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I 
 
THE 
 
 POLITICAL STANDLNG 
 
 OF 
 
 IRISH CATHOLICS 
 
 IN CANADA ; 
 
 A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF ITS CAUSES, WITH 
 SUGGESTIONS FOR ITS AMELIORATION. 
 
 BY 
 
 J. L. P. O'HANLY, 
 
 Civil Engineer. 
 
 O T T .A. "W" A.. 
 
 1872. 
 

DEDICATION 
 
 To John O'Donohoe Esq., Barrister, &c., &c. 
 
 President of Catholic League, Toronto. 
 
 My Dear Sir : — Permit me to usher this little stranger into life 
 under the sanction of your name ; stand sponsor for its veracity 
 that it may gain admission to Irish hearths and access to Irish 
 hearts. Let the lowly wayfarer be stamped with your approba- 
 tion, and in its wanderings it cannot fail to be greeted with many 
 a " jead rnille fallthe ; " adopt the tender nursling that the defects 
 of the pvoteyS may be overlooked in the magnanimity of the pat- 
 ron. Though not an offspring of, it can claim near kindred to, the 
 " Catholic League." For it has been stimulated into being by the 
 warmth and fervour of that thrice-blessed organization, whose wise 
 teachings and patriotic efforts have vivified with new life and re- 
 newed hope many a drooping spirit. 
 
 The league, as sought to be represented by the enemies of Irish 
 Catholics, is not a political organization. Its aim, as I interpret it 
 from its constitution, is to solidify, to consolidate and concentiate 
 into a combined whole, the great body of our people now scattered 
 and divided, floating on an ocean of doubt and uncertainty, tossed 
 about without guide or rudder by every wind of political doctrine. 
 Its mission is to bring order out of chaos, to teach, to train, to in- 
 struct, to educate its members in the fundamental principles of 
 self-government. When that noble and philanthropic object is 
 accomplished, its task will be fulfilled, and it will, like its Irish 
 congener, pass fvoixi life to immortality. Then, individuals, under 
 the influence of natura' laws, directed by reason, will gravitate 
 to congenial parties. Then shall no longer be witnessed the de- 
 moralizing spectacle of the union of likes and dislikes, the unholy 
 alliance of antagonistic elements I This is as it should be, for no 
 friend of his country can desire the perpetuation of politico^ 
 religions societies. Nothing can palliate, much less justify, such 
 
 iX 
 
IV 
 
 organization?! by a majority ; and it is only in extreme cases, and 
 for special and temj)orar3'^ purposes that a minority should resort 
 to it. 
 
 Is it surprising that the Conservatives with one accord endeav- 
 our to disparage the league, asperse its founders and traduce its 
 promoters ? They are wise in their generation, they comprehend 
 the situation. They realize the fact that no change can improve 
 their present position. They know that exchange of thought and 
 intelligent discussion would expose their hollo wness and lay bare 
 their subterfuges. They know that Irish Catholics are intuitively 
 'liberal, and have nothing in common with Toryism. They know 
 the ties which have bound us to t^ie conservatives are weak, flim- 
 sy, decayed, unfit to resist the least strain, and would snap asun- 
 der at the first tug of enlightCiied and united action. Hence, and 
 very naturally, they are putting forth every effort, straining every 
 nerve, to discomfit the league and cru.sh its supporters. The dis- 
 guise is too transparent to deceive any one. Have we not suffi- 
 cient intelligence to thwart their vile machinations ? 
 
 As the architect of this good edifice, as the artificer of this no- 
 ble structure, accept this slight tribute of esteem from one who 
 has watched your zeal, devotion and patriotism, from one who is 
 glad to be able to bear testimony to your worth, to your abnega- 
 tion of self, and your numerous sacrifices for the good object of 
 promoting the amelioration of your race in this colony, and eleva- 
 ting them to that position to which their numbers and intelligence 
 so justly entitle them. Accept this trifling mark of regard from 
 one whose noblest aim would be to follow in your footsteps, 
 whose highest ambition would be to imitate your fidelity and em- 
 ulate your virtues, whose greatest glory would be to be a disciple 
 and participator in the good works you have initiated, and whose 
 highest honour would be to be deemed worthy of a niche in your 
 memory. Permit me then to offer this dedication as a token, 
 however unworthy, of the respect and esteem in which you are 
 held by An humble Irishman, 
 
 The Writer. 
 Ottawa, 15th June. 1872. 
 
 V 
 
 
 i 
 
 
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 1 
 
 "SI 
 
I 
 
 ,!■'< 
 
 TO THE 
 
 IRISH CATHOLICS OF CANADA, 
 
 PRELIMINARY REMARKS. 
 
 I 
 
 f[A 
 
 *. 
 
 
 Fellow-countrymen, 
 
 111 venturing to uddiess you, I am not insensible of my in-* 
 abiHty to do ju.stice to a subject which so materiaHy affects your 
 social 8t((tnf< and worldly prosperity ; neither am I ambitious of 
 the notoriety which necessarily a])pertains to so grave and novel a 
 position. I already feel tottering under the burden of my self-im- 
 posed task. Before I have yet donned the armour, I would fain 
 withdraw from a responsibility to which I am une(iual. Did I 
 but consult my own feelings I would gladly shrink fiom an ordeal 
 that can Ijiing me nauglit but visions of glory, naught but the 
 shadows of fame. Cheerfully would I resign my pen into hands 
 more capable of vindicating your cause : gladly would I abdicate 
 in favour of one more com[)etent to shape, control and influence 
 your destiny. I have waited long and patiently in the fond hope 
 that some one, more worthy of your confidence, would step into the 
 breach to demolish the idol at whose shrine we have been fatally 
 worshipping, to slay the hydra that has led us captive, to break 
 the siren spell that we have been following to our own destruc- 
 tion ; and if, at last, I have yielded to the emergency, have plucked 
 up courage sufficient tc approach this momentous (piestion ; if I 
 have dared to file an appearance and grapple with the e\ il ; if I 
 have ventured to remonstrate, to raise a warning voice, 1 do so 
 with a consciousness that my motives will be impugned, my words 
 misconstrued, my as])irations misrepresented — a reward by no 
 means tempting to ambition or luring to cupidity. 
 
 Being entirely unknown to fame, to many, probably, to • ost of 
 you, I am an utter stranger, even in name, to those who k.: w me 
 only by report, there is little that is inviting to a prolon-v^d ac- 
 quaintance. There are, however, a few who know me intimately, 
 and whose good opinion I value more than any earthly heritage, 
 who will give me credit, at least, for sincerity and disinterested- 
 ness. He who aspires to address, to admonish, to counsel half a 
 million of his brethren, he who even in appearance assumes the 
 
^! 
 
 6 
 
 4 
 
 mle of dictator to so large, and, wliat Hhoiild ordinarily ho, ho povror- 
 ful a c'lasH, j)rt'sunies very far on tlujir forlioaranco, unlos.s liiHclainiH 
 t(» a hearing ate well founded — not mere pretensionH. Thi;s consider- 
 ation 8ugg«!.sts a hrief autohiography. Were 1 egotistical I might as- 
 sure you that, as a civil engineer, and surveyor, 1 am sectmd to none 
 in this Dominion. J3utyou would say such ac(juir'^ments arealways 
 superfluous, sometimes dangerous, in a race proscril)e(l, in a class whose 
 predestined mission isthoughtto hethe hewing of wood and drawing 
 of water. I might point with pride or sorrow, according to the pre- 
 dominance of the faculties thus manifested, to the heaj)S of abuse and 
 slander that have been pile<l on my head, because occasionally I had 
 the temerity to refute malicious and false attacks on you, and by 
 implication on me. 1 might elicit your syn^pathy by narrating 
 how with unprovok(Ml wrath I have been assailed and denounced 
 as a "Fenian," though I never had the good or ill fortune of hav- 
 ing knowingly set eyes on a single member of that abhorred asso- 
 ciation. I might tell you tliat J have been falsely maligned, basely 
 traduced l)ecause I have sometimes volunteered to defend your 
 virtues or palliate your ei-rors. But methinks T hear you exclaim: 
 "This is not unusual, our history is replete with instances of abuse 
 and persecution of our best men — always proportional to the 
 ability of him traduced — it is a fate from which none who plays 
 that ])i\rt, is exempt. Every name we revere, every shi'ine we 
 worships has been the object of calumny and misrepresentation." I 
 might also inform you that it has ])een my misfortune to incur the 
 displeasure of tho.se in whose behalf and for whose amelioration I 
 would make any sacrifice, because I prefer to stem the current of 
 pojmlar prejudice than yield my own convictions, rather than 
 swerve from Avhat I consider the path of duty. I might add, that 
 through good and evil report I have unflinchingly adhered to my 
 principles — those principles which I believe would tend to 3'our 
 elevation, to your prosperity — when the temptation to abandon 
 them was, if not irresistible, very strong indeed. If I desired to 
 speak in laudation, I could tell you that I never injured a human 
 being, even in thought, and having spent over twenty years of 
 my life on the Ottawa, I can challenge any living man, aye, and 
 the dead too, if they could rise from the grave to give testimony, to 
 lay his finger on any word or d,eed of mine that would bring a 
 blush to the brow of any respectable man. Yet no efifort has been 
 spared that combined envy and malice could eflect to injure my 
 per.sonal and profe.ssional prospects, wholly because I adhered to 
 opinions which were neither fashionable nor in the ascendant in 
 the locality where my lot was cast — because, as my friends say, 
 I have, for the last seventeen years, in an uncongenial element, 
 carried " George Brown " and the " Globe " as a millstone round 
 my neck. Had I been more pliant, had I studied self, discarded 
 truth and honour, my reputation to-day would have been vastly 
 
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 <o power- 
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 1 to my 
 
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 r^ears of 
 
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 different, and I miiojht be a leading »nan in the district which fate 
 allotted MS my expatriated home. I have chosen otherwise, and 
 have naught to regret. 
 
 In looking back at my past life I can congratulate myself that 
 if it has not brought nv wealth and honoiu's — gifts, at best tran- 
 sient — it has brought me what I value still more — self-resj)ect, and 
 a conseiousnes.s of having always endeavoured faithfully to do my 
 'hity, however barren the pursuit, however unpleasant the task, 
 however thankless the policy. I might contiiuio in this strain to 
 cite n\itnerous re!i.sons injustificati:.n of my claims to a patient hear- 
 ing at your hands. But no, I shall abruptly break off, and con- 
 tent myself in urging one, and only one single reason — Truth, be 
 it spoken from li[)s, never so humble, is still truth. Let this consti- 
 tute the Alpha and Omega of my claim. 
 
 To a correct understanding of my po.sition, it is desirable that I 
 should g\iard again.'-:t being considered the "would be" champion 
 of any particular race or creed. 1 neither seek nor desire so invi- 
 dious a distinction. 1 am in no communion with anyone who 
 wishes to extend, foster or inculcate national strife or sectarian 
 discord. We form in this country a heterogeneous mftss composed 
 of all races and all religions, our aim should be to blend them all 
 into one united community. In order to achieve this we must 
 judge leniently each other's foibles. In contrasting ourselves with 
 our .leighbours we .should examine our c(mvictions, lest we may 
 have been nursing prejudices for princi])les, and, though convinced 
 of their rectitude, they must be incorporated without violence, 
 without compulsion in the national maxims. We must harmonize 
 our feelings by mutua^. compromise. Weshould endeavour to fix and 
 utilize the good characteristics of each of the many elements which 
 compose our people. By a wise toleration, we should guard against 
 any act that Iwis the .semblance of partiality, for this is the har- 
 binger of distrust, the [)arent of discontent. Our policy, if we 
 wish to achieve greatne.ss, must be centered in equal laws ; even- 
 handed justice to all, irrespective of clime or colour. Though I 
 shall be compelled in addressing you to conform to the manner of 
 sectarian civilization, no word I shall utter will bear a sectarian 
 umstruction. 1 shall appeal to your rea.son only ; my endeavour 
 shall be to point out the path of duty and self-interest. I would 
 incite you to seek no special jirivileges. I would urge you to ask 
 for nothing that you are not ready to concede to all others. 
 
 Perhaps it may not be out of place to explain why in address- 
 ing you I have chosen this particular juncture — the eve of a general 
 election. There is an impression abroad, in the main correct, that 
 at such periods gi'eat men and little come down from their high 
 places, and deign to consort with their masters — ike 'people. The 
 servant for a brief period r<cognizes in a sort of patronizing way 
 the source of power. The people are not unfrequently flattered 
 
 i 
 
 
8 
 
 
 ^ I 
 
 by the apparent cnnclescension, and too apt to forgot tlieir duty and 
 reHponsinility in the smiles and lihindislinients of, perhapH, a hv.- 
 trayer. It is for the puijjo.se of leuiinditi^ you tluit .soon shall you 
 be nuisters, but oidy for a few days ; to caution you against an in- 
 discreet use of your ])ower ; to remind you that this incMtiniablo 
 privilege is a (piintennial plant that blooms only once, in every tive 
 years ; to |)oint out to you that your jirosperity or adversity, so 
 far as these are influenced hy legislation and government, depend 
 on the choice you make, that "as you sow so shall you reap," and 
 if you "sow the wind you will surely reaj) the whirlwind." Do 
 not be flattered out of your common sense by this seeming conde- 
 8(!ei»',ion ; let not the friendly greetings or honeyed sentences lure 
 your vigilance. Exercise your reason — your only .safe-guard — the 
 only tiibunal to which you are amenable — trust not the guidance 
 of others, who are not only as frail and fallible as yourselves, but 
 may be actuated by selti.sh cionsiderations (entirely at variance 
 with the common good. Hearken not to those, no matter what 
 their vocation, who have near relations to aggrandize. They 
 would sell your bodies if not your souls : they would barter away 
 your lights, they would sell your liberties for the smallest modi- 
 cum of pottage for themselves. Beware of them, they are " wolves 
 in sheep's clothing." This is why 1 have chosen the present moment 
 to address you. Jf this opportunity is let slip, all that could be 
 said for five years would be, at best, unavailing regret, adding re- 
 morse to the bitter drauuht. 
 
 THE SUB.IECT CONSIDERKl). 
 
 In examining my subject I have -found it convenient to divide 
 it into two parts or branches. The first part shall comprise Admin- 
 istration, the .second Legislation. 
 
 1st. part, administration. 
 
 Administration, in its most comprehensive sense.includes all the 
 functions of government — carrying out of the laws, dispensing of 
 patronage, conserving the social fabric from decay and anarchy, 
 stimulating ])rogress, rebuking vice, approving virtue. As all the 
 public service is administered through subordinates, it is a wise 
 and salutary precaution that holds a Ministry responsible for the 
 acts of its servants. It is of the utmost importance to each indi- 
 vidual member of society that none should be selected to these great 
 public trusts but those who by training and ability, by good con- 
 duct and spotless reputation, are competent to discharge these du- 
 ties satisfactorily and without prejudice to any class. The funda- 
 mental qualification is education. For it renders its possessor 
 cosmopolitan. It raises him above the petty strifes and discords 
 
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 r «luty and 
 n|)8, a be- 
 i shall you 
 nst an in- 
 lestiiiiable 
 every tive 
 k'crsity, so 
 lit, depencl 
 reap," and 
 ind." Do 
 rig conde- 
 ences lure 
 iiard — the 
 
 guidance 
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 tter what 
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 ter away 
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 it moment 
 
 could be 
 Jding re- 
 
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 3S all the 
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 for the 
 
 ich indi- 
 
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 funda- 
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 f'. 
 
 of warring Hectariea and (tontonding factions. Its elevating quali- 
 ties and ennol)ling [)recents make hiuj a fit arbiter of even-handed 
 justice. It kni ks o(f the sharp corners and tones down the pro- 
 jecting angles of prejudice. It reduce." the inequalities by which 
 hostihi Hurtact's are brought into friendly, harmonious contact. It 
 is the lubricator of the moral ma'hinist, tl:e chisel of the social 
 sculptor. It is also of the utmost importance in a mixed commu- 
 nity like ours that selections to places of high public trust should 
 \h) made without j)rejudice to any class. All should be made to feel 
 that t!ach is the (!(jual of every other. Anything that has the sem- 
 blance of proscription, that smacks of ostracism, is fraught with 
 the greatest danger to the peace, progress and prosperity of the 
 country. Whatever tends to create doubt or raise distrust in the 
 minds of any section of the people should be sj)eedily palliated by 
 imi.'ediate rtdress and removal. He who countenances, much less 
 encourages, preferences arising from differences of race or creed is 
 the veiy worst enemy <>f his country. Besides the foregoing.there are 
 two other reasons which appear to me to justify the reasonable ex- 
 })ectation that the great divisions — national and religious elements 
 — which characteri.se our society should be fully and fairly repre- 
 sented in the conduct of public atiairs ; (1.) That each class ccm- 
 tributes to the revenue more in i)roportion to numbers than any 
 arbitrary social classification ; and (2.) that while man is imperfect 
 and tlesh frail, individuals will, as a rule, feel more at ease when 
 their interests are in the keeping of their brethren than in the 
 hands of strangers, if I may use the exj)ression. The reason is 
 (|uite obvious. Therefore I take it, the share, which any of the 
 great divisions of our society founded on national and religious 
 differences, has in the management of public affairs is a good cri- 
 terion of its political status — an accurate measure of its influence 
 in society. It is by this standard that I propose in the following 
 jiages to gauge the position of Irish Catholics as a numerous con- 
 stituent of th i Canadian people. It would be better such ex- 
 traneous distinctions were merged in a Canadian nationality — a con- 
 sunmiation devoutly to be wished for. But in redressing a griev- 
 ance, in efi'ecting a reform, we must deal with society as we find 
 it, and not as v'_' would wish it to be, always ho .ng that it may 
 be gradually developed to its fullest perfection. 
 
 Territorial Divisions. 
 
 This inquiry shall embrace the Provinces now constituting " old" 
 Canada, and the Dominion Capital. lor convenience of examina- 
 tion I shall divide it into four territorial divisions, numbered res- 
 pectively 1, 2, 3 and 4. 
 
 Territorial Division No. 1 shall consist of the counties on either 
 side bordering on the Ottawa River. 
 
 J 
 
i f 
 
 t ■' 
 
 10 
 
 Territorial Division No. 2 shall (!Oin|)riHo the Province *.'f On- 
 tario. 
 
 Territorial JJivision No. 'A shall (Consist of tin; Province of 
 Quob(!e. 
 
 Territorial Division No. 4> shall inehi(l<> the Provinces of Ontario 
 and Quebec iinder Federal authority, the Metropolis of Canada 
 and a few reference,' to the whole Dominion. 
 
 My limires shall be taken from the public records, and 1 trust 
 that it sTiall appear that my deductions are the natural inferences, 
 the logical conclusions from these figures. 
 
 publk; emi'loyees. 
 
 My classificaiion of the public fimploycfiti and of the population 
 HhiiU be partly artifirial, partly natural — artificial as founded on 
 reliirious differences, natural on distinctions of nationality. I shall 
 divide the whole f)Opulation conformably with its two great reli- 
 gious sections — Catholic and Protestant — for all other distinctions 
 seem minor p(:rturbations, like the rip])le on a wave, and merge in 
 these. The former I shall sub-divide into P^nglish and French- 
 s{)eaking. The whol" '''nglish-sj>eaking sub-division I shall desig- 
 nate Irish, as the overwhelming mnjority belong to that nation- 
 ality, and the PVench-speaking Catholics, French. 
 
 TEURITOllIAL DIVISION NO. 1. 
 
 The 1st Territorial Division I shall sub-divide into the Southeni 
 and Northern Districts. 
 
 THE SOUTHERN DISTRICT 
 
 shall comf)rise tlu; City of Ottawa and counties of Prescott, Russell, 
 Carleton and Renfrew — all in the Province of Ontano. 
 
 THE NOllTHEUN DISTRICT 
 
 Cx)nsists of the counties of Ar<renteuil, Ottawa and Pontiac — all in 
 the Province of Quebec. 
 
 As the d(;nominationa! census for 1871 is not yet published, T 
 hftve assunicd tiiat the two great divisions of the population — 
 Catholic aii.l Protestant — bear the same relative proportion to on^ 
 another as in 1861. 
 
.A 
 
 11 
 
 TABLE OF POPULATION. 
 
 IST. PART, SOUTFIKIIN DISTRICT. 
 
 MOl. 1871. 
 
 Nanii). Cutliollc. I'roloHtaiit. Total Catholic Protestant. Total. 
 
 Ottawa City 8207 (i4()'2 14()(if) 1 2300 9245 21545 
 
 Prescott County f)()2l 5878 1541)9 10900 6747 17G47 
 
 llufisell 3518 3300 G824 4480 4216 8696 
 
 Csxrhton lOOll 19579 29620 10836 20651 31487 
 
 Renfrew 8569 11756 20325 11800 16174 2/974 
 
 Total 40013 46921 86937 50316 57073 107349 
 
 2nd, PART, NORTH KRN DISTRICT. 
 
