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This .t A TRUE PICTURE * ^ OF THK UNITED STATES Ol' AMERICA. THE SECOND EDITION. (C IN WHICH OIL WITHOUT VINEGAR %p IS ANALYZED, AND PROVED if TO BB RANCID, ^\ BY A BRITISH SUBJECT. Okfreedomi freedom) how I htte thr ciotl Not Eattcrn bombait, or the lavage rant Of pvrpM madmcii, were they oumber'd all, Vrom Roman Nero, dovn toRuuian Faul, Could grate upon mine ear lo mean, to bate} At the rank largen bf thit factioui race ; Who, poor of bearti, and p -odipal of wordi. Born to b« Uavct, and ttrunling to be lordi; Who pant for llcenci, while ther tpurn controulf And ihoutfbrrighti with rapine In their touU Who can with patience fur a troment se« Thit medley matt of pride and minery i Of whipt and chartert, manaclet and rightti Of ilaving blacki and democratic yhitei) And all the pye-bald polity that ttignt lotVceconflnlono'erCoiumbla'iplaiMf MOOkSa Honlran: Yriated by W. M*Dawall, Pemberton Row, Gougn-tquare, ricct-«trc«b yOR JORDAM AND UAVCWEtL, 331, STRAND, OPPOSITB SOUERSIT HOVIt; AND BLACKIOCK, ROYAL EXCIIANOfi; AMD tOtD BT ALL THS BOOKSELLERS IN LONDON AND LIYBBrOOK; ,. . 1807. V PHEFACJE TO THB SECOND EDITION* JL HE printhig a second edition enables me to add a few observations on a pamphlet just published^ which, from the zveahiess of its arguments, adds to the proofs already given of American hostility, many more of American iveakness ; for this is the language of the great majority of Americans, They think a defeat of this country a natural consequence of war! The result will prove how miserably they deceive themselves. J am sorry to have incurred the censure of that respectable publication, the " Monthly Review." — In its critique on the, first edition, I am charged with endeavouring " to write the nation up to zvar,** This is a charge I denys and still aver that my represent tations of the hostile dispositions of that country have not been in the least exaggerated or untrue, and of course ought not to be with-heldfrom the Public. V i THE PREFACE. JN O apology at this time is deemed necessary for an intrusion of the following statement on the pub- lic attention. The sentiments it contains render one needless ; the execution of it will claim forbear- ance. The reason of this is the haste with which it has been compiled. For the writer to say he is not an author by profession is needless — the work itself will speak the fact. The only merit it can have, will be its intention and object. When these are considered, he flatters himself the execution will be overlooked. ' ^ T tl THE PREFACE. He cannot dismiss the subject without saying, that ho is fearful he may be charged with intempe- rance ; nay, some may say, with intemperance equal to American. His language may be warm, but, consistently with the opinion he has formed of the preponderating majority of the people of America, there is no one picture exaggerated. Should it appear to the minds of any of his readers, that the intention and object of the follow- ing pages are to excite such fervour hi the public mind, as to make it look upon a war with America as an oDJcct in which its feelings would be gra- tified, he is obliged to declare the intention and object essentially different. These pages proceed from one who is unknown to cither the presenter late administrations. . His opinions have not been form- ed upon the sentiments of either of those parties; nor have they been thus communicated to the pub- lie to forward the views of either, more than those THE PREFACE. vn views arc subservient to what the writrr conceives to be the real interests of Great Britain as a poHtf- cal body, and a commercial nation. The American people, it may be said, are illiberally and harshly treated ; in reply, the writer has only to alledge, that the portrait he has drawn of i imerica, is not origi- nal. Chief Justice Marshall is the artist who exe- cuted h. The writer of the following pages is only the Engraver from a very fine picture; the produce of his labours he thus tenders to that part of the public, whose inclination and ability do not allow them to purchase the former. Furthermore, he cannot avoid saying, that had not that work fallen into his hands, this never would have appeared. — Hence, should the American reader feel himself in- jured in the representations given of the national character, the only alleviation the writer can offer is, to request his perusal of a work written by one of his own countrymen. It will then remain for a dis- • •• VUl THE PREFACK. ceming public to say, whether the one docs not ju&» iify the other. 1 1 i! Before he concludes this subject, the writer cannot forbear alluding to another circumstance.— This is, that we are at present in a state of actual peace with America} and that this publication may be deemed premature, and contemplative of war. It is true, that there has not, as yet, been any decla- ration on the part of either government, which will lead immediately to war; but there is now in exist- ence an act of the American legislature, declaring that no English manufactures shall be received into the ports of the United States after the 14th of De- cember next. This of course is with the reserva- tion of arrangements which may be made in the in- terim. This, in the writer's opinion, is one strong ground of justification, There is, however, another, which l^e considers equally tenable. This is a pub- lication w^ ich has appeared in most of the public THE PRBFACB. IX into De- :rva- e in« ong her, ub- blic • i 1 prints. It is extracted from " Tlie Richmond En- quircr," an American newspaper, which in th?i country is pretty well known to be the demi-official* as the " National Intelligencer" is the official, print of the administration. " It is a/t/c/, that the paper " so denominated, will not be sent back, out of " respect to the British government. Our ministers ** have been directed to proceed as if no such treaty " had been draughted," It then proceeds to a detail about the non-importation act, and quotes a letter from the secretary of state to Mr. Monroe, in which that gentleman is informed, " That ?io pretext can be found for the British practice of making impressments on the high seas.** There are then many comments which go to prove, that, to obtain a relaxation of what haa been so long the practice of Great Britain, is the sole objection " to the paper denominated the: Treaty y Here, then, is the ground the writer stands upon. He calls on his readers to state their opi- niqn of this paragraph, and at, the same time to re*. X THE PREFACE; collect, that '^ comes from a source, the genuineness of which cannot be doubted. Will not this be pro- nounced a justification ? Is Great Britain to be told by the United States, that a treaty which has cost so much trouble and time to form, is to be consi- dered as waste paper? Is this a return for the dis- tinguished attention paid the United States, in no- minating two noblemen, of high rank, and as great talents, for the special purpose of negociating with her ministers ? Is the government to be told that they had better say nothing about the past, but be- gin de novo f It would be unjust not to avow, that amongst the minority (a minority indeed) of the people of Ame- rica, there are characters who would do honour to any country. It does not, however, diminish the charges against the majority, to say, that the efforts of the Adamses, the Ameses, the Trumbulls, the Kings, the Morrises, the Pinckneys, the Smiths, and the 111! THE PREFACE. Xl Rutledges, have been unavailing. America has been ** deaf to the voice of the charmer, charm he never so " wisely," since the death of the illustrious Washing- ton, and the destruction of his system of govern- ment. His loss, to her irreparable, may be well described in the words which the elegant Tacitus applies to Germanicus, " In doluere exterae natio- ** lies regesque ; tanta illi comitas in socios, man- « suetudo in hostes; visuque et auditu juxta vc- " nerabilis, cum magnitudinem et gravitatem sum- ** n\x fortunae retineret, invidiam et arrogantiam « efFugerat." II t. r i: ' t ) I* TRUE PICTURE ;I Ol Vf. OF THE ,if UNITE© STATES OF AMERICA^ ^r. ^c. ^c. A HE situation of Great Britain and the United States, of America seems now so fast approaching to that period when the question will be put of peace or war, that the author of these reflections has been induced, from an urgent and pressing con- viction of the truth of the opinion, to call the atten- tion of his fellow countrymen to the circumstapces that thus threaten to involve us either in an extend- ed degree of war, or, should (which God avert!) the season of forbearance not be passed, in a sur- render of those great rights and means to which yve are indebted for our naval power j in short, to set B the seal on an instrument, avowing ourselves not able to contest with a weak, and therefore not wor- thy to retain our rank with the great nations of the world. Among the most extraordinary acts of this ex- traordinary period, there is no one which causes greater surprise, than the general apathy of the in- habitants of this country to the conduct of Ameri- ca, since the peace of 1783. That this apathetic system has arisen from that magnanimity which has ever distinguished the British character, I will not deny ; but, as an Englishman, as one who is ardent afnd zealous in the support of that system that haa given political consequence to our country, I can- not avoid thus entering my protest against it j and at the same time calling, in the most urgent man- ner, the attention of my fellow subjects to the real situation with regard to each other that the two governments are in at this moment. I'M I SHALL endeavour to shew, with candour and truth, the causes which are likely thus to terminate in hostility, or suspension of mtercourse ; for hosti- lity or suspension of intercourse must take place, unless disgraceful concession on the part of Great 3ritain is made. Ik Here, however, it is necessary to declare, that my language is not that of a partizan^ it is not the language of the supporter of this or that admini- stration ; but that of a Briton who has the good of his country, its honour, its glory, its safety, and its happiness at heart. The author knows the Ameri- can character; he is acquainted with that deadly hatred, which is cherished in the majority of Ame- rican breasts towards this, their mother country.