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T II F. 
 
 PROPOSED B. N. A. CONFEDERATION: 
 
 A REPLY 
 
 TO 
 
 MR. PENNY'S REASONS 
 
 WHY IT SHOULD NOT BE IMPOSED UPON THE COLONIES BY 
 
 IMPERIAL LEGISLATION." 
 
 FROM THK 
 
 JHntttrtal **Sailf aitlMis/* 
 
 ^ ^^^*\/ 
 
 -Z^"*^' 
 
 (r{ 
 
 ^Y^. f Z>v 
 
 DAILY NEWS" OFFICE, Nos. 21 and 23 ST. NICHOLAS STRBEV. 
 
 1867. 
 
MB. PENNY'S 
 
 ■ PAMPHLET ON CONFEDERATION. 
 
 HIS ARGUMENTS CONSIDERED AND ANALYSED. 
 
 PRELIMINARY REMARKS. 
 
 So mucli has already been spoken and 
 written on the proposed "Union of the British 
 North American Provinces," tliatwe had con- 
 cluded to accept the pamphlets and speeches 
 already before the public as sufficient to enable 
 the Parliament and people of Great Britain to 
 form a correct estimate of the merits and 
 demerits of the scheme. It appears, however, 
 that the opponents of Confederation have con- 
 sidered it necessary or advisable, in addition 
 to their famous " Remonstrance" to publish a 
 pamphlet for distribution in Englaml ; and Mr 
 Penny, editor of the " Montreal Herald," has 
 been selected to bear the responsibility of its 
 authorship and publication. It is an elaborate 
 document, written in plain readable English, 
 and will no doubt form a valuable addition to 
 the " Repertoire " of British American politi- 
 cians. To us however, it lacks one most 
 important feature. We have perused it care- 
 fully, and cannot discover a single argumeni 
 that can claim the merit uf novelty. It is simply 
 a pot-pourri ofthe published anti-Confederation 
 fcpoeches delivered in Parliament, witl.. a strong 
 
 spice of the Holton-Dorion Remonstrance* 
 We are puzzled to discover how the partisans 
 of Confederation can feel in the slightest degree 
 alarmed at the circulation of the document in 
 England or elsewhere. On the contrary, we 
 are persiiaded that this opposition to the pro- 
 posed Union, deficient as its organizers are in 
 logic and reason, as exhibited by their publica- 
 tions, will do more to secure its success than 
 reiterated arguments in its favor. The pam- 
 phlet, however, is entitled to an analysis by 
 the press, as it refreshes the memory on many 
 points Lhat may fairly be discussed at this par- 
 ticular juncture. Whether that discussion be 
 satLstiictory to our confrere of the "Herald" or 
 not, remains to be seen. We shall deal with 
 the work on its merits, avoiding all those un- 
 pleasant personalities and allusions to indivi- 
 dual antecedents, which we regret to find in the 
 columns of another esteemed contemporary. 
 Unfortunately, these stormy dissensions are of 
 too frequent occurrence, and we shall do our 
 best to avoid engaging in them. 
 
 HIS INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The author starts with the plausible asser- 
 tion, that the Confederation of the British 
 North American Colonies " is not simply a 
 political measure," because it has been agreed 
 by the delegates from the difTercnt Provinces 
 to construct the Intercolonial Railway, and 
 
 acquire the North-West Territory from the 
 Hudson's Bay Company. He terms these 
 'schemes of a nuasieconomic character." 
 It is certainly true thattbe G3th clause of the 
 Quebec scheme provi<les for the early comple- 
 tion of a Railway from Riviere duLoup ia 
 
Canada to Truro in Nova Scotia, passing 
 through New HruuHwick. This condition was 
 one of the le*iin.i^ features on which the 
 Bcheme was hased, as without tliis connecting 
 link the profKJseil Union wouM I'c simply 
 impracticable. And, moreover, the plan of a 
 Hahfax Railway is not of modern origin. 
 Ijord Durham, in 1839, distinctly asserted 
 that a roatl between Halifax and Quebec 
 would encourage communication between the 
 Provinces, the effect of which would be to 
 render a general Union absolutely necessary, 
 and the surveys lately madi; of liv. proposed 
 Tomi by Fleming and others, have established 
 the fact that, not only is the route practicable, 
 but the land throughout the line is well adapt- 
 ed to settlement and manufactures. Violent 
 opposition to an Intercolonial Railway has 
 always been part of the policy of the party to 
 which Mr. Penny belongs, and the questionable 
 conduct of the representatives of that party 
 when in Engla,id some years ago, previous to 
 the appointment of Mr. Sicotte to a Judgeship, 
 bv which the good faith of this country was 
 seriously called in question, has not yet been 
 forgotten. 
 
 This railway would inevitably be built 
 whether we are confederated or not, md to 
 condemn the plan, because this so called 
 "quasi-economic .scheme " is to be carried 
 out in connection with the Political Union, 
 is, to say the least, a very poor way of 
 denouncing Confederation ah initio. But 
 while the Intercolonial Railway forms part 
 ofthe scheme of the Quebec Conference, we 
 find nothing therein which treats of the acqui- 
 sition of the Nocth-West Territory. From 
 our reading of Mr. Penny's introductory re- 
 marks, the English public may easily be led 
 to conclude that this purchase forn)s part of 
 the compact. The truth is, on the contrary, 
 that the acquisition of that territory is simply 
 a matter of declared Canadian Ministerial po- 
 licy, and was never intro<iucod, either directly 
 or indirectly, into the drafted scheme. It will 
 be for the tirst Confederate Parliament to de- 
 cide that question ; and the assertion that it is 
 tacked on to the scheme of Union, is simply 
 unfounded, and we must say, disingenuously 
 inserted rather to make a point than publish 
 the facts. The author laments in lachrymose 
 tones the unfortunate position in which the 
 opponents of Union are placed. Of course, 
 the experience of history has taught us that 
 email minorities find it exceedingly difficult to 
 
 impose their views on large nuijorities. The 
 scheme of the Quebec Conference was before 
 the Legislature tor month-'. It was discussed 
 with a freedom and liijerty rarely, if ever 
 allowed before in this country, and what was 
 its tiile ? It was passe<l by an overwhelming 
 majority of the representatives of tlie people. 
 Is it not, therefore, almost presumptuous for 
 a small rump of a qua-^i annexation party in 
 Canada, to insult the intelligence, the honesty, 
 and the matureil judgment of the five-sixths of 
 the legislators of the United Provinces? The 
 assertion that the press has been corrupted in 
 order to carry Confederation, has been answer- 
 ed in the columns of the Montreal Gazette, and 
 we can only fur our part repudiate the accu- 
 sation as a baseless libel on the profession of 
 which the author of the pamphlet is such a 
 distinguished ornament. 
 