 Argenteuil County 4696 8201 12897 4660 8145 12805 
 
 Ottaw- 19893 7864 27757 27700 10897 38597 
 
 Pontiac 7255 6002 13257 8610 7181 15791 
 
 Total 31844 22067 53911 40970 26223 67193 
 
 Population of Southern Di.strict, 1871, 50316 57073 107349 
 
 Northern " " 40970 26223 67193 
 
 Total " Ottawa Division " 91286 83296 174542 
 
 So that for Territorial Division Nr). 1, compri.sinfr the Ottawa 
 country, we liave about 91 Catholics to every 83 Protestants, or 
 nearly as 9 to 8. 
 
 TABLE 1 
 
 Contains a classificn>ion of all the Officials in tlie Southern District 
 appointed under Municipal and Cognate Authority. 
 
 1st. part, OTTAWA CITY. 
 
 Catholic. Protontant. 
 Service By whom appointed. Irish. Kn^ncli. 
 
 City Clerk Municij^al Council " " 1 
 
 " Chamberlain " " " " I 
 
 " Collector of Taxes ' " " " 1 
 
 " Engineer " " " " 1 
 
 of Bridges " " '• " 1 
 ' Clerk of works of 
 
 Bridges " " " " 1 
 
 " High Bailiff " " " " 1 
 
 " Solicitor " " " " 1 
 
 " Inspector of Schools " " " " 1 
 
12 
 
 H 
 
 i"'! 
 
 Cit3^ 
 
 ilK 
 
 K 
 (( 
 <( 
 (( 
 
 (( 
 
 II 
 l( 
 If 
 (I 
 (I 
 l< 
 
 « 
 l( 
 
 u 
 <( 
 
 Kervlco. By whom appolnUd. 
 
 Health Inspector " " 
 
 Firo In8i)ector " 
 
 assiHtant " 
 Health Wardens " 
 Assessors " 
 
 Chief of Police 
 Auditors " 
 
 Overseers of street labourers " 
 P]ngineer s man " 
 
 High School Trustees " 
 
 Secretary of Water Coraraissioners 
 Engineer " " 
 
 assistant " " 
 
 License Inspector, Police Commissioners 
 Detectives " " 
 
 Police Sergeants '' " 
 
 Clerk of Police Court, Police magistrate 
 High School Teachers, High School Trustees 
 " Secretary 
 " " Treasurer 
 
 Total 
 
 Catholic. Prot«8Utit 
 Iriiih. French. 
 
 <( 
 
 i( 
 
 1 
 
 t< 
 
 1 
 
 II 
 
 i( 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 « 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 <i 
 
 11 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 II 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 i< 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 II 
 
 It 
 
 (1 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 i( 
 
 II 
 
 1 
 
 tt 
 
 ti 
 
 1 
 
 li 
 
 II 
 
 1 
 
 II 
 
 11 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 II 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 II 
 
 1 
 
 II 
 
 II 
 
 1 
 
 S " 
 
 II 
 
 5 
 
 <i 
 
 II 
 
 1 
 
 II 
 
 11 
 
 1 
 
 37 
 
 So that the Irish Catholics of tlii.s City, who comprise a fourth 
 of its pof)ulation, have, of City ^ffficials, a detective, a sergeant, 
 an'overseer of street labourers. Engineer's man, and an auditor 
 ior their share of the patronage. What magnanimity, what even- 
 handed justice ! 
 
 Catholic to Protestant Municipal officials in Ottawa City as 1 to 5 
 " population " " " 4 " 3 
 
 2nd. part — COUNTIES OF PBEHCOTT, RUSSELL, CARLETON, AND REN- 
 FREW. 
 
 County Clerks 
 
 " Treasurers 
 
 " Auditors " 
 
 " Gaol Physicians 
 
 " Surveyors " 
 
 " Architect " 
 
 " Inspectors of Schools 
 
 " High School Trustees 
 
 County Council 
 
 Catholic. Protestant 
 Irish. French. 
 
 3 
 
 a 
 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 
 5 
 
 II 
 
 
 a 
 
 II 
 
 
 3 
 
 II 
 
 
 1 
 
 II 
 
 
 3 
 
 II 
 
 
 30 
 
. ProtesUnt 
 nch. 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 1 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 5 
 1 
 1 
 
 37 
 
 ! a fourth 
 sergeant, 
 n auditor 
 hat even- 
 as 1 to 5 
 4 " 3 
 
 A.ND REN- 
 
 13 
 
 ich. 
 
 Protestant. 
 
 3 
 5 
 3 
 8 
 1 
 3 
 30 
 
 Hervico. 
 
 County Teachers, High School Trunteea 
 " Secretaries 
 " Treasurers 
 
 
 
 Catholic. Protertant. 
 Irl»h. French. 
 
 " " 10 
 
 « 
 
 5 
 
 Total, 
 
 Ottawa City, 
 
 3 
 
 71 
 
 38 
 
 " Municipal appointments, &;;., in Southern 
 
 districts, ... ... ...6 3 109 
 
 Catholic to Protestant Municipal appointments 
 
 in Southern district, ... ... as 1 to 12 nearly. 
 
 Catholic to Protestant population, Southern 
 
 District ... ... ... as 1 " 1| 
 
 TABLE II 
 
 Contains Apj)ointments under Local Government.* 
 
 1st. part — CITY OB' OTTAWA. 
 Civil Service — Registrar 
 
 Catholic. Protoirtaut. 
 IriHh. French. 
 
 « 
 
 Deputy 
 
 Clerk 
 Administration of Justice — Police Magistrate 
 
 Coroners ... " 
 
 1,'t. Division Court clerk " 
 " assistant " 
 " Bailiff 
 
 Issuer of Tavern Licences " 
 
 
 
 << 
 (I 
 
 i( 
 II 
 
 ] 
 
 <t 
 
 <i 
 
 I 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 (( 
 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 
 1 1 
 
 8 
 
 2nd. part— counties of PRESCOTT, RUSSELL, CARLETON AND REN- 
 FREW. 
 
 Civil Service — Registrars 
 
 " Deputy 
 
 Crown Land Agents 
 Issuer of Licences 
 Administration of Justice— Sheriffs 
 
 " Deputies 
 Gr.olers 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 (I 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 County Court Clerks, &;c. " 
 
 It 
 II 
 « 
 
 K 
 (I 
 t< 
 (I 
 tt 
 
 4 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 3 
 2 
 2 
 3 
 
 "It will be observed that 'he appolntmenU now called local in the Provinces of Ontario and Oue 
 C^'/^erotio" denominated Federal, were mostly made by the Canadian Government prior to 
 
v I 
 
 ■1 f 
 
 14 
 
 Catholic. Protestant. 
 Iriflh. F"8nch. 
 
 Administration of Justice — Registrars of Surrogate 
 
 Court " '< 3 
 
 County Crown Attorneys " " 3 
 
 Clerka of the Peace " " 3 
 
 Coroners (1866) 3 2 35 
 
 Division Court Clerks 1 " 21 
 
 Total, 
 Total City of Ottawa 
 
 8 2 
 1 1 
 
 85 
 8 
 
 Total Appointments by Local Government, in 
 
 Southern District 9 3 93 
 
 Catholic to Protestant Officials appointed by Local 
 
 Government in Southern District as 1 to 7 nearly 
 
 " " Population Southern District as 1 " 1| " 
 
 TABLE III 
 Contains the Appointments under Federal authority.* 
 
 1st. part — CITY OF OTTAWA. 
 
 Civil Service — Collector of Customs 
 Surveyor " 
 
 Clerk 
 
 " assistant " 
 
 Appraiser " 
 
 Landing Waiters " 
 Messenger " 
 
 Collector of Inland Revenue 
 Excisemen 
 Postmaster 
 
 " Assistant 
 Post Office clerks, 2nd. class 
 ' " " 3rd. " 
 
 " 4th. " &c. 
 " letter-carriers, messengers, 
 (fee. " 
 
 Superintendent Rideau canal " 
 
 Overseer " " << 
 
 Collector of Tolls " " " 
 
 Lockmaster " " i< 
 
 Clerk 
 
 Catholic Proteitant, 
 Irish. French. 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 2 
 1 
 1 
 
 2 
 2 
 
 7 
 
 4 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 
 *These appointnients are independent of the seat of Government removal to Ottawa. 
 
15 
 
 85 
 8 
 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 
 1 
 2 
 1 
 1 
 
 2 
 2 
 
 7 
 
 4 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 Catholic. Protestant 
 Irluh. French. 
 
 Civil Service- 
 
 —LI essenger 
 Superintendent Ottawa Slides 
 
 (1 
 
 " 1 
 " 1 
 
 
 Accountant " 
 
 « 
 
 (< 
 
 " 1 
 
 
 Clerk 
 
 « 
 
 (( 
 
 " 1 
 
 
 Slidemaster " 
 
 <( 
 
 i< 
 
 " 1 
 
 
 Messsenger " 
 
 (( 
 
 tt 
 
 '• 1 
 
 
 Crown Timber Agent 
 Issuer of Licenses 
 
 
 (1 
 (1 
 
 (( 1 
 " 1 
 
 
 Draughtsman 
 Clerks 
 
 
 1 
 
 " 1 
 
 *' 1 
 
 
 Collector of Slide dues 
 
 
 (( 
 
 (.' 1 
 
 
 Messenger 
 
 Issuer of Marriage Licenses 
 Immigration Agent 
 Overseer of Fisheries 
 
 (( 
 
 1 
 
 " 1 
 tt 1 
 
 " 1 
 
 
 Ordnance Lands Agent 
 " " Clerks 
 
 
 It 
 
 " 1 
 
 
 " " Bailiff 
 
 
 tt 
 
 " 1 
 
 - 
 
 "' " Messenger 
 
 
 tt 
 
 t< 1 
 
 o 
 
 51 
 
 2nd. part — COUNTIES OF PRF:SC0TT, RUSSELL, CARL ETON, AND REN- 
 FREW. 
 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 Administration of Justice — County Court Judges " 
 Civil Service — Postmasters in incorporated villages " 
 
 tt 
 
 tt 
 
 Total 
 Total City of Ottawa 
 
 8 
 51 
 
 Total apiKjintmeuts by Federal Government in 
 
 Southern District ... ... 5 5 59 
 
 Catholic to Protestant Appointments by Federal 
 
 Government, Southern District as 1 to nearly 
 Population ... as 1 to 1 U " 
 
 Total appointments by local Government in South- 
 ern District 9 3 93 
 " " Federal, Southern District 3 5 59 
 
 " Public Employees 
 
 Catholic to Protestant Public Employees 
 
 " • Population 
 
 Total Municipal Employees 
 Total Publi? 
 
 Total Employees Public Service of 
 
 ( 
 
 tt 
 
 12 
 
 8 152 
 
 jes 
 It 
 
 tt 
 
 tt 
 
 ti 
 It 
 
 as 1 to 8 nearly 
 1 « 1| 
 6 3 109 
 
 It 
 
 (1 
 
 12 
 
 8 152 
 
 tt 
 
 18 
 
 11 261 
 
I( • 
 
 il 
 
 IG 
 
 Oatholic to Protestant Employees in Public Service 
 
 as 
 " Population " " " x i^ 
 
 The disparity by the amount of salaries respectively received 
 is very much greater than the numerical proportion. 
 
 1 to 9 
 1 " U 
 
 TABLE IV. 
 
 Contains Members of Legislature and Municipal Bodies in South- 
 ern District 
 
 Catholic Protestant 
 Irish French 
 
 3 
 5 
 1 
 
 tc 
 It 
 
 8 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 (( 
 
 9 
 
 44 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
 1 
 
 53 
 
 12 
 
 Ottawa City — Aldermen 
 County Councils — Councillors 
 Legislature — Local Assembly — Members 
 " House of Commons — " 
 
 Senate 
 Total Municipal Councillors Southern District 
 " Legislators " " 
 
 THE NORTHERN DISTRICT. 
 
 The Northern District comprises the Counties of Argenteuil, Ot- 
 tawa and Pontiac. 
 
 TABLE V. 
 
 Contains all the Appointments under the Local and Federal Gov- 
 ernments in Northern District. 
 
 1st. pakt— local appointments. 
 
 Civil Service — Crown Land Agents 
 Registrars 
 School Inspectors 
 Collector of Licenses 
 Administration of Justice — Prothonotary 
 
 Clerk of Peace 
 " Crown 
 " Circuit Court 
 Crier of Court 
 Gaoler 
 Sheriff 
 
 High Constable 
 Coroner 
 Gaol Physician 
 Clerks County Circuit 
 Courts 
 
 Total 
 
 f 
 
 I 
 
 t 
 
 i 
 4 
 
 i 
 
 ■M 
 
 Catholic 
 Irish French 
 
 2 1 
 
 Protestant 
 
 4 
 
 ^ 
 
 (( 
 
 (( 
 
 3 
 
 m 
 
 « 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 m 
 
 1 
 
 (( 
 
 2 
 
 m 
 
 (( 
 
 (. 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 It 
 
 (( 
 
 1 
 
 « 
 
 (( 
 
 ti 
 
 1 
 
 ff 
 
 (C 
 
 (1 
 
 1 
 
 m 
 
 « 
 
 1 
 
 « 
 
 •« 
 
 1 
 
 i< 
 
 (( 
 
 3 
 
 « 
 
 1 
 
 (( 
 
 
 (( 
 
 (( 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 1( 
 
 u 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 
 (( 
 
 1 
 
 f 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 ^ 
 
 20 
 
17 
 
 2nd. part — APPOINTMENTd BY FEDERAL QOVF.RNMENT. 
 
 I 
 
 Civil Servi-^e — Money order Post Offices 
 
 Country " 63 
 
 Administration of Justice — Judge of Supreme Court " 1 
 
 Catholic. Prot«it»nl. 
 Irtoh. French. 
 
 " 1 9 
 
 5 
 
 43 
 
 Total 5 5 
 
 Total Employees of Local Government, Northern Dis- 
 trict 
 Catholic to Prote.stant Officiali " 
 
 " " population " 
 
 Total employees of Federal Government " 
 Catholic to Protestant " " 
 
 " " population " 
 
 Total employees of Local Government " 
 " " Federal " « 
 
 6 6 
 as 1 to 2 
 " 1 "0| 
 
 5 I 
 as 1 to 5 
 " 1 " Of 
 
 5 6 
 
 5 5 
 
 62 
 20 
 
 62 
 
 20 
 62 
 
 
 <( 
 (( 
 
 (( 
 
 " Public employees 
 Catholic to Protestant 
 
 " " population 
 
 Total employees in Government service Southern 
 
 District 12 8 
 
 " Northern " 10 10 
 
 10 10 
 as 1 to 3^ 
 
 1 " Of 
 
 72 
 
 152 
 
 72 
 
 l«t. Territo- 
 
 22 18 224 
 as 1 to 6^ nearly 
 
 
 1 " 0? 
 
 rial Divi.sion, (Ottawa) 
 Catholic to Protestant " 
 
 " " population j. v^ 
 
 Here again the disparity would be still greater by salaries than 
 by numbers, 
 
 TERRITORIAL DIVISION NO. 2. 
 
 The Second Territorial Division comprises the Province of On- 
 tario, formerly called Upjier Canada or Canada West. The same 
 relative proportion of Catholics to Protestants is assumed as in 
 1861. 
 
 POPULATION. 
 
 1861 
 Catholic Protestant 
 
 1871 
 Total i:;atholic Prote«tant Total 
 
 Ontai'io, 258,141 1,1^7,960 1,890,091 300,000 1,320,842 1,620,842 
 
 TABLE VI, 
 
 contains a list of the appointments in Ontario under Local and 
 Federal authority. 
 2 
 
IS 
 
 1st. part — LOCAL (iOVRUNMENT. 
 
 
 ^k 
 
 I ; 
 
 Civil Service — 
 
 Ciilh 
 
 "ho. 
 
 Pri>te«Unl 
 
 A ttorney-General'H Departiiuuit 
 
 — Chief clerk, &c. 
 
 « 
 
 2 
 
 
 Messen^'er, &c. 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 Provincial Secretary's 
 
 Assistant and Chief 
 
 
 
 
 Clerk, 
 
 K 
 
 2 
 
 " Retjfistrar's 
 
 Chief Chirks, 
 Messengers, &c.. 
 
 <l 
 
 2 
 
 Treasurer's 
 
 Chief Clerk and Ac- 
 
 
 
 
 countant, 
 
 (< 
 
 2 
 
 
 Clerks, &c., 
 
 (( 
 
 3 
 
 
 Me.ssejigers, 
 
 << 
 
 1 
 
 Agi-i culture, (fee. " 
 
 Secretary, Engi- 
 
 
 
 • 
 
 neers, (Src. 
 Accountant, Clerks, 
 
 (( 
 
 4 
 
 
 &c. 
 
 it 
 
 4 
 
 
 Messenger 
 
 <( 
 
 1 
 
 Public Instruction " 
 
 Superintendent and 
 
 
 
 
 Deputy 
 
 H 
 
 2 
 
 
 Chief Clerks 
 
 <i 
 
 5 
 
 
 Clerks, kc. 
 
 11 
 
 8 
 
 
 Messengers 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 Crown Lands " 
 
 Assistant and Heads 
 
 
 
 
 of branches 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 
 Clerks, &c. 
 
 2 
 
 12 
 
 
 Messengers 
 
 (( 
 
 2 
 
 Civil Sex-vices, (outside) — Crown Timber Ap^ents 
 
 
 
 
 and Assistants 
 
 (< 
 
 3 
 
 
 Clerks, &c. 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 
 Messengers 
 
 i( 
 
 1 
 
 
 Crown Land Agents 
 
 1 
 
 19 
 
 
 Mining Inspectors 
 
 << 
 
 2 
 
 
 Registrars 
 
 1 
 
 54 
 
 
 Issuer of Licenses, &;c 
 
 1 
 
 45 
 
 Issuer of Licenses, &;c 1 
 
 45 ffl 
 
 Total Civil Service (Ontario Local"! 9 
 
 184 ■ 
 
 Administration of Justice — Sheriffs " 
 
 37 
 
 Clerk.s of Peace 1 
 
 36 
 
 County Attorneys 1 
 
 36 
 
 " Court Clerks, &c. 1 
 
 36 
 
 Registrars, Surrogate Court 1 
 
 36 
 
 Police Magistrates 1 
 
 15 
 
 Stipendiary I 
 
 <i 
 
 Clerk of Crown and Pleas. 
 
 
 (Queen's Bench) 1 
 
 « 
 
1!) 
 
 Admiaisti'ation of Ju.itiut 
 
 fathollc. I'rotoatMii. 
 
 a 
 
 2 
 1 
 
 2 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 I 
 
 4 
 I 
 
 2 
 5 
 
 8 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 IL9 
 
 " (('oinmoii PIorm) " 
 
 Ist. Cloik f^rowii office '" 
 
 Ushers and Oiers of Court I 
 Clerk |, (Di'ess courts and as- 
 sistant " 
 Master in Chancery •' 
 ("lerks 
 
 Registrar, Court of Chancery '' 
 Clerks 
 
 Mcissenj^ers of courts " 
 
 Insj)ector of gaols " 
 
 Coroners (l«(i6) 20 
 
 Penetanguisheni' llefonnatoiy — Warden 1 
 
 Dejjuty 
 S\jrgeon and kitch»m-kee])er " 
 Lunatic Asylum — Medical Superintendents " 
 
 Public [nstitutions — Assistants, Bursar, Clerks, &c. '• 
 
 Stewards, xvlatrons and Engineers " 
 Deaf & Dunil) ' Superintended^ ~] 
 
 Surgeon, Steward, Clerks, &c. | All Protestanu, 
 Agricultural College — Superintendent tir Professors 
 
 Gardener, Clerks, ttc. 
 Director and Professors 
 
 Technological 
 
 Total 
 
 I 
 I 
 I 
 
 2 
 I 
 S 
 1 
 
 6 
 2 
 1 
 
 4-81 
 
 (( 
 
 1 
 2 
 3 
 
 4 
 8 
 
 could not afl- 
 cortain th« 
 number. 
 
 J 
 
 6 
 
 Legislative employees — Clerk and Assistant 
 
 Prijiter and Law clerk 
 Sergeant and Clerk of Routine 
 Messengers, &c. 
 
 Total Legislative Employees 
 " Civil Service 
 " Administration of Justice, &e. 
 
 Total of Local Government Em])loyees in Ontario 39 944 
 Catholic to Protestant Emploj^ees as 1 to 25 
 
 population " 1 " 5 
 
 The disparity would be still greater according to salaries. 
 
 29 
 
 753 
 
 K 
 
 2 
 
 (< 
 
 2 
 
 B " 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 7 
 
 9 
 
 184 
 
 29 
 
 753 
 
 2nd. part — FEDERAL GOVERNMENT. 
 
 OiTil Service — City Post offices — Postmasters 
 
 " Assistants 
 Ist class clerks 
 
 Catholic Prot«stuii 
 
 5 
 
 (1 
 
 5 
 
 u 
 
 2 
 
!!f 
 
 20 
 
 I' 
 
 Civil Service— City Post Offices— 2nd " " 
 
 3rd " " 
 4th •' " 
 Probationary 
 Lctter-carriera, &c. 
 MeasengerH, &c. 
 
