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Un daa symbolaa suivants apparattra sur la darniira imaga da chaqua microfleha, salon la cas: la symbols -^ signifia "A SUIVRE", la symbols ▼ signifia "FIN". Maps, plataa, charta. ate. may ba fllmad at diffarant raductlon ratioa. Thoaa too larga to ba antlraly includad in ona axpoaura ara fllmad baginning in tha uppar laft hand comar, laft to right and top to bottom, aa many framaa aa raqulrad. Tha following diagrama illuatrata tha i.iathod: Las cartas, planchas. tablaaux. ate. pauvant fttra filmfo ^ ijiffs taux da reduction diffirants. Lorsqua la documant aat trop grand pour Atra raproduit an un saul clichi. il ast filmi i partir da I'angla supiriaur gaucha. da gaucha i droita, at da haut an bas. an pranant la nombra d'imagaa nicassaira. Laa diagrammas suivants illustrant la mithoda. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 8 6 * » C^JfOM'ICUa p. 104. THE HISTORY or mi GREAT INDIAN WAR OF 1675 AND 1670, I r OOHHOVLT OilLKO PHILIP'S WAB. ALSO, THB OLD FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS, FROM !689 TO 1704. BY THOMAS CHURCH. ESQ. WITH MUMEBOUS KOIBB AND AN APPENDIX, BY SAMUEL O. DBAKE. UTmD BDRIOM. fha mwamptod uUamnmtB of oar blhen ihould not be forgottak WAamnaTo*. HARTFORD: SILAS ANDRUS * SON. /^ \ > h^ ^ ■': *■ '"■■\ . ) 1 / r \\ .'.'- ■'» tA IN' LIBRARY UNiVERSipr OF ALBERTA ,\' -t. ' THE EDITOR'S PREFACE. z^- « t I^hurch's History of " Kin^ Philip's War," «fec. was first published at Boston, in 1716, in quarto. It was reprinted in Newport, in 1772, in octavo. T have never met with a copy of the first edition, therefore I copy from the second. This is now very scarce and rarely to be met with. It is however preserved in some private libraries in the old colony, in the Athe- neum at Boston, and other literary institutions there and elsewhere. The lamentable manner in which Hutchinson in his History of Massachusetts passed over the Indian wars, causes us much regret, and a desire to catch at every thing that can give any light upon them. He is particular in relating the witch affairs of the co- lony, but when we have followed him into Philip's war, being led at first with interesting particulars, he stops short and says, " It is not my design to enter into every minute circumstance of the war." But does not tell us why. This is the more to be la- mented, as his means were more ample for such his- tory than can now be had. In 1825 I published a small edition of this history, containing however but few additions to the old, which bemg immediately taken up, occasioned the early appearance of this. In an early period it was designed to publish the work as it now appears. Ac- cordingly many valuable papers and rare works had been collected, but not used in the first edition, on 2U07C62 IV THE EDITOR'S PREFACE. account of the magnitude and early promise of the work. The papers had been much forwarded previous to the Courtstreet fire, of 10 November, 1825, in the time of which a trunk was stolen, containing many of the manuscript notes, relating particularly to the biography of the principal persons that figured in the Indian wars. These in many instances I could not restore, which is very much regretted ; though not more than my want of information on subjects in general. But a consciousness is felt, that some- thing though small, is redeemed from oblivion, which will be thought valuable by posterity. Of such gentlemen as have had the opportunities of many years to examine the history of our country, together with every advantage from access to all pub- lick and private documents, I have every indulgence to ask. In regard to the accurate perf'^'mance of the work, I can only observe, that a ulous regard to accuracy has been paid; y roiirs may have been committed, but m no cas^ Bum. HmI. Man. Imt Traveb Ihrouilinut N. A. Wonden Invbible World. W. IlouglaH lloflon 1749 S 8 vo J. Carver London 1781 1 K. Calef Salem 1796 1 12 mn, .3 ft an or Newengland. 8. Penhallow Boston 1728 1 In addition to the above list, many works hav( 3 been consulted, but the assistance from them ha;* been smaller. Some of the most important are Hub- bard's History of Newengland, Stiles' History of the Judges, Whitney's History of Worcester, and the Histories of several of the southern states. The free use 1 have made of every author's works is amuly ac- knowledged in the notes. Reference is made to some late editions of works in preference to the first, not only as they are more uniform, but because they will now be oftener met with. But in most cases such '■'.if THE EDITOR'S PREFACE. VII have been compared with the originals. To two works in particular, it was thought most advisable ; namely, Penhallow's "Wars of N. England," and Prince's Annals. The first of these is now reprinted in the I Vol. of the N. H. Hist. Soc. Col., which, though not so perfect as it might have been, is, on the whole, a work to be prized. A handsome edition in octavo of the valuable Annals was published last year, by Messrs. Cummings, Hilliard, and Company, Boston. Though this is not exactly reprinted, yet, no- thing is altered, that I have met with, but for the bet- ter ; and, excepting a few typographical erroura, is splendidly executed. Having already drawn out my preface to too great a length, the whole is submitted without any apolo- gy. And the publisher takes this opportunity of giving his grateful respects to a. his patrons, and with pleasure subscribes himself, their much obliged and sincere friend. SAMUEL G. DRAKE Boston, 2 January, 1827. ADVERTISEMENT TO EDITION OF 1843. The present edition of this work has been revised and corrected in several places, by comparison with more re- cent publications of high authority ; some obsolete and objectionable words and phrases have been changed, and typographical and other errors of the earlier editions cor- rected. It is hoped that so autlientic and valuable a contribution to the Indian History of our country, will find a place in every Library, and the interesting personal narrative of Col. Church will doubtless engage the attention of the reader in the careful perusal of the whole work. I [The (bllowing is an exact copy of the title pajre of the old edition.] ^ THS ENTERTAINING HISTORY or KING PHILIP'S WAR, WHICH BKOAM IN TBI MORTH OF JUHl, 1875. At ALIO or EXPEDITIONS , MORE LATELY MADE AOAIIfST THl COMMON ENBMT, AND INDIAN KBBBLS, IK THB BA8TBBM PARTS OP NBW-BMeLAIID: WITH lOltB ACCO01IT or THB DIVINB PBOVIDBNOB TOWARDS COL. BENJAMIN CHURCH: Br THOMAS CHURCH, Esd. his son. SECOND EDITION. BOSTON : PRINTED, 1716. RBWPORT, RH0DB-I8LAND : RBPRINTBD AND SOLO BT SOLOMON SOOTHWICK, IN «nBBN-8TRBBT, 177S. ! i r i : ^^^ vi ^ i i TO THE READER. X HE subject of ti.is followinff narrative, offering it- self to your friendly perusal, relates to the former and Inter wars of Newengland, which I myself was not a little concerned in: For in the year 1675, that unhappy fuid bloody Indian war broke out in Plymouth colo- ny, where I was then building, and beginning a plantation, at a place called by the Indians, ^g- iconate, and since, by the English, Little Compton. I was the first Englishman that built upon that neck, which was full of Indians. My head and hands were full about settling a new plantati< n. where nothing was brought to; no preparation of dwelling house, or outhouses, or fencing made; horses and cattle were to be provided, ground to be cleared and broken up; and the utmost caution to be used, to keep myself free from offending my Indian neighbours all round about me. While I was thus busily employed, and all my time and strength laid out in this laborious undertaking, I received a commission firom the go- vernment to engage in their defence : And with my commission I received another heart, inclining mo to put forth my strength in military service : And through the grace of God I was spirited for that work, and direction in it was renewed to me day by day. And although many of the actions that I was concerned in were very difficult and dangerous, yet, myself, and those who went with me voluntarily in the service, had our lives, for the most part, wonder- fully preserved by the overruling hand of the Al- mighty from first to last ; which doth aloud bespeak our praises: And to declare his wonderful works is our indispensable duty. TO THE READER. I was ever very sensible of my own littleness, and unfitness to be employed in such great services. But calling to mind that God is strong, I endeavoured to put all my confidence in him, and by his Almighty power, was carried through every difficult action; and my desire is, that his name may have the praise. It wan ever my intent, having laid myself under a solemn promise, that the many and repeated favours of God to myself and those with me in the service might be published for generations to come. And now my great age requiring my dismission from ser- vice in the militia, and to put off my armour, I am willing that the great and glorious works of Almighty God, to us, children of men, should appear to the world : And h r.'mg my minutes by me, my son has taken the caie and pains to collect from them the en- suing narrative of many passages relating to the former and latter wars ; which I have had the perusal of, and find nothing amiss, as to the truth of it, and with as little reflection upon any particular person, as might be, either alive or dead. And seeing every particle of historical truth is precious, I hope the reader will pass a favourable censure upon an old soldier, telling of the many ren- counters he has had, and yet is come off alive. It is a pleasure to remember what a great number of families, in this and the neighbouring provinces, in Newengland, did, during the war, enjoy a great measure of liberty and peace by the hazardous sta- tions and marches of those engaged in military exer- cises ; who were a wall unto them on this side and on that side. I desire prayers, that I may be enabled well to accomplish my spiritual warfare, and that I may be more than conqueror through Jesus Christ's loving m^ \ I BENJAMIN CHURCH. ■If '>'■'}'■. w THE LIFE OF COL. CHURCH.* c, 'OLONEL Benjamin Church was born in 1639, at Duxbury, near Plymouth, of reputable parents, who lived and died there. His father's name was Joseph, who, with two of his brethren, came early into New- england, as refugees from the religious oppression of the parent state. Mr. Joseph Church, among other children, had three sons, Joseph, Caleb, and Benja- min. Caleb settled at Watertown, the other two at Seconet, or Little Compton. Benjamin, the hero of this history, was of a good stature, his body well proportioned, and built for hardiness and activity. Although he was very corpulent and heavy in the latter part of his life, yet, when he was a young man he was not so ; being then active, sprightly and vigorous. He carried dignity in his countenance — thought and ac*edwith a rational and manly judg- ment — which, joined wi*h a naturally generous, obli- ging and hospitable di^pojition, procured him both authority and esteem. He married Mrs. Alice South- worth, by whom he had a daughter, Mrs. Rothbotham, and five sons, viz., Thomas Church, the author or publisher of this history, and father of the honourable Thomas Church, Esq., now living in Little Compton; Constant Church a Captain under his father in the eastern expedition, and in the militia; and of a mili- • The life of Church was not added to the first edition.- - But to the second it was, and was the last article in the book; excepting a Latin ode of one page, which is now omit* ted. This life containing some prefatory remarks, it was thought proper to place it at the beginning of the work. It was judged best to omit the above mentioned Latin ode to give place to more interesting articles. What follows was S laced at the head of the page. Ode Heroica (o ncpoU lerois compotita) Biographta pracedenti diffigenda $U. XII LIFE OF COL. CHURCH. tary and enterprising spirit ; Benjamin Church, who died a bachelor ; Edward Church,* whose only son now living, is Deacon Benjamin Churchf of Boston, who furnishes these memoirs of the family; and Charles Church, who had a numerous issue. Colonel Church was a man of integrity, justice, and uprightness, of piety and serious religion.! He was a member of the church of Bristol at its foundation, in the Rev. Mr. Lee's§ day. He was constant and de- vout in family worship, wherein he read and oilen ex- pounded the scriptures to his household. He was ex- emplary in observing the Sabbath, and in attending the worship and ordinances of God in the sanctuary. He lived regularly, and lefl an example worthy of * He was also a Captain under his father in the last eastern expedition. t Probably ^be same whose name is found associated with the venerable James Otis, Samuel Adams, Joseph War- ren, and others, as a " Committee of correspondence" in th* memorable revolution, and to which he probably be'ongcil when he wrote this account of the family. See Anierican Annals, II, SOO. Also the standing which he appears to have maintained among the fraternity of Masons, speaks his emi- nence. IWhat is here ^aid of the Colonel, is placed after his son Edward, by a wriver in Farmer and Moore's Collections ; where this account appears to be copied. It must be an er- rour in the copyist, ano one, too, which it required some pains to commit ; not but thai the son (for aught I know) deserved as high encomiums, but we have no right to bestow such upon the son, at the father's expense. But thus much were it intentional. § Rev. Samuel Lee, the first minister of Bristol, R. I. He was born in London, 1635, came to this country in 1680; but in two or three years came to the conclusion to return to hie native country. Before ne sailed, he told his wife that he had discovered a star, which, according to the laws of As- trology, presaged captivity, which unfortunately came to pass. He sailed in 1691, and in his passage was taken by the French, and carried into France, where he died the same rear. See Allen's Biog. 381. Dr. C. Mather repre< sentK him as possessing vevy extraordinary learning. See Magnalia Christi Americana, I, 54d. > to lat As- to by the ire- UFE OF COL. CHURCH. XUI the imitation of his posterity. He was a friend to the civil and religious liberties of his country, and great- ly rejoiced in the revolution.^ He was Colonel of the militia in the county of Bristol. The several offices of civil and military trust, with which he was entrusted from time to time, through a long life, he discharged with fidelity and usefulness. The war of 1675, was the most important Indian war, that Newengland ever saw. Philip or Meta- cometf (a son of good oldMAS@ASOIT,t and his se- cond successor) had wrought up the Indians of all the tribes through Newengland, into a dangerous com- • By Willinn and Mary. t Though the chiers of savage nations are generally called Kings, yet says Smith, they "nave no such dignity or office among them." Hist. N. Y. 197. Philip, at different periods of his life, was known by different names, as at nrst, he was called Metacomet or Metacom. See Morton, 171, 173. This celebrated chief has been called by some, though wrongly I contend, King of the Narragansets. He was King or chief of the Wampanoags, or Pokanokets, the slt^ia- tion of whosK countrjr will be described in my first note to " Philip's War." It is true that these Indians as well as the Narragansets themselves inhabited about the bay of that name,l)ut they had their Kin||( as well as the Polcanoket?, and were independent of eacb other. Different opinions seem to have prevailed with regard to this chief's pedigree; that is, whether he were a son or grandson of Mas'-assoit. Prince and Trumbull inform us that he was his grandson; Hutchinson and Belknap, that he was his son. Why these respectable authors saw cause to differ, and not inform us, is not easy to tell. These are not all the authors on each side, but most readers are apprised of this, no doubt, before I had taken this trouble tc inform them. 1 Prince, in liis text, writes Masassoit \ but adds this note. " The printed accounts generally spell him Massasoit ; Gov- errour Bradford writes him Massasoyt, and Massasoyet ; but I find the ancient people from their fathers in Plymouth col- ony, pronounce his name Ma-sa»-so-it ," N. E. Chroa. 187. However, the most preferable way seems to be Massassoit. Some account of the life of this constant friend of the PiU griins will be found in the course of this history. :5 siv LIFE OF COL. CHURCH. i '" bi nation to extirpate the English. It was one of the Inst works of the commissioners of the united colonies, (a. council [in] which subsisted the great security olNewengland, from 1643 to 1678) to break up this confederacy. An army of one thousand Eng- lish was on foot at once, under the command of Govemour Winslow. Whoever desires further in- formation concerning this war, may consult Mr. Hub- bard's* history of it. The part Colonel Church acted in it is exhibited in this plain narrative, given by his son, two years before his father's death. Colonel Church perfectly understood the manner of the Indians in fighting, and was thoroughly ac- quainted with their haunts, swamps, and places of refuge, on the territory between Narraganset and cape Cod. There hu was particularly successful; on that field he gathered his laurels. The surprisal and seizure of Annawon was an act of true boldness and heroism. Had the eastern Indians been sur- rounded with English settlements, there is reason to think that he wouid have been more successful among them. But on a long and extended frontier, open to immense deserts, little more has ever been done by troops of undoubted courage, than to arouse and drive off the Indians into a wide howling wilderness, * Mr. William Hubbard, minister of Ipswich, the best his- torian in Newengland, of the age, unless we except Mr. Prince. The truth of which his works abundantly prove. Although some labour has ^een done to detract from lam some of his justly acquired fame, yet, it does and ever will remain unimpaired. This would be true had he never writ- ten any thing but his Narrative. To his " History of New- england," Mather is chieu/ indebted for what is correct in his renowned book of jargons, the Msignalia Cbristi An^eri- cana. See president Allen*s Biog. Dictionary. He died Sept. 1704, aged 8S years. Gov. Hutchinson remarks on the character of him, that "he was a manof learning, of a candid and benevolent mind, accompanied, as it generally is, with a good degree of Catholicism ; which, I think, was not ac- counted the most valuable part of his character in the age io which he lived." Hist. Mass. 11, 136. LIFE OF COL. CHURCH. XV where it was as much in vain t« seek them, as for CiBsar to seek the Gauls in the Hyrcanian forests. The present edition* of this history is given without alteration in the body of it ; being thought best to let it go down to posterity, (like the Periyhu qf Han- nof ) with its own internal marks of origmality. How- ever the editor in the margin hath ^iven the English names of places described by Indian names in the narrative ; and also some few notes and illustra- tions. After Philip^s war Colonel Church settled ; and at first at Bristol, then at Fallriver, (Troy) lastly at Seconet. At each of which places he acquired, and left a large estate. Having served his genera- tion faithfully, by the will of God he fell asleep, and was gathered unto his fathers. He died and was bu- ried at Little Compton. The morning before his death, he went about two miles on horse back to visit his only sister, Mrs. Irish, to sympathise with her on the death of her only child. After a friendly and pious visit, in a mov- ing and affecting manner, he took his leave of her, and said, it was a last farewell. Telling her, [that] he was persuaded he should never see her more ; but hoped to meet her in heaven. Returning home- ward, he had not rode above half a mile, before his horse stumbled, and threw him over his head. And the Colonel being exceeding fat and heavy, fell with * The edition from which this is taken. t Hanno was "the famous Carthaginian ,*' Who in a re- mote age of navigation, made a voyage into the Atlanticlt ocean, and "sailed seeking for thirty days the western parts,** taking his departure from the pillars of Hercules Tstraits of Gibrsiitar.) Hence some infer that he must have aiscovered seme parts of America, because Columbus did in about the same length of time. He wrote a book containing an ac- count of his discoveries, which he entitled Periplum or Peri- plus. See a work lettered " America Known to.the An- cients," Dr. Robertson's Hist. America, 1, i. Belknap's Biog. 1, 16. XVI LIFE OF COL. CHURCH. such force, that a blood vessel was broken, and the blood gushed out of his mouth like a torrent. His wife was soon brought to him. He tried but was unable to speak to her, and died in about twelve hours. He was carried to the grave with great fune- ral pomp, and was buried under arms, and with mili- tary honours. On his tomb stone is this inscrip- tion. HXilB LIBTH INTERRED THE JMXDT or THE HONOURABLE COL. BENJAMIN CHURCH, Eau.; WHO DEPARTED THIS LIFE, JANUARY 17th, 1717 — 18, IN THE 78 TEAR Or HIS AGE.* JVeioport April 8, 1772. * " High in MtMm among the great he ttood ; Hie wisdom made him lovely, creat and good. The' he be aaid to die, he wiiT lurvive ; Thro' future time hia memory ahall live." See a poem caviled " A description of PennsyWania, Anno 1739," bj Thumas Makin, in Proud's Hist. II, .%1. The above thoueh applied to the founder of that province, as good, at least, is deserved by the venerated Church ; who, through the foul intrigue, and low caprice of otf.ce seekers, and the blind seal of ambitious bigots, suffered much, both as to fame and fortune, in his time. The truth of this remark will fully appear in the ensuing history (/ TH> ENTERTAINING HISTORY or PHILIP'S WAR, ^BICH BXOAH IR THE TEAR. 1675. WITH THB PKOOXBD* IHOS OF BENJAMIN CHURCH, Esq.* J N the year 1674, Mr. Benjamin Church of Duzbury, being providentially at Plymouthf in the time of the ' As the author does not begin with the causes and first events of this war, it may be proper to introduce the most important here. His intention appears Vo have been to give an account of this war, so far, only, as hii father wai 'Engag- ed in it, as him '>lf observes in another place. Although not a ^. ar hbd passed since the settlement of Plymouth without some difficulties with the Indians, I will go so far back, only, as immediately cot>cerns Philip's War. After the close of the Pequot war, in 1637, it was conjec- tured by the English, that the Narragansets took some af- front on account of the division of tne captive Pequots, among themselves and the Moh'>gans ; and that the English showed partiality. These tribes had assisted in the con- quest of the Pequots, and were in a league with the Eng- lish, and each other. For some time the Narragansets prac- ticed secret abuses upon the Mr hegans ; but at length they vicre so open in their insults, t lat complaints were made to the English, whose interest it v as to preserve peace between them. In 1643, it was thouf'it that they were plotting to cut off the English. They so pressed upon the Mohegans, in t Some authors, both ancient and modern wrote this word Plimouth, but custom has adopted the manner as used in the text. A \ I 18 PHILIP'S WAR. court, fell into acquaintance with Captain John Almy of Rhodeisland. Captain Almy with great impor- in 1645, that the colonies were obliged to interfere with an armed force. The Wampanoags, or Pokanokcts, of which Philip was King, inhabited the tract of country where BriHtol now is, then called Pokanoket, thence north around Mounthope bay, thence southerly, including the country of considerable width, to Sei-onet. At the head of this tribe was Massassoit, when the pilgrims arrived at Plymouth, who always lived in friendsiiip with them. He had two sons, who were called Alexander and Philip, which names they received from Gov. Prince of Plymouth, while there renewing a treaty, proha- hly from Philip and Alexander of Macedon. Alexander be- injj the elder assumed the power on the death of his father, and it was soon found that he was plotting with the Narra- gansets against the English ; but his reign was short. On being sent for to answer to the court at Plymouth, to certain allegations, he went, and after explaining his conJuct, was taken sick on his return, and died soon after. This was about 1C57. Philip succeeded, and his plotting were cnntinual. But he frequently renewed treaties and affected friendships u "til 1671, when he made a loud complaint that some of (he English injured his land, which in the end proved to be false. A meeting was held at Taunton, not long after in con^e- ciuence of the' hostile appearance of Philip's men, by Gov. Princeof Plymouth, and (leputies from Massachusetts. Phi- lip was sent for to give reasons for such warlike appearances. He discovered extreme shyness, and for some time would not come to the (own, and then with a large band of his warriours with their arms. He would not consent to go into the meet- inghouse, where the delegates were, until it was agreed that his men should be on one side of the house, and the English on the other. On being miestioned, he denied having any ill designs upon the Englisn, and said that he came with his men armed to prevent any attacks from the Narragansets ; but (his falsehood was at once detected, and it vm evident that they were united in their operations. It was also prov- ed before him, that he had meditated an attack on Taunton, which he confessed. These steps so confounded him that he consented to deliver all his arms into the hands of the Eng- lish as an indemnity for past damages. All of the guns which he brought with him, about 70, were delivered, r.nd the rest were to be sent in, but never were. What would have been the fate of Newengland had Philip's warriours possessed those a'ms in the war that ensued ? This prevented immediate war, and it required several years to repair their loss. Philip PHILIP'S WAR. 19 tunity invited him to ride with him and view that part of Plymouth colony that lay next to Rhodeinland, known then by their Indian names of Pocasset and Sogkonate.* Among other arguments to persuade him, he told him the soil was very rich, and the situa- tion pleasant : Persuades him by all means to pur- chase of the company some of the court grant rights. He accepted his invitation, ■ ' ?ws the country and was pleased with it, makes a purchase, settled a farm, found the gentlemen of the islandf ver^ civil and obliging. And being himself a person oi uncommon activity and industry, he soon erected two buildings upon his farm, and gained 'i good acquaintance with the natives ; got much i ito their favour, and was in a little time in great es'eem among them.} The next spring advancing, while Mr. Church was diligently settling his new farm, stocking, leasing and disposing of his affairs, and had a fine prospect of doing no small things ; a id hoping that his good suc- cess would be inviting unto other good men to be- come his neighbours : Behold ! the rymour of a war between the English ind the natives*, gave check to was industrious to do th is, and, at the same time, used his endeavours to cause other tribes to engage in his cause. He was not ready whent'ie war did begin, to which, in some measure, we may attr ibute his failure. Three of his men were tried and hangr d for the alleged murder of John Sas- 6amon, whom Philip ' lad condemned as a traitor. It so exas- perated Philip and n s men that their friends should be pun- ished by the English , that they could no longer restrain their violenre. Thus are some of the most prominent e. nts sketched which led lo this bloody war. Tne history of John Sassamon or Sausarian, will be Riund in a succeeding note. * Pocasset, now Tiverton, was the name of the main land against the north part of Rhodeisland. Sogkonate, after- wards Seconet, now Little Compton, extends from Fogland ferry to the sea ; i i length between 7 and 8 miles. t Rhodeisland, 'vhich was now quite well inhabited. It was settled in 1633. Its Indian name was Aquevnecic, and afterwards called :he Isle of Rodes by the English. I Mr. Church moved here in the autumn of 1674. 20 PHILIP'S WAR. his projects. People began to be very ' as of the Indians, and indeed they had no sma! on to sus- pect that they had formed a desisn of .var upon the English.* Mr. Church had it daily suggested to him that the Indians were plotting a bloody design. That Philipthe great Mounthope Sachem, was leader there- in, and so it proved. He was sending his messengers to all the neighbouring Sachems, to engage them into a confederacy with him in the war.f Among the rest * It may be direrting to some, to introdace here what Cotton Mather calls an omen of the war that followed. " Things," says he, <* began by this time to have an ominous aspect, if ea, and now we speak of things ominous, vre may and, some time before this [before those were executed for the murder of Sassamon] in a clear, still, sunshiny morning, there were divers persons in Maiden who heard in the air, on the southeast of them, a arreat gun go off, and presently thereupon the report of $nuul gun$ like musket shot, very thick discharging, as if there had been a battle. This was at a time when there was nothing visible done in any part of the colony to occasion such noises ; but that which most of all astonished them was the flying of bullets, which came singing over their heads, and seemed very near to them, af- ter which the sound of drums passing along westward was very audible ; and on the same day, in Plymouth colony in several places, invisible troops of horse were heard riding to and fro," &c. Magnalia, II, 486. This is quite as credible as many witch accounts in that marvellous work. t The following is a statement of the probable numbers of the Indians in Newengland at the time of Philip's war, also of the English. Dr. Trumbull in his Hist. U. States, I, 36, supposes there were in Newengland at the time of settlement aoout .SBtOOO Indian inhabitants: one third of which were warriours. Their numbers gradually diminished as the whites increaseit, so that we may conclude that there were not less than 10,000 warriours at the commencement of Philip's war. Hutchinson, I, 406, SI /s that the Narragan.