaulin, a 
 Paris. In 1718 
 LMitly under the 
 Maillard. The 
 1737, and was 
 -'ing sent out by 
 
 " published in 
 irkable enumer- 
 
 lington, in which 
 IS Tertius Rand, 
 
 25 
 
 ation of the services of M. Gaulin as missionary, and his power 
 over the Indians. The record concludes with the following ob- 
 servations attached to the decree of the Council. They are signed, 
 
 1.. A. DE Bourbon (the Regent), 
 Le Marechal D'Estrees. 
 " The Mission of the Indians under the care of this missionary (M. 
 Oaulin) is useful at Isle Royale, and it is very necessary to iuive tiiem in 
 our interests. 
 
 "M. Gaulin is beloved by the Indians, a (oiijovi-s hkn se.rvl, is a 
 brave man, and capable of organizing and even conducting these Indians 
 on an expedition. 
 
 " He can scarcely subsist with 3001ivres, and it appears that lie might 
 be granted 500 livres on the Staff. (Sur lY'tat)." 
 
 M. Gaulin is also granted 1,500 livres, payable in three an- 
 nual instalments of 500 livres, on account of debts he has in- 
 curred. The memoir to which the above observations are ap- 
 pended states that " M. Gaulin is employed on the Staff of Isle 
 Royale for 300 livres a year." 
 
 It will be shown, subsequently, that in addition to the fore- 
 going a special grant was made by Louis XV to the Governors of 
 Canada, of 2,000 livres in 1723, 2,000 in 1724, and 4,000 livres 
 in T725, '26, '27 and '28, to enable the Abenakis, the allies of the 
 Micmacs, secretly to continue the war against the English. 
 
 There are no higher duties and no more exalted aims than 
 those imposed by the proper and unselfish work of the missionary. 
 But when these duties and these aims are craftily subordinated to 
 political and selfish purposes, they lead in the end to confusion 
 and ruin. So found Louis XV, the Regent and his Minist'^rs. 
 
 The publication year by year of the Report of the Canadian 
 Archivist, with lists of manuscripts, copies of which are now acces- 
 sible, has in a large measure aided in clearing up the history of 
 the half century preceding the Conquest of Canada, and displaying 
 the secret methods of the French Rulers, Ministers and Agents. 
 These were particularly manifested in their dealings with the In- 
 dians, and the use they made of the war-like dispositions and 
 superstitious leanings of the Savages under their control. 
 
 In the " Correspondance (Jenbrale," under date 1737, t'^iere 
 
26 
 
 is a " Census of the number of Miquemaque Indians bearing arms, 
 according to the statements furnished by the missionaries." — Can. 
 Arch., 1888. 
 
 In 1745, according to an estimate made by the French mis- 
 sionaries, the Micmacs were distributed as subjoined : — 
 
 In Acaclie (Nova Scotia) 200 Families 
 
 In Isle Royale (Cape Breton) 80 " 
 
 In Miramiclii (Gulf part of New Brunswick) 19;") " 
 
 In Restigouohe, " " " 60 " 
 
 Total 535 Families 
 
 Or 2,675 individuals at five to a family. 
 
 In 1746 Abbe Le Loutre describes the assembling of the 
 Indians at different localities in Nova Scotia, and gives their num- 
 bers. The description is from a paper in the Archives of Marine. 
 He says that about 1,000 Savages are found in the woods and on 
 the coasts of Acadie (Nova Scotia). 
 
 They assemble at " Chigabenakadi " twice a year, to the 
 number of 300 to 400. 
 
 At Mioliguech, near I^a Haive, from 300 to 400 Savages 
 gather at the end of June. 
 
 At the passage of Cape Sable (Peaubourcoup), 200 to 300 
 Savages assemble in tl e month of August. 
 
 " Every year the missionary is obliged to visit these places." 
 
 In 1 891, the Bureau of Ethnology at Washington estimated 
 
 the Micmac population to be : — 
 
 In Nova Scotia 2, 145 
 
 In New Brunswick 912 
 
 In (Jaspe, Restigouche 732 
 
 In Prince Edward Island 319 
 
 Total 4,108 
 
 Showing a considerable increase since 1745. 
 
 ■ THE MALECITES. 
 
 The tribal emblems of the Malecites were: "Two Indians 
 in a canoe, both with poles, following a muskrat." 
 
 Their hunting grounds were included within the valley of the 
 St. John River and its tributaries. They belonged to the Abnaki 
 
2 r>ench mis- 
 
 Jo Families 
 
 Two Indians 
 
 27 
 
 or Abenakis tribes, whose country comprised in the old time 
 wars the valleys of the Kennebec, the Penobscot', the St. Croix, 
 and over the dividing ridge to the St. Lawrence, near Quebec. 
 One of the tribes was styled "the Canibas." (1) 
 
 The total population of all the Abnaki tribes in 1890 did not 
 amount to 2,000, the Micmacs exceeding 4,000 in number, or 
 double that of their former allies. 
 
 The Canibas were early instructed to wage war against the 
 English, and by the highest authority. Louis XIV, in a letter dated 
 14th July, 1690, directed the attention of Count de Frontenac to 
 this object. (2) In 1703 Vandreuil writes of the absolute neces- 
 sity of embroiling the Abenakis with the English. (1) This, 
 however, was in a time of war, and to be expected. 
 
 In a memoir respecting the Abenakis of Acadie, written in 
 1 7 18, and found among the Paris Documents, is this significant 
 passage : — 
 
 "More than lialf the tril)e is aheady English by inclination, and re- 
 tained only by Religion ; their missionaries alone have the power, it is ad- 
 mitted, to persuade them to submit to the will of the Governor-General." 
 (Vandreuil). 
 
 This suggestive indication of the feelings of the Abenakis was 
 supplemented in 1721 (Oct. 8th) by an answer to a despatch from 
 Louis XV to Messrs. Vandreuil and Begon, submitted by those 
 officials to the King, wherein they say : — 
 
 "M. Vandreuil is persuaded that if His Majesty permit him to adjoin 
 some French to the Abenacjuis, the English will be forced to abandon all 
 their settlements on the lands belonging to these Indians ; he feels confident 
 of the result from his long experience of the Abenaquis, who, when sup- 
 ported by the French, have invariably made the English tremble, and ob- 
 liged them in the last war to abandon nearly one hundred leagues of terri- 
 tory." 
 
 In July of this year (172 1) the Abenakis tribes, to the number 
 of 250 warriors, armed and painted, came in ninety canoes to Sag- 
 
 (1) Paris Doc. Vol. IX. 
 
 (2) Thirty leagues up the (St. John) river is a Micmac Fort at a place 
 called Naxehonac (Nashwaak) ; .30 leagues further up is one of the Marisizis 
 (Malecites) ; 44 leagues fui tlier is another Fort, where the Canibas retreat. 
 — M. Lamot he-Cadillac in lti92. 
 
tl 
 
 28 
 
 gadshock Bay, in the Kennebec valley. They had been collected 
 by P'ather La Chasse, Superior of the Jesuits. Some of the In- 
 dians came from St. John River, below Woodstock. The English, 
 being forewarned, made careful preparations, and the Indians re- 
 tired without doing any mischief. 
 
 In 1724 the Abenakis could bring into the field 500 war- 
 riors. For eighty years they had been under the rule of French 
 missionaries. In 1737 they had 490 warriors, of which 350 hunted 
 and lived on the St. John River. Father Gaulin was their mis- 
 sionary in Acadie in 1700. The celebrated Father Rasles long 
 served the tribes on the Kennebec; he was killed in 1724 at 
 Norridgewock. ., 
 
 In 1745, 300 Abenakis were assembled at St. Michel, near 
 Quebec, equipped and despatched in canoes by the St. John River 
 to Beaubassin. — Paris Doc, Vol. X, p. 45. 
 
 Father Germain was their missionary on the St. John in 1745, 
 and in 1 746 lie was also at Beaubassin. 
 
 THE BEGINNING OF TROUBLE WITH THE INDIANS 
 IN NOVA SCOTIA. 
 
 1720, May 14th. — Seven years after the Treaty of Utrecht 
 Governor Phillips wrote on May 14th to M. St. Ovidede Brouillan, 
 Governor of Cape Breton, announcing that the French inhabi- 
 tants of Nova Scotia "are endeavouring at this time to disturb the 
 peace of this Government, by practising with the Savages to as- 
 semble together upon this occasion, to assert their native rights to 
 this country, in opposition to that of His Majesty, which I am in- 
 formed they intend to do in a disorderly manner; the fatal conse- 
 quences thereof, in case hostilities should begin, must inevitably 
 tend to the confusion of the contrivers." (1) 
 
 1720, June 8th. — M. Ovide de Brouillan answered Gov. 
 Phillips' letter very politely, and there is a long extract given on 
 page 126 of " Documents sur L'Acadie " in the Canada- Fran^ais. 
 Reference is made to Pfere Justinien and the orders Gov. Phillips 
 has given respecting the taking of the oath by the inhabitants of 
 Acadie, but in this extract no allusion is introduced respecting the 
 
 (1) N. S. Archives, page 27. 
 
 SJ.'^-MrSA 
 
29 
 
 John in 1745, 
 
 : INDIANS 
 
 assembling of the Indians. The letter is effusive with regard to 
 " the sincere, indissoluble and inviolable union which exists be- 
 tween the Kings, our masters, and their States," But two days 
 later M. Ovide wrote a despatch to the Minister in Paris, and the 
 nature of its contents is to be gathered from the " Deliberations 
 of Council" thereon. In the minutes of this Council there 
 are these words : "On this principle he (St. Ovide) believes that 
 it would be apropos that he had at Louisburg in store, at least 
 1,000 arms with powder and ball in proportion, so as to be able 
 to ARM THE Savages in case of need." (l) 
 
 1720, July. — Governor Phillips informs Secretary Craggs that 
 " the Priests are all assembled at Minas to be near Cape IJreton, 
 where their great Council is held, between which places they are 
 continually passing and repassing; etc." 
 
 On the 7th July St. Ovide wrote to Gov. Phillips, but appar- 
 ently does not allude to any unfriendly action or assembhng of the 
 Indians at Antigonish. 
 
 The Indians Attack Canso. 
 
