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WASHINGTON: PMNTED AT THE XJNION OFFICE. 1846. •^y i I cation of i ae well as pies of tri U8 in all c dividual c\ Yoke ever) subject, w! tatBS the fc endeavor ( tions S3 na f|ue3tions j rights, whi i from the e ' of glory, ( ; the other. powerful R * to i^roduce often the v wrong sid« an exhorta ary here. t charity an( \ US that, ho \ of our own that those be actuate! ciples as w ; of this dut; t clearly de: I when 1 see pen to difl denouncing regard hinri ficiency in Bhall therel SPEECH. On the resohition of notice to Chreat Britain to abrogate the conviniion oj joini occupancy relative to the Oregon territory. Mr. ATKINSON obtained Ihe floor, and ad- di eased the commillee as follows: iMr. Chairman: "Be just and fear not," shall ever be my motto. It should be the motto of every man and of every legislator; and 1 wish it was in- scribed upon these walla in letters of gold, that it might stand conspicuously before us, admonishing UG of its precepts in all our deliberationn. In the discussion of the question oow under consideration, I will use my best endeavors to make an appli- cation of its principles by doing justice to England as well as to my own beloved country. The princi- ples of truth and justice should govern and direct us in all controversies, whether of a national or in- dividual character; and by this standard would I in- j yoke every gentleman to examine this momentous subject, which now engrosses the thoughts and agi- tat«8 the feelings of the American people. Let us endeavor to divest ourselves of those strong emo- tions so naturally arising from the discussion of all f|ufc3tions affecting national character or national rights, whether they may spring on the one hand f from the ennobling sentiments of love of country and of glory, or from the debasing emotions of fear on the other. And when we see how numerous and powerful art the causes which are thus calculated to produce an undue bias of the judgment, and how often the wisest and best of men arc found on the wrong side of questions of the first magnitude, such an exhortation will not be regarded as idle or vision- ary here. It may remind us of the useful lessons of charity and forbearance to one another, and leach us that, however confident we may feel of the truth of our own views and convictions, we cannot be sure that those who entertain different opinions, may not be actuated by as pure motives, and as correct prin- ciples as we ourselves. And whilst the observance of this duty marks a liberal mind, an opposite course clearly defines a low anu contracted spirit; and when I see a man condemning all others who hap- pen to differ from him in religion or politics, and denouncing them as fools or knaves, I cannot but regard him as affording a strong proof of his own de- ficiency in good sense and I:)€nevolence of heart. I shall therefore make no criminations against others, nor esteem them as lees intelligent or patriotic for differing from me upon this important subject. \ I But, sir, I ask all, whigs ard dcmorrats, to march up to the examination and decision of this question, with a iixed detcrminainn to do that which their own judgments may dictate as ust and proper. I have lived too long, and seen too much of the frail- ty of human nature, to condemn afellow man because he may not think as I do. And in reference to the whig party, while I entertain no sort of respect or admiration for its principles, ye: for its members gen- erally I feel a high respect, and i"or some a warm personal regard. There are many gentlemen here belonging to that party — to whi;;h God forbid that 1 shall ever be attached — with whom [ am in habits of the most friendly associations; some of whom, too, have done me the justice to say I am so dyed in the wool of democracy, that when they see me giving a political vote they know tliat their true course is to move in the opposite direction. In the conclusions to which 1 have arrived from the best reflection which 1 have been able to bestow upon the subject, I havr the rni.'