 Postmasters in Towns and incorporated viliagei 
 
 Post office Inspectors 
 
 " Ist class clerks 
 
 2nd " " 
 
 «< 
 
 M 
 
 (( 
 
 3rd '; 
 
 Probationary, &c. 
 Messenger, &c. 
 Collectors of Customs 
 Surveyors " 
 
 Appraisers " , 
 
 Landing waiters " 
 Preventive officers " 
 Clerks 
 
 Sub-collector " 
 
 Lockers " 
 
 Packers " 
 
 Messengers, porters, &c., Customs 
 Excise — Collectors 
 
 " Deputies 
 Excisemen 
 
 Inspectors of petroleum 
 Preventive Officers and Messengers 
 Deputy Receiver General 
 Canals— Collectors of Tolls 
 Jierks 
 Inspector 
 Superintendents 
 Assistant Engineer 
 Rodman, &c. 
 Slides — Superin tendents 
 
 Accountant and clerk 
 Slidemasters 
 Fisheries — Overseers 
 
 Superintendent 
 Marine — Light-house keepers 
 
 Superintendent 
 Immigration — Agents 
 Administration of Justice — Clerk 
 Penitentiary — Warden 
 
 " Deputy 
 
 CaUioUo. ProteaUDl. 
 
 2 
 
 14 
 
 4 
 
 14 
 
 8 
 
 19 
 
 2 
 
 12 
 
 2 
 
 17 
 
 <( 
 
 9 
 
 6 
 
 213 
 
 u 
 
 4 
 
 (( 
 
 1 
 
 « 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 8 
 
 l( 
 
 5 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 50 
 
 1 ' 
 
 T3 
 
 II 
 
 5 
 
 13 
 
 80 
 
 1 
 
 11 
 
 i< 
 
 24 
 
 (( 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 7 
 
 u 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 8 
 
 1 
 
 19 
 
 2 
 
 13 
 
 8 
 
 67 
 
 (1 
 
 2 
 
 (1 
 
 2 
 
 « 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 la 
 
 (( 
 
 7 
 
 «( 
 
 1 
 
 <c 
 
 3 
 
 « 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 u 
 
 « 
 
 2 
 
 <( 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 8 
 
 1 
 
 24 
 
 « 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 60 
 
 (t 
 
 1 
 
 u 
 
 4 
 
 « 
 
 1 
 
 <( 
 
 1 
 
 « 
 
 1 
 
 I 
 
 1>J 
 
21 
 
 Penitentiary — f'lerka 
 
 Ai'i'liitcct 
 
 Store-k(H^|)or and sc^hool-niaster 
 Rockwood Asylum — Warden 
 
 Art'liitects 
 
 (Mork and store-keeper 
 Superior (\)»n-t.s — Judj^es 
 County 
 
 " " " Assistants 
 
 Catholic 
 
 Pr<)t«tUnl. 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 36 
 
 
 3 
 
 04 
 
 872 
 
 Total Federal (Mnployces for Ontnno 
 Catholic to r^-oto.stant Federal employees in Province 
 
 of Ontario as 1 to 14 
 
 po])ulation " " " 1 " 6 
 
 By salaries the dispr(jportion would be very largely increased. 
 
 3lll). I'AIIT— i-E(JISLATIVK. 
 
 2 
 2 
 8 
 
 24 
 1 
 
 60 
 1 
 4 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 
 i>J 
 
 5 
 
 77 
 
 
 5 
 
 as 1 
 
 to 15 
 
 (i 1 
 
 " 5 
 
 u 1 
 
 " 5 
 
 (( 1 
 
 " 5 
 
 39 
 
 994 
 
 64 
 
 872 
 
 House of Assembly 
 Executive — Ministers 
 
 Catholic to Protestant members in Ontario 
 " " population " 
 
 Ministers 
 " " j)()pulati()n " 
 
 Total employees Local (government of Ontario 
 « " Federal 
 
 Public service " 103 1720 
 
 Catholic to Protestant employees " a« 1 to 17 
 
 liopulation " " 1 " 5 
 
 The salaries would stand in the proportion of about 1 to 100. 
 
 TERRITORIAL DISTRICT, NO. 3. 
 
 The third Territorial District consists of the Province of Que- 
 bec, formerly called Lower Canada or Canada East. The English 
 and French-speaking Catholics and the Protestants are respectively 
 assumed to bear the same I'atio to one another now as in 1801. 
 
 POPULATION. 
 
 Quebec, 
 
 CathoUc Protestan'i. Total 
 
 Irish French 
 
 (1801—90,414 840,320 107,930 1,110,004 
 
 I 1871— 103,200 907,000 180,245 1,190,505 
 

 t 
 
 4 
 
 22 
 
 TAHI.K VII. 
 
 ConcjiinH a Liat of Local arxJ Ke<lurul Appoiiitiiiuntft it) the Provin#«» 
 of Quebec 
 
 " Registrar's 
 Crown Law 
 Provincial Treasurer's 
 
 1st part— r,(»CAI, OOVFftNMF.NT 
 
 Civil Service (inside) — Governors Office — 
 
 Ai(le-(l«vciim|) 
 
 Messenger " 
 
 Executive Council Department — OKirkH, fn: 
 
 Messengers, »Sm'. " 
 ^Provincial Secretary'* " Assistant and 
 
 Clerks 
 Accountant ami 
 
 (Klerks 
 Messengers, &c. " 
 Deputy il'- Clerks " 
 Messenger " 
 
 Assistant «& Clerk " 
 Messenger 
 " Assistants Audi- 
 tor 
 Book-keepers and 
 
 Clerks 1 
 
 Messengers, &c. '' 
 " Assistant & Sur- 
 
 veyor (leneral 
 Surveyors and 
 
 Draughtsmen " 
 Clerks, Heatis of 
 
 branches, &c. 1 
 
 Messengers, &e. 1 
 
 Public Instruction — Assistant and Secretary " 
 
 Clerks 
 
 Messenger " 
 
 Prir Opeen's, Book-keejier and Clerk 1 
 
 A^ ., (fee, Department — Asst., Secretary, &c. " 
 
 InspectoiH, Clerks, 
 
 &C,: 
 
 Messenger " 
 
 Civil Service (Outside) — School Ins})ectors 1 
 
 License Collectors 1 
 
 Registrars " 
 
 Cruwn Land Agents 2 
 
 Deputy -Registrars " 
 
 (•mthollr 
 Irlih Krvncb 
 
 Crown Lands 
 
 1 
 1 
 2 
 2 
 
 3 
 2 
 2 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 9 
 2 
 1 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 2 
 
 5 
 1 
 20 
 13 
 41 
 12 
 16 
 
 *r 
 H 
 
 M 
 •I 
 « 
 
 1 
 
 •r 
 
 z 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 7 
 « 
 
 I 
 1 
 
 « 
 
 2 
 
 a 
 
 7 
 8 
 17 
 5 
 1 
 
28 
 
 Inirni^'iafion — Agents, Ac, 
 
 lU'giMtnition -Meads of bmnchu.s, (.'lorka, ike. 
 
 Normal Scliools — Pri)f'c'Hsors, kc. 
 
 l'«thulli«. I'rulMUuiU 
 Irlih. Kruiivh 
 
 ' u 
 
 3 15 
 
 13 177 
 
 AdmiiiHtrtition of Jiistict^— SlicriHN 
 
 (^oroners 
 OcrkHofC'iownuiid 
 
 Pious 
 Clerks (;f Circuit 
 Court 
 
 " deputy 
 Protlioriotarit's 
 
 " deputy 
 Hi<rli Constaljies 
 Crier of Courts 
 
 " Assistants 
 Translators and Tn- 
 
 p rotors 
 Other Clerks.Writers, 
 
 kc. 
 Deputy-Shorirts 
 CierkH,&('..in Sherifis' 
 
 Offices 
 Oatjl Physicians 
 ludgo of Sessions 
 
 and Police 
 Recorders 
 Police — Chief Superintendent and Commissioner 
 
 District Magistrates 
 Prisons — Inspectors 
 Reformatory — Warden, Deputy and Sui-geon 
 
 Steward, Foreman and Overseer 
 Public institutions— Lunatic Asylum (St. John) 
 Superintendent, &c. 
 
 I 15 
 10 
 
 1 15 
 
 3 37 
 
 •2 5 
 
 I 10 
 
 " 10 
 
 1 15 
 
 I 20 
 
 '2 3 
 
 1 3 
 
 1 41 
 
 ' 3 
 
 1 
 
 a 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 3 
 
 »> 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 3 
 2 
 1 
 1 
 
 Legislative Employees — Clerks of both Houses 
 
 " Assistant „ 
 Chief Office Clerks, &c. 1 11 
 Clerks, Writers 
 Messengers, &c. 
 
 Total EmployecB, Legislation. Quebec 4 32 
 
 4 
 I 
 
 7 
 
 70 
 
 5 
 
 b 
 
 3 
 
 20 
 2 
 8 
 4 
 4 
 7 
 1 
 
 ID 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 1 
 1 
 2 
 2 
 
 18 
 
 231 
 
 97 
 
 .( 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 a 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 11 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 10 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 8 
 
 1 
 
 a 
 
iT 
 
 24 
 
 m 
 
 ( ')ilh<.: i..N. rr.-;t:;i.UMI««. 
 Iri.ih. Kreiich. 
 
 Totnl Fimf)loyoo.s C'ivil Sorviofv Qiiclmr LS 177 70 
 
 Adriiiiiistratioriof .)'n.Hti(;o,^c. " 18 2.SI U7 
 
 Total Einplo/ocH by Loffil Oovornincn*. " .'}'> 440 175 
 
 Irish to Fn^n(;!i to' VioioMnut " an 1 to 12J to 5 
 
 population " " " 1 " 9 " l\ 
 
 2Nr) F'AKT— AIM'OfNTMKNTS I'.Y FKDKKAL (;()ViaiNMKNT. 
 
 ill 
 I 
 
 
 !4'' 
 
 .)'M 
 
 ^'ivil S(!rvi(;(', (Out.Hido) - (Jity I'o.stiiia.sicrs 
 
 " A.s.si.stants 
 Ist class ( 'I(!rkH 
 2r!(l " " 
 
 :}n) " 
 
 4t}i " " \,(:. 
 
 Letter CaJ-riofH, MosHf;!)- 
 
 gers, (&(;. 
 Morifiy-ordor Post- 
 II WIS tors 
 OuHtoms — ( 'oiler; tors 
 Surv(!y(;is 
 ]/iH(liii('' Waiters 
 (Klerks 
 
 l're.veritiv(! Oflieers 
 Suh-(JollectorH 
 A p [ ) ra i se I'H ji, rn 1 A ss i s tan Lh 
 Lof;kers nud Assistaiitn 
 Tide Survf^yors ^ 
 Messenffers, fee. 
 F'iXeise — CollcetorH 
 
 Deputies, &r. 
 I'iXeisernfiJi 
 (;ierks 
 
 Wateliinen, <Sie. 
 Canals — r'olleetors 
 
 Snperint(!nrlentH 
 Slid<^s— 
 
 Ma.stcrH 
 River i'olice — (Jliicfs 
 Marine — Af^ent 
 Fishf!rie.H — Overseers 
 I-ii^lit Ifouses — Keepf;rs 
 Steamers — M,\ sters 
 
 . 'nth 
 IrUh. ^ 
 
 ■llr, 
 ntrich. 
 
 1 
 
 rrot,oMt«ni 
 1 
 
 n 
 
 (( 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 12 
 
 10 
 
 2 
 
 a 
 
 () 
 
 II 17 
 
 o 
 
 .SO 
 
 45 
 
 (( 
 
 .•} 
 
 1.0 
 
 u 
 
 (f 
 
 4 
 
 .) 
 
 12 
 
 22 
 
 1 
 
 14 
 
 k; 
 
 V 
 
 1 
 
 l.'i 
 
 ti 
 
 1 
 
 .'i 
 
 t ( 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 .s 
 
 2 
 
 5 
 
 f^ 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 :> 
 
 <( 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 .S 
 
 11 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 2 
 1 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 ! 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 (( 
 
 1 
 
 'i 
 
 (1 
 
 1 
 
 I 
 
 (< 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 tt 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 u 
 
 '( 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 17 
 
 11 
 
 4 
 
 44 
 
 ^ 
 
 (< 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 ^ 
 
25 
 
 It 
 
 r 
 
 Post, Of}i(;o — InHpfctorH nnd y\Hsistnrit 
 Tot!)! 
 
 I)('(JlJ(:t l\l(;,SHf!ri<^('l'H, &C. 
 
 flat.bollfB. ProtMUnU 
 Ir1«S. French. 
 
 " 1 2 
 
 2 2 .'{ 
 
 I I 
 
 ()} l\r, 20.') 
 
 !(; 22 H 
 
 ■ 47 l!K} lf)7 
 
 fris}) to Fnnich and to Pn.ti-Htntit Kinijloyocs as I to 4.] U. 4i 
 
 i'oi.iilat,i(.t) " I " .') " \\ 
 
 AdiiiiniHtiJition of.IuHtico- (»)iit'<!rr.s Ucrirl, .Ju(l^'<:H I 2 2 
 
 Sii|.r.|i(,r('(,uit " 1 12 H 
 
 Admiralty " " " " 1 
 
 Iltudstifir and Mjir.slud " I 1 
 
 Total AdiiiirM.sinitiori olMustico 
 " (Jivil Sf.Tvicc, itc. 
 
 2 \:> 12 
 
 fj:} 21.") 20") 
 
 Tot.'il Ktri|p|oy('CS(>rF<'d('ral(Jovciiini,(:rit.iri<^,Ufd)(!'r 0.'> 2.*)0 217 
 D(;(Ju(;L M<'.ss(!M<'(;rs, iV(;. hi 22 H 
 
 Total, r;xcluHivc of M(;.s.scri(,'<-i-s 4't 20S 20!> 
 Proportion of Mniployf^cs Irisli to Fr<'nf:li ;ind to l'rotcst;uit 
 
 flH I t,o 4^ to H 
 
 Population '^ " " as I in ff to \\ 
 
 'M\\) I'AHT — i,K(;FSFw\TIVK, 
 
 Lofdslativf! (V)uri(;il ('nomiriMtod 
 " A,SH<!nihly (olortivo) 
 
 2 IG fi 
 
 2 4!> 14 
 
 ' Cxoru ti V(5 — M i n istcr's 
 
 Irish to VwnrV. to Pi-ot(;st;int Lc;^dslativc <^'oi]n''il- 
 
 lorH, Qneho';, jik 1 to H lo .S 
 
 Population " 1 " !> " U 
 
 Mfinl)orHofAii.Hond>ly 1 " 24/, " 7 
 
 Population '•' I " !* " It 
 
 TKKIlfTOUIAI, DIVFSfoN No. 4. 
 
 The fourth Torjitr»rial ])ivi.sion sIimII rr)rnpiis(! the l)oniinion of 
 (*anada, so f,'w ii.s tlie inside; ('ivipl Sc,ivir(; a,nd the Lcffi.slatur*,-. 
 
 TABLK VJII. 
 
 f "ontains a List of pfifleral Employees at the Dominion Capital 
 and Leidslature. 
 
26 
 
 iHT PART — FEDERAL EMPLOYEES. 
 
 CathollL. 
 Irish. French. 
 
 ■ t:1 
 >;■! 
 
 
 m 
 
 I 
 
 
 Civil Service — 
 Department of Justice — Dej^uty-Minister " 
 
 Clerks 
 
 Messemjerii 2 
 
 " Militia k Defence — Deputv & Chief 
 
 Clerks 
 
 Adjutaiit-Ueneral. 
 Deputy and As- 
 sistant-Deputies, 
 &c. 
 
 Clerks, &c. 2 
 
 Messetujc/rs, d-c. 2 
 Secretary of State — Deputy, Chief Clerks and 
 
 Heads of Branches " 
 
 Cleriis, &c. '' 
 
 Messengers, dx. 2 
 
 " " for Provinces — Assistant and 
 
 Chief Clerks " 
 Clerks, &c. 
 Messengers, d'c." 
 Receiver-Oenerars Department — Deputy & Chief 
 
 Clerk 
 Clerks 2 
 
 Messengers I 
 
 " — Deputies and 
 
 Chief Clerks 1 
 Clerks 2 
 
 Messengers, d-c. 3 
 
 - Deputy & Chief 
 C!.rk 
 
 C;crks 1 
 
 Messengers, Sc. 2 
 —Deputy & Chief 
 
 Clerk 
 Clerks I 
 
 Messengers 2 
 
 — Deputy & Chief 
 
 Clerks 
 Clerks, iScc. 5 
 
 Messengers, c&c. 1 
 
 — Deputy & Chief 
 Clerks 
 
 Clerks, &c. 6 
 
 Messengers, dc. 2 
 
 Finance 
 
 Customs 
 
 Inland Revenue 
 
 Public Works 
 
 Post Office 
 
 ProMMeont' 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 
 20 
 
 8 
 
 7 
 
 Am 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 5 
 
 7 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 i. 
 
 i 
 
 3 
 
 8 
 
 <( 
 
 2 
 
 u 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 5 
 
 I 
 
 ti 
 
 n 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
 24 
 
 (( 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 U 
 
 li 
 
 1 
 
 n 
 
 2 
 
 a 
 
 13 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 11 
 
 11 
 
 2 
 
 <c 
 
 •• 
 
 6 
 
 4 
 
 48 
 
 (( 
 
 2 
 
27 
 
 ObthollLti. 
 Ifigh. Froneh. 
 
 Queen'H Piinter 
 
 Agriculture. &c., 
 
 —Printer " " 
 
 Clerks " " 
 
 Messem/er " 1 
 —Deputy »!c Chief 
 
 Clerk " 1 
 
 Clerk8 3 12 
 
 iMessengers " 3 
 
 Census Branch— Chief Clerks, Staff OfHci'«rs, &c. 1 
 
 Clerks '2 
 
 Messengers, d'c. 
 
 Geological Survey Branch — Director, C'hemist, 
 
 Palaeontologist I 
 
 Observatories — Directors 
 
 Emigration, foreign — Agents I 
 
 Marine & Fisheries Department — Deputy & Chief 
 
 Clerk 
 Clerks, &c. 2 
 
 Messengers, d-c. I 
 — Secretary and 
 Aide-de-camp " 
 Clerks 
 
 Messengers, <L'C. " 
 _Chief Clerks 
 Clerks, &c. 
 Messengers, ^c. 2 
 
 Intercolonial Railway — Commissioners 
 
 Secretary, Accountant, &c. 
 Chief & District Engineers " 
 Secretary and Assistant 
 Messengers 1 
 
 Dominion Arbitration— Arbitrators and Secretary 
 
 Penitentiary — Directors 1 
 
 Steamboats — Inspectors 
 
 Post Office, Mail Service — Clerks, foreign 
 
 l>rcte«Uuiik» 
 1 
 
 Governor's 
 
 Privy Council 
 
 1 
 
 1st class Clerks, home 3 
 2nd " " " 7 
 
 3rd " " &c. " 4 
 
 Office Keepers, &c. 1 
 
 3 
 
 10 
 
 4 
 
 13 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 ii 
 
 2 
 
 i\ 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 «t 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 14 
 
 a 
 
 2 
 
 <( 
 
 2 
 
 <t 
 
 2 
 
 II 
 
 3 
 
 It 
 
 2 
 
 9 
 
 ^i 
 
 4 
 
 11 
 
 2 
 
 4' 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 l( 
 
 5 
 
 II 
 
 2 
 
 li 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 (( 
 
 2 
 
 u 
 
 11 
 
 14 
 
 32 
 
 5 
 
 26 
 
 a 
 
 1 
 
 Deduct Messengers 
 
 G8 104 372 
 22 11 18 
 
 46 93 354 
 
t 
 
 I 
 
 ill. 
 
 % 
 
 % 
 
 28 
 
 2nd part— lkgisiative employees. 
 
 Cliief Clerks uikI Assistants of both Houses 
 
 Ljiw 
 
 Accountant nnd Book-keeper 
 
 (^liicf Clerks (if (^oininittoes, ifcc. 
 
 Ck'rks, Translators, kv. 
 
 Me,si^e)i(je)'f<, Door-hecpers, d-c. 
 
 Deduct Messenixors, &c. 
 
 Total Civil Service (inside), Fe<leral Government 
 " Ijcirislature, " " 
 
 Cath'>lic. Protestant. 
 Irish. French, 
 
 1 4 
 
 2 2 
 2 
 
 1 8 12 
 1 I) 12 
 6 12 15 
 
 " Kinj)loyees, 
 
 Deduct Mes.sen<^ers, etc. 
 
 8 
 
 32 
 12 
 
 47 
 
 :5 
 
 2 
 
 20 
 
 32 
 
 (38 
 
 8 
 
 104 
 32 
 
 854 
 47 
 
 70 
 
 28 
 
 130 
 33 
 
 401 
 33 
 
 I 
 
 48 103 308 
 
 oRD PART — I.Er.ISLATURE. 
 
 Senate (nominated) — Ontario 
 
 Qiiebec 
 Nova Scotia 
 New Brunswick 
 Manitoba 
 British Columbia 
 
 Total Senators 
 
 House of Counnons (ele/tive) — Ontario 
 
 Catholic. 
 Iri.sli. French. 
 