 The immense influences possessed by the 
 Confederation party, to which Mr. Penny al- 
 luiles, furniih abun.lant evidence ofthe popu- 
 larity ofthe scheme, and would seenv to stamp 
 it with the index of favorable public opinion, 
 while he would have the iinglish people be- 
 lieve that a base tyrannical attempt has been 
 made to impose Union upon the people of these 
 Colonies, contrary to their wishes. Such left- 
 handed logic is, in our humble opinion, calcu. 
 latcd to injure even a better cause than the 
 senseless opposition of the Anti-Confederates. 
 The Grand Trunk Railway Company also re- 
 ceives its share of that of\ repeated abuse to 
 which we have all been accustomed for years. 
 It is the old cry of " Wolf," with respect to all 
 public enterprises built with the money oi 
 British capitalists. In this case, the latter 
 are warned not to perpetrate the injustice of 
 enabling us to construct an Intercolonial road. 
 Although the Public Exchequer of Canada 
 has contributed a very large sum to the rail- 
 ways ofthe Province, were the alternative put 
 to-morrow to the people, whether they prefer 
 the railway facilities they now possess, or the 
 few millions of Canailian dollars they have 
 given to obtain them, we feel confident that 
 many, even of that extreme political party 
 which Mr. Penny represents, would join in the 
 sensil)le conclusion that our railways, both by 
 their direct and indirect advantages,are cheap, 
 ly botight. Still, the occasion is turned to 
 account against Mr. Watkin, Sir Ed. He 
 Lord Monck, Mr. Cardwell, the Barings & 
 Glyns, and in fact against every important 
 person interested, whether officially or other- 
 
 M 
 
wise, in the success ami progress of thef-t Pro- 
 vinces 1 These gentlemen are favorable to 
 Confeileration, precisely because they arecon- 
 necteij by ties of goxl feelin;^ '.villi the great 
 material interests and the loyal classes of our 
 population. They feel tluit Uniun is the only 
 safeguard to preserve these Provinces from 
 absorption by the United States ; and we can 
 easily appreciate, therefore, the animus that 
 dictates the author's attacks up )n them. We 
 imagine they will survive his etforts to ruin 
 tliem in public estimation. 
 
 Mr. Penny is correct when he forms his esti- 
 mate of the cl mces : 
 
 "On the ether luiiid, any olijections luvve 
 '' to be made by persons enjoying no authuri- 
 " tative position to give eti'ect tt> their repre- 
 " sentations ; and if they desire to employ the 
 " most powerful method, that of personal in- 
 " tercourse and explanations, they must iloso 
 " at the cost of voyages borne by them-ielves, 
 " and at the risk of being regarded as imper- 
 " tincnt intruders. It is but toe plain, then, 
 " that any opini(jn contrary to that whicii has 
 " such powerful orticial antl personal bucking 
 " must be heavily overweighted." 
 
 The experience of Hon. Jos. Il>we and h's 
 relative, Mr. Annand, in England, with the 
 treasonable denunciations of the scheme by 
 the Anglin-Smith combmation in New Bruns- 
 wick, turnish a fair sample of what can be ex- 
 pected from this fresh attempt to interfere with 
 the patriotic work of our Delegates. AVhile 
 none are regarded as " impertinent intruders " 
 by the British Government, many of those 
 who have used their talents to destroy Confe- 
 deration have betrayed every appearance of 
 being "overweighted;" and there is every pro- 
 Vjability — in the language of the turf^ — of their 
 "coming to grief." It is a race in which the 
 odds are decidedly in favor of the Confedera- 
 tion horse against Disunion and Annexation. 
 
 The members of the British House of Com- 
 mons are asked to consolidate British power 
 on the northern part of this continent, with 
 the consent of the representatives of the peo- 
 ple, not as Mr. Penny asserts, "to take upon 
 " themselves arbitrarily the disposition for all 
 " time of half a continent already inhabited by 
 " more than three millions of human beings.' 
 
 As to "wielding the power" the author 
 claims to possess, he is, of course, at liberty 
 to use that power and his well re( ^nized abi- 
 lity in any particular cause he may espouse ; 
 but we sincerely regret that, in dealing with 
 such a serious question as the future of these 
 
 Coloniec, he ^liould have approoihed Ids sub- 
 ject in a trivial, though at the .same time, a 
 threatening vein. 
 
 The autlior of the pamphlet here refers 
 to the circumstances under which the Coa- 
 lition ministry now in jxjwer was formed 
 alter the defeat of the Conservative Govern- 
 ment in I.H61. He maintains that the policy 
 of Confederation was ailopted as a conse- 
 quence of the "constitutional vices" of the 
 proceedings which he pretemls were then had ; 
 and that the constitution has ever since beea 
 " placed in abeyance." lie also assigns as 
 a strong reason why the scheme should not 
 be sanctioned by the Imperial Government, 
 these same circumstances of Coalition. lie 
 further states that it was "a measure of prac- 
 tical policy." — It undoubtedly was a mea- 
 sure of that nature, and it was so adv^pted as a 
 solution of the interminable troubles that had 
 agitated Canada for years on the subject of 
 Representation, ami to calm or concili- 
 ate the many hobbies of the ex- 
 treme liberal party of both sections, especi- 
 ally of Upper Canada. It was also hoped 
 that by a uniun of parties, some eifect would 
 be given to the deliberations of Mr. Brown's 
 Constitutional Committee. The author will 
 doubtless recollect how persistently he sup- 
 ported Messrs. Howland a. id McDougall when 
 they were members of the Sandtiekl Mac- 
 donald government. Still, with what show of 
 consistency he can best explain, no sooner 
 had they ceased to be the innocent lambs of 
 the Opposition, white as the driven snow", and 
 had consentei] to join the Conservative ^larty 
 with the patriotic object of accomplishing a 
 Union of the Provinces, than they were presto 
 painted as traitors to their party, and unwor- 
 thy of public confidence. The "Mr. Wm. 
 McDougLill," who is now accused by our author 
 of having bribed the Fourth Estate to carry 
 Confederation, was once the subject of exagger- 
 ated adulation and praise in the columns of the 
 Reform press. Hon. Geo. Brown too, the hero 
 of the Montreal Reform Banquet of 1858; Hon. 
 Mr. Howland, the pet Finance minister, — both 
 come in for their share of abuse -nder the 
 new light that hasdaftnedon the "Herald." The 
 want of confidence motion of 14th June, 1864, 
 has generally been looked ujwn more as a 
 personal attack on Mr. Gait by his uncom- 
 promising opponent in finance, Hon. Mr. 
 Holtcn, than as a general condemnation of the 
 Ministerial policy of that day. We have 
 
6 
 
 always believed that the remliness witli which 
 leading RofortncrHCuiiMcnted to join the Coali- 
 tion fully attests the fact that their vote was 
 not of the very fcri(jua character attributed 
 to it by Mr. Penny. As for the statement at 
 foot of page 5, tliat Confederation was 
 " invented" at that time to rally juirties round 
 the same Hag, it \» well known, and the author 
 evenmlmits, that it was brcaclieil by Mr. (Salt 
 and his colleagues years before, and if it 
 became a matter of joint policy in IHfil, we 
 may fairly consider it due, as we stated before, 
 in a great measure to the deliberations of the 
 Brown Constitutional Committee. 
 