-fortune to diflicr from all my colleagues who Is.ivc yr: spoken; a cir- cumstance which makes rnc di^itrmtf,;! of my own opinion, and would cause me to he-;itatc and doubt, if^ the convictions of my own r.und were not clear and irresistible. I mustti-.ertiorc s«p?.rate from them upon this question; but 1 par*. froTi them in peace and good will, Far be it from n-j to esteem them Ic^s highly, or to seek tortprefcenf.iiem, here or else- where, as IcsB wise and patnoti", »i as leas friendly to the peace, the happines!?, and ■he glory of their country than I am. 1 know that they look to nothing other than the best interests of the country in the counsels they have given. But I trust, sir, that I may yet have the satisfattton to sec thcni recording their votes with mine. The pacific char- acter of the recent English nevv«i, the fact elicited the other day from the chaiman of the Committee on Foreign AflTairs, by an inquiry from an honorar bSe member from Tennessee, [Mr. Gentry,] that a correspondence had lately taken , lace between the two governments, and vario\is other considerationsy (not the least of which are the Erj7,;ments that have been made upon this floor) oueh-, ^n my judgi.ient, to convince my colleagues that (hey should, at least in some form, vote fi>r '.he notice to ter- minate the joint occupur.cy o;' ■.'f. i)regon territory. ji. v;k. I 1 mjrMlf greatly prefer the amendment introduced by my honorable colleague, [Mr. DaoMoro^K,] be- cause I regard it m the moat conciliatory proposi- tion, and at the same time marked with a proper ■pirit of firmneaa and of jaaticc. I will take this, sir, if I can get it; but I will go for any proposition that promiaea to carry out the wise and statesman- like policy which characterizes the recommenda- tions of the Executive. I believe that my constitu- ents — especiallr those of the democrauc party — hare admired the President's message, and have en- dorsed its principles; and their teill shall govern me aa their representative on this and all other occa- sions. I am free to confess, sir, that the argument of one of my colleagues, [Mr. Hunter,] made at an early stage of this discussion was so plausible, and was presented in so forcible and imposing a manner, with a fervor oC eloquence so well calculated to cap- tivate and mislead, produced a deep impression not only upon niy own mind, but upon the minds of other gentlemen in this House; and it was not until I had time for composure and calm reflection, that 1 was enabled to free myself from the oratorical and persuasive powers of that gentleman, and to resume a fair and candid consideration of this subject. •In the remarks which I have to submit, I will not go back to the discovery of the Oregon territory, nor further back than ia necessary to indicate the course which ii is our duty to take in reference to giving the notice. It would be a waste of the time of the committee to enter into an argument, at this stage of the discussion, to prove that which has been already most conclusively proved by fifty others be- fore me, that our title to 54° 40' ia such as cannot fail to sati.sfy the American nation thai it is full and complete. I am perfectly content upon this point to rest our claim on the arguments of that able diplo- matist, Mr. Buchanan, of the President of the Uni- ted States, and of Mr. Calhoun, the di&tinguished champion of the Palmetto State. Beyond their ex- positions I do not wich to go. Our right and title to the possession of the territory have been placed before us in a light as strong and clear as the glowing sun-beam. Even the vary nation which now seeks to divide it with us— Great Britain herself— has, by her own act, acknowledged our title. And to sustain thi.s position, I have only to refer to historical facts, especially the treaty of Ghent, by the first article of which it is stipulated that both nations shall surrender all places taken by either during the war to the respective parties, with an exception which does not affect the issue now be- fore us, and to the surrender of this very territory by the authorized agents of Great Britain, to the authorities of the United States, in conformity to the terms of the treaty. This fact alone would seem to be conclusive of the question, had we no others to sustain us, and is calculated to make the impres- sion upon every unprejudiced, impartial mind, that the joint occupancy since the date of the treaty, which must have been granted as a favor, now con- stitutes the only ground upon which the Er.glish government can base a pretension of claim. And yet there are those who contend that this stipula- tion for joint occupancy was entered into from a fear of war, and to secure the continuance of peace between the two nations. I am old enough, sir, to remember what public sentiment was at that day, and i well know that no such apprehensions or opinions were entertained on the part of the Amer- ican people. The stipulations of the conventior. it- self clearly show this; for, according to an express provision, the termination of the joint occupancy was made dependent upon the pleasure of either party, by giving to the other twelve months' notice of such a desire. How then can gentlemen contend that war must follow from the giving of notice.' Suppose Great Britain were to give us the notice, would