— He knows also, the fellow feeling, the ardent affec- tion that the majority of that people have for France, whether she be governed by king, con- vention, consul, or emperor. He is also aware of their ignorance of true policy; and is too well ac- quainted with them not to know that malign jea- lousy that makes them look with envious eyes on the proud and elevated station which this country now holds; and the unutterable joy they would feel in seeing the areh fiend now ruling continental Eu- rope, wielding upon it his pestilential sceptre. — This they would hail as an epoch when happiness was to commence, although their destruction is sure tx, succeed it; and that too, wUh the utmost rapidity. Before, however, the author proceeds to prove what is the object of these remarks, he thinks it ne- cessary to take notice of the great ignorance which 16 prevails in this country, rclntive to the American disposition and cliaractcr. This has however arisen from representations coming in such a way, and through such respectable channels, that it is more to be regretted than dilTicult to be accounted for. — • It has been an amiable error on the part of the people of this country: it has nevertheless been an error, and a great one*. But it is one which will speedily be developed; it is one which has been felt and dreaded by the few discerning men in that country, from the earliest periods of the French revolution. The mania for French connec- tion; the attachment, through all the scenes of blood, carnage, and devastation^ to the perpetrators of those scenes of blood, carnage, and devastation j the palliation of every atrocious act of the more atrocious convention; the avowed wish that has at all times existed, and, by the great majority of peo- ple been expressed, for the subjugation of Great * This observation arose from a remark in that highly respec- table publication " The Monthly Review." In a critique on Mr. Jdnsen's " Stranger in America," a work which is infinitely valu- able for the just representations it contains, the Reviewers allow him due praise, but still seem to cling to an old opinion of theirs, " that there was not a deternMned aversion existing in that coun- " try towards Great Britain." They may rest assured Mr. Jansen is right. Their opinion is much to the credit of their hearts, but >viU not give that class of their readers who know the /American character, a very exalted idea of their information en the subject. 17 Britain, and the domination of France ; tlic patron- age ^» anted for the past six years to every one who could bring proofs of his having rebelled against his king, or plotted the devastation of his country *j all these loud and dccla'*ed facts have been so notori- ous, that to doubt the settled, the inveterate hosti- lity of the American people, were to doubt the most self-evident proposition in nature. ' • , The object of the writer will now be an endea- vour to lay before his readers a succinct account of the conduct of the United States towards Great Britain, since the peace of 1783; and the conduct observed to her in return. It may seem extraordi- nary to recur to events that have happened at a period so distant, but it will be found to be neither irrelevant nor upleasing, in as much as the result will be favourable to a long-acknowledged fact, that the conduct of this country, viewed in any light, and under any administration, has been as friendly and conciliating as theirs has been perverse, hostile, and malignant. * The law which requires a residence of five years to obtain the rights of citizenship, was dispensed with in the case of Thomas A. Emmet. He was admitted to the bar in New York as a barrister, within two years from his discharge from another bar in Dublin, as a culprit. The " no quar^tr" proclamation, was doubtless of fti« sistance to him in America. 18 It must be recollected, that the confederation of States, which was formed at the commencement of the revolution, continued for some time after the peace. 'Vhe nature of this compact will also be recollected. It was a pure (if this is not a contra- diction in terms) democncy. The government was not placed in the hana^ of even a few individu* als but remained in possession of the representatives of the States. jj'i 111! CoNsiDERABi E difficulties existed in the objectf prescribed by the treaty of peace. These difficul- ties arose from the impediments which were placed in the way of His Majesty's subjects, which opera- ted so as to prevent their recovery of debts which had been owing previous to the revolution. These debts it was not possible to recover. This, and other circumstances, sanctioned the British govern- ment in the retention of posts, &c. which, had the terms of the treaty been strictly complied with on the part of America, ought to, and would have been surrendered. Impelled by a sense of justice to British sub- jects, who had thus been sufferers from the conduct of America, as well as a knowledge of the inefficacy oj the American system of government, and its inability to give actual effect to any measures they 3i>i; 19 might assent to by treaty or otherwise, it seems to have been the determination formed by the King's (then) ministers, not to commit themselves in any intimate political transaction, unless they had a full conviction that there existed on the part of the American government, to reciprocate any advan- tages which might be granted to them. In this sentiment we are sanctioned by the opinion of Mr. Adams, then minister at our court : " If the United " Slates," said that gentleman, " become respec- " table, it must be by more energy in the govern- " ment." Here it will be necessary to revert to one fact, which will impress itself strongly on the mind of every Englishman, and more particularly those who are concerned in its shipping interest, the uni- formity with which the popular party in America has pursued its system relative to their trade with the West Indies. The government, then the con* gress, sent Mr. Adams to London with particular instructions, that he should keep this object in view. Indeed, to make Great Britain relax from her colonial system seems to have been the prin- cipal motive of this gentleman's appointment. It seems also to have induced them to turn their thoughts towards strengthening their government, by lodging the power in a smaller compass. They ' f 20 were, It seems, weak enough to think they could, thus strengthened, obtain the end that Groat Bri- tain in their actual state denied them ; for, in the •* Life of Washington," we find the following obser- vations: — ** The latter country (America) expcclcd •* i^reat relaxations in the Navic^alion Act^ and a •* free admission into the colonies ofthefoi-mer; and ** believed their commerce of sufficient importance to " obtain these objects, if it could be regulated by a •* si?igle legislature.** Before I proceed any farther in this discussion, a digression must be made, in order that a line of distinction may be drawn relative to the different parties in America ; and that these observations may not involve the character of one whose con- duct, in whatever light it may be viewed, will be found to have reflected honour on human nature. Washington seems, from principle, to have resisted what he deemed encroachments on the part of the mother country. The resistance made, and the ob- ject obtained, his sword was sheathed, and with it every degree of animosity. His mind seems then to have bent its powers to communicate to the system of government a tone, and to give to its acts energy, that should not only form a durable basis for its glory, but its happiness. Pie seemed to be well acquainted with the nature of the population among I 21. erg/, Ir its I well long i ' wlilcli it was his lot to live. The tondoncy of that population (from the materials of which it was composed) to unlicensed and uncontrouled depra- vity, he well knew. Of the great difficulty of put- ting In practice any of the speculative republican theories, with which the world at that moment abounded, he was well aware. No one felt more strongly than hims(df the truth of the opinion, that, " intestine commotion and domestic calamity gene- " rate general vice, in as great or greater proportion, " as they tali forth patterns of individual virtue." Acting upon such principles, the course he seems to have steered appears to have been unvaried by the gusts of popular clamour which assailed him. He had however to exert all his influence to keep the scales tolerably even between the