 It is by no means an established fact that 
 " England hates coalitions." And we can 
 scarcely see why ours should in any case be 
 called ar " immoral combination." States- 
 }nen in all countries have, from time to time, 
 coalesced for moral objects, and we fail to 
 observe anything seriously immoral in the 
 preparation of an ehiborate form of Federal 
 Union for these Provinces. Ministers have 
 announced and explained the'r reasons for 
 declining to suijuiit the scheme to a popular 
 vote, and, on the whole, their arguments have 
 convinced us that, had the jilan been te.-ited 
 liv a popular vote, while it would umloubtedly 
 liave been carried, therebv saving much 
 of the present opposition to the scheme; still, 
 the difficulties of settling orameTiding details 
 at the hustings would have retardeel a Onion 
 at a critical juncture in our political condi- 
 tion. Tlic dangers of a phhiscititm in the 
 preparation of a constitution, wei'e amply, and 
 we think satisfactorily exposed, by Hon. Mr. 
 McGee at the Cartier banquet witiiin a few 
 jiionths. 
 
 That the Coalition was " a personal bar- 
 gain to give some colour of public spirit to 
 Confederation," and that it was "invented'^ 
 to seal this pretended "personal bargain," 
 we fairly and squarely deny; and the conduct 
 of the Reformers in the Cabinet during last 
 session, and of their large 'najority of sup- 
 porters, even under the pressure of Mr. 
 Brown's attacks, furnishes a guarantee that 
 they acted in perfect good faith in carrying 
 out the special object f jr which the Coalition 
 was originally formed. 
 
 As to the casual introduction of the Postal 
 Subsidy question and Sectarian grants to the 
 Churches of Rome and England — we really 
 cannot appreciate their importance in this 
 argument. In all deliberative balies, when 
 
 the ruling party is supported by a powerful 
 majority, dilfereiit interests must lie con- 
 ciliated ; and liowevcr much the Reformers of 
 Canada may feel scandalized at the allowance 
 of an equitable ix)stal subsidy to our Railways 
 by His Excellency in Council, or tlie grant of 
 a few hundred dollars to a deserving Univer- 
 sity, the present (Jovernment have in that 
 respect merely fjllowcd the usual custom, or 
 the numerous examples given by their prede- 
 cessors in office. 
 
 The Commissioners appointed in December 
 18Gt, to enqaire into the payments 'obe made 
 f!)r jiostal service by Railway, oH'cr the fil- 
 Inwing opinion in their able repirt ti> His 
 Excellency, dated 2'Jth March, 1865. 
 
 " That the power reserved to Your Excel- 
 "lency in C(juncil to fix the rates to be paid fur 
 "Railway Postal Service, is a qnusi-JiKlicidl 
 "power, and should be exercised acconlingl}', 
 " IS so clear in itself, and has been so exi)licitJy 
 "declared by Your Kxceliency in ('uuu(m1, and 
 " by successive Ministers of tlicCi"own, that it 
 "does not seem to the Commissionets to be now 
 "open to discussion." 
 
 Tliis power has thus been exercised by 
 Lord Monck from time to time, and as it is 
 " a qnasi-jmlidal power,^^ we fancy that no 
 very grave crime has been committed. In 
 the case alluded to by the author — the matter 
 was, we are informed, thoroughly sifted by 
 a Committee of the Executi ve Council, and 
 the postal subsidy was re-arranged to meet an 
 equitable demand of the Company. The dis- 
 cussion in Parliament with regard to certain 
 special sectarian grants, resulted, as the 
 author must recollect, in the thorough justi- 
 fication of the Government in placing the 
 ai lounts in the estimates. 
 
 The Buffalo and Lake Huron Amalgama- 
 tion Bill can surely not be quoted as a party 
 question. The House was very evenly .iivided 
 on several occasions, and if some few members 
 had been induced by sound reasoning during 
 the recess to change their votes, how can Mr. 
 Penny lay tiie blame at the door of the Coali- 
 tion ? We cannot believe that lie is serious iii 
 considering the vote on that Bill as one tor 
 which the Government can be accused of 
 wrong-doing. In fact he admits that "the 
 " divisions on this Bill were not absolutely 
 " identical with the lines of political parties." 
 [f so, why in all seriousness include them in 
 his Bill of Indictment? The last reproach 
 of that character, is, that the present Govern- 
 ment re-appointed Messrs. Delisle, Brehaut, 
 
 i 
 
I 
 
 nriil Schiller, who had been dismissed hy the 
 Mucdoiittld Durioii govcrruiient. It is gener- 
 ally known that these gentlemen were selected 
 U'l the victims of 1)1 iliticalvcn^'eance, and were 
 dealt with in a must cruel and unjuslifiable 
 Tnanner. We are not called upon here to 
 delend their slandered character, as they have 
 already, and can a;^ain, protect themselves ; 
 Init we are unable to detect in what respect the 
 author can liope to injure Conttvleration by 
 f-hewing that iNFessrs. Rowland, M(;Uougall, 
 and Fergu.'on Ulair — on being convinced that 
 the dismissal of those oflioials liad been im- 
 properly deciiled upon — agreed to have them 
 re-instated. He cannot intend to insinuate 
 that Reformers could possibly be guilty of 
 anything but strict justice to injured ofKcials! 
 Alter launching several pages ofdiatribes at 
 the Coalition Government, he concludes that 
 branch of his subject with the tbllowing admir- 
 able sample of logic : 
 
 " These things are not mcntioncil as facts 
 '"in which the People or Legislature ofEng- 
 " land ought to liave any interest| nor to 
 " show that wrong has been done by tlio 
 '•action of the Coalition Goveiinient ; but 
 "to p.iint out that the first and necessary 
 " consetpience ul tlie Confederation policy has 
 ''bei'n to suspend the Coustitution, iv-^ the 
 "accomplishment of die project in the way 
 " now solicited in Enirland will be to destroy 
 "it." 
 
 If the people of England have no interest 
 in these things ; if the Coalition has done no 
 wrong, we ask the author of the pamphlet why 
 print pages of these Tinxas? But now for 
 the reason as he gives it. Because all these 
 Jieinous crimes have been committed, although 
 "the Coalition have done no wrong by their 
 action," the "Constitution has been suspend- 
 ed;'' andif Confederation be confirmed inEng. 
 land, he holds tliat our Constitution will be 
 utterly destroyed. It will simply be the same 
 Constitution in another and better form. 
 
 Instead of a suspension of the Constitution, 
 the business of the country has been carried 
 on with unprecedented vigor under this Govern- 
 nient, as shewn by the frequent important 
 meetings of the Executive, and the valuable 
 Reports of the different Public Departments 
 in every brai.ch of the Service. As our Con- 
 stitution is modelled on that of Great Britain, 
 the Ministry of the day being responsible to 
 Parliament, and as the Coalition possesses the 
 confidence of a crushing majority in both 
 
 Ilnu^es, we Consider thii 
 signally failed in hie proof. 
 