-iets alone were considered to amount to 2000 fighting men, in 1675. Hubbard, Nar. 67, says they promised to rise with 4000 in the war. Governour Hinkley states the number of Indians in Plymouth county, in 1645, at 4000 or upwards. Hist. U. State.-, I, 35. Beside these there were in different towns about 2000 praying In- dians, as those were called who adhered to the Lngfish leli- gion; they took no part in the war. In PHILIP'S WAR. 21 ho sent six men to Awaihonks, squaw sachem of the Sogkonate Indians, to engage her in his interest ;* Awashonks so far listened unto them, as to call her subjects together, to make a great dance, which is the custom of that nationf when they advise about momentous affairs. But what does Awashonks do, but sends away two of her men that well understood the English language, (Sas8amon| and George^ by In 1679, the inhabitants of Newengland amounted to about 120,000 foulii, of whom, perhaps, 16,000 were able to bear arms. Holmes' American Annals, I, 416. * Dr. Belknap, in his Hist. N. Hampshire, I, 108, sars, on the aiittiority orCallender, that "The inhabitants of Bristol shfw a particular spot where Philip received the news of the first Englishmen that were killed, with so much sorrow as to cause him to weep." This he observes was very difiercnt from the current opinion. No doubt the consternation of the people, caused hy an approaching war, had great effect in establishing every thing unfavourable of Philip. t It is the custom of most, if not all, the N. American In« dians. See Capt. Carver's Travels in America, 369. i John Saspamon, or as others spell it, Sausaman, was in- structed in English by the celebrated Indian apostle, John Eliot, and pretended to believe in the christian religion. But for some reason he neglected its duties, and returned to a savage life. About this time, or perhaps before, he advised the KiigUfhof some of Philip's plots, which so enraged him, that he sought Sasi^amon's cleatn, whom he considered as a rebel and traitor. And this is the principle on which the English themselves acted j yet, they would not suffer it in another people, who, indeed, were as free as any other. Thepartic* ulars were these: Sassamon was met on " a great pond," which I suppose to be Assawomset, by some of Philip's men, who killed him and put him under the ice, leaving his hat and gun on the ice, where they were found soon after ; and also the dead body. See Hubbard's Narrative, 70, 71. This must have been late in the spring of 1675, but there was ice. Marks were found upon the body of Sassamon, that indicated murder, and an Indian soon appeared, who said that he saw some of Philip's Indians in the very execution of it. Three were immediately apprehended, and tried at the court in Plymouth. § An Indian, who from this time, was very friendly to Mr* ' Church. All I can find concerning htm is in this history. ^' 23 PHILIP'S WAR. name) to invite Mr. Church to the dance.* Mr Church, upon the invitation immediately takea with him Charles Hazelton, hi^ tenant's son, who well understood the Indian language, and rode down to the flace appointed, where thev found hundreds of ndians gathered together from all parts of her dominion. Awashonks herself in a foaming sweat, was leading the dance ; but she was no sooner sen- sible of Mr. Church's arrival, but she broke off, sat down, calls her nobles around her, [and] orders Mr. Church to be invited into her presence. Compli- ments being paRscd, and each one taking sent, she told him [that] King Philip had sent six men of his, with two of her people,f that had been over at Mounthope,;^ to draw her into a confederacy with Plymouth, in .Tunr, by a jury, says Mather, consirting of half Indians, and halfEnglish, and brought in guilty ofthe murder. Twoofthem peiM!iting in their innocence to the end, and the third denied that he had any hand in the murder, hut aaid that be saw the othern conimU it. Perhaps he made this cunfessior. in hopes of pardon, but it «lid not save him. Mag- nalia, 11,48 iVJather places the death of Sas.< [which] • The Honourable Josiah Winslow, Esq., who was after- wards commandor in chief of the forces in tnis war. He was a son of the distinguished Mr. Edward Winslow, who was also Governour of Plymouth many years. He was born in 1629, and was the first Governor born in Newengland, which office he filled 7 years. He died 18 Dec. 1680, aged 52. t This war was called a rebellion, because the English fancied them under the King of England, but that did not make them so. As well might emigrants from the United States land on the coast of France, and because they were disputed by the inhabitants, of their right so to do, call them rebels ; yet, when the country was neither claimed nor im- proved, certainly, to take possession and improve was not wrong. Our author is by no means so lavish of ill nanios as many early writers. Hellhounds, fiends, serpents, caitifVs, dogs, &.C,, were their common appellations. The ill fame of Mather, in this respect, will be celebrated as long as the marvellous contents of the Magnalia are read. J This sentence was included in brackets in the copy but as f have appropriated that mark to my own use, 1 substi- tute the parcntbesia PHILIP'S WAR. 27 took his leave of his guard, [after bidding]* them tell their mistress, [that] if she continued steady in her dependence on the English, and kept within her own limits of Sogkonate, he would see her again quickly ; and then hastened away to Pocasset ;* where he met with Peter Nunnuit, the husband of the Q,ueenf of Pocasset, who was just then come over in a canoe from Mounthope. Peter told him that there would certainly be war, for Philip had held a dance of several weeks continuance, and had entertained the young men from all parts of the country. And added, that Philip expected to be sent for to Ply- mouth, to be examined about Sassamon's| death, who was murdered at Assawomset ponds,§ knowing him- self guilty of contriving that murder. The same Peter told him that he saw Mr. James Brown, || of 1 [and bid] * f Tiverton shore over against the north end of Rhodeisl- and.) t Weetamore or Wetamoe, " Philip's near kinswoman." Hub. 224. The same mentioned ir. another place, as " Squaw Sachem of Pocasset." She was drowned in cross- ing a river or arm of the sea at Swanzey, 6 August, 1675, by attempting to escape from a party of English. lb. 224. Her head was cut off, and set upon a pole. Ibid. i The same of whom the history is given in note S on page 21. § (Middleborough.) 7.'hree large ponds about 40 miles from Boston, and 16 from Newbedford. In passing from the latter place to the fc-iner we have the largest on the right, which ifow bears the Lame of Assawomset, or Assawamset, and two others on the left. They are all very near together. The road passe? be- tween two, separated only by a narrow neck of flat lann, about a stone's throw over. II " One of the magistrates of Plymouth jurisdiction.' Hubbard, 12. This gentleman was very active in the war, He was a magistrate between the years 1670 and 1675. Morton, 208. A minister of Swanzey is mentioned by Rla- Iher in his third clasia of Newengland ministers by this name. 1? i; I u 28 PHILIP'S WAR Swanzey,* and Mr. Samuel Gorton, f who was an interpreter, and two other men, J who brought a letter * A town on the west side of Taunton ilver in the bottom orMounthO) bay, about 15 miles from Taunton, and in the vi'*inity of Mount hope, distance by the road about 11 miles. t Accounts of this gentleman may be seen in Mo'-ton's Me- morial, 117, &c., which, perhaps, are not impartial, That author partaking of the persecuting spirit of the times, accuses nim of all manner of outrages against religion and go- vernment. " Not only," he observes, " abandoning and re- jecting all civil power and authority, (except moulded accord- ing to Aw own fancy) but belching out errours, 8ic." Seve- ral pages in that work are filled up to this eflFect. Dr. Eliot, N. E. Bio;». 227, says, " It is evident that he was not so bad a man as his enemies represented." The reader is referred to that excellent work, for an interesting account of him. Allen, also, 914, seems inclined to do him justice, and is more C articular. It appears evident that he was rather wild in is views of religion, and went too far, perhaps, in persuad- ing others to fall in with him. He came to Boston in 1638, from London, and was soon suspected of heresy, on which he was examined. But from his aptness in evading questions nothing was found agains: him. He went to Plymouth, but did not stav long there, having got into difficulty with their minister. From thence he went to Rhodeisland of his own accord; or as some say, was banished there. Here, it is said, he underwent corporeal punishment for his contempt of civil authority. Leaving this place he c(ts. See Hub. Nar. 72, 73. Hutch. I, "262. They were Rent 16 June, 1675. PHILIP'S WAR. 29 from the Governour of Plymouth to Philip. He oliserved to him Tjrther, that the young men were very eager to begin the war, and would fain have killed Mr. Brown, hut Philip prevented it; telling them that his father had charged him to show kind- ness to Mr. Brown. In short, Philip was forced to promise them, that, on the next Lord's day, when the English were gone to meeting they should rifle their houses, and from that time forward, k'U their cattle. Peter desired Mr. Church to go and see his wife, who was but [just] up the hill ;* he went and found but few of her people with her. She said they were all gone against her will to the dances, and she much feared [that] there would be a war. Mr. Church advised her to go to the island ai. I secure herself, and those that were with her, and send to the Gover- nour of Plymouth, who she knew was her friend ; and so left her, resolving to hasten to Plymouth, and wait on the Governour. And he was so expeditious that he was with the Governour early next morning. f though he waited on some of the magistrates by the way, who were of the council of war, and also met him at the Governour's. He gave them an account of his observations and discoveries, vhich confirmed their former intelligences, and hastened their prepa- ration for defence. Philip, according to his promise to his people, per- mitted them to march out of the neckj on the next Lord's day,'^ when they plundered th e nearest hou- liament. He was a minister, and a man of talents and abili- ty. Kis defence against the charges in Morton's Memorial, snows him to be a man of learning, and is worthy perusing It is in Hutchinson, Hist. Mas. I, 467 to 470. He lived to an advanced age, but the time of his death is not known. * ! conclude this hill to be that a little north of Howland's frrry. . , t'June 16. I The neck on which Bristol and Warren now are, mak- ing the ancient Pokanoket. § June 20. See Trumbull, Hist. Con. I, 827. Ibid. U States, i, 139. m ^ 30 PHILIP'S WAR. ses that the inhabitants had deserted, but as yet of' fored no violence to the people, at least none were killed.* However the alarm was given by their num- bers and hostile equipage, and by the prey they made of what they could find in the forsaken houses. An express came the same day to the Governour,f who immediately gave orders to the captains of the towns, to march the greatest part of their companies, and to rendezvous at Taunton on Monday night,J where Major Bradford was to receive them, and dis- pose them under Captain (now made Major) Cut- worthy of Scituate. The Governour desired Mr. Church to give them his company, and to use his in- terest in their behalf, with the gentlemen of Rhode- island. He complied with it, and they marched the next day. Major Bradford desired. Mr. Church, with a commanded party, consisting of English and some friend Indians, to march in the front at some distance from the main body. Their f"dcrs were to keep so far before as not to be in sight of the army. And so ♦hey did, for by the way they killed a deer, flayed, roasted, and eat the most of him before the army came up with them. But the Plymouth forces soon • But an Indian was fired npjn and wounded, which was a sufficient umbrage for them to begin the work. See Hub. Nar. 72, and Hutch. I, 261. It appears that Philip waited lor the English to begin, and to tnat end, had sunered his men to provoke them to it ; yet, it was thought that Philip tried to restrain tnem from beginning so soon, as is observed in note 1 to page i7. At this time a whimsical opinion prevailed, that the side winch first began would finally be conquered. Hutch. Ibid. t In consequence of this intelligence Governour Winslow proclaimed a fast. H.Adams, 120. {June 21. § James Cudworth, several vears a magistrate of Plymouth colony. Other historians style him Captain, but do not tike notice of this advancement. See Hubbard, Nar. 75, 79, 84 Also in the continuation of Morton, 208, where it appearii be was an assistant in the government between 1670 and lt>75. rUILIP'S WAR. "^ arrived at Swanzey,* and were chiefly posted at Mn- jor Browu'sf and Mr. Miles'J garrisons, and wure there soon joined with those that came from Massa- chusetts, who had entered into a confederacy with their Plymouth brethren against the perfidious hea- thens. The enemy, who began their liostilities with plun- dering and destroying cattle,^ did not long content themselves with that game ; they thirsted for English blood, and they soon broached it ; killing two men in the way not far from Mr. Miles' garrison, and •Whether the Plymouth forces were at Swanzey when the first English were killed does not appear, thoug.i it is presumed that they were not. We are certain that they had suflicient time to arrive there. It appears from the text that they marched from Plymouth on Monday, which was the 21 June, and the first English were killed the 24. The author seems to be a little before his story concerning the Massachusetts' men, for we know that they did not ar- rive till the 28 June, and their arrival is related before the first men were killed. Dr. Morse, in his late history of the Revolution, has run over this history without any regard to dates. Nor has he thought it worth his while to tell us there ever was such an author as Church, but copies from him as though it were his own work, which, at best he makes a mutilated masa. t Sec note 5 on page 27. {The Rev. John Miles, as I find in Allen, Biog. 429 was minister of the first Baptist church in Massachusetts ; (hat in 1649 he was a settled minister near Swansea in South Wales. Hcncp, perhaps, the name of Swanzey in Mass. is derived.- Mr. Miles being ej'^cted in 1632, came to this country, and formed a church at Rehoboth. He removed to Swanzey a few years after, which town was granted to the baptists by the government of Plymouth. Hutchinson, 1, 209, sjjeaks of him as a man discovering christian unity, &c. He died in 1683. § It appears that an Indian \ as wounded while in the act of killing cattle ; or as tradition informs us, the Indian who was wounded, after ■cilling some animals in a man's field, wont to his house and demanded lin'ior, and being reiused attempted to take it by violence, threatening at the same time to be revenged for such usa<>;e, this caused the English- man to fire on him. M X S3 PHILIP'S WAR. \:. Boon after eight more* at Matapoiset :f Upon whose bodies they exercised more than brutish barburiti<;s ; beheading, dismembering and mangling thetn, and exposing them in the most inhuman manner, which gtu^hed and ghostly objects struck a damp on all be- Jiolders.J The enemy flushed with these exploits, grew yet bolder, and skulking every where in the bushes, shot at all passengers, and killed many that ventured abroad. They came so near as to shoot two sen- tinels at Mr. Miles' garrison, under the very noses of our forces. These provocations drew out [ — J* some of Captain Prentice's troops,§ who desired they might have liberty to go out and seek the ene- my in their own quarters. Quartermasters (iill and Belcherjl commanded the parties drawn out, who earnestly desired Mr. Church's company. They pro- vided him a horse and furniture, (his own being out of the way.) He readily complied with their desires, and was soon mounted. This party was no sooner over Miles' bridge,ir but were fired upon by an am- 1 [the resentment of] • It was the same day, 24 June, on Thursday, being a fa^t, appointed by the Governour of Plymouth, on hearing what took place the 90. See H. Adam's Hist. N. England, 120. At Itehoboth a man was fired upon the same day. Hutchinson, 1,261. t (In Swanzey.) Several places bore this name. The word is now general- ly pronounced Matapois. It appears too, that the pron-inci ation tended thus, at first, as I find it spelt in Winslow's Nar rative, Matapuyst. See Belknap, Biog. II, 292. t The sight must have been dreadful, but yet, it did not hinder the English from the like foul deeds. Weetamore's head was cut olT and set upon a pole. See note 2 on page '27. § Capt. Thomas Prentice of the Boston troops. Twelve was the number that went over at this time. Hubbard, 75 Hutchinson, I, 262. II Hubbard, 75, calls him Corporal Belcher. He makes no mention of any person by the name of Gill. IT There is a bridge over Palmer's river, which bears this name. It is about 4 miles north of Warren. PHILIP'9 WAR. 3a buscade of about a dozen Indians, as they were af- terward discovered to be. When they drew off, the pilot* was mortally wounded, Mr. Belcher received a shot in his knee, and his horse was killed under him. Mr. Gill was struck with a musket ball on the side of his body ; but being clad with a buff coat,f ond some thickness of paper under it, it never broke his skin.t The troopers were surprised to see both their commanders wounded p.nd wheeled off; but Mr. Church persuaded, at length stormed and stamp- ed, and told them it was a shame to run, and leave a wounded man there to become a prey to the barbarous enemy ; for the pilot yet sat on his horse, though amazed with the shot as not to have sense to guide him. Mr. Gill seconded him, and offered, though much disabled, to assist in bringing him off. Mr. Church asked a stranger, who gave him his com- pany in that action, if he would go with him and fetch off the wounded man. He readily consented, and they with Mr. Gill went ; but the wounded man fainted, and fell off his horse before they came to him. But Mr. Church and the stranger dismounted, took up the man, dead, and laid him before Mr. Gill on his horse. Mr. Church told the other two, [that] if they would take care of the dead man, he would go and fetch his horse back, which was going off the cause- way toward the enemy ; but before he got over the causeway he saw the enemy run to the right into the neck. He brought back the horse, and called ear- nestly and repeatedly to the army to come over and fight the enemy ; and while he stood calling and persuading, the skulking enemy returned to their old stand, and all discharged their guns at him at one clap ; [and] though every shot missed him, yet, one • William Hammond. t A bulf coat, and kind of cuirassior breastplate of iron or steel fcrm«>d their armour ; swords, carabines, and pistols, their weapons. t June 28. This action took place the same day that the other traops arrived g 3 ;S^ u PHILIP'S WAR. 1 ■ of the army on the other side of the river, received one of the balls in his foot. Mr. Church now began, (no succour coming to him) to think it time to retreat. Saying. **The Lord have mercy on uj», if such a hnndful of Indians sholl thus dare such an army."* Upon this it was immediately resolved, and orders were given to march down into the P"ck,f and hav- ing passed the '-idge and causeway, the direction wns to extend both wmgs, which not being well heed- ed by those that remained in the centre, some of them mistook their friends for their enemies,| and made a fire upon them in the right wing, and wound- ed that noble heroick youth. Ensign Savage, in the thigh,§ but it happily proved but u flesh wound. They marched until they came to the narrow of the ner.k, at a place called Keekamuit,!! where they took down • Thus ended the 28 June, 1C75, according to Hubbard, 75 ; but by the text, the next transaction would seem under the same date, which from the fact that most of the army did not arrive until af\er noon, and that the action did not take place until it had arrived, it is plain that it was not. Hutch- inson, I, 262, is as indistinct with regard to the dates in uuestion, as our author, but Holmes considered it as I do. Annals, I, 421. The next morning, Hubbard, 75, says, that the Indians, at half a mile's distance, shouted twice or thrice, and 9 or 10 showing themselves at the bridge, the army immediately went in pursuit of them. t June 29. X I cannot find as any historian takes notice of this bad management of the army. The reason is obvious as Hub- bard says nothing of it, whom they all follow. Hence it ap- pears that Savage was wounded by his own companiofis, and not by 10 or 12 of the enemy discharging upon nim at once Sec next note. § " He had at that time one bullet lodged in his thigh, another shot through the brim of his hat, by ten or twelve of the enemy discharging upon him together, while he bold- ly held up his colours in the front of his company." Hubbard, 76. Our author or Mr. Hubbard is in a great mistake about the manner in which he was wounded, but the former ought not to be mistaken. II (Upper part of Bristol.) Now the upper part of Warren, whicli has been taken PHILIP'S WAR. v^a the heads of eight Englishmen that were killed at the head of Matapoiset neck, and set upon poles, afler the barbarous manner of those savages. There Philip had staved all his drums and conveyed all his canoes to the east side of Matapoiset river. Hence it was concluded by those, that were acquainted with the motions of those people, that they had quitted thu neck. Mr. Church told them that Philip was doubt- less gone over to Pocasset side to engage those In- dians in a rebellion with him, which they soon found to be true. The enemy were not really beaten out of Mounthope neck, though it was true [that] they fled from thence ; yet it was before any pursued them. It was but to strengthen themselves, and to gain a more advantageous post. However, some, and not a few, pleased themselves with the fancy of a mighty conquest. A grand council was held, and a resolve passed, to build V fort there, to maintain the first ground they had gained, by the Indians leaving it to them. And to speak the truth, it must be said, that as they gained not that field bv their sword, nor their bow, so it was rather their fear than their courage that obliged them to set up the marks of their conquest.* Mr. Church looked upon it, and talked of it with contempt, and urged hard the pursuing [of] the en- emy on Pocasset side; and with the greater earnest- ness; because of the promise made to Awashonks, be- fore mentioned. The council adjourned themselves from Mount- from Bristol. It is called on the map of RhoHeisland, Kicke- muet, or rather the bay which makes this neck on one side, is so called. Warren river makes the other side. •Major Savage and Major Cudworth commanded the forces in this expedition, at whom, of course, this reflection is directed. But chiefly, I suppose, at Major Cudworth: For I find, Hubbard, 79, that Captain Cudworth, as he de- nominates him, " left a garrison of 40 men upon Mount- hope nerk," which is all that he says about this fort. i\ 36 PHILIP'S WAR. hope to Rehoboth,* where Mr. Treasurer South- worth, being weary of Win charge of Couimissary General, (provision being scarce and diflicult to be obtained for the army,f that now lay still to co- ver the people from nobody, while they were build- ing a fort for nothing) retired, and the power and trouble of that post was left to Mr. Church, who still urged the commanding ofHcers to move over to Pocasset side, to pursue the enemy and kill Philip, which would in his opinion be more probable to keep possession of the neck, than to tarry to build a fort.t He was still restless on that side of the river, and the rather, because of his promise to the squaw Sa- chem of Sogkonate. And Captain Fuller^ also urg- ed the same, until at length there came further or- * A town in Massachusetts, about 10 miles from where they then were, and about 38 from Boston. t Hubbard ^ays, 77, that the forces under Major Savage returned to Swanzey, and those under Capt. Cudworth pass- ed over to Rhodeisfand the same day, as the weather looked likely to be tempestuous, and that night there fell abundance of rain. But it is presumed that Captain Cutlworth soon re- turned to build said fort, as be arrived at Swanzey the 5 July. J While these things were passine, Capt. Hutchinson was despatched with a letter from the Governour of Massachu- setts, bearing date July 4, 1675, constituting him commis- sioner to treat with the Narragansets, who now seem openly to declare for Philip. He arrived the 5 at Swanzey, and on the 6, a consultation was held, wherein it .ras resolved "to treat with the Narragansets sword in ha;id." Accordingly the forces marched info their country, and after several cere- monious days, a treaty, as long as it was u>;eless, was signed on the 15. It may be seen at large in Hubbard, Nar. 81 to 88, and Hutchinson, I, 26.S, 264. By which the Narragan- sets agreed, to harbour none of Philip'a people, Sic. ; ad which was only forced upon them, and they regarded it no longer than the army was present. The army then returned to Taunton, 17 June. ^ I learn nothing more of this gentleman than is found in this history. The name is common in Massachusetts and elsewhere. He had 6 tiles each containing 6 men, therefore t'»eir whole number consisted of 86 men only. PHILIP'S WAK, m Acts* concerning the fort, and witlml an order for Captain Fuller with six files to cross the river to the side so much insisted on, and to try if ho could set speech with any of the Pocasset or Soffkonito In- dians, and that Mr. Church should go [as] his second. Upon the Captain's receiving his orders, he asked Mr. Church whether he were willing to engage in this enterprise ; to whom it was indeed too agreeable to be declined; though he thought the enterprise was iia/.ard()U8 enough for them to have [had] more men iissigncd them. Cuptuin Fuller told him, that for lii.s own part, he was grown ancient and heavy, [and] lie feared the travel and fatigue would be too much for him. But Mr. Church urged him, and told him [that] he would cheerfully excuse him his hardship and travel, and take that part to himself, if he might but go ; for he had rather do any thing in the world, than to stay there to build the fort. Then they drew out the number assigned them, and marched the same nightf to the ferry,J and were • From Major Cudworth, who did not go with the rest of tI)G army into the country of the Narragansets. Hub. 84. t No 'author that I have seen, excepting Mr. Hubbard, fixes any date to this memorable part of Phihp's IVar. Nei- ther Hutchinson nor Trumbull takes any notice of it. Hub- bard, 84, says, "Upon Thursday, July 7, Captain Fuller and Lieutenant Churcn went into Pocasset to seek after the ene- my," &.C. But he is in an errour about the day of the week or month, and perhaps both : for I find that the 7 July falls on Wednesday ; an errour wnich might easily have happened in some former edition of his Narrative. Though this scru- tiny may seem unimportant, yet, the transaction, it must be allowed, merits particular attention ; for histoiy without chronology may oe compared to the trackless desert over which we may wander in vain for relief. Most authors since Mr. Hubbard's time, pass lightly over this event, and either think it not worth fixing a date to, or doubting the authority of Mr. Hubbard. But I am inducedto believe, that the day of the month is right, and that the day of the week is wrong. If this be the case, we are able to fix the date of the battle of tlic Peasfield on July 9. t Bristol ferry. ■I' 38 PHILIP'S WAR, :\ (I } transported to Rhodeisland, from whence, the next night they got passage over to Pocasset side in Rhode- island boats, and concluded there to dispose them- selves in two ambusca^ies before day, hoping to sur- prise some of the enemy by their falling into one or other of their ambushments. But Captain Fuller's party being troubled with the epidemical plague of lust after tobacco, must needs strike fire to smoke it.