 1 " 
 
 Prot«stM»t 
 
 23 
 
 2 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 I* 
 
 11 
 
 1 
 
 li 
 
 11 
 
 it 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 u 
 
 (t 
 
 4 
 
 17 57 
 
 -Ontario 
 
 3 
 
 i( 
 
 79 
 
 Quel)ec 
 
 4 
 
 42 
 
 19 
 
 New Brunswick 
 
 o 
 
 1 
 
 12 
 
 Nova Scotia 
 
 4 
 
 u 
 
 15 
 
 Manitol)a 
 
 a 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 British Columbia 
 
 a 
 
 U 
 
 (i 
 
 Total Members 
 
 Privy Council — Ministers 
 
 Chief Executive— ( Jovernor-Cener.al 
 
 Provincial '* — Lieutenant-Cunernors 
 
 13 44 133 
 
 3 
 
 10 
 
 1 
 
20 
 
 T have not included the employees of the nmritirae Provinces, 
 because I am not sufficiently acquainted with the conduct of 
 public affairs in these, to warrant me it> offering any opinion on 
 them. 
 
 THE TABLES. 
 
 These tables I have compiled with the most scrupulous regard 
 to accuracy. It is quite possible that, despite every care, some 
 trifling errors may have inadvertently crept in. These, if any, I 
 feel assured, will balance each other, and their combined effect 
 would not appreciably alter the general result. I am aware that 
 the list is far from complete, owing to no remissness of mine, but 
 from the paucity of the documents. I regret this, for the fuller 
 it were the more irrefutable my position. 
 
 The Liberal Government. 
 
 J^ 
 
 Before entering into an analysis of the preceding Tables, I de- 
 sire to call attention to the very important fact, that, since the ac- 
 cession to power of the Conservative party in 1854, four hundred 
 and ninety -five first-class ap})ointments, exclusive of promotions, 
 have been made, of which the incumbents are now in possession. 
 These appointments include Judges, Police Magistrates, Sheriffs, 
 County Attorneys, Clerks of the Peace and Crown, Registrars, 
 and, in Lower Canada prothonotaries and coroners, and all 
 employees, local and federal, receiving salaries of $1200 a year 
 and upwards. They are exclusive of the outer members of the 
 Confeiieracy. Of these four hundred and ninety-five appoint- 
 ments, four hundred and fifty-five have been made by the Conser- 
 vatives, and the remaining forty by the Liberals, during the lat- 
 ter's brief reign of twenty-two months — from May 1862 to March 
 1864. Of these 455 appointments by the (Jonservative party, nine 
 have been conferred on Iri.-sh Catholics, if I may include therein the 
 temjiorary appointment of Mr. Macarow as one. They are Messrs 
 Kelly, O'Neil, Sexton, Alley n, Tims, Hayes, Quinn and Doran. 
 This is somewhat less than one out of every fifty, while the pop- 
 ulation is nearly one to seven. Of tiie forty appointments made 
 by the Reform ()aruy, four M'ere Irish Catholics — Messrs. O'Gara, 
 O'Brien, Drummond and McCoru. This is equivalent to one out 
 of ten. To a full and thorough appreciation of their generous 
 dealing, it must not be forgotten that a large majority of the 
 Irish Catholics were arra3'^e(i against that Government at the 
 polls. Nor does this cover the full extentof their liberality. It 
 will be seen that they appointed but one Protestant to any impor- 
 tant olTice in Lower Canada. This arose from their already en- 
 joying more than a just and equitable jjortion. They also dis- 
 
• T' 
 
 30 
 
 missed many loadiriir Orangonieii from vory lucrative offices, of 
 whom three recur to inernory : — Mr. Oji^Ie R. Gowan, Toronto; 
 Mr. Francis Clemow, Post Otiice lns})octor, Ottawa ; and Mr. Alex- 
 ander Powell, Crown Timber Agent, Barrio. Comment is unneces- 
 sary. 
 
 Be it far from me to recall the past and its errors, which should 
 lie buried with it, for the |)ur[)ose of embi(iteringthe present. 
 Tiie lessons o^ the past are useful in serving as beacons and 
 finger-boards to guide us in the future. The only practi'^al way 
 of judging parties and individuals is by a calm, unbiassed review 
 of their antecedents. " By their works shall you know them." 
 '■' Tlio tree is known by its fruit." 
 
 Analysis of thk Tabl?:s. 
 
 
 
 The foregoing taV)les are at once instructive and suggestive. 
 Instructive, because they establisli beyond do»i})t the inferiority 
 of our position, b(;cause they demonstrate witli mathematical pre- 
 cision our degraded standing ; suggestive, because they imply and 
 point out a lemedy. 
 
 The first part of Tables 1, 2 and 3 res[)ectively, show the posi- 
 tion Catholics occupy in a city where they have a numerical pre- 
 ponderance. In the Municipal Government there is not a Catholic 
 in the enjoyment of any office beyond the reach or ambition of an 
 ordinary day labourer. There is one first-class appointm.ent \mder 
 the Local Government—Police Magistrate — thanks to the Reform 
 Government. In the city appointments under the Federal Gov- 
 ernment, neither a 1st, 2nd, nor 8rd class appointment is held by a 
 Catholic. Of the 89 first and second-class appointments in this 
 city, under the Municipal, Li>cal and Federal authority, exclusive 
 of the civil service })roper, only one (the Police Magistrate) is held 
 by a Catliolic. Catholics in this instance have not had their ordi- 
 nary success in obtaining a fair share even of the messengers, 
 doorkeepers, &c , for which, one would infer, they were elegantly 
 adapted. 
 
 We contribute our share to the maintenance of the High 
 School, yet though in a majority in this city we have not a 
 single representative on the Board. Would it be wonderful if our 
 children should grow up in ignorance and crime ? The converse looks 
 indeed like the miraculous interposition of Providence. We arein 
 the same dependent position in the Counties of Prescott, Russeli, 
 Carleton and Renfrew. In these four Counties wo have not a 
 ^"ngle Catholic holding any appointment, except coroner, in the 
 .ministration of Justice, nor any 1st class appointment in the 
 /il service. (Mr. Doran belongs to Nipissing District.) All the 
 a^ ointments in the Southern District, except ten, have been 
 made bv the Conservatives since 18.')4. Of these ten, four were 
 
31 
 
 made by tlio Macdonalrl-Dorion Govoniinont, and the letiiaining 
 '^\x were antecedent to 1854. Of thoso four, two are Irish Catho- 
 lics. In fact, of five appointments in this district, made by the 
 Liberal party, three were Catholics — Messrs. O'Gara and Devine 
 and the late Dr. Riel. To the second part of my subject (Legisla- 
 tion) properly belongs an e.K))lanation of the anomalous position of 
 the City of Ottawa — the minority ruling the majority, aye, with 
 A rod of iron too— a thing unj^recedented on this continent. 
 
 The Northern DisiRirT. 
 
 Let us now turn to the Northern District, in which Catholics 
 form at leapt five-eighths of the population. Do we find any im- 
 provement ? Table V. eloquently, tliough silently, answers that 
 question. We find that of !)2 appointments, 20 are held by Cath- 
 olics. Of these, ten are held by Irish Catholics, not one of which 
 is first -elaKs. Of the three appointmentsmade in this district by the 
 Liberal Government of 1803, two are Irish Catholics (Messrs. 
 McCord and Lynch.) 
 
 It may be considered that I have given imusual prominence to 
 the first Territorial Division, and that I am unnece.ssarily prolix 
 and exhaustive in dealing witli it. I have done so for four reasons : 
 (1.) because I am more intimately acquainted with the entire lo- 
 cality than any other [)oition of the Dominion, and can therefore 
 speak from [lersonal knowledge ; (2.) because it is, if I may so 
 express it, the home, the stronghold of Conservatism in Canada ; 
 (8.) because of the population, a greater proportion are Irish 
 Catholics than of an equal number in any other part of the Do- 
 minion ; and (4.) because the Southern District has a greater pro- 
 portion of Catholics than any other section of Ontario. 
 
 It will be observed that of the twenty-one legislators sent by 
 this Division to the Local and Federal Parliaments, one onlyis a 
 Catholic, although there are about 91 C/atholics to 83 Protestants. 
 Of these 21 legislators, one only h a Reformer. Ottawa city 
 and Prescott County elected their last liberal representatives in 
 1851. Neither Carleton, Russell, Argenteuil nor Pontiac has 
 ever disgi-aced itself by so injudicious a choice, and Renfrew and 
 Ottawa counties oscillate between the two — the latter has not 
 chosen a liberal member since 1858. The Protestant element in 
 the municipal council of the Cit}?^ of Ottawa has, since 18.55 — a 
 year memoi'able in our local aniials for the ascendancy of the 
 minority over the majority— been exclusively Conservative. There- 
 fore it is no exaggeration to call the first territorial Division the 
 home, the stronghold of Conservatism. 
 
 Here 
 
 can we 
 
 look at Conservatism in its normal condition. 
 
 Here we can examine it in its native dignity. Here, undisturbed 
 by extraneous causes,uninfluenced by external jn-essure, unswayed 
 
w^ 
 
 32 
 
 <«.■ 
 
 P 
 
 by foreign coercion, sliould wo look for exainjiles of its liberality 
 to Catholics, by whom it luus been l.iigely and faithfully hus- 
 tainod. Here, where it has so lonj^ reigned supreme, it can V) 
 fairly, lionestly and impartially judged by its fiuit. What then 
 do ve find ? We find that here, basking in the yunshino of un- 
 disputed sway, wallowing in undisturbed supremacy, it has not^ 
 during its long reign of sixteen years, ap|)ointed a single Catholic 
 to any im[)ortant office in the civil service or achninistration of 
 justice of this Division. Its nominees, instead of being Conser- 
 vatives characterized by education, enlightenment, moderation 
 and efficiency, have been mostly Oningemen of the violent and 
 ignorant class. Yes, it is an incontrovertible fact that here, where 
 Catholics are in a majority, is Orangeism, not of the mild, respect- 
 able stamp, but that which is characterized by violence and ig- 
 norance, the guiding spirit of the Tory party. These are our ex- 
 periences of Toryism ; and are strictly in accord with its history 
 in unfortunate Ireland. I wish to be distinctly understood that 
 in any reference to Orangemen, I am speaking of the institution, 
 and not of individual members, for I believe that Orangemen, 
 when let alone, are like all other men— neither better nor worse. 
 
 Catholics in thi; locality have lost all ccmfidence in the honest, 
 impartial administration of justice. They feel in the law no 
 security for the protection of their lives or properties. When 
 the issue is between them and Orangemen, they believe that trial 
 by jury is "a mockery, a delusion and a snare." This unfor- 
 tunately is the universal feeling among all classes of Catholics. 
 Such unanimity cannot be founded on prejudices or based on chi- 
 meras. It is sustained by stubborn facts. 
 
 In January, 1855, Tierney, an inoffensive old man, was mur- 
 dered in the presence of many persons, and not one of his as- 
 sassins was put on trial for the crime. The circumstances of this 
 murder were of a most aggravated character. As told at the 
 time, a number of Orangemen ware riding past a tavern, kept by 
 a Catholic, shouting, "to hell with the Pope," and making other 
 joyous demonstrations. The inmates returned the taunt, where- 
 upon the Orangemen alighted from their sleighs, entered the house, 
 demolished its contents and murdered poor Tierney, who acci- 
 dentally happened to be there at the time. 
 
 Tierney was murdered, but no coroner ever held an inquest. 
 It took several months before a magistrate could begot with suf- 
 ficient courage to issue a warrant for the arrest of the par- 
 ties charged with the murder. When the warrant was finally 
 obtained, (some time during the ensuing summer,) no effectual 
 effort at apprehension was made, but on the morning the 
 "fall" assizes opened, the culprits surrendered. The Crown 
 witnesses, who swore to their identity, were not only unheed- 
 ed, but wera sought to be intimidated by threats from the Grand 
 
38 
 
 Jury of inclictinent for perjury. So eHCuped they without oven 
 having l)0(;ii put on trial ! 
 
 Ahoiit the same i'unv there was a failureof justice in the Cor- 
 rij^an case in Quebec h}' the indietnicnt and accjuittal of tlie ac- 
 cused. The j)ress of the country were justly indi<,mant at this 
 failure of justice,and some went so far as to charge (^'athoiics as a 
 body with being abettors of murder. But not a note, not a mur- 
 mur of condenination of those who nmrdercd unfortunate Ticrney. 
 These men — magistrates, jurors and murderers — are the most 
 Conservative of C'onservativ'es. 
 
 Some seven or eight years ago, another Catholic named Keogli, 
 was, at Metcalfe Village, murdereti in broad daylight in the 
 presence of many ))eisons. The coroner's jury founcl a verdict of 
 wilful murder against a certain ])erson therein named. He, too, 
 was never arrested. He followed the example of those accused 
 of Tierney's murder, and surrendered on the opening of the 
 assizes. There was a trial for manslaughter only on this occasion. 
 He was acquitted. No voice was raised on account of this 
 failure of justice. Every one concerned was a Conservative par 
 excellence— real "true blue" Conservatives. 
 
 MAGISTRATES AND VOLUNTEERS. 
 
 The justices of the peace and volunteers (rank and file) are not 
 only almost exclusively Protestant, but they are nearly all Orange 
 men. Writing the parliamentary correspondence of the Ottawa 
 Tribune from Quebec in 1855, I took occasion to condemn the 
 Militia Bill, as being intended to put arras into the hands of the 
 Orangemen of Upper Canada. The editor, the late and lamented 
 Mr. Burke, differed from my view, but my friend lived long enough 
 to acknowledge his error, afterwards often telling me that I waa 
 right and he was lurorig. Shortly after the passage of that mea- 
 sure, Orange companies were being organized on all sides. The 
 French inhabitants of this city were also permitted to organize a 
 company composed exclusively of that nationality. The Irish 
 Catholics took alarm — they had not forgotten " stony Monday" — 
 at this display of hostile armament. It was thus they viewed it. 
 The leading supporters of the Conservatives amongst them sought 
 the intervention of the Government for permissior» to organize a com- 
 pany to be chiefty officered and composed of Irish Catholics. The 
 leaders of this movement proclaimed in anticipation a successful 
 issue. They were not only doomed to disappointment, but to the 
 humiliation of not being treated with the common courtesy of a 
 reply to their application. All the parties to these transactions were 
 good,leal and sound Conservatives. Few can realise, shortof personal 
 experience, the petty tyranny and persecution exercised by igno- 
 rant, bigoted magistrates in the back-woods over poor, unfriended 
 3 
 
n 
 
 34 
 
 settlers. Some instances of a most galling character have in my 
 profcHsional intentourse with the oiitsk iris ot civilization come un- 
 der my notice. The perpetrators were all sound Tories of the 
 good old type, and brimful of the gitod old traditions. Now, 
 reader, this is an Ottawa experience of Canadian Toryism. Com- 
 pare it with the circle of your immediate rccjuaintance. Can it in 
 your locality claim a fairer or better record '( 
 
 TKimiTORIAL DIVISION NO. 2. 
 
 Turn we now to table VI, and we find that it is but a stale and 
 monotonous ref)etition of the preceding ones. The same pi'o.scrip- 
 tion characterizes it, the same ostracism prevails throughout. The 
 cloven hoof of Conservatism is everywhere visible, the same 
 blighting inHuences on all sides apparent. But a brighter vJ«iorj/ 
 breaks o'er Ontario's woods and Jakes. A new hojie has beamed 
 on us. A small, brilliant speck is just visible on the Eastern hor- 
 izon of our political tirmaineiit. Dawn is imperceptibly vanquish- 
 ing darkness, the lowering sky indicates symptoms of returning 
 calm, anil the sun of e(piality may shine on us yet. 1'h • Reform 
 ])arty have succeeded to power. As Ikus ever been its wont, the 
 first a(;t of the party was the introduction of an Irish Catholic in- 
 to the Government. True to their ])iinciples, consistent with their 
 teachings, faithful to their traditions they hasten to make us ])ar- 
 takers of their power as well as what we were before, contributors, 
 to the revenue. Had they acted otherwise, they would have dis- 
 appointed their friends, falsified their lUHxims, aspersed their prin- 
 ciples, and would be unworthy the contidence of those supporters;, 
 who believe as I do. 
 
 TERRITORIAL DIVISION NO. 3. 
 
 Turn we now to Mew France, which imagination has invested 
 with the mantle, attributes and associations of the old. Imbued 
 with that historii! sympathy between Erin and Gaul— a sympathy 
 cemented by blood at Aughrim, Fontenoy, and many another bat- 
 tle-6eld, a syanpathy sanctitied by religious asylum, a sympathy- 
 consecrated by the memories of Sarstield, Tone and Emmett, we 
 turn with a feeling of relief to Quebec, as the spot of all others on 
 this continent where an Irish Catholic may well feel at home. A 
 glance at table VII, dispels the illusion. We find that this is not 
 the France of yore, she is new-born France no more. 
 
 LEGISLATORS. 
 
 The Province of Quebec has 178 legislators, of whom 8 are Irish 
 Catholics, and 45 Protestants. Of the 130 elective members there 
 
35 
 
 Irish 
 there: 
 
 is not a sin^jlo constituoncy in which t]u3 Frcnnli olomont prod.nni- 
 natos rcproHtjnted by an Irish (.'athoUc, althoufrh many such ai'e 
 represented Ky ProtostantH. It in usual wlienever an Iiish 
 Catholic candi(hito presents himself hefoiH; any coustibuetiey hav- 
 ing a considerahh- French vott\ tor them to join with the I'rotos- 
 tants for his ch^feat. In thci Quehcic (Jovei'ninent, Irish (,^itholic.S 
 liave not a representative, while the Protestants have two. Thouj^h 
 the party of />o(/My>/'/ n(;//)^'.s have been in power with litth; interreg- 
 num since l.sr)4, tli<;y have oidy i)romoted one (.)ud«fe Maguire) 
 and appointed another (Ilecorder Sexton) to tli(! administi'ation of 
 justice, while in the same time they have appointed !) Pi'otestant 
 judges. Of all the first-class appointments in Lower Canada enu- 
 merated in the 1st part of Table VII, iinder local authority, there 
 are only two Irish Catholics, (Messrs Alleynatid Sexton) a[)pointed 
 by the Conservative paity, while there are ')(> Protestants. (Jf all 
 the first-class appointments in the 2nd part of the name table, 
 only one Irish ( -atholic, (Mr. Quinn) has been app(»inte(l by the (dir- 
 tier party, while thtjy aj)j>ointe(l no less than 2.) Protestants. (!'on- 
 trast this with the conduct of the Liberal ))arty (the lioiKjca a.s 
 they ar(! disdainfully called), (un-ing their short term of office, and 
 it is seen that they ap])ointed three Irish Catholics (Judge Druin- 
 mond, and Messrs O'Brien and McCord) to most important offices, 
 and only one Protestant. 
 
 I confess that I, too, w!is for a long time, influenced by this tra- 
 ditional leaning to Frenchmen, until n)y eyes were opened by see- 
 ing my countrymen systematically ignored and sneered at l>y Sir 
 George Cartier, Protestant Englishmen preferred to them and raised 
 over thfcir heads. In my own cfinvass for the County of Russell 
 in 1867, some of my bitterest opponents were French Canadians. 
 They had no hesitation in preferring a Protestant. This could not 
 have arisen from any personal enmity to me, for I was a total 
 stranger to them, nor had I ever done aught to deserve their hos- 
 tility. They seemed to take a |)ernicious delight in flinging 
 " Fenian" at myself and supiWiters. Their organ in Ottawa was 
 denouncing me in every i.ssue as a " Fenian." They were no 
 doubt acting under instructions from their leader, Sir George — the 
 Englishman speak i 7 l(J French, who contemptuously tells the Irish, 
 "that he did not want them, that he would not have them." I 
 would be the last man to take exce[)tion to legitimate party war- 
 fare, but surely the French might leave the false and unfounded 
 " Fenian" cry to others. There was only one way in which my name 
 could have ])ossibly been connected with that formidable organiza- 
 tion — on the Orange theory, that every Irish Catholic must be a 
 " Fenian" or " Fenian sympathizer." Yet, Lower Canada is the 
 pink of Conservatism. Her chosen chiefs are its most redoubted 
 champions. About two-thirds of her representatives have foi 
 years been its most devoted defenders, singularly forgiving and 
 
30 
 
 forjTotful of its tyranny nn<l tlH-ir own aniitludnMs in tlu' recont 
 nn-Ht. Pcrliiips thn cliiiii^t' of Iuiho \\iih hi'cukmI tlirni snoils whi(;li 
 no other comminution would. Thoir ('()-I•^'li^ri(»ni^tH of Irihli origin 
 luivo not, as tin* rccoid hIiowh, even tlu' |>o(ir (•on.s(»l»ition of being 
 sliarcrs in tlw j»hni(l«>r. "St. .lean liMjttist*!" the "monkey," and 
 "Pat" the " cMtspaw." It .scem.s manifcsl to me tlmt any one whf) 
 Ims closely watcluul and critically analysed |iolitical events in 
 Lowei' Caiindu for the last ei;^ditecn years, can form lnit one con- 
 clusion as to which l>arty is the Irnc friend of Irish Catholics in 
 that I'lovince, and that a verdict foimded on the ividence and on 
 \mdis|)iitable facts must be unanimous in favour of the Liberal 
 party. 
 
