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1 2 3

4 5 6

INT

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■""« ""N

MR. QUINCY'S SECO.ND SPEECH,

IN THK HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES.

ON THE REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE
OF FOR'^H^N RELATIONS.
IN REPLY TO THE OBSERVATIONS OF MR. BACON.

Dec. 7. 1808.

Mr. Speaker: —

I OFFER myfelf to the view of this houfe with very fenfible em-
barraflment, in attempting to follow the honorable member from Ten-
neflee (Mr. Campbell)— a gentleman, who holds fo diftinguiflied a fta-
tion on this floor, through thy bl effing, Mr. Speaker, on his talents and
iaduftry. I place myfelf, with much reluflance, in competition with this
our great political .^neas— an illuftrious leader of antiquity, whom in
his prefent relations, and with his prefent projefts, the gentleman from
Tenneflee not a little refembles. Since, in order to evade the ruin im-
pending over our cities, taking my honorable colleague (Mr. Bacon)
by one hand, and the honorable gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Mont-
^ornery) by the other, little lulus and wife Creufa, he is pofting away
mto the woods, with Father Anchifes and all tlie houfehold gods.

When I had the honor of addreffing this houfe, a few days ago, I touch-
ed this famous report of our committee on foreign relations, perhaps, a
little too carelefsly ; perhaps, I handled it a little too roughly, confidering
Is tender age and the manifeft delicacy of its conftitution. But, fir, I
had no idea ofafFe<aing very exquifitely the fenfibilities of any gentleman.
I thought that this was a common report of one of our ordinary commit-
tees, which I had a right to canvafs, or to flight, to applaud, or to cen-
fore, without raifmg any extraordinary concern, either here or elfewhere.
But from the general excitement, which my inconfiderate treatment of
this fubjeft occafions, I fear that 1 have been miftaken. This can be no
mortal frbric, Mr. Speaker. Thh vmjiie that image -which felt donunfrotn
Jupiter—present, or future. Surely, nothing but a being oi celejiial or igin
would raife fuch tumult in minds, attempered like thofe, which lead the
aciuniesojthis hoiife.

Sir, 1 thought, that this report had been a common piece of wood—
" Inutile lignum.'* Sir, juft fuch a piece of wood, as any d;iy labourer
might have hewed out, in an hour had he health and a hatchet. ^>uf
itfeems, that our honorable chairman of the committee of fnrei8:D re'a-
tions, •* maluitesse Deum.'* Well, fir 1 have no obj^flions. If the work-
TOPn will, a God it fhall be. I onlv wifh, that when gentVmen bring
their facred things upon this floor, that they would " blow a trumpet
before them, as the Heathens do." on lachoccaHons, to the end, that all
true believers may prepare themfelvesto adore and tremble, and thai all
unbelievers may turn afid?, and not difturb their devotions.

T afTure gentlemen, that I meant to commit no facrllege. T had no
intention, fir, of canvaffing very ftrialy this report. 1 fnppofed that,
when it had been publifhed and circulated, it had anfwered all the pur-
pofes of its authors, and I felt no difpofition to interfere with thein.-—
But thehoufe is my witnefs, that T am compelled, by the clamour raifed,
on all fides, by the friends of adminiHration, to defcend to particulars,
and to examine it fomewhat minutely.

My honorable colleague, (Mr. Bacon) was pleafed the other day to

affert : Sir, in referring to h's obfervations on a former oc-

cafion, I beg the houfe not to imagine, tV I am about to follow him.--
No, fir, I will neither follow, nor imitate .lim. I hang upon no man's
fkirts. I run barking at no man's heel. 1 canvafs principles and meaf-
mes, folely, with a view to thegrea interefts of my country. The idea
of perfonal viflory is loft, in the total .ibforption of fenfe .md mirJ, in
the importance of impending confequences— I fay. he was pleafrd to af-
fert, that I had dealt in general allegations, aga.ofl this report, without
pointing out any particular obje(5>ion. And the honorable chairman (Mr.
Campbell) has reiterated the charge. Both have treated this alledged
omifllon, with no little afperity. Yet, fir, it is very remarkable, that fo
far from dealing in general allegations, I explicitly ftated my objeamn'^.
The alternatives prefented by the report- war or fufpenfion of our rights,
and the recommendation of the latter, rather than take the nfque of the
former, 1 exprefsly cenfnred. I we i farther— I compared theft alter-
natives with an extraa from an addrefs made by the firft contmenial
congrefs to the inhabitants of Great Biitain, and attempted to fliew, by
way of contraft, what I thought, the difgraceful fplrir of the report-
Yet thefe gentlemen complain, that I dealt in general alleg?tions. Before
I ch.fe, fir, they will have, I hope, no reafon to repeat fuch objeaions.
I truft, I fliall be particular, to their content.