* And thereby discovered themselves to a party of the enemy coming up to them, who immediately fled with great precipitation. This ambuscade drew off about break of day, per- ceiving [that] they were discovered, the other con- tinued in their post until the time assigned them, and the light and heat of the sun rendered their sta- tion both insignificant and troublesome, and then re- turned unto the place of rendezvous ; where they were acquainted with the other party's disappoint- ment, and the occasion of it. Mr. Church calls for the breakfast he had ordered to be brought over in the boat, but the man that had the charge of it, con- fessed that he was asleep when the boat's men call- ed him, and in haste came away and never thought of it. It happened that Mr. Church had a few cakes of rusk m his pocket, that Madam Cranston, f (the * It is customary with many to this day in Rhodeisland, to use this phrase. If a person tells another that he smoked to- bacco at any particular time, he will say that he smoked it, or " / have smokt it." 1 1 am sorry to acknowledge the want of information of so conspicuous a character as a Govcrnotir of Rhodeisland, hut the histories of Newengland do not tell us there ever was such a Governour. Probably the town of Cranston perpetu- ates his name. From Allen, Biog. 196, it appears that Mr. William Coddington was Governour this year, 1675 ; vet there may be no mistake in the text, though this name has been written with variation. From Trumbull's Conn. I, 856, I find that "John Cranston, Esq., Governour of Rhodeisland, [in 1679] held a court in Narraganset, in Sep- tember, and made attempts to introduce the authority and officers of Rhodeisland, into that part of Connecticut. The general assembly therefore, in October, protested against 1 'I PHILIP'S WAR. 39 to to- it, ■i: Governour's Lady of Rhodeisland) gave him when he came oft" the island, which he divided among the company, which was all the provisions they had. Mr. Church after their slender breakfast, proposed to Captain Fuller, that he would march in quest of the enemy, with such of the company as would be Jvilling to march with him, which he complied with, though with a great deal of scruple ; because of his small numbers, and the extreme hazard he foresaw must attend them.* But some of the company reflected upon Mr. Church, that notwithstanding his talk on the other side of the river, he iiad not shown them any In- dians since they came over ; which now moved him to tell them, that, if it were their desire to see In- dians, he believed he should now soon show them what they should say was enough. The number allowed hin. p soon drew ofl" to him, vtrhich could not be many ; because their whole com- pajiy consisted of no more than thirty-six. They moved towards Sogkonate, until they came to the brookf that runs into Nunnaquahqat§ neck where they discovered a fresh and plain track, which nis usurpation, and declared his acts to be utterly void." Thus the spirit of feeling between the two colonies at this period is discovered. * Captain Fuller had not proceeded far, before he fell in with a large number of the enemy, but fortunately he was in the vicinity of the water, and more fortunately, near an old house, in which he sheltered himself and men until a vessel discovered and conveyed them off, with no other loss, than having two men wounded. He had 17 men in his com- pany. t Nineteen. Hubbard, 85, says', that Mr. Church had not above 15 men. ± This brook is that which empties into the bay nearly a mile southward from Howland's ferry. The road to Little Compton, here, follows the shore of the bay, and crosses said brooK where it meets the bay. § Now called Quaucut, a small strait near the brook just mentioned. m PHILIP'S WAR. they concluded to be from the great pine swamp, about a mile from the road that leads to Sogkonate. *' Now," says Mr. Church, to his men, " if we follow this track; no doubt but we shall soon see Indians enough." They expressed their willingness to fol- low the track, and moved [on] in it ; but [they] had not gone far, before one of them narrowly escaped being bit with a rattlesnake ; and the woods that the track led them through was haunted much with those snakes, which the little company seemed more to be afraid of, than the black serpents they were in quest of; and therefore bent their course anothei way to a place where they thought it probable to find some of the enemy. Had they kept the track to the pine swamp, they had been certain of meet- ing Indians enough, but not so certain that any of them should have returned to give [an] account how many. Now they passed down into Punkatees* neck, and in their march discovered a large wigwam full of Indian truck, which the soldiers were for loading themselves with, until Mr. Church forbid it ; telling them they might expect soon to have tiieir hand? full and business without caring for plunder. Then crossing the head of the creek into the neck, they again discovered fresh Indian tracks ; [which had] very lately passed before them into the neck. They then got privately and undiscovered unto the fence of Captain Almy'sf peas field, and divided into two parties; Mr. Church keeping the one party with • A point of land running south nearly two miles between the bay and Little Compton, and a little more than a mile wide. On Lockwood's map of Rhodeisland it is called Pun- catest. It is the southern extremity of Tiverton, and has been known by the name of Poca'uet neck. t Captain John Almy, who lived on Rhodeisland ; the same, I presume, mentioned in the beginning of this history. I'he land is now owned by people of the same name, and Mr. Sanford Almy, an aged gentleman, lives near the spot. PHILIP'S WAR. ■m himself, sent the other with Lake,* who was ac- quainted with the ground, on the other side. Two Indians were soon discovered coming out of the peas field towards them, when Mr. Church and those that were with him, concealed themselves from them by falling flat on the ground, but the other division, not using the same catition, was seen by the enemy, wliich occasioned them to run, which, when Mr. Church perceived, he showed himself to them, and called ; telling them he desired but to speak with them, and would not hurt them. But they ran and Church pursued. The Indians climbed over a fence, and one of them facing about, discharged his piece, but without effect, on the English. One of the Eng- lish soldiers ran up to the fence and fired upon him that had discharged his piece, and they concluded by the yelling they heard, that the Indian was wound- ed. But the Indians soon got into the thickets, whence they saw them no more for the present. Mr. Church then marching over a plane piece of ground where the woods were very thick on one side, ordered his little company to march at a double distance to make as big a show, (if they should be discovered,) as might be. But before they saw any body they were saluted with a volley of fifty or six- ty guns. Some bullets came very surprisingly near Mr. Church, who starting, looked behind him to see what was become of his men. expecting to have seen half of them dead ; but seeing them all upon their legs, and briskly firmg at the smokes of the enemies' guns ; (for that was all that was then to be seen.)f He blessed God, and called to his men * As the name of Lake is not mentioned any where else in this history, I cannot determine who this was. t This was indeed very remarkable, as it appears tnat nothing prevented the Inclians from taking delibei ate aim. The truth of the text must not be doubted, but certainty Jove never worked a greater miracli:! in favour of the '1 rujaws at the siege of Troy, than Hes^-er now did fur our beroes. ll- M i , 42 PHILIP'S WAR. not to discharge all their guns at once, lest the ene- my should take the advantage of such an opportuni- ty to run upon them with their hatchets. Their next motion was immediately into the peas field,* When they -lame to the fence, Mr. Church bid as many as had not discharged their guns to clap under the fence and lie close, while the others, at some distance in the field, stood to charge ; hop- ing, that if the enemy should creep to the fence, (to gain a shot at those that were charging their guns,) they might be surprised by those that lie un- der the fence. But casting his eyes to the side of the hill above them, the hill seemed to move, being covered over with Indians, with their bright guns glittering in the sun, and running in a circumference with a design to surround them. Seeing such multitudes surrounding him and his little company, it put him upon thinking what was l)ecome of the boats that were irdered to attend him, and looking up, he spied tht m ashore at Sandy- point,! on the island side of he river,J with a num- ber of horse and foot b;^ t..om, and wondered what should be the occasion ; until he was afterwards in- formed that the boats had been over that morning from the island, and had landed a party of men at Fogland, that were designed in Punkatees peck to fetch off some cattle and horses, but were am- • (Tiverton shore about half a mile above Fogland ferry.) The situation of Punkatees is given in a preceding note. It contains nearly two square miles, and it is sufficient tu know that it contained the ground on which this battle was fought. t There are two Sandy points on the Rhodeisland shore, jne above and the other below Fogland ferry; this was that above. Fogland terry connects the island with Punkatees and is near the middle of it. I The bay is meant. It being narrow, or from three fourths to a mile wide, is sometimes called a river, and in the old charters, Narraganset river. See Douglass, I, 398. PHILIP'S WAR. 43 buscaded, and many of them wounded by the ene- my.* Now our gentleman's courage and conduct were both put to the test. He encouraged his men, and orders some to run and take a wall for shelter be- fore the enemy gained' it. It was time for them new to think of escaping if they knew which way. Mr. Church orders his men i strip to their white shirts, that the islanders might discover them to be Eng- lishmen, and then orders three guns to be fired dis- tinctly, hoping [that] it might be observed by their friends on the opposite shore. The men that were ordered to take the wall being very hungry, stop- ped a while among the peas to gather a few, be- ing about four rods from the wall. The enemy from behind, hailed them with a shower of bullets. But soon all but one came tumbling over an old hedge, down the bank, where Mr. Church and the rest were, and told him, that his brother, B. Southworth,f who was the man that was missing, was killed ; that they saw him fall. And so they did indeed see him fall, but it was without a shot, and lay no longer than till he had an opportunity to clap a bullet into one ot the enemies' foreheads, and then came running to his company. The meanness of the English powder was now their greatest misfortune. When they were imme- diately upon this beset with multitudes of Indians, who possessed themselves of every rock, stump, tree or fence, that was in sight, firing upon them without * It is mentioned in a later part of this history, that Mr. Church's servant was wounded at Pocasset, while there after cattle. This is the time alluded to. Hubbard, 86, says that " five men coming from Rhodeisland, to look up their cattle upon Pocasset neck, were assaulted by tho same Indians ; one of the five was Captain Church's servant, v.ho had his leg broken in the skirmish, the rest hardly escaping t, :th their lives j" and, that " this was the first time that ever ar^y mischief was done by the Indians upon Pocasset neck.' This was on the same day of the battle of Punkaiees. t Brother in law to Mr. Church. 44 PHILIP'S WAR. censing , while they had no rther shelter but a small bank, and bit of a water fence. ''^ And yet, to add to the disadvantage of this little handful of distressed men. the Indians alsc possessed themselves of the ruins of a stone house, that overlooked them. So that, now, they had no way to prevent lying quite open to some or other of the enemy, but to heap up stones before them, as they did ; und still bravely and won- derfully defended themselves against all the num- bers of the enemy. ^^t length came over one of the boats from the isl- 'and shore, but the enemy plied their shot so warmly to her, as mac'e her keep at some distance. Mr. Church desired them to send their canoe ashore, to fetch them on board ; but no persuasions nor argu- ments could prevail with them to bring their canoe to siiore ; which some of Mr. Church's men per- ceiving, began to cry out, for God's sake to take Ihem off, for iheir ammunition was sp.'^nt! &c. Mr. Church being sensible of the danger of the enemy's hearing their complaints, and being made acquaint- ed with the weakness and scantiness of their ammuni- tion, fiercely called to the boat's master, and bid him either send his canoe ashore, or else be gone presently, or he would fire upon him. Away goes the boat, and leaves them still to shift for themselves. But then another difficulty arose; the enemy, seeing the boat leave tliem, were reani- mated, and fired thicker and faster than ever. Up- on which, some of the men, that were lightest of foot, began to talk of attempting an escape by flight, un- al Mr. Church solidly convinced them of the im- practicablenest of it, and encouraged them yet. [He] told them, that he had observed so much of the re- markable, end wonderful providence of God, [in] • This ir.deed will compare with Lovewell's Fight. That hero, to prevent being quite encompasHed, retreated to tilo »hore of a pond The paiticulars of which will be found m the continuatiou of thisnistory. See A ppendix, XI. ■ X IffDMJf PREPARlffO TO FIRE FROM BEHIJfD Jl TREE. P. 44. PLILIP'S WAR. 45 hitherto preserving them, that it encouraged him to believe, with much confidence, that God would yet preserve them ; that not a hair of their heads should fall to the ground ; bid them be patient, courageous, and prudently sparing of their acnmunition, and he made no doubt but they should come well otf yet, &c. [Thus] until his little army again resolved, one and all, to stay with, and stick by him. One of them, by Mr. Church's order, was pitching a flat Btone up on end before him in the sand, when a bul- let from the enemy with a full force, struck the stone while he was pitching it on end, which put the poor fellow to a miserable start, till Mr. Church called upon him to observe how God directed the bullets, that the enemy could not hit him when in the same place, [and] yet could hit the stone as it '«'"s erected. While they were thus makmg the best defence they could against their numerous enemies, th.-it made the woods ring with their constant yelling and shouting. And night coming on, somebody told Mr. Church, [that] they spied a sloop up the river as far as Goldisland,* that seemed to be coming down towards them. He looked up and told them, that, succour was now coming, for he believed it was Captain Golding,f whom he knew to be a man for business, and would certainly fetch them off if he came. The wind being fair, the vessel was soon with them, and Captain Golding it was. Mr. Church (as soon as they came to speak with one another) desired him to come to anchor at such a distance from the shore, that he might veer out his cable, and ride afloat ; and let slip his canoe, ♦hat it might * A very small ledgy island a little to the south of the stone bridge, near the middle of the stream, and about 4 or 6 miles from where they were. 1 1 find nothing relating to this gentleman excepting what IS found in this history. We may infer that he was a man ol worth and eonlidence, by Mr. Church's entrusting iiim with di\ imj'or'ant post at the fight when Philip was Liilcd. 46 PHILIP'S WAR. drive a shore ; which directions Captain Golding observed. But the enemy gave him such a warm salute, that his sails, colours and stern were full of builet holes. The canoe came ashore, but was so small that she would not bear above two men at a time ; and when two were got aboard they turned her loose to drive a shore for two more. And the sloop's compa- ny kept the Indians in play the while. But when at last it came to Mr. Church's turn to go aboard, he had left his hot and cutlass at the well, where he went to drink when he first came down ; he told his company, [that] he would never go off and leave ' his hat ai;d cutlass for the Indians, [that] they should never have that to reflect upon him. Though he was much dissuaded from it, yet he would go and fetch them. He put all the powder he had left into his gun, (and a poor charge it was) and went pre- senting his gun at the enemy, until he took up what he went for. At his return he discharged his gun at the enemy, to bid them farewell for that time; but had not powder enough to carry the bullet half way to them. Two bullets from the enemy struck the canoe as he went on board, one grazed the hair of his head a little before, another stuck in a small stake that stood right against the middle of his breast.* Now this geritleman with his army^ making in all twenty men, himself and his pilot being numbered with them, got all safe on board, after six hours en- gagement with three hundred Indians; [of] whose numbers we were told afterwards by some of them- • The lofty and elegant lines of Barlow, on the conduct of Gen. Putnam at the battle of Bunker's hill, will admirably apply to our hero. <* There strides bold Putnam, and from all the plaint Calls the tired troops, the tardy rear sustains, k And mid the whizzinf; balls that the cove that lios southwest from the Mount where orders were given for a halt. Tiie coinmiinder in chief told them [that] ho thouirht it prop»!r to tiiko ndvice before lie went any further ; called Mr. Church nnd the pilot and asked them how they knew that Philip and all his men were not by that time got to Weetamore's camp; or that all her own men were not by that time returned to her again, with many more frightful questions. Mr. Church told him [that] they had acciuainted him with as much us they Knew, and that for his part he could discover nothing tluit need to discourage them from proceed- ing; that he thought it so practicable, that he with the pilot, would willingly lead the way to the spot, and ha/.ard the brunt. But the chief commander in- sisted on this, that the enemy's numbers were so great, and he did not know what numbers moro might bo added unto them by that time ; and his company so small, that he could not think it practi- cable to attack them ; adding moreover, that if ho were sure of killing all the enemy and knew that ho must lose the life of one of his men in the action, he would not attempt it. " Pray sir, then," replied Mr. Church, [ — ]' " lead your company to yonder windmill on Ilhodeisland, and there they will be out of danger of being killed by the enemy, and we shall have less trouble to supply them with provi- sions."* But return he would and did unto the gar- rison until more strength came to them, and a sloop to transport them to Fallriver,f in order to visit Weetamore's camp. 1 [Please to.] •The action related in the next paragraph was not until they returned ; thoiigii it might be uoderstood that Church went " out on a discovery" before. t ^Soiith part of Freetown.) It IS in the town of Troy, which was taken from Freetown. Fallriver is a local name, derived from a stream that empties into the bay about a mile above Tiverton line. Probably no place in th-^ United States contains so many factories in no small a coinjiass as this. I PmUP'S WAR. 49 —Mr. Church, one Baxter, and Captain Hunter, nn Indian, proffered to go out on the discovery on the left wing, which was accepted. They had not marched above a quarter of a mile before they start- ed three of the enemy. Captain Hunter wounded one of them in the knee, who when he came up [to him] he discovered to be his near kinsman. 1 he captive desired favour for his squaw, if she should fall into their hands, but asked none for himself; ex- cepting the liberty of taking a whiff of tobacco; and while he was taking his whiff his kinsman, with one blow of his hatchet, despatched him. Proceeding to Weetamore's camp they were dis- covered by one of the enemy, who ran in and gave information. Upon which a lusty young fellow left his meat upon his spit,* running hastily out, told his companions [that] he would kill an Englishman be- fore he ate his dinner; but f .led of his design; being no sooner out than shot down. The enemies' fires, and what shelter they had, were by the edge of a thick cedar swamp, into which on this alarm they betook themselves, and the English as nimbly pursu- ed; but were soon commanded back by their chief- tain, [but not until]' they were come within [the] hearing of the cries of their women and children; and so ended that exploit. But returning to their sloop the enemy pursued them, and wounded two of their men. l*^he next day they returned to the Mounthope garrison, f "[after] * (Probably a wooden spit) t These operations took up about four or five days, hence we have arrived to the 13 or 14 July. In the course of which lime, fourteen or fifteen of the enemy were killed. See Hubbard, 87. Holmes, I, 422. These individual efforts were of far more consequence than the manoeuvres of the main army during the same time ; yet Hutchinson, H. Adams, and some others sinc^t thought them not worth mention- ing. 4 ii-— 50 PmUP'S WAR. I • Soon after th' was Philip's headquarters visited* by some other English forces, but Philip, and his gang had the very fortune to escape, that Weetamore and hers (but now mentioned) had. They tooit into a swamp, and their pursuers were commanded back. After this Dartinouth'sf distresses required succour, [a] great part of the town being laid desolate, and many of the inhabitants killed. The most of Ply- * A particular (iceouiit of this affiiir from our autiior, would have been gratily ; g. liut must other historians before and since him, have been t'nborate upon it. In consequence of tlie intelligence gained by Mr. Church, the army, after finisliing the treaty with the Nanagansets, before named, moved to Taunton, where they arrived the 17 July, in the evening; and on the 18, marched to attiick Philip, who v/us now in a great swamp, adjacent to, and on the east side of Taunton river. The army did not arrive until late in the day, but soon entered resolutely into the swamp. The underwood was thick, and the foe could not be seen. The first tli.it entered were shot down, but the rest rushing on, soon forced them from tiieir hiding places, and took possession of their wigwams, about 100 in number. Night coming on, each w;is in danger from his fellow; firing at every busli that seemed to shake. A retrect was now ordered. Conclud- ing that Philip was safely hemmed in, the Massachusetts forces marched to Boston, and the Connecticut troops, being the greatest sufferers, returned home ; leaving those of Plymouth to starve out the enemy. Trumbull's Cotuiecticut, I, 332. Jbid. U. S. I, 140. This movement of the army has been very much censured. Had they pressed upon the enemy the next day, it is thought they would have been e:isily subdued. But Philip and his warriours, on the 1 August, before day, passed the ri\er on rafts, and in great triumph, marched "tf into the country of the NipmucKs. About 16 of the English were killed. Ibid. Mather, II, 488, says that Philip left a liuiulred of his people behind who fell into the hands of the Englisii. It is said that Philip had a brother killed in this fight, wiio was a chief Captiiin, and had been educated at Harvard College. Hutch. I, 265. f That part of Dartmouth which was destroyed is about 6 miles S. W. from Newbedford, and known by the name of Aponaganset. The early histories give us no particulars about the afi'air, and few mention it at all. Many of the inhabitants moved to Rhodeisland. Middleborough, then called Neniasket, about this time was mostly burned; probably, while the tu'aty was concluding with the Narr.iganseta. riiiup's WAii. 51 mouth forces were ordered thither. And coming to Russell's garrison* at Ponaganset.f they met with a number ot' the enemy, that had surrendered them- selves prisoners on terms promised by Captain Eels ot' the garrison, and Ralph Earl,J who persuaded them (by a friend Indian he had employed) to come in. And had their promise to the Indians been kept, and the Indians fuirly treated, it ?s probable that, * The cellars of this old garrison are still to be seen. They are on the north b.ink of Aponagunset about a mile from its mouth. I was infr^rmed b; an inhabitant on the spot, that considerable manoeuvri;'g went on here in those days. The Indians liad a fort on tli'A opposito <^ide of the river, and used to sluiw themselves, and a«.*- al' niainer of mockery, to aggra- vate the EnglisU; they being at nore than a common gunshot off. At one time one made his appearance, and turned his oacksidc in deliance, as usual ; but some one having an uncommonly long gun iircd upon him and put an end to his mimickry. A similar story is told by the people of Middleborough, which took place a little north of the town house, across the Nemasket. The distance of the former does not render the story so improbable as that of the latter, but circumstances are more authentick. The gun is still shown which performed the astonishing feat. The distance, some say is nearly half a mile, which is considerable ground of improbability. That a circumstance of this kind occurred at both these places, too, is a doubt. But it is true that a fight did tiike place across the river at Middleborough. The Indians came to the river and burned a grist mill which stood near the present site of the lower factory, and soon after drew off. The affair has been acted over by the inhabitants as a celebration not many years since. f (In Dartmcnth.) The word is generally pronounced as it is spelled in the text, but is always, especially of late, written Aponaganset. Mr. Douglass, it appears learned this name Polyganset, when he took a survey of trie country. See 'lis Summary, I, 403. 1 1 can find no mention of these two gentlemen in any of the histories. But their names are sufficiently immortilized by their conduct in opposing the diabolical acts of government for selling prisoners as slaves. It is possible that they might decline serving anymore in the war, alter being so mui;h abused; and hence were not noticed by the historians, who also pass over tliis black page of our history as lightly us possible. 52 PHILIP'S WAR. most, if not all, the Indians in those parts had soon followed the example of those, who had now surren- dered themselves, which would have been a good step towards finishing the war. But in spite of all that Captain Eels, Church or Earl could say, argue, plead or beg, somebody else that had more power in their hands, improved it. And without any regard to the promises made them on their surrendering them- selves, they were carried away to Plymouth, there sold, and transported out cf the country, being about eight score persons.* An action so hateful to Mr. Church, that he opposed it, to the loss of the good will and respects of some that before were his good friends. But while these things were acting at Dartmouth, Philip made his esaape;t leaving his country, fled over Taunton river, and Rehoboth plain, and Patux- etj river, where Captain Edmunds§ of Providence, made some spoil upon him, and had probably done more, but was prevented by the coming of a superi- our officer, that put him by.|| ♦With regret it is mentioned that the venernble John Win- throp was Governour of Connecticut, (Connecticut and Newhaven now forming but one colony) the Hon. John Lcverett of Massachusetts, and the Hon. Joslah Winslow of Plymouth. Rhodeisland, because they chose freedom rather thiin''s.'averi/, had not been admitted into the Union. From this history it would seem that one Cranston was Governour of Rhode- island at this time; but that colony appears not to be implicated in this as well as many other acts of maleudniinistration. See note 2 on page 38. t An account of which is given in note 1, page 60. I Douglass wrote this word Patuket, as it is now pronounced. Summary, 1, 400. It is now often written Putuxet. It is Black- stone river, or was so called formerly. 51 find no other account of this officer in the Indian wars, only what is hinted at in this history; from which it appears that he was more than once employed, and was in the easU em war. II Hubbard, 91, says that Philip had about thirty of his party killed; but he takes no notice of Caj)!. Edmunds' being piU by. He said that Capt. Henchman cnnie up to then* PHILIP'S WAR. .