contending parties. His system survived him but a very short period. At the very first election after his death, the popular party succeeded in gaining the ascendancy they had sought after with the most persevering activity for nearly twelve years. Subsequent to this event,' it would be a satisfaction if wc could see the rem- nant of his party following the example, and co- pying the conduct of their illustrious leader. This, however, we have to regret, has not been the case. The contagion of abuse and violence seems to have reached them. However, there is at all events tq be said in their vindication, though their conduct c ^Il'l 92 cannot but be regretted, we must recollect what the party is to which they arc opposed, and the materials of which it is composed. Finally, '.t is only candour to allow, that, however the moderate party may have forgotten themselves in their language, their intentions have been pure ; and they possess the property, the rank ; in short, the respectability of America. The popular party, with a few excep- tions, have nothing to boast of but numbers. These numbers have now obtained the most uncontroula- blc strength. I ■, To resume the narrative. — In December 1785, we find Mr. Adams at our court, " urging the complaints of America, and pressing for a full com- pliance with the treaty." In reply, we hear th« Marquis of Canharthen observing to him, that, the engagements entered into by a treaty ought to be mutual, and equally binding on the respec- tive contracting parties. It would therefore be the height of folly, as well as injustice, to sup- pose our party alone obliged to a strict obser- vance of the public faith, while the other might " remain free to deviate from its own engage- ** ments, as often as convenience might render such " deviation necessary, though at the expence of it* " own credit and importance." And he concluded with assuring the American minister, that as soon «< « u 4t ft «C as 111 I government should evince on their part a disposition to fulfil the treaty, Great Britain would co-opcratc with licr. For the justice of the noble Marquis's allegations, wc need only refer to a letter of Mr. Jay's to General Washington, in which he confesses, " // is too true, the treaty has been vio* ** lated.** In reply, wc find General Washington exclaiming, " what a misfortune it is that the Bri* ** tish should have so well grounded a pretext for their palpable infraction : and what a disgrace* ful part, out qf the choice of difficulties, are toe to " act. iif iJ! !' 82 It has been before observed, that the situation md character of the government of the United States had been such, that it appeared to have been deemed prudent by Mr. Pitt, then at the head of affairs, to withhold any intimate diplomatic inter- course with it. This seems to have added to General Washington's difficulties. To remove it, and to sound the British government on the subject of the future relation of the two governments, he desired Mr. Morris, a gentleman then in England on private business, to discover, if possible, the eentimcnts of His Majesty's ministers. On this bccasion, Mr. Pitt and the Duke of L,eeds seem id *' ci/ied in the certificates of the debts in their possession,'* IIo supported this opinion by urging, " not that tho public had rp» •' ceived le?8 value than was lExpressed on the face of tljc papsf " which had been issued, but that those to xvhovi it Jmd been dc ** liver ed^ by parting with it at Qs, 6d. in the poundy had themselves *' fixed the value of their cluiniy and manifested their willingness ta •* add to their other sacrifices this deduction of their demand upon •* the nation." It weuld be p'lasible to enlarge upon this subject; but any one wishing tq seeapicture of Colossal iniquity, it is only necessary to refer them to the accour^t of tlie debate on the funding the national del t, as given by Judge Marshall, The character and conduct of the contending parties will be developed by it. The good sense of that supporting, is loudly proclaimed by the actual effects of the measure, in which no man can be deceived. The op- posing party were the men who now have possession of the goverm ment, and had nearly succeeded in their op]i05ition, as the bill wW gnly carried by a very small majority. 33 have met fliis gentleman with the characteristic candour of the country, m stating to him, *• that it *' was their wish to be upon the best terni^ with " America j" but " repeated the complaints which " had been made by the Duke ot*. Leeds when " Lord Carmarthen, of the non-execution of the •* treaty of peace on the part oFthc United States.'* To the observation made by Mr. Morris, that " the ** constitution lately adopted* and the judicial " cp;urts established under it, amounted to a full ** compliance with the treaty on the part of the ff American government j" it was answered, " that J* losses had already been sustained in consequence ** of the obstructions given by the states to the " fair operation of that instrument, which rendered ,** a faithful observance of it at present impossible ;" and, in a note, the Duke of Leeds expressly avowed the intention, " if the delay on the part of the *'. American government to fulfil its engagements ?' made in the treaty, should have rendered their " final completion impracticable, to retard the ful- •' filment of those which depended on Great Bri- •* tain, until redress should be granted to the sub- " jects of His Majesty, in the specific points of the ** treaty itself, or a fair and just compensation " obtained for the non-performance of those stipu* <« lations which the United Slates had failed to V abserve." The capability of the government at S4' ,[>,* '1,1 111 this time to have had recourse to harsh and violent measures, which the conduct of America would have justified, is easily gathered from an observation of Mr. Morris, ** that there never was a moment " in which this country (Great Britain) felt herself *< greater than at present," ' In the Autumn of 1791, the British government, influenced by those motives that had actuated it ever since the peace, seized the first opportunit]^ that the minds and political arriiugements of the American government and people oifered^ to open a regular diplomatic intercourse. Still, however, their appointment of a minister, was accompanied with the necessary caution of withoWing full powers to treat of final arrangements. This step they seem to have been amply justified in, by their knowledge of the feeling that existed in the great jiiajority of Americans, relative to the necessity of free ships making free goods, and their claiming an open trade with the colonies. Many other reason* might be adduced, to prove the propriety of this conduct, A CIRCUMSTANCE occurrcd at this moment, which will more fully prove the propriety and con- sistency of the British government's conduct to^ wards America, Contemplating, it is presumed, 35 «c « «c «( t€ the future connection with America, a report ap- pears to have been made by a committee olf the privy council on the subject. It was printed, but recalled; not, however, in sutficicnt time to prevent a copy getting into the hands of the American government. " After expressing a wil- lingness to frame a commercial treaty with the American government, on principles of perfect equality, both with respect to navigation and commerce, so far as regarded the dominions of his British Majesty in Europe. But, if it was ** said, Cojigress should propose to exttn^ this eg ua' " lity to the remaining colonies on the continenty or ** to the fVest India islands, the ansiver ought lo ** bey that the demand would not be admitted, eveth •* as a subject of ?iegociation.** As to free bottoms making free goods, the report was equally peremp- tory. It concluded with recommending a treaty, provided ** it could be formed without a departure " from those prmciplcs, which were in the pre- ** vious part of the report considered as fundamen* '* tal." To peruse the extracts from this report, which, proceeding from the source it does, we are bound to believe accurate, where can be found, by whom can be prescribed,, language and conduct more magnanimous, more candid, or more politic? Let us refer to their own people for what their conduct had been. What part of the treaty that Ill ;'vM i; 36 tliey could infringe, by not fulfilling, bad they not done ? Was a penny of the debt which they had en- gaged to pay by that treaty, discharged? Was there any means to compel its payment ? Were the courts of justice open to British claims; to any effect at least ? Contrast the conduct of Great Britain — Was there any violence of expression, any virulence of conduct? Was hers not rather that of an affectionate parent towards a froward and way- ward child, than the conduct of one political body to another, whose language had been for more than eight years of the most violent nature, and which had indicated a wish and an inclination more ma- lignant than the savage of their woods, never to bury the hatchet of discord. About this period (1792), the parties In the United States seemed forming, and commencing, for the first time, systematic operations under their respective leaders. The press was an engine too easily wielded, and too powerful when wielded, not to be resorted to. Assisted by it, the repub- lican and the federal parties, r.s they are distin- guished, each assailed the other, with virulence and intemperance. Various domestic circumstances led to their thus forming themselves. A principal cause of dissatisfaction to the republican party eeemed to be the success of the other, which was *r . insured to them by tlie countenance of General Washington, and the abilities of Col. Hamilton and General Knox. The opinion of these gentlemen he seems to have pretty generally coincided in, and, in no circumstance more ardently it appears, than a fixed determination to prevent French in- fluence obtaining the ground which the disposition of the people gave strong reasons to fear it would. This of course implicated him, and we find by the testimony of his biographer, that now it was dis- covered that even his elevated character was, in an indirect way, the subject of the attacks and libels of the republican or popular party. Under the pretence of attacking his levees, which were charged upon him as monarchical, but which, in fact, merely arose from the necessity he felt ^^ of maintaining a just medium between mieh state and too much familiarity." In these levees, and the resolution he entered into of not returning any visits, were dis- covered the insidious approaches of the ambitious courtier to the shrine of arbitrary power. This, however, seems merely to have been a pretence.