 On the 7th Aug., 1720, the fishing establishments at Canso 
 were attacked by a numerous body of Indians, and plundered of 
 fish and merchandise to the value of ^^20,000 stg. Several lives 
 were lost and great damage inflicted. ('-) 
 
 At a Council held in Louisburg on the 5th Sept., 1720, M: 
 St. Ovide was present. He stated that M. Gaulin, missionary of 
 the Micmacs, had notified him that all the chiefs of this nation 
 were assembled at his mission of Artigoniche, and that they were 
 very desirous of seeing him, which determined the missionary to 
 set out from Louisburg on the 23RD June, and that he arrived 
 at Port Toulouse (St. Peter's) on the 26th June, when he found 
 letters from the English Governor, with a proclamation, etc. 
 
 These minutes of Council were sent to France, and com- 
 mented on by the Regent on the 15th Nov., 1720. Meanwhile, 
 on the 7th Aug. the attack was made at Canso. 
 
 On the 27th Sept. St. Ovide wrote to Gov. Phillips from 
 
 (1) See Canada-Francais — Vol. II, p. 
 ii) Haliburton— Vol. I, p. 102. 
 
3° 
 
 Louishurg in answer to his complaint about the Indians attacking 
 the English at Canso, saying : — 
 
 " You observe, Sir, that you have been told by two Indians that this 
 affair was spoken of here (Louiabuig) three months before it was put in 
 execution, and that it was M. St. Ovide who caused the Indians to act. A 
 suspicion so ill-founded makes little impression on M. de St. Ovide, and 
 cannot enter minds which are not as barbarous as those of the Indians. " 
 * * * " As to the movements of the missionaries, you should not take 
 offence, as they are connected with religious matters ne, and the reports 
 they are bound to make to their Superiors, as we are well aware." 
 
 But St. Ovide knew that the Missionary Gaulin, on the Staff 
 of Isle Royale, went at the end of June to meet the Indians at 
 Artigonische, and that on the 26th May he was at Annapolis Royal 
 with the Acadians, successfully defeating (leneral Phillips' efforts 
 to induce them to take the oath of Allegiance. 
 
 In a further letter to Secretary Craggs, (26th Sept., 1720), 
 Governor Phillips states that the Priests assemble the Indians to 
 regular confessions twice a year, and that they "receive their ab- 
 solution conditionally that they be always enemyes to the English." 
 
 THE CnOSS ON THE ROCKS. 
 
 Some four miles in an air line from the town of Windsor there 
 is a water-fall on a small river, which is probably " Le Breau 
 Riviere " of the Acadians. At the present day the river is known 
 by the name of the " Fall Brook." Within a few hundred yards 
 from the water-fall, and below it, the river flows close to a steep 
 escarpment. On the rocks of this escarpment a striking memorial 
 is cut into the stone. 
 
 The date 1720 is inscribed in bold figures over a well marked 
 representation of The Cross. To the right of the Cross is a half 
 closed hand, with the forefinger pointing to the sacred emblem. 
 Other inscriptions less easily distinguished and less important can 
 be traced. The whole forms a glyptograph, as represented in the 
 accompanying photogravure. The following sketch may assist the 
 examination of the photographic copy : — 
 
dians attacking 
 
 ndians that this 
 [ore it was put in 
 ndians to act. A 
 e St. Ovide, and 
 3 of the Indians." 
 11 should not take 
 6, and the reports 
 .1 aware." 
 
 lin, on the Staff 
 the Indians at 
 
 Vnnapolis Royal 
 Phillips' efforts 
 
 ;h Sept., 1720), 
 
 i the Indians to 
 
 eceive their ab- 
 
 to the English," 
 
 if Windsor there 
 ibly "Le Breau 
 e river is known 
 iv hundred yards 
 1 close to a steep 
 triking memorial 
 
 jr a well marked 
 le Cross is a half 
 sacred emblem, 
 ss important can 
 ^presented in the 
 ch may assist the 
 
 37 
 
 It is noteworthy that on 2nd July, 1722, Lieut.-dov. Doucett 
 
 e to the Lords of Trade respecting the evasions of the priests, 
 
 deny that they have anything to do with the Indian attacks, 
 
 hough a good deal of the plunder is in (laulin's chapel when 
 
 ra.s there to say Mass to the Indians." The disputes among 
 
 Indians as to the division of the spoil were stopped by I )oucett's 
 
 ng secured twenty-two Indians as hostages. But the Indians 
 
 nearly captured Doucett. He was fishing, and had it not 
 
 1 for the report brought in l)y the Collector of Customs, Lieut.- 
 
 . Doucett would have fallen into the hands of the Indians. It 
 
 a very narrow escape. If Doucett had been seized while 
 
 ng, the consequences would have been most serious. To 
 
 ure the 1 Jeut.-Governor at the outset would have been a novel 
 
 striking triumph. General Phillips was at Canso at the time. 
 
 Can. Arch., i8g4, page 53.) (•) 
 
 The. activity of Pere Gaulin at this period was surprising, 
 .enormant de Mesy, the Controller of Isle Royale, informs the 
 ister in Paris that the Acadian Indians harass the English ; 
 that Abbe Gaulin has furnished him with the news respecting 
 
 rie and the Indians of tha; country ; that Pere Gaulin has this 
 (1722) made a census of the population of Isle Royale, and 
 '*y{ the people of the peninsula of Acadie who have been removed 
 by the missionaries. Major de Bourville likewise informs the 
 Minister that "Pere Gaulin reports that the English in Acadie 
 have made a declaration of war against the Indians, in which they 
 desire to embroil the French of this Province." A piece of infor- 
 mation not unlike Gaulin's way of presenting matters. 
 
 On Nov. 4th, 1722, St. Ovide writes to the Minister at Paris 
 that the English threaten to carry off Pere Gaulin and destroy the 
 Mission at Antigonishe. 
 
 The war was continued throughout the year 1723, but it 
 was not until the appearance of the Malecites before Annapolis, 
 
 On ijages r)2 and .13 of the Can. Archives for 1894, several papers 
 nernted relating to these Indian raids. Tlie phnider in (iaulin'.s 
 
 (1) 
 are enumernted relatnig . . ^^ ,, 
 
 uhapel may have been taken from the "Prosperity" and "The Dove, 
 plundered by the Indians. 
 
 (-) Nov. Hcot. Arch., page 62. 
 
 
38 
 
 "m 
 
 '4 
 
 at Mines, and nt'ar (^anso in 1724. that it assunicd a foiiuidablc 
 aspect in Nova Scotia. 
 
 'I"he Minister of Louis XV reported in January, 1724, on the 
 proposal of M. de \'audreuil, Ciovernor of Canada, made in 1723, 
 that he should secretly encounige other Indian nations to assist the 
 Ahenakis against the English, notwithstanding tliat France was 
 at peace with England. 
 
 As Eouis XV was horn Feb. i5tli, 17 10, lie could only have 
 been about 14 years old in 1724, therefore his letters and memo- 
 randa at this period for the information of his officers in New 
 France were necessarily altogether concocted by his Ministers, but 
 they carried the authority of the King. In 1726, when he was 
 t6 years of age, Louis XV assumed the reins of [)ower, and de- 
 clared that he wcjuld have no first Minister. 
 
 To give force and authority to the suggestion of 1 )e ]\Liurepas, 
 the King, Louis X\', addressed a memoir to Messrs. Vaudreuil 
 and Begon on the subject of secret encouragement, dated Ver- 
 .sailles, 30th May, T724, and the following extract from this docu- 
 ment shows how the (lovcrnor-deneral of Canada, the Minister of 
 Louis XV, and the Most Christian King himself, secretly encour- 
 aged the Indians against the English : 
 
 '•His Majesty has considered the report of Sieurs de Vaudieuil and 
 Begon on the si'hject of the war of the English against the Al)enakis. 
 
 " He will add to liis orders conveyed in his despatch of the 9tli June 
 of last year, that it is not expedient that the French appear in this war, 
 but it is proper at the .same time that Sieur de Vaudrenil (In xcrrtt/y fu- 
 covraije the other nations to assist the Abenacjuois by giving them to under- 
 stand that tiie design of the English is to make themselves masters of the 
 entire continent.'" —Paris Doc, Vol. IX, page 1).%. 
 
 The proposition of \'audreuil in 1723 was followed by the ap- 
 pearance in the summer of 1724 of the Malecites, (who had 
 cros.sed the Bay of J"'undy by Isle Haut), and their allies, the Mic- 
 macs, before AnnapolLs Royal and at Mines and near Canso, on 
 the Atlantic Coast, in time of Peace. The missionaries, Pere Felix, 
 of Mines ; Pere Charlemagne, of Annapolis, and PereTsidore, of 
 Peguiguit, were all mixed up in the matter. 
 
 The sudden appearance of the Malecites and the Micmacs 
 before Annapolis Royal, at Mines and at Canso, coupled with ac- 
 
 ;-f 
 
 I V 
 
'AN 
 
 )imidal)lc 
 
 4, on tlie 
 
 cin 1723. 
 
 assist the 
 
 ance was 
 
 only have 
 11(1 inemo- 
 s in New 
 isters, hut 
 ill he was 
 r, and de- 
 
 Maurepas, 
 Vaudreuil , 
 dated Ver- 
 this docu- 
 Minister of 
 tly encour- 
 
 imlieuil and 
 it'iiakis. 
 lie 9th June 
 in this war, 
 r) mcretiy p it- 
 em to uncler- 
 lastei's of the 
 
 i by the ap- 
 , (who had 
 es, the Mic- 
 r Canso, on 
 , Pere Felix, 
 'Isidore, of 
 
 le Micmacs 
 led with ac- 
 
 counts of their de|)redatioii.s and oiitiages, iiave been described in 
 original documents, (i) 
 
 If the Indians had succeeded in taking Annapolis, tiiere can 
 be little doubt that the whole garrison would have been massacred, 
 and a general rising of the Acadians taken place. 
 
 The results of the inquiry into the matter at Annapolis on July 
 22nd, Aug. 1 2th and Aug. 29th, 1724, are of much historic interest. 
 These inquiries resulted in : 
 
 I. The expulsion of Father Charlemagne, I'riest at Annai)olis 
 Royal, from Nova Scotia, for complicity with the Indians (Micmac 
 and Malecite). 
 
 II. Father Felix, I'riest at Mines, warned, "at his utmost 
 peril, against ever again entering this Province without the consent 
 and approbation of the Ciovernment." 
 
 III. Father Isidore, of Peguiguit, proved to be innocent of 
 complicity, was ai)pointed Cure of Mines, 29th Aug., 1724. 
 
 A month later Dourett urged Mascarene to finish the Block- 
 houses, as another attack of the Indians was imminent. -(Can. 
 Arch., i8g4, p. j6.) 
 