&3 And now another fort was built at Pocasset,* that proved as troublesome and chargeable as that at Mounthope ; and the remainder ot the summer was improved in providing for the forts and forces there maintained; while our enemies were fled some hun- dreds cf miles into the country near as far as Alba- ny-t but not till the skirmish was over. "But why Philip was followed no further," he says, is better to susp-./zid than too criti- cally to inquire into." Hence we may conclude that the pursuit was countermanded by Capt. Henchman, who when too late followed Jifter the enemy without any success. *The fort here meant was built to prevent Philip's escape from the swamp before mentiou'jd. See note 1, on page 60. Mr. Church appears early to have seen the folly of fort building under such circumstances. While that at Mounthope Wiis building, he had seen Philip gaining time; and while this was building to confine him to a swamp, he was marching off in triumph. f Here appears a large chasm in our history including about four months, namely, from the escape of Philip on the 1 August, to December; during which time many circumstances transpired worthy of notice, and necessary to render this history more perfect. Mr. Church appears to have quitted the war, and is, perhaps, with his family. Philip having taken up his residence among the Nipmucks or Nipnets, did not fail to engiige them in his cause. On the 14 .Tuly a party killed 4 or 5 people at Mendon a town 37 miles southwest of Boston. August 2, Capt. Hutchinson with 20 horsemen went to re- new the treaty with those Indians at a place appointed, near Quabaog, (now Brookfield) a town about 60 miles nearly west from Boston; but on arriving at the place appointed, the Indians did not appear. So he proceeded 4 or 5 miles beyond, towards their chief town, when all at once, some hun- dreds of them fired upon the company. Eight were shot down, and eight others were wounded. Among the latter was Capt. Hutchinson who died soon after. The remainder escaped to Quabaog, and the Indians pursued them. But the Eng- lish arrived in time to warn the inhabitants of the danger, who with themselves crowded into one house. The other houses (about 20) were immediately burned down. They next besieged the house containing the inhabitants (about 70) and the soldiers. This they exerted themselves to fire also, 54 PHILIP'S WAR. And now strong suspicions began to arise of the Narraganset* Indians, that they were ill afiected and with various succcsa for two days, and on tiie tliird they nearly effected their object by a strutagem. Tliey fii'cd a cart with combustibles and set it on fire, and by means of splicing poles together had nearly brought the flames in con- tact with the house, when Major Willard arrived with 48 dragoons and dispersed them. See American Ann. I, 423, 424. The Indians about Hadley, who had hitherto kept up tho show of friendship, now deserted their dwellings and drew off after Philip. Toward the last of August, Capt. Beers and Capt Lothrop pursued and overtook them, and a fierce battle was fought, in which 10 of the English and 26 Indians were Jfilled September 1, they burned Deerfield and killed one of the InhabitantH. The same day (being a fast) they fell upon Had- ley while the people were at meeting, at which they were over- come with confusion. At this crisis, a venerable gentleman In singular attire appeared among them, and putting himself at their head, rushed upon the Indians and dispersed them, then disappeared. The inhabitants thought an angel had ap- peared, and led them to victory. But it was General Goffe, one of the Judges of King Charles I, who was secreted in the town. See President Stiles' history of the Judges, 109, and Holmes, I, 424. About 1 1 September Capt. Beers with 36 men went up tne river to observe how things stood at a new pl.-mtjition called Squukeag, now Northfield. The Indians a few days before (but unknown to them) had fallen upon the place and killed 9 or 10 persons, and now laid in ambush for the English, whom it appears they expected. They had to marcii nearly 30 miles through a hideous forest. On arriving witiiin three miles of the plixce, they were fired upon by a host of enemies, and a large proportion of their number fell. The others gained an eminence ai;d fought bravely till their Captain was slain, when they fled in every direction. Sixteen only escaped. Hubbard, 107. On the 18th following, as Capt. Lothrop with 80 men was guarding some carts from Deerfield . to Hadley, they were fallen * It was believed that the Indians generally returned from the western frontier along the Connecticut, and took up their winter quarters among the Narrngansets; but whether Philip did is uncertain. Some suppose that he visited the Mohawks and Canada Indians for assistance. r PHILIP'S WAR. 55 designed mischief. And so ihe event socn discov- ered. The next winter they began their hostilities upon the English. The united colonies then agreed to send an army to suppress them : Governour Wins- low to command the army.* He undertaking the expedition, invited Mr. Church to command a company, [ — ]* which he declined; * [in the expedition] fallen upon; and, including teamsters, 90 were slain; 7 or 8 only escaped. Ibid. 108. October 5, the Springfield Indians having been joined by about 300 of Philip's men began the destruction of Springfield. But the attaek being expected, Major Treat was sent for, who was then at Westfield, and arrived in time to save much of the town from the flames, but, 32 houses were consumed. Holmes, I,42d. October 19, Hatfield was assaulted on all sides by 7 or 800 Indians, but there being a considerable number of men well pre- pared to receive them, obliged them to flee without doing much damage. A few out buildings were burned, and some of the defenders killed, btit we have no account how many. Holmes, I. 425, says this affair took place at Hadley; but Hubbard whom he cites, 116, says it was at Hatfield. The places are only sepa- rated by a bridge over the Connecticut, and were formerly included rnder the same name. Mr. Hoyt in his Antiquarian Researches, 136, thinks that it was in this attack that Gen. Goffe made his appearance, because Mr. Hubbard tsikes no notice of an attack upon that place in Sept. 1676, which, if there had been one, it would not have escaped his notice. But this might have been un- noticed by Mr. Hubbard as well as some other afltairs of the war. Thus are some of the most important events sketched in our hero's absence, and we may now add concerning him what Homer did of Achilles' return to the siege of Troy. Then groat Achilles, terror of the plain. Long lost to battle, shone In arms again. ° Iliad, II, B. XX, 57. *It was to consist of 1000 men and what friendly Indians would join them. Massachusetts was to furnish 527, Ply- mouth 158, Connecticut 315. Major Robert Treat with those of Connecticut, Major Bradford with those of Plymouth, and Major Samuel Appleton with thos? of Massachusetts. The whole under Gen, Josiah Winslow. American Annals, I, 426. 5G PHILIP'S WAR. I craving excuse from taking [a] commission, [but] he promises to wait upon him as a Reformado [a vo- lunteer] through the expedition. Having rode with the General to Boston, and from thence to Rehobotli, upon the General's request he went thence the near- est way over the ferries, with Major Smith,* to his garrison in the Narraganset country, to prepare and provide for the coming of General Winslow, who marched round through the country with his army proposing by night to surprise Pumham.f a certiiin Narraganset sacTiem, and his town ; but being aware of the approach of our army, made their escape in- to the desertsj. But Mr. Church meeting with fair winds, arrived safe at the Major's garrison in the evening,^ and soon began to inquire after the ene- my's resorts, wigwams or sleeping places; and hav- ing gained some intelligence, he proposed to the El- dridges and some other brisk hands that he met with, to attempt the surprising of some of the enemy, to make a present of, lo the General, when he should arrive, which might advantage his design. Being brisk blades they readily cotni)lied with the mo- tion, and were soon upon their march. The night was very cold, but blessed with the moon. Before ♦Ihis gentleman, Mr. Hubbard informs us, Nar. 128, lived in Wickford where the army was to take up its hesid-quarters. Wickford is about 9 miles N. W. from Newport on Narraganset bay. t (Sachem of Shawomot or Warwick.) This Sachem had signed the treaty in July, wherein such great faitij and fidelity were promised. See note 3 on page 36. A few days before the great swamp fight at Narragimset Cant. Prentice destroyed his town after it was deserted. But in July, 1676, he was killed by some of the Massachusetts men, near Dcdluim. A fiandson of his was taken before this, by a party under Capt. )enison, who was esteemed the best soldier and most warlike of all the Narraganset chiefs. Trumbull, I, 345. t It njipears that nil did not escape into the deserts. Tiie heroick Capt. Mosely captured 3G '^n his way to Wickford. {Doccmbur II. :^^ 1 h * ! PHILIPS WAR. 67 Si 5 I the day broke they effected their exploit; and, by the rising of the sun, arrived at the Major's garrison, where they met the general, and presented him with eighteen of the enemy, [which] they had captivated. The General, pleased with the exploit, gave them thanks particularly to Mr. Church, the mover and chief actor of the business. And sending two of them (likely boys) [as] a present to Boston; [and] smiling on Mr. Church, told him, that he made no doubt but his faculty would supply them with Indian boys enough before the war was ended. Their next move was to a swamp,* which the In- dians had fortified with a fort.f Mr. Church rode in the General's guard when the bloody engagement * Hubbard, 186, says that the army wuh piloted to tliis place by one Peter, a fugitive Indian, who fled from the NarrnganHeta, upon some discontent, and to him they were indebted, in a gre.at measure for their success. How long before the army would have found the enemy, or on what part of the fort they would have fitllen, is uncertain. It appears that hud they come upon any other port, they must have been repulsed. Whether this Peter was the son of Awashonks, or Peter Nunnuit, the husband of Weetamore, the Queen of Pocasset, is uncertiin. But Mr. Hubbard styles him a fugitive from the Nturugansets. If he were a Narruganset, he was neither. f Before this, on the 14, a scout under Sergeant Bennet killed, two and took four prisonera. The rest of the same company, in ranging the country, came upon a town, burned 150 wigwams, killed 7 of the enemy and brought in eight prisoners. On the 15, some Indians came under the pretence of making '•fcace, and on their return killed several of the English, wiio were scattered on their own business. Captain Mosely, while escorting Maj. Appleton's men to quarters, was fired upon by 20 or 30 of the enemy from behind a stone wall, but were immediately dispersed, leaving one dead. On the 16, they received the news that Jerry Bull's garrison at Petty- quamscot, was burned, and fifteen persons killed. On the 18, the Connecticut forces arrived, who on their way had tjiken and killed 11 of the enemy. The united forces now set out, Dec. 19, for the headquarters of the enemy. The weather was severely cold and much snow upon the the ground. They arrived upon the borders of the swamp about one o'clock. Hub- bard, 128 to 130. 58 PHILIP'S WAR. began. But being impatient of being out of the heat of the action, importunately begged leave of the General, that he might run down to the assistance ol his friends. The General yielded to his request, provided he could rally some hands to go with him. Thirty men immediately drew out a.id followed him. They entered the swamp, and passed over the log, ihat was the passage into the fort, where they saw many men and several valiant Captains lie slain.* Mr. Church spying Captain Gardner of Salem, amidst the wigwams in the east end of the fort, made towards him; but on a sudden, while they were looking each other in the face, Captain Gardner set- tled down. Mr. Church stepped to him, and seeinj; the blood run down his cheek lifted up his cap, and calling him by his name, he looked up in his face but spake not a word; being mortally shot through the head. And obse-ving his wound, Mr. Church found the ball entered his head on the side that was next the upland, where the English entered the swamp. Upon which, having ordered some care to be taken of the Captain, he despatched information to the General, that the best and forwardest of his army, that hazarded their lives to enter the fort upon the muzzles of the enemy's guns, were shot in their backs, and killed by them that lay behind. Mr. Church with his small company, hastened out of the fort (that the English were now possessed of) to get a shot at the Indians that were in the swamp, and kept firing upon them. He soon met with a broad and bloody track where the enemy had fled with their wounded men. Following hard in the track, he soon spied one of the enemy, who clapped his gun across his breast, made towards Mr. Church, and beckoned to him with his hand. Mr. Church immediately commanded no man to hurt him, hop- *Sl\ Captains were klled. Captjiins Davenport, Gardiner and Johnson of Massachusetts; Gallop, Siely and Marshall of Connecticut. No mention is made that any officers were killed belonging to Plymouth. / // PinUP'S WAR. 0» ing by him to have gained some intelligence of the enemy, that might be of advantage. But it unhap- pily fell out, that a fellow that had lagged behind, coming up, shot down the Indian; to Mr. Church's great grief and disappointment. But immediately they heard a great shout of the enemy, which seem- ed to be behind them or between them and the fort ; and discovered them running from tree to tree to gain advantages of firing upon the English that were in the fort. Mr. Church's great difficultjr now was how to discover himself to his friends in the fort; using several inventions, till at length he gained an opportunity to call to, and informed a Sergeant in the fort, that he was there and might be exposed to their shots, unless they observed it. By this time he discovered a number of the enemy, almost within shot of him, making towards the fort. Mr. Church and his company were favoured by a heap of brush that was between them, and the enemv, and pre- vented their being discovered to them. Mr. Church had given his men their particular orders for firing upon the enemy. And as thty were rising up to make their shot, the aforementioned Sergeant in the fort, called out to them, for God'h sake not to fire, for he believed they were some of their friend In- dians. They clapped down again, tut were soon sensible of the Sergeant's mistake. The enemy got to the top of the tree, the body whereof the Sergeant stood upon, and there clapped down cut of sight of the fort; but all this while never discovered Mr. Church, who observed them to keep gathering unto that place until there seemed to be a formidable black heap of them. " Now brave boys," said Mr. Church to his men, "if we mind our hits we may have a brave shot, and let our sign for firing on them, be their rising to fire into the fort." It was not long before the Indians rising up as one body, designing to pour a volley into the fort, when our Church nimbly started up, and gave them such a round vol- 00 PHILIP'S WAR. I ii ley, and unexpected clap on their backs, that they, who escaped with their lives, were so surprised, that they scampered, they knew not whither themselves. About a dozen of them ran riuht over the log into ' the fort, and took into a sort ot hovel that was built with poles, after the manner of a corn crib. Mr. Church's men having their cartridges fixed, were soon ready to obey his orders, which were iintnedi- ately to charge and run [ — ]' upon the hovel and over* set it; calling as he ran on, to some that were in the fort, to assist him in oversettiii;. it. They no sooner came to face the enemy's shelter, but Mr. Church discovered that one of them had found a hole to x)int his gun through right at him. But however he] encouraged his company, and ran right on, till le was struck with three bullets; one in his thigh, which was near half cut off as it glanced on the joint of his hip bone; another through the gather- ings of his breeches and drawers with a small flesh wound; a third pierced his pocket, and wounded a pair of mittens that he had borrowed of Captain Prentice; being wrapped up together, had the mis- fortune of having many holes cut through them with one bullet. But however he made shift to keep on his legs, and nimbly discharged his gun at them that had wounded him. Being disabled now to go a step, his men would have carried him off, but he forbid their touching of him, until they had perfected their project of oversetting the enemy's shelter; bid them run, for now the Indians had no guns charged. While he was urging them lo run on, tlie Indians be- gan to shoot arrows, and with one pierced through the arm of an Englishman that had hold of Mr. Church's arm to support him. The English, in short, were discouraged and drew back. And by this time the English people in the fort had begun to set fire to the wigwams and houses in the fort, which Mr. Church laboured hard to prevent. They told him •[on] PinLIFS WAR. 01 fthal] they had orders from the General to burn them. He begger' them to forbear until he had dis- coursed with the General. And hastening to him, he begged to spare the wiiiwntns, &c., in the fort from fire. [And] told him [that] the wigwams were musket proof; being all lined with baskets and tul)s of grain and other provisions, sufficient to supi)ly the whole army, untd the spring of tho year, and every wounded man might have a good warm house to lodge in, who otherwise would necessarily perish with tne storms and cold; and moreover that the army had no other provisions to trust unto or depend upon; that he knew that the Plymouth forces hud not so much as one [biscuit!' left, for he had seen their last dealt out, &c.* The General advising :i few words with the gentlemen that were about him moved towards the fort, designing to ride in himself and bring in the whole army ; but just as he was en- tering the swamp one of his Captains met him, and asked him, whither he was going? He told him "In- to the fort." The Captain laid hold of his horse and told him, [that] his life was worth an hundred of theirs, and [that] he should not expose himself. The General told him, that, he supposed the brunt was over, and that Mr. Church had informed him that the fort was taken, &c. ; and as the case was cir- cumstanced, he was of the mind, that it was most practicable for him and his army to shelter them- selves in the fort. The Captain in a great heat re- plied, that Church lied; and told the General, that, if he moved another step, towards the fort he would shoot his horse under him. Then [bristled]^ up ' [bisknko] * [brusled] * Thus the heroick Cliurch discovered not only great bravery in buttle, but judgmont and forethought. Had his advice been taken, no doubt miuiy lives would have been saved. It may be remarked, that notwithstanding Mr. Church so dis- tinguished himself in this fight, his name is not mentioned by our chief historians. 62 PHILIP'S WAR. another gentleman, a certain Doctor,* and opposed Mr. Church's advice, and said, [that] if it were com- plied with, it would kill more men than the enemy had killed. "For (said he) by tomorrow the wound- ed men will be so stiff, that there will be no moving of them." And looking upon Mr. Church, and see- ing the blood flow apace from his wounds, told him, that if he gave such advice as that was, he should bleed to death like a dog, before they would endea- vour to stanch his blood. Though after they had prevailed against his advice they were sufficiently kind to him. And burning up all the houses and provisions in the fort, the army returned the same night in the storm and cold. And I suppose that every one who is acquainted with that night's march, deeply laments the miseries that attended them; especially the wounded and dying men.f But it mercifully came to pass that Captain Andrew Bci- cherj arrived at Mr. Smith's that very night from Boston with a vessel laden with provisions for the army, which must otherwise have perished for want. Some of the enemy that were then in the fort have since informed us that, near a third of the Indians belonging to all the Narraganset country, were kill- * I have not been able to learn the name of the beforemen- tioned Captain nor Doctor. Perhaps it is as well if their memo- ries be buried in oblivion. Trumbull says that, they had the best surgeons which the country couM produce. Hist. Con. I, 340. In another place, I, 346, Mr. Gershom Bulkley, he saya, "was viewed one of the greatest physicians and surgeons then in Connecticut." f What rendered their situation more intolerable, was, beside t'le severity of the cold, a tremendous storm filled the atmosphere with snow; through which they had 18 miles to march before they arrived at then headquarters. See Hist. Connecticut, I, 340. t The father of Govemour Belcher. He lived at Cambridge, and was one of his Majesty's council. No one was more respect- ed for integrity, and it is truly said that he was "an ornament and blessing to his country." He died Octob«r 3i, 1728, aged 71. Eliot, 62. iji / PHILIP'S WAR. 03 ed by the English, and by the cold of that night;* that they fled out of their fort so hastily, that they carried nothing with them, that if the English had kept in the fort, the Indians would certainly have been necessitated, either to surrender themselves to them, or to have perished by hunger, and the seve- rity of the season. f Some time after this fort fight, a certain Sogkon- ote Indian, hearing Mr. Church relate the manner of his being wounded, told him, [thit] he did not know but he himself waT the Indian that wounded him, for that he was one ot that company of Indians that Mr. Church made a shot upon, when they were rising to make a shot into the fort. They were in number about sixty or seventy that just then came down from Pumham's townj and never before then fired a gun against the English. That when Mr.. • Mr. Hubbard, 135, mentions, that one Potock, a great counsellor among them, confessed on being taken, that the Indians lost 700 fighting men, besides 300, who died of their wounds. Many old persons, children and wounded, no doubt perished in the flames. But letters from the army, at the time, may be seen in Hutchinson, I, 272, 273, in which the enemy's loss is not so highly rated. They compare better with (he account given by our author in the next note. t (The swamp fight happened on December 19,* 1675, in which about 50 English were killed in the action, and died of their wounds ; and about 300 or 350 Indians, men, women and children were killed, and as many more captivated, t It is said 500 wigwams were burned with the fort, and 200 more in other parts of Narraganset. The place of the fort was an elevated ground, or piece of upland, of, perhaps, 3 or 4 acres, in the middle of a hideous swamp, about 7 miles nearly due west from Narraganset, south ferry.+) J What is now Warwick. See note 2, page 56. • The old copy of this history, from which 1 print this, gives the date, Dec. 29, but it must be a misprint. + Perhaps later writers are more correct with regard to the loss of the Riiglish, than our author. It is said that there were a>ov<, tjO slain, and 150 woiiniied, who aflerwards recovered. Hist. Con. I, 340. t The swamp where this battle was fought is in Southkingiton, Uhoae* isl'ind, situated as mentioned above. 64 PHILIP'S WAR. Church fired upon them he killed fourteen dead upon the spot, and wounded a greater nuinber than he killed. Many of which died afterwards of their wounds, in the cold and storm [of] the following night. Mr. Church was moved with other wounded men, over to Rhodeislund, where in about three months' time, he was in some good measure recovered of his wounds, and the fever that attended them ; and then went over to the General* to take his leave of him, with a design to return home.f Rut the Gene- • General Winslow, with the Plymouth and Massachusetts forces, remained in the Narraganset country most of the winter, and performed considerable a{!;ainst the enemy. The Connecticut men under Major Treat, being much cut to pieces, returned home, t While our hero is getting better of his wounds we will take a short view of what is transacting abroad. The enemy, toward the end of January, left their country and moved off to the Nipmucks. A party, in their way, drove oflF 15 horses, 50 cattle and 200 sheep, from one of tliR inhabitants of Warwick. On the 10 Feb., several hundred* of them fell upon Lancaster ; plundered and burned a grout ]>art of the town, and killed or captivated forty persons. (Philip commanded in this attack, it was supposed.) Feb. 21, nearly half of the town of Medfield was burned, and on the 25, seven or eight buildings were also burned at Wey- mouth. March 13, Groton was all destroyed excepting four garrison houses. Onthe 17, Warwick had every house burnpil save one. On the 26, Marlborough was nearly all destroyeii, and the inhabitants deserted it. The same day Capt. Pierce of Scituale with fifty English and twenty friendly Indlaii^s was cut off with most of his men. (For the particulars of this affair see note further onward.) On the 28, forty hous-cs and thirty barns were burned at Rehoboth ; and the duy following, about 30 houses in Providence. The main body of the enemy wns supposed now to be in the woods between Brookfield and Marlborough, and Connecticut river. Caj t Denison of Connecticut with a few brave volunteers per- lormed signal services. In the first of April he killed and too 44 of the enemy, and before the end of the month 76 nior. were killed and taken, all without the iossof a man. In (In. beginning of April the Wamesit Indians did some inischiet at Chelmsford, on Merrimack river, to which it appears they had been provoked. On the 17, the remaining housus at PmiJP'S WAR. G5 ral's ffreat importunity again persuaded him to accom- panyliim in a long march* into the Nipmuckf coun- try, though he had then tents in his wounds, and so lame as not [to be] able to mount his horse without two men's assistance. In this march, the first thing remarkable, was, they came to an Indian town, where there were many wig- wams in sight, but an icy swamp, lying between them and the wigwams, prevented their running at once upon it as they intended. There was much firing upon each side before they passed the swamp. But at length the enemy all fled, and a certain Mohegaii, that was a friend Indian, pursued and seized one of the enemy that had a small wound in his leg, and brought him before the General, where he was exam- ined. Some were for torturing him to bring him Miirlborough were consumed. The next day, 18 April, thoy came furiously upon Sudbury. (Some account of which will be given in an ensuing note.) Near the end of April, Scituate about 30 miles from Boston, on tlie bay, had 19 houses and barn.s burned. The inhabitants made a gallant resistance and put ti\c enemy to flight. May 8, they burned 17 houses and barns at Bridgewater, a large town about 20 miles south of Boston. Mather, Magn.alia, 11, 497, says that, "not an inhabitant was lost by this town during the war, neither young nor old; that when their dwellings were fired at this time, God, from heaven, fought for them with a storm of lightning, thunder and rain, whereby a grcivt part of their houses were preserved." On the 11, the town of Plymouth had 16 houses and barns burned; and two d.avs after 9 more. Middleborough, 38 miles from Boston, had its few remaining houses burned the same day. These were the most distressing days that Newengland ever beheld. Town after town fell a sacrifice to their fury. Ail was fear and consternation. Few there were, who were not in mourning for some near kindred, and nothing but horronr Btnred them in the face. But we are now to see the affairs of Philip decline. * I cannot find as any other historian has taken notice of this expedition of the commander in chief It appears from what is above stilted that it was in March, 1676. + (Country about Worcester, Oxford, Grafton, Dudley, &c.) o Ih: dd PHILIP'S WAR. to a more ample confession of what he knew con- cerning his countrymen. Mr. Church, verily believ- ing [that] he had been ingenuous in his confession, interceded and prevailed for his escaping torture. But the army being bound forward in their march, and the Indian's wound somewhat disenabling him for travelling, it was concluded [that] he should be knocked on the head. Accordingly he waG brought before a great fire, and the Mohegan that took hiin was allowed, as he desired to be, his executioner. Mr. Church taking no ' elight in the sport, framed an errand at some distance among the baggage horses, and when he had got ten rods, or thereabouts, from the fire, the executioner fetching a blow with a hatchet at the head of the prisoner, he being aware of the blow, dodged his head aside, and the execu- tio/icr missing his stroke, the hatchet flew out of his hand, and had like to have done execution where it was not designed. The prisoner upon his narrow e*:cape broke from them that held him, and notwith- sijmding his wound, made use of his legs, and hap- pened to run right upon Mr. Church, who laid hold on him, and a close scuflle they had ; but the Indian liavjng no clothes on slipped from him and ran again, and Mr. Church pursued [him,]' although being lame there was no great odds in the race, until the Indian stumbled and feU, and [then] they closed again — scuffled and fought pretty smartly, until the Indian, by the advantage of his nakedness, clipped from his hold again, and set out on his thir.l race, with Mr. Church close at his heels, endeavouring to lay hold on the hair of his head, which wis ali the hold could be taken of him. And runnin/^ through a swamp that was covered with hollow ice, it made so loud a noise that Mr. Church expected (but in vain) that some of his English friends would follow t'-e noise and come to his assistance. But the In- dian happened to run athwart a large tree that lay I [the Indian] PHILIP'S WAR. 67 fallen near breast high, where he stopped and cried out aloud for help. But Mr. Church being soon upon him again, the Indian seized him fast by the hair of his head, and endeavoured by twisting to break his neck. But though Mr. Church's wounds had somewhat weakened him, and the Indian a stout fellow, yet he held him in play and twisted the Li- dian's neck as well, and todk the advantage of many opportunities, while they hung by each other's hair, gave him notorious bunts in the