any gen- tleman be 80 bold as to say that we would or ou^t to declare r/ar against her on that account? Most surely not. But we arc told that Great Britain is a great and magnanimous nation. How, then, can we expect that war will be declared bv her, because we do that which we haveja right to ao, and which the principles of truth and justice sustain us in doing — our right to assert a claim which is strip- ped of all doubt and uncertainty, and which she her- self has acknowledged by her own act > But it may be, sir, that her advocates — for she has advocates on this side of the water — have applied these high- sounding epithets under a suspicion that her charac- ter for territorial aggrandizement, and for a disposi- tion to lay hold upon any region which she can raise the slightest pretension to, stand out in much bolder relief than that for magnanimity. And shall we be pusillanimous enough to hesitate in our course, because it may, forsooth, wound the pride, or obstruct the wishes of this great and magnani- mous nation ? In the same spirit it is contended by some, that it is not the giving of notice merely, whichris likely to produce a declaratien of war, but the consequent acts onourpart which must immediately follow. They say that after the expiration of the twelve months' notice, we shall be compelled, in order to maintain our national honor, to proceed to take possession of the country; and that such an attempt would neces- sarily lead to war. The answer to this is ready and easy. I grant the consequence pre- dicted if England do not recede, and if she do not withdraw her subjects — if she attempts to exercise an adverse claim. And I ask, sir, if Eng- land, or any other power, bemad enough, or daring enough, or wickej enough to invade any portion of our territories, or to lay violent hands upon it, there- by attempting to wrest it from us or to divide with us our "clear and unquestionable" rights, what American can be found so much a dastard as to be willing to give it up rather than fight for it .' Who among the whole nation would not, under such cir- cumstances, cry aloud for war — ay, sir, war to the knife.' But, sir, it is also said by others that if we pro- ceed at this time to give the notice, it will only place u< in the position we occupied at the date of the convention; and that as things have remained in quietness up to this period, why not let them go on until we actually need the territory for agricultural and commercial purposes .' To this suggestion my answer is three-fold. In the first place, we have already seen that the favor extended to Great Brit- ain of occupying the territory, in common with our own people, for the purpose of carrying on a fur and fishing trade, has been construed by her, or is used by her, as constituting a claim — a right to a portion, and a very large portion, too, of this territory — a claim so strong, in the opinion of some gentlemen, as to justify her before the civilized world, in making war upon us with the view of maintaining it. The longer, therefore, the joint occupancy continues — if, indeeJ, it can be called an occupancy at all — the stronger will thu claim upon this ground become; f nd hsnce ^cupancy ^ oae Great any gen- . or ought int? Moat ritain is a then, can er, becauae and which sustain us ich is atrip- ich she her- But itmay dvocatea on these high- her charac- T a dispoai- h she can >ut in much And shall litate in our d the pride, d magnani- ome, that it i<48 likely to sequent act3 low. They ilve months' to maintain Qssession of ^ould neces- to this is quence pre- id if she do attempts to sir, it Eng. [h, or daring y portion of pon it,there- ) divide with •ights, what ird as to be )rit? Who Jer such cir- r, war to the L if we pro- 11 only place date of the remained in them go on agricultural rgestion my ;c, we have Great Brit- lon with our on a fur and r, or is used to a portion, territory — a ! gentlemen, d, in making ing it. The continues — f at all — the uid beconxe; ft nd h«Dce the nceeaaily of terminating the joint ^cupancy with aa little delay aa practicable under Che proviaions of the treaty. I » the aecond plaoj, cur people do now, with remarkable unanimity, de- clare that they want the territory — that they wai. urea would be consequences resulting from success- ful experiment, would be in a great measure neutral- ized or thwarted for a season. But, sir, great aa all these evils may be, they are by no meana the greatest that a nation may endure. Indeed, itia ne- cessary, in order to secure permanently the blesa- ings of peace and to enjoy them in all their fulness, that we should sometimes incur the hazards, the dan- gers, and the evils of war. No nation can