-— His predetermination to prevent undue influence on the part of France, and determined support of the measures that tended to that necessary end, seemed to have been more the cause than any which were at •that tjme openly alledgcd. . But an event now happened in Europe, which gave strength. an4 3« tonsistcncy to these charges, however frivolous and ridiculous they may appear. The unfortunate Louis was now consigned to the dungeons of the Temple ; a republic was decreed by a nation com- posed of tw '>ty-five millions of persons. 7 his was an impulse too strong to be repelled. The repub- lican flame, which had already been lighted in "America, burnt with additional ardour. Such was its effect on the pa'-ty in oj>position to General Washington, that it seems to have given perma- nent consistency to the lines of. division already drawn, and now decidedly to characterize the re- spective parties by the term, French, and neutral, or moderate. The sanguine light in which the French revolution was view^-d by Mr. Jefferson, ind the Burke-^like passages which Colonel Hamilton drew from it, in which he seems to have been supported by General Washington and Mr. Adams, gave ad- ditional keenness smd energy to the contendin^^ pBTtjes. At this period is to be dated the birth of that political bantling in America, that has now arrived to a Colossal size, French influence. The destruc- tion of the monarchy, and the establishment of the legislative powers residing in only one body, was ihe signal for a shout of approbation on the part of lih^ Atn^rrcan people;, that resounded from one end 5d of the continent to the other. Such was the ani- mation and fervour with which the intelligence of these events was received, that it required all the «trength, firmness, and vigour of Washington to prevent them breaking beyond those bounds, which not only policy, but a common .regard tor the treaties into which their government had entered, prescribed; and which would have thrown not merely into the arms of revolutionary France, but have introduced into their own country those scenes of carnage and destruction that immediately after- wards desolated the fairest part of Europe. Such» it seems, was the fervent admiration with which they viewed the French revolution, thai because there had been {owing, of course, to the confusion which had existed in France) some delay in the payment of the debt, this very circumstance was brought as a charge r^gainst the American govern* ment, of being hostile to France and the revolo- ttonary constitution. Washtngtok was however unmoved. In the year 1793, he was re-elected to the presidency, and we find him early in that yeui, acting with his usual vigour and determination. Clearly foreseeing the event of the French revolution, and at the same time dreading the approach of any thing which should givt additional «tren£;th to the violenl: spirit i - llil- ■■■i I II', i i ri"t 40 already existing in America, he seems early to have determined, that no endeavour on his part should "be wanting to establish that neutrality which was so necessary toher existence as a nation. In April, 1793, the account of the war between Great Bri- tain and France arrived. In all classes, it seemed to give additional vigour to the hatred to England, and, if possible, to their affection for France. The few who thought differently to the many, were " tools of Britain," and "satellites of despotism." A. pretty plain and practical comment on this text, was, their fitting out in American ports, ships of war under French commisions to capture British shipping. It may be necessary here to call the attention of the reader to the fact, that, by the treaty between the United Stages and France, which was made in 1778, engagements offensive and defensive were entered into by the contracting parties : with this provision, however, that, either of the parties being the aggressor on a third, could not in that case call for the execution of the treaty. Hence it became necessary, as soon as France was involved in war, for America to ascertain whether she was or was not the injured party? To determine this fact. General Washington put certain queries to his ca- binet, for them *"o consider and give their opinioa m- 41 •upon. Their reply was unanimous, that France,' not Great Britain^ was the aggressor. In order to give this opinion its full weight, as well as to check the lawless spirit of privateering, he issued his pro- clamation, declaring the United States to be neu- tral J and, of course, enjoining its citizens to respect that neutrality. )emg call :ame |war, was fact, ca,- lioA This proclamation of neutrality seems to have heen a signal agreed upon, or rather received by the popular party, as one for an attack on General Washington, and on Great "^ritain, more virulent than had hitherto appeared. To injure the latter, no step but what was taken, no artifice was left untried. On the other hand, although the streets of Paris were streaming with the best and the worst blood of France j though a jacobin, and a prince were indiscriminately dragged to the scaf- fold, 't wa'i done in the glorious cause of liberty, againp-t the combined despots. To aid in this in- fer a' conspiracy, there soon arrived an agent, *' ci ■ <'T 1 with alembick from the Parisian hell.*' who was i'urnished with full powers, and as great inclination, to add fuel to the already dangerous flame. Thus was a revolutionary character intro- duced for the first time. The instructions he came with were, to try and discover if the executive go- vernment were well affected to the revolution. If r'l. ii;.! : il' jl il!,'iV hii;!' ; 'i'« ^«.i..' 1 k 4^ he should find this part of the community not wil- ling to become the dt'pes of their infernal machina- tions, he was then to see whether the response of the people would be more consonant to their wish- es. The former he soon found he could not model to the shape he desired. The latter he found " like clay in the hand of the potter," ready to receive any impression which he chose to give it. Kno'vikg t^*? character of the different parts of the Union, and ' wild democracy was a plant of luxuriant growth m the new southern latitudes, lie contrived to land at Charleston in South Ca^ roHna. In this town he was received by the Go- vernor of the state, with the most marked attention. In order more effectually to feel the public pulse, and give animation to the rising sentiments of sym- pathy 'and affection already existing in the Ameri» can minds for their republican friends, he determin- ed upon travelling by land to New York. The •low method of travelling was peculiarly favourable to the object he had in view ; and we find him ar- ming at the seat of the government, in more than a month after his landing on the territory of the United States. Nor were the mild and virtuous inhabitants of these blissful regions restrained by any of the vulgar rules that, in the savage countries of Europe, govern the conduct of mdiriduals. With 4S t Wil- li ina- ise of wish- nodel " like c anf irtso? plant tudes, ii Ca- e Go ntion, pulse» sym- meri" rmin- Thc table ar« than f the uous any es of ith ardour did they embrace him as the apostle of li- berty. With equal detestation did they express their horror at the atrocious conduct of Great Bri- tain, then at the head of a combination of despots, armed against the dearest rights and privileges of mankind. The positive infringements, upon not only the law of nations, but of their treaties, were such^that it became a matter of duty in the British minister to call the attention of the government to the sub- ject, and to claim restitution. To this requisition it will be well to notice the reply. — -When the pre- sident consulted the secretaries of state, of war* and of the treasury, as well as the attorney gene- ral, on the subject of the restitution, the former, Mr. Jefferson, and the latter, Mr. Randolph, (whose intercepted correspondence will be well recollected) thought the propriety of restitution was dubious.