face with his head. But in the heat of the scuffle they heard the ice break, with somebody's coming apace to them, which when they heard, Church concluded there was help for one or other of them, but was doubtful which of tliem must now receive the fatal stroke — anon some- body comes up to them, who proved to be the In- dian that had first taken the prisoner; [and] with- out speaking a word, he felt them out, (for it was so dark he could not distinguish them by sight, the one being clothed and the other naked) he felt where Mr. Church's hands were fastened in the Ne- top's* hair and with one blow settled his hatchet in between them, and [thus] ended the strife. He then spoke to Mr. Church and hugged him in his arms, and thanked him abundantly for catching his prison- er. [He then]* cut off the head of his victim and carried it to the camp, and [after] giving an account to the rest of the friend Indians in the camp how Mr. Church had seized his prisoner, &.C., they all joined in a mighty shout. Proceeding in this march they had the success of killi.ig many of the enemy ; until at length their provisions failing, they returned home. King Philipf (as was before hinted) was fled to a 1 [and] • The Netop Indians were a small tribe among the Sogko» nates. t It was supposed by many that Philip was at the great Bwauip fight at Narraganset in December, 1675. See note 1 68 PHILIP'S WAR. place called Scatiurook,* between York and Albany, where the Moohagsf made a descent upon him and killed many of his men, which moved him from thence. t His next kennelling place was at the fall§ of Con- necticut river, where, sometime after Captain Tur- ner found him, [and] came upon him by night, kill- ed him a great many men, and frightened many more into the river, that were hurled down the falls and drowned. II < It is above Albany, on the east side of the north branch of the Hudson, now called Hoosac river, about 15 miles from Albany. Smith wrote this word Scaghtahook. History N. York, 307. t (Mohawks.) This word according to Roger Williams, is derived from the word moho, which signifies to eat. Or Mohawks signifi- ed cannibals or man eaters among the other tribes of Indians. Trumbull, U. States, I, 47. Hutchinson, I, 405. This tribe was situated along the Mohawk river, from whom it took its name, and was one of.the powerful Fivenations, who in lYlS, were joined by the Tuskarora Indians, a large tribe from N. Carolina, and. thence known by the name of the Sixna- tions. Williamson, N. Carolina, I, 203. Hon. De Witt Clinton, in N. Y. Hist. Soc. Col. II, 43, says the Tuskaroras joined the other nations in 1712. f Philip despairing of exterminating the English with his Newengland Indians resorted to the Mohawks to persuade them to engage in his cause. They not being willing, he had recourse to a foul expedient. Meeting with some Mo- hawks in the woods, hunting, he caused them to be murdered ; and then informed their friends, that the English had done it. ^ut it so happened that one, which was left for dead, revived and returned to his friends, and informed them of the truth. The Mohawks in just resentment fell upon him and killed many of his men. Adams, Hist. N. Eng. 125. & (Above Deerfield.) ft lias been suggested, and it is thought very appropriate- ly to call that cataract, where Capt. Turner destroyed the Indians, Turner's Falls, See Antiquarian Researches, ISl. I'l Philip with a great company of his people had taken a siund at the fail in Connecticiit river for the convenience of getting a sunply of fish, after the destruction of their pro- visions at tne great swamp light in Narraganset. Some PHILIP'S WAR. 00 Philip got over the river, and on the back side of Wetuset* hills, meets with all the remnants of the Narraganset and Nipmuckf Indians, that were there gathered together, and became very numerous; and [then] made their descent on SudburyJ and the adjacent parts of the country, where they met with, prisoners deserted and brought news to Hadley, Hatfield and Northampton of the Indians' situation at the falls. On the 18 Blay, 160 men under Capt. Turner arrived near their quarters at day break. The enemy were in their wigwams asleep, and with- out guards. The English rushed upon them and fired as they rose from sleep, which so terrified them that they fled in every direction* crying out "Mohawks! Mohawks!" Some ran into the river, some took canoes, and in their fright forgot the paddles, and were precipitiited down the dreadful full and dashed in pieces. The enemy is supposed to have lost 300. The English having finished the work, oegan a retreat ; but the Indians, on recovering from their terror fell upon their rear, killed Capt. Turner and 38 of his men. See Amertcan Arnals, 1, 430. Why is th^name of Turner not found in our Biographical Dictionaries ? *In the north part of the present town of Princetown in Worcester county, about 50 miles W. of Boston. Mr. Hubbard wrote this word Watchuset, and Dr. Morse, Wachusett, and calls it a mountain. See Univ. Gaz. But in this, as well as many otlier words, the easiest way is the best way; hence Wachuset is to be preferred. f (About Rutland.) It was just said that the Nlpmuck country was about Wor- cester, Oxford, &c. See note 2 on page 65. Nipmuck was a general name for nil Indians beyond the Connecticut toward Canada. J On the 27 March, 1676, some persons of Marlborough joined others of Sudbury, and went in search of the enemy. They came upon nearly 300 of them before day asleep by their fires, and v; 'I'l.' half a mile of a garrison house. The English, though but 40 in number, ventured to fire upon them ; and before they could arouse and escape, they had several well directed fires, killing and wounding about 30. On 18 April, as has been before noted, they furiously fell upon Sudbury, burned several houses and barns and killed several persons. Ten or twelve persons that Ciune from Concord, 5 miles distant, to assist their friends, were drawn into an ambush, and all killed or token. Hubbard, 182, 184. / IL 70 PHILIP'S WAR. mouvh, and i my would so< council of wai was sent for to and swallowed up [the] valiant Captain Wadsworth* and his company ; and many other dolefuJ dcsolt^tions in those parts. The '^ ews whereof coming to Ply- ex ' ing [that,] probably, the ene- «' again into their colony, the .,< H -id together, and Mr. Church ' ■; ^ I aing observed by the whole colony to be a person exti i 'inarily qualified for, and adapted to the alTairs of war. ^t was proposed in coun- cil, that lest the enemy in their return, should fall on Rehoboth, or some other of their out towns, a com- pany consisting of sixty or seventy men, should be sent into those parts, and Fthat] Mr. Church [be] in- vited to take the command of them. He told them that if the enemy returned into that colony again, they • Capt. Samuel Wadsworth, father of president Wads- worth of Harvard College. Cajit. Wadsworth was sent from Boston with 50 men to re)".;Vf^ Marlborough. After march- ing ib miles, they were informed that the enemy had gone toward Sudbury ; so without stopping to take any rest, they pursued after them. On coming near the town, a party of the enemy were discovered, and pursued about a mile into the woods, when on a sudden they were surrounded on all sides by 500 Indians, as was judged. No chance of escape appeared. This little band of brave men now resolved to fignt to the last man. They gained an eminence, which they h.iintained for some time ; at length, night approach- ing, they began to scatter, which gave the enemy the advan- tage, and nearly every one was slain. This was a dreadful blow to the country. It is not certain that any ever escaped to relate the sad tale. President Wadsworth erected a monu- ment where this battle was fought with this inscription. " Captain Samuel Wadsworth of Milton, his Lieutenant Snarp of Brookline, Captain Broclebank of Rowley, with about Twenty Six* other souldiers, lighting for the defence of their country, were slain by the Indian enemy April 18lh, 1676, and lye buried in this place." " This monument stands to the west of Sudbury causeway, about one mile southward of the church in old Sudbury, and about a quarter of a mile from the great road, that leads from Worcester to Boston." Holmes, I, 429. Sudbury is bbout 23 miles from Boston. * Sii^posfd to be the number of bodies found. If '' \i'W ■ PHILIP'S WAR. 71 miiiht reasonably expect thnt they would come very nninoroiis, and if he should take the command of men he should not lie in any town or garrison with them, but would lie in the woods as the enemy did — and that to send out such small companies agiiinst such multitudes of the enemy that were now mustered together, would be but to deliver so many men into their hands, to be destroyed, as the worthy Captain Wadsworth and his company were. His advice upon the whole was, that, if they sent out any forces, to send no less than three hundred sol- diers ; and that the other colonies should be asked to send out their quotas also ; adding, that, if they intended to make an end of the war by subduing the enemy, they must make a business of the war as the enemy did ; and that for his own part, he had wholly laid aside all his own private business and concerns, ever since the war broke out.* He told them that, if they would send forth such forces as he should direct [them] to, he would go with them for six weeks march, which was long enough for men to be kept in the woods at once ; and if they might be sure of liberty to return in such a space, men would go out cheerfully ; and he would engage [that] one hundred and fifty of the best soldiers should imme- diately list, voluntarily, to go with him, if they would please to ac'd fifty more ; and one hundred of the friend Indians. And with such an army, he made no doubt, but he might do good service, but on other terms he did not incline to be concerned. Their reply was, that, they were already in debt, and so big an army would bring such a charge upon them, that they should never be able to pay. And as for sending out Indians, they thought it no ways atlvisable; and in short, none of his ad'ice practi- cable. * It will be discoverable in almost every step onward, how Ehandcfully Mr. Church was treated by government for all hi!' bcrvieeti. '■ i'^^ 72 PHILIP'S WAR. Now Mr. Church's consort, and his then only son were till this time* remaining at Duxbury ; and his fearing their safety there, (unless the war were more vigorously engaged in) resolved to move to Rhode- island, though it was much opposed, both by govern- ment and relations. But at length the Oovernour, considering that he might be no ess serviceable, by being on that side of the colony, gave his |)ern)it, and wished [that] he bad twenty more as good men to send with him. 'Then preparing for his removal, he went with his small family to Plymouth to take leave of their friends, where thev met with his wife's parents, who much persuaded that she might be left at Mr. Clark's garrison, (which they supposed to be a mighty safe place) or at least that she might be there, until her soon expected lying in was over ; (ueing near her time.) Mr. Church no ways inclining to venture her any longer in those parts, and no arguments prevail- ing with him, he resolutely set out for Taunton, and many of their friends accompanied them. There they found Captain Piercef with a commanded * The beginning of March, 1676. t This gentleman belonged to Scituate, as is seen in note to page 64. I have learned no particulars of him, except what are furnished in the Indian wars. It appears tiiat he was now on his march into the Narraganset country, having heiird that many of the enemy had coUeoted at Pawtu.xct, n few miles to the, southward of Providence. He being a man of great courage, and willing to engage the enemy on any ground, was led into a fatal sn.ire. On crossing the Paw- tuxet river he found himself encircled by an overwhelming number. He retreated to the side of the river to prevent being surrounded ; but this only alternative failed : For the enemy crossing the river above, came upon their backs with the same deadly effect m those in front. Thus they had to contend with tripple numbers, and a double disadvantjige. — Means wjis found to despatch a messenger to Providence for succour, but through some unacounfcible default in him, or them to whom it was delivered, none arrived until too late. The scene was horrid beyond description ! Some say that all the English were slain, others, that one only escaped, which PHILIP'S WAR. 7S ■■' i party, wlio otfcrcd Mr. Church to send a relation of ius with Koinc others to guard him to llhodcisland. iiut Mr. Church thanked him for his respectful offer, but for sonic good reasons refused to accept it. In i-hort, they got safe to Captain John Almy's* house upon Rhodeisland where they met with friends and f;()od entertainment. But by the way let me not forget this remarkable providence, viz , that within Ivventyfour hours, or thereabouts, after their arrival ill llhodcisland, Mr. Clark's garrison, tliat Mr. Church was so much importuned to leave hm wife and chil- 12th of May, and his wife and son [likely]' to do well, Mr. Church embraces the opportunity of a pas- Hagc in a sloop bound to Barnstable, [which]' land- ed him at Sogkonesset,* from whence he rode to Plymouth, and arrived there the first Tuesday in June.f The General Court then sitting, welcomed him, and told him [that] thoy were glad to see him alive. He; replied, [that] ne was as glad to see them alive ; for he had seen so many fires and smokes towards their side of the country, since he left them, that he could scarce eat or sleep with any comfort, for fear they had all been destroyed. For all travelling was stopped, and no news had passed for a long time together. He gave them an account, | that the Indians had made horrid desolations at Providence, Warwick, Pawtuxet, and all over the Narraganset country ; and that they prevailed daily against the English on that side of the country. [He] told them [that] he longed to hear what methods they designed [to take] in the war. They told him [that] they were par- 1 [like] 9 [who] • Known now by the name of Wood's hole. It is in the town of Falmouth, not farto the eastward of Sogkonate point. Douglass wrote this name Soconosset, and Hutchinson Suca- nesset. A small clan of Indians resided here from whom it. took its name. t Namely the 8. X Wc should not suppose that this was the first intelligence that the people of Plymouth received of the destruction of those places, as (his visit was nearly S months after the des> truction of Warwick, Providence, etc., and about 4 from the cutting oS' of Capt. Pierce ; yet it might be the case. X ! PHILIP'S WAR. « J liciilarly glad that providonco had brought him there ut that Juncture ; for they had concluded the very next day to 8ond out an urmy of two hundred men ; two thirds English, and one third Indians ; in some measure agreeable to his former proposal — expect- ing Boston and Connecticut to join with their quotas. In short, it was so concluded, and that Mr. Church should return to the island, and see what he could muster there, of those who had moved from Swan- zoy, Dartmouth, &.c. ; so returned the same way [ihatj'he came. When ho came to Sogkonesset, ho had a sham put upon him about a boat [which] l)c had bought to go home in, and was forced to liiro two of the friend Indians to paddle him in a canoe from Elizabeth's'*^ to Rhodeisland. It fell out, that as they were on their voyage pass- ing by Sogkonate point,f some of the enemy were u])on the rocks a fishing. Ho bid the Indians that managed the canoe, to paddle so near the rocks, as that ho might call to those Indians ; [and] told them, that he had a great mind ever since the war broke out to speak with some of the Sogkonate Indians, and that they were their relations, and therefore they need not fear their hurting of them. And he add- ed, that, he had a mighty conceit, that if ho could gel a fair opportunity to discourse [with] them, that he could draw them off from Philip, for he knew [that] they never heartily loved him. The enemy iiallooed, and made signs for the canoe to come to them ; but when they approached them they skulked and hid in the clefts of the rocks. Then Mr. Church ordered the canoe to be paddled off again, lest, if h< came too near, they should tire upon him. Then the fiidians appearing again, beckoned and * From Woo• though written okape, or ochape. 1 I «- .-Jm ^~vv~Tfirw IWL^MlrfJ**' PHILIP'S WAR. if last) been down at Sogkonate before now 9 Saying, hut probably if he had come then, according to hia promise, they had never joined with Philip against the English. He tald her [that] he was prevented by the war's Dreakin^'T out so suddenly ; and yet, he was after- wards coming down, und came as far as Punkatoes, where a great many Indians set upon him, and fought him a whole afternoon, though he did not come pre- pjvred to fi{^,ht, [and] had but nineteen men with him. whose chief design was to gain an opportunity to Upon this there discourse some Sogkonate Indians at once arose a mighty murmur, confused noise and talk among the fierce looking creatures, and all ris- ing up in a hubbub. And a great surly looking fel- low took up his tomhog, or wooden cutlass to kill Mr. Church, bt ' some others prevented him. The interpreter asked Mr. Church, if he under- stood what it was that the great fellow (they had hold of) said*? He answered him "No." "Why" said the interpreter, " he says [that] you killed his brother at PunKatees, and therefore he thirsts for your blood." Mr. Church bid the interpreter tell him that his brother began first ; that if he had kept at Sogkonate, according to his desire and order, he should not have hurt him. Then the chief Captain commanded silence; and told them that they should talk no more about old things, &,c., and quelled the tumult, so that they sat down again, and began upon a discourse of making peace with the English. Mr. Church asked them vhat |)roposals they would make, and on what tewns Lhey would break their league with Philip*? Desiring tiiem to make some proposals that he might carry to his masters ; telling them, that it was not in his pow- er to conclude a peace with them, but that he knew that if their proposals were reasonable, the govern- ment would not be unreasonable ; and that he would use his interest with the government for them ; and u 6 1^1; fc'2 PHILIP'S WAR. fr to encournjre them to }»roceed, put them in mind that the Petiuots* once made war with the English, and that after they subjected themselves to the En,'»- lish, the English became their protectors, and de- fended them against other nationsf that would other- wise have de.itroyed them, &-c. After some further discourse and debate he brought them at length to consent, that if the government of Plymouth would firmly engage to them, that they a.'i all of them, «ii They consisted now, probably of no more than 200 persons. 1^; PHILIP'S WAR. 63 Then he proposed unto them, that they should choose five men to go strait with him to Plymouth. They told him " No, they would not choose, but he bhould take which five he pleased." Some compli- ments passed about it, at length it was agreed, [that] they should choose three, and he two. Then he agreed that he would go back to the island that night, and would come to them the next morning, and go through the woods to Plymouth. But they alterwards objected, [for]' his travelling through the woods would not be safe for him ; [that] the enemy might meet with them and kill him, and then they should lose their friend and the whole design [would be] ruined beside. And therefore proposed that he should come in an English vessel, and they would meet him, and come on board at Sogkonate point, and sail from thence to Sandwich, which in fine was concluded upon. So Mr. Church promising to come as soon as he could possibly obtain a vessel, and then they parted. He returned to the island and was ^t great pains and charge to get a vessel ; but with unaccountable disappointments, sometimes by the falseness, and sometimes by the faintheartedness of men that he bargained with, and something by wind and weather, &,c. : Until at length Mr. Anthony Low* put in to the harbour with a loaded vessel bound to the westward, and being made acquainted with Mr Church's case, told him, that he had so much kind- ness for him, and was so pleased with the business he was engaged in, that he would run the venture of his vessel and cargo to wait upon him. Accordingly, next morning they set sail with a wind that soon brought them to Sogkonate point. But coming there they met with a contrary wind, and a great swelling sea. 1 [that] ; After much search I can ascertain nothing of this person. The name is common in our country at this day. 1 ; i U 84 PHILIP'S WAR. n! I li The Indians were there waiting upon the rocks, but hud nothing but a miserable broken canoe to get aboard in ; yet Peter Awashonks ventured off in it, and with a great deal of difficulty and danger got aboard. And by this time it began to rain and blow exceedingly, amd forced them up the sound ; and then [theyj went away through Bristol ferry, round \'he island to Newport, carrying Peter with them. Then Mr. Church dismissed Mr. Low, and tolif him, that inasmuch as Providence opposed his going by water, and he expected that the army would be up in a few days, and probably, if he should be gone at that juncture, it might ruin the wliole design ; [he] would therefore yield his voyage. Then he writ the account of his transactions with the Indians, and drew up the proposals, and articles of peace, and despatched Peter with them to Ply- mouth, that his honour the Governour, if he saw cause, might sign them. Peter was sent over to Sogkonate on Lord's day* h^iirning, with orders to take those men that were cht sen to go down, or some of them, at least, w ith him. The time being expired that was appointed for the English army to come, there was great look- mg for them. Mr. Church, on the Monday morning, (partly to divert himself after his fatigue, and partly to listen for the army) rode out with his wife, and some of his friends to Portsmouth, f under a pre- tence of cherrying ; but came home without any news from the army. But by midnight, or sooner, he was roused with an express from Major Bradford, who was arrived with the army at Pocasset, to whom he forthwith repaired, J and informed him of the • .July 9. t The island ofRhoiieisland is divided inlo 8 towns ; New port ill the south, Middlelown, and Portsnioulh in the noi a, X July 11. n 1 PHILIP'S WAR. wholo of his proceedings with the Sogkonate In- dians. With the Major's consent and advice, he returned again next morning to the island in order to go ov«ir that way to Awashonks, to inform her that the army was arrived, &.c. Accordingly from Sachueeset neck* he went in a canoe to Sogkonate. [He] told her that Major Bradford was arrived at Pocasset with a great army, whom he had informed of all the proceedings with her ; that if she would be advised, and observe order, she nor her people need not to fear being hurt by them ; told hor [thatl ehe should call all her people down into the neck, lest if they should be found straggling about, mischiel might light on them; that on tlie morrow they would come down and receive her and give her farther orders. She promised to get as many of her people to- gether as possibly she cculd; desiring Mr. Church to consider that it would be difficult for to get them together at such short warning. Mr. Church returned to the island and to the army the same night. The next morningf the whole army marched to- wards Sogkonate, as far as Punkatees, and Mr. Church with a few men went down to So^'kgnate to call Awashonks and her people, to come up to the English camp. As he was going down they met with a Pocasset Indian, who had killed a cow, and got a quarter of her on his back, and her tongue in his pocket. [He]^ gave them an account, that he came from Pocasset two days since in company with his mother, and several other Indians, now hid ii: a swamp above Nonquid.J Disarming of him, he sent him by two men to Major Bradford, and proceeded 1 [who] * (The southeast corner of Rhodeisland.) t July 13 t (In Tivertou.) ; i ; ■ 86 PHILIP'S WAR. to Sogkonate. They saw several Indians by the way skulking about but let them pass. Arriving at Awashonks cjunp, [he] told her [that] he was come to invite her and her people up to Pun- katees,* where Major Bradford now was with the Plymouth army, expecting her and her subjects to receive orders, uniii further order could be had from the government. She complied, and soon sent out orders for such of her subjects as were not with her, immediately to come in. And by twelve o'clock of next day, she with most of her number appeared before the English camp at Punkatees. Mr. Church tendered [himself to] the Major to serve under his commission, provided the Indians might bo accepted with him, to fight the enemy. The Major told him, [that] his. orders were to improve him if he pleased, but as for the Indians he would not be concerned with them. And presently gave forth orders for Awashonks, and all her subjects, both men, women and children, to repair to Sandwich ;f and to be there upon peril, in six days. Awashonks and her chiefs gathered round Mr. Church, (where he was walked off from the rest) [and] expressed themselves concerned that they could not be confided in, nor improved. He told them, [thai] it was best to obey orders, and that if he could not accompany them to Sandwich, it should not be above a week before he would meet them there ; that he was confident the Governour would commission him to improve them. The Major hastened to send them away with Jack Havens fan Indian who had never been in the'wars) in the front, with a flag of truce in his hand. * (Adjoining Fogland ferry.) The geography of this place, with respect to extent and situation, has been given on page 40, note 1. t A town between Plymouth ancl Barnstable, on C»^^e C SO. § (Rochester.) II Buuard'sbay. I 90 PHILIP'S WAR. dians, of all ageis and sexes ; some on horseback running races; some at football ; some catching eela and flat fish in the water ; gome clamming, &c. ; but, which way, with safety, to find out what Indians they v/ere, they were at a loss. -- But at length, retiring into a thicket. Mr. Church hallooed to them. They soon uiswered him, and a couple of smart young fellows, well mounted, came upon a full career to see whom it might be 'that call- ed, ">nd came just upon Mr. Church before they dis- covered l)i:n. But when they perceived themselves so near Englishmen, and armed, were much surpris- ed; and tacK!jd si.ort about to run as fast back as they came forward, until one of the men in the bushes called to them, nnd told them his name was Church, and [they] need not fear his hurting of them. Upon which after a small pause, they turned about their horses, and came up to him. One of them that could speak English, Mr. Church took aside and ex- amined ; who informed him, that the Indians below were Awashonks and her company, and that Jack Havens was among them ; whom Mr. Church imme- diately sent for to come to him, and ordered the mes- senger to inform Awashonks that he was come to meet her. Jack Havens soon came, and by that time Mr. Church had asked him a few questions, and had been satisfied by him, that it was Awashonks and he" company that were below, and that Jack had been kindly treater^. by them, a company of Indians all mounted on horseback, and well armed, came riding up to Mr. Church, but treated him with all due respects. He then ordered Jack to go [and] tell Awashonks, that he designed to sup with her in the evening, and to lodge in her camp that night. Then taking some of the Indians with him, he went back to the river to take care of Mr. Howlund. Mr. Church having a mind to try what mettle he was made of, imparted his notion to the Indians tiiat were with him, and gave them directions how to act LL= P1IILIP*8 WAR. 91 thftir parts. When he came pretty near the place, he and his Englishmen pretendedly fled, firing on their retreat towards the Indians that pursued them, and they firing as fast after them. Mr. Howland being upon his guard, hearing the guns, and by and by seeing the motion both of the English and In- dians, concluded [that] his friends were distressed, and was soon on the full career on hoiseback to meet them ; [when]' he [perceived]" tlieir laughing, [and] mistrusted the truth. As soon as Mr. Church had given him the news, they hastened away to Awashonks. Upon their ar- rival, they were immediately conducted to a shelter open on one side whither Awashonks and her chiefs soon came, and paid their respects ; and the multi- tudes gave shouts as made the heavens to ring. It being now about sunsetting, or near the dusk of the evening, the Netops* came running from all quarters loaden with the tops of dry pines, and the like combustible matter, making a huge pile there* of, near Mr. Church's shelter, on the open side thereof. But by this time supper was brought in. in three dishes ; viz., a curious young bass in one dish ; eels and flat fish in a second ; and shell fish in a third. But neither bread nor salt to be seen at table. But by that time supper was over, the mighty pile of pine knots and tops, &.C., was flred ; and all the Indians, great and small, gathered in a ring round it, Awashonks, with the oldest of her people, men and women mixed, kneeling down, made the first ring next the fire ; and all the lusty stout men, 1 [until] » [perceiving] name