Before entering upon an exam' iatlon of this report, it may be ufetul to
recolleft, how it originated. . • j i j

By the 3d feflion of the 2d article of the conftitution, it is declared,
that the prefident of the United States «' fliall, from time to time, give to
rnncrrefs Information of the ftale of the union, and recommend to their conji-
deration fuck mea/uret zs he {ha.\\ judge necefl'ary and expedient." It is,
then, the duty of the prefident to recommend fuch meafures as m n*s

; of wood —
Iny labourer
\tr.het. P>ut
"oreigD re'a-

If the wnrk-
tVmen bring
w a tram pet

end, that all
, and thai all

•

e. T had no
ppofed ihat,
i all ihe pur-
ivith them. —
imour raifed,
o paiticulars,

other da> to
a fornier oc-
bllow him.—
>on no man's
)les and meaf-
y. The idea
md mirJ, in
pleaffd to af-
port. without
lairman (Mr.
this alledged
:able, that fo
ny objeftionx.
lofoui rights,
; rifque of the
d thefe alter-
ft continental
d to flifw, by
fhe report. —
?tir>ns. Before
ach objeflions.

ay be ufeful to

t is declared,
) time, give to
d to their confu
dient." ^ It is,
ires as in hfe

judgment congrefs ought to adopt. A great crifis is impending over our
country. It is a time of alarm and peril and diftrefs. How has the pre-
fident performed this conlUtuiional duty ? Why — After recapitulating,
in a formal meffage, our dangers and histiials, he expreffeb his confidence
that we (hall " with an unerring regard to the effential rights and interells
of the nation, weigh and compare \hz painful alternatives , out of which a
choice is to be made," and that " the jltertiatiie chofen will be maintained
with fortitude and patriotifm." In this way our chief mageftrate per-
forms his duty. A ftorm is approaching -the captain calls his choice
hands upon deck, leaves the rudder fwinging, and fets the ciew to fcuffle
about alternatives. 'I'his meflage, pregnant with non defcript alternatives,
is received by this houfe. And wliat do we? Why — Conditnte a great
committee of foreign relations, and lell rhsy fhould not have their itten*
tion completely occupied by the prcffing exigencies of thofe with France
and Great-Britain, they are endowed*with the whole mafs ; BritiQi, Sp;in-
ifh and French; Barbaty powers and Indian neighbours, /tnd what
does this committee ? Why — After feven day fcjlemn conclave, they pre-
fent to this houl'e an illuftrious report, loaded with alternatives — nothing
but alternatives . — The cold meat of the palace is halhed and ferved up to
us, piping hot, from our committee room.

In conlidering this report, I Ihall pay no attention to either its begin-
ning, or its conclufion. The former confilh of Ihavings from old docu-
ments, and the latter of bird lime for new cpnverts. The twefth page is
the heart of this report That I mean to convafs. And 1 do aflert,
that there is not one of all the principal pnfitions, contained in it, which
is true, in the fenfe, and to the extent, aitamed by the committee. Let
us examine each feparately.

" Your committee can perceive no other alternative, but abjeft and de-
grading fubmiffion - war with both nations — or a continuance and en-
forcement of the prefent fufpenfion of our commerce." Here is a tri-
forked alternative. Let us confiJer each branch, and Ut if either be
true, in the fenfe affirmed by the committee, i he firll, " abjecfl and de-
grading fubmiflion," takes two things for granted ; that trading, pending
the ediifts of France and Great Britain, is fubmiflion ; and next, thatii is
fubmiflion, in its nature, abjeifl and degrading. Neitlier is true. It is
not lubmiflion to trade,pending thdfe ediiSs, becaufe they do not command
you to trade. I'hey command you not to trade. When you refufe to
trade you fubmit, not when you carry on that trade, as far as you can,
which they prohibit. Again, it is not true that fuch trading is abje(5l and
difgraceful, and that too upon the principles avowed by the advocates of
this report. I rading, while thefe edids are iufpended over our commerce
is fubmiflion, fay thty, becaufe, we have not phyfical force to refift the
power of thefe belligerents ; of courfe, if we trade, we muft fubmit to
thefe rellri(51ions ; not having power to evade, or break through them.
Now, admit for the fake of argument, what however in faft I deny, that
the belligerents have the power to carry into eife*.^ their decrees, io per-

feftly, that by reafon of the orders of Great Britain, we are phyfically
difabled from going to France, and that by the edifts of France, we aie,
in like manner, difabled from going to Great Biitain. If fuch be our
cafe, in relation to thffe powers, the queftion is, whether fubroitting toex-
ercife all the trade, which remains to us, notwithflanding the edifls, is
"abjc{i and degrading"

In the firft place, I obferve, that fubmifllon is not to beings conftituted
as we are always " ahjed and degrading.*' We fubmit to the decrees of pro-
vidence — to the laws of our nature — abfolute weakr efs fubmits to abfolute
powrr — and there is nothing in fuch fubmiflijn, fhameful, or degrading.
It is nodilhonour, for finite, not to contend with infinite. There is no
lofs of reputation, If creatures, fuch as men, perform not impoffibillties.
If, then, it be true, in the fenfe aflerted, by fome of the advocates of this
report, that it is phyfically impoflible for us to trade with France and G.
Britain, and their dependencies, by reafon of thefe edi(Jls, flill there is
nothing " ahjeSi 'r degrading** in carrying on fuch trade, as thefe edifts
leave open to us, let it be never fo fmall, or fo trifling ; which however,
it might he eafily (hewn, as it has been, that it is neither the one, nor the
other. Sir, in this point of view, it is no more difgraceful for us to trade
to Sweden, to China, to the North Weft coaft, or to Spain and her de-
pendencies, not one of which cou'itries is now included in thofe edi<51s,
than it is difgraceful for iis to walk, becaufe we are unable to fly ; no
more than it is fliameful for man to ufe and enjoy the fuiface of this
globe, becaufe he has n(*yt, at his command, the whole circle of nature,
and cannot range, at will, over all the glorious fpheres, which conftitute
the nniverfe.