 Mr. Penny has 
 
 " No sooner, liowever, was this policy of 
 " Confederation intr<Mluced as a practical mea- 
 " sure, tiian Mr. Cardwell, without waiting t ir 
 " tlie expression of the [mpular will, signiliid 
 "his gracious ])atronage and Mipport of tiie 
 "«(,'(('/// formed sciieme of the Canadian Govern- 
 " ment. A scheme, like all others in our sys« 
 "tem, makingpartof thejxdicy ofa party, and 
 " not the less so because that |)arty had been 
 " mail" large by means which strike at the 
 " foundation of the British System of Parlia- 
 " nientary Government." 
 
 This is a text that might form, or furnish, 
 matter ti^r a lengthy dissertation. Coiifc'de- 
 ration was certainly introduced as " a prac- 
 tical measure," and Mr. Cardwell, then 
 Secretary of State for the Colonies, looking 
 upon the fervid expression of opinion offered 
 by the principal Colony (Canada), as a fair 
 justification of his action, proposed to the 
 Maritime Provinces through the Lieut. 
 Governors of those parts of Her Majesty 8 
 dominions, the advocacy and adoption of 
 the same sound English principles which 
 had animated the leatling Provinces (Upper 
 and L iwer Canada) of the proposed Con- 
 federation. 
 
 That " the reproach of disloyalty was cast" 
 upoii those who opposed Confederation, we 
 do not deny as regards New Brunswick, 
 The writer of this article confidently asserts 
 that tlie first general election alluded to by 
 Mr. Penny, by which Confederation was con- 
 demi\ed in New Brunswick, was carried by 
 American infiuence, through money from the 
 State of Maine, and mainly owing to the 
 Fenian propensities of the Anglin-Smith press 
 of that Province. So soon as a revulsion 
 in public feeling had taken place, the folly 
 of the past gave way to the wisdom of the 
 present, and when Lieut.-Governor Gordon 
 discovered that the mass of New Brunswick 
 favored a Union of the Provinces, actuated, 
 no doubt, by the double reason of Imperial 
 sanction and hitherto deceived public opi- 
 nion, he, very j)roperly, used his official 
 position to hold the Province of New Bruns- 
 wick as a dependency of the British Govern- 
 ment. The vote of the Legislative Council of 
 that Province was, as Mr. Penny naively 
 admits, a very great disappointment to the 
 Anti-Confederates. Another election was 
 held, and Confederation, as proposed by Mr, 
 Tilley, sailed triumphant thr »ugh the struggle. 
 
Mr. Penny may sneer nl theflniall population 
 of New Itiiinsnick, Init we cuiinot (orKet llie 
 " jubiUite'' of (leliglit witli wliicli the tirnt 
 defeat of Confederation was haile'l in tiie 
 column." of that jiiiprr nf wliich lie is the well 
 recognizutl anil hdfavuwed editor. 
 
 As for the preten«ion that the proposeil 
 expenditure of Imperial capital for the cnn- 
 ftruction of the Intercolonial Railway could, 
 in any manner, have atl'ected tlie jiatriotirtm 
 of the New Brunswici<('r!», we look \\\)on it as 
 another very weak argument added to Mr. 
 Penny's category. 
 
 The New lirunswickers never could have 
 " handled .£1,000,000 to he ex. .ended amongst 
 " a population of 2,jO,000 people." If the much 
 abused Grand Trunk Company were condemn- 
 ed in the lirst i)art of tiie pamphlet (or their 
 power of sharing in these so-called spoils, how 
 can it be urged that " this population, which 
 does not exceed a second class English City" 
 could have more interest and more success 
 than that all-puwerful Company. 
 
 As Rir tlie vague assertion that the " four- 
 " teen-litleenths of tlie taxation would fall on 
 "other people than themselves," we calmly 
 judge it another pointed exaggeration. 
 
 The "paucity and poverty " of our provin- 
 cial population, and the " absence of power- 
 ful social rallying points" may possibly 
 " facilitate the execution of well jtlanned coups 
 d'etat." We acknowledge that the "occur- 
 rence" of a legitimate coalition has so far 
 tentled towards convincing the sensible ma- 
 jority of these Provinces tiuit Confederation 
 must bring with it true success in spite of the 
 rabid efforts of its sworn opponents. 
 
 We now pass to Mr. Penny's examination 
 of the circumstances under which the educa- 
 tional clause in the scheme of the Quebec 
 Conference was inserted. The Confederation 
 Scheme, as clearly laid down by the Quebec 
 Conference, provides with respect to educa- 
 tion, as follows : 
 
 " Clause 6. — Education ; — saving the rights 
 "and privileges which the Protestant or Ca- 
 "tholic minority in both Cauadas may pos- 
 "sess as to their Denominational Schools at 
 "the time when the Union goes into opera- 
 "tion." — 43/-(/ rarai/nqjh, 6lh Section.. 
 
 We arc not disposed t" measure swords 
 on this point with the Pr stant population 
 of Lower Canada, because, since the adoption 
 of the scheme of the Quebec Conference by 
 our Legislature, some serious changes have 
 
 lioon maile in (he coujposition of tlie existing 
 coalition ministry. We shall, i i justice to 
 Mr. Penny, quote Mr. Gait's remarks on >liis 
 subject some time prevh)us to liis resignation 
 during last s'^ssion of Parliament. 
 
 In apamphleton Confeileration published in 
 186.5, we find a quotation from Mr. Oali'« 
 speech at Sherbrooke : 
 
 ' lie would now endeavor to speak somewhat 
 
 * fully as to OIK cf the most imjiorlant (pies- 
 'tions, perhaps the most itnportant, that could 
 'be confided to the Legislature— the ((uestiou 
 
 • of education. This was a question in which, 
 'in Lowoi Canada, they must all feel the 
 'greatest interest, andin respect to which more 
 ' apprehension might be supposed to exist in 
 'the minds, at any rate, of the Protestant 
 ' population, than in regard to any thing else 
 'connected with the whole scheme of federa- 
 ' tioii. It must be clear that a measure wouM 
 ' not be favorably entertained by the minority 
 'of Lower Canada, which would place the 
 'education of their children and the provision 
 'for their schools wholly in the hands of a 
 'majority of a different faith. It was clear 
 'that in confiding the general subject of edu- 
 ' cation to the J-ocal Legislatures, it was abso- 
 'lutely necessa'7 it should be accompanied 
 ' with such re-'rictions as would prevent in- 
 'justice, in any respect, from being done to 
 ' the minority. Now this applied to Lower 
 ' C>.naila, but it also applied, with equal f^jrce, 
 ' to Upper Canada and the other provinces; 
 'for in Ijower Canada there was a Protestant 
 ' minority, and in the other provinces a Roman 
 'Catholic minority. The same privileges 
 ' belonged to the one of right here as belonged 
 ' to the other of right elsewhere. There could 
 'be no greater injustice to a population than 
 ' to compel them to have their children edii- 
 'cated in a manner contrary to their own re- 
 ' ligious belief. It had been stipulated that 
 ' the question was to be made subject to 
 ' tlie rights and privileges which the minori- 
 'ties might have as to their separate and de- 
 ' nominational schools. There had beeu grave 
 'diliiculties surrounding the separate school 
 ' question in Upjyer Canada, but they icere all 
 'settled now*, and with regard to the separate 
 ' school system of Lower Canada, he was aii- 
 ' thorized by his colleagues to say, that it was 
 ' the determination of the Government to bring 
 ' down a measure for the amendment of the 
 
 ' The Scott Bill. 
 