is used by our author, I suspect, in the same other writers use that of sarmop. See Winthrop's sub anno 1680, and Hubbard, Nar. SO, where it ap- be an Indian word employed by the sachems as a name for their men. The latter author spelt it Nipnet was a general name for all inland Indians the MassachosettF and Connecticut river. Ibid. 15 •This sense as Journal, pears to common sannap. between 92 PHILIP'S WAR. standing up, made the next, and tiien all the rabble in a confused crew, surrounded, on the outside. Then the chief Captain stepped in between the rings and the fire, with a spear in one hand, and a hatchet in the other ; danced round the Are, and be- gan to fight with it ; making mention of all the seve- ral nations and companies of Indians in tlie coun- try, that were enjmies to the English. And at nam'-'g of every particular tribe of Indians, he would draw out and fight a new firebrand ; and at finishing his fight with each particular firebrand, would bow to him, and thank him ; and when he had named all tlie several nations and tribes, (;nd fought them all, i)e istuck down his spear and hatchet, and came out, and another stept in, and acted over the same dnnce, with more fury, if possible, than the first; and when about half a dozen of their chiefs had thus acted their parts, the Captain of the guard stept up to Mr. Church, and told him, [that] they were making sol- diers for him, and what they had been doing was all one [as] swearing of them. And having in that manner engaged all the stout lusty men, Awashonks and her chiefs came to Mr. Church, and told him, that now they were all engaged to fight for the Eng- lish, and [that] he might call forth all, or any of them, at any time, as he saw occasion, to fight the enemy. And [then] presented him with a very fine firelock. Mr. Church accepts their offer, drew out a num- ber of tnem, and set out next morning before day A.r Plymouth, where they arrived the same day. The Governour being informed of it, came early to town* next morning ;t and by that time, he had Englishmen enough to make a good company, when joined with Mr. Church's Ind.ans, that offered their ■* The Governour resided at Marshfield a few milea north of Plymouth. t July 23. PHILIP'S WAR. 83 voluntary 8cr\-icc, to go under his command in quest of the enemy. The Governour then gave him a commission which is as follows. "Captain Bknjamin Chuuch, you aie hereby no- minated, ordered, commissioned, and empowered to raise a company of volunteers of about two hundred men, English and Indians ; the English not exceed- ing the number of sixty, of which company, or so many of them as you can obtain, or shall see cause at present to improve, you are to take the command, conduct, and to ' lead them forth now and hereafter, at such time, and unto such places within this colony, or elsewhere within the confederate colonies, as you siiall think fit ; to discover, pursue, fight, surprise, destroy, or subdue our Indian enemies, or any part or parties of them, that by the providence of God you may meet with, or them, or any of them, by treaty and composition to receive to mercy, if you see reason, (provided they be not murderous rogues, or such as have been principal actors in those villanies.) And forasmuch as your company may be uncertain, and the persons oflen changed, you are also here- by empowered with the advice of your company, to choose and commissionate a Lieutenant, and to es- tablish Sergeants, and Corporals as you see cause And you herein improving your best judgment and discretion, and utmost ability, faithfully to serve the interest of God, his Majesty's interest, and the inter- est of the colony ; and carefully governing your said company at home and abroad. These shall be unto you full and ample commission, warrant and dis- charge. Given under the publick seal, this 24th day of July, 1G76. Per JOS. WINSLOW, Governour:' Receiving commission, he marched the same night into the woods, got to Middleborough* before day ; • About 1 5 miles from Plymouth. The fruitful waters in this town and the plenty of game in its Moods, caused it to be a principal resiaence for Indians. Mourt says (in Prince, \ 94 PHILIP'S WAR. and as soon as the light appeared, took into tho «voods and swampy thickets, towards a place where they had some reason to expect to meet with a par- cel of Narraganset Indians, with some others that belonged to Mounthope. Coming near to where they expected them, Captain Church's Indian scout discovered the enemy ; and well observing their fires, and postures, returned with the intelligence to their Captain; who gave such directions for the surround- ing of them, as had the desired effect ; surprising them from every side, so unexpectedly, that they were all taken, not so much as one escaped.* And upon a strict examination, they gave intelli- gence of another parcel of the enemy, at a place called Munponsct pond.f Captain Church hastening with his prisoners through the woods to Plymouth, Chron. 191,) " thousands of men have lived here, who died of the great plasue, about S years before our -lace, and went into Bridgewater town. It seems that] the occasion of the firing was, that Philip, inding that Captain Church made that side of the country too hot for him, designed to return to the other side of the country that he came last from. And coming to Taunton river with his company, they felled a great tree across the river, for a bridge to pass over on. And just as Philip's old uncle Akkompoin,* and some other of his chiefs were pass- ing over the tree, gome brisk Bridgewater lads had ambushed them, fired upon them, and killed the old man, and several others, which put a stop to their coming over the river that night. f Next morning. Captain Church moved very early with his company, which was increased by many of Bridgewater, that enlisted under him for that expe- dition; and by their piloting, soon came very still to the top of the great tree, which the enemy had fallen across the river, and the Captain spied an In- dian sitting on the stump of it on the other side of the river, and he clapped his gun up, and had doubt- less despatched him, but that one of his own Indians called hastily to him, not to fire, for he believed it was one of their own men. Upon which the Indian upon the stump, looked about, and Captain Church's Indian .seeing his face, perceived his mistake, for he knew him to be Philip; clapped up his gun and fired, but it was too late; for Philip immediately threw himself off the stump, leaped down a bank on the other side of the river and made his escape. J * This might be a brother of Miissassoit, but we hear of none but Quadequinah. j- Hubbard places tlie date of this action on the 3 1 ; but according to our author it was on Sunday, and Sunday was the 30. X He had not long before cut off his hair that he might not be known. Hubbard. J^^' PHILIPS WAR. Ill Captain Church, as soon as possible got over the river, and scattered in quest of Philip and his com- pany ; but the enemy scattered and fled every way. I — j' He picked up a considerable many of their women and children, among which were Philip's wife and son; [the son]' about nine years old. Discovering a considerable new track along the river, and examining the prisoners, found [that] it was Qunnapin and the Narragansets, that were drawing otr from those parts towards the Narraganset coun- try. He inquired of the prisoners, whether Philip was gone in the same track? They told him that they did not know; for he fled in a great fright when the first English gun was fired, and [that] they had none of them seen or heard any thing of him since. Captain Church left part of his company there to secure the prisoners [which] they got, and to pick up what more they could find, and with the rest of his company hastened in the track of the enemy to overtake them, if it might be before they got over the river; and ran some miles along the river, until he came to a place where the Indians hud waded over; and he with iiis company waded over after them, up to the armpits; being almost as wet before with sweat as the river could make them. Following about a mile furiher, and not overtaking them, and the Captain being under [a] necessity to return that night to the army, came to a halt; told his company [that] he must return to his other men. His Indian soldiers moved for leave to pursue the enemy, (though he returned); [they] said [that] the Narra- gansets were great rogues, and [that] they wanted to be revenged on them for killing some of their relations; named Tockamona, (Awashonks' brother) and some others. Captain Church bade them go and Krosper, and made Lightfoot their chief, and gave im the title of Captain. Bid them go and quit themselves like men. And away they scampered like so many horses. ii'M ll m '■^ 111 .>• 112 PHILIP'S WAR. Next morning* early they returned to their Cap- tain, and informed him that they had come up^wit't the enemy, and killed several of them, and brought him thirteen of them prisoners. [They] were mighty proud of their exploit, and rejoiced much at the op- portunity of avenging themselves.f Captain Church sent the prisoners to Bridgewater, and sent out his scouts to see what enemies or tracks they could [find.] Discovering some small tracks, he followed them, found where the enemy had kindled some fires, and roasted some flesh, &c., but had put out their fires and were gone. The Captain followed them by the track, putting his Indians in the front; some of which were such as he had newly taken from the enemy, and added to his company. [He] gave them orders to maroh softly, and upon hearing a whistle in the rear, to sit down, till further order; or, upon discovery of any of the enemy, to stop; for his design was, if he could discover where the enemy were, not to fall upon them (unless necessitated to it) until next morn- ing. The Indians in the front came up with many women and children, and others that were faint and tired, and so not ahla to keep up with the company. These gave them an account, that Philip with a great number of the enemy, was a little before. Captain Church's Indians told the others, [that] they were their prisoners, but if they would submit to order, and be still, no one should hurt them. They being their old acquaintance, were easily per- suaded to conform. A little before sunset there was a halt in the front, until the Captain came up. They told him [that] they discovered the enemy. He ordered them to dog them, and watch their mo- tion till it was dark. But Philip soon came to a stop, and fell to breaking and chopping wood, to • August 1st. t Mr. Hubbard tikes no notice of this exploit PffllJP'S WAR. 113 make fires; and a great noise they made. Captain Church draws his company up in a ring, and sat down in the swamp without any noise or fire. The Indian prisoners were much surprised to see the English soldiers; but the Captain told them, [that] if they would be quiet, and not make any dis- turbance or noise, they should meet with civil treat- ment; but if they made any disturbance, or offered to run, or make their escape, he would immediately kill them all ; so they were very submissive and ob- sequious. When the day broke, Captain Church told his pri- soners, that his expedition was such, at [that]* time, that he couid not aflbrd them any guard ; told them, [that] they would find it to be [to] their interest, to attend the orders he was now about to give them ; which were, that when the fight was over, which they now expected, or as soon as the firing ceased, they must follow the track of his company, and come to them. (An Indian is next to a blood hound to follow a track.) He said to them, it would be in vain for them to think of disobedience, or to go in any thing by it ; for he had taken and killed a great many of the Indian rebels, and should, in a little time kill and take all the rest, &c. By this time it began to be [as]^ light as the time that he usually chose to make his onset. He moved, sending two soldiers before, to try, if they could privately discover the enemy's postures. But very unhappily it fell out, that [at] the very same time, Philip had sent two of his [men] as a scout upon his own trac'. lo see if none dogged [him.]' [They]* .^pied the two Indian men, [ — ]' turned short about, and fled with all speed to their camp, and Captain Church pursued as fast as he could. The two In- dians set a yelling and howling, and made the most hideous noise they could invent, soon gave the alarm to Philip and his camp, who all fled at the fiist tid- '[this] •[so] »[theinj ♦[who] '[and] 'f PHILIP'S WAR. ^ ings ; left their kettles boiling, and meat roasting upon their wooden spits, and ran into a swamp,* with no other breakfast, than what Captain Chi'rch after- wards treated th^ 1 with. Captain Church pursuing, sent Mr. Isaac How- landf with a party on one side of the swamp, while himself with the rest, ran on the other side, agreeing to run on each side, until they met on the further end. Placing some men in secure stands at that end of the swamp where Philip entered, concluding that if they headed him, and beat him back, that he would take back in his own track. Captain Church and Mr. Rowland soon met at the further end of the swamp, (it not being a great one) where they met with a great number of the enemy, well armed, com- ing out of the swatnp. But on sight of the English, they seemed very much surprised and tacked short. Captain Church called hastily to them, and said, [that] if they fired one gun they were all dead men; lor he would have them tc know that he had them hemmed in with a force sufficient to conmiand them ; but if they peaceably surrendered, they should have good quarter,! &c. They seeing the Indians and English come so thick upon them, were so su' prised, that many of them stood still and let the English come and take the guns out of their hands, when they were both charged and cocked. Many, both men, women and children of the ene- my, were imprisoned at this time; while Philip, * This swamp was on the w jst side of Taunton river, in Mattipoiset neck in Swanzey. f A brother tu Jabez Howland before mentioned, and son of t)ie first John Howland, witose name lives among the ceiubrated FORTY ONE. See note 1, page 89. J We may conclude th.it Mr. Hublard is more correct in his account of this affair than our author; he says, that one of Church's Indians called to them in their own language, &c., which from the circumstince that Mr. Church could not speak Indian is creditable. Nur. 223. Ji: PHILIP'S WAR. 115 Tispaquin, Totoson,* &c., concluded that the Eng- lish would pursue thenri upon their tracks, so were waylaying [them]* at the first end of the swamp; hoping thereby to gain a shot upon Captain Church, who was now better employed in taking prisoners, and running them into a valley, in form something [ — Y ^*^^ ^ punch bowl; and appointing a guard of two files, treble armed with guns taken from the But Philip having waited all this while in vain, enemy. now moves on after the rest of his company to sea what was become of them. And by this time Cap- tain Church had got into the swamp ready to meet him, and as it happened made the first u.scovery, clapped behind a tree, until Philip's company came pretty near, and then fired upon them; killed many of them, and a close skirmish followed. Upon this Philip having grounds sufllicient to suspect the event of his company that went before them, fled back upon his own track ; and coming to the place where the atnbush lay, they fired on each other, and one Lucas of Plymouth, not being so careful as he might have been about his stand, was killed by the Indiana. In this swamp skirmish Captain Church, with his two men who always ran by his side, as his guard, met with three of the enemy, two of which surren- dered themselves, and the Captain's guard seized them, but the other, being a great, stout, surly fellow, • [their tracks] * [shaped] *A son of the noted Sam B.irro\v. Totoson, ns will pre- sently be seen, died of grief for the destruction of his family, and loss of his country. He was one of the six Narrag.aiiset sachems that subscribed the treaty in July, 1675. His prin- cipal plfiee of resort was in Rochester, on the left of the main road as you pass from the villiig«> of Rochester to Mtitttipoi- set, and about two miles from the latter. It was a piece of high ground in a large swamp, connected to the high land by a narrow neck, over which, all had to pass to visit him. The road passes near where this neck joins the high ground. MS. Recollections. <« IIG PHILIPS WA». with his two locks tied up with red, and a great rat- tlesnake's skin flanging to the back part of his head, (who Captain Church concluded to be Totoson) ran from them into the swamp. Captain Church in per- son pursued him close, till coming pretty near up with him, presented his gun between his shoulders, but it missing fire, the Indian perceiving it, turned and presented at Captain Church, [but his gun]* missing fire also; (their guns taking wet with the fog and dew of the morning) [and]' the Indian turning short for another run, his foot tripped in a small grape vine, and he fell flat on his face. Captain Church was by this time up with him, and struck the muzzle of his gun, an inch and a half, into the back part of his head, which despatched him without another blow.* But Captain Church looking behind him, saw Totoson, the Indian whom he thought he had killed, come flying at him like a d.agon; but this happened to be fair in sight of the guard that were set to keep the prisoners, who, spying Totoson and others that were following him, in the very seasonable juncture made a shot upon them, and rescued their Captain ; though he was in no small danger from his friends' bullets; for some of them came so near him that he thought he felt the wind of them. The skirmish being over, they gathered their pri- soners together, and found the number that they had killed and taken, was one hundred and seventy-three, (the prisoners which they took over night includedji who after the skirmish, came to them as they were ordered, t Now having no provisions but what they took from » [and] " [but] * It cannot, now, be nseertuiiied who this Indian wan-iour wiis, hut his bravery was not unequiil, perh-tfis, to numberless civilized warrioura whose individual fame has filled fur bulkier books than this. f These exploits took up two days, namely the 2, and 3 August PHILIP'S WAR. 117 the enemy, they hastened to Biidgewater, senuing an express before to provide for them, their company bemg now very numerous.* The gentlemen of Bridgewater met Captain Church with great expressions of honour and thanks, and re- ceived him and his army with all due respect and kind treatment. Captain Church drove his prisoners (that ni^ht) into Bridgewater pound, and set his Indian soldiers to guard them. They being well treated with victu- als and drink, thev had a merry night, and the prison- ers laughed as loud as the soldiers; not being so treated [for] a long time before. Some of the Indians now said to Captain Church, " Sir, you have now made Philip ready to die, for you have made him as poor and miserable as he used to make the English; for you have now killed or taken all [of] his relations; that they believed he would now soon have his head, and that this bout had almost broken his heart," The next dayf Captain Church moved, and arriv- ed with all his prisoners safe at Plymouth. The great English army was now at Taunton, and Major Talcot,J with the Connecticut forces, being in these parts of the country, did considerable spoil upon the enemy. * Church had but about 80 En^Ushmen and 20 reconciled Indi..ns, says Hubbard, 223, rja before noted; and that he took about 153 prisoners. It is probable that he is a little out of the way in the former) aa well as the latter port of the statement. f August 14. I Major John Talcot. It is to be regretted that we have no account of thia military chieftain ir a biographical work. There are many of this class, which, saould they receive a small part of the attention bes.owed on some obscure charac- ters, would add much to the value of such works. I have little information of Major Talcot, except what is contain- ed in the valuable History of Connecticut. In note 1, on page 107, a few of his exploits ore sketched; but about this time he was as busy as Church, and performed very signal / . , , ... ;r ■■;-*-. 118 PHILIP'S WAR. Now Captain Church being arrived at Plymouth received thanks from the government for his good service, &c. Many of his soldiers were disbanded, and he thought to rest himself awhile ; being much fatigued, and his health impaired, by excessive heats and colds, wading through rivers, &c. But it was not long before he was called upon to rally, upon advice that some of the enemy were discovered in Dartmouth woods. He took his Indians and as many English volun- teers as presented to go with him ; scattering into small parcels, Mr. Jabez Rowland (who was now, and often, his Lieutenant, and a worthy good soldier) had the fortune to discover and imprison a parcel of the enemy. In the evening they met together at an appointed[ place, and by examining the prisoners Ihey gained intelligence ot Totoson's haunt.* And being brisk in the morning, they soon gained an ad- vantage of Totoson's company,! though he himself, services. After he had recruited his men at home a short time, he received intelligence that a, luj^e body of Indiana were fleeing to the westward. Major Talcot overtook them near the close of the third day, between Westficld and Albii~ ny on the west side uf Housiitonick river. On the following morning he divided his men into two parties; one was to cross the river and come upon their front, at the same time the other fell upon their roar. T'lia well concerted plan came near being ruined; as the first party were crossing the river they were discovered by one of the enemy who was out, fishing. He hallooed, "Awannux! Awannux!" and was immediately shot down. This surprised the enemy, and the gun was taken for the signal to begin the onset by the )ther party, who discharged upon them as they were rising from sleep. All that were not killed or wounded iled into the woods which were very thick, and the pursuit was given up. Forty-five of the enemy were killed and taken, among the former was the sachem of Quubaog. The army now returned. The Major had at first 350 men beside friendly Indians. * See note on page 115. t Hubbard, Nar. 232, sajrs that about fifty were taken at this time. 'MS,'- t» TOTOSOJf. P. I la PHIUP'8 WAR. 110 with his son about eight years old, made their escape, and one old squaw with them, to Agawom,* his own country. But Sam Barrow,t as noted a rogue as any among the enemy, fell into the hands of the Eng- lish at this time. Captain Church told him, that be- cause of his inhuman murders and barbarities, the Court had allowed him no quarter, but was to be fortljwith put to death ; and therefore he was to pre- pare for it. Barrow replied, that the sentence of death against him was just, and that indeed he was ashamed to live any longer, and desired no more fa- vour, than to smoke a whiff of tobacco before his execution. When he had taken a few whifTs, he said, he was ready ; upon which one of Captain Church's Indians sunk his hatchet into his brains. The famous Totoson arriving at Agawom,t his son,§ which was the last that was left of the family, (Captain Church having destroyed all the rest) fell sick. The wretch reflecting upon the miserable con- dition he had brought himself into, his heart became a stone within him, and [he] died. The old squaw flung a few leaves and brush over him, came into Sandwich, and gave this account of his death ; and oflfered to show them where she left his body ; but never had the opportunity, for she immediately fell sick and died also. * In Rochester. + 1 find nothing more recorded of Barrow, than what is here given. It appears that he had been a noted villain, and perhaps his sentence was just. But he wp'^ an old man, and would have died soon enough without murde ig. No doubt he made great t'ftbrts to redeem his sinking country, an account of which can- not be had at tliis day, which with many others we have greatly to lament the loss of with the generations to come. t (Several places were called Agawom; [or Agawam] as at Ipswich and Springfield ; this Agawom lies in Wareham.) It is probable that Totoson had other places of resort as weli as in Rochester, but that described in note on page 116, is sup- posed to be tile principal. 5 Totoson, son of Sam Barrow, is meant 120 PHIUP'S WAR. Captain Church belnc now at Plymouth agnin, weary and worn, would nave gone home to his wile and family, but the government being solicitous to engage him in the service until Philip whs slain ; and promising him satisfaction and redress for some mis- treatment that he had met wiih, he fixes for another expedition. He had soon volunteers enough to make up the company he desired, and marched through ihe woods, until he came to Pocasset. And not seeing or hearing of any of the enemy, they went over the ferry to llhodeisland, to refresh themselves. The Captain with about half a dozen in his company, took horses and rode about eight miles down the island, to Mr. Sanford's, where he had left his wife.* [She]' no sooner saw him, but fainted with surprise ; and by that time she was a little revived, they spied two horsemen coming a great pace. ('a|)tain Church told his company, that "Those men (by their riding) come with tidings." When they came up, they prov- ed to be Major Sanford,t and Captain Golding. [They]' immediately asked Captain Church, what he would give to hear some news of Philip? He re- Klied, that [that] was what he wanted. They told im, [that] they had rode hard with some hopes of overtaking him, and were now come on purpose to inform him, that there were just now tidin'-s from Mounthope. An Indian came down from .i..nce (where Philip's camp now was) [ — ]* to Sanvly point, over against Trip's, and hallooed, and, made signs to '[who] '[who] •[on] * This was on the 1 1 August. + The same very probably, who arrested Sir Edmund Andros at R. I. in 1689. Andros was tlien a prisoner nt the rastle in Boston harbour, when his servant, by the assistance of Hticchus, caused tlie sentinel to let him stand in his stead, and Sir Edmund escaped. Hutchinson, 1, 349. The name is not uniformly sjx-lt. In the text of Hutchinson, the first d is omitt^'d, as in our text page 102, but in his Index two des are used. PHILIP'S WAR. 131 be t-Wiuu PHILIP'S WAR. 121 been some time before. For this march they receiv- er! /(mr ahiUinga and sixpence a man, which was all the reward they had, except the honour of killing Philip. This was in the latter end* of August, I67C. Captain Church had been but a little while at Ply- mouth, before a post from Rehoboth came to inform the Governour, that old Annawon, Philip's chief Cap- tain, was with his company ranging about their woods, and was very offensive and pernicious to Re- hoboth and Swanzey. Captain Church was imme- diately sent for again, and treated with to engage in one expedition more. He told them, [that] their en- couragement was so poor, he feared [that] his sol- diers would be dull about going again. But being a hearty friend to the cause, he rallies again, goes to Mr. Jabez Howland, his old Lieutenant, and some of his soldiers that used to go out with him ; told them how the case was circumstanced, and that he had intelligence of old Annawon's walk and haunt, and wanted hands to hunt him. They did not want much entreating, but told him, [that] they would go with him as long as there was an Indian left in the woods. He moved and rang*, ' through the woods to Pocasset. It being the latter end of the week, he proposed to go on to Rhodoisland, and rest until Monday : but on the Lord's day morning,f there came a post to inform the Captain, that early the same morning, a canoe with several Indians in it, passed from Pru- dence islandj to Poppasquash<^ neck. Captain Church thought if he could possibly surprise them, * The reason of this anachronism is explained in note I on page 94. t August 30. t A long and crooked Island en the west side of Rhodes island, extending from near the centre of Rhodeislaad to Warwick neck, in length about 6 miles. 6 (On the west side of Bristol.) And separated from it by Bristol bay. t : 128 PHILIP'S WAR. [that] he might probably gain some intelligence of more game ; therefore he made all possible speed after »hcm. The ferry boat being out of the way he made use of canoes. But by that time they had made two freights, and had got over about fifteen or sixteen of his Indians, the wind sprung up with such *■ violence that canoes could no more pass.