'1 he gentleman from Tennefiee (Mr. Campbell) called upon us juft
now, to tell him what wa? difjrracfful fubmifllon, if carrying on com-
merce under thefe reftrietitms was not fuch fubmiii:on. I will tell that
gentleman. 'I hat fubmifllon is ** a/yVi? ««</ difgraceful" which yields to
the decrees of frail and feeble power, as though they were irrefiftible —
which takes council of fear, and weighs not our comparative force—
which abandons the whole, at a fummons to deliver up a part — which
Tiiakes the will of otliers tlie meafure of rights, which God and nature,
not only have conftituted eternal and unalienable, but have alfo endued
us with ample means to maintain.

My argument, on this clanfe of the report of the committee, may be
prcfented, in this form. Either the U. States have, or they have not,
phyfical ability to carry on commerce, in defiance of the edicts of both,
or of tiihcr of thtfe nations. If we have not phyfical ability to carry on
the trade,- which they prohibit, then it is no difgrace to exercife that com-
merce, which thefe iirefidiblc degrees permit. If we have fuch phyfical
ability, then, to the degree, in which we abandon that commerce, which
we have riot power to carry on, [is our fubmifllon «« ahj en and difgraceful**

It \'^ V!i°l(Jinn' vvifllOPt' n»i!r»<<-l^ T, lo fU >•.!£■>!_— — .. :_U.._ ^^a. U^ — »,.A. •..<>

_u i„ ^ ;...u...j^, vi iiij.is.v 111 vi^c^j,,. x\ io idti iiivirtji OuJ i}i;!'i-3,ii"i uec.%uit v»u

iiave not force, but becauf.' we have not fpirit, to maintain them. It is

are phyfically
ranee, we aie,
f fuch be our
bmitting toex>
2; the edi£ls, is

igs constituted
decrees of pro-
nits to abl'dute
or degrading.
There is no
impofflbilities.
Ivocates of this
•"ranee and G.
s, Hill there is
IS thefe edifts
/hich however,
le one, nor the
for us to trade
1 and her de-
in thofe edidls,
ible to fly ; no
fuiface of this
rcle of nature,
rhich conftitute

:d upon us juft
rrying on com*
I wiU tell that
which yields to
re irrefiftible—
arative force—
1 a part — which
lod and nature,
ive alfo endued

nittee, may be
they have not,
e edidsofboth,
lity to carry on
ercife that com-
e fuch phyfieal
mmerce, which
%nd di (graceful**
i,not ucc^uie we
,in them. It is

in this point of view, thnt I am dlfguflcd with this report. It al.jiires,
wh'.t it recnmnie'icls. It declaims, in heioics, againll fubmiillon, and
proprofes, in ciecping profe, a tnnie and ftivile fubfervicncy.

it cannot be concealed, let gentlemen try as much as they will, that
we can trade, not only with one, but with boih thefe belligerents, not-
withftanding tiiefc relhiaive decrees. 'Ihe rifk to G Britain againft
French capture, fcarcely amounts to two per cent, 'i hat to Fr.^ncea-
gainft G. Britain is, unqueftioniably, much greater. But what is that to
us ? It is not our fault, if the power of Britain on the occin is fiiperioj-
to that of Bonaparte. It is equal and c\a^ juliite, between both nations,
for us to trade, with both, as far as it is in »)ur power. Great as the pow-
er of Bntain is, on the ocean, the enterprize -md intrepidity of our nier-
chants, arc mote than a match for it. Ihey will get your p;odiK<>s !o
the ; ontinent, in Ipite of her navy. But fiippofe they do not ? iinppoio
they fail, and are captured in the attempt ? What is that to us ? Af-
ter we have given them full notice of all their dangers, and perfeft warn-
ing, either of our inability, or of our determination not to proteft them.
If they taKe the rifque, it is at their peril- And upon whom decs the
lofs fall ? As it does now, through the operation of your embargo, on
the planter, on the farmer, on the mechanic, on the day laborer ? No,
fir On the infurer, on the cipitalift, on thofe, who in the fuUcxercife
of their intelligence, apprifed of all circumllances, are willing to take the
hazard, for the fake of the profit.

I will illuftrate my general idea, by a fuppofitlon. There are two
avenues to the ocean, from the harbour of New York ; by the narrows
and through Long I (land Sound. Suppofe the fleets, both of France and
Great Brit-in, Ihould block up the Narrows, fo th-.:to pafs them, would
be phyfically impoflible, in the relative ftate of our naval iorce. Will
gentlemen ferioully contend that there would b^ .ny thing '< ahje^or dif-
eractfur if the people of New York, Ihould fubmit carry on tlieir trade
through the Sound? Would the rem. dy, for this interference with
our lights be abandoning the ocean altogether ? Again. Suppofe that
inltead of both nations blockading the f^ime, each ftiould flation its force
at a different one. France at ihe mouth of the Sound, Britain at the
Narrow-. In fuch cafe, would ftaying at home, and refufing any more
to go upon the fea, be cxercife of independence in the citizens of New-
York ? Great philofophers may call it ♦' digtitfted rst'irevient?' if they
will I call it, and I am miftaken, if the people would not alfo call it,
" hafe and ahjeafubmifiou.** Sir. What, in fuch a cafe, would be true
honour. Why. To confider well which adverfary is weakeft and cut
our way to our rights, through the path, which he obftruas. Having
removed the fmaller impediment, we (hould return, with courage,
ftrengthened by trial and animated by fuccefs, to the relief of our rights,
from the prefTure of the flrongeft affailanl. But all this is war. And
«.-,« :^ n-"fr f^ ^>'» •»>'-"»-*-'"^ Tf tb'S be fl'** national nrincinle. Avow tt.