 « 
 
 o,,1 
 
 ' as 
 ' R< 
 
 * Sfi\| 
 
 ( II, t| 
 ' fnil 
 ' qu] 
 '— ll 
 
 ' COil 
 W( 
 
 I 
 
 
] 
 
 ,11 
 
 1 
 
 ^ 
 
 •ccl.'uul laws litf.iri' llie CuiifeJeration wua 
 "dLvwcJ to go into forco. 
 
 ' It was cleur that injustice could not I* done 
 ' to an important clasH in the country, such 
 ' as the Protestants of Lower Canada, or the 
 ' Human Catholics of Upjier Canada, without 
 ' 8owin;i; the f^eeds of (Uncord in the coniinn- 
 ' nity, to I' ■ extent which would hear fatal 
 ' I'ruit ill the course of a very few yearn. The 
 ' fiuc-lion of education was put in generally, 
 ' — tiio cluuHC covering hotli superior and 
 ' common school education, altliough the two 
 
 • were to a certain extent diHtincl.' 
 
 And elsewhere ho says: ' He would take 
 ' this opportunity of saying, and it was due to 
 
 • his French Canadian collcajiues in tlic 
 ' (iovernment that he should thus publicly 
 
 • make the statement, that so far as the 
 
 • whole of them were concerned — Sir Elienne 
 ' Tachd, Mr. Cartier, Mr. Ciia])ais and Mr. 
 ' Langevin — throughout the whole of the 
 ' negotiations, there was not a single instance 
 ' wher • there was evidence on their part of 
 ' the slightest disposition to withhold from the 
 ' British of Lower Canada anything that they 
 ' (1 aimed for their French CanailiaTi counLry- 
 ' men. They acted wisely in taking the 
 ' course they did, for certainly it encouraged 
 ' himself and others to staml up for the rights 
 
 • <if their Fre.ich Canadian friends. The 
 ' opponents of the measure had tried to excite 
 'apprehensions in the minds of the British of 
 ' Lower Canada on ihe one hand, and in the 
 ' minds of tlie French Canadians on the other, 
 ' hy representing to one ami to the other that 
 ' they were to bo sacrificed. This, in liict, was 
 ' the best evidence that the measure had been 
 ■ wisely framed, and that it was not to give 
 power or domimmce to one over the other.' 
 
 As to Mr. Gait's responsibility on this ques- 
 tion, there can be no possible doubt, and Mr. 
 Penny han very justly drawn attention to the 
 peculiarity, or we might say the anomaly, of 
 Mr. Gait's position. He made distinct pro- 
 mises to the Protestant minority of Lower 
 Canada, and when he was forced, as it were, 
 into resignation, by the Roman Catholic 
 majority of that section in the Legislature 
 who threatened to defeat the ministry, he 
 abandoned the ship, with the promise however, 
 publicly expressed, that he would aid and 
 assist the plan of Confederation by every 
 means in his power. The policy of confidential 
 letters has not been of rare occurrence. Con- 
 
 liiiential pledges were made befire the days of 
 the present Coalition, and many, made by the 
 several riovernments in power during the past 
 five years have not been fullilled. Are we for 
 this reaaoi! to condemn Confetleration ? 
 
 Perhaps we may be saved, in the futnr<', 
 from such failures of good faith by its odnp- 
 tion, as early as possible. 
 
 We sincerely regret Hon. Mr. Gait's retire- 
 ment from tin' Ministry. He is now however 
 no longer responsible for tho general policy 
 of the Government, but still, according to 
 promise, is in London assisting our Delegates 
 in the completion of their work. We await 
 with anxiety the olHcial statement with 
 respect to the settlement of the education 
 clause in the scheme, as the position must be 
 exceedingly embarrassing both to Messrs. 
 Gait and Langevin. Should the latter have 
 succeeded in his plans, thus involving the 
 failure of the firmer in carrying out his pro- 
 mises to the Protestant minority of Lower 
 Caiuida, much discontent must be the result. 
 On this p(jint we agree with Mr. I'enny. 
 
 This clause seems to be the most objection- 
 able part of the detail:) of the scheme, unless 
 accompanied by the promised guarantees 
 against the possible tyranny of majorities. 
 
 The examination of Mr. Penny's second 
 chapter will afford us an opportunity of deal- 
 ing with the peculiarrelations that have exist- 
 ed since the Union, between Downing Street 
 and our Ministries that have held oftice from 
 time to time, according to tlie views of the 
 Parliamentary majority of the moment in the 
 Lower House of the Canadian Legislature. 
 We, as British subjects, " carry our constitu- 
 tion and liberties wlierever we fo." It is a 
 happy circumstance that such a .ctrine "ad- 
 mits of certain limitations." Wi.^n the great 
 anti-confederate loader, Hon. Jos. Howe, spoke 
 at the Detroit Convention, he allmled in pathe- 
 tic terms to the sacrifices made by British co- 
 lonists to support tlie North in their bitter 
 struggle. His son had been one of the victims 
 of that peculiar desire, to assimilate British 
 American and Northern Yankee institutions ! 
 With tears in his eyes, he appealed to the meet- 
 ing, urging a continuation of Reciprocity. No 
 80<iner had he returiuvl to Nova Scotia from liis 
 patriotic mission, than he denounced in no mea- 
 sured terms, the very principles he had advo- 
 cated at the Detroit Convention. And, as a 
 general rule, this has been the universal 
 
10 
 
 crot chetty policy of our rcak-knced Anti-Con- 
 federate bretliren of these Colonies. 
 
 The "existing Canadian Constitution" lias 
 been subjected of late to very severe tests. 
 The "theory of Colonial self-Government," as 
 laid down in the Union Act of 1840, was, ac- 
 cording to Mr. Penny, .rierel/ "an enabling 
 theory," The framework of the Legisl:'tive 
 machinery by which these Provinces have 
 been governed for 27 years, was theoretically 
 funned at that time, "jut j)ractice has given 
 solidity tc the system under which we )>ave 
 lived for those years, and in virtue of which 
 we now possess oar liberties under the British 
 C»nstitution. The " entire disposal of our own 
 destinies" has been confided to us by the most 
 liberal Government in the world, and weha-2 
 hitppily known how to appreciate such jitivi- 
 leges. The "tie of allegiance ' is in aperltct 
 state of preservation, and that "self-govern- 
 ment in the broadest sense," to which Mr. 
 Penny alludes, has been successfully practis- 
 ed even with respect to the proposed Coiilede- 
 r.ition of these Provinces. But there is a se- 
 rious grievance in the shape of a certain line 
 of proceeding adopted by the Home Govern- 
 ment ; and Mr. Penny lays great stress upon 
 themodincationof the " two-thirds vote clause" 
 of the Union Act. This condition was nuxJi- 
 fied to please the Liberal party of Canjida, who 
 had contiimously, even since the ;late of the 
 celebrated 1)2 resolutions, clamored fur an 
 Elective Legislative Council with forcible 
 persistency. That beau-ideal of an Elective 
 Council was the result of these endeavors. 
 Has it succeeded as a clieck upon the 
 hasty legislation of the people ? It has 
 been admitted by all political parties that Mie 
 experiment has resulted in abject failure. 
 