 TKRRITOUIAL DIVISION NO. 4. 
 
 Let us now retrace our steps, and take a peep at the pn-at " ung 
 ivnm " at Dominion Head-cpiarters. Table VIM will furnish us 
 with an index, a clue, a guide in our sc.irch for adventtires. With 
 this in hand we enter tlie Eastern block, and inspect the fantastic 
 pile from basement to attic. In our wanderings we encounter 
 the germs homo in all its diversity of form, colour and tongue. 
 We readily recognize the babbling Frenchman, the " blawsted" 
 cockney, the Gaelic of the Highlands, the lowland ^x/^o/.v, that the 
 genius of Burns has stamped with immortality, and its twin-sister 
 of the " black North." We miss the congenial and familiar 
 "brogue." But no, we found one in the basement and another in the 
 attic — rare specimens specially imported for exhibition. Whither- 
 soever you turn, in hall or corridor, you encounter what legendary 
 lore tells us Dean Swift found written on the walls of Bandon, 
 and beneath which he inscribed his celebrated epigram : — 
 
 " Whoever wrote this, h<wdone it well 
 
 For the same is written on the gates of H— 1" 
 
 After making the rounds of the whole establishment no better 
 success awaits us. There is not a single Irishman, deputy-minis- 
 ter or head of any branch of the public service at the capital. 
 There is not an Irish Catholic holding a first .' second-class posi- 
 tion in the service of the Legislature. The hi;;!' jst position in the 
 civil service held by an Irish Catholic is a ch rkship held by Mr. 
 Higgins,and it appears that he was appointed by the Reform party. 
 In the Legislative department there is neither a first, second nor 
 third-class appointment held by an Irish Catholic. There is one 
 Scotch Catholic (the serjeant-at-arms) holding an important posi- 
 tion. He, too, was appointed by the Liberal party. 
 
 Let us now take a glance at the composition of the law-making 
 power. The Senate, which is nominated by the Goveniment, now 
 consists of seventy-nine members. Of these there are five Irish 
 Catholics — one from Ontario, two from Quebec, one from New 
 
37 
 
 Brunswick, mid (.tin (Voin Novii Scotia. Until recently neither 
 Ontjirio nor New Hriinswitk liiul an Irish ( 'atholic; reproNtintative 
 in that Ixxly ; and tlie Irish of these I'rovince.s uuiy thard< Mr. 
 An;.,din'M eHorts, which had the ert«'ct of .shaniin;.; th(! Ministry 
 into that paltry conci^ssion. 
 
 I'he II(»us(M)f CoinintMis, which is elected by the i»coj)le, is now 
 composed of IIH) nicmhers, of whom seven are Irish t'atliolics, viz., 
 one fn)n) Ontario, two from Qiicl)ec, two from New Brunswick, 
 and two from Nova S(!otia. I have not inchulcd in tiiis enu- 
 meration Mr. Cayh-y, who is a Frenchman iti evcrythiiii^ l)ut the 
 accident of hirth, whose good or ill fortune it is to be ho un-Iri»h 
 as not to know how to wjudl his own name. (Cayley for 
 Kealy or O'Kiely ) The renuiininur five English-speaking (.'atho- 
 lics are S(!otch. In judging of the iiuMpiality of Irish Catholic re- 
 presentation in Parliament, it must not he forgotten that the leaders 
 ofa])arty more particidarly a Government, with itMiumeiiso 
 patromige, with its vast an<l vvide-s[)read influence, (lontrol the 
 electors and manipulate their choice. They in genei'al determine 
 who shall be the candidates in their interest, and their followers 
 and supporters elect tluim. I believe it will be found that th(jse 
 Irish Catholics returned have b(!en elected entirely independent of 
 Ministerial influences. We know that the two from the Province 
 of Quebec owe their election to the large Irish vote in West 
 Montreal and Quebec, and were returned by acelanuition. Perhaps 
 the Government will claim the negative virtue of not opposing 
 them. I believe the two from Nova Scotia were elected to oppose 
 the Government, and one, at least, of the two from Now Bi'un.s- 
 wick. If I I'emember right Mr. O'Connor was not very flatteringly 
 supported by the Government organs. I think that they charac- 
 terized him as the Ydiikce Member fvoni Ddro'd. Indeed, the 
 leaders durst not identify themselves with any scheme or policy 
 which would do justice to Irish Catholics. For the class in 
 Ontario on whom they mainly de[)end for political existence — the 
 Orangemen — who ate quite ready to accept "Paijist" votes for 
 their own candidates, would not tolerate reciprocity in the other 
 direction. 
 
 The Privy Council 
 
 Consists of thirteen Ministers, of whom three are French, an<] ten 
 Protestants. This, I believe, is the rirst time since the union of 
 Upper and Lower Canada, and recognition of responsible Govern- 
 ment, that the Irish Catholic element was nnre[)resented in the 
 Cabinet. The half-million Irish Catholics are ignored and denied 
 representation in the Ministry, while the one-sixth of a million of 
 Quebec Protestants could not depend on the other nine Protestants 
 in the Government, but must have a special representative of their 
 
jli' 
 
 5' 
 
 ■I 
 
 38 
 
 own to guard their local wants and attend to thuir peculiar in- 
 terest.s. Is it wonderful under these circumstances that the rights, 
 interests and claims of the Irish are neglected or forgotten ? I am 
 told that the G(^vernmcnt |)lead in extenuation, if ncjt justification, 
 the grouiid that there is no Irish Catholic in Parliament fit to 
 be a Minister. Pei-haps tlu^y are right. Was this their rea.^on for 
 shelving Sir Edward Kenny ? Did they KnigJif him to make his 
 fall easy ? It is a very sorry compliment to such oh.sequious fol- 
 lowers as Senator Ryan and Mr. O'Connor. Mr. McKeagney is 
 said to he a man of some parts ; and if he is not equal in mental 
 calibre to some of the Ministers, his ])arts are, like angels' visits, 
 "few and far between." Mr. Anglin, in the Canadian acceptation, 
 at least, is a first-class man, but, alas ! for the aberrations of genius, 
 lie is tainted, so .say the Ministerialists, with " Fenianism." If he 
 were a sixth or tenth-rate man, (piietly and silently following in 
 the Ministerial wake, he would be immaculate — a paragon of 
 automaton perfection. IMr, Anglin will ])ardon this allusion. It is 
 not meant to insinuate that, if offered, he would accept a. seat in 
 the Cabinet. It has been recently announced that Mr. O'Connor's 
 wounded ])ride is tc be soothed with a ;)0/'^/b^io, at least, during 
 the elections, when he will no longer be needed. Tlie period, 
 though brief, will nevertheless be ' Ilonourahle" Nous verrons. 
 
 Legislation. 
 
 "We nov/ come to the second branch of o\ir inquiry — Lrgislation, 
 which I shall sub-divide into two \y.\vtH, (je)ie)-(i I and s/ ecial — the 
 former affecting the community generally, and the latter affecting 
 us as Catholics and Iri.shmon. 
 
 General I jegi solution. — It is to the Liberal party we are indebted 
 for res])onsiV)le government, for our municipal institutions, which 
 give the people control over their local taxati(»n and improve- 
 ments, instead of being mnnjiged as in Ireland by irresjionsible 
 magistrates, and by which the Dco'ple are trained to the higher 
 foiin of self-government. It is to the Reform party we owe the 
 opening to the whole youth of the country of that sectarian cor- 
 poration known as " Toronto University," established on the 
 model and on the pernicious basis of D\iblin University — a close 
 borou"h for the benefit of members of tlie dominant church. It is 
 to the stiuggles of the Liberal paity we owe the secularization of 
 the clergy reserves, and with it swept away fcr ever the last ves- 
 tige of church ascendency on this continent. We are indebted to 
 the Liberal party for the extension of the elective franchise, by 
 which the industrious but poorer classes have a voice in the mak- 
 ing and administration of the laws. It is to their agitation that 
 we owed an elective second chamber, which had V)cen extorted 
 from the Tories after a long struggle, but which they adroitly 
 
 f] 
 
39 
 
 abrogated at the first opportunity, whicli Confederation offered 
 them ; and which must again be agitated and re-conquered. 
 Without stopping to individualize, it is to tlie eftbrts of the liberal 
 element in this as well as in every other (country, that mankind 
 are indebted for every legislation that distinguishes a free from 
 an enslaved people. 
 
 Spficial Lef/islation. — Let us now turn to special legislation as 
 more immediately affecting us as Irishmen and Catholics. Pro- 
 minent amonarst these is the 
 
 I 
 
 Separate School Bill. 
 
 This measure, pronounced by the Church so vital to the interests 
 of CaLholics, so many years a cheval o/e hataille for political par- 
 ties, was at last settled by the Reform Government. Ic is neces- 
 sary that I should briefly review the principal incidents of this 
 vexatious agitation. It will not be foigotten that the leaders of 
 the Reform party in Upper Canada took strong ground t^gainst the 
 introduction ^i. the sectarian element into the public schools of 
 that Province. It is not now my jnirpose to discuss whether they 
 were right or wrong in principle, or whether their policy was 
 expedient. I desire only to point out that in so doing they dis- 
 tinctly and unmistakeably declared that their opposition did not 
 arise from any iidierent hostility to Catholics, because they hap- 
 pened to be the special Jidvocates of the measure, but on the broad 
 principle that they believed it would be inimical io the general 
 interests of the country, and no less prejudicial to others than to 
 Catholics themselves. Right or wrong, these were their con- 
 victions, expressed fearlessly and above board. These are the 
 attributes of honest men, who, at the worst, must be acknow- 
 ledged an open, straightforward foe, whom you would always 
 know where t) find, and for whom consequently you could always 
 be prepared, always guarded, always on the defensive. Their at- 
 titude was bold and manly, and (^innot fail to command the re- 
 spect of every intelligent opponent. Contrast their honest, out- 
 spoken opposition with the conduct of the Cor)servatives. Every 
 unscru])ulous politician, bankru},'t in reputation, every political 
 mountebank and black-leg was ready to go down on his "marrow 
 bones," and not unfrequently did so, sign any written pledges pre- 
 sented to liim, even of the most preposterous kind, and make 
 promises to any extent of supporting a Separate School Bill. 
 Honest, upright and worthy men wei'e thus hustled out of power 
 by these charlatans. Even Ministers were not above making 
 these promises. 
 
 It will be remembered that, in the general election of 1857-8, 
 Mr. Cayley was defeated in tw^o or three western constituencies. 
 It was then arranged that the member elect for the County of 
 
40 
 
 ,*' 
 
 Kenfrew would resign to make way for him. To enlist the Catho- 
 lic support in his behalf, the late Mr. Vankoughnet came to this 
 city to prepare the way. There was a caucus, consisting of eight 
 Catholics, of whom I was one, convened to discuss the subject. 
 At that meeting I moved a resolution setting forth that only on 
 two conditions would the lending C^atholics of this city consent to 
 recommend their co-religionists in Renfrew to vote for Mr. Cay- 
 ley. The conditions were, 1st — that the Ministiy, during that ses- 
 sion, or at the farthest, during that Parliament, would introduce as 
 a Ministerial measure such a School Bill as was demanded by the 
 bishops ; and 2nd — tliat the ministry, as a Governp' en t, would op- 
 pose the Orange Incorporation Bill ; and that Mr. Vankoughnet 
 would give us his written pledge in behalf of the (Government to 
 carry them out. This passed, Mr. Vankoughnet gave the written 
 pledge, and your humble servant, much to his chagrin, felt in 
 honour bound to support Mr. Cay ley in his election. So soon, 
 however, as tlie object was attained, the pledge like many another 
 promissory note was given only to be dishonoured. The Govern- 
 ment failed in introducing any School Bill during that Parliament, 
 though they liad a steady majority of thirty or forty on all their 
 measures, which could not fail in securing its triumphant passage. 
 Thus they dallied with this important relief: it was a god-send to 
 them to keep it in afgitation for years for political ])urposes: it was 
 the weapon of all others to discomfit the " Grits." Fortunately 
 for the Separate School Bill the Tory Ministry fell, and were suc- 
 ceeded by a Liberal Government in May, 1862. Those, who, like 
 myself, saw the vile use that was being made of this vexatious 
 question, uiged upon the Government to lose not a moment in 
 passing the measure, and banishing it forever from the arena of 
 politics. They yielded to our entreaties, they were willing to 
 forego their own convictions for the sake of quelling a dangerous 
 agitation. The School Bill passed the following session (1863) 
 with the entire concurrence and su])port of the Government, and 
 many of the pledge-makers had the grim satisfactioiL of voting 
 against it, just as might have been expected. 
 
 I can never look back on this episode in Canadian politics 
 without feelings of shame, humiliation and sorrow. Those Ynera- 
 bers of the Liberal party who had for years steadily voted against 
 this measure were on each occasion fully sustiuned by their con- 
 stituents ; and as an indorsation of their conduct triumphantly 
 returned at the subsequent elections. But when they yielded to 
 the voice of entreaty ; when for a public good they did violence to 
 their own feelings in voting for this meas\n-e ; when they appeared 
 again before their constituents to render an account of their stew- 
 ardship, and to solicit a renewal of their confidence, some of them 
 were defeated. In effecting their defeat many Irish Catholics, to 
 their disgrace be it told, joined — a fitting reward for their sup- 
 
 ^ 
 
41 
 
 port of a measure of relief to them, and one declared by the Church 
 to be of j)aramount importance. Two instances recur to my mem- 
 ory — Mr. Patrick, of Prescott, and the late Daniel McLachlin, of 
 Arnprior. The indefensible conduct of those Irish Catholics of 
 South Greiiville and Carleton, who on that occasion voted against 
 these gentlemen, ciist dishonour on their whole race, and an indeli- 
 ble stain on their own character. Invincible ignorance is the only 
 palliation for such inconsistency. 
 
 THE HABEAS CORPUS. 
 
 The writ of habeas corpus means the right to every one under 
 arrest to be confronted with his accuser and brought to a speedy 
 trial. It is the paZ^admm of individual liberty. The suspension 
 of that writ implies the contrary. It means that any person ac- 
 tuated by personal enmity or from any other motive, however 
 frivolous or vexatious, can go before a magistrate, lodge informa- 
 tion against any individual, have him arrested, cast into prison, 
 there detained without trial or other formality during the term of 
 suspension, without even a knowledge of the crime with which 
 he is charged or the person of his accuser. (Reader, I might have 
 pared you and me this explanation, for every Irishman is hapless- 
 ly too familiar with the " suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act.") 
 It is unnecessary to occupy time in portraying or enumerating 
 the dangers that are likely to follow in its wake. They are ap- 
 parent to the meanest intellect. But the greatest of all dangers 
 is in the precedent itself Nothing short of the most extreme 
 national peril can justify a Government in resorting lo this final 
 hope — tliis last plank of liberty's throne. It is one of those wea- 
 pons, like the flaming sword of Michael, which should only be un- 
 sheathed when the nation's autonomy is threatened, when the life 
 breath of the state is menaced by internal treason. It is no se- 
 curity against invasion. 
 
 In June, 18G6, for the first time since the establishment of res- 
 p-overnment did a Canadian Minister venture to come 
 ;)ropose to Parliament the suspension of this writ, in or- 
 r him with so formidable an instrument of tyranny and 
 n. Parliament, une(|ual to the emergency, abnegating 
 Its supreme function, without a remonstrance, servilely responded 
 to the call, and with indecent haste, suspending all its rules 
 passed the odious measure in less than one hour. Where were 
 the statesmen, the exponents of the constitution, the sentinels on 
 the house tops, the defenders of the people's rights, the champions 
 of popular liberty ? Echo answers ivhere, and adds aside in par- 
 eiAiesis, paralyzed and demoralized by coalitions. The pi'etext, 
 V ii'^ the " Fenian" invasion. Will any person possessed of ordi- 
 iiviy intelligence seriously assert that if real danger threatened 
 
 pon 
 do"w 
 der 
 persccu 
 
r 
 
 II 
 
 42 
 
 us from that quarter that tlii.s procecdin<^ wouUl in the si htest 
 degree tend to avert it ? Is there a man in the Dominion simple- 
 ton enoui;ii to believe that the " Fenians" couh' aehieve even a 
 temporary success, except tlirougli the active support of the 
 United States Government ? When the movement ceased "^o be 
 " Fenian," it would necessarily assume the characteristics of inter- 
 national warfare. Of what avail under such circumstances would 
 the suspension of the habeas corpjs be ? None, whatever. Who- 
 ever believes otherwise is paying a very indifferent compliment to 
 the statesmansliip of our rulers. If true, then what a commentary 
 on oiu" national maturity, on our aspirations after indei)endence, 
 that we could be alarmed out of our wits like children by nur- 
 sery talcs of ghosts and iriants. The whole jiroceeding was solely 
 directed against the Irish Catholics of Canada, fc • it could avail 
 nothing against foreigners. It was determined to bring us into dis- 
 repute,to declare V)y extraordinary legislation that we were all dis- 
 loyal, arid conspiring with strangers a:^ainst the peace and institu- 
 tions of our adopted country. In oider to appease the hatred of 
 Orangetnen, intensified by their fears, a holocaust must be offered 
 to the manes of their exasperate^ t'ielings. 
 
 Each scene was admirably arra .; nd every actor played his 
 
 part in true dramatic style. To "p. McGee was Jissigned the 
 
 disrejjutable part of a.cc user-general and alarmid-in-chief. Who, 
 than lie, fiuuld be more familiar with the dnvK designs and lawless 
 proclivities of his countrymen: who, than he, more capable of 
 tracl'Jng their black deeds and unearthing their midnight plots ; 
 who, than he, more intimate with the labyrinths of their secret, 
 treasonable machinations ? I believe in my soul that there wr.3 
 not a sliadow of foundation for vilely asjtersing our reputation ; and 
 now that the Habeas Corpus Ac-t is in full force, I challenge 
 our accusei's to |)roduce one tittle of evidence to justify so foul a 
 stigma on the fair fame of the Irish Catholics of Canada. What- 
 ever may be oui- feelings towards England, I contend that we are 
 as true and faithful citizens of Canada as any other class of Ibe 
 people. Nor is the ])()sition of distrust of the forinei" incompatible 
 with fealty to the latter. The reason is manifest. England does 
 not inteifere in the internal affairs of Canada. Therefore she is 
 blamt'less. Had she pursued a like couise in Ireland, she would 
 not have truer friends and more faithful allies than our ])eo])le. 
 
 They ushered our new constitution into life under the patronage 
 of this monster — midwife and sponsor, and its infancy was nursed 
 and cradled on its bosom. Pitt carried the Iri.sh union when Ire- 
 land was bleeding under martial law. May the resemblance 
 cease at the initial ])oints. It was continuously suspended for 
 over three yeai's, and during this time the (»ublic ear was tickled 
 with the niockeiy of the great efforts being made to attract im- 
 migration, hither. What a farce to sujjpose that people fleeing 
 
43 
 
 i 
 
 from Kiiropean oppression would voluntarily s'-^.jct a country 
 where the suspension of individual freedom had become chronic. 
 
 MCOEE. 
 
 Unluckily the assassination of McGee afforded the long wished- 
 for opportunity of carrying the " si(,9perii^iori " to its legitimate and 
 logical conclusions. None could abhor, none could regret that foul 
 deed more than I. First, because I detest murder in every shape, 
 even legal murder; and second, because a systematic attempt is 
 made to pervert history, to deify an erring mortal, to convert a 
 poor, weak man into a hero and a martyr. Let any one read the 
 Montreal Gazette and Advertiser, the Toronto Leader and Free- 
 man, and the other Conservative pa))ers from l<So7 to 18(j3 and 
 there, recorded in letters of blood, will they iind his character. 
 Either these " re.spectable " sheets were vile slanderers then, or 
 worse hypocrites now. They are welcome to either horn of the 
 dilemma. I would fain let his ashes rest undisturbed, in their 
 unhallowed tomb and let posterity, if thought worthy of notice, 
 deal with his acts. But if his present worshippers wish for a truce, 
 they must cease flinging the mud fro?ii his grave on the heads of 
 the Irish people. 
 
 Subjoined is a specimen, clipped from the New Era, McGoe's 
 paper, of the repute in which he was held by his present admirers: 
 
 "A RABID ORANGEMAN. 
 