—Tell your meichants you will not protedl them. But for heaven's Take

do not deny them the power of relieving their c^m and the nation's bur-
dens, by the exercife of their own ingenuity. Sir. Impaffable as tUe
barriers, offered by thefe edidls are in the cftimation of members on this
floor, the merchants, abroad, do not ellimate them as infurmountable —
Their anxiety to rifque their property, in defiance of them is full evidence
of this. 'J'he great danger to mercantile ingenuity is internal envy, the
CO lofion of weaknefs, or prejudice. Its external hazard is ever infinite-
ly fraaller. That praflical intelligence, which this clafs of men pofTeffes,
beyond any other, in the community, excited by felf intereft, the ftrongeft
of human paflions, is too eladic to be confined, by the limits of txterior
human powers, however great or uncommon. Build a Chinefe wall, the
wii of your merchants, if permitted freely to operate, will break through
it, or everleap it, or undercreep it.

niille ;i(ldr catenas

Lfl'uigiot taiiH'ii, lur.c scelcratus vincula
Proteus.

The fecond branch ot the alternatives, under confideratlon, is equally de-
ceptive. " /'{''ar 'With both natiout.'* Can this ever be an alternative ?
Did you ever read in hiftory, can you conceive in fancy, a war with two
nations, each of whom is at war with the other, without an union with
one, againft the other, immediately refuking ? It cannot exill in ;iature.
The very idea is abfurd. It never can be an alternative, whether we
Ihall fight two nations, each iiodile to the other. But it may be, and, if
we are to fight at all, it is a very ferious queftion, which of the two we
are to fcleft a^an advetfary As to the third branch of thefe celebrated
alternativi.s, " a continuance and enforcement sfthe prefentfyftem of commerce**
i need not Ipend time to (how that this does not include all the alterna-
tives, which exift under this head. Since the committee immediately
admit, that there does exill another alternative, '' partial repeal^** about
which they proceed to realbn. ^ , .^r %

The report proceeds. " Thtfirft'' (abjea; and degrading fubmilfion)
" canmt require any diiCuffionV Certainly not. Submifllon of that qual-
ity, which the committ e alTume and with the epithets of which, they
choofe to iiiveft it, can never require difcufllon at any time. But wheth-
er, trading under thefe orders and decrees, be fuch fubmiffion, whether
we are not competent to reliit them, in part, if not in whole, without a to-
tal abondoniTient of the exercife of all our maritime rights, the compar.
itive effofts of the edl^sof each, upon our commerce, and the means we
poOefs to influence or control either, are alt fair anJ proper fubjedtsof
difcuffion. So ne of which the committee have wholly negleded, and
r^.one of wliich have they examined, as the houfe had a right to expeft.

Thecommitte proceed, " to difipnte thf illufion,'" that there is any
♦' middle courte,*- and tore affert the pofition before examined, that"//;tfr^
// no other alternative then lujr nvith both natiom, er a continuance of the pre-
Hnt iydem. — i his pnfition incy undcfiakc lo lupp'it t.-; ltt- ,i..v...^-..^•
Fira, that " ly^ar ivlth one of the belligerents only nuou'd be vibmifon to the

nation's bur-
>afrable as the
mbers on this
mountable —
; full evidence
nal envy, the

ever infinite-
men pofTefTes,
, the (Irongeft
s of exterior
inefe wall, the
reak through

is equally de-
alternative ?
/ar with two
11 union with
ill in nature,
whether we
ly be, and, if
if the two we
life celebrated
of commerce**
il the alterna-
immediately
'epsaly" about

r fubmillion)
if that qual-
which, they
But wheth-
[lon, whether
without a to-
the compar.
he means we
er fubjeftsof
iglefled, and
;htto expeft.
there is any
d, that " there
tee of the pre -
V ) aflfertions.
hm'ijp'in to th:

edUh and nuill of the othr." Second, that " repeal, in nvhofe or in pari, of
the emhar^o, tfmfi neceftrih benuar, or jubmij/ion."