be hap- py or prosperous under a dishonorable peace; and if our title to the Oregon territory be "clear and un- questionable," as I believe it to be, and as this na- tion believes it to be, what could be more dishonorable than tamely to yield it' I would assert and main- tain this right were the dangers and evils of war a thousand times greater than they possibly can be; and I have studied the character of the American people to but little purpose if they can be deterred from a similar course by mere prudential considera- tions, drawn either from a real or an exaggerated description of the character and resources of our ad- versary. Such advocates of peace may thus witless- ly become the most eff«ctivc promoters of war. It is the part of wisdom to guage and measure well the strength and dimensions of an opponent ; but it is folly to despise his weakness or to dread his prowess. It is proper, therefore, that we duly ex- amine the great power of Great Britain, and ascer- tain with all practicable certainty the full extent of her armament and her means of aggression. It is only by such a course that we can properly prepare for her assault and defend ourselve.M against her on- set; and if we shall exercise but common prudence, we have no need to fear the consequences. Let the means which we have already at command be only placed in a proper condition for use — let the ships now lying in our docks be forthwith fully equipped — let our navy-yards and fortifications be put in thorough repair and f«illy manned — and the sons of those brave officers and men who gathered such wreaths of glory by their triumphs over the same antagonist during the last war, will come forth with a noble zeal to emulate their deeds, and to rival their fame in an encounter with that or any other foe. I, for one, entertain no apprehension for the result ; and, after the signal successes that have hitherto at- tended our arms, whether by sea or by land, in eve- ry trial to which they have been subjected, I can- not but anticipate the most brilliant results. And when we reflect, that, in all the elements of an offensive and defensive war, we are so muc.'i « I more nbutKlantly prorided tlian on any pre- viour occasion, una only waiting to be called in requisition in proportion to the emergency, who can find within him a heiirt to quail? Instead, therefore, of croaking over the immense pcwer of England, and drawing frightful pictures of tlie de- struction and carnage which we are to experience, let us act and feci as becomes brave men, and we have nothing to fear from the combined influence of nil the power, vulor, and wealth of Britain. But, Mr. Chairman, does the pi eseni condition of England portend such direful consequences in the event of war? Is she, eir, prepared at all points? Has she no obstacles to contend with? Where, sir, are the lamentations and wailings of her needy population starving for bread? Where arc her mill.ons of man- ufacturing operatives already ground down to the lowest point of oppression, muttering their griefs and their nufferings? Where is bleeding, groaning Ireland, wiiose wrongs are crying aloud to Heaven, and whose voico is heard throughout the earth? Where is rebellious, revolutionary India? And, above all, sir, w'erc is Canada, whose population arc largely disaffec;ed, and ready to unite their arms with ours upon the first signal of war? — Canada, which muKt form a part of our acquisitions, whose loss to England will seal the doom of her empire of the North American continent, and amply repay us for all the consequences and costs of war, even supposing that Oregon be the barren and worthless country which some gentlemen would have us to believe? But, sir, as 1 have said before, as a con- sequence of giving the notice, England will not risk its hazards and its inevitable results, unless she b^ forced to assume a position, by the appearance of distraction in our counsels, and by other other acts of impruden'"" «'• --ir part, which her pride will not allow her to i .i. Let us be firm in our de- mands, and r ^ united in our purposes, and all will be well. It is a little remarkable, but nevertheless true, that the arguments of some gentlemen who have gone against the notice have had the efl'ect of more thoroughly satisfying my mind that it ought to be given. One of my colleagues [Mr. Pendleton] nos said that the territory in dispute possesses no value. Why then does England, who is situated so remotely from it, desire to own it? Why are so many of our hardy and adventurous spirits found leaving their present homes and seeking a residenrc in those distant regions? The evidence of my col- league is thrust upon us in such a gratuitous, oft- hand manner, that I suspect it will make hut a feeble im ression upon impartial minds. When 1 shall need witnesses upon this point, sir, 1 will not look for my colleague, who has been spending hi.