— They imagined, that, " By disavowing the act, by * taking measurer, to prevent its repetition, by pro- ** secuting the American citizens engaged in it, ^ the United Stated ought to stand justified with •* Great Britain ; and for that power to demand ^ farther reparation would be wrong on her part, •• That the vessels ivhich had been captured oji the ^ high seai, and brought into the Uiiited States^ by f* privateers fitted cut and corrmissioned in their ■n 44' f'^li: ** ports, oitght not to be Tesfored.** To give the opposed opinions of Colonel Hamilton and Gene- ral Knox, with their reasons, would be insulting to the understanding of the reader. ,1 ;'!"" fMr Disappointed, however, by this conduct, Ge- net seems determined to try whether he could or could not exhaust insult, when he made replies to the communications which were made to him, of the general principle upon which the government had determined to act. Not satisfied with this^ however, he boldly claims the release of two Ame- rican seamen, who had entered on board a French privateer, and against whom a process of law was in the course of prosecution. ii'" i:-^^ ^ At this period, it is impossible to avoid remark- ing the caution the government were obliged to ob- serve in their communications with Genet. The motive could only have been the dread of the popu- lar interference, a fear that seems to have arisen with some degree ofjustice.»;,jAll the jargon of the French revolution was adopted. The red cap of jacobin France passed in their civic feasts, from head to head. The press was almost uniform in its support. Had these acts been unaccompanied by others of insult to Great Britain, they might hav© passed unnoticed, and have been attributed to the- 45 heat and intemperance of the moment. But simple silence on the subject of Great Britain would not satisfy these republicans. Nothing would satiate their fraternal ardor for their French friends, but, the most unlimited abuse of the monarch, of the govern- ment, of the subjects of Great Britain, must be united with their rejoicings at the horrors of revo- lutionary France. In the animated language of Mr. Marshall, " Mr. Genet was exhorted not to relax in his endeavours to maintain the just rights of his country, and was assured, that ia the affections of the people he would Jind a firm and " certain support** t( <( cessively indignant at such conduct. General Wash- ington immediately sent a messenger, desiring Mr, Jefferson's attendance. He had retired indisposed into the country. General Washington then ad- dressed him the following letter. — What he felt on? the occasion is strongly depicted in its stile:— " What is to be done in the case of the Little ** Sarah, now at Chester? Is the minister of the •* French republic to set the acts of this govertt' ! ♦7 .ittlc the rem- «* ment at defiance with impunity, and then threaten " the execution with an appeal to the people?—* ** What must the world think of such a conduct ; '* and of the government of the United States, lA ** submitting to it?" Such, it seems, was the con* duct of a French revolutionary minister. It Is not, however, to be wondered at, when we recollect by whom he was supported. Facts proved afterwards^ he had tampered with a minister. They declared now, that he was supported by the people. As ^ proof that he might feel himself justified, it is only necessary to recur to some sentiments, which wer^ expressed in the shape of toasts, given at a civic fei^, at which ^governor of Pensylvania and a regiment of militia were present. " Union and mvrtual confix ' ^ dence to the patriots of France; confusion aihd. " distress to the councils of their enemies." "May " the succeeding generations wonder that sucff ** beings askings were ever suffered to exist," An expression of affection for France, as has beerf before observed, never satrsfied these ardent repub- licans. They must in their more solemn characters, asjurors, avow their suppon of Frahcfe. We find* them pronouncing a verdict of acqufttal on a criminal, who was an American citizen, who hadf armed against a power with which they were at peace. This mao, guilty in the eye of the law of nations ^ bi&owA'iJQUi^try^ was:ai:i^uLtted^ I 'I ill' . ^l,;v 48 •. The French Minister, however, judging from the popular fervour and ardour in the cause of France, and proportional enmity to Great Bri- tain, seems still to pursue this violent conduct.— The American government was thus at last driven to request his recal. When he learnt that this measure had been taken, he addressed a most angry letter to the secretary of state, in which he charged the president with having transcended tlic power of the constitution ; and of his accusation before Con^ gress he spoke of as an act of justice, " which the •* American people, which the French people, ** which all free people, were interested to reclaim." To Mr. Jefferson his bitterness also extended. That gentleman, he said, he considered his licrsonal friend, — " He had,* said Genet, " initiated him into mysteries tvhich had inflayned his hatred against all those xvho aspire to absolute poiver** — Thus we see he did not confine his asperity to the president, or " to those gentlemen who had been " painted to him so often as aristocrats, partizans " of monarchy, partizans of England, and conse- •' quently enemies of the principles which all good •* Frenchmen had embraced with a religious en- ** thusiasm.** He seemed to spare not a man he had hitherto been led to conceive his best friend. « ed to adhere to his sentiments. For we no sooner find him with- drawn from office, than we find them bringing for- ward resolutions, which were founded on the re» port; the ideas of which were fully embraced. • Mr. Madife. , the present secretary of state, moved these resolutions. In a long and animated debate^ it was proved by t!i€ fri«nd« of America and neci- 55 rality, that many of the data on which his report was grounded, were false; and that when there was acarcful exanoination of the commerce of America, as it stood relative to Great Britain and France, it was discovered, that, with the former, the advanta- ges were greater than with the latter. In the de- bate, the determined, the obstinate hostility to Grent Britain, appeared in glaring colours. The friendship for France wais equally conspicuous. Calculations were coolly entered into to ;»rove, that if Great Britain went to war in consequence of these resolutions, how many workmen would be thrown out of employ. And I can easily believe that these philanthropists would delifteate how ^^/^o / many of the wives and childre*^ of the starving me- chanics would perish; the quantum of distress it would occasion to the more wealthy individual ; and the number of unfortunate wretclic* that must seek an asylum in the woods of America ! These cool calculations entered doubtless Into the hearts of these philanthropists, though perhaps they wereno^ uttered by their tongues, 'A \ I In the course of the debate, it was averred that Great Britain and her colonies were dependent on America for bread; for, in short, almost every ar- ticle which was necessary to the existence of Bri- tish commerce and manufacture. As an induce^ 1*1' ^0 iivil u hi 1 i . « \^:% ment, thus to enact retaliating measures toward Great Britain, she was again charged widi having instigated the Indian to the murder of the citizen of the frontier; and with having let loose the Al- gerine on the defenceless commerce of America. No malignant assertion, however unfounded ; no accusation, however wild and incredible; but what seems to have been uttered by the popular party in Congress, and received by their adherents out of doors. On the other hand, in the conduct of fevolutionary France were exhibited proofs of 3 magnanimity and generosity, that called for the most grateful return. The hand of friendship which she held out was not to be rejected, although it were tinged with a ten-times deeper red, than that which the horrors it had committed, had occasion-^ ed. Fortunately for them, the more moderate sentiments of the neutral party prevailed, although by a small majority. It ought however to .be no- ticed, that it was in some measure owing to the ce- lebrated order issued by the British government ia November 1793, for the det'^ntion of provision ships, that their attention was diverted from the measures which were intended to be engrafted on the resolutions. In addition t6 the provision order of November, there seems tq have bee^ just at th^^ tim^ 4 cUcvun- ';ii: Ml 57 stance, which, by inducing the people of Ame* rica to think that war with Great Britain was approaching, led them to project measures of re- prisal. This is an important and too prominent a feature in their character to be omitted. It will serve as a very good barometer to indicate how high or low their spirit of hostility will arise at a future period in like circumstances. There was communicated to the American government a speech, said to have been made by Lord Dorches- ter to the Indians, in which he said, that in his opinion war was approaching between America and Great Britain. This was, .lowever, unfound- ed. But, actuated by it, a motion seems to have been produced in the houi ) of representatives, for the sequestration of British debts. In the debate pn this motion, " their invectives against the Bri- " tish nation were uttered with peculiar vehe* ** mence." A " resistance," it was said, " of the ^ feelings of the people for the cause of France, •* had been palatable food for British arrogance • and presumption.'