A s to the fit ft afTcrtion, it is a miferable fullacy confounding cnincidence
of intereft, with i, fiibjeition of will ; thin,G:s, in their nature, palpably dil-
tinft. A man may <^r> what another v/ills, nay, what he commands,
and not aft in fubmifllon to his will, or in obedience to iiis command. —
Our intereft, or duty may coincide witk the line of condud another pre-
fumes to prefcribe Shall we vindicate our independence, at the expence
of OUT focial or moral obligations ? I exemplify my idea, in this way.
Two bullies befet your door, from which there are but two avenues. —
One of rhem forbids you to go by \he left, the other forbids you to go
by the ri^ht avenue. ICach is willing thaf you fliould pafs by the way,
wliich he permits. In fuch cafe, what will you do ? Will you keep houfe
forever, rather than make choice of the path through which you will re-
fume your external rights ? You cannot go bv;)th ways, at once, you muft
make your eleiftion. Yet, in making fuch eledlion, you muft, neceffarily
coincide with the wifnes, and aft according to the commands of one of
the bullies. Yet who, before this committee, ever thought an eleftion of
one of two inevitable courfes made under fuch circumftances, " abje(fl and
deg^rading fubtfiijfion,'* to the will of either of the afl*ailants. The fecond
alTertion, that *'-repeal,in'whole,ori)tpartofthe efubargo muji neceJJ'arHy he ■
<war or fuhmifion,^^ the committee proceed to maintain, by feveral fubfidia-
ry aflertions. Firft - ** /t gene'- al repeal, ivithonl anning nvoitld befuhinijfioii
to both nations'^ So far fiom this being true, the reverfe is the faft, it
would be fubmifllon to neither. Great Britain does not fay '• you fliall
trade with me." France does not fay *♦ you (hall trade with me " If
this was the language of their edifts, there might be fome canfe for the
aflertion of the committee, if we trade with either, we fubmit. '\ he
edifts of each declare you (hall not trade with my adverfary. Our fer-
vile, knee crooking, embargo fays ''ycu fliall, therefore, not trade." Can
any fubmiffion be more palpable, more "abje't, more dif^nceftl !" A
general repeal without arniinj; would be only an exercife of our natural
rights, under the pioteftion of our mercantile ingenuity, and not under
that of phyfical power Whether our merchants fliall arm or not, is a
queftlon of poli'ical expediency, and of relative force. It may be very
true, that we can fight our way to neither country, and yet it may be al-
fo very true, that we may cart y on a very important commerce wi;h
both. The ftrengih of tlie national arm may not be equal to contend
with either, and yet the wit of our merchants m ly be an over match torthe
edifts of all. 'I'he qneftion of arming or not arming, has reference only
to the mode, in which we (hall beft enjoy our rights, and not at all to the
quality of the aft of trading, dujing thefe edifts. io exercile commerce is
our abfolute right If we arm, we may pofTibly extend the field, beyond
that which mere ingenuity, would open to us. Whether the extenfion,
thus required, be worthy of the rifqiie and cxpcncc is a fair qneftion. =-
But decide it either way, how is trading as far as we have ability, made
more abjeft, than not trading at all V

I come to the fecond fubfidiary aflertion. ^^ A general repeal and arming
cf merchant veffeli, ivonld be nvar mjith both, and nvar of the ixiorj} kind,fuffer'
ing the enemies to plunder ut, nuithout leialiation upon them**

1 have before cxpofed the abfiirdity of ;i war with two belligerents,
each hoftile to the other. It cannot be true therefore, that '* a general re
peal and arm'ing our merchant 'vessels,** would be fuch a war Neither if war
rcfultcd, would it be **ivar of the ivorst kind." In my humble apprehen-
fion, ii war, in which our enemies are permitted to plunder us, and our
merchants nr^t permitted to defend their property, is fomewhat worfe
than a war like this ; in which, with arm-, in ilicir hands our brave fea-
mcn might fometimes prove too (Irong for their piratical a(fail.mts. By
the whole amount of property, which we might be able to preferve, by
thcfe means would fuch a war be better than that in which we are now
engaged. For the committee alfure us Ip^tge 14] that the aggrefllons,
to which we a.e fubjecft, *' are to all intents and purposes^ a maritime wnr,
'Waged by both nations against the United States."

The laft affertion of the committee, in this mofl; mafterly page is, that
" a partial repeal miat, from the situation of Europe, necessarily be actual sulnnis'
sion to one of the aggressors, and nvar 'with the other." In the name of com-
mon feufe how can this be true ? The trade to Sweden, to Spain, to
China, are not now affeded by the orders or decrees of either belligerent.
How is it fubmifllon then, to thefe orders for us to trade to Gottenburgh,
when neither France nor Britain command, nor prohibit it ? Of what
confequcncc is it to us, in what way the Gottenburgh merch-mt difpofes
of our products, alter he has paid us our price ? I am not about to de-
ny, that a trade to Gottenburgh would defeat the purpofe of coercing
Great-Britain, through the want of our fupplies. But I reafon on the
report upon its avowed principles. If gentlemen adhere to their fyftem
as a mean of coercion, let the adminiftraton avow it as fuch, and fupport
the fyftem, by arguments, fuch as their friends ufe every day on this
floor. Let them avow as thofe friends do, that this is our mode of hof-
tility againft Great Britain. That it is better than " ball and gunpow-
der." Ixt them Ihow that the means are adequute to the end ; let them
exhibit to us beyond the term of all this fufl'cring, a happy falvation,
and a glorious vidlory, and liie people may then fubmit to it, even with-
out murmur. But wliiie adminillration fupport their fyftem only as a
municipal regulation, as a mean of liifety and prefervation, thofe, who
canvafs their principle are not called upon to conteft witli them on
ground, v.'hich not only they do not take, but which officially they difa-
vow. As partial repeal Avould not be fubmiflion to either ; fo alfo it
would not be war with eitlier. A trade to Sweden would not be war
with Great Btltain, that nation is her ally, and flie permits it, nor with
France, though Sweden i^ her enemy, fhe does not prohibit it. Ah ! but
fay the crmmittee \_poge \y\ '* ^ measure 'which nvculd supply exclusii'ely, one
of the belligerents, "wrtdd be 'War 'with the other." This is the ftate fecrec ;
this is the mafter key to the whole policy. You muft not only do what

/ and anning
ft kindf/uffer-

bclHgerents,
'• (} qcnrral n-
leither if war
le apprehen-

us, and our
lewhat worfc
Lir hnive fea-
failants. By

piclerve, by
I we are now
; aggrefllons,
viaritme wnr,

page is, that

actual sulmiis'
ame of com-

to Spain, to
;r belligerent,
[jottenburgh,
t? Of what
rh'int difpofes

about to de-
is of coercing
eafon on the
1 their fyftem
, and fupport
day on this
mode of hof-
and gunpow-
md ; let them
py falvation,

it, even with-
em only as a
1, thofe, who
^'ith them on
illy they difa-
r ; fo alfo it
J not be war

it, nor with
t it. Ah ! but

cxclus'i'vely, one
I ftate fecret ;
only do what

the letter of thcfe orders prohibits, but you muft not fin agalnft the
fpirit of them. The great purpofe is to prevent your produfts from
getting to our enemy, and to efFeft this you muft not only fo aft, as to
obey the terms of the decrees, but keeping the great purpofe of them
always in fight, you muft extend their conftruftion to cafes, which
they cannot by any nde of reafon be made to include.