 Pere Isidore was a Franciscan Friar from Louisburg, well on 
 in years when he came to Annapolis to be approved by Lieut.- 
 (iovernor Doucett. He was appointed to the Parish of the As- 
 somption at Pisicjuid (Windsor). Doubtless he had many times 
 looked at the C'ross on the Rocks within four miles of his Church, 
 before the attempts of his priestly colleagues, specially instructed 
 by royal mandate to foment war with the Indians, had culminated 
 in the worst kind of warfare against the English, and ir a time of 
 peace between France and England. 
 
 He declared to the Council that whilst he was in the territory 
 and under the protection of the English (iovernment, " I think 
 myself obliged in conscience to give notice of any ill-design against 
 it, my conscience being dearer to me than any worldly interest." 
 
 Vhre Isidore had also informed the Council that one of the 
 inhabitants of Mines had publicly charged Father Felix with com- 
 
 (' ) See MurdocU — Vol. I ; also V'aiulieuirs despatcii, dated :i4th Nov., 
 1724, in Paris Doc, Vol. IX. — X S. Anli. niid Can. Atr/,., IS!*/,. 
 
 6> 
 
 
, u A Wither denied It, said . 
 
 ..•1-hat is not true, for I * i ^.^^^^.. ,„ 
 tl,cm (the Malcctes) at bt. Jo suspicions tlrat 
 
 .,he testimony of Wre l-^°« » '" r," .M incite tltenr to 
 '- --^':"t. tr ro:: " P -. con,ut,t .uraerous 
 invade a fnendly State 
 
 t .ic f^( the Pr\ests 
 -- „ , . „ote«ort.v;.'U.-- - ^ rt^^t're »s so 
 — "^^ *^ t"Se 'u^^orHs.oyaUytothe<.overn- 
 Asa,,unish.ncntforrevealugthU' ^^^ ^^ ^^^ 
 
 . Krnr was swutiy nuui"^ returned 
 
 priests, the poor I r.ar > a ,,„ „„d ,n 7-7 ttt 
 
 by his own flock. He «-"' ° ,„,i,ued 1 .ou.slwrg, for he .s 
 
 .: Krance, but he appears " ^,^ _^^^ ^^ , g„„d oW father, 
 spoken of by .\bb=del-Wc 
 
 without capacity, and a htttc ^^^ ^^_^^^ ^^ ,^^ ,„„„„er 
 
 The Council at Annapohs tnadc a , ^^ disaffection of 
 
 .hlch l>'ere Isidore had been treated and ^__^^^ ^^.^^^^,^ 
 
 'r ;thn, .iro, no ^:^:r^o^. -.he foi.o«in, 
 
 discomflture and '""^'^"'^^ J Council :^- 
 
 extraets are front the Mrnutes of ^^^^^^_ ^^^ ^^_^^ 
 
 The examination of Pe e 1 ^^^ 
 
 in. that it merits to be introduced ^ ,,,„,,,t, Major 
 
 „ Tnhn Adams, KiSq., ** ' 
 Paul Mascaieiie, Joim a 
 
 ^\,..,.eX*re,.r„.l*-—-^ 
 (1) See Minutes of Oouncu i 
 

 11, said : 
 scut for 
 
 ions that 
 
 t\it:m to 
 
 lurderous 
 
 ic I'riests 
 re was so 
 c (iovern- 
 
 ces of other 
 he country 
 :7 returned 
 rg, for he is 
 old Father, 
 
 the manner 
 
 saffection of 
 
 't;re Isidore's 
 
 rhe following 
 
 ,hi8 Boiu.l tliat 
 integrity to this 
 n's insolence to 
 who regard and 
 1 this Uov't, and 
 he Country, are 
 
 i is so interest- 
 
 ,v. Doucett, Major 
 Wiilian^ 8lieritt'. 
 
 rdock-8 History of 
 th, 17-24. 
 
 41 
 
 "Q. — Father Ibidore, was you with the other MissiouaryH at their 
 Councils ? 
 
 " A. — No. I was at my own house. 
 
 "Q. — Whether, if it had been in your power, wouM you not have 
 given advice to the (iov't of any treason, or attempt formed against tiie 
 (lovernment '! 
 
 "A. — When I heard of the rumour of the Indians designs on this 
 })lace, I hired two men, for the value of forty livres, to carry two letteis 
 directed to th«; (iovernor, wherein what I know of the matter was con- 
 tained. But having advice tliat all tlie people from Annapolis Royal weie 
 Ktoyjped at the (irand Pre, I recalled my letters for fear of falling into their 
 hands, and I afterwards gave them to Mr. Blin, which I Iioim; he delivered. 
 And I declare, that whilst I am in the territory and under the protection 
 of the Knglish Government, I think myself obliged, in conscience, to give 
 notice of any ill-design against it, my conscience being dealer to me than 
 any worldly interest. 
 
 " And he likewise informed the (iovernor and Council tiiat it was puli- 
 licly talked that wlien the Indians (were) at their retuin from Annapolis 
 Royal to Mines, that Jaccjues Teriot, one of the inhabitants at Mines, went 
 to pt're Felix and told him tliat as his soldiers were come Imck from his 
 expedition, lie ovight, as being tlieir (Jeneial, to provide for tiitin, and not 
 suH'er them to eat up the inhabitants ; and tiie said Father Felix tlenying 
 that lie had any hand in it, the said Jacques Teriot made answer tliat — 
 
 " 'That is not true, for I saw your letter by which you sent for them, 
 at St. Johns River.' 
 
 " Then the (iovernor told him that he had received his two letters from 
 Mr. Bline, and tlianked liim for his care and intelligence, tlio' it came loo 
 late, and being desired to withdraw. 
 
 "The (iovernor (Doucett) laid before the Board a letter from pi-re 
 Felix (as upon tile) in excuse for not obeying his orders in coming here, he 
 being about to depart the country, etc. 
 
 "Resolved, — That an order be sent to Mines, to be there published at 
 the Mass house, to discharge the said Father Felix from ever, at his utmost 
 peril, entering this province without the consent and approbation of the 
 (iovernment. 
 
 " The (iovernor and Council gave Father Isidore the Cure of Mines " — 
 (See Murdock, Vol. I, p. 419). 
 
 In Aug., 1724, P^re Courtin replaced Abbe (iaulin as Micniac 
 Missionary in Isle Royale, and a Church was built at the Mission 
 Station, Antigonische. Pere Courtin died in 1733, and was suc- 
 ceeded by an Irish Priest, Abbe Byrne. The Irish Priest could 
 
42 
 
 
 k 
 
 
 not live with the Indians, and in 1734 he returned to I'Vance. He 
 was succeeded by Pere Vincent. 
 
 The value set upon the alliance of the Micniacs with the 
 Ahenakis may be gathered from the following despatch. In 1725 
 M. de V'audreuil, the Ciovernor of (.'anada, wrote to the Minister 
 in France as follows : " By uniting with the Ahenakis and Micmacs, 
 we should be in a position to recover I'ort Royal, and to lender 
 ourselves masters of Canceau, and of all wc have lost in the East 
 by the Treaty of Utrecht." (') 
 
 In an earlier letter, but in thi: same year, M. de Vandreuil 
 .says: "Those of the River St. John (Ahenakis) have joined the 
 Micmacs, whom they induced to resume the arms they had a year 
 ago laid down. 
 
 In Aug., 1725, the iMiglish Council met at ("anso, and a reso- 
 lution distrusting x\I. St. Ovide de Hrouillon was adopted. In Sept. 
 Gov. Armstrong wrote from Canso to the Secretary of State, stating 
 that St. Ovide supplied 200 Indians this year, and that his excuses 
 are deceitful. He says, further, that intelligence had reached him 
 of 800 Indians intending to attack him in the winter "by the 
 underhand orders of the French (lovernors of Quebec, Three 
 Rivers, Montreal and Cape Breton." 
 
 PEACE WITH THE INDIANS. 
 
 On the 1 5th 1 )ei'., 1725, a treaty, for some time in preparation, 
 was concluded between His Majesty King Cieorge and certain 
 tribes of Abenak' in Maine and New Brunswick, and Micmacs of 
 Cape Sable, N. S., in which the Indians acknowledged the sover- 
 eignty of the King over Nova Scotia or Acadie and New England, 
 and hound themselves to act as peaceable subjects. A lithographed 
 copy of this treaty is published in the Nova Scotia Archives. 
 
 But this peace with the Indians would not serve the purposes 
 of the F'rench, and did not receive encouragement at their hands. 
 On the contrary it was vigorously opposed, and sought to be de- 
 feated at any cost and any V-nd of cost. 
 
 A capture made by Governor Armstrong placed the conduct 
 of St. Ovide in a very serious light. The Governor writes to the 
 
 (1) N. V. (;ol. Doc, Vol. IX, p. !I4(». 
 
43 
 
 Duke of Newcastle. Dec. 2nd, i 725, that of the two |)crsons taken 
 with i»ass[)orts from St. Ovide, one was a missionary priest, and 
 "the passport of the priest gave directions to the (Commander in 
 the Province, as if he had a right to order them." (') 
 
 This assumption of i)ower within the Province of Nova Scotia 
 on the part of the ( Governor of Isle Royale and the l5ishop of 
 ()uebec was a constant and embittering source of annoyance and 
 danger, which ultimately led to disastrous consei|uences. 
 
 On the loth Oct., 1725, the Marciuis of \audreuil died; he 
 was temporarily succeeded in authority by Messrs. de I.ongueuil 
 and Uegon, who sent a despatch dated Oct. 31st, 1725, to die 
 Minister in Paris, 'i'his despatch alleges that Sieur (laulin, iTiis- 
 sionary, has induced the Micmacs to make peace with the English 
 — and that it is " nn-;.t important that the Micmacs prosecute the 
 war, because by joining the Abenakis of the River St. John they 
 would derange considerably the English Fisheries. IViese Indians 
 are conveniently situated to receive the necessary succors from Isle 
 Royaler 
 
 This infan ous proposition in time of peace was actually ap- 
 
 j)roved by the Minister. 'I'he words of approval are attached to 
 
 the copy of the despatch, published in the Paris Doc, \'ol. XI, 
 p. 956. They are as follows :— 
 
 " It appears proper to appi'ove what M. dt- Vaiulreuil lias done, to 
 continue to order ihf /oDian/iiiii fhin war as much a.s po.ssihle, it In-ing; 
 important to prevent the Knglish hecomiiig nianters of tiie Al)enuquis 
 country, inasmuch as such would .seriously endanger the country. 
 