^ life in ease and quietness within the peaceful ai d quiet lin'.its of Virginia, but for these western men, whdse sons, brothers, and friends have made Oregiwi I heir home, and who now call on the Amer- ii an Congress to protect them in their rights. To iiiCjSir, it will always be enough to hear suck a call from any portion of our citizens to induce me to extend to them the protection and security of our laws, although the place of their abode may be a desolate and barren rock. It is sufficient for me that it is their home, to extend to them all the rights of an American citizen. I h;»ve been amused to hear during this discus- sion gentlemen charging each other with inconsis- tency — to hear gentlemen charged with having pur- su< d a certain course ut one session, and an oppo- site course at another. I am happy to know that Idac't adviiedly, stand in no such position. Wnether right orw are tretdizigi wrong, I voted for the notice at the iMt sesssion, Extract of sj and, God being willing, I shall vote for it at this. ..( .ij^j, f^^g^^ For that vote my constituents have neverto Oregon ) I m censured me. Anti I have received instruc-BHtiih title; ami tions upon this subject only from one, whost!^*'''' |.''.!''i'" *" notions are quite latitudinous — an old gentle-a^jj'r'aj'l/wtttt'a* man, who informs me that the people in thattUt it is free froi region wanted Oregon up to the .')4° 40', Califor-Mi«cre of land ui nia, Mexico, and Canada! I feel no disposition, how-'» '^"'■?"'y °'^" ' ', 1 • 1 . /• /-I » o •. • rile men lor vvliic ever, to invade the rights of ureal Britain or anyn^e up? Vagu( other power whatever. But if the time shall ever>3^o>'agei; com come when the people of these countries — haTing'y'" "' public 1 first obtained their independence— shall ask to be'", «aS'?hu beg admitted into our Union, as Texas has done, I shalliSd indisputable i certainly be willing to receive them. For 1 have •«•* as often «» no apprehension for the integrity and perpetuity of**?* '"'""'"* J'" our institutions on account of any extension of ter-lSJ" An^ei^o;^ " ritory; and I believe that the greater our extent oftfVie world for i territory may be, the more firmly shall we be boundW pirtition of together, provided the federal and State govern.'2''i'f"',"S'"."' 1 mcnts contine their le^^islation within the limits of^iirer, in trtatini their respective jurisdiction as defined by their sev-ribes of our own ert.l constitutions; and that|our system of government"'*''*''" is calculated ultimately to extend its guaranties and Strangis as ti privileges over the whole of the North Americanif. the gentlem; continent. ojumot pass fr Before I conclude my remarks, I beg leave to caliqi my great si the attention of the committee to the remarkable q honorable n position occupied by the gentleman from Massa-foLMEs.l Th chnsetts, [Mr. Winthrop,] who at the last session ggguage In reft of Congress made a speecn against the notice, in^: "I deny which, assuming the American title to the countryjlfitory orto'i to be perfect, he gave as a reason for voting against o| appertain w the notice, the fact that negotiations between the o^er of Great two governments were then pending. At thes||jngs of Briti present session, when these negotiations have termi-i^hasentimen nated that gentleman goes against the notice upon ^a South Car the ground that the American title is good for noth-i distinguishet ing. Here, sir, are the extracts from his two tgimittee? I f speeches. i« English nat Extract from Mr. Wintiirop's speech, February r«tad Atlantic i It 1°45: tiir hosannas "I shall enter upon no argument of the American title tn|P f*"" assertii the Oregon territory. No such argument certainly is need- 10 people, a b eii to convince the members of this House of the justice ol n than has bei our claim to that territory. Whatever else we may "lifter -|j „:•• ^ al)Out, we all seem to have, a suHioient sense of the sound-*'? '• ness of our own title. It seems to be forgotten, however, ^> ^"d to te-r that it is (treat Dritain, and not the United States, which ro- ifllOUn and M juiics to be convinced on this_point. If gentlemen would yji pgraufldt'd his fit. If gentlemen would un perauadc o:i!y uniJertake to satisfy Sir Robert ''eef and Lord Al)er-«-_t!- /•■ . fii'cn tliiit the Ameiican title is entirely indisputable, and . ™ "" i!iat tin; British preten.sion is altogether void and ground- ^""fortunate li!ss, or if tticy would lortify Mr. Calhoun in his ett'orts to >nihis speech tiiiorce the positions upon the British minister with whom |||e political lie is tn-atiiij^, they would turn their researches and their,—, Jl u- t rhetoric to a more profitable account. 