 Still we f.nd that the absurd plan of votin" 
 tliemselves out of political existence has re- 
 ceived the sanction of the '^irge majoritv of 
 legisla.; 'e counc'lors elected under this very 
 modification of the Union Act of 1840. The 
 ameitdment was sanctioned in order to curry 
 out old reform views. Why then should an old 
 and devoted reformer condemn its operation? 
 
 The trip of o>ir ministers to Charlottetown 
 is visited with Mr. P,';nny"s severe censure. 
 Delegates from the Jidriti:;;-,' Provinces luid 
 assembled in that obscure locality to attempt 
 a Legislative Union of the Maritime Provinces. 
 Our ministers, feeling that an opportunity pre. 
 sentcd itself for the larger political Union, act- 
 ing under the informal av.thority of Her Ma- 
 
 jesty's rep^-esentative, ropalred thither, and the 
 ultimate consequence was the meeting in Que- 
 bec, at which the scheme of tiie Conference was 
 adopted. Of course it \;ill not be denied, 
 even by J.Ir. Penny, that the latter meeting 
 was authoritatively summoned by His Excel- 
 lency Lord Monck, Governor General of the 
 Provinces interested. 
 
 These are matters of detail well known to 
 ?\ who have followed Confederation in its sev- 
 eral stages. The Conference in Quebec was 
 secret, the leading statesmen of the six Pro- 
 vinces Were present, and every point raised 
 was discussed with marked ability If a 
 Federal Union rather than a Legislative Union 
 was adopted, it was simply because Lower 
 Canada institutions, as represented in the 
 Conference, offered serious objections from a 
 Fr"nch Canadian national standpoint. 
 
 We have alrearly stated the difficulties wliicli 
 surrounded the organization of the " immoral 
 combiiiafion,''' as Mr. Penny ternts it; we now 
 venture a challenge. Will Mr. Penny or one 
 of his political friends consent to face a 
 Lower Canadian French constituency as an 
 advocate of a Lajislative instead of a Federal 
 Union? lie knows quite as well as the 
 writer of tliese lines feels certain, that he or 
 his friend would be routed " horse, foot and 
 artillery." Why then persist in detracting 
 from the merits of the only practicable solu- 
 tion of a very difficult problem ? 
 
 As for the suggested " impeachment of the 
 Ministry" fur introducing the now Constitution 
 to Parliament, we again hope that the members 
 of tliat bcdy will not feel alarmed. When a 
 certain number of statesmen are summonel 
 by Imperial authority to meet on a Constitu- 
 tional errand, when they p'.'rform their duty, 
 and stand or fall before the represiiitatives of 
 the people in Parliament on their pulicy, we 
 claim for them absolution from impeachment. 
 A parliamentary minority may attack them, 
 but if a majority should prot^,'. and applaud 
 them — their position is invulnerable. Such 
 is the proud position now held by the Ministry 
 of Canada. 
 
 There is no attempt " to make a Kingd<;> a 
 a Republic" — 'o establish " Imperial Des- 
 potism" — to create an " Elective Monarchy"; 
 but a mere quiet, ami forcibly expressed ilesirt,- 
 to consolidate British Rule on this continent, 
 and checkmate the modest moves of that 
 annexation party in these Provinces, the 
 members of which have not the courage 
 openly to avow their opinions. 
 
 1 
 
 
11 
 
 ler, and the 
 ng in Que- 
 L'rence \va? 
 he dcnieij, 
 r meeting 
 His Excel- 
 ;ral of tlie 
 
 known to 
 : in its sev- 
 uebec was 
 e six Pr<i- 
 oint raise 1 
 ity If a 
 ,tive Union 
 ar,e Lower 
 ;ed in the 
 ms from a 
 int. 
 
 Ities wliicli 
 " immoral 
 it ; we n.jw 
 nny or one 
 to face a 
 ency asi an 
 fa Federal 
 ell as the 
 hat he or 
 ;, foot and 
 detracting 
 ;uble solu- 
 
 nent of the 
 
 jnstitution 
 
 e inenibors 
 
 When a 
 
 unnnunel 
 
 V Cun.stitu- 
 
 heir duty. 
 
 iatives uf 
 
 )i.)licy, we 
 
 oacluneiit. 
 
 ick them, 
 
 1 applaii'l 
 
 lie. Snch 
 
 e Ministry 
 
 Kingd<,i n 
 rial l)e^- 
 iiiiiarchy"; 
 ssed desire 
 continent, 
 's of tiiat 
 incus, the 
 3 courage 
 
 There are many elaborate, argumentative, 
 and even cynical propositions in Mr. Penny's 
 pamphlet which really do not, under the cir- 
 cumstpiices, deserve a reply. 
 
 One, however, will for a moment claim our 
 attention. 
 
 The question of the selection of a perma- 
 nent seat of Government fur the twoCanadas, 
 was referred to Her Majesty the Queen by a 
 vote of the Legislature, Ottawa was chosen 
 by our Sovereign, and at that point handsome 
 '•uildings have been erected. There may at this 
 moment be serious doubts as to the eligibility 
 of the site. Mr, Penny throws the whole res- 
 ponsibility of the choice on the Colonial OtRce. 
 
 Her Majesty cannot in this connection be 
 absolved from responsibility. She may have 
 fixed upon Ottawa by the advice of Her 
 Ministers, b\it the decision was arrived at in 
 accordance with the loyal address to Her from 
 both branches of the Canadian Legislature. 
 AUhough intense dissatisfaction has been 
 created by that choice, still, the principle on 
 wliich Her Majesty desired to put an end to 
 internal jealousies, by selecting a central point 
 between the two Provinces, can scarcely be 
 condemned. It may serve a purpose now to 
 create prejudice in the minds ofBvitish States- 
 men on this subject, but the ultimate success 
 of Confederation cannot be affected by appeals 
 to past error or indiscretion. If, under a 
 Union of the Provinces, the central seai of 
 Government is to be changed, and tlu' favor 
 be conferred on some other City, the adojMion 
 of Confederation will have relieved Mr. Pen- 
 ny's mind as to the injustice perpetrated in 
 1858, by the choice of (»ttawa. 
 