 "To write to M. de St. Ovide respecting tlie reported proceedings of 
 Sieur (iaulin, Missionary of the Micmacs; to order Inm also to stir u|) 
 hostilities on the part of the Indians against tlie Englisli."— (7th May, \~'H\). 
 
 But it was not in Nova Scotia only that the missionaries were 
 instructed to foment war with the Indians. Dr Kingsford (-) re- 
 lates that Pere Du Pare, Superior of the Jesuits, was strong in the 
 hope that the Abenakis, although apparently desiring peace, would 
 soon be joined by the other tribes, and with them march against 
 the English. On his side he received instructions to exhort his 
 
 (I) Can. Arcli., 1S!)4, p. .">n. 
 
 (-') The History of Canada, Vol. Ill, p. 198. 
 
 M 
 
"T 
 
 '.-?- 
 
 44 
 
 cler-cal brethren to foment war against the Engh'sh to the greatest 
 extent they were able, and the new (lovernor, de Beauharnois, was 
 called upon to give the Jesuits his protection when so acting. (D 
 
 Dr. Kingsford, commenting on this action, says: "The 
 duplicity of the French authorities revealed in contemporary 
 documents may have many parallels in history, but certainly have 
 never been exceeded."— (History of Canada, Vol. Ill, p. 198). 
 
 In the spring of 1726 the Marquis de Beauharnois was ap- 
 pointed (iovernor and Lieutenant-deneral of New France. On 
 the 29th April, 1727, Louis XV addressed a memoir to Messrs. de 
 Reauharnois and Dupuy contradicting the statement that Sieur 
 (iaulin had induced the Micmacs, together with the Malecitcs of 
 the River St. John, to make peace with the English, and alleging 
 that M. de St. Ovide had reported that (Jauhn and the other mis- 
 sionaries had on the contrary " incurred the displeasure of the 
 English for having incited the Indians to continue the war." His 
 Majesty enumerates some hostile acts of these Indians against the 
 English, and further intelligence of like kind from Father Duparc, 
 Superior of the Jesuits in Canada, concluding with the announce- 
 ment that "all this intelligence, joined to the statements of Sieurs 
 de Beauharnois and Dupuy, afford reason to believe that those 
 nations will c:ontinue the war, which is li^natly to he desired^ -{V^w^ 
 I)o(;., Vol. IX, p. 9S9). 
 
 Abbe (iaulin's work, after he had relincjuished the Isle Royale 
 Micmacs to Pere Courtin, ai)pears to have been, according to this 
 Royal Memoir, directed towards fomenting a continuance of war 
 between the Micmacs of Nova Scotia, joined with the Malecites 
 of St. John River, and the English. But this kind of missionary 
 work soon came to an ignominious close in Nova Scotia. 
 
 "That Old Mischievous Incendiary Gaulin." 
 
 A ('ouncil was held at Annapolis Royal on the 24th Oct., 
 
 (1) Dr. Kingsford ([uotes the Queljce Documents, III, p. 128; also 
 " Li' Ministre a tie Heauliiiniois, le l.S Mai, I7'2(i" : — ".J' ccris an IVtc du 
 I'arc, SiiptTieui' des Missioas. de reconuiiaiider a sey coiifn'-rea de fomonter 
 le plus ((u"ils poiiiTont la guei-i'e contre TAnglais. .Ic vous i)rie de leiir ac- 
 <!(irder toutu la proleotiim doiit lis rmt benoin, et de ne laisser ('•<;liaj)pei' do 
 voire part aiieune oct-as^ion |)oui' exitei' ces Sauvages a ne point diseontinuer 
 leurs rourses." ('Jue. Doo. lil.)). I'iH). 
 
45 
 
 1726, and in tlic tninulcs tlie following passage oci:uis : "Then 
 he (the Hon. Lieut. -(iov. Doucett) acquainted the Board that that 
 old mischievou.s incendiary (laulin had represented to him that he 
 could net procure the bail required by the Hoard on Tuesday, the 
 iTth inst., but that whereas he had at last come to make his sul)- 
 mission, and to beg pardon for all his past faults, etc., etc." 
 
 For reasons of i)olicy, probably because the Council were 
 afraid that severe measures would create disturbances they were 
 too weak to resist, (laulin was set at liberty, under promise of good 
 behaviour and because it would be "pleasing to the Indians to 
 set him at liberty, and to trust him once more by giving him, till 
 further orders, the Cure of Mines." 
 
 And thus it happened that Pere (kiulin came back to Mines 
 in Oct., 1 726, once more to direct attention to the Memorial Cross 
 on the Rocks at Pizicjuid, and secretly fan in the breasts of the 
 Indians the flame of war-like enmity against the English. 
 
 The abstracts of the records of Isle Royale contain no later 
 information res[)ecting this active and inveterate missionary i.-nemy 
 of the English "on the Staff of Isle Royale," but in a paper found 
 in the "Archives de la Marine et des Colonies," dated 1731, it is 
 Giatedthat M. (laulin, M. dela Coudalie and M. de Lestaches are 
 the three French missionaries remaining in Nova Scotia. M. de 
 lireslay and M. Noiville are mentioned as having been removed ; 
 al.so that M. Breslay has been deprived of the position of Crand 
 Vicar, and that M. de Coudalie has been made (irand Vicar. 
 
 In 1732 Gov. Armstrong seems to have been on good terms 
 with Abbe Gaulin, for he writes to the Grand \'icar de la Goudalie 
 that he has .seen a letter which Goudalie had written to Gaulin, 
 dated 8th April, 1732, in which Goudalie reveals what he has been 
 doing at Cobeciuid, much to the dissatisfaction of Governor 
 Armstrong. — (N. S. Arch., page ()s). 
 
 I)is(iuieting rumours of the movements of Indians reached 
 Governor Armstrong at the close of i 726, there having been about 
 one year of peace with these unstable neighbours and allies. 
 
 On the day following the framing of the Royal Memoir to de 
 Beauharnois, Governor Armstrong wrote to the Secretary of State 
 as follows : — 
 
 
46 
 
 "Annaimii,is RoYAi,, SOtli April, 1727. 
 "1 iiui.st iil«<) iiifdini Vdur (h'ace tliat the French Missioniiry Priests 
 at the above said j)laceM (Mines antl i5eanl)assin) iiave assembled a great 
 b<idy (if Indians, with a resolution to begin tlie war against His Majesty's 
 subjects of this Province and New KngUind, all wliich troubles are oeca- 
 sioned l)y Mr. (lan'il)ell and his abettors. 
 
 " The bearer, Cupt. Bennett, can further lell Vour 'irace the dispo- 
 sition of the people or Frencli Inliabitants of this Province, and also of the 
 conduct of tiieir Missionary Priests, wiio instil an inculcated hatred into 
 both Indimis and French Jnhaliitanls against the Fuglish, he can also 
 iufdiin yon what <litti(ndties I have laboured under to get ])rovisions for my 
 ready money to su))|)ort the King's T!'oo])s with during the time I have 
 been ht:ix'."--((i<7rmior AriniiroiKj tv tlu Sirrc/^ -y of Slat i, X. S. Arch., 
 
 During the .summer the Indians murdered some people at 
 Liscomh Harbour and at Jeddore, on the Atlantic roast. St. 
 Ovide, in Cai)e Breton, was communicated with. Indians as- 
 .semhled in large numbers near ('anso on the approach of winter, 
 but there was no further demonstration. 
 
 The following extract froui the "Paris Documents " (') 
 
 pre- 
 
 sents in a striking manner the methods of Louis XV in a time of 
 peace to keep up and foment an Indian war against the English, 
 and how his ministers treated missionary work and directed it: — 
 
 Louis XV to Messrs. de Beauharnois and Dupuy. 
 
 "29th Apkil, 1727. 
 " His Majesty has been pleased to learn that the Abenaiiuis of St. 
 Francis anil Hecaucourt are disposed to continue tiie war against the Eng- 
 lish, and not to listen to any propo.sals of peace until the Knglish have razed 
 the Forts they have erected on the lands of the Abenacjuis. Tiiat course is 
 of sucli importance to Canada that Sieui- de 15euuhariu)i8 cannot adopt 
 nieasiu'es too precise to foment that war anil pre\cnt all aeconimodation. 
 On which subject His Majesty has nothing to add to what he presci'ibed in 
 his despatch of the 14th May of last year. 
 
 "On Sieurs de Longueill and Hegon's i'e))ort that M. (iaulin, Mission- 
 ary, had i)revailed on the Mit.inacs and the Indians on tiie River St. Jolin 
 to conclude peace with the Englisii, His Majesty caused Sieur de St. Ovide, 
 (iovernor of Isle Royale, to be written to, witii a view to obtain correct 
 information on the subject, and had ordei-s 8t;nt to liini at the same time Jto 
 encoxirage iiostilities. That oiHcer has I'epoi'teii that tiie Micnuics iiau not 
 
 (I) N. Y. Colonial Doc, \'i.!. IX, jmge 0S9. 
 
47 
 
 made peace, aiitl so far from M. (iauliu and the other NJ ibsioiuuies liaviiig 
 pievailed on tlie Indians to do so, thnt thty had, on the roiitrary, iiioimd 
 thedisjilmxnn: of lh<'. Eii<jti.ih/or hariiii/ incited f/ie Indiaim to conliinic. the 
 nar. * * * * All this intelligence, joined to the statements of Sieurs 
 de IJeauharnois and Dupny, afford reason to believe tiiat those nations will 
 continue the war, wificit is (jrkatly to be uksirkd. His Majesty has 
 continued the fund of 4,000 livies on the Domain of tiie West as an aid to 
 Abena(|uis Families." 
 
 In "Observations" on Abstract of Despatches from Canada, 
 with the Minister's recommendation, approved by the King, further 
 h'ght is thrown on the application and object of the allowance of 
 4,000 lives, mentioned by His Majesty J.oiiis X\'. 
 