 "The original of the following precious production, with the ac- 
 companying enveloj)e, post-marked ' Penetanguishene, U. C.,' is to 
 be seen as a curiosity of Orange literature at our office. Though 
 anonymous, it is well enough to show our friends the spirit with 
 which they have to deal — and for the fostering of which to its 
 present furious heat the Ministry, now crippled or dissolved, have 
 been mainly answerable: " — 
 
 * To Mr. McGee, The Irish Champion, 
 Brave Sir, Ireland's Boast, 
 
 ' You are striving to give new life to the Irish Papists, It is a 
 great task you have to perform, and One you cannot do, The Irish 
 Papists are slaves, we loyal Orange made them So, and by Heav- 
 ens Keep them so. In Ireland one million of us has Ke[)t them 
 to the grindstone, do you think we will not with the Scotch and 
 English keep them here to the Millstone, Their slavish principles 
 made them our serfs in Ireland, and it will make them here in 
 Canada the Hewers of our woods the drawers of our waters, P'ree- 
 dom is the gift of Heaven, the Irish Papists are the children of 
 Hell, therefore they cannot have freedom. We shall scurge them 
 
44 
 
 T 
 
 1,5 
 
 i^ 
 
 
 here with scorjjions, and finally make them seek some other clime 
 besides Canada for their rendezvous. Only for they are slaves 
 would they allow seven million of themselves to be governed by 
 one million of Loyal Orange, Success to the loyal orangemen, and 
 they Shall reign here, as they have reigned in Ireland, the terror 
 of the enemies of our gracious Queen, 
 
 'You are endeavouring to join together the French and the mere 
 Irish, a mere hope: you might as well strive to trace the light- 
 nings in the Heavens, The French are too intelligent to join Canal 
 diggers of Canada. Allowing the impossibility to occur ; it would 
 hurry to our rank.'H the lukewarm, then we would stare at you 
 like bulldogs, «nd defy your menaces with our swords, 
 
 'A warning to you in time, that you cannot say we do work in 
 the dark: it is our determination not to allow an Irish Papist to 
 office, Pontiac Election shows that, not to allow them to be ap- 
 pointed magistrates in fact not to allow them any Civil office in 
 the State. Why should we the Popish dogs, the Whores of Bab- 
 ylon, the Beasts with the seven heads. You dare not publish this 
 letter, because it would strike terror into the Cowards that sup- 
 port you, Pelaver their Coui-age, and they may go to the Polls, but 
 if they see our spiiit in Print they would run away from us like 
 Chaff before the wind. We shall treat them all in Canada as the 
 brave Clarendon Orange men have treated the Onslow Papists ; 
 Irish Cowards' 
 
 " Yours 
 ' A Loyal Orangeman, 
 ' your mortal enemj'^, 
 ' the enemy of your race." * 
 
 The Ministry there referred to is the same Tory Ministry whose 
 obsequious slave and follower he afterwards became ; the Orange 
 institution there referred to is the same that he afterwards de- 
 clared "to be that society whose object is laudable, and ivhose dis- 
 tinguishing characteristic is fealty to the Croiun." 
 
 If McGee was stricken down for his treason to his countrymen, 
 who had done so much for him, the assassin not only committed 
 a foul crime, but a woeful mistake. All that his worst enemy 
 need do was to let him severely alone — he was then on the high 
 road to ruin. 
 
 The murder was the signal for a "reigrn of terror." Our most 
 virtuous citizens were under the surveillance of the ruffians of the 
 secret service, the privacy of our houses .nvaded, the sanctity of 
 home violated, and our correspondence oubjected to a vile espion- 
 age. The most revered, faithful and devoted of our clergy were 
 stigmatized, and even the temple of the Most High, the very ark 
 of the covenant, must bring forth its secret tribute to conspiracy. 
 Not that there could be a shadow of suspicion of complicity in 
 
45 
 
 a crime so lieinous as murder — men whose whole life was a refu- 
 tation of any such doubt — but in order to point the finger of dis- 
 trust and dishonour at our people. Many of our most esteemed 
 brethren, with some of whom I have the pleasure to be intimately 
 acquainted, and whom to know is to love and revere — were seized, 
 cast into prison to consort with thieves and felons. How, if I am 
 to credit gentlemen in whoec ' (-nour and veracity I have every con- 
 fidence, ihoy were treated >vith a cruelty and barbarism unsur- 
 passed in the blackest aged of persecution, the recital of which 
 would make humanity shudder, and the consecjuences are singu- 
 larly corroborative of the statement, for one went forth from the 
 dungeon to a madhouse, and another to an untimely grave. How, 
 after months of incarceration and unheard of severity they were 
 let loose without a trial, without knowing with what they were 
 charged, or the person of their accuser, but with the stain of guilt, 
 as far as such a process could effect it, on their bi'ows, their pros- 
 pects blighted, bankruptcy their portion, and self-expatriation 
 their doom — and all because of their political opinions. Because 
 in 1867 they ventured to think for themselves and act accordingly. 
 Because it was likely that they would become honest leaders of 
 their class, it was desirable to hunt them out of the country, and 
 teach other delinquents a lesson that may be of service in the 
 future. They have, however, cause to be thankful that they did 
 not follow Whelan. 
 
 Had the Government thought proper to pursue the same course 
 towards these as they did to Whelan, as sure as " like causes pro- 
 duce like effects," they could have procured their conviction just 
 as surely. Nay, did the Government desire to be avenged of me 
 for writing this pamphlet, they could indict me for the murder 
 of McGee, and calculate with certainty on a conviction by pursu- 
 ing the same course as they did towards Whelan, and not me only, 
 but five hundred others, one after another indiscriminately 
 selected, I am not discussing Whelan's guilu or innocence. Of 
 that I am in entire ignorance, nor is it essential to my argument. 
 But I do assert that Whelan was convicted before the Jury panel 
 was struck. It has not been accounted for that, though at least 
 oue-fourth of the Jurors of Carleton are Irish Catholics, thei'e were 
 only six on a panel of sixty. The few Catholics on the panel 
 were challenged by the " eminent " counsel for the Crown — they 
 could not be depended on to render an honest verdict on their 
 oaths according to the evidence. When a Protestant was on trial 
 for the murder of Keogh, he had an exclusively Protestant Jury, 
 and when a Catholic is arraigned for murder, he also must be 
 tried by a Protestant Jury. One would suppose that this rule 
 should work both ways. That if a Protestant indicted for mur- 
 der must be tried by a Protestant Jury, in all fairness a Catholic 
 should be tried by a Catholic Jury. I say further, that were 
 
46 
 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 k 
 
 
 Wholan any other than an Irish Catholic, the Government would 
 not dare to execute him after /olli' out of 7ii)ie — I exchide the 
 Ju(l<((i hetore whom the trial was conducted — on appeal declaring 
 that Ay; skali (jet (i 'new tr'ud. It was a strictly Vl'ory victory. 
 It is t(»o Hoon to forget how, at the " Fenian" trials in Toronto, 
 the priest was coin'icLed and the minister acquitted, although the 
 evidence of guilt was in inverse ratio : — another CWservative 
 triumph. 
 
 In that season of trial, when stout hearts quailed, when every 
 har\d was raised against us, there was one man who was not 
 afiaid to stand by us, and hurl anathema at the tyiant. That 
 mun is the Hon. Malcolm (Jameron — one of nature's nobles. For 
 this the good man got his reward by being dismissed from the 
 Queen's printership at the earliest opi)ortunity. In this great 
 man — foi' if the "good alone are great," he is truly great — Irish 
 Catholics have no truer or better friend on this Continent. Yet, 
 strange fatality, they signify their appreciation of it by opposing 
 him on every occasion that he has sought their suffrages. Our 
 Lord, on the cross of Calvaiy, prayed for those who ci'ucilied him, 
 saying: — " Father forgive them, they know not what they do." 
 We might re|)eat here His Divine example. The G7o/>6 was the 
 only paj)er who had a woid of condemnation of this cruelty. No 
 doubt it was afraid to say much, lest it, too, might be branded as 
 a " Fenian" sympathizer. 
 
 CONFEDERATION. 
 
 In the "British North America Act" of 18G7, called the Con- 
 federation Act, special constitutional privileges are secured to the 
 Protestant minority of Quebec. Twelve constituencies are set 
 apart, whose boundaries cannot be altered except with the con- 
 currence of a majority of their representatives. These are what 
 may be denominated Protestant eo unties. But as if they deter- 
 mined to add insult to injury, the majority of the population 
 of five of these Protestant counties res[)ectively is Catholic, 
 some of them, as the County of Ottawa, nearly three to 
 one. The five electoiul counties which the constitution 
 by inference lias falsely declared to be Protestant are 
 Ottawa, Pontiac, Sheffbrd, Megantic and Richmond, and 
 Wolfe. Were the people of these counties thus scandalized 
 because at the time they happened to be represented by 
 Pi'otestant Conservative members ? Why was not Chateau- 
 guay so treated ? Is it because it was represented by a Pro- 
 testant Liberal ? But the most extraordinary feature of this 
 strange transaction is that their wealth and influence with a pre- 
 ponderance in all the other Provinces was not deemed sufHcient 
 protection for the Protestant minority of Quebec, but must invoke 
 
47 
 
 •y- 
 
 o. 
 
 lat 
 
 tho con-stitution for special guarantees. How provident, what 
 foresight, what precaution against the whims or prejudices of 
 the majority. May we ask why some such conces.sions were not se- 
 cured for the Catholic minority of Ontario ? The answer is evident. 
 Because they were friendless in a Conservative Government. I 
 will venture to say that if any one had raised the issue, they 
 would cry shame, hUjot; why distrust the honour of the Pro- 
 testant miijority ? But there is no shame when a Protestant 
 doubts the honour of a Catholic majority. 
 
 OTTAWA CITY. 
 
 I now come to an explanation of the anomalous position of the 
 City of Ottawa, where the minority rule the majority, aye, with a 
 rod of iron, too, as demonstrated in Table I. — a thing unj)rece- 
 dented fi'om Cape Horn to Behring's Straits. In IS.H the Muni- 
 cipal Council of the Town of Bytown petitioned the Legislature 
 to be incorporated as a city, to be called the " City of Ottawa." 
 As is usual in such circumstances, they ])re[)ared their own Vyi^Z, 
 sub-dividing the ])roposed city into five wards, and describing 
 their resjiective boundaries. The Goverimient during the progress 
 of the Bill, contrary to all precedent, changed the boundaries of 
 the wards at the instance of their supporters, in such a maimer 
 that the Protestant minority could control a majority of the new 
 wards. By this arrangement the minority were assigned three 
 wards, while the majority had (mly two ; and so dexteiously had 
 it been managed that the majority has ever since been unable to 
 regain its lost rights. I^ot content with robbing us they must 
 insult us also. They denominated the Protestant wards St. 
 George, Victoria and Wellington, and the Catholic ones, Bn and 
 Ottaioa. This accounts for the proportion of three Protestants to 
 two Catholics in the City Council, which has since been main- 
 t'^ined. 
 
 The first act of the new Council was to dismiss every Catholic em- 
 ployee, even to the messenger; and have still adhered to the same 
 intolerant spirit as exhibited in Table I. The same anhniis char- 
 acterized them in school management, so that the majority, contrary 
 to the spirit, if not the letter of the law, had to resort to separate 
 schools with all their disadvantages. All the actors in these dis- 
 reputable transactions were Conservatives of the right stripe. In 
 the seventeen years whicl> have since elapsed I can only recall one 
 Protestant of the Reform party holding a seat in the Council. I 
 am reasonably hopeful that the Liberal party will hasten to do us 
 justice, and carry out to its legitimate conclusion the great prin- 
 ciple of " representation by population." Will the Catholics of 
 Ontario strengthen our hands by a generous, united support at 
 the polls ? 
 
48 
 
 NEW nilUNSWICK SCHOOL LAW. 
 
 a 
 
 I '"«! 
 
 Jl' 
 
 V',. 
 
 Who that lias watched tlioir ooiuhict in t\u) hitc S(^HHi()ti with 
 Teference to the Nt'W Brun.swick School Law can be .satisficfl with 
 their douhlo dealing, their Hhuftling, their vacillating. Contrast 
 their minerabh! HubUirtuges to save theii' salai'ics with the manly, 
 straightibrward course of Miissrs. Blake and Mackenzie^ MesHrs. 
 Dorion and Holton. Have you observed tlu^ niearf, cowardly, 
 truckling tei'giversations of" that Catholic jxir c.ict'/lence — (dis) 
 Hon. Hector L. Langevin, C. B. {Cnipaud lileu) — who evidtnitly 
 much prefers his office and j)ickings to his honour and the desire 
 to see simple justice done to his co-religionists of New lirujiswick ? 
 For my own part J am neither surprised nor disappoint(!d at the 
 result, for it is quite consistent with all theii- antecedents. Did 
 they act otherwise it would be just cause for wonder. Surely the 
 people's eyes must at last open to their treachery —sui-ely this 
 last measure of injustice will fill their cup of ini(|uity to over- 
 flowing. 
 
 CAUSES OF INFERIORITY. 
 
 Hi 
 
 I think that any one who carefullv reads the foregoing tables 
 must be convinced that Irish Catholics occupy an inferior and de- 
 graded position in Canada, and that after a perusal of my review 
 of these tables he cannot fail to ascribe it to Conservative supre- 
 macy in the management of public affairs. Some may despair and 
 say : — " We are in a hopeless minority, and how can we better 
 ourselves ?" This is an entire mistake, we are not in a hopeless 
 minority, and we can bette^' ourselves ; and by our own unaided 
 effort elevate ourselves to an equality with the pr<judest. We are 
 not in the helpless condition here that we were in the land of our 
 nativity. The constitution, won for us by the struggles of the 
 Liberal party, provides every man with a shield broad and tough 
 enough to protect him agaiiist all assaults ; with a weapon quite 
 ample to redress all his grievances, quite adequate for the punish- 
 ment of any aggression on his rights. That shield is the elective 
 francldse — that weapon is his vote — a shield more effectual than 
 the wild justice of revenge, a weapon more powerful than the 
 stiletto of the assassin. All required to insure success is to make 
 a wise, discreet and judicious use of it. 
 
 ,|1 
 
 position of IRISH CATHOLICS UNDER LIBERAL GOVERNMENTS. 
 
 I remember the time here in Canada when it was no dishonour 
 to be an Irish Catholic, when our political standing was second 
 to no other class of the people, when it was no crime to love 
 our fatherland, no scoff to wish her children happy, no offence to 
 
 i 
 
49 
 
 th 
 
 IHt 
 
 M",s. 
 
 >y. 
 
 is) 
 
 ■ly 
 
 rebuke her oppressors ; nnd if all this is chnnged to-day, it is pain- 
 ful to add that truth compels us to acknowledge, that wo have 
 ourselves in a very ijreat degree to blame for it. With an 
 infatuation inexijlieable, in deHance of every prudent conrider- 
 ation, setting aside the useful lessons of history, we joined hands 
 with our hereditary foe. This nee jssion inereased its strength, 
 power and vitality a hundred-fold. But, as opposites cannot 
 simultaneously exist side by side without one encroaching upon, 
 and ultimately destroying, the other, so as it grew strong, wo 
 ^rew proportionally weak, as it giew powerful, we grew power- 
 less. Like complementary quantities, the increjise of the one 
 was the diminution of the other, the ultimate point or zero of 
 the one being the infinity of the other. Elated by victory and 
 pampered by patronage, it became a centre of attraction for 
 every one seeking favours and preferment. It gathered recruits 
 from all directions for it was the high road to favour. 
 
 POLITICAL PRINCIPLES. 
 
 to 
 
 Every rational being is endowed with faculties for the discrim- 
 ination of right from wrong, good from evil. The volition of a 
 faculty is called an idea, and the manifestation of an idea under 
 the conduct of the understanding is a principle. Government is 
 the science of society. Man being essentially a social being, in 
 the adaptation of means to an end, political principles must be in- 
 herent in his nature. A political party is an aggregation of indi- 
 viduals holding certain principles in common, and agreeing on a 
 united basis of action. Difference of opinion being as natural tis 
 difference of colour or countenance, in order to agree on a com- 
 mon platform, each member must be ready to sink or leave in 
 abeyance some of his own views. By no other process could a 
 large and powerful party be organized. As political principles are 
 intuitive and common to every social being, it is in accord with 
 nature and philosophy that each individual should be attracted 
 towards that party whose expressed views are most in accord with 
 his own. The first duty, therefore, of a man before allying him- 
 self with a party, is to examine its avowed principles in order to 
 ascertain how far they agree with his own preconceived ideas. 
 
 It is by this standard we propose to examine to which of the 
 two great political parties Irish Catholics naturally belong. We 
 believe that our race is eminently progressive, and constitutional. 
 We believe that our race are sincere, fervent friends of constitu- 
 tional liberty, human progress, and religious toleration. We be- 
 lieve that they are opposed to class legislation and class distinc- 
 tions — that their motto is: — All should be equal in the eye of the 
 law, as they are in the eye of the Creator. If we are true friends 
 of progress and reform in legislation and administration — if we 
 
60 
 
 i 
 
 r 
 
 V 
 
 
 doHire tlic haJlol, that voters inny lie nMe to cxcrciHe their fran- 
 chise hy their own coiivictioiis rather thnii the coercion of a inort- 
 f^'age or iiitiniichitioii (»f aU'd^cr ae(;ount, if W(3 wish to HU|»|)hint an 
 irre.spotisihle Senate I'or ati elective one, in)ine(liately under our 
 own control; if wo think it an outrage to have to pay out of our 
 
 i>ock(^ts !!?')(),()()() a year and pickin^N to our (lovernor, whih- the 
 're.si(h'nt ot the United States only get.s half that .sum ; if wo 
 ■would like to see every houHciudder a voter also; if we desire a 
 lioniestead law to protect the country iigainst pauperism ; if *ve 
 Avish to have the; contiol of oui- taxes in our own hands; if we 
 desir; cheap, economical government ; if we desire purity of elec- 
 tions instead of bnhcry and corruption ; if, I say, we desire all or 
 any of these refoiniH, as mcII as many otliers untouched, tliere is 
 only one mode of action by which we can reasonably expect to 
 see them |»revail : and that is hy suj)porting the party who |)rom- 
 ises to give them ellcct. It would he foolish in the extreme to 
 expect success by supp(»rting a ))ers(>n avowedly hostile to these 
 measures. Take a familiar illustration. Sup[)ose a farmer wished 
 a cci'tain concession oi' side-road (»j»ened by the couricil. If two 
 candidates for miuiicipal honours, one favoural)le and the other op- 
 posed io opening this road, solicited his suj)port, if he wislied hi» 
 project to succeed, he could have no dithi'ulty in a choice ; would 
 lie not richly deserve diseomtiturc if he voted for him wlio was 
 oitpc'Sed to the road ? So it is in a wider, in a more extensive 
 sense in the legislatuie — the township et)uncillor is a member of 
 Parliament in miniature. Hence if our principles are liberal and 
 jn-oi/irnti'tir, there is but one rational chnice for us to make — the 
 libei-al party. They are, they must be, our friends, our natural 
 allies. 
 
 If politics, as some able writers aver, are all expediency, what 
 then should be our course? Obviously we should seek to discover 
 the side or party most likely to secure us the gieatest advantages. 
 1 have shown, if anything has been demonstrated by this paper, 
 that foi- eighteen years we have tried the Conservatives, and lind 
 them wanting in every ])articular. Duty and self-interest alike 
 ])oint out the desirability o\' giving the other side a trial. We 
 cannot possibly lose by the change, and at the very worst there is 
 a chance of gaining. The consciousness of having appreciated 
 the situation would in itself be a very good guarantee of fair deal- 
 ing, apart from considerations of natural right, equality and just- 
 ice. 
 
 " Hereditary bondsmen, know ye not. 
 
 Who would be free, themselves must strike the blow." 
 
 So that whether we look on the question as a matter of 
 ])rinciple or expediency, it is clearly in our common interest 
 to support the Liberal })arty. It is likewise, I contend, in the 
 interest of those who think only of themselves. Suppose they 
 
51 
 
 .vnt Homo favour, do tlioy think that tlioy will bo more likely 
 to Huceoed by Hii|i|»licatin^ on their inarrow-horu's and clinging, 
 witli hat in hand, besides th«! drgiiidation, tho loss of Nolf- 
 roHjMsct, than if backed by the stuMigth and intelligence of their 
 countryiiM'n. If they think ho, wo cannot give them credit for 
 much a.stutennHS. Thero '\n, I gnmt, one little consideiation which 
 iTiake.H a wonderfid rlitterence, mid it iw this, that these trafHckers 
 in our rights, thest; who would baiter away our privileges may not 
 bo backed by the jxtwc'r and intelligence of their countrymen. 
 Wo should never forget the ^ood old maxim, which is as applica- 
 bhi to parti(!s aM individuals:—" If a man docoives nio once, it is 
 liis fault; if he deceives me twice, it is mine." 
 
 I am not of those who believe; tliat to bo a Conservative is 
 to bo corrupt, reckless, and insensible to tho public; interest. On 
 the contrary, I believe that Conservatives from their stand point 
 and according to their convictions, are as true, aH devoted and 
 patiiotic as any other class of the jx'ople ; and if the |)oliti(;al 
 JVi.crardif'i'H of society are almost excdusivtily to be found in their 
 ranks, it is more a consequence of long contimuid jjower than 
 itdierent evil. They h(»ncstly belii've that Irish Catholics arc 
 disloyal, unfaithful and caniKtt be trusted, and honestly acting 
 U}) to these convictions as i'aithl'ul, patiiotic citizens they very 
 consistently use all their intlueiu^e to prevent the calamities 
 wh'ch they feel must inevitably ensue from giving such ])eo|)lo 
 a share in the management of public Ifairs. They logically 
 conclmh; that an "ounce f»f preventinii is worth a pound of 
 cure," and that this is best eH'ecited by keej»ing them in those 
 ])ositi()ns wliere they would be capable (»f doing a uii nnnuTn 
 amount of har'U. In confirm itioii of this theory it will V)e ob- 
 served that they never njake a favouriti; of any Irish (^itholic, 
 except one who is denounced by his brethren as a traitor and a 
 renegade, one of the judge Keogh stamp. Then, and then only, 
 may he have a few honours cast on him ; or as the native bard 
 beautifully and truly expresses it — for it i.s both truth and poetry — 
 
 " L'liprizcd lire her sons till thoy loam to betr.iy, 
 
 I'lidistintfii'shud they live if they Hhaino not their Hires ; 
 yiiid tho tiirch that would li(fht them to dj^fiiity'rt way, 
 Must be eau){ht from the pile where their country expires." 
 