Sir, I have done with this report. I would not have fubmitted to
the tafk of canvafflng it, if gentlemen had not thrown the gauntlet with
the air of fturdy defiance. I willingly leave to this houfe and the na-
tion, to decide whether the pofition I took in the commencement of my
argument is not maintained ; that there is not one of the principal po-
fitions, contained in this twelfth page, the heart of this report, which is
true, in the fenfe and to the extent affumed by the committee.

It was under thefe general imprefiions that I ufed the word ** loath-

fomcy* which has fo often been repeated. Sir, it may not have been a

well chofen word. It was that which happened to come to hand firft.

1 meant to exprefs my difguft, at what appeared to me a mafs of bold

afiiimptions, and of ill cemented fophifms.

I faid, alfo, that *' the Ipir'tt^ 'which it breathed, ivat dijgrace/ul.** Sir,
I meint no reflexion upon the committee. Honeft men and wife men
may miftake the charadler of the fpirit, which they recommend, or by
which they are aftuatcd. When called upon to reafon, concerning that
which by adoption, is to become identified with the national character,
I am bound to fpeak of it as it appears to my vifion. I may be mii'
taken. Yet I afk the queftion. Is not the fpirit which it breathes dis-
graceful ? lb it not Jifgraceful to abandon the exercife of all our com-
mercial rights, becaufe our rivals interfere with a part ; not only to re-
frain from exercifing that trade, which they prohibit, but for fear of
giving ofi'ence, to decline that which they permit ? Is it not difgraceful,
after inflammatory recapitulation of infults, and plunderings and burn-
ings, and confifcatlons, and murders, and actual war made upon us, to
talk of nothing but alternatives, of general declarations, of ftill longer
fufpenfion of our rights and retreating farther out of " harm's way ?'*
If this courfe be adopted by my country, I hope I am in error, concern-
ing its real character. But to my fenfe, this whole report is nothing
elfe than a recommendation to us of the abandonment of our elfential
rights, and apologies for doing it.

Before I fit down, I feel myfclf compelled to
tions, which have been made in diflFerent quarters
remarks, which at an early ftage of this debate,
fubmitting to its confideration. My honourable colleague (Mr. Bacon)
was pleafed to reprefent me as appealing to the people, over the heads
of the whole government, againil the authority of a law, which had not
only the fanction of all the legiflative branches of the government, but
alfo of the judiciary. Sir, I made no fuch appeal. I did not fo much
us threaten" it. T admitted exprefsly, the binding authority of the law.

notice fome obferva-
of this houfe on the
I had the honour of

But I claim a right which I ever will claim and ever will exeicifc, to
ur^e, on this floor, my opinion of the unconftitutionality of a law, and
my reafons for that opinion, as a valid ground for its repeal. Sir, I
will not only do this, I will do more. If a law be, in my apprehenfion,
dangerous in its principles, ruinous in its confequences, above all, if it be
unconftitutional, I will not fail, in every fair and honourable way, to
awaken the peoole to a fenfe of their peril, and to quicken them, by the
exercife of their conftitutional privileges, to vindicate themfelves and
^/ofterity from ruin.

My honorable colleague (Mr. Bacon) was also pleased to refer to me an
a man of divi.sion,<i and distinction^^ waifing war nvilh adverb" a7id dealing
in Jiffure.tr Sir, I am sony that my honorable colleague should stoop
« froin his pride of place," at such humble game, as my poor style pre-
sents to him. Certainly, Mr. Speaker, 1 cannot but coniess, that " deem-
ing high," of this station, which I hold ; — standhig, us it were, in the
awful presence of an assembled people, I am more than ordinarily anx-
ious, on all occasions, to select the best thoughts, hi my narrow store-
house, and to adapt to them, the most appropriate dress, in my intellectual
wardrobe. I know not, whether, on this account, I am justly oljnoxious
to the asperity of my honorable colleague. But on the subject of figures,
Mr. Speaker, this I know, and cannot refram from assuring this house,
that as, on the one hand, I shall, to the extent of my humble talents, al-
ways be ambitious, and never cease striving, to make a decent figure on
this floor, so on the other, I never can be ambi':ious, but on the contrarv,
shall ever strive, chiefly, to avoid, cuttuig a figure like, my honorublo
colleague.

The gentleman from Georgia, (Mr. Troup,) the other day, told this
house, that if com.mercc were permitted, such was the slate of our for-
eign relations, none but bankrupts would carry on trade — Sir, the honor-
able gen leman has not attained correct information, in this particular.
I do not believe that I state any thing aboTC the real fact, when I say, that
on the day this legislature assembled, one hvindred vessels, at least, were
lying in the diflerent ports and harbours of New-England, loaded, riding
at single anchor, reudy and anxious for nothing so much, as for your leave
to depart. Certainly, this does not look n\uch like any doubt, that a field
of advantageous commerce woidd open, if you would unbar the door, to
our citizens. That this was the case, in Massachusetts, I know. Before
I left that part of the country, I had several applications, from men, who
stated that they had property in such situations, and soliciting me to give
them the earliest infoi-malion of your probable policy. The men so ap-
plying, Sir, I can assure the house, were not bankrupts ; but intelligent
merchants, shrewd to perceive their true interests ; keen to pursue them.
The same honourable gentleman was also pleased to speakof "a/za/^ry trade
hi/iofafth and co(i^s/i," and to refer to me, as the representali'-e of men, who
raised " detf and /lorf:, and butter and cheese, and potatoes and cabbages.'*
Well, Sir, I contcss tiic fact. I urn the representative, in part, of men, the