 " On the lepresentation that these Indians would he more readily dis- 
 posed to wage war against the English if they w eie assured that tiieir wives 
 and chihlren woidd be supported during their ex])editioDS, it was deter- 
 mined in 17'i3 to appropriate 2,(K)0 livres annually to that object, on the 
 estimate of the Domain, under the head of .Icsuits, in order to conceal from 
 the Knglisli the source whence they derived this aid ; and on the represen- 
 tation that this sum was insutticient, it was resolved in 1725 to appropriate 
 4,000 livres instead of 2,000 livi'es, and the appropriation was made in the 
 estimates of 1725, 172(5 and 1727. 
 
 " The motive for this allowance having disappeared by the Peace which 
 these Indians have apparently concluded with the English, or at least by 
 their cessation of hostilities, would seem to indicate tlie stoppage of this 
 exjjense, not for 172S, because these Indians will possibly have gone 01. the 
 expedition against the Foxes. 
 
 "This fund could be more usefully expended hereafter on the enceinte 
 of Montreal." (O 
 
 Philip de Rigaud, Marquis de Vaudreuil, who expended this 
 allowance of 2,000 livres in 1723-24, and probably the 4,000 livres 
 in 1725, died on the loth Oct. of that year. 'J'hirty-five years 
 later, his son, Pierre Francois de Rigaud, Marejuis de Vaudreuil, 
 surrendered to Oeneral Amherst the city on whose enceinte the 
 fund of 4,000 livres "could be more usefully expended." The 
 association is interesting. It gathers interest as it is studied ; it 
 forms a link in a chain of events in which motives and men — 
 Indians, Acadians, Militant Priests and .Secret Instructions -are 
 brought tragically into view. 
 
 Nothing worthy of note in the form of serious trouble with 
 
 1^ 
 
 n. 
 
 (I) The enceinte of Montreal was completcil in 1728. 
 
i 
 
 48 
 
 the Indians appears to have occurred in Nova Scotia or in Acadie 
 during the next eight years. In 1736, however, Indian outrages 
 on the Atlantic coast led to an open quarrel between (lovernor 
 Armstrong and the missionaries St. Poncy and Chevereaux, which 
 retjuired careful management on account of the powerful influences 
 behind the offenders. 
 
 'I'he Council at Annapolis had informed the Priests, St. Poncy 
 and Chevereaux, that one of them would have to go to Cape Sable 
 to make inquiries into an Indian outrage. This they refused to 
 do, asserting " that they were there on the part of the King of 
 France," and otherwise conducted themselves in so insulting a 
 manner before the Council, that it was resolved they should be 
 dismissed. On being again summoned before the Council they 
 asserted *' that they had no orders to receive here," and other ex- 
 pressions they made use of indicated "independence of His 
 Majesty's authority and the civil power of this, his government." ( • ) 
 
 The outcome of this (juarrel cannot be described without 
 reference to Peres Maillard and le I, outre, who in their corres- 
 pondence with the Seminary of Foreign Missions in I'aris, throw 
 some light on the line of conduct adopted. (^-rtain letters 
 "adroitly intercepted," as recorded by Maillard and hereafter 
 noticed, form a noteworthy feature in the transactions which en- 
 sued, seeming to indicate a settled conspiracy to deceive (lovernor 
 Armstrong, with the object of being prepared for the outbreak of 
 hostilities at any moment, and of using the Indians for that purpose. 
 
 The Lords of Trade transmit to the Secretary of State extracts 
 from Ciov. Armstrong's letter concerning the Priests. "The con- 
 duct of the French Priests mi^'it prove fatal to Nova Scotia in case 
 of a rupture with France." (2) 
 
 (1) N. S. Arch., p. 104. 
 (•-') Can. Aich., 1S94, j). 89. 
 
 4 
 
HISTORICAL GLEANINGS. 
 
 No. III. 
 
 THE FRENCH AS ALLIES OF THE INDIANS. 
 
 Pere St. Poncy de L'Avernade, 
 Pere Antoine Simon Maillard, 
 Pere Louis Despres Le Loutre 
 
 AND THK 
 
 Letters "Adroitly Intercepted." 
 
 The history of the quarrel between Governor Armstrong and 
 Pere St. Poncy de TAvernade not only discloses the objects of the 
 priests sent from the Seminary of Foreign Missions at Paris and 
 the Seminary at Quebec, but it reveals some of the methods 
 adopted. Pere St. Poncy was recommended to (lov. Armstrong 
 by the Bishop of Quebec in 1732, and arrived in that year 
 with Pere Monfils from Louisburg. St. Poncy was appointed to 
 have charge of the Annapolis River; Monfils of Pisiquid. In 1736, 
 St. Poncy's health failing, he wished to return to France, (1) but 
 the people of Cobequid desired to engage him as their priest for 
 twelve months, to which he agreed. Prior, however, to his depar- 
 ture from Annapolis the Council desired either St. Poncy or Pere 
 Chevereaux to go to Cape Sable and make mquiries into the In- 
 dian outrages which had taken place there, with the results already 
 narrated. 
 
 It appears that after communicating with St. Ovide, the Gov. 
 of Isle "oyale, Chevereaux was instructed by St. Ovide to take 
 charge of the Indians at Cape Sable, and St. Poncy was sent hack 
 
 (1) M unlock. 
 
1 
 
 •\ 
 
 50 
 
 to Annapolis Royal. (lOv. Armstrong complained to the Duke of 
 Newcastle about this interference of St. Ovide, mentioning that 
 the Council refused to receive St. Poncy, and had ordered him out 
 of the Province. Armstrong wrote to St. Ovide on the 26th July, 
 1736, that it was not so much for affronting himself and His 
 Majesty's Council that he sent away the two priests, as for their 
 affecting independence and disowning His Majesty's authority in 
 his own Dominions. (I) He stated, further, that he had reported 
 the matter to the home authorities, and that until he received 
 orders he " can neither admit of the return of the two priests nor of 
 any others tainted with such rebellious principles." 
 
 The point of difference was untenable on the part of St. Ovide, 
 hut he replied 8th Oct., 1736, defending ''the conduct of the mis- 
 sionaries who are sent, according to the terms of the Treaty of 
 Utrecht, to administer to the religious wants of the French in- 
 habitants and Indians, and are not subjects of the Kitig" of Great 
 Britain nor under his Jurisdiction.^^ Therefore St. Ovide sent 
 St. Poncy back to his Cure, \^ as ordered by the King of France^ {-) 
 The Ciovernor of Isle Royale took no heed of the restricting clause 
 of the 14th Art. of the Treaty of Utrecht, which says, " So /ar as 
 THE Laws of Great Britain permit." This restriction was 
 subsequently quoted by Mascarene. 
 
 St. Poncy wrote to Governor Armstrong in October, 1 736, that 
 he would present himself to assume his functions at Annapolis. 
 In the same month the Minutes of Council show that it was de- 
 cided, respecting St. Poncy's letter, that he should not be allowed 
 to officiate. On the loth Nov. a petition was received from the in- 
 habitant.'-' for the admission of St. Poncy, and it appears that on 
 the 4th Dec. the Council agreed tc allow St. Poncy to officiate at 
 Annapolis. 
 
 The reply of St. Ovide to Governor Armstrong was a direct 
 statement from the representative of the King of France in Isle 
 Royale, that the prie.sts sent by him to Nova Scotia were in no 
 way under English jurisdiction, not even in civil matters. Their 
 interference in the civil administration of the Province had been 
 
 (I) Can. Arch., 1895, p. 90. 
 
 (•^) Can. Arch., 1894, p. 91. See also Miirdock, p. 517, Vol. I. 
 
51 
 
 the subject of bitter complaints by several of the Governors of 
 Annapolis and of Nova Scotia prior to Armstrong's strong pro- 
 hibitions. 
 
 Four years before this action of St. Ovide, Armstrong had 
 written in very pointed language to the Lords of Trade respecting 
 the interference of the Priests in civil affairs, and urged that the 
 people pleaded the "Laws of Paris." (1) But the garrison at 
 Annapolis Royal was too weak to exercise any influence beyond 
 the range of the cannon of the Fort, and both Priests and Acadians 
 appeared to act as they thought fit, even in civil matters, and the 
 French authorities, as already shown, were unscrupulous and 
 faithless in their international dealings, and secretly fomented strife. 
 
 Before further pursuing this subject it is essential to introduce 
 two new characters who played a very important part in the history 
 of Nova Scotia. 
 
 The Revd. Antoine Simon Maillard 
 
 AND 
 
 The Revd. Louis Despres Le Loutre. 
 
 Pere Maillard, from the Seminary of Foreign Missions at 
 Paris, arrived at Louisburg Aug. 13th, 1735. He was temporarily 
 associated with Pere de St. Vincent, who had charge of the Micmac 
 Missions in Isle Royale and part of Nova Scotia from 1734 to 
 1736, succeeding the Irish priest, Abbe Byrne. (-) 
 
 (1) (iov. Annstroiig to the Lonla of Trade — Annapolis Royal, 10th 
 .Tune, 1732 : — " Without some Statutes tills Province can never he rightly 
 settled ; especially seeing the French here upon every frivolous dispute 
 plead the laws of Paris, and fi'oni that pretended authority contenin all the 
 orders of the (rovernment, and follow the dictates of their Priests and the 
 Bishop of Quebec (or those of Cape Breton), who orders not only the build- 
 ing of Cliurches here, but sends whom and what number of Priests he may 
 tliink proper, and in all other affaim takm the same liberty, etc." — (N. S. 
 Archivex, p. 06). 
 
 (■-) Missionary Priests to the Micmacs in Isle Royale and Acadie 
 (Cape Breton and Nova Scotia) according to documents cited in these 
 "Gleanings" : — 
 
 Abbe (iaulin 1718 
 
 Abbe Courtin 1724 
 
 Abbe Byrne 1733 
 
 Abbe Vincent 1734 
 
 Abbt- Maillard 1735 
 
 Abbe Le Loutre 1737 
 
 I' 
 

 i 
 
 52 
 
 Pere Le I.outre, from the Seminary of Foreign Missions at 
 Paris, arri\ed at I.ouishurg in Oct. 1737. He s[)ent the first win- 
 ter with M. Maillard at Maligaouche ('I'oulouse or St. Peter's) ; 
 the second winter with the Indians at Mu.scjuodoboit and Shuben- 
 acadie ; the third winter he had charge not only of the Indians in 
 Nova Scotia, but of the Acadian parish at Cobeciuid. (U After 
 Le Loutre's arrival, Maillard wrote to the Director of Foreign 
 Missions at Paris, stating: "You intended sending him (I.e 
 Loutre) from Paris to replace M. de St. Poncy, which cannot be 
 easily done this year for lack of a chance ; and it is as well, owing 
 to the great need which the Indians of the Island (Isle Royale) 
 and the Cape have of Missionaries." He consulted with M. de 
 St. Ovide about it, etc., etc. 
 