* The Captain seeing it was impossible for any more of his soldiers to come to him, he told his Indians, [that] if they were willing to go with him, he would go to Poppasquash, and see if they could catch some of the enemy Indians. They were willing to go, but were sorry [that] they had no English soldiers. f So they marched through the thickets that they might not be discovered, until they came unto the salt meadow, to the northward of Bristol town, that now is, [when] ^ they heard a gun ; the Captain looked about, not knowing but it might be some of his own company in the rear. So halting till they all came up, he found [that] it was none of his own company that fired. Now, though he had but a few men, [ne] was minded to send some of them out on a scout. He moved it to Captain Lightfoot to go with three [others] " on a scout ; he said [that] he was willing, provided the Captain's man, Nathaniel (which was an Indian they had lately taken) might be one of them, because he was well acquainted with the 1 [thnn] 9 [more] • This event was but a few days more than one hundrcil years before the celebrated passage of Washin^.on over tl»c Delaware to attack the Hcss'ans at Trenton, which has been so beautifully described by Barlow. See his Columbiad, B. vi. line 91 to 214. Perhaps this expedition of the heroic k Church, in the small days of Newengland was of as much consequence as greater ones were a century after. It is not impossible, but that another Barlow may arise and sing over the events of these days of yore A vast theme for a poet ! t They had one or more Englishmen in the comitany as will appear presently. PHILIP'L WAR. 129 neck, and coming lately from among them, knew how to call them. Tiie Captain bid him choose his three companions, and go ; oitd if they came across any of the enemy, not to kill them if they could possibly take them alive, that they might gain intelligence concerning Annawon. The Captain with the rest of his com- pany moved but a little way further toward Poppa- squash, before they heard another gun, which seem- ed to be the same way with the other, but further off; but they made no halt until they came unto the nar- row of Poppasquash neck; where Captain Church left three men more to watch, [and see] if any should come out of the neck, and to inform the scout, when they returned, which way he was gone. He parted the remainder of his company, half on one side of the neck, and the other with ^ imself went on the other side, [ — ] ^ until they met ; and meeting neither with Indians nor canoes, returned big with ex- pectations of tidings by their scout. But when they came back to the three men at the narrow of the n3ck, they told their Captain [that] the scout, [hadj* not returned, [and] had heard nor seen any thing of them. This filled them with thoughts o*" wh.at should become of them. By that time they had sat and waited an hour longer, it was very dark, and they despaired of their returning to them. Some of the Indians told their Captain, [that] they feared his new man, Nathaniel, had met with his old Mounthope friends, and [ — ]' turned roguo. They concluded to make no fires that night, (and indeed they had no great need of any) for they had no victuals to cook, [ — ]"* not so much as a n "^'sel of bread with them. They took up their lodgings scattering, that if pos- sibly their scout chould come in the night, and whis- tle, (which was their sign) some or other of them might hear them. They had a very solitary, hun- 1 [of the neck] 9 [was] 3 [was] * [had] r 9 1 \ ■?■ ISO PHILIP'S WAR. gry night; and as soon ai the day broke,* thcydruw oil' through the brush to a hill without the neck. And looking about them they espied one Indian man come running somewhat towards them. The Cap- tain ordered one man to step out and show himself. Upon this the Indian ran right to him, and who should it be but Captain Lightfoot, to their great joy. Captain Church asked nim what news? lie answered, "Good news;" [that] they were all well, and had catched ten Indians; and that they guarded them all night in one of the flankers of the old English garrison ;f that their prisoners were part of Annawon's company, and that they had left their families in a swamp above Mattapoiset neck.| And as t!iey were marching towards the old garrison, Lightfoot gave Captain Church a particular account of their exploit, viz.; that presently after they left him, they heard another gun, which seemed toward the Indian burying place ; and moving that way, they discovered two of the enemy flaying of a horse. The scout clapping into the brush, Nathaniel bid them sit down, and he would presently call all the Indians thereabout unto him. They hid, and he went a little distance back from them, and set up his note and howled like a wolf. One of the two im- mediately left his horse, and came running to see who was there; but Nathaniel howling lower and lower, drew him in between those that lay in wait for him, who seized him. Nathaniel continuing the same note, the other left the horse aluo, following his iTiJite, and met with the same. When they caught these two, they examined them apart and found them • Monday August 28. t This was the fort that was built in June, 1675, which Church so much disapproved of. See page 35. It was pro* bably of more service now than it had ever been before, if we Judge from any account since given. t (In Swanzey. There is another Mattapoiset in Rocb- ester.) PHILIP'S WAR. 131 / to aaree in their story ; that there were eight more of them [who camej' clown into the neck to got provisions, a^d had agreed to meet at the burying place that evening. These two being some of Nu- thanicl's old acquaintance, he had great influence upon them, and with hit. enticing story, (telling what a brave captaiii he had, how bravely he lived since he had been with him, and how much they might better th<;ir condition by turning to him, &c.,) per suado i and engaged them to be on his side, which, ind jcd, now begun to be the better side of the hedge. They waited but a little while before they espied the rest of theirs coming up to the burying place, and Nathaniel soon howled them in, as^he had done their mates before. Wt\en Captain Church came to the garrison, he met his Lieutenant,* and the rest of his company. And then making uf. ^ood fires they fell to roasting their horse beef, enou^! to last them a whole day, but had not a morsel of bread, though salt they had, (which they always carried in their pockets, [and] which at this time was very acceptable to them.) Their next motion was towards the place where the prisoners told them [that] they had lefl their women and children, and surprised them all ; and tiome others that [had]' newly come to thorn. And upon examination they held to one story, that it was hard to tell where to find Annawon, for he never roosted twice in a place. Nov d certain Indian soldier, that Captain Church had gained over to be on his side, prayed that he might iiavc liberty to go and fetch in his father, who, he said, was about four miles from that place, in a swamp, with no other than a young squaw. Captain Church inclined to go with him, thinking [that] it miglit be in his way to gp.in some intellvgence of Annawon ; and so taking one Englishman and a few » [come] ^ [were] • Mr. .Tahez Rowland % 133 PHILIP'S WAR. Indians with him, leaving the rest there, he went with his new soldier to look [ofter] his father. When he came to the swamp, he bid the Indian l»o [andj' sec if he could find his father. lie was no sooner gone, but Captain Church discovered a track coming (to] a [h,i«] * (Sflutheastcrlf part of Kehobotii) PHILIP'S WAR. 13J By this time camo the Indian soldier and brought his fuliier and one Indian mure. The Captuiii was now in a great strait of mind what to do next ; he had a mind to give Annawon a vinit, now he knew where to find him. But \m company was very small, [oidy]* half a dozen men beside himself, and was under a necessity to send some body back to acquaint his Lieutenant and company with his proceedings. However, he asked his small company that were with him, whether they would willingly go with him and give Annawon a visit 9 They told him, [that] they were always ready to obey his commands, &.c. ; but withal told him, that they knew this Captain Anna- won was a great soldier ; that he had been a valiant Captain under Asuhmcquin,^ Philip's father ; and 1 [but] • Morton, 122, calls him Woosamen. This was the last name by which the " good old Massassoit" was known. This name he took about the time of the Pequot war as was mentioned in note 1, on page 17. Allen in his Biographical Dictionary, has given a short sketch of him, which is very deficient. Not even informing us that he was ever known by any other name than Massassoit. Thiscelebrateri chief en- tered into a league of friendship with the Plymouth Pilgrims, the next spring afler their arrival, which was kept until his death. Some of the other tribes insultingly told him, ihat through his cowardice he had treated with the English. However this might be, he is said always to have advised his sons against engaging in a war with them, for he believed that in time the Indians would be annihilated. He was re- markable for his aversion to the English religion. Hutchin- son, I, 252, says that "when he was treating for the sale of some of his lands at Swanzey, insisted upon it as a condition, that the English should never attempt to draw off any of his people from their religion to Christianity, and would not re- cede until he found the treaty would break off if he urged it any further." He was personally several times at Plv- mouth. On his Brst arrival there, in Murch, 1620-21, he madt< his appearance on the hill, the south side of Town brook, with several of his principal men with him. Here he made a stop and Mr. Edward Winslow was sent to him with a pre- sent, and the Governour's (Carver) compliments that he de- sired to see him, and treat with him. He left Mr. Winslow m m 134 PHILIP'S WAR. thut he had been Philip's chieftain all this war. A very ! ubtio man, of great resolution, and had often said, that he would never be taken alive by the English. as a hostage with his men, and with about twenty of his 8ol« diers went down to the brook, where. Captain Standish met him with a tile of six men, and conducted him to a new house. A green rug was spread over the floor, and three or four cushions laid upon it. The Governour then came, nre« ceded by a drum and trumpet, at the sound of which ttiey appeared much delighted. After some introduction) the above mentioned i.dgue or treaty was entered upon and con- ' eluded as follows: Article I. That neither he, nor any of his, should injure or do hurt to any of their people. A't. II. That if any of his did any hurt to any of theirs, he should send the otfender that they might punish him. ^rt. III. That if, any thing were taken away from any of theirs, he should cause it to be restored ^ and thev should do the like to his. ^rt. IV. That if any did unjustly war against him, they would aid him ; and if any did war against tliem, he should aid them. Jlrt. V. That he should send to his neighbour confederates, to inform them of this, that they might not wrong them, but might be likewise comprised in these conditions of peace. Art. VI. That when his men came to them upon any occasion, they should leave their arms (which were then bows and arrows) behind them. Art. VII. Lastly, that so doing, their sove- reign Lord, King James would esteem him as his friend and ally. Two years after (in 1623) Massassoit fell sick, and Mr. Winslow went to visit him. He found the house crowded with men who were using their rude exertions to restore him to health. Being informed that his friends were come to see him, he desired to speak with them. (He was very sick and his sight had left him.) When Mr. Winslow went to him h pears that it was about 1656. Morton, 26, and 123. Hutch* inson, 1 252, 253. Belknap. Amer. Biog. 1, 212, 294. PHILIP'S WAR. 135 And moreover they knew that the men that were with him were resolute fellows, some of Philip's chief soldiers ; and therefore, feared whether it was practicable to make an attempt upon him with so small a handful of assailants as were now with him. Told him further, that it would be a pity, [ — ]* after all the great things he had done, [that] he should throw away his life at last. Upon wnich he replied, that he doubted not Annawon was a subtle und val- iant man ; that he had a long time, but in vain, sought for him, and never till now conld find his quarters and he was very loath to nr.iss of the opportunity j and doubted not, [ — Y *^^^ if they would cheerfully go with him, the same Almightj' I^ovi'lcice that had hitherto protected and befriended them, would do so still, &,c. Upon this with one consent they said, [that] they would go. Captain Church then turned to one Cook af Plymouth, (the only Englishman then with him) and asked him, what he thought of if? [He]^ repli- ed, " Sir, I am never afraid of going any where when you are with me." Then Captain Church asked the old Indian, if he could carry his horse with him ■? (For he conveyed a horse thus far with him.) He replied that it was impossible for a horse to pass the swamps. Therefore, he sent away his new Indian soldier with his father, and the Captain's horse, to his Lieutenant, and orders for him to move to Taun- ton with the prisoners, to secure them there, and to come out in the morning in the Rehoboth road, in which he might expect to meet him, if he were alive and had success. The Captain then asked the old fellow if he would pilot him [to]* Annawon ? He answered, that he hav- 1 [that] a [but] 3 [who] * [unto] Holmes, I, 20S. Prince, 185, &c. Whether he had more than two sons is uncertain ; but it seems by a letter to Lon- tlon, written during this war. that there was another. See Hutchinson, I, 265 13G PHILIP'S WAR. ing given him his life, he was obliged to serve him. He bid him move on then, and they followed. The old man would out travel them so far sometimes, that they were almost out of sight ; [and] looking over his shoulder, and seeing them behind, ne would halt. Just as the sun was setting, the old man made a full stop i^nd sat down ; the company coming up, also sat down, being all weary. Captain Church asked, " What news "?" He answered, that about that time in the evening. Captain Annawon sent out his scouts to see if the coast were clear, and as soon as it be- gan to grow dark, the scouts returned ; and then (said he) "we may move again securely." When it began to grow dark, the old man stood up again, [and] Captain Church asked him if he would take a gun and fight for him "? He bowed very low, and prayed him not to impose such a thing upon him, as to fight against Captain Annawon his old friend. But says he, " I will go along with you, and be help- ful to you, and will lay hands on any man that shall ofler to hurt you." It being now pretty dark, they moved close to- gether; — anon they heard a noise. The Captain stayed the old man with his hand, and asked his'own men what noise they thought it might be ? They concluded it to be the pounding of a mortar. The old man had given Captain Church a description of the place* where Annawon now lay, and of the diffi- • This solitary retreat is in the southeasterly part of the toTvn ofRehoboth, but being near Taunton line, sonne, in re- lating the stovy, report it to be in this town. It is about 8 miles from Taunton green, and nearly in a direct line to Providence. The nortnwest corner of Dighton runs up be- tween Taunton and Rehoboth, through which we pass in going from Taunton to Annawon's rock. (By this name it IS known throughout that part of the country.) It is in a great swamp, called Sauannaconk, containing nearly SOOO acre!!, as I was informed by Mr. A. Bliss, the nearest inhatii- tant to it. The road passes round the northwesterly part of coLo.VEL cuvRcu .ij^D .i.v^r.iiro^r. p. 137. / J[ PHILIP'S WAR. 137 culty of getting at him. Being sensible that they were pretty near them, with two of his Indians he creeps to the edge of the rocks, from whence he could see their camps. He saw three companies of Indians at a little distance from each other ; being easy to be discovered by tlie light of their firos. He saw also the great ANNA WON and his company, who had formed his camp or kenneling place by falling a tree under the side of the great cliiTs of rocks, and setting a row of birch bushes up against it ; where he himself, his sun, and some of his chiefs had taken up their lodgings, and made great fires without them, and had their pots and kettles boiling, and spits roasting. Theii^ arms also he discovered, all set together, in a place fitted for the purpose, standing up an end against a stick lodged in two crotches, and a mat placed over them, to keep them from the wet or dew. The old Annawon's feet and his son's head were so near the arms, as almost to touch them. [ — ]^ The rocks were so steep that it was impossible to get down, [only]** as they lowered themselves by tlie 1 [but] 2 [but] the swamp, and within 6 or 8 rods of the rock. This im- mense rock extends northeast and southwest 70 or 80 feet, and to this day the camp of Annawon is approached with difficulty. A part of its southeast side hangs over a little, and the other, on the northeast part, seems in no very dis- tant period, to have tumbled down in large clefts. Its height may lie 80 feet. It is composed of sand and pebbles. A lew scattering maple, beech, birch, Stc, grow about it ; as also briars and water bushes, so thick as almost to forbid ap- jiroach. Formerly, it was, no doubt, entirely surrounded by water, as it is to this time in wet seasons. The northwest side of the rock is easily ascended, as it gradually slopes away fiom its summit to its base, and at an angle, perhaps, not ex- ceeding 85°. Small bushes grow from Ihc seams in its steejp side, as in the days of Church. Near the Siiuthwest extremi- ty is an opening of an angular form, in which, it is said, Annawon and the other chiefs were encamped. This open- ing now contains the stump of a large tree, which must nave grown since those days, as it nearly tills it up. I ! Ill bougli PHILIP'S WAR. t. nd the bushes that grew in the cracks of the rocKs. Captain Church creeping back again to tiie old man, asked him, if there were no possibility of getting at them some other way 9 He answered, " No." That he and all that belonged to Annawon, were ordered to come that way, and none could come any other way without difficulty, or danger of being shot. Captain Church then ordered the old man and his daughter to go down foremost with their baskets at their backs, that when Annawon saw them with their baskets he should not mistrust the intrigue. Captain Church and his handful of soldiers crept down also, under the shadow of those two and their baskets. The Captain himself crept close behind the old man, with his hatchet in his hand, and stepped over the young man's head to the arms. The youns; Anna- won discovering of him, whipped his blanket over his head, and shrunk up in a heap. The old Cap- tain Annawon started up on his breech, and cried out"Howoh."* And despairing of escape, tiirew himself back again, and lay silent until Captain Church had secured all the arms, &.c. And having secured that company, he sent his Indian soldiers to the ot>fer fires and companies, giving them instruc- tions, what to do and say. Accordingly they went into the midst of them. When they [had] discover- • This word nccording to the tradition of aged people, sig- nified, "I am taken." Dr. Morse has thought fit to alter the spelling of this word to Hovvaii. It is very evident that tlie writer of tiiis history, intended in the terniination of this word to convey the sound of oh, and not ah. Were this not the case, it is certainly better to give it to posterity as we find it. Such alterations, however small and uiiimporttmt they m.iy sccni to some readers, have a very bad tendency ; they tend to cause us to doubt of the authenticity of any accounts that are lianded down to us. It may be said that an alteration of tliis kind is of no consequence, because it does not alter the sense. Hut it should be recollected, that tl;? authority is as good for any other alteration ; for to alter letters k to alter words; to alter words is to change the sense. PHILIP'S WAR. 139 ed themselves [to the enemy, they]' told them that, their Captain Annawon was taken, and [that] it would be best for them, quietly and peaceably to surrender themselves, which would procure good quarter for them ; otherwise, if they should pretend to resist or make their escape, it would be in vain, and they could expect no other but that Captain Church, with his great army, who had now entrap- ped them, would cut them to pieces. Told them also, [that] if they would submit themselves, and de- liver up all their arms unto them, and keep every man in his place until it was day, they would assure them that their Captain Church, who had been so kind to themselves when they surrendered to him, should be as kind to them. Now they being old ac- quaintance, and many of them relations, did much the readier give heed to what they said ; [so] compli- ed, and surrendered up their arms unto them, both their guns and hatchets, &,c., and were forthwith curried to Captain Church.* Things being so far settled, Captain Church asked Annawon, " what he had for supper?" " for (said he) [ am come to sup with you." " Taubut" (said An- nawon) with a big voice, and looking about upon his women, bid them hasten and get Captain Church and his company some supper. [He] then turned to Captain Ci.urch and asked him whether he would eat cow beef or horse beef 9 The Captain told him cow beef would be most acceptable. It was soon got ready, and pulling his little bag of salt out of his pocket, which was all the provision he brought with him. This seasoned his cow beef. So that with it and the dried green corn, which th*". old squaw was pounding in the mortar, while they were sliding 1 [who they were] * Mr. Hubbard differs considerably in his relation of the taking of Annavv6n, from our author, ar.d is much shorter. Notiiing very important seems to be omitted in ttiis account, excepting the date, and that Mr. Hubbard omits tilso. 140 PHILIP'S WAR. down the rocks, he made a very hearty supper. And this pounding in the mortar, proved lucky for Cap- tain Church's getting down the rocks ; for when the old squaw pounded, they moved, and when she "-eas- ed, to turn the corn, they ceased creeping. The noise of the mortar prevented the enemy's iiearing their creeping, and the corn being now dressed, sup- plied the want of bread, and gave a fine relish with the cow beef. Supper being over, Captain Church sent two of his men to inform the other companies, that he had killed Philip, and taken their friends in Mounthopc neck, but had spared their lives, and that he had sub- dued now all the enemy, (he suppoocd) except this company of Annawon ; and now if they would be ortlerly and keep their places until morning, they should have good quarter, and that he would carry them to Taunton, where they might see their friends again, &c. The messengers returned, [and informed] that the Indians yielded to his proposals. Captani Church thought it was now time for him to take a nap, having had no sleep in two days and one night ! efore. [So he] told his men, that if they would let him sleep two hours, they should sleep all the rest of the night. He laid himself down and en- deavoured to sleep, but all disposition to sleep de- parted from him. After he had lain a little while, he looked up to see how his watch managed, but found them all fast asleep. Now Captain Church had told Captain An- nawon's company, as he had ordered his Indians to tell the others ; [namely] that their lives should all be spared, excepting Captain Annawon's, and it was not in his power to promise him his life, but he must carry him to his masters at Plymouth, and he would entreat them for his life. Now when Captain Church found not only his own men, but all the Indians fast asleep, Annawon only txeeited, who, he perceived was as broad awake as PHILIP'S WAR. 141 himself; and so they lay looking one upon the other, fierhaps an hour. Captain Church said nothing to lim, for Yo could not speak Indian, and thought An- nawon could not speak English. At length Annawon raised himself up, cast off his blanket, and with no more clothes than his small breeches, walked a little nay back from the company. Captain Church thought no other but that he had walked a little distance for some necessary errand, and would very soon return. But by and by he was gone out of sight and hearing, and then Captain Church began to suspect some ill design in him ; and got all the guns close to him, and crowd- ed himself close under young Annawon; that if he should anywhere get a gun, he should not make a shot at him, without endangering his son. Lying very still awhile, waiting for the event, at length, he heard somebody coming the same way that An- nawon went. The moon now shining bright, he saw him at a distance coming with something in his hands, and coming up to Captain Church, he fell upon his knees before him, and offered him what he had brought, and speaking in plain English, said, "Great Captain, you have killed Philip, and con- quered his country ; for I believe that I and my com- pany are the last that war against the English, so suppose the war is ended by your means ; and there- fore these things belong unto you." Then opening his ppf^k, he pulled out Philip's belt,* curiously wroUj^ht with wompom,f being nine inches broad, •This belt and some other of Philip's ornaments are now owned in a family at Swanzej, as I was informed by an in- habitant of the place. t Wampum, or wampom, called also wampampeag ; a kind of money in use among the Indians. It was a Kind of bc»d made of shells of the great conch, muscles, &c., and curiously wrought and polished, with a hole through them. They were of different colours, as black, blue, red, white and pur- S lie ; the last of which were wrought by the Fivenatuns. *' ix of the white, and three of the black, or blue passe". »or a penny. Trumbull, Hist. U S. I, 23. In 1667 wanipon} \ t U2 PHILIP'S WAR. wrought with black and white wompom, in various figures, and flowers and pictures of many birds and beasts. This, when hanged upon Captnin Church's shoulders, reached his ancles ; and another belt of wompom he presented him with, wrought after the former manner, \/hich Philip was wont to put upon his head. It had two flags on the back part, which hung dovyn on his back, and another small belt with a star upon the end of it, which he used to hang on his breast, and they were all edged with red hair, which Annawon said they got in the Mo- hog's* country. Then he pulled out two horns of gla/.ed powder, and a red cloth blanket. He told Captain Church [thatj these were Philip's royalties, which he was wont to adorn himself with, when he sat in ^tate ; that he thought himself happy that hit had an opportunity to present them to Captain Church, who had won them, ceniing boundaries, &.o. See Hist Mass, I, 280, 281. This and other business, it is probable, kept them together until the time alluded to in our text f Governour John Leverett came to America with his father in 1633, from Boston in Lincolnshire, England. He was mado deputy Governour in 1671, and in 1673, Governour. He con- tinned in the office until his death, which, according to our author, was in 1676. Dr. Douglass also, in his Summary, I, 429, says that it was " in the autumn of 1676." It is remarkable, that most, if not all, later historians place his death in 1678, on the authority of Mather, I conclude. In my first edition of this work I followed the Biographical Dictionaries without scruple, but soon discovered the errour. Eliot and Alien, perhaps, fol- lowed Mather without hesitation, because Hutchinson did not differ from him. The former part of this note was writte.n previous to the appearance of Mr. Savage's edition of Winthrop's History of Newengland. It there appears, II, 245, note 2, that a letter wns received 1677, from the court of England, creating bini Knight This title was never used, which Mr. Savage con- jectures various reasons for. But if he were dead before his appointment arrived, that is a sufficient reason. In Sncw'a lli.st Boston, some account of his funeral is given, but under the same date. 10 146 PHILIP'S WAR. The same day* Tispaquin came in, and those that were with him. But when Captain Church returned from Boston, he found, to his griet, the heads of Anna- won, Tispaquin, in Proud, II, 0(0. < t PHILIP'S WAR. 149 divers parties of Indians. In one of which there was a certain old man, whom Captain Church seemed to take particular notice of, and asking him where he belonged, he told him at Swanzey. The Captain asked his name, he replied, Conscience. Conscience, said the Captain, smiling, then the war is over ; for that was what they were searching for, it being much wanted, and returned the said Conscience to his post again at Swanzey, to a certain person [that] the said Indian desired to be sold to, and ther; returned home.