 Tills is the reason why they tried with main and might to re- 
 sist our right to the franchise and every other privilege which we 
 to-day enjoy. Had they acted otherwise they would not be car- 
 rying out their honest belief of " Irish Pa| ists." Hence instead 
 of blaming them I respect them for it. But I do blame 
 Irish Catholics for being so foolish, aye, so worse than foolish, 
 suicidal — criminal as to lend their assistance in putting men with 
 these convictions, however honest, in power and helping to keep 
 them there. It is the old story over again of the man furnishing 
 the " stick to break his own head." 
 
1 T 
 
 52 
 
 OBJECTIONS ANSWERED. 
 
 i 
 
 If 
 
 11 I 
 
 Wonderful is the power of lying and boldness. " Lie boldly," 
 says Lord Bacon in his aphorisms, " and some is sure to stick," 
 " Lie boldly," says an Italian," and if it is believed only for one day, 
 it will not be without effect," The great chancellor in his essay on 
 boldness, says : "There is in human nature more of thefool than of 
 the wi .3; and therefore those faculties by which the foolish part of 
 men's minds is taken are most potent. Wonderful-like is the case 
 of boldness: vhat first? boldness: what second and third ? bold- 
 ness. And yet boldness is a child of ignorance and baseness, far 
 inferior to other parts ; but, neveitheless, it doth fascinate, and 
 bind hand and foot those that are either shallow in judgment or 
 weak in courage, which are the greater part : yea, and prevaileth 
 with wise men at weak tiines." We have a living verification of 
 the truth of the above in the misrepresentation of the Liberal 
 party, particularly those formidable appendages, vulgarly denom- 
 inated " George Brown " and the " Globe," and the falsehoods are so 
 oft repeated that they cease to be, examined, and are, to a great 
 extent, accepted as gospel truths. 
 
 I think tliat I can lay claim to being as sensitive as most men 
 on all questions affecting the honour, the reputation and the rights 
 of Irishmen. j.n fact, one of the steraotyped charges against me 
 is, that J am tco extrevie, too sensitive on Irish questions. For the 
 last fifteen or sixteen years I have been a pretty constant reader, 
 not only of the Globe, but of the Leader and Colonist, (while it 
 lived) of Toronto ; of the Gazette and Advertiser of Montreal ; and 
 an occasional reader of the Spectator of Hamilton, the Prototype 
 of London, and Chronicle of Quebec, as well as of the reform press 
 of these placets. While I admit and regret that during this time 
 many things have appeared in the Globe, which, to say the least, 
 were indiscreet, and had much better been left unsaid — as who 
 amongst us has not said things that he would wish unsaid — I do 
 most emphatically assert that during this same period for the one 
 passage in the Globe at which an Irish Catholic could justly take 
 umbrage, a dozen, a score, aye, and fifty have appeared in each of 
 the above papers ; and if quoting such passages was relevant or 
 material to my subject, I could fill a nice little volume with them. 
 But I would not pollute these pages with the foul garbage. I 
 would not exhume fi ^m i' .-> black grave the noisome carcase to cater 
 to the vitiated tastes and dainty palates of our worst enemies. 
 Nor can I be persuaded that those who deal with such filthy 
 trash are the best friends of our people. Lord Bacon says : — 
 " That which is pas^ is gone and irrecoverable, and wise men have 
 enough to do with things present and to come." Nor should it 
 be lost sight of that during all this time the Globe was under 
 no obligation to Irish Catholics, while the party represented by 
 
 i 
 
53 
 
 the other papers was receiving their active support. Undue 
 importance is too often attached to newspaper articles. A 
 newspaper known to speak the sentiments of a Government ia 
 watched and read with interest, because it is the mouth-piece of 
 the administration. For example, suppose the Globe now pro- 
 pounded a new land or timber policy for Ontario, it would at 
 once be assumed that it was speaking on behalf of the Govern- 
 ment, and therefore importance attached to it, which otherwise 
 would be puerile. But no such weight or importance can or 
 should be attached to the sayings of an independent paper, who 
 may simply be airing the views of its editor ; and these often very 
 shallow and worthless. 
 
 Suppose that I admit for argument sake, what as a fact I most 
 distinctly deny, that Mr. Brown and the Globe were in the past 
 what they are represented to be by his worst enemies, what 
 would that prove against the Reform party ? I answer unhesitat- 
 ingly nothing — absolutely nothing. Surely a party, numbering 
 its followers by hundreds of thousands, is not going to be judged 
 by the acts of one man or by the writings in one newspaper. In 
 physics what would be thought of a philosopher who sought to es- 
 tablish a general law of nature fi'om one phenomenon or from one 
 set of phenomena. Why his theorizing would be scouted as absurd 
 and dangerous speculations, even though, like Kepler, his genius 
 unaided could for an instant penetrate the vast abyss that divides 
 finite knowledge from infinity. Such laws are founded on care- 
 fully recorded series of obscivations under every variety of cir- 
 cumstances and extending over considerable periods of time ; and 
 when promulgated as great natural truths they are subjected to 
 the most severe, rigid and critical analysis by all the world of 
 science : every credential is closely inspected before being admitted 
 to the temple of truth. Take ti.e astronomer in the simplest of 
 his operations — the finding of his latitude. Though possessed of 
 the most perfect instruments that .scientific skill can bring to his 
 aid, will he determine it by a single observation ? Far from it. 
 Day after day he will make a series of observations, take a mean 
 of each day's; and by a mean oi' all Jiis means he fixes his posi- 
 tion. In judging a party we must take ground exactly similar 
 to the philosopher, we must not draw conclusions from single or 
 isolated facts. We must try it by the views of all its leading 
 men, by the authorized exposition of its doctrines by the princi- 
 ples it inculcates and bv the whole press which circulates them. 
 We must not s])ecially sei.^,e on yiei'iods in its history of exaspera-r 
 tion and disturbance. Who would think his character fairly 
 portrayed by a delineator who seized on his moments of weak- 
 ness from ill-!mmour or excitement ? We must take a compre- 
 hensive view, gather together all its acts, and judge it intelligently 
 and critically by the sum total of these acts. Would it be ju.st or 
 
ii. ' 
 
 
 
 
 54 
 
 fair of me if in this paper I condemned the Conservative party for 
 thj acts of one of its members or newspapers. I might, for ex- 
 ample, say tliat they were steadily supported by the great grand 
 and all the little grands of the Orange institution, and that such 
 testimony was sufficient and conclusive that Irish Catholics should 
 have nothing to do with them. I have not doiiC so, it would be 
 neither just nor honourable. I have curefuUy collated and ex- 
 amined their acts extending over a period of nearly twenty years ; 
 and by these acts, and these only, have I judged them. Do like- 
 wise, act similarly by the Liberal party , and I have no fear of the 
 result. If they do not come forth from the ordeal jiure and of 
 full weight, like tine gold tried in the fire, then condemn them 
 and I will h*^artily join in the condemnation. I might appeal to 
 facts if noces-^ary to strengtlien n)y argument, to show that Mr. 
 Brown and the Globe do not constitute the Reform party. During 
 the first session of 1863, the Globe was continually fault-finding 
 with the Liberal Government, Did the Government lose one vote 
 by the Globes grumblings ? Not one, and more singular still, Mr. 
 Brown towards the end of the session was returned to Parliament, 
 and when there did exactly what the Globe had been all along 
 censuring. 
 
 t 
 
 
 t 
 
 I 
 
 CHANGE OF BASE. 
 
 Has any of you ever asked himself how it occurred that on 
 one particular night the Irish Catholics of Canada went to bed 
 good and staunch liberals, and on waking the next morning found 
 themselves fully-fledged Tories. This anomaly needs explanation. 
 In 1854 the party since known as of bons principes coalesced with 
 the Tories of Upper Canada — their former foe. The compact was 
 concise, simple, expressive and intelligible. " The party of the 
 first part covenants, bargains and agrees with the party of the 
 second part, that if the said party of the second part will give 
 and allow the said party of the first part their own way in the 
 management of all matters affecting that piece, parcel or tract of 
 land known as Lower Canada, they, the said party of the first 
 } wiy will let, allow and consent the said party of the second part 
 to have their own way and fling in the managementof Upper Cana- 
 da with all the appurtenances thereunto belonging." In a subse- 
 quent clause there was a pi-oviso that the Protestants of Lower 
 Canada were not included in the transfer. But no saving clause 
 for the Irish Catholics of U[)per Canada. They were handed over 
 to the tender mercy of Orangeism. A difficulty of getting the peo- 
 ple to ratify so shameful an abandonment of principles was fore- 
 seen, and must be provided for. A happy expedient was hit upon. 
 European society had just been recovering from the shocks of re- 
 volution, anarchy and infidelity. The temporal patrimony of the 
 
 f 
 
 i 
 
55 
 
 Church throughout Christendom was declared to be in danger. 
 The eyes of the spoliator were said to be upon it. Mazzini, Gav- 
 azzi and kindred spirits stalked abroad. / II these things made 
 the moment opportune — a fortuitous combination of cu-cum- 
 .stances for the success of the plot. The advanced liberals of 
 Lower Canada were stigmatized as socialists, revolutionists and the 
 enemies of God and man. Their youthful ardour was construed 
 into treason, their juvenile declamations into harbingers of anar- 
 chy. The blood of 89 and the memories of 93 were invoked. 
 The unsuspecting bishops, in their innocence of political knpvery, 
 became alarmed, and were inveigled into the trap so ingeniously 
 set for them. They were made believe that if tlie Liberal party suc- 
 ceeded to power their first acts would be the spoliation of their 
 religious institutions after the continental fashicm ; and that the 
 only way to prevent that dire calamity was to throw their whole 
 support and influence to them and their new-found allies from 
 Upper Canada. Lnpressed with the seeming danger the hierarchy 
 of Lower Canada appealed to those of their brethren and fellow- 
 countrymen of Upper Canada to make common cause with them 
 against the common enemy of the Church, and to rally the " faith- 
 ful L'ish" — her trusty defenders — under their banner. Thus were 
 we led captive at the chariot wheels of Sir George Cartier, thus 
 were we wheedled by the false cry of the " Church in danger" into 
 tl J support of our hereditary and implacable foe. The subsequent 
 agitation of the school question still further served to alienate us 
 from our natural allies and true friends. The " Ciiurch in danorer" 
 ■cry IS now having a second resurrection, and the effrontery of the 
 resurrectionists eclipses Lord Bacon's ideas of lies and boldness. 
 Whatever plausibility might formerly begiv n to such cries, Con- 
 federation has placed that jurisdiction entire? v and excln>ively in 
 the hands of Lower Canadians them ves, and no danger can 
 €ver reach their religious institutions - it be throucjh the re- 
 
 creancy of Lower Canadians themselves. 
 
 POLITICAL INGRATITUDE. 
 
 Reader, have you ever pondered on our conduct? have you 
 ever reflected on our ingratitude? We turned our back- ii our 
 principles, we abandoned without cause those, side by si . .- with 
 whom we fought and struggled for civil and religious liberty, and 
 conquered; and when in possession of the citadel, we turn 1 
 round and handed the key to the enemy. Never was treac' y 
 baser, and now, forsooth, we turn up our lips because some uhe 
 people whom we thus betrayed show some symptoms of distrust. I 
 have often heard brainless prattlers exclaim with affected indigna- 
 tion : " Grits are too bigoted to support any Irish Catholic." 
 Admitting for argument's sake their correctness, which I entirely 
 

 ■ '■- (? 
 '■■'' J 
 
 ii 
 
 ' ! 
 
 
 t^ 
 
 66 
 
 deny as facts, what claims have they to " Grit " support. The 
 proofs of its falsehoods are abundant and at every one's hand. In- 
 deed, considering all the circumstances, the conduct of the Reform 
 party towards Irish Catholics has been more than generous, far 
 more than could reasonably be expected at their hands, measured 
 by the ordinary standard of human aftairs. 
 
 MR. BLAKE. 
 
 If there ever was a time when duty and self-interest, if not 
 self-preservation, point to the banner of the Liberal party as the 
 rallying point for Irish Catholics, that time is the present, when 
 its chief standard-bearer is one of our own race — one of our own 
 blood — one of our own kith and kin ; one too, who shall yet oc- 
 cupy a place beside Burke and Sheridan, Grattan and O'Connell, 
 Shiel and O'Brien. Those who basely insinuate that because of 
 his religion he is not worthy of the confidence of Irish Catholics, 
 know they are vilely slandering our people. Was not Wolfe Tone 
 a Protestant ? was not Robert Emmett a Protestant ? was not 
 Lord Edward a Protestant ? was not Smith O'Brien a Protestant ? 
 Is not John Mitchell a Protestant ? are not Butt and Martin Pro- 
 testants ? What names so dear, what memories so revered, what 
 tombs so hallowed, what shrines so sanctified as are these to Irish- 
 men ? Mr. Blake worships at the same shrine of liberal ideas as 
 they did. He is actuatetl by the same love of justice, the same 
 horror of oppression, which characterized thei.:.. Hap|)ily for us, 
 we have fallen on better times, we are reaping the fruits of 
 their martyrdom. Had Edward Blake lived in those dark days, 
 an eye witness of, a sharer in, the tyrannies for which they ever 
 will have an unenviable notoriety, could he control his indigna- 
 tion or would he be carried away by the generous impulses of his 
 nature to be engulfed in the vortex which swallowed so many 
 brave men and true, are matters of speculation on which we need 
 not dwell. That he is ready to do his duty by the present, is 
 sufficient for us. It may well be our pride and boast to be led by 
 so worthy a leader. 
 
 ;li 
 
 OUR POWER. 
 
 Power in mechanics is the product of the weight or quantity of 
 matter in a mass into its volume. Power in politics is somewhat 
 analogous, for it is the product of numbers into the centripetal or 
 adhesive foice. Do we appreciate our power ? do we sufficiently 
 consider the influence we might wield in public affairs ? we num- 
 ber about a half-million of souls, scattered all over the country 
 from Halifax io Sarnia. It is this, which at firs* siiiht mitrht 
 seem a source of weakness, is our greatest strengfcli. The elect- 
 
67 
 
 elect- 
 
 oral college of the whole Dominion consists of about 400,000, of 
 whom we form about an eighth, scattered, as already remarked, in 
 various proportions throughout all the constituencies. It is with- 
 in the limits of safety to assume that we can determine in one- 
 half of the whole Dominion, or 100 constituencies, who shall be 
 their representfitives, and therefore the complexion and conatitu- 
 tion of the Government, for we hold the balance of power between 
 rival and contending parties. This should be a most favourable 
 position to occupy. Let us then learn to employ it judiciously, 
 let us learn to wield it advantageously, and we shall be courted 
 and sought after, instead of being despised as in the past. We 
 have one of the elements of success (numbers), let us emulate with 
 one another to cultivate the ol,her. We are now like a vast hy- 
 draulic power, going to waste for want of its application to use- 
 ful purposes. We are the arbiters of our own destiny. This is 
 patent to the plainest understanding. If this is so, am I not jus- 
 tified in attributing our present lamentable position to our own 
 apathy or mismanagement — to our own divisions and disregard of 
 the common interest. 
 
 But if in one constituency or one province our people support 
 one political party, and in another a dilierent one, we neutralize 
 our own strength, we thereby constitute in the political s})here a 
 balanced force, which may be entirely removed or overlooked with- 
 out affecting the statical equilibrium of the whole structure. There- 
 fore to have our power felt and effectual for good, it must be thrown 
 into one scale. I have endeavoured to show that this scale is the Libe- 
 ral one. If you agree with me, and I am at a loss to know how you 
 can rationally reject my conclusions : then to carry these out 
 successfully there is but one course to pursue — to support with 
 your vote and inffuence the avowed candidates of the Liberal party. 
 To do this you nmst cast aside all considerations of personal likes 
 and dislikes, j'ou must dismiss questions of personal favours and 
 obligations, for as I have previously said, if you desire your prin- 
 ciples to succeed, it is not done by supporting those who are op- 
 posed to them. You should interrogate every cand'-late. His 
 answer should be plain, intelligible, conclusive and satisfactoiy 
 on the main question, 'luhetlier he tulll, if elected, support the Gov- 
 ernment or the Opposition. Let there be no evasion or room for 
 equivocation on this point, and if he is not to your entire satisfac- 
 tion and beyond reasonable doubt with the LiVjeral party, it is 
 your duty to reject, however much you may personally respect, 
 him. For we should always bear in mind that it is not for the 
 individual we vote but for the party of which he is a member. It 
 is the veriest nonsense to say that you do net wish to see Orange- 
 ism in power if you support its supporters. Let this be your tirst 
 question, because it is the most vital, the most important to the 
 amelioration of your position, to the elevation of your class. I 
 
58 
 
 h 
 
 say here, and I take my stand on that declaration, that it is more 
 to the advantnge and interest of Irish Catholics as a class to sup- 
 port a ProteMdiit Liberal than a Cdtliolic who supports the Con- 
 servative Government. There is none less worthy of your sup- 
 port than he who claims it solely on religious grounds. He 
 should also have other passports to your favour. He should have 
 education, he should have ability, in a word, he should have a re- 
 cord to point to. Better, a thousand times better, to be unrepre- 
 sented, than viisrcpresev fed. • 
 
 In taking this ground I may observe that I am following theex- 
 amj)le set by the venerable Bishop of Kingston, at the last Ontario 
 election, when, as I have been credibly informed, he enunciated 
 tlie liberal policy of recommending his clergy, and through them 
 their Hocks, to vote for a Frotedunt Conserv(dive in East Peter- 
 borough in preference to an Irish Catholic Libera/. Mr. O'Dono- 
 hoe, whose private character is unimpeachable, and who, in my 
 humble o[)inion, is one of the most devoted and m«)st disinterested, 
 one of the best, j)urest and truest of Irish Catholics in this Domin- 
 ion, and to whose character the poet's description of Grattan is 
 justly applicable — 
 
 " Ever glorious Orattan I the best of the good, 
 So simple in heart, so sublime in the rest ! 
 With all that Demosthenes wanted endued, 
 And his rival or vietor in all he possessed. 
 
 " Ere Tally arose in the zenith of Rome, 
 
 Though unequall'd, preceded, i,he task was begun— 
 But GraMan s|)rung up like a gud from the tomb 
 Of age.' , the first, last, the saviour, the one ! 
 
 " With the skill of an Ory)heus to soffen the brute ; 
 With tl e fire of Prometheus to kindle mankind ; 
 Even Tyranny, listening, sate melted or nuite, 
 And (Jorrupiion shrunk scorch'd from the glance of his mind." 
 
 BVKO!*. 
 
 I say that Mr. O'Donohoe could only be opposed by that re- 
 vered prelate on account of his political principles. For my own 
 part I hail with pleasure this course — that every one of the bishops 
 will support, on public grounds, that political party to whose keeping 
 the public interests are, in his opinion, best entrusted, and I sin- 
 cerely hope that the hierarchy will not object to the Catholic laity 
 exercising a similar discretion, that an Irish Catholic Liberal will 
 support a Liberal, whether he be a Catholic or Protestant, and 
 that there shall no longer be questions of religion mixed up with 
 politics. 
 
 I have no fear but the Liberal party will give Irish Catholics 
 a fair representation in their ranks. 1 have it from Mr. O'Dono- 
 hoe's own lips that there was not a Protestant Liberal in East 
 Peterborough voted against him, notwithstandi'ig the industrious 
 circulation of " Fenian " conspiracies and other infamous false- 
 hoods, and that he lost his election for want of time to enable him 
 to contradict false statements circulated amongst his co-religionists 
 
69 
 
 rith 
 
 prejudicial to his character. We have Mr. Dawson triumphantly 
 elected by the reformers of Kent, and Mr. BVaser by the reftrmers 
 of South Grenville. How much more may we expect when we 
 evince a desire to return to our old allegiance, when we show 
 sym})toms of an earnest desire to come back to the ranks which 
 in our folly we left. There shall be rejoicing in the Liberal camp 
 when, like the prodigal, we return home. 
 