 On the ist Oct., 1738, Le Loutre wrote that the Oovernor of 
 Isle Royale had changed his destiny, "and instead of Port Royal, 
 where 1 ought to go to re[)lace M. de St. Poncy, he has placed nie 
 at Maligaouche to pass the winter with M. Maillard." In the 
 same letter Le Loutre states that it is determined at Louisburg to 
 ask Mr. Armstrong to wait until next year for a Missionary. {-) 
 He also adds that he has received a polite letter from (Governor 
 Armstrong, expressing his surprise at his delay, and that he cannot 
 understand why he is detained in Cape Breton, as he was intended 
 by his Superiors in Paris to replace M. de St. Poncy, etc., etc. 
 
 The following narrative of the " Intercepted Letters " shows 
 the character of the times in which the transactions recorded took 
 place. Possibly such things, under like relations, would be im- 
 possible or improbable now-a-days. That letters to a Governor of 
 a British Province siiould be "adroitly intercepted " within that 
 Province, in the manner heneafter described by Pere Maillard, and 
 that the deed, enumerating the agents, should l:e communicated 
 by a priest to his Superior, soliciting more than ever his prayers, (•i) 
 
 (1) See Letters from Ahlju Maillatd and A1)1k' Le Loutre, ])ul)lishe(i 
 in the " Canada- Francais"' ; also the unpublished letters of Maillard in the 
 Seminai'y at (^ueliec. 
 
 (2) Letters of Ablx' Le Loutre. 
 
 (8) " Perniettez-moy, Monsieur de nie reconnnander plus (jue jamais 
 h V08 bonnes priin'e.s et ss. sacrifices, et de me dire toute ma vie avec 
 beaucoup de respect et de soumission, 
 
 " Votres tri's iuunble et tres obeissant serviteur, 
 
 "Maillard, Ptrk, miss." 
 
53 
 
 is an anomaly in Christian dealings which could not be tolerated 
 or even understood now-adays. In order to form a proper con- 
 ception how it was permitted to hap])en in 1739, during a time of 
 peace between France and England, it is essential to give atten- 
 tion to three important conditions affecting this period : — 
 
 1st — The laws of France against Protestants. 
 
 2nd — The abuse of " Absolution." 
 
 3rd— The prior efforts and teachings of the French and 
 Jesuits in New England, and what is now the State of Maine. 
 
 Thk Intkrckpted Letters. 
 
 In 1739 (lov. Armstrong was anxiously looking for Pere le 
 I.outre, making many Inquiries about him in Nova Scotia and 
 Isle Royale from officials and others. M. Maillard, in a letter 
 dated Louisburg, 19th Sept, 1739, addressed to the Director of 
 the Seminary at Paris, writes as follows : — ^" V'ou have prophecied, 
 sir, in what you remarked as to Mr. Le Loutre. I have just 
 learned that they are not troubling him any more. I believe that 
 if I had been M. de St. Poncy, I would have soon disarmed Mr, 
 Armstrong, who was not indisposed towards Mr. Le l^outre, but: 
 because he did not receive any of his letters. He truly could not 
 see them because they were adroitly intercepted. I dare not tell 
 you that the Cure of Annapolis Royal (St. Poncy) is suspected 
 of this deed. M. Le Loutre and I think that that is more than 
 prol)able, because it has been reported to us by those who were 
 charged with the conveyance of those letters." 
 
 In the letters of M. L'Abbe Maillard, published in Le Canada- 
 Fran(;ais, April, 1888, the words, " Je n'ose vous dire qu'on a soup- 
 conne le Cure d' Annapolis Rlle. de ce fait." (" I dare not tell 
 you that the Cure ok Annapolis Royal is suspected of this deed ") 
 are by some mischance omitted, and no explanation is given. A 
 number of lines relating to the conduct of the Reverend Fathers 
 Recollect, are also omitted, as well as other revelations subsequent- 
 ly noticed. 
 
 The omission of the words " I dare not tell you that the Cure 
 of Annnpolis Royal is suspected of this deed," abstracts the 
 cogency of Pere Maillard's revelation in his ^ell-tale letter. 
 
 \* I' 
 
 « « 
 
ii> 
 
 54 
 
 Here we have a vital bit of liistory which does not a{)pear in 
 Abbe Maillard's letters as published. The grave import of the 
 confession of Maillard to his Superior in Paris can only be 
 gathered when studied in connection with the record of St. Poncy's 
 treachery a few months later. 
 
 After narrating the method of intercepting Governor Arm- 
 strong's letters, and specifying the reverend perpetrator of the 
 deed, Pere Maillard continues with the statement of a recommen- 
 dation. He says : "I have counselled my colleague (Le Loutre) 
 to go himself to Port Royal ; and to fortify himself beforehand 
 with a letter from M. de Bourville, Lieutenant of the King, and 
 Commandant in the absence of the (lovernor. This is what he 
 has done, and I think he was wise in domg so." 'M 
 
 One would gather from the statement "this is what he has 
 done," that Le Loutre actually visited and saw Governor Armstrong 
 some time in the summer of 1739, but there does not appear to 
 be any other available record that the interview took place, and 
 no historian appears to have noticed the fact. 
 
 Le Loutre had been in the country for two years, and he had 
 spent the winter of 1738 39 with his Indians at Musquodoboit 
 and Shubenacadie. 
 
 Governor Armstrong is alleged to have committed suicide on 
 the 6th Dec, 1739. He was succeeded by John Adams as Presi- 
 dent of the Council, and, after an interval of a few months, by John 
 Paul Mascarene, a Huguenot, born at Castras, in the South of 
 France, in 1684, who was next in authority at Annapolis Royal. 
 
 THE LAWS OF FRANCE AGAINST PROTESTANTS. 
 
 1715-1774. 
 
 It is difficult to understand the groundwork of the policy of 
 the authorities in France, so actively and energetically directing 
 the work of the Missionaries sent out to Isle Royale and Acadie, 
 without studying the contemporary condition of Protestants in 
 France and the measures taken to crush out Protestantism. 
 
 (1) J 'ay concilli a nion confrere de se transporter luy nionie ^ Port 
 Royal ; de se nuinir pourtant auparavant il'une lettre de Mr. de Bourville, 
 lieutenant de Roy ec connnandaut a I'absence du Gouvenieur ; e'est oe qu'il 
 a fait, et je pense qu'il est bien tiouvc." 
 
 
 § 
 
55 
 
 Dr. Baird gives in his recent work (!) a very distressing and 
 humiliating picture of thu sufferings of the Huguenots, together 
 with a dear narrative, supported by original documents, of the 
 frightful persecution Protestants were subjei led to in France dur 
 ing the reigns of Louis XIV and I-ouis XV. 
 
 According to Dr. Baird, on the 8th March, 17 15, Louis XIV 
 issued his final law respecting the Protestants in the form of a 
 Declaration, " The object of the new legislation was to make 
 every Protestant, who in his last illness should refuse the sacra 
 ments of the Roman Catholic Church, liable to the penalties pro- 
 nounced upon persons that had relapsed into heresy. Their 
 bodies were, therefore, liable to be thrown upon a hurdle, dragged 
 through the streets, and finally consigned, as the refuse of the 
 earth, to the filth of the common sewer. Their property was for- 
 feited to the State." 
 
 Pere Louis Antoine Gaulin, who was accessory to the masked 
 attack of the English at Bloody Creek, twelve miles from Anna- 
 polis Royal, and the subsequent attack on Annapolis Royal, in 
 171 1, went to France in 171 7, and returning to Isle Royale in 
 1718, became Missionary to the Micmacs. He was well forti- 
 fied in his antipathy to the Protestant English by the Declaration 
 of Louis XIV. 
 
 During the reign of Louis XV, "From the beginning to tlie 
 end, that relieion, (Protestant), with all its exercises of worship, 
 lay under th^' ban of the law, being denied recognition as even ex- 
 isting in France. Throughout that long space (59 years — from 
 17 15 to 1774), the preaching of the gospel in assemblies, large or 
 small, the administration of the sacraments, and the celebration of 
 marriage according to the Reformed rites, were crimes of the first 
 magnitude ; and every man, woman and child was required, under 
 severe penalties, to conform to the practices of the established 
 church." 
 
 In 1724 a slight alleviation in the law against Protestants was 
 made. The dead bodies of respectable men and women were no 
 longer to be dragged naked through the streets of towns and vil- 
 
 (1) The Huguenots anil The Revocation of the Edict of Nantes — By 
 Henry M. Baird. Vol. I and II ; New York, 189.J. 
 
56 
 
 lagt's upon a hurdle, flung into the common sewer and left to rot 
 as worthless carrion. " Death remained, however, the penalty for 
 the Huguenot preacher. Against the laymen that freciuented the 
 conventicles and those who harbored ministers the prescriptions 
 were as heretofore galleys for the men, shearing of the head and 
 imprisonment for life for the women,"— (Ibid, Vol. II, p. 448). 
 
 (^ueen Anne's letter of June 13th, 17 13, toCleneral Nicholson, 
 (Governor of Nova Scotia, or Arcadie, purchased for the Acadians 
 (then numbering 287 men, 307 women and 979 children) the right 
 for them only to remain in the country, continue her subjects and 
 retain their lands, or remove to Isle Royale or elsewhere, at the 
 price of the liberation of 136 Protestants held as galley f laves in 
 France because they were Protestants. 
 
 Abbe Courtin, who succeeded (laulin as missionary to the 
 Micmacs in Isle Royale in 1724, taught under this French law of 
 merciless persecution. Protestant marriages were declared illegiti- 
 mate under this law, (1) and the children were illegitimate. 
 