* Thus may the English na*- tion see the species of hostility America is in- clined to enter into. . Is it to hav« the enemies of their country in the field? Is it to meet its foes on the ocean ? No, it is that " system of cruel and *' insidious policy, which unfeelingly dooms indi-* ^ viduals to chains^ and involves thexa in ruio,. ']■ ^ without having a tendency to effect any national •* object." Such is the system of American hosti- lity. It is thus to sacrifice private and public lio- nour on the altar of infamy, and replenish the coffers of the state with the pcrjuriei of the indi- vidua). m : M. The rccal of the order of November 1793, oil the part of Great Britain, and the reasons which were given for its issuing, as well as the discovery of the error about Lord Dorchester*s speech, sus- pended the resolution. The open, manly, liberal* and decided explanations, given on the subject by Lord Grenville ; the profession v ^ -'ncere friend- ship made by him, seems to have awakened in a few breasts some sparks of amiable feeling. On the popular party no effect whatever was obtained. Regarding with jaundiced eyes every measure of the British government, every one of its motives continued to be traced to a malignant source ; every act of its administration was misrepresented. The popular feelings were excited in the most inflammatory way, through the medium of the press. i. i r The war with Great Britain did not seem te the moderate and neutral party, to be by any sieans the leading or greatest evil. The state of m 59 <( it cc the popular mind appears to have been such as th occasion a fear that the horrors of the French re- volution would have been reached over them^ Every atrocity of that momentous event, it seem€ to have been feared, would have found imitation. Thus would the woods of America been moistened with the blood of her citizens. For we learn from the eloquent author last quoted, " That war with Britain, during the continuance of the passionate and almost idolatrous devotion of a great rnajo* rity of the people for the French rephhlic, *• would throw America so completely into the ** arms of France, as to leave her no longer mis- *' tress of her own conduct, was not the only ** fear which the temper of the day suggested. " That the spirit zvhich triumphed in that nation ** and deluged it with the blood of its revolutionarj/ ** chaynpions might cross the Atlantic, and desolate " the hitherto safe and peaceful dwellings of the ** American people, teas an apprehensioji not so en- «* tirely unsupported hi; appearances, as to be pro^ ^* nounced chimerical. With a blind infatuation, " which treated reason as criminal, immense num- " bers applauded a furious despotism, trampling " on every right, and sporting ivith human life as " the essence of liberti/; and the ftxv who con-' ** ceived freedom to be a plant which did not Jlou* risk thi better for being nourished with human « e6 w-y} 0t at' •ff M M M « «( M M «< H 5A?(7(/, a7id tvho ventured to disapprove of tfie ravages of the gufllotifte, tvere execrated as th€ tools of the coalesced despots ; and as persons, xvhoy to weaken the affection of America for France^ became the calumniators of thai repub- lic. Already had an imitative spirit, captivated with the splendour, but copying the errors of a great nation, reared up in every part of the continent, self-created corresponding societies ; who, claiming to be the people, assumed a con- troul over the constituted authorities, and were k>osening the bands of government. Already were the mountain and a revolutionary tribunal, favourite toasts; and already were principlcl familiarly proclaimed, which, in France had been the precursors of that tremendous and savage despotism, which in the name of the people, and by the instrumentality of affiliated societies, had spread its terrific sway over that fine country, and threatened to extirpate all that was wise and virtuous. That a great ma- jor'ity of THOSE statesmen who conducted THE OPPOSITION, WOULD DEPRECATE SUCH A v>.zsvLT,' furnished no security against it. When the physical force of a nation usurps the place of its wisdom, those who have produced such" A STATE OF THINGS, rfo not olzvays rctaiu thc potver of controuliiig it.'* m 6\ AwAHE of this momentous fact, the prescient mind of Washington determined to stem the popu* lar torrent, and to endeavour to oppose a barrier to the overwhelming stream of revolutionary en- thusiasm. In order to attain this end, he embraced the earliest opportunity that the conciliating dis- positions of Great Britain held out of arrangement and accommodation. This had been interrupted for a short time, owing to the provision order. But as soon as the cause of this order was explained, every doubt of the disposition of the British cabi- net seems to have been removed. Availing him- self, therefore, of this friendly disposition, we find him having recourse to the solemnity of an extra- ordinary embassy to the court of St. James's. In his choice of a gentleman to fill this important station, he seems to have consulted not only the interest of his own country, but to have gratified the ministers of Great Britain. The moderate and conciliating conduct of Mr. Jay, his total ab- straction from any of the wild schemes that at that period pervaded every part of America, together with his great talents, seem to have eminently qualified him for the task, In proportion, however, as this appointment was beneficial to the country, and consistent with its real views, in the same de- gree were the popular party opposed to it. The ground they took, seems to have been that of I! 62 which they had long held possession. The prospect of a good understanding witli the despotic go- vernment of Great Hritain, revolted their pure and exalted minds. Two days after the appointment of Mr. Jay in the house of representatives, they even brought forward some resolutions which went to destrov all inter- course with Great Britain. These, it seemsj passed with a large majority, and were lost in the senate, only by the casting vote of the vice president. SucFr, however, was the continuing friendly dis- position of the American people toward France, and its propoitionate hostility to Great Britain, that a bill simply to prevent the fitting out priva- teers in American ports, and preventing the sale of their prizes, was only carried in the senate by the casting vote of the vice president. In the house of representatives we find one of these " Rabble ^uaton and inoichant kings," Endeavouring to reject a section in the biJl," which ** declared it to be a misdemeanour for a citizen ** to inlist within the United States, to serve ** against a friendly power." Such was the coa- duct of those who were well described, ** as apos- V ties of anarchy," w^o. ** sought to intoxicate the 63 ** people with principles which were incompatible ** with the existence of government." Mr. Jay seems to have answered the expecta- tion formed f him by General Washington, fic succeeded in framing a code of regulations, which, thougli its existence was so limited, gave, during that existence, ample proofs of its not only being competent to its object, but beneficial in its effects to both parties. The conduct of the British mi- nister appears also in an admirable light. Lord Grenville, aware of the irritation that existed, went through his office with a dignity that inspired respect, and at the same time conciliated esteem. Mr. Jay seems to have adopted a line of conduct also inspiring respect and esteem. Difficult as was his situation, his demeanour seems to have rendered it almost pleasant. The British govern- ment seems, when we view its conduct in a gene- ral light, to have acted with that temper and mo- deration that distinguish true greatness. The effect it wrought on the mind of Mr. Jay will be best dis- played in his own w^ords to General Washington. " To do more was impossible. I ought not to con- " ceal from you, that the confidence reposed in your ♦' personal character was visible and usctul through- " out the negociation." " If there is not a good " disposition in the far greater part of the cabinet ii t 64 *• and the nation towards us, I am exceedingly ** mistaken. I do not mean an ostensible and ** temporizing, but a real ^ood dispositioju I wish •• it may have a fair trial." % That this troaty was conditionally ratified, need not now be said. There was reasonable grounds to hope, that when it was ratified, opposition would cease,* and misrepresentation would not be made. This expectation, however, was unfound- ed. The mode in which it had been made, the secrecy that had been observed relative to its con- tents, were the foundation of charges against the government by the popular party. Their pre- determination on the subject is very evident, and consequently we are not to be surprised at the in- flammatory and false representations which were made by the popular leaders in Congress, to their adherents out of doors. The affection for France was as unbounded as ever. Her victories and plunder of Flanders and Holland, were links that now (1795), bound the people of the two republics together, in the same way that her patriotic mur- ders had heretofore (1795). To exhibit how every branch of society in Ame- rica co-operated to bring this treaty into contempt, we find them alledging, that it was << an abandoa- 55 ** ment of the ancient allies of the United States, " whose friendship had given them independence, " and whose splouiid vlctorirs still protected t/icm, " /or a close connection with their natural enemies, ** and the enemies of human libcrf^/.