 There are, I doubt not, many members supporting the Conser- 
 vative Goveinmeut, who are individually Liberal in sentiment, 
 free from bigotrj, and who would o.stracise no man because of the 
 accidents of race or creed. This cla,ss of men support the Govern- 
 ment for either or all of the following reasons: — Ist. That the 
 whippers in of the party flatter their vanity and allay their suspic- 
 picions by a cunningly-devised system of laudation and lip liber- 
 ality ; 2nd. They are too unsuspecting to doubt and too lazy to 
 examine ; and 3rd. They consider the Government so strong that 
 all attempts at their overthrow would be futile, and for the sake 
 of small favours for their constituents, they continue to give it 
 support. We often hear those slii)8hod orators, who act the whi})s 
 of the party, exclaim that the utmost harmony prevails between 
 all " clawses," and sectaries in this country ; and take credit to 
 their party for allaying the demon of discord. Yes, that harmony 
 which subsists between a master and his slaves— the latter are 
 allowed to live and toil so long as they are humble and obedient, 
 and ready to do the master's behests. 
 
 Some will say what is the use of opposing a certain candidate, 
 he will, nevertheless, be elected ; and without effecting any tangi- 
 ble bencitit we are converting a friend into an enemy. This is 
 one of the misfortunes of open voting, one of the many strong 
 arguments in favour of the ballot in preventing the disruption of 
 social relations and friendlv intercourse between those who differ 
 on public questions. If the franchise is to be exercised from such 
 considerations, it would be better for the individual and the public 
 that such was disfranci)ised. Moreover, the man who in his private 
 relations to another would be influenced by such considerations is 
 wholly unfit to be a representative of the people. The elector in 
 duty, in honour and in patriotism must banish all such considera- 
 tions from his mind, and use this solemn trust in strict accordance 
 with his own convictions. I can do no better here than quote a few 
 extracts, clipped from the Irish Sentinel, from a pastoral of John, 
 the venerable and patriotic Archbishop of Tuam, so often and 
 justly styled " the Lion of the fold of Judah," to his clergy. 
 
 The Archbishop says : 
 
 " We are again on the eve of one of those periods so disastrous 
 to the interests of morality and religion that recur occasionally in 
 Jreland. During elections the mind of many of the faithful are 
 
60 
 
 I 
 
 J: i 
 
 '■•i , 
 
 I 
 
 SO often loosed from the ordinary restraints of duty, that it is un- 
 fortunately looked upon as a time when bribery, perjury, drunk- 
 enness and every species of corruption are permitted to supplant 
 the ordinary virtues of the people. It is our duty to endeavour to 
 check those mighty evils, filled with a just apprehension of the 
 threat of the prophet, that if the faithful should sin lor want of 
 seasonable warning, the Judge of the living and the dead ' shall 
 demand their blood at our hands.' 
 
 " I am well aware that an apologj' is sought for those transgres- 
 sions in the strong temi»taiions held out by men who, as they af- 
 fect a zeal for the morality of the people, should never hold out 
 any inducements to sin. The dread of those who might persecute 
 the freeholders for a faithful discharge of their duty ought to be 
 subdued by the words of the Redeemer, telling us not to fear those 
 who can kill the body, but rather to fear Him who can destroy 
 both body and soul in hell. 
 
 " After filling their souls with this salutary fear which the Gospel 
 inspires, you will not fail to impress upon the people that they 
 risk the loss of their immortal souls by the crimes of perjury and 
 bribery to which I have alluded. Remind them of the inspired 
 admonition, 'Speak the truth every one to his neighbuur: judge 
 truth and judgment, love not false oaths, for these are the 
 things I hate, saith the Lord.' Nay assure thern in the words of 
 the same ])roplint, that ' The curse of the Lord shall come to the 
 house of the thief, and to the house of him who sweareth falsely 
 His name.' Let them not, therefore, give a vote, unless their 
 conscience assures them that they have a real freehold to the en- 
 joyment of which they have already sworn. 
 
 " As for bribery, that foul crime that has done so much to cor- 
 rupt the purity of elections, by debauching the minds of the peo- 
 ple, your denunciations of so enormous a sin must be cogent in 
 pro})ortion to its atrocity. The freehold is not a property to he 
 set up for sale. It is held in trust for the benefit of the people^ 
 and no man can have a right to traffic upon that which is not 
 solely his own, and by such a vile bargain to inflict injury upon 
 the community. There can be no compromise of this truth; let, 
 therefore, the people be ])ersuaded that whoever receives a bribe 
 directly or indirectly for his vote is to be excluded from the bene- 
 fits of the sacraments until he makes restitution of the money, 
 which might be called the price of happiness of the poor, the 
 widow and orphan. No matter through what medium the bribe 
 may be received, no matter under what specious contracts the 
 traffic may be disguised, the Catholic Church detests all such pre- 
 varications and evasions ; and therefore the saying of St. Augus- 
 tine is applicable to all such cases ; ' Until restitution is made, the 
 sin is not forgiven.' Let those who receive a bribe as the price 
 of their country's happiness, entertain no hope of absolution until 
 
61 
 
 they atone for their crime by restitution of ill-gotten treasures. 
 When the film with which bribery covers the eyes of the electors 
 is once removed, they will more easily perceive the straight path 
 which duty points out of giving their suHrage to those who shall 
 best promote the interests of religion and the happiness of their 
 country ; for the Scripture assures us that ' presents and gifts 
 blind the eyes of judges, and make them dumb in the mouth, so 
 that they cannot correct.' When, therefore, that obstruction is 
 once removed, it will be an easy task to convince the freeholders 
 of their duty. In short, when once the hope of bribery on the 
 one hand and the fear of unchristian oppression on the other are 
 taken away, the people will come to the hustings as reasonable, 
 intelligent and free agents ought to come, with a consciousness 
 that they are not the serfs of any man, but the trustees of religion 
 and nationality, and that they owe no account, but to God alone, 
 for the use they make of the elective franchise." 
 
 ONTARIO. 
 
 t) cor- 
 peo- 
 nt in 
 to he 
 eofUy 
 is not 
 upon 
 ; let, 
 bribe 
 bene- 
 loney, 
 n-, the 
 bribe 
 Its the 
 h pre- 
 lugus- 
 ie, the 
 price 
 until 
 
 In view of all the circumstances, the Catholics of Ontario have 
 but one rational choice. "There are in round numbers about 
 180,000 electors in this province, of these 25,000 are Catholics. 
 Of the remaining 155,000 Protestant electors, 90,000 belong to 
 the Liberal party, and the balance of 65,000 are composed of 
 Conservatives and camp followers. No one conversant with 
 the political history of this province for the l^vst tifteen years 
 can affirm that I have exaggerated the strength of the Liberal 
 party, nay, I believe it is under-estimated. For many parlia- 
 ments preceding Confederation the reformers though in opposition 
 with all its disadvantages, carried a majority of the con.stituencies, 
 and in 1803 when in power they carried over two to one; and 
 if they lost ground in the general election of 1807, it was owing 
 to the coalition — the treachery of a i^vf leading men. During 
 these times probably four-fifths of the Catholics were arrayed 
 against them. The result of last year's election corroborates this 
 view. Parties have stood thus : 
 Liberals— Protestant, 90,000 
 
 Catholics, 5,000 95,000 
 
 Tories — Protestant, 65,000 
 " Catholics, 20,000 
 
 85,000 
 
 Majority for Liberals 10,000 
 
 We see then that the reform party have an undisputed majority 
 in Upper Canada, and are destined to rule in that province, at least. 
 Entirely apart from sentiment, is it not our interest to join in 
 strengthening that party, and thereby establish our claim to a 
 
h 
 
 
 i. 
 
 62 
 
 fair share in the management of jiuhlic aflairs in that section of 
 the Dominion. Reverse the disposition of the Catholic vote, and 
 then note the difference in onr favour. Parties would then stand. 
 Liberals— Protestants, <)(),()()() 
 
 Catholics iO.OOO 110,000 
 
 Tories— Protestants, 05,000 
 Catliolics, 5,000 
 
 70,000 
 
 Mnjority for Liberals 40,000 
 
 By this means our cUiims to a fair distribution would be in- 
 creased fourfold. I doubt not but tliis would secure sixty out of 
 the eighty -eiglit seats to the Rofoini Jiarty, out of wliich the Cath- 
 olics coidd fairly claim ton. Would not this be a new and happy 
 })hase in our colonial histoiy. Yet it is (juite feasible, and of easy 
 realization if we do our duty. For our support of five thousand 
 we have received in return a Minister of the (^rown and two or 
 three members of parliament, if we (juadru})le that su])port it is a 
 question of Him))le proportion to calculate our gain by secuiing us 
 ten niembcrs. This projtortion is not unfair, for the most san- 
 guine claimed only 42 out of 82 members for the Liberal party. 
 At last election our support was one to nineteen, so that we fared 
 wonderfully well. 
 
 'J\) give ethct to this object T would respectfully suggest to the 
 Chairman and Executive Committee of the Cathoiie League — the 
 oidy rej)resentative organization of the Catholic laity of Ontario, — 
 to call by circular or otherwise a meeting of leading Catholics 
 from the various sections of the ])rovinc(i, to deliberate on thisim- 
 j)ortant subject, to select, from amongst them, gentlemen qualified 
 tu be put forward as candidates and to appoint a committee to 
 confer with a like number of the leaders of the Reform })arty for 
 the purpose of giving effect to this ])roposition, and determining 
 the constituencies where Catholic candidates may be run. 
 
 CONCH'SION. 
 
 In bringing to a conclusion this trespass on your time, this^ 
 trial on your ])atience, ])ermit me to assure you that I have been 
 actuated but by one motive — the public good in general, and your 
 good in particular. I shall now consign the matter to your arbi- 
 trament ; I shall shift the responsibility to your own shoulders, 
 and only add that if this paper shall, even in a remote degree, be 
 instrumental in elevating our political status or ameliorating the 
 condition of our people in this country, it will have answered a 
 useful purpose, and I shall feel amply repaid for the time and la- 
 bour its production has cost me, njy greatest regret being my in- 
 competency to do the subject that justice, which should be expect- 
 
 i 
 
 f 
 
G3 
 
 ed from an exponent of the views of so numerous a elnsa of the 
 peopUi. I hIijiII finish by recalling to your memory the fable of 
 the "Swallow and other birds." 
 
 "A swallow observing a farmer employed in sowing" hemp, 
 called tlie little birds together, infornuul them what ho was about,, 
 telling tluun that hemp was tho material from whicli tlu; nets so 
 fatal to the feathered tribe were made, and advised them t<» join 
 unanimously in picking it up before the seeds had taken too deep 
 root. The birds heard his warning, but paid no atttuition to hia 
 advice, bi a short time the hemj) appeared above ground. The 
 friendly swallow again addressed himself to the little birds, and 
 told them it wiusnotyet too late, if they immediately set about 
 the work. But they still neglecting his advice, he forsook their 
 society, reppirod for safety to towns and cities, and there built 
 his haV)itation and kept his residence. One day as he was skim- 
 ming along the street, he saw a number of the.se v(!ry birds im- 
 prisoned in a cage on the shoulders of a bird-catcher. ' Unhappy 
 wretches,' said he, 'you now sufl'er the punishment of your former 
 neglect. Had }()U taken my advice and j)icked up the hemp 
 seeds, you would now be free to cleave on freedom's wing your 
 native air instead of prisoners in that cage. But tlioxe lulio, fuiv- 
 iiKj no fort sight of their oiva, denpise the icJio/rsome admonitions 
 at their friendn, deserve the mischiefs which tJieir neglect or their 
 obstlivict/ brings upon their heads." 
 
 Fellow-countrymen, 
 
 I ha'/e the honor to subscribe myself 
 
 Your sincere, devoted, and faithful servant, 
 
 J. L. P. O'HANLY. 
 Ottawa, 1st June, 1872. 
 
 this^ 
 
64 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Tho late D'Arry MoQoo'h opinion of the Toronto Freeman, 
 and its oditor, Mr. J. G. Moylan. 
 
 "THE TORONTO FREEMAN." 
 
 A CIRCULAR LKTTER FROM MR. M'(1EK, M. P. P. 
 
 " My Dkar Sir : — As I was InHtrumontal in enlisting tho sup- 
 port of .several friends in your neiglihourhood for the Toronto 
 Freeman, I take this niean.s of informing yon of facts which have 
 lately transpired, in reference to that new.spaper, and which, in 
 the interests of public justice, you are at liberty to comniunicato 
 to any one you plea.se, on my authority. 
 
 " When th«! types and subKcrij)tion list of the Catholic Citizen 
 were purcha.sed, in 1858, it was in order to suppress that mo.st 
 objectionable ]>«pcr, which had used the clonk of religion for all 
 the conjmoncst purj)o.ses of partizan warfare. The funds by which 
 this purchase wjih made were, in part, contributed by some per- 
 sonal friends of nnne, and the prospectus of the new paper, the 
 Freeman, was drafted by a Committee, of which I was one. When 
 question arose as to the Editor, T suggested the name of Mr. J. G. 
 Moylan, Teacher, of Guelph, and at my suggestion he was sent for. 
 When the arrangements for transferring the bonus to the new 
 Editor and Publisher were far enough advanced for action, it was 
 proposed to bind the Editor under some penalty, to adhere faith- 
 fully to the non-partizan clause, and other conditions of the Pros- 
 pectus ; but I resi.sted any such stipulation being imposed, because 
 I contended that with the example of the late Citizen before his 
 eyes, our best guarantee for the new Editor's independence would 
 be found in his own interest. 
 
 " At two subsequent periods, I again interposed, as you know, to 
 obtain aid for the journal, without which I was assured it could not 
 possibly go on ; once when Mr. Mallon, the original partner of Mr. 
 Moylan, was bought out, and his share transferred to the latter 
 gentleman, and again under the threatened criminal prosecution of 
 the Orange Grand Master, Mr. Hillyard Cameron. 
 
 " I refer to these facts, simply and solely to show that I had some 
 right to ask from the Freeman the insertion of any letter of rea- 
 sonable length, written over my own signature, and forever}' sen- 
 tence of which I, and not the Editor, would be necessarily responsible. 
 During the past two months, once before and once since the gene- 
 ral election, I made such a request. In the former case, my letter 
 to Mr. Macarow, of Kingston, was withheld three weeks under one 
 pretext or another, and more recently, a temperate and measured 
 
0.5 
 
 diHclaiiiior of any participatioji in t]u* rmwut oU\cX'un\()*'r\n<^ taetioi 
 of tho FrnenidJi was, aftc-r a f()rtMij,'lit's dt'tciition, nstiirnotl to mo, 
 with a note, as <loHci«nit in cnmlou; as it was hainm of ^nititinl(«. 
 Tlio Hul>Mtan(MH)t' tlio coinnMinicritioii, tlms siipprcsscd, is all that f 
 will troiildo you with, in <H(l(i' that you may Ailly lUKJcistand tho 
 turpitude of this conduct. It wan entitled, 'A shorf AddirMH (o 
 tin: l{e(uh'>'!< (if flu' Toronto Fr^'nium" and would have filhid a 
 cohunn imd a half, peihapM, of that Journal. It contained just .six 
 paragraphs. The /irs/ hrietly alluded to my well known puhlio 
 interest in the Fireman ; the nfcoml referred to the policy of ccn- 
 ciHatioti towards the refonu party of which I had heen an advo- 
 cate in the [fouso of AsscMnhlv, and tin? Fi'('('ni(in,onv. of the orj^ans 
 in the Pre.ss ; th(^ t/iird deprivated in mild hut explicit laiij^uago 
 the sudden desertion of that |)olicy, without sufUcient puhlic (latiso 
 n/iown, (»n tlu! innneiliate eve of the latt^ j^eneral election ; the 
 fonrtli. nx\d fif/h illustrate(| the folly and dan^(;r of fickleness and 
 diHre<^ai<l of |)rinciple in political crises ; and the sixth ex[)ros.s(Ml 
 n>y personal gratitude to those (V)nununities of our friiMids such m 
 Lanark, Victoria, Haldiniand and Perth, which honourahly adher- 
 ed to the conciliation policy of the last four years, and to promi- 
 nent individuals who had preserved the same consistent course. 
 This wius the whole sum aiidsul)stan(M3 of the ct>mm>inication which 
 Mr. Moylan refused to ju^init me to puldish over my own name, 
 through the medium of those types of which, but for my friends 
 and myself, he never wo»dd have heen the master. 
 
 " The personal wrong, howf^ver, is hut a small jmrt of the far 
 greater pul)lic wrong done by the FreeniatiH perversion. That 
 paper was not a private chattel, of which the gentleman in charge 
 could say : " I have a right to do as I like with my own." It was 
 foumled and sustained chiefly hy the contributions of Catholic 
 electors in Upj)er and Lower Canada. It had a representative 
 character and a rej)reseiitative responsibility. The Toronto ( 'on- 
 ference, immediately preceding the Banquet of the2l)th of Septem- 
 ber, 1859, composed of hxvally influential men, Reeves, Councillors, 
 Aldermen, Presidents of Societies, and Chairmen of numerous 
 Meetings, had given it that character, in a series of resolutions', 
 explicit and unenjuivocal. That Conference was held more than 
 twelve months after the Brown- Dorion crisis of July, 18.')S, and no 
 new facts have since been publicly elicited, so far as I know, which 
 would justify a total abandonment of the understanding then , 
 entered into — an uiidcr-itanding cordially accepted by the Editor 
 (to u.se his own words at the subsequent Bancpiet), " for weal and 
 for woe," — words which for more than a year afterwards, up to 
 the very day of the late general election — were never once at- 
 tempted to be explained away, still less withdrawn or retracted, 
 or denied, as they now are. 
 
 " If there (tre good and sufflcient /);y6/ic nvij^ons for such a sum- 
 
66 
 
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 ■ t 
 
 :t 'i 
 
 I • 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 
 merHault being performed, they have not been stated in the Freeman's 
 apology, s(» far. The pretext tliat it was to })unish Mr. Brown,[)erson- 
 ally, is inconsistent with th^' facts whi(;h liave come to light. The 
 offences of Mr. Brown were before the Editor's eyes in 1858 and 
 1859, as fully jus in 1801, but then he contended for giving him, 
 in tlie spirit of conciliation, "a fair trial." It could not be "to 
 punish Mr Bn, n, ' tlult Dr. Connor, one of the early benefactor., 
 of the paper, was malignantly attacked ; it need not be to punish 
 Mr. Bro^vn, that the liberal and upright Adam Wilson was opjios- 
 ed ; it need not be to punish Mr. Brown, that the "come weal, 
 come M'oe," Mr. Moylan, of 185!), presented himself side by 3ide 
 with Mr. Allen, the Jaihn", to glorify the alliance of "Orange and 
 Green," from the balcony of the veteran head of the family ' jm- 
 pact, Chief Justice Robinson. Whatever motives have led to thi.s 
 perversion of the })aper from the purposes to which its Prospectus, 
 and the resolutions of September, 1859, bound it in honour to ad- 
 here, tliose motives, so far, are of a private character, and have 
 never been, aS; [)erha|)s, they cannot afford ro be, made public. 
 
 "The guilt of the Freeman then, is this : that publicly its con- 
 ductor gave his adhesion to a Lne of policy, from its inception to 
 the very eve of a general election, which line of policy he sudden- 
 ly abandoned, without any sufficient public justification for so do- 
 ing. That in order to niislea'1 others to take the same course he 
 returned to old outworn controversies dating so far back as 1851, 
 controversies which had been, in our own interest, decreed to be 
 closed forever, when the policy of conciliation was inaugurated, on 
 the suf)pression of the Catholic Citizen. That being uound to in- 
 dependence as betvveen Canadian partizans, his attacks, [mblic and 
 personal, ware all delivered on one side of politics, and i)is advo- 
 cacy a.U on the other side. That he used, in this way, the author 
 rity, and abused the confidence placed in him by many zealous 
 friends and supporters, who, he right veil knew, utterly disap- 
 proved of his making a Mirror or 2\ue Witness of himself and 
 the paper. That, moreover, he concealed his proposed change io 
 so far advanced an hour, that these consistent friends and sup- 
 porters were unable to counteract the mischief done by his deser- 
 tion of his indepeiident post, until the contest was past, and the 
 mischief in some instances beyond repair, for the present ; in other 
 words, the guilt of ingratitude, deception, and insincerity, are 
 clearly fastened by his own acts upon this gentleman, whom you 
 ana 1, and many others, have for the past three years exerted every 
 effort to sustain in his position, so abused, and so dishonoured. 
 His new friends may, perhaps, do more for him that way than his 
 old ones, but they cannot do it more freely, or with better hearts. 
 
 " These are the facts, my dear sir, which in the interests of public 
 justice, I feel bound to communicate to you, in the present circular. 
 I cannot conclude without the expression of a hope that we shall 
 
 I 
 
07 
 
 have, ere long, u, jjress governed by higher nioti'eH than have 
 gwjiyed our former friend from his allegiance to his principles and 
 his su])port>rs. As to him, all that needs to be said, is told in the 
 proverb : • If a man deceives me once, it is his f}..ilt; if /u'/<;/^ it 
 18 my own.' 
 
 " ! have the honom- to subscribe myself, 
 
 Yours very tr\dy, 
 
 THOS. D'AROY M'GKK. 
 " Montreal, Aug. oth, ISOl. 
 
 " *^* 1 may be obliged, from time to time, to send circulars to 
 you on this and similar subjects, in whidi you will be good enough 
 to exin.se the printed form adopted." 
 
w^