 In 1726, an order signed by Louis XV directed that all per- 
 sons taken in the very act of attendance upon Protestant assem- 
 blies or conventicles " should at once be condemned to the galleys 
 or to life-long imprisonment." The Tour de Constance, a prison 
 for Protestant women (1708 to 1768), began to overflow with un- 
 fortunate Huguenot women sent there when their fathers or hus- 
 bands or brothers were condemned for the same or similar offences 
 to serve in the galleys. (2) 
 
 C'ertain intervals of relaxation of the harsh laws against Pro- 
 testants, from 1724 to 1745, led to such an increase of the 
 Huguenots in France that the Roman Catholic clergy became 
 alarmed and presented a " remonstrance " to the king, whereupon 
 a Royal Ordinance was issued on the ist Feb., 1745. "To dis- 
 abuse the Protestants of any illusions respecting his intentions, 
 his Majesty gave notice that, with regard both to preachers and to 
 persons attending the forbidden assemblies, the full measure of 
 punishment meted out by former ordinances would be inflicted, 
 and that men and women known to have been present, even 
 though not arrested on the spot, would be sent, the former to 
 
 (1) See Baiid— Vol. 11, p. 44«. (-') Ihid. 
 
57 
 the galleys, the latter to prison, 'without kokm ok kkiuri: of 
 
 TRIAT..'" (I) 
 
 It is needless to touch upon the " Massacres " related by 1 )r. 
 Baird ; the horrors of the "Tour de Constance," a prison for 
 Protestant women; the "Great Persecution, 1 745-1 752"; they 
 will be found in his elaborate work. 
 
 In such an atmosphere of intolerance and bigotry, Maillard, 
 Le I,outre and others were educated at the Seminary of Foreign 
 Missions at Paris. To the Superior of this Seminary they wrote 
 their leliers from Isle Royale, or Cobequid or Tatamagouche, in 
 the British Province of Nova Scotia. To the Superior of this 
 Seminary they could safely confide that they were practically ac- 
 complices in preventing the English (lovernor from receiving his 
 letters in a time of profound peace and within his own territory. 
 
 But there was a far more important and influential ecclesiastic 
 in Canada trained in the Seminary at Paris, than the Missionaries 
 to the Micmacs. This was no less a personage than Mgr. Dosquet, 
 Bishop of Quebec. Mgr. Dosquet arrived in Quebec as Coadjutor 
 Bishop in Aug. 1729, Mgr. do Mornay, the Bishop, being non- 
 resident. Mgr. Doscjuet was appointed Bishop in 1734, resigned 
 in 1739, and returned to France. He was succeeded by Mgr. de 
 l.auberiviere, who arrived in Quebec in Aug. 1740, and died soon 
 after he '."inded. His successor was Mgr. de Fontbriand, who 
 came to Canada in Aug. 1741 and died 1760. (-) 
 
 From the state of religious feeling in France, as ". ivlicated by 
 the persecution of Protestants during. the reigns of Louis XIV and 
 ],ouis XV, one may gather the import of the teachings of the 
 Missionaries sent among the Indians and the Acadians, together 
 with the hopelessness of making progress with a people who were 
 continually reminded by their spiritual guides of their fealty to 
 their don koi ijk Fkanck, and the potency of their Callican Reli- 
 gion under its specially appointed priests. 
 
 When Le Loutre was plotting his atrocities in Nova Scotia, 
 under the protection of the Seminary in Paris, the Lords of Trade 
 wrote to the Secretary of State (Feb. 1750), "that the French 
 
 (1) Bairtl, Vol. II, p. 479. 
 
 (■-) Kingsford. M. Dostiuet was first a Sulpiciaii. 
 
1 
 
 
 ii' 
 
 58 
 
 Protestants who have taken shelter in Jersey from persecution are 
 in such necessity that if not relieved they must |)erish from want," 
 and the Lords suggested their suitableness as settlers in Nova 
 Scotia. But nothing would induce these poor, persecuted French 
 Protestants, dying of hunger, to go to a country where the King 
 of France's emissaries secretly prevailed. Cornwallis wrote to 
 Hopson that the Missionaries " La Come and Le Loutreare doing 
 such mischief as one nation never attempted against another in 
 time of peace." (C. A., 94, p. 158). Is it to be wondered lluu 
 the fleeing French Protestants in the Islniid of Jersey, with many 
 children among them, although starving, would not go where 
 Louis the Fifteenth's emissaries menaced continually. 
 
 Then there was the abuse of " Absolution " to combat. Col. 
 Vetch mentions, so early as March, 1711, (') that the Roman 
 Catholics and Indians at once obtain absolution from oaths. 
 Again, in 17 14, in a statement to the Lords of Trade, Vetch said, 
 " that on the taking of Nova Scotia, the French inhabitants took 
 the oath of allegiance, but as soon as the troops were withdrawn 
 they were absolved by a [)riest, besieged the I'ort, and did not re- 
 turn to obediencr until peace was restored." (-) 
 
 In 1720 (lov. I'hillips wrote to the Lords of Trade that he 
 " has tried every means to conciliate the Indians, but cannot suc- 
 ceed, so long as the priests give them absolulioii." W In his let- 
 ter to Secretary Oaggs, I'hillips says : " But I am convinced that 
 a hundred thousand (pounds) will not buy them (the Indians) from 
 the French interest while thi! I'riests are among them, who having 
 got in \,ith them by way of religion and brought them to regulai 
 confessions twice a year, they assemble punctually at those times, 
 and receive their absolution conditionally that they be always ene- 
 mies of the English." W Could Indians have a more potcrt 
 reminder suited to their natures than Pere Caulin's significant 
 memorial, the "Cross on the Rocks?" 
 
 In 1740 the Bisho]) of (^)u('l)ec api)oip.tcd Abbe Le Loutre 
 
 (1) C. A., 94, p. 14. 
 
 f-') N. S. Arch., p. .-)(). 
 
 (:<) Ibid, p. 4:1 
 
 (•») N. S. Arch., p. no. 
 
 J* 
 

 59 
 
 Grand Vicar in Acadie. Le Loutre offered to relieve some of tlie 
 Missionaries of the oath they had taken to the English, among 
 whom was Cheveraux, Cure of Mines, who, however, would not be 
 persuaded to violate his oath. (1) 
 
 The efforts and teachings of the French and Jesuits in New 
 England and the country now known as the State of Maine, arc 
 well described in Mr. J. P. Baxter's recent work "The Pioneers 
 of New France in New F:ngland," noticed in the footnote at the 
 close of this chapter, and subseciuently. 
 
 The difficulties of Armstrong and Mascarene only become 
 apparent when we scan the rigorous hostility, based on arrogant 
 religious intolerance, which prevailed in Isle Royale and New 
 France, under the coercive measures of these kings of France. 
 As to the Indians, well styled "Savages," their natures were 
 trained to war, to an " irreconcilable hatred of the F:nglish," and 
 to the kind of Christianity which the edicts and laws of I ,ouis XIV 
 and Louis XV were framed to compel or impose. 
 
 No wonder Covernor Armstrong coi plained that the French 
 here u[)on every frivolous dispute |)lead the laws of Paris. F:ven 
 the Ciovernor of 1-ouisburg, in answer to the stern complaints of 
 Ciovernor Cornwailis in 1749, respecting the atrocious conduct of 
 the missionary I,e Loutre, answered that he was powerless, that 
 he had no control over the Indians "who are ai.i.iks, not sub- 
 jects," and that Le Loutre is responsible to the general govern- 
 ment of New France, having been sent to his nnssion by the King 
 of France. (C. A., 94, [>. 147.) 
 
 THE SUICIDE OF ARMSTRONG. 
 
 The date of Pl-re Maillard's letter, in which he announces the 
 method of adroitly intercepting, by the Cure of Annapolis Royal, 
 the letters intended for Cov. Armstrong, was Sept. 19th, '.739. 
 On the 6'.h Dec, 1739, Cov. .\rmstrong is stated to have com 
 mitted suicide, being "found dead in his bed with i\\o wounds in 
 his breast, and his sword lying carelessly by him." (2) His will 
 
 (1 ) Memoiica .sui J.e Caimda, puMislied hy the Litonii y and Historical 
 Society (»f (^uehot', 1H;w. > 
 
 (•■!) Miudock, Vol. 1, p. ry>l). 
 
 f 
 
6o 
 
 T 
 
 i 
 
 was dated 14th Nov., 1739, only 22 days before his death. At 
 an inquest a verdict of lunacy was brought in. Anxiety, it is 
 alleged, caused by ceaseless troubles, may have been the leading 
 cause of temporary mental derangement. The reasons for some 
 of these ceaseless troubles are found in the ^'■Correspojideiice ge7U'- 
 ra/e" embodied in the Isle Royale abstracts of papers, which 
 disclose preparations for the sudden outbreak of hostilities, the 
 gathering and control of the Indians, and the enlisting of the sym- 
 pathies of the Acadians. 
 
 Dr. Kingsford gives Lieut.-Gov. Armstrong a high character : (1) 
 
 " Annstroiig continued for the following three years to administer 
 his government under these trying circumstances. His lettei's sliow that 
 he had a high sense of duty, and emleavoured to fultil the obligations of 
 his position. Like his predecessors and those who followed liim, he re- 
 ceived no countenance at St. James. I can see no gioi-.nd for the opinion 
 whicli lias been expressed, of tlie , peevisli and melancholy temper of 
 Armstrong. There is no trace in the acts of Ins government of an ill- 
 V)ahuiced mind. There is not a line in his publislied desi)atche8 to suggest 
 that his nature was weak, or one to sink under responsibiliiy. In cases of 
 death similar to his, for Armstrong died by his own hand, it is dithcult to 
 trace the hidden causes wiiicli shatter a strong intellect, and destroy every 
 V, tage of ht)pe. There is no stain on his public career. He was an 
 earnest, efficient officer, in all respects conciliatory, and cannot be accused 
 of harshness of conduct, or of unnecessary severity in the attempt to carry 
 out his orders. His death will ever remain on(i of the problems which are 
 impenetrable : numy such, unfortunately, have to be related, and, as a 
 rule, the record is all that is possible." 
 
 The alleged manner of Armstrong's death deserves further 
 .scrutiny, and a thorough overhauling of all papers bearing upon 
 this tragical event. The Isle Royale abstracts contain no ;-:otiv.o 
 of this important occurrence earlier than 25th Oct., 1740, Major 
 Cosby, with whom he was repeatedly at loggerheads as command- 
 ant of the garrison of about 155 men, ordered the officers to hold 
 an inquest, and they brought in a verdict of lunacy. Mr. Adams, 
 the senior member of Council in the absence of Paul Mascarene, 
 at Boston, assumed the Presidency of the Council and authority 
 as Lieut.-Ciovernor, (Jeneral Phillips being still in England. 
 
 Murdock says:('-i) "Mr. Adams, on the 8th Dec, wrote an 
 
 (1) History of Camula. Vol. Ill, p. 1G7. 
 