 Thep'hofMr. Penny's arguments in the 
 concluding part of chapter 2, is tu the effect 
 that the people have not really given their 
 consent to the scheme. The Imperial Par- 
 liament is 'called upon to act" and th«,t 
 action — it is pretende'l — can only be taken 
 afler a c eliberate vote oi the people at the polls, 
 consenting to the scheme in all its details. 
 As we have already stated, Hon. Mr. McGee 
 has fully laid down the policy of the Govern- 
 ment with respect to an appeal to the people. 
 
 We are not, as Mr. Penny would insinuate, 
 " like the poor spirited freemen of the middle 
 ages." If the "Parliamentary and Literary 
 ability of the country" has become seriously 
 " enlisted in the cause," it betokens some 
 \ chance for the scheme. The British Go'ern- 
 inicnt already possesaea " tlie power of coer- 
 
 cion," but does not exercise ii, as every liberty 
 has liitherto been granted to us ; and we shall 
 probably continue to enjoy in the futuve the 
 fruit of those concessions to Colonial manners 
 and customs, for which we have to thank cur 
 protecting Home Governmont and the admir- 
 able calmness of the majority of our people. 
 The " power of coercion " tempered with dis- 
 cretion, on the part of those possessing that 
 power,is an element of the Britisli Constitutioi, 
 am' may be considered in fact the basis of 
 Liberal Monarchical Governments. We 
 surely cannot complain of the n>isuse of that 
 power fur the past twenty years; still Mr, Penny 
 would have it believed in England that the 
 " power of coercion,' is something to which 
 North American Colonists are thoroughly 
 habituated. The " long years of dreary poli- 
 tical warfare" between the extreme Liberal 
 party of Canada and Do\i'ning street influences, 
 culminated in the temperate and tolerant con- 
 cession of Responsible Government. It] in 
 the use of those liberal concessions, we have 
 crrc 1, both Conservatives and Reformers are 
 jointly responsible for the errors committed. 
 
 Mr. Penny then writes as follows : 
 
 " The object of these pages has been to show 
 " that there exists no right in the Executive ur 
 *' Legislatiire of Canada to ask the Imperial 
 " Parliament to over-ride our liberty of legislat- 
 " ing for ourselves, by enacting the Quebec 
 " Constitution ; and that the request cannot be 
 " complied with without a palpab'e encroach- 
 " nicni on Colonial riglu-, someof t!i_m recog- 
 '' nized as inherent by the Mother Country for 
 " more than a quarter cf a century." 
 
 The right of petition has always been looked 
 upon as one of the undeniable privileges of a 
 Britisli subject. Now, we are coolly told by 
 Mr. Penny that '-there exists no right in the 
 Ex'^eutive or Legislature of Canada to ask the 
 Iinp?rial J'arliament" to " enact the Quebec 
 Constituiion." 
 
 Has our system of Parliamentary Govern- 
 ment really been " a farce" during the last 
 " quarter of a century" ? Mr. Penny knows 
 that in thus assailing the conduct of our 
 legislatorr during that time, he sh.".rr as a 
 knife that is keenly double-edged. 
 
 We throw upon him the full responsibility 
 of a scurrilous libel on the Baldwins, Lafon- 
 taines, Dorions, Holtons, and others ; who 
 have reached the surface of Canaiiian politii .i 
 by their own talents and the good sense of the 
 people who placed ihem in those positions of 
 trust assigned to them by a free people, acting 
 
12 
 
 \in(Ier the glorious principles of Kcspoiibible 
 Government. 
 
 Mr. Penny " regards the " Amsrican 
 " constitution as a rcniarkable monument 
 " of human wisdom." We shiill write but 
 few words on the American imbroglio, as it 
 cannot interest us in the discussion in which 
 we are now engaged. Tiiat everything 
 American betrays signs of " human wisdom," 
 we cannot doubt; because the Putter-Wooil 
 clique have frequently expressed their sym- 
 pathy with us in our unfortunate alliance 
 with, and love for, our Fatherland. But that 
 Mr. Penny, and those of whose policy li'5 now 
 announces hiniself the pamphleteer and 
 defender, should, under the guise of fostering 
 that atiachment to Great Britain, condenm 
 the only practicable proposal or scheme by 
 which we may be saved from absorpti<jn, is, 
 to us, surprising. We refer Mr. Penny to a 
 quotation from an extreme radical newspaper 
 puV>!ished in England in the year 1838. 
 
 The "Spectator" deals with the troubles 
 in Canada at that time, in a style that may 
 now be fairly reproduced ; when panqihlets 
 such as Mr. Penny's, are before us, and when 
 an elaborate plea tor the Independence of 
 Canaila, by Mederic Lanctot, Esq., is about to 
 issue i'rom the press of " L' Union Nationale " : 
 
 " If it were done, when 'tis done, then 'twere well 
 It were done quiokly." 
 
 "The jnode is quite another affiiir; but let 
 "us throw out a suggestion. Send a man to 
 "Canada, and oidy one, with carte blanche — 
 "that is, without instructions. Take the best 
 "means, in short, of sepnj ting in the best 
 " manner. In this way, perhaps, complete 
 " separation might be avoided. An envoy who 
 "was a man, and who, '.ilong with all the re- 
 "sponsibility, had unlimited authority to treat, 
 " might, by giving to the Colonies conqilete 
 "lo:al so'f-government, preso ve their allc- 
 "gianco fui general purposes. For local pur- 
 " pises, give them tlie ancient charter of M "s- 
 "sachusetts which is still the constitntionoi 
 "that Sovereign stat(».: for Federal purpose.f,let 
 "them send members to the British Parliament 
 "rather than to the American Congress. 13ut 
 "who is the man? and where the Ministry with 
 "' sense to choose and courage to trust the man ? 
 " Srch a plan might not have revolted Pitt, or 
 "Canning, or even Wellington. ]}ut with a 
 "Lord Olenelg at the heivl of Co'onial alRiirs, 
 "and a Prime Minister witiiout a will of his 
 " own, the beh plan fbran emergency requiring 
 "sa.'^acity and vigour, is just the one lei'.st 
 "likely to L3 adopted. What to do, is the 
 "prt jlem they cannot solve: so the whole 
 " matter is hi'ided over t^ the Horse Guards.' 
 
 Such was the opinion of tlie leadiiig organ 
 of Radical opinion in England, in l8r<8. 
 
 In what position do we no\,- stand ? The con- 
 test of 1837 and 1838 was of short duration ; it 
 became very nearly a war of extermination 
 between the two races. Now, a singleness of 
 purpose, with unHinohing perseverance in its 
 development, attempered with the real spirit 
 of mutual conciliation, flowing from the con- 
 sciousness of mutual strength, should soothe, 
 and finally blend harmoniously the irritating 
 dissensions arising from difference of origin 
 and nationality; and the peculiar conditions 
 under which two distinct nationalities have 
 been brought into connexion and sought to be 
 amalgamated, should prove a source of congra- 
 tulation. There is every chance of amalgamar 
 tion and union, but the worst enemies of 
 reconciliation are those who favor Disunion, 
 and consequent annexation to the United 
 States, rather than a fair even-tempered un- 
 derstanding on serious n.atters now submitted 
 to our judgment as Colonists of Great Britain. 
 