exercife, to
a law, and
leal. Sir, I
)prehenrion,
e all, if it be
)le way, to
lem, by the
nfelves and

fer to me ufi
and (Icclinff
houkl stoop
or style pre-
that "deem-
vere, in the
dhmrily anx-
Lirrow store-
s' intellectuul
ly oljnoxioua
ct of figures,
this hou'je,
le talents, ul-
nt figure on
he contrary,
y hoiiorubio

ay, told this
! of our for-
', the honor-
s particular,
en I say, that
It least, were
oaded, riding
Dr your leave
t, that a field
• the door, to
low. Before
m men, who
g me to give
i men so ap-
it intelligent
pursue them,
a paltry tvadc
of men, who
id cabbagcfi.^*
t, of men, the

products of whose mdustry are beef and pork, and butter and cheese, and
potatoes and cabbages. And let me tell that honourable gentleman, that
I would not yield the honour of representing such men to be the repre-
sentative of all the growers of cotton, and rice, and tobacco, and indigo,
m the whole world. Sir, the men, whom I represent, not only raise these
humble articles, but they do it ivith the labour of their own hands, with the
eweat qfthtir own brows. And by this, their habitual mode of hardy in-
dustiy, they acquire a vigour of nerve, a strength of muscle, and a sp'rit
and intelligence somewhat characteristic. And let me assure that hon-
ourable gentleman, that the men of whom I speak, will not, at his call, nor
at the invitation of any set of men, from his quarter of the union, un-
dertake to " drive one another into the ocean.'* But, on the contrary
\yhenever they once realise, that their rights are invaded, they will unite,'
like a band of brothers, and drive their enemies there.

The honourable gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Johason,) spe- '.dnp
of the embargo, said, that this was the kind of conflict, which our fathers
waged ; and my honourable colleague (Mr. Bacon) made a poor attempt
to confound this policy, with the non-intercourse and non-importation
agreement of 1774 and 1775. Sir, nothing can be more dissimilar. The
non-intercourse and non-importation agreement of that period, so far from
destroying commerce, fostered and encouraged it. The trade with
Crreat-Britain, was indeed, voluntarily obstructed, but the enterprize of
our merchants found a new incentive in the commerce with all the other
nations of the globe, which succeeded immediately on our escape from
the monopoly of the mother country. Our navigation was never sus-
pended. The field of commerce, at that period, so far from being blast-
ed by pestiferous regulations, was extended by the effect of the restrictions
adopted.

But, let us grant all they assert. Admit, for the sake of argument,
that the embargo, which restrains us now from communication with all
the world, is precisely synonymous with that non-intercourse and non-
importation which restrained us, then, from Great-Britain. Suppose the
war, which we now wage with that nation, is in every respect the same,
as that, which our fathers waged with her in 1774 and 1775. Have we,
from the effects of their trial, any lively hope of success, in our present
attempt ? Did our fathers cither effect a change in her injurious policy,
rjr prevent a war, by non-importation and non-intercourse ? Sir, they did
neither the one nor the other. Her policy was never changed, until she
had been beaten on our soil, in an eight year's war. Our fathers never
relied upon non-intercourse and non-importation, as measures of hostile
coercion. They placed their dependence upon them, solely, as means of
pacific influence among the people of that nation. The relation, in which
this country stood, at that time, with regard to Great-Britain, gave a
weight and a potency to these measures, then, which in our present re-
lation to her, we can neither hope, nor imagine possible. At that period
we|were her colonies, a part of her family. Our prosperity was essentially
hers. So it was avowed, in this countr)--~So it was admitted, in Grear

i)e

! I

i 1

}

I iii

Britain. Every refusal of intercourse, Avhich had a tendency to show the
importance of these, then, colonies to the parent country, of the pait, to
the whole,was a natural and a wise means of givmg weight to our remon-
sti-ances. We pretended not to controul, but to influence, by making her
feel our importance. In this attempt, we excited no national pride, on
the other side of the Atlantic. Our success was no national degradation,
for the more we developed our resources and relative weight, the more
we discovered the strength and resources of the British power. We
were, then, component parts of it. All the meas^ures of the colonies, an-
tecedent to the declaration of independence, had this principle tor its
basis. As such, non-importation and non-intercourse were adopted, in
this country. As such, they met the co-operation of the patriots of Great
Britain, who deemed themselves deviating from none of their national
duties, when they avowed themselves the allies of American patriots, to
drive through the influence of the loss of our trade, the mhiistry from
their places, or their measures. Those patriots did co-operate with our
fathers, and that openly, in exciting discontent, under the effect of our
non-intercourse agreements. In so doing, they failed in none of their
obligations to their sovereign. In no nation, can it ever be a failure of
duty to maintain, that the safety of the whole depends on preserving its
due weight, to every part. Yet, notwithstanding, the natural and little
suspicious use of these instruments of influence, notwithstanding the zeal
of the American people coincided, with the views of the Congress, and a
mighty party existed in Great Britain openly leagued, with our fathers,
10 give weight and effect to their measures, they did not effect the pur-
poses, for which they were put into operation. The British policy was
not abandoned. War was not prevented. How, then, can any encour-
agement be drawn, from that precedent, to support us under the priva-
tions of the present system of commercial suspension ? Can any nation
admit that the trade of another is so important to her welfare, as that, on
its being withdrawn, any obnoxious policy must be abandoned, without at
the same time admitting that she is no longer independent ? Sn-, I could
indeed wish that it were in our power, to regulate, not only Great Britain,
but the whole world, by opening or closing our ports. It would be a
glorious thing for oiu' country to possess such a mighty weapon ot of-
fence. But, acting in a public capacity, with the liigh responsibilities,
resulting from the great interests, dependant upon my decision, I cannot
yield to the wishes of love sick patriots, or the visions of teenung enthu-
siasts. I nmst see the adequacy of means to their ends. I must sec,
not merely that it is very desirable that Great Britahi should be brought
to our feet, by this embargo, but that there is some likelihood of such a
consequence, to the measure, before I can concur, in that universal dis-
tress and ruin, which, if much longer continued, will inevitably result
ft-om it. Since, then, every dictate of sense and reflection convmces me
of the utter futility of this system, as a mean of coercion, on Great Bri-
tain, I shall not hesitate to urge its abandonment. No, Sir, not even, al-
though like others, I should be assailed, by all the terrors ol the outcry
of British influence.