 ( -') Vol. I , p. :m. 
 

 6i 
 
 account of this event to the Lords of Trade, to (iovernor Philli^js, 
 
 to Ciovernor Belcher of New England, and to King llould in 
 
 England, etc. 
 
 In the Report on Canadian Archives for 1894, p. 92, there 
 
 is the following abstract with remarks thereon in brackets, — which 
 
 remarks are here printed in italics. 
 
 Annaihu.ts Royal, Dec. S, 1730. — ".John Arlams to tlie Lords of 
 Trade. The <leiit)i of Armstrong l)y his ov n han<l. He ( Adams) has taken 
 the office of President of tlie Conncil. Enclosied are the minutes of tiie 
 Council at which A(hinis assumed tlie office of Pre>ident, as Senior Coun- 
 cillor, and a letter from him, of the 10th, calling attention to the defence- 
 less state of Annapolis." 
 
 *^ (These leMerti, apparently oriijinal, do not npptcar to he mgned hi) 
 AdaniH himnelj, ax may he jndtjed hy romparison with what are nndouhted/.y 
 his own siffnatures, v^hirh are very tremulous, the present letters lieinij sitjned 
 ill a hold,frni hand, the same a-s that in the Iwdy of the fetters.)" 
 
 One can understand the matter of the letters being in one 
 handwriting, Init the signature, "John Adams, etc.," in the same 
 bold hand, differing altogether from John Adams' usual signature, 
 is an anomaly in official correspondence on vital matters affect- 
 ing the (lovernor of the Province, and the Province itself. In 
 March, 1742, Adams wrote from Boston to the Lords of Trade, 
 sending a petition to the king for relief, as he wants "even the 
 necessaries of life." He is blind at the time, and requires an 
 amanuensis, which can not properly account for the signature of 
 his name in another hand than his own. His poverty, his blind- 
 ness, and the utter neglect with which he appears to have been 
 treated, is sad indeed. What was the reason for this neglect ? 
 
 Lieut.-Governor Armstrong has been wrongfully charged with 
 grave misdeeds in the supposed execution of his duties in Nova 
 Scotia, he being at the time quietly sojournmg in England. 
 
 Referring to the punishment of Pere Felix Pain for his com- 
 plicity in the Indian raid on Annapolis Royal during the summer 
 of 1724, it has been alleged that dovernor Armstrong undertook 
 to deprive Felix Pain of his parish, and put Pere Isidore, "an 
 interdicted monk'' (moine frappe d'interdiction (M) in his place, 
 which place Pere Isidore would have retained if the parishioners 
 had not driven him out. (See ante., pages 39, 40, 41). 
 
 (1) Un Pclerinage an Pays d'Kvangeline, p. 70, (A Pilgrimage to the 
 Land of Evangeline.) Onrratje couronnt' par I' Aeailemie Fran^aise. 
 
% 
 
 •ii 
 
 62 
 
 Lieut. -Ciovernor Armstrong arrived direct from England at 
 Canso on the 29th May, 1725, about a year after Pere Isidore was 
 "pushed out of the country." It was Lieut. -Governor Doucett 
 who dismissed Pere Felix, as the published records of Council 
 show. He also appointed Pere Isidore. This mistake is liable 
 to be made unless one carefully distinguishes between the Lieut. - 
 (iovernor of the Fort and of the Province. An instance of this 
 kind of mistake is shown on page 45, where the name of the Lieut.- 
 (iov. of the Fort is inadvertently given for the name of the Lieut.- 
 (lov. of the Province. 
 
 As to this priest being "an interdicted Monk," he was 
 sent to Annapolis Royal in l'"eb., 1724, by Pere Claude Sanquiest, 
 Superior of the Recollects at Louisburg, to be resident priest at 
 Pigiguit (now Windsor). It appears from the citations of Mur- 
 dock, (1) that Major Alexander (x)sby, commanding at Canso, in- 
 formed Lieut. -Ciovernor Doucett that (lencral Phillips, the (Governor 
 of Nova .Scotia, before he left for I^ngland, had requested Pere 
 ( 'laude Sanquiest to select a resident priest for Pisiquid. Sanquiest 
 selected and sent Pere Isidore, who came to Annapolis for ap- 
 proval. It is not ill the least degree likely that the Superior of 
 the Recollects would have sent "an interdicted monk " of his own 
 order. Neither is it probable that if Pere Isidore had been "an 
 interdicted monk," the Vicar-( leneral of the Diocese of Quebec, 
 lAbbe de L'Isle Dieu, would subsequently describe, in an ofificial 
 letter to the French Court, (2) Pere Isidore as "a good old 
 Father, without capacity and a little deaf," and otherwise speak of 
 him in favourable terms as chaplain of the I'^ort at Louisburg. (3) 
 
 It is, however, to be carefully noted that M. St. Ovide, the 
 Governor of Isle Royale in 1727, records that " there are no longer 
 any Recollect Missionaries in Acadie," (4) and he announces the 
 
 (') History of Nova Scotia, Vol. I, p. 407. " . 
 
 (■-') Ta))leau de I'etat des Missions, &c., &c. , pnlilislied in Le Canada- 
 Kranrais. 
 
 (•') "A regard (hi cin(|uit>me, qui est raunionier du Fort, il n'y a 
 uiicun danger d'y lais.ser un l)on vieux Pore Isidore, religieux regulier quoi- 
 (|ue sans capaciti', et d'ailleurs mi ])eii som-d, niais aiine et estinu'- par sa 
 conduite, ce ijui fait (ju'on hii a oontie les fonctions curiales depuis le niois 
 de novenibre, (iuoi(|ue sans talent,"' 
 
 (4) C. A., 1887, p. ccciv. 
 
*.' 
 
 ^>3 
 
 arrival of Missionaries from Quebec. It is more than probable 
 that the Recollects, as a body, were dismissed from Cape Breton 
 after Pere Isidore's honest exposure of the treachery of Peres 
 (laulin and Felix Pain, and that Pere Isidore himself was "inter- 
 dicted " after he had loyally infflrmedihe (iovernment, under whose 
 protection he lived, of the treasonable designs against it. The in- 
 cident seems to point to the all-powerful influence of the Seminary 
 of Foreign Missions at Paris through its enyssaries. The Recol- 
 lects were permitted to return to Isle Royale after some time had 
 elapsed, and Abbe Maillard writes about them bitterly in Monkish 
 Latin, which is not introduced into his letters as they appear in 
 the Canada-Frangais. 
 
 SECRET PREPARATIONS FOR WAR BEFORE THE DEATH 
 
 OF ARMSTRONG. 
 
 Writing from Louisburg, Oct. 30, 1738, M. de Bourville, 
 Commandant of Louisburg, informs the Minister at Paris respect- 
 ing presents to the Indians, and that they are well disposed to- 
 wards the French ; that (lovernor Armstrong is most anxious to 
 have M. Le Loutre, a missionary in Acadia ; on the 4th Nov. he 
 infornis the Minister of the uneasiness of Gov. Armstrong respect- 
 ing M. La Coudalie, cure of Cobequit. (') 
 
 In 1739, M. de Forant, Governor, and M. Bigot, acting In- 
 tendant, write to the Minister informing him that Gov. Armstrong 
 wants to change the missionaries of Acadia. Also of the absolute 
 necessity of revictualling the Colony (Isle Royale), and that it is 
 impossible to hold out in the event of war. Again on Nov. 14th 
 M. de Forant writes respecting the necessity of increasing the number 
 of troops in the case of war, and of rumours of the near approach 
 of war received from Europe ; of the measures to be taken for Isle 
 Royale in the event of war. Thinks the majority of Acadians 
 would be for France. (2) 
 
 On Nov. 1 6th M. de Forant writes from Louisburg to the Minis- 
 ter concerning the necessity of fortifying the port of Toulouse (3) 
 
 (1) IVre La (Joiulalie was ordered out of tlie Province in 1732. N. S. 
 Arcli., page 90. 
 
 ('-) Wai' with Spain was declared in Oct., 1739. War with France in 
 1744. 
 
 (3) .St. Peter's, near to Cluipel Island, C. B., where IVl. Maillard had 
 liis Indian Mission. 
 
64 
 
 in case of war ; about medals for the Indians, and the munitions 
 required. 
 
 Measures Taken Immediately After the Death of Armstrong. 
 
 Early in 1740 the number of French Priests in Nova Scotia 
 was increased from three to six, besides the Indian missionaries. 
 Ranieau de St. Pere gives the disposition of six of these Priests. (') 
 St. Poncy was ordert;^! to Chignecto. 
 
 Pere Vanqnelin, j ^^ ^ Annapclis Royal. 
 
 Ahbe Desceiiclavea, .» ^ 
 
 ' Mines (near v> olfvule. ) 
 
 L'Abln' de Miniac, (Irasd v icar, J 
 
 Pi-re ( iiraid Cobequid (near Truro). 
 
 Pere St. I'oncy, Chignecto (near Anihei-at). 
 
 ' [ lieaubassm (near Amherst). 
 
 Pc'-re ( ierniain, ) 
 
 IJeut. -Governor Mascarene at once issued a proclamation 
 that no ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the Church of Rome was to 
 be allowed, in accordance with the Treaty of Utrecht. Next 
 year he had occasion to report on the trouble caused by the 
 French missionary priests. (Can. Ar:h., 1894.) And in 1742 he 
 pleaded to the Bishop of Quebec, who had sent two priests, in the 
 touching words which follow :• — " I hope, sir, that the distinguished 
 reputation you enjoy in your church, will induce you to prevent 
 the desolation and ruin which the improper conduct of certain 
 missionaries has nearly brought upon the poor inhabitants of this 
 Province." (N. S. Arch., p. 123.) 
 
 It was no doubt deeply humiliating to an English (iovernor 
 to be so neglected by the home authorities that he was compelled 
 to use such imploring language to a foreign ecclesiastic whose 
 emissaries cruelly misu.sed their influence and abused their powers. 
 
 It is distressing to tra';e in their actions and dealings the re- 
 verse either of Christian feeling or true missionary work, and to 
 note the almost inevitable result of efforts ba.sed on political aims 
 which had no moral foundation to rest upon, for while the corres- 
 pondence was going on, two priests, "Charlemaine and Ignace,' 
 were "guilty of Sedition and Treachery." N. S. Arch., p. 124. 
 
 (1) Une ('olonie Keodale. 
 
•4 * 
 
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