 The "autonomy of the component Pro- 
 vinces " cannot be disturbed by the proposed 
 Union, as every provision — consistent vith 
 relative interests — has been made for their 
 protection. Our idea of a league is — Federal 
 Cnion with the protection of the British Crown. 
 The definition of the power to be granted — 
 respectively to the General ard Local Legis- 
 latures — is a problem temporarily solved by 
 the statesmen of these Provinces in Conference 
 assembled, but still to be examined by the 
 English House of Commons. The laws made 
 in the General Parliament are to supersede 
 those prepared by the Local Legislatures, but 
 the power of «e<o will still rest with Her Ma- 
 jesty, through her Representative. This power 
 is possessed under our present system, and 
 will be held by Imi>erial dictation and with 
 our own consent. 
 
 Canada is certainly "saturated with Am- 
 erican Literature" just now. It is lortunate 
 that we have "the free elastic old English 
 Constitution to which we arc accustomed," 
 tiircugh which we tnay be guarded from the 
 demoralising effects of that same " American 
 Literature." 
 
 Might we not fairly accuse some in our 
 midst of assisting in forming or composing a 
 portion of that "American literature of a 
 political kind " with which these Provinces 
 are now flooiled ? 
 
 Complaint is made that the defences of the 
 
 ^ 
 
18 
 
 liing organ 
 l8r,8. 
 
 ? Thecon- 
 uration ; it 
 eriiiiimtiou 
 nglent'.'Sd of 
 ance in its 
 real spirit 
 m the con- 
 uid soothe, 
 e irritating 
 ! of origin 
 conditions 
 lities have 
 louglit to be 
 leofcongra- 
 anialgama- 
 entMiiies of 
 r Disunion, 
 -he United 
 n\pered un- 
 V submitted 
 eat Britain. 
 )oneni Pro- 
 le proposed 
 iistent .vitli 
 e for their 
 is — Federal 
 tish Crown, 
 e granted — 
 iocal Legis- 
 y solved by 
 Con ference 
 ned by the 
 laws made 
 supersede 
 atures, but 
 th Her Ma- 
 This power 
 ystem, and 
 n and with 
 
 with Am- 
 is lortunate 
 
 1(1 Enghsli 
 justonied," 
 }d from the 
 "American 
 
 )tnc in our 
 omposing a 
 ature of a 
 i Provinceij 
 
 Micea of the 
 
 new Confederation " will impose an unfair 
 and overwhelming military burden on Cana- 
 da." It would certainly be absurd to hope 
 that "three millions" of Canadians could 
 hold their own against " thirty millions" of 
 Americans across the frontieri But this is 
 not the proper view to take of the question 
 of defence. 
 
 It seems reasonable to suppose tliat a Union 
 would strengthen the hands of all the Pro- 
 vinces, while ths whole powers of the Empire, 
 military and naval, would be placed at our dis- 
 posal, as promised, should the Americans de- 
 sire to force us into annexation. But it may be 
 said that we already have that protection. A 
 Union of the Provinces with the organization 
 of our rni!''ia on a sound footing, under a sys- 
 tem framed lor the whole ; would most as- 
 suredly have the effect of obtaining increased 
 strength, anil would promote " esprit de corps," 
 while the British Government would feel more 
 interested than now, in assisting us to construct 
 forts and guard our waters. Whether a 
 Union of the Provinces be accomplished or 
 not, the time has come for us to make pecii 
 niary sacrifices for our own protection. We 
 infinitely prefer that the proposed expenditure 
 and liabilities should be made and incurred 
 under a Union with our neighbors of the 
 Maritime Provinces ; and such has been the 
 frequently expressed opinon of the leading 
 statesmen of the present British Ministry as 
 well as of their predecessors in office. 
 
 "Provincial bankruptcy" has been predicted 
 for years ; but in spite of every exertion to de- 
 cry our credit, — and, the wish being father to 
 the thought — to create a lack of confidence in 
 our progress and prosj)erity; Canada is now in 
 ■ V position to avoid the misfortune of " bankrupt- 
 cy." Our public works alone are estimated 
 to be worth our debt, and the indirect advan- 
 tages accruing from year to year by the 
 expenditure of British capital, and improved 
 trade — with increased confidence under a 
 Union — will enable us to steer the financial 
 ship through any breakers that may be ahead. 
 The Maritime Provinces, as Mr. Penny is no 
 doubt aware, are in a condition of sound ma- 
 terial prosperity, and Canaila cannot therefore 
 sufi'er much financially by a Union with ihem. 
 
 As to the prospects of increased tra<le 
 j between the diflerent parts of the Confederacy, 
 [Mr. Peimy will not allow the probability of 
 f any improvement ia the future. 
 
 No duties are now imposed, it is true, on 
 articles produced in the Provinces sent 
 to the neighboring Provinces, but the want 
 of Railway comnmnication has materially 
 interfered with the development of a mutually 
 profitable trade. Since the withdrawal of 
 Iteciprocity with the United States by the 
 expiration of the Treaty, trade has coinmcnce(i 
 to flow into other channels; and with a 
 tliorough fiscal system under Confederation, 
 and an Intercolonial Railway, we have every 
 reason to hope for gradual improvement. 
 Portland is our natural seaport, but as it is 
 not within our territory, we must content 
 ourselves with the fine harbors and seaports 
 of the Lower Provinces. 
 
 Mr. Penny fears that " the ofticers of our 
 armies wll be appointed by the Imperial 
 Government," and that the niilitary policy 
 will be also dictated from the same source. 
 We have never heard a doubt expressed as to 
 the soundness of that principle. If we are to 
 receive the protection of the Empire, we 
 must of course accept and follow out her 
 military policy. 
 
 The attacks on Hon. Geo. Brown are of a 
 nature to elicit replies from the Honorable 
 gentleman himself, and we shall therefore 
 decline alluding to them. 
 
 The gist of Mr. Peimy's "conclusion" is an 
 appeal to the Imperial Government against 
 the confirmation of a policy adopted by a 
 large majority cf the legislators of tiie Pro- 
 vinces. We have attenipted to shew that, in 
 many respects, his appeal is based on vague 
 tlieories and surmises rather than on incon- 
 trovertible facts and arguments. We trust 
 we have succeeded in convincing our readers 
 that his etl'ort cannot be productive of serious 
 embarrassment to our London Delegates. It 
 cannot be denied, however, that Mr. Penny's 
 labor, if likely to be unrequited or ineflective, 
 bears evidence of much thought and persever- 
 ance, that might have been directed to the 
 pleading of a better cause than a violent 
 denunciation of Colonial Union. That the 
 Imperial Parliament will give Mr. Penny and 
 his fr-ends a fair hearing we can have no 
 doubt; and should the question be reopened in 
 this Province by any action of the House of 
 Commons, ' we shall be prepared, as in the 
 past, to advocate unceasingly the adoption of 
 Confederation as the sole means left us to 
 avoid the undesirable fa*e of annexation to the 
 United States.