to show the
the pait, to
our remon-
mtikint^ her
lal pride, on
det^radation,
it, the more
power. Wc
colonies, an-
iciple for its

2 adopted, in
riots of Great
:heir national
m patriots, to
ninistry from
.ite with our
effect of our
none of their

3 a failure of
►reserviniif its
ral and little
ding the zeal
ngress, and a
h our fathers,
ffbct the pur-
h policy was

any encour-
er the priva-
n any nation
re, as that, on
ed, without at
? Su', I could
Great Britain,
t would be a
i^eapon of of-
sponsibilities,
sion, I cannot
eniing enthu-
I must sec,
d be brought
od of such a
universal dis-
vitably result
convinces me
on Great Bri-
, not even, al-
of the outcry

Really, Mr. Speaker, I know not how to express the shame and dis-
gust, with which I am filled, when I hear language of this kind cast out
upon this floor, and thrown in the faces of men, standing, justly, at no
mean height, in the confidence of their countrymen. Sir, I did, indeed,
know that such vulgar aspersions wci-c circulating among the lower pas-
sions of our nature. I knew that sucli vile substances were ever temper-
ting between the paws of some printer's devil. I knew that foul exhala-
aons, like these, daily rose, in our cities, and crept along the ground, just
is high as the spirits of lampblack and saline oil could elevate ; falling,
soon, by native baseness, into oblivion, in the jakes. I knew, too, that
this species of party insinuation, was a mighty engine, in this quarter of
the country, on an election day, played off', from the top of a stump, or
the top of a hogshead, while the gin circulated, while barbecue was roast-
ing ; in those happy, fraternal, associations and consociations when those
who speak, utter without responsibility, and those, v/ho listen, hear with-
out scrutiny. But little did I think, that such odious shapes would dare
to obtrude themselves, on this national floor, among honourable men ;
the select representatives, the confidential agents, of a wise, a thoughtful^
and a virtuous people. I want language to express my contempt and in-
dignation, at the sight.

_ So far as respects the attempt, which has been made to cast such asper-
sion on tluit part of the country which I have the honour to represent, I
beg this honorable house to understand, that so long as they, who 'circula-
ted such insinuations, deal only in generals and touch not particulars, they
may gam, among the ignorant and the stupid, a vacant and a staring au-
dience. But when once these suggestions are brought to bear, upon
those individuals, m ho, in New England, have, naturally, the confidence
ol their countrymen, there is no power in these calumnies. The men,
who now lead the influences of that countiy, and in whose councils, the
people, on the day, when the tempest shall come, will seek refuge, are
men, whose stake is in the soil, whose interests are identified, with those
of the mass of their brethren, Avhose private lives and public sacrifice?
present u never failing antidote to the poison of malicious invectives. On
such men, Sir, party spirit may, indeed, cast its odious filth, but there is
a polish, in their virtues, to which no such slime can adhere. They are
owners of the soil ; real yeomanry ; many, of them men, who led in the
councilsofour country, in the dark day, which preceded national inde-
{)cHdcnce ; many of them, men, who, like my honourable friend, from
Connecticut, on ray left, (Col. Talmage) stood foremost, on the perilous
edge of battle , making their breasts, in the day of danger, a bulwark
tor then- country.

Irue it is, Mr. Speaker, there h another, and a much more numerous
class, composed of sucji, as, through defect of age, can claim no share in
the gloncs of our revolution ; such, as have not yet been blest with the
happy opportunity of « plaving the man" for their country ;— Generous
Vwl "I \*^"^f"^";\*^"'<^^ ;— jVIen, not to be deterred, from fulfilling the
j!?'" ";^''S^^'05i!i they owe to thi:> people, by the sight of these foul and
offensive weapons. Men, who, with little experience of their own to
bnast, will fly to the tombs of their fathers, and questioning, concerning

■»-•

their duties, the spirit, wliich hovers there, will no more shrink from
maintaining their native rights, through fear of the sharjvness of malevo-
lent tongues, than they will, if put to the trial, shrink from defending
them, through fear of the sharpness of their enemies' swords.

■".»"'*

• %.

c. y

^^*'

1) shrink from
less of malcvo-
•oin defending
['ds.

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