1 fear they are con- 5 S "'S r tiibuiiiig to no such result. I am inclined to believe that aP*"* ground a alignments, however strong, would lose much of their SB assumed b wcitrlit in the r.iarters 1 have suggested, when uttered i:>Mr. Chairi> ii" the tone of menace and defiance which has characterized so J»fc»Vi f lu much of this debate. Nor can 1 forbear to say that it ap- " °' 'her pears to me extiemely impolitic for us to be publicly en- 'ttte, by an gag«d in any arguments upo;^ the subject, when negotia- Ir. Cclver.1 tions ill regard to it are actually on foot within earshot oi tnocratic tia'ti this hall, and while we are necessarily ignorant how far , _ ., "^' our own individual views may conform to those which the ' P'^"uency £ American Secretary of State may be at this moment press- Cttot as a th ing upon the attention of the British negotiator. Indeed, sir, mj by way this whole proceeding is, in my judgment, eminently calcu- [qXi i/ p ii- lated to impede and embarrass the negotiations in which the -.ZJ*^ * *^1K, two governments are employed. We have received authen- , J« "* ^"7 P ic assurances that these negotiations have not failed — that' States as a they are still in progress, and that a communication in re- ns sentiment garil to thein may bo expected from the Executive before , »!,» i , the close of the present session. Why not wait for this ' '"'^ Pres communication? Why insist upon taking way step in the I ikrk, when, in a few weeki, »t the most, we »hall be aJlc [now thai Iffact aJviiedly. and to ice clearly the ground upon which ■ right oriP» are treading f" St seuflion, Extract of speech January 3, 1846: it at thin. .'I ghall attempt no analyiU or history of thi« title, (title ave nevcrto Oregon ) I um certainly not dispoicd to vindicate Ihc (I instruc-Brttish title; and an to the American, there is nothing to be u **ied to the gucce»iive exposition! of the eminent statei- me, wnostj^jj i,„j jipiomatiiti by whom it hai been illuitrated. llut, old gentle-ader all what a title it i^ to fight about! Who can pretend lie in thatthat it is free from all difficulty or doubt? Who would take Ift' rnlifnr Macre of land upon such a title ai an iiiveilment, without iij , \^aiiiur warranty of something more than the two regimcnti of Sltion, nOW-f|j^^p„ fp, which your bill provideR? Ot what is the title :ain or anym^e up? Vague tradHpns of settlement; musty records of e shall evef>l4 voyages; conflictingclaims of discovery; disputed prin- i*a »,n»inf.'lfl«» of public law; acknowledged violations of the riehls '^"■""""'"'fcjrBboriginal occupants— these are the elements— 1 had al- I ask to t>«n«it said the beggarly elements— out of which our clear lone, I shallind indisputable title is compounded. I declare to you, sir, For 1 havel>*' »* of""" as I thread the mazes of this controversy, it ,_ -rt«»istomoto lie adispute as to the relative rights nftwo lerpeiUUy Olj^^j^j j^ ^ territory tn which neither of them haa anyj real eion of ter-,^j whaUxer; ar.d I should hardly blame the other niilioiis ar extent ofilVie world for insisting on coming in for Hcot and lot in 17A liP hniinriM partition of it. Certainly, if we should be so false to we uc """"",„ p,,„acter as civilired nations as to fight about it, the late gOvern-.^j of Christendom would be justified, if they had the he limits o!K»irer, in treating us as we have always treated the savage y their sev-rttes of ourown continent, and turning us both out alto- ' government'*'*'*'' " larenties and Strange aa the contrast between the two speeches h Amcricariifthe gentleman from Massachusetts may appear, Cfumot pass from the notice of that without express- leave to calloil my great surprise at the sentiment avowed by remarkable Q honorable member from South Carolina, [Mr. rem Massa-{oLMEs.] This gentleman has used the following last session Qiguage in reference to the American title to Ore- le notice, indji: "I deny, in (0(0, any right, any claim to that the country^itory, or to any part or parcel thereof, that does 'oting against M appertain with equal force and efficiency to the between theo»rer of Great Britain." Sir, what must be the )g. At the tilings of British statesmen when they shall see shnve tcrmi-jeh a sentiment uttered upon the floor of Congress notice upon j^a South Carolina democrat; and by one too, sir, od for noth-) distinguished as to be at the head of the naval om his two jtimittee? I fancy that 1 now hear the plaudits of !