*' As an ad- mirable comment on this their text, it is impossi- ble to avoid mentioning one of their political wishes, given in the shape of a toast, at a meeting of patriotic citizens for celebrating the victories of ]/rancc. This, it is to be recollected, was at a period they knew a treaty between America and Great Britain had been signed, and their legisla- tive body about to meet, to say whether it should or should not be ratified. Under these circum- stpnceswe find, that " the shores of Great Britain *' n/ght hail the tri-coloured standard, and, that ** the people might rend the air with shouts of *' live the republic. '''—^-Thls was one of their prayers. Lme- >pt, loa* -A CIRCUMSTANCE IS HOW to bc mentioned, which will place the character of some of these virtuous republican legislators in an amiable light. The treaty was sent to the senate under an injunc- tion of secrecy. One of these illustrious senators privately obtained a mutilated copy, and commu- nicated it to the leading opposition print. Of such materials is this modern republican senate com- :ii'i . posed ; a senate that presumes to possess a Tiber, and a Capitol. A Tiber and a Capitol, truly ! — The one, however, is muddied with every modern im- purity ; and the other is the lath and plas«:er produc- tion of modem fanaticism and political quackery. Surely the iJlustrious Burke had these self-called republicans in his eye, when he exclaimed, " Oh " venerable and illustrioup. shade, how zrl the a " prostrated, defamed, and degraded ! O f?bnc, •*' the labour of centuries, the mother of heroism, " cemented by the blood of patriots, how art thou " libelled and dishonoured ! As well might it be ** said, that the mutilated shadows of the opera ** house were the representatives of heroes, the ** true and perfect Caisars, Gatos, and Brutuses " of Rome, as that so strange and discordant sL chaos should be the representative of a real re- public." • « ! n St ' ''si' ■Hi . I « The public transactions which attended the ratifi- cation of the treaty were such as to claim our at- ten.bn. The concessions of Great Britain were neither sufficient in effect or in avowal. She had not agreed to remove the basis upon which her naval strength and national glory rested. She had not opened her West India ports to the vessels of the United States in the same manner she did when they were colonies. In short, she had not bowed [I m\ ei I Tiber, ' !—The ern im- produc- iacker)% If-called 1, " Oh Tt t!i( a f?bnc, eroism, irt thou It it be ! opera ?s, the rutuses dant St eal re- ratifi- ur at- were e had 1 her had lis of i^hen we This wish Induced him to compress this pam- phlet as much as possible, in order that it might be within the compass of persons whose situation in lite, either from pecuniary circumstances, or from little leisure, are not enabled to purchase, or to bestow the time necessary for the perusal of works which would, if not so expensive and volu- minous, sufficiently open the eyes of the inhabitants of this country to the real character of the people, and the nature of the government, of the United States. ■ The works he more particularly alludes to arc, the last volume of ** Judge Marshall's Life of Washington/' and ** Mr. Jansen's Stranger in ^* America." Hence, it is not to be inferred, that ther« are not ample sources, which the author can point out, and on the best authority, whence our manufactories and colonies can be fully suppli- ed. This branch of the subject he is fully prepared to lay before the public, should there appear to be a disposition on their part to receive a project of the sort. I The countries whence he proposes to draw those necessaries have already been mentioned. These remarks will therefore, he Hattors himself, excite the attention of every bunch of society. More ■fr s pam- t might tuation CCS, or ase, or usal of d volu- bitants people, United jdes to I's Life igcr in tlier« pr can lencc uppli- pared to be ct o{ those 'hese Ixcite [ore 87 especially now, that a source of great mercantile enterprise, which occupied a large quantity of tonnage, is closed. The African association also will find their object the civilization of Africa, hi- therto the abode of ignorance and object of vio- lence, assisted. The ci-devant African merchant and the general ship owner, will also find their in- terest forwarded, as their tonnage would find em- ployment in the supposed sources of supply. The treatment of Captain Love in Charleston, was not known until the preceding pages had been written. Hence, the reason of the following observations being introduced as an ADDITIONAL POSTSCRIPT. THE world has already seen the (a respect for the common decorums of polished society precludes a characteristic term) communications of an officer of the American government, to Captain Love, of H. M. S. D'iivcr. The reply of that gentleman breathes the spirit of a country, that can boast of many such ardent and loyal defenders. This im- potent (for the Fort from which Captain Love was to be fired upon, has not ten feet of regular fortifi- cation, or a gun properly mounted) insult, it seems, took plact in consequence of a proclamation of pre^r i I 88 sident Jefferson^s — In consfqucnce of a prodama^ tioH of president Jefferso?i*s / Let the reader mark this. Then let him ash what is the effect of a proclamation of president JFu v// ington 's ? Th e ob- ject of that proclamation was, not to deny the rights which the hospitality of nations, in conse- quence of their being at peace, gives to the ships of the respective powers; but to prevent America becoming, in the hands of France, a means of ag- gression to Great Britain : it was a proclamation announcing the neutrality of America, and calling upon her citizens to observe that neutrality. Did it not require all the energy of the government to ensure common respect to it? Was it not denoun- ced by the popular party, the party now in pozver, as an "unconstitutional act;" as a ** stretch of power j" as a " violation of treaties that existed * between America and France;" as " an edict that ought to be classed with those of royalty, ** and therefore, not to be tolerated in a republi- ** can government." Did they not give a very ample illustration of their opinion on the subject, by acquitting an American citizen, who, contrary to the laiv oj nations and of America, had been found in arms against Great Britain.^ Did not a grand jury refuse to find a bill against a French consul, who, in defiance of the government, used ii 1 1 J, LctUrfrom Mr. Jefinon, late Minister of the United Statti id France and Secretary to the Department of Foreign 4fair9f to tt Citizen of Virginia. .. ii r.r.i.,»:i- .! . .yj,'^ •■ ., il i-'.c.im';!' CFroin the Monlteur of Jan. ii, 1797.^ rV If-"' This Letter, literally translated, is addressed to M. Mazzei, Author of Researches Historical and Political upon the United States oC America, now resident in Tuscany. Florence J January 1. ^' *< Our political situation m prodigiously changed nioce you left us. Instead of that noble love of liberty, and that repub- lican government which carried us through the dangers of the *' war, an Anglo-monarchio*aristocratic party has arisen. Their avowed object is to impose on us the substance, as they have already given us the yb/y/i of the British government Never- theless, the principal body of our citizens remain faithful to " republican principles. All our proprietors of lands '«re triendly ^.0 those principles, as also the men of talents. We have against us (republicans), the executive power, the judiciary power, (two out of three branches of the government) ; all the officers of government, all who are seeking offices, all timid men, who prefer the calm of despotism to the tempestuous sea of liberty; ty- British ** merchants, and the Americans who trade on British capitals; the speculators, and persons interested in the bank and public funds. — *' Establishments invented with views of corruption, and to assimi- " late us to the British model in all its corrupt parts. " I SHOULD give you a fever if I were to name the apostates who ** have embraced these heresies ; men who were Solomons in coun'^ " cil, and Sampsons in combat; but whose hair has been cut off by " the VV. . , e of England. " Thby would wrest from us that liberty which we have ob- ** tained with so much labour and peril; but we shall preserve it. ** Our mass of weight aud riches is so powerful, that we have 110^ 41 <( « «( « «( " .». » i 100 " thing to fear from an attem|g against us by force. It is suffi- •* cient that wc giiani onrselves, and that wc break the Lilliputian ** ties by which thry havij bonud iis, in the liist bUnnbcrs that sue- •* cecdcd our labours. It suflici.-b that we arrest the progress of that " system of ingratitude and irijuvticc touard France, from w/iiih *• t/ic^ uould alienate us, to bring us uiidtr British injhiencc" r* • ' w .V (Signed) Til. JErri-mSOX. • Porcupine s Avorks. \ fc> / . ■'< A> . .1 V'-'".. ''V .•• TO give an idea of the state of dependence in which America is • ! I for the consumption of her staples, the author has thought u ■ proper to add the following fact: , i »• That from the 3d to the 24th of June, there were imported int» r, Liverpool, in lifty-four ships — . » ■ 18,337 Bags of Cotton, which, at 2J0lb. per bag, ' • and 2s. per lb. is Jt* 458,425 89,306 Bushels of Wheat, at 6s. per bushel, is ... . 24,000 40,935 Barrels of Flour, at 308. per barrel, is .... 