• English nation, as they come wafted across the h,Februaryr0Bd Atlantic upon the wings of the wind, and lair hosannas to the distinguished South Carol i- nerican title In f f""" asserting, before the American Congress rtainly is need- »■ people, a better claim in behalf of Great Brit- the justice 01 n than has been attempted to be made out by her ::h^Lo^:1'^'^''T'"- *>« the honorable gentleman to )tten, however, "Jj ^"<1 ''* '^-read, the correspondence between Mr. ates, which r;- lUioun and Mr. Pakenham upon this subject; for n bag! from eourt-houaa to court-houu/without a ain-*. gle thought or aspiration for the preaidency, waa cho' aan to aaroeato tha cauae of annexation. The aub- ieet waa Ailly and thoroughly diacuaaed by theae lendera of the reapective partiea; the issue waa tried by a jury of twenty thouaand freemen, and the ver- dKt returned in favor of James K. Polk. And, sir, for th.. ability which he displayed during that con- test — for the wisdom which he has shown on every Important occasion— and for his firm, unyielding steiMlfastnesa to the republican faith and to republi- can measures, he haa been rewarded with the occu- pancy of the exeeutivfi mansion, and the honor of presiding aa the head of this nation for a term of lour years; whilst the great Kentuckian has been consigned to the shadea of Ashland, where, I trust, ha will remain in peace and happiness. In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, I will repeat that we owe it aa a duty fi those who have gone to settle in Oregon, to give this notice for termina'ng the joint occupancy. Ws owe it to them as a portion of the American people. These men are not mere gamblers and speculators, but real bona fide settlers, who have determined to make that country their home, to subject its scilto the arts ofcultivation, and to make their living by the sweat of their brows. We should proceed to give the notice without delay. The longer continu'\nce of the maaUrhjinactivittj principle cannot at this time be viewed as a wise or salutary meaaure. Us morality is questianable; for it seeks to do that by covert and indirect means, which it becomes ufi to do with energy and prompt- ness — by a masterly activity. I regard the notice recommended by the President as the proper prelim- inary means of settling this controversy between the two nations in a peaceful and equitable manner. Let us support him in his recommendation; let ua adopt the viaws which he haa present-' ed; let us endeavor to imbibe his spirit; and 1 venture to predict, sir, that tlie daagct of war will not only be averu^d, but the whole mat- ter be brought to a speedy and happy termination Sir, I advocate this course as a friend to peace. I , would support no measure which is calculated un- necessarily to produce a war between the United ^ States and Great Britain; peace, honorable peace ii ^ what all most surely must desire. It is not the in terest of either nation that the friendly relationt r which have so long subaiited between Uiem shouic ,'> now be disturbed or broken up. Their mutual dc pendence makes it the interest of both to cherisl ' and cultivate a state of peace and good will; and "incerely hope that the action of Congress may b , bjchas to secure the continuance of friendly rela ' tions between the two nations. But, sir, if by th' maintenance of our just rights or the notice to clos thejoint occupancy, war shall be the consequencf then we can only say, let it come; and aa brave me . we must prepare to meet it, with all its woes an i evils, witn the spirit of those who aro determined t j "do or die." We shall be engaged in a just an.^ righteous cause; in the d' fence of our riglitx and o| our own territory; am. whether that territory It rich or fertile, abounding in all the elements c! wealth and prosperity, or be only the barren wi | derness which some nave attempted to make us lieve, will be auestions of like import with thi American people. They feel that it is their profJ erty, that it is the home of their brethern nnd friendi and that it is their duly to defend it. Acting upo his principle they will go forth to meet the issul with a calm consciousness of the rectitude of thel course, and with an humble yet firm reliance upo| the God of battles. haa preient-' hia apirit; at the daager^ le whole mau termination. to peace. I alculaled un-j sn the United rable peace IB not the i ndly relationtl n them ahoulii^ eir mutual de-i jth to cheriutj od will; and in«;rc88 may I friendly reU t, air, if by th] notice to clos- e consequenM j d aa brave mti 1 its woea an' determined tJ in ajuBt anJ ir riglils and f^ hat territory ' he elements the barren ' to make us nport with t is their pro[l lern and frienda t. Acting upd meet the issul ictitude of the! [ti reliance upcl