60,592 Total......... £543,0J7 It is to be farther observed, that the American merchants have already availed themselves of two-thirds the value of this, by drawing bills. Ileuce their great dependence upon us for a capital which they obtain by this permission to draw. THE END. W. M'Dowall, Printer, •■.■-> ^^i^. i "J 99 It is suftl- Lilliputian s tliut suc- ess of tliat ' .0 ts Ijave lis, by capital Letter from Mr. Jrfferton^ late Minuter of the United States «» Franct, and Secrctarj/ to the Department of' Foreign ^fairs, to • Citizen oj Virginia. CFroni the Moniteur of Jiin. ?5, 1797.^ •"ft' •, \ This Letter, literally translated, is addressed to M. Mazcei, Author of Rpsearrhes lliiitorical and Political upon the United Statctof America, now resident in Tusrany. Florence^ January 1 . " Oun political situation is prodigiously changed since you left us. Instead of that noble luve of liberty, and that repub- liran government which carried us through the dangert of tb« war, an Anglo-monarchio-aristocratic party has arisen. Their avowed object is to impose on us the iubttance^ as they have already given us the form of the British government. Never- theless, the principal body of our citizens remain faithful to republican principles. All our proprietors of lands are friendly to those principles, as also the men of talents. We have against us (republicans), the executive powerf the judiciary power^ (two out of three branches of the government); ail the officers of gorvernment, all who are seeking offices^ all titnid men, who prefer the calm of despotism to the tempestuous sea of liberty ; the British merchants, and the Americans who troie on British capitals; the * speculators, and persons interested in the bank and public fUnds.-^ Establishments invented with views of corruption, and to assimi* late us to the British model in all its corrupt parts. " I SHOULD give you a fever if I were to name the apostates wtio * have embraced these heresies; men who were Solomotis in coun* * cil, and Sampsons in combat; but whose hair has been cut off by ' the \V. . . .e of England. «< Til EY would wrest from us that liberty which we have ob* " tained with so much labour and peril ; but we shall preserve it. " Our mass of weight and rich«§ it lo powerful, that we have imh , I. • • 100 •* thing to fear from ftn attempt against us by fore*. It is suffi- *' cient that wo guard ourstlvi'S, and that wo break the LiiUpulian *• tie* by which tliry have bound us, in the first slumbers that suc- " reeded our hibours. It sullices thut we arrest the progress of that ** system of ingratitude and injustiic tuuard France, from uhich ** thejf uvuld alienate t/^, to bring us under Iiritii,h injiu^nce." (Signed) Til. JEFFLRSON. rorcupino'i Works. TO give an idea of the state of dependence in which America il for the consumption of her staples, the author has thought proper to add the following fact : That from the 3d to the 24th of June, there were imported into Liverpool, in fifty-four ships— 18,337 Bags of Cotton, which, at 250lb. per bag, and 2s. per lb. is. £ 458,425 82,336* Bushels of Wheat, at 6s. per bushel, is ... . 24,000 40,935 Barrels of Flour, at 30s. per barrel, is .... 60,592 Total je543,0l7 It is to be farther observed, that the American merchants have already availed themselves of two-thirds the value of this, by drawing bills. Hence their great dependence upon us ibr a capital which they obtoio by this peraiissiou to draw. ^ 'T- ft is Bufff thought }rted into OIL WITHOUT VINEGAM." 5 2 7 rtts have 1)18, by capital JLhE Americans who have happened to be in England since the dispute that has arisen between the two countries bore a serious aspect, have hi- therto trusted the pleading of their cause to the en- lightened Editor of the Morning Chronicle, and the temperate writer of the Independent Whig. In these gentlemen they have found able advocates. Whether they have or have not given them general retainers, 1 am unable to say, but such, from the language of the former*, we may believe to be the * See the liberal strictures and candid suppositions of this paper of September 28, on the subject of the lion. CI. Berkeley, and the Court Martial on the deserter. i ♦ ... •.\^ . M! 102 case. There is, however, it appears, one solitary individual of this country, who thinks that he can wield the pen better than either. One of the me- thods by which this oily author would wish to ef- fect this, is to profess impartiality, and a similar af- fection for both countries. This is mighty plausi- ble; but he must forgive me if I say, that in Eng- land we arc not so philosophical in our ideas, as to wish that any one may possess an affection for other countries than his own. He will also ex- cuse me if I tell him that I cannot allow to him to possess the place of an Equity Judge; but I am forced to place him below the Bench, as an Old Bailey Lawyer, who has a bad cause to defend, and makes the best use of the talents he possesses, to defend it. .rt (■i. He introduces this subject by noticing the " strange fatality'* that has brought the countries so near a rupture. That this " strange fatality** exists, there is no doubt ; that it arises from the part taken by Mr. Jefferson and his associates; that it springs from the determined hostility of that gentleman and his partizans to Great Britain; that these are the causes of this ** fatality," is clearly proved from the preceding pages. Let the oily au- thor of this pamphlet take the trouble to examine ihem^ and the authorities whence they are deduced. lolitary he can he me- to ef- lilar af- piausi- in Eng- ieas, as ion for Iso cx- him to It I am m Old defend, ssesses, r I*' o the luntries tality'* m the ciatesj )f that that :learly lily aii- laminc luced. 105 .And the business will be rendered at clear to hitfl ai the sun at noon day. People in America, or Americans in Europe, whenever thoy speak of European institutrons al- ways confuse their understandings, and render t\h ir opinions objects of derision, by talking about the '* Law of Nature." <* The constitution of the " United States," say they, " is founded on the so- •• cial contract, and the law of nature." The Afri- can is brought from the coast, flogged, and mur- dered, according to the " social contract," and the ** law of nature." Fraudulent bankruptcies take place agreeable to the " law of nature." Fathers murder sons, sons assassinate fathers, mothers mas- sacre their children*, according to the ** law of ** nature." So this author. Thou Nature art my Goddess, does he exclaim, and with one blow kicks down all other laws but the *' law of nature," which he avers never can be appealed to in vain. It must be allowed, however, that he has a more powerful inducement to destroy those written laws and institutions, that have been venerated for ages, and received as oracles. This is, that America did * These horrid circumstances have occurred in America. But it is not to be wondered at in h country where there is &o total aa absence of all principle, moral and religious. See Ross's Compen* dlum of Geography. not then exist r ; a nation, btrt does now. Argu- ments here will be of little utility, in the inquiry, whether the laws and customs of nations are to be governed by " practicability," which « justice is •' to guide" as much as possible. This " practica- ** bility, probability," and ** possibility," of justice, are plants that may, and indeed do thrive in Ame- rican courts and legislatures, but will not exist in England. — As a proof, however, of the impartigjity of this author, he says he is « tolerably" so, be tells us that Great Britain may probably sink in the con- test, but that America must be benejited. m- 4< « «( This oily author, next proceeds to give us his opinions about citizenship, the colonial and navi- gation laws. The " importance" of the first, he says, is greatly exaggerated." ** No act of one country can free a man from his allegiance to his oivn so- vereign." This is allowed; but this acute rea- ' soner adds, what is " this allegiance ?" According to this modern Grotius, it ceases as soon as the sub- ject leaves his own country, except as to " bearing " arms." This is a "fragment of allegiance" — He proceeds then to tell us that we have no right to demand a deserter even if he has infringed this " fragment" of the allegiance he owes to his coun- try. Let the result of the affair between the Leo- pard and the Chesapeak, let the proceedings of the Court Martial on the deserter, be the commentary Argil- inquiry^ e to be stice is ractica- justice, 1 Ame- xist in irtigjity be tells le con- US his d navi- le says» 'ountry nvn so- e rea- >rding |e 6ub- aring :'■ -.1 ) Maintaining that" circumstances" aloneought to govern ** our colonial laws," (he had better have termed them customs) he tells us, that the " rightt •* of the mother country are the jargon of the day ;'^ and that we have no right to regulate the trade of our colonies. These data he very soon establishes, though he tells us directly afterwards, we have the right of " govemifig and legislating" but have no right to pass laws to oblige them to send their pro- duce to any one given port. What then is legis- lating? and what is government, if it does r.v>t con- sist in the controul of the subject?- • " The Lie Direct ; or, a Refutation of the Proclamatioo of l*rwident Jefferson," J ?1 M' ■I'l lOff -' Hb ikiw comes to propose his remedy, a remerff for which hw Majesty's mmrstcrs win be infjnrtely obliged to him. It is simply this — ^To enable the planter to pay his