* * Nothing very brilliant, to be sure, occurred in those expedi- tions, if the author has given us the chief exploit of them all, and we mav be satisfied that we have no more of them. Mr. Hubbard tiikes no notice of any actions of Church after the tak- ing of Annuwon, which hud they been very important would not have escaped his attention. He closes the war in this quarter with a fc'W interesting exploits, the chief of which it will be proper to notice. In (Fctober one Mr. Stanton with three Indians came from Seconet and on the way beared by a captive, tlmt there were a number of the enemy not far off. The Indians leaving Mr. Stanton pursued and took them all. Among them was an old man not able to go their pace, and ibey spared his life by his promising to come after. It appears that those t-iken, were mostly women and children, whose men were out a hunting. They soon returned, and the old man informed them of what had befel their friends, and they set out in pursuit of them, overtook them, and retook the prisoners. One friendly Indian was killed in the skir- mish, and the other two hardly escflped. One of these was called Major Symon, part Pequot ana part Narraganset He wtis remark* able for his strength and courage, and t't the first, offered to tight any five of the enemy hand to hand with their hatchets, but they declined ; upon which he discharged his gun among them, and then rushed upon them with greiit fury, broke through them and escaped with the other, without injury. Hubbard, 237, 238. ,1 1 r }v I ' r TIB FRENCH AND INDIAN ¥AIIS m NEWENGLMD, BETWEEN THE YEARS 1689, AND 1704; [bUHO] ▲ FURTHER ACCOUNT OF THE ACTIONS IH THE MORB LATE WARS AGAINST THE COMMON ENEMY AND INDUN REBELS, IN THE EASTERN FARTS, UNDER THE COHUAND OF THE AFORESAID CAPTAIN BENJAMIN CHURCH. "'1^ I N the time of Sir Edmund Andross'* government, began that bloody war in the eastern parts of New- england ; so that immediadeiy Sir Edmund sent an * Andross was sent over as Governour of the province of Newyork, in 1674, by the Duke of York. Was appointed Governour of Newengland, and arrived in Boston, 20 Decem- ber 1684. Smith, Hist. N. Y., 63, gives a very just idea of his character in a very few words. " He knew no law, but the will of his master, and Kirk and Jeiferies were not fitter instruments than he to execute the despotick projects of James 1." And that "the historians of Newengland justly transmit him to posterity, under the odious character of a pycophantick tool to the Duke, and an arbitrary tyrant over the people corn- mittcd to his care." He was checked in the midst of his oppressive measures by the abdication of King J.ames. This had been expected by the colonies, and eagerly wished for. The people of Boston on a report of the change in England, and without waiting for its confirmation, iaringly began the revolu- tion in Newengland. Andross and about 60 other obnoxious persons were seized, and the old government reassumed. He was afterwards Governour of Virginia, and we hear but little more about him. he died in London, Feb. 24, 1713. Holmes, I, 475. His life is more particularly g^ven by Eliot, but large, and better by Allen. / FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 151 express for Captain Church, who then being at Little- coin pton, received it on a Lord's day, in the after- noon meeting. Going home after meeting, [he] took his horse and set out for Boston, as ordered ; and by sunrise next niorning, got to Braintree,* where he met with Colonel Page on horseback going to Wey- mouth and Hingham to raise forces to go east. [He]' said [that] he was glad to see him, and that his ex- cellency would be as glad to see him in Boston so early. 80 parting he soon got to Boston, and waited upon his excellency, who informed him of an unhap- fy war, broken oat in the eastern parts; and said, that] he was going himself in person, and that he wanted his company with him. But Captain Church not finding himself m the same spirit he used to have, said, [that] he hoped his- excellency would give him time to consider of it. He told htm he might; and also said that he must come and dine with him. Captain Church having many acquaintance in Bos- ton, who made it their business, some to encourafi;e, and others to discourage him from going with his excellency. So after dinner his excellency took him f^' into his room, and discoursed freely; saying, that he having knowledge of his former actions and successes, and that he must go with him, and be his second, with other encouragements. But in short, the said Cuptain Church did not accept, so was dismissed and went home-t '[who] * Formerly mount WoUaston. Its Indian name was Wessa- giisse* It is about 10 miles from Boston, and is renowned as the ' i.a,' place of John Adams, second President of tho U. Statls, whose lii'e and death add so much veneration to the auspicious Fourth of July. Though the residence of the President is nearly 4 miles from what was mount Wollaston, and in the present town of Quincy, yet it is believed, that it was anciently included in it. f Notwithstanding, Andross undertook an eastern expedi- tion at th'} head of 7 or 800 men, and the enemy fled before 163 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. Soon after this, was the revolution,* and the other goveintnent reassumed, and then Governour Brad- Rtreetf sent for Captain Church to come to Boston, as soon as his busimss would permit; whereupon he went to B ton a?^ ' vaited upon his honour, who told him [thatj - v ,.. lequested by the council to send for him, to - ■ c ^ould be prevailed with to raise volunteers, b, ^: ' .. i,. -h and Indians to go east ; for him. "Hut, by establishing' ^ Tisons, by detaching numerous purtics, to uttiick their settlemeni^, and destroy their scanty pro- visions, ho reduced them to the greatest distress, and secured tlie country from their incursions." Holmes, I, 474. But he did na much mischief, or perhaps more thun he did good. He plun> dered Custinc's house, a Frenchman, who had great influence among the Indians, which caused him to stir them up anew. Bel- knap, I, 196. * The change of government at home being mentioned in a preceding note, it will be necessary hero to take notice only of its origin. King James II, in his efforts to establish popery overthrew himself. He published certain declarations, with injunctions upon the cler; y to read them to the people after service, which they refused. The Bishops in an address to the King, remonstrated that they could not read his declara- tions consistent with their consciencies ; and they were immedi- ately prosecuted for a seditious libel. The people took great interest in their trial, and when they were acquitted the rejoi- cing was almost universal. At this very juncture, while the people were enraged against the King, William, Prince of Orange, who had married Mary, eldest daughter of King James, landed in England with an immense army from Holland, and were proclaimed without opposition. The old King with much dif- ficulty effected his escape to France. Goldsmith's Hist England. f Simon Bradstreet was born in Lincolnshire, England, in March, 1603, and lived to be the oldest man in Newengland. After marrying a daughter of Thomas Dudley, he was per- suaded to make a settlement in Massachusetts. In 1630 he was chosen assistant of the colony, and arrived at Salem the same ysar. He was in several important offices, and at length succeeded Governour Leverett in the chief magistracy of Mas- sjicliusetts, in which office he continued until the arrival of Andross, when he was superseded ; but Andross, in 1689, being put down, Mr. Bradstreet again assumed the government, and eontinutd in it until the arrival of Sir William Phips, in 1692. He died in Salem, March, 1697, aged 94 years, Allen, and ElioL I ' I III ► l!il FRENCH AND INDIAN WARa 153 the eastward Indians had done great spoil upon the English in those parts; giving him an account of the miseries and sufferings of the people there. Captain Church's spirits being affected, said, if he could do any service for his honour, the country, and their re- lief, he was ready and willing. He was asked how he would act? He said [that] he would take with him as many of his old soldiers as he could get, both English and Indians, &c. The gentlemen of Boston requested him to go to Rhodeisland governmeiit to ask their assistance. So giving him their letter, and about forty shillings in money, he took leave and went home to Bristol* on a Saturday ; and the next Monday morning he went over to Rhodeisland, and waited upon their Governour,f delivering the letter as ordered, [and] prayed his honour for a speedy an- swer, who said, they could not give an answer pre- sently ; so he waited on them till he had their answer. And when he had obtained it, he carried it to the Boston gentlemen, who desired him to raise what volunteers he could in Plymouth colony, and Rhode- island government, and what was wanting they would make up out of theirs that were already out in the eastern parts. The summer being far spent, Captain Church made what despatch he could, and raised about two hun- dred and fifty men, volunteers, and received his com- mission from Governour HinkleyJ which is as fol- loweth, viz: ''■He settled at Bristol soon after Philip's war. See his life page XV. f We may infer from Judge Sewall's diary, in Holmes, I, 468, that one Clark was tlie Governour of Rhodeisland in 1686, on the arrival of Andross, who of course was displaced. But in May of thia.year, 1689, it was resumed, and all the gener- al officers replaced. Ibid. 476. I have not even leirned his baptismal name. A good history of Rhodeisland is a very desira- ble work. J Thomas Hinkley was bom about the year 1632. I find no mention of him, until he assumed the governmeut, ur rather 154 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. " The council of War of their Majesties' colony of Ne.w Plymouth in Newengland : To Major Benja- min Church, Commander in Chief. Whereas the Kennebeck and eastern Indians with their confederates, have openly made war upon their Majesties' subjects of the province of Maine, New- hnmpshire, and of the Massachusetts colony, having committed many barbarous murders, spoils and ra- pines upon their persons and estates. And whereas there are some forces of soldiers, English and Indi- ans, now raised and detached out of the several regiments and places within this colony of New Plymouth, to go forth to the assistance of our neigh- bours and friends, of the aforesaid provinces and colony of the Massachusetts, subjects of one and the same crown ; and to join with their forces for the repelling and destruction of the common enemy. And whereas, you Benjaniin Church, are appointed to be Major, and commander in chief of all the forces, English £ind Indians, detached within this colony for the service of their Majesties aforesaid. THESE are in their Majesties' name to authorize and require you to take into jour care and conduct all the said, forces, English and Indians, and diligently to attend that service, by leading and exercising of your inferi- our officers and soldiers, commanding them to obey you as their chief commander; and to pursue, fight, take, kill, or destroy the said enemies, their aiders and abettors, by all the ways and means you can, as you shall have opportunity. And you are to observe and obey all sucn orders and instructions as from time to time you shall receive from the commission- ers of the colonies, the council of war of this colony, or the Governour and council of the Massachusetts the presidency of Plymouth colony after the fall of Andross, the Caligula of Newengland, in 1G89. He continued in this office until 1692, when Sir William Phips arrived. He died Ht Barnstable, in 1706, aged about 74 years. Morton, 208. Hutrh- inaon, II 141. FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 155 colony. In testimony whereof the publick seal ot* the said colony of New Plymouth is hereunto affixed. Dated in Plymouth, the sixth day of September, Anno Domini, 1689. Annoque Regni Regis at Regi- ncB Willielmi et Marice Angliee, ^., Pnmo.* THOMAS HINKLEY, President. And now marching them all down to Boston, then received his further orders and instructions, which are as followeth. *' Boston, September 16th, 1689. To all Sheriffs, Marshals, Constables, and other officers, mititary and civil, in their Majesties' pro- vince of Maine. Whereas pursuant to an agreement of the commis- sioners of the United Colonies, Major Benjamin Church is eomniissionated commander in chief over that part of their Majesties' forces, (levied for the present expedition against the common enemy) whose nead quarters are appointed to be at Falmouth, in Casco bay^ In their Majesties' names, you, and every of you, are required to be aiding and assisting to the said Major Church in his pursuit of the enemy, as any emergency shall require ; and so impress boats or other vessels, carts, carriages, horses, oxen, provision and ammunition, and men for guides, &c., as you shall receive warrants from the said Com- mander in chief, or his Lieutenant so to do. You may not fail to do the same speedily and eifectually, as you will answer your neglect and contemjft of their Majesties' authority and service at your utter- most peril. Given under my hand and seal the day f That 18. And of the reign of the King and Queen, WiUiam and Mary of England, c., the first. f 156 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. and year above written. Annoque Regni Regit et RegincB Williemi et Maries Primo. By THOMAS DANFORTH.* President of the province of Maine." ** By the Governour and Council of Massachusetts. To Major Benjamin Church. Whereas you are appointed and commissioned by the council of war, of the colony of New Plym- outh, commander in chief of the forces raised with- in the said colony, against the common Indian ene- my, now ordered into the eastern parts to join with some of the forces of this colony ; for the prosecu- tion, repelling and subduing of the said enemy. It is therefore ordered that Captain Simon Willard, and Captain Nathaniel Hall, with the two companies of soldiers under their several commands, belonging to this colony, now in or about Casco bay, be, and are hereby put under you, as their commander in chief for this present expedition. — And of the com- missions severally given to either of them, they are ordered to observe and obey your orders and direc- tions as their commander in cnief until further order from the Governour and council, or the commission- ers of the colonies. Dated in Boston the 17th day of September, Anno Domini, 1698. Annoque Regni '"This gentleman was bom in England 1622. He was a man of influence, which he employed to good account in the difficult days of Newengland. In 1679, he was elected depu- ty Governour, and the same year, the inhabitants of the province of Maine, chose him their President. On the arri- val of the tyrant, Andross, he was suspended from office. — He died in 1699, aged 77 years. Nothing more honourable, perhaps, can be said of him, considering the age in which he lived, than, that he opposed with firmness the proceedings of those courts, which caused such a foul page in our history by their detestable prosecutions and persecutions for vntchcrafi. See Allen, Biog. 240. r f ; FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 167 Regis et Regina Ouilieimi et Maries, Anglias, ^. Prima. S. BRADSTREET, Gov. Past in Council. Attest, Isaac Addington,* Seer." " By the Commissioners of the Colonies of ihe Mas- sachusetts, Plymouth and Connecticut, for mana- ging the present war against the common enemy. Instructions /or Major Brnjamin Church, Comman- der in Chief of the Plymouth forces, with others of the Massachusetts, put under his command. In pursuance of the commission given you. for their Majesties' service in the present expedition against the common Indian enemy, their aiders and abettors; reposing confidence in your wisdom, pru- dence and fidelity in the trust committed to you for the honour of God, good of his people, and the secu- rity of the interest of Christ in his churches, ex})ect- ing and praying that in your dependence upon him,, you may be helped and assisted with all that grace and wisdom which is requisite for carrying you on with success in this difficult service ; and tnough much is and must be left to your discretion, as pro- vidence and opportunity may present from time to time in places of attendance; yet the following instructions are commended unto your observation, and to be attended to so far as the state of mat- ters with you in such a transaction will admit. You are with all possible speed to take care that the * Mr. Addington wns one of those who took a very active pnrt in opposition to tlie tyrannical measures of Andross. On the accession of William and Mary he was appointed Secre- tory, which office he discharged with integrity for some time. It seems thot in lose davs, as well as at the present, njjiee seekers were not enUifely unknown, but, " the emoluments of that office were small, compared with the duty, and so he was in less danger of a competitor " He belonged to the council for many years, and was respected as a justice of the peace for wisdom and industry. U« died in 1714. 158 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. Plymouth forces, both English and Indians under your command, be fixed, and ready, and the first op- portunity of wind and weather, to go on board such vessels as are provided to transport you and them to Casco, where, if it shall please God you arrive, you are to take under your care and command, the companies of Captain Nathaniel Hall, and Captain Simon Willard, who are ordered to attend your com- mand, whom, together with the Plymouth forces, and such as from time to time may be added unto you, you are to improve in such way as you shall see meet, for the discovering, pursuing, subduing and destroying the said common enemy, by all op- portunities you are capable of; always intending the preserving of any of the near towns from incursions, and destruction of the enemy ; yet chiefly improving your men for the finding and following the said enemy abroad, and if possible to find out and attack their head quarters and principal rendezvous, if you find you are in a rational capacity for so doing. The better to enable you thereto, we have ordered two men of war sl( >ps, and othrr small vessels for transportation to attend you for some considerable time. You are to see that your soldiers' arms be always fixed, and that they be furnished with ammu- nition, provisions and other necessaries, that so they may be in readiness to repel and attack the enemy. In your pursuit you are to take special care to avoid danger by ambushments, or being drawn under any disadvantage by the enemy in your marches, keep- ing out scouts and a forlorn hope before your main body, and by all possible means endeavouring to sur- f»rise some of the enemy, that so you may gain ifitel- igence. You are to suppress all mutinies and disorders among your soldiers, as much as in you lies, and to punish such as disobey your officers, according to the rules of war herewith given you. You are according to your opportunity, or any occasion more than ordinary occurring, to hold cor- FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 159 respondence with Maj(j| Swaine, and to yield mutual assistance when, and as you are capable of it, and you may have reason to judge it will be of most Eublick service, and it will be meet, [that] you and e should agree of some signal, whereby your In- dians may be known from the enemy. You are to encourage your soldiers to be industrious, vigorous, and venturous in their service, to search out and destroy the enemy, acquainting them, it is agreed by the several colonies, that they shall have the benefit of the captives, and all lawful plunder, and the reward of eight pounds per head, for every fighting Indian man slain by them, over and above their stated wages ; the same being made appear to the commander in chief, or such as shall be appoint- ed to take care therein. If your commission officers, or any of them should be slain, or otherwise incapa- ble of service, and for such reason dismissed, you are to appoint others in their room, who shall have the like wages, and a commission sent upon notice given ; you [are] to give them commissions in the mean time. You are to take effectual care that the worship of God be kept up in the army; morning and evening prayer attended as far as may be, and as the emergencies of your affairs will admit; to see that the holy Sabbath be duly sanctified. You are to take care as much as may be, to prevent or punish drunkenness, sviearing, cursing or such other sins as do provoke the anger of God. You are to advise with your chief officers in any matters of moment, as you shall have opportunity. You are from time to time to give intelligence and advice to the Governour and council of the Massachusetts, or commissioners of the colonies, of your proceedings and occurrences that may happen, and how it shall please the Lord to deal with you in this present ex- pedition. If you find the vessels are not likely to be serviceable to you, dismiss them as soon as you may. 160 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. Captain Sylvanus Davis istgi prudent man and well acquainted with the affairs of those parts, and is writ- ten unto to advise and inform you all he can. Such further instructions as 've shall see reason to send unto you, you are carefully to attend and observe ; and in the absence of the commissioners, you shall observe the orders and instructions direct- ed unto you from the Governour and council of the Massachusetts. Given under our hands in Boston, Sept. 18, 1689. THOMAS DANFORTH, President. ELISIIA COOKE, SAMUEL MASON, WILLIAM PITKIN, TIIO. IIINKLEY, JOHN WALLEY. THE FIRST EXPEDITION EAST. Being ready. Major Church embarked with his forces on board the vessels provided to transport them for Casco.* Having a brave gale at south- west, and on Friday about three o'clock, they got in sight of Casco harbour. And discovering two or three small ships there, [and] not knowing whether they were friends or enemies, whereupon the said commander, Major Church, gave orders that every man that was able should make ready, and all lie close ; giving orders how they should act in case they were enemies. He, going in the Mary sloop, together with the Resolution, went in first, being both well fitted with guns and men. Coming to the first, hailed them, who said they were friends ; presently man- ned their boat, brought to, and so came along the *Wliat was since included in the towns of Falmouth, Cape Elizabeth and Portland, was called Casco. It is situated on Casco bay. This bay at its entrance between Cape Porpoise and Cape Elizabeth, is about 40 miles wide. Sullivan's Hist. Maine, 13. In Philip's war depredations were committed hero by tlio savages and many were killed. lb. 198, &e. *• FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. ■ ir 101 side of [him.]^ [They]'' gave the said Church an account, that yesterday there was a very great army of Indians, and French with them upon the island,* at the going out of the harbour, and that they were come on purpose to take Casco fort and town ;t like- wise informed him that they had got a captive wo- man aboard, (Major Walden'sJ daughter, of Piscata- ' [them.] * [who] * There nre about 300 islands in Ciuseo bay. What the name of this was I have not learned. fis this the "body t)f 600 Indians," mentioned by Belknap, N. H. I, 267, that were going to attsiek Casco ? I do not find any thing like it in the place it should be. He cites "Church's memoirs, 104," perhaps he used the first edition of this history, as no mention of any thing of the kind is seen in the second. In touching upon the operations under Church in 1704, he says, "while they were at Mountdescrt Church learned from 9 of his prisoners" of the body of Indians just named. It will be seen in the Fifth Expedition, that Liifaure's son in- formed Church at Montinicus, of some French and Indians "that were to go westward to fight the English," but nothing of the kind took place at Mountdesert, nor any information from "9 prisoners," or that the expedition was to attack Casco. I Waldron is now the correct way of writing this name. riubb.ard wrote it as our author does, but more frequently with an r after the e. Some other historians put the r before the e, 80 we are at a loss how the name was originally spelt. M.njor Richard Waldron was a native of Somersetshire, England, and was one of the first settlers at Cochecho, now Dover, Newhampshire. The tragical death of this noted man is given by Dr. Belknap, Hist. N. H. I, 197, 198; but as that excellent work is not in the hands of many, it may be f roper to give the particulars in this place. At the close of hilip's war, many of the western Indians fled to the east- ward. Some of them, with others of Pannacook and Pig- wocket, had assembled at Major Waldron's with whom they had lately treated. Captains Syll and Hawthorne, being despatched by the Massachusetts government against the Indians on the Kennebeck, arrived there with their men, under orders to seize all Indians that had been concerned in the war. They were about to execute their orders by seiz- ing tliese Indians, but Maj. Waldron formed the design of taking thorn in a sham training, which he had invited them U iNi mm ''- m \. ..." Ii: 1G2 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. qua) that could give him a full account of their numbers and intentions. He bid them give his ser- to join in. Accordingly nil were taken, in number about 400. Those that were not found to have been in the former war were dismissed, and the rest were sent to Boston. About 8 or 10 were hanged as murderers, and the rest sold into slavery. 'J'his was the latter pjirt of 1676. Now 13 years had expired, but revenge remained in the brea.sts of those tribes whose frieiuis had been so cruelly treated. They theref " "ough two or three rooms, and as he turne'l to get so^k - 'it!i arms, he fell stun- ned by a blow with The hatchet ' '' , dragged bini into Ills hail and seated him on a table m a great chaii, and then began to cut his flesh in a shocking manner. Some in tiniis giished his naked breast, saying, "I cross out my account." Then cutting a joint from a finger, would say, " Will your fist weigh a pound now]"* His nose and ears were then cut ott' and forced into his mouth. He soon fainted, and fell from his seat, and one held his own sword under him, which pas- sed ihrough his body, and he expired. The family were forced to provide them a supper while they were murdering the * It li a tradition ronceminf; Mi^or Weldron, that he lined in trading with the Indians, to count his ttal lut weiginng a pound, also that his iicconntK w«ru false and not crossed out according to agr<>«ment. Hut in juslico to th»! Miijor, it should b« reinemberen, in France, and was a man of family and fortune. He ci>nie to Anitrica in 1670, and settled among the Penobseot In()iaus; murried a daujrhter of the chief, and had several ot'ner wives. By the treaty of Breda, the terri- tory beyond t'le Penobscot was ceded to France, and Castiiio lived within thut country. Some difficulty arose about a cargo of wine, which was landed in the country, and a new line w.is run by the English, by which tlie place of landing, together with Castine's lands, was taken within the English claim. Andross, in his expelition before named, plundered Castine's house of every ti."nor valuable in his absence. This base act so exaspera- ted him, that he used his exertions to inflame the Indians BguiiL.t the English, which he eflFectually did, and their chief »:rpi li ■> of ..nils md ammunition were furnished by him. He had un cstHi? :n Fi-t.ce, to which he retired when the French lost thi!^ poHs; a.sion.>i 'n that part of the country. See Sullivan's Hist. 93, l.V iJ2*) Hist. N. H. I, 195, 196. If we name this war f^oin tin- i^ that occiisioned it, we may call it Cas- tine's wa . Bui ii>> French, perhaps, would call it Androsa' war. m" FRENCH AND INDIANS WARS. 165 them, but did not know whether Casteen was there or not. He then having got what intelligence she could give him, went ashore and viewed the fort and town;, discoursing with the gentlemen there accord- ing to his instructions. And when it began to grow dark, he ordered the vessels to come as near the fort as might be, and land the soldiers with as little noise as possible; ordering them as they landed to go into the fort and houses, that stood near, that so they might be ready upon occasion. Having ordered provisions for them, [he] went to every company and ordering them to get every thing ready; they that had no powderhorns or shotbags, should immediately make them; ordering the officers to take special care that they were ready to march into the woods an hour before day; and also directing the watch to call him two hours before day. So he hastened to bed to get some rest. At the time prefixed he was called and presently ordering the companies to make ready, and about half an hour before day they moved. Several of the town's people went with them into a thick place of brush about half a mile from the town. Now order- ing them to send out their scouts as they used to do, and seeing them all settled at their work, he went in- to town by sunrise again, and desired the inhabitants ^,o take care of themselves, till his men had fitted themselves with some necessaries; for his Indians, most of them, wanted both bags and horns. So he ordered them to make bags like wallets, to put pow- der in one end, and shot in the other. So most of them, were ready for action, viz., the Seconet Indians, but the Cape Indians were very bare, lying so long at Boston before they embarked, that they had sold every thing [that] they could make a penny of; some tying shot and powder in the cor- ners ot their blankets. He being in town, just going to breakfast, there was an alarm; so he ordered all the soldiers in town to 1 \ 166 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. move away as fast Jhey cou1(1, where the firing was. And he, with what men iDore were with him of his soldiers, moved immediately. [They met]* with Captain Bracket's* sons, who told [them that,]^ their father was taken ; and that they saw a great army of Indians in their father's orchard, «kc. By this time our Indians that wanted bags and horns were fitted, but wanted more ammunition. Presently came a messen-rer to him from the town, and informed him, that they had knocked out the heads of several casks of bullets, and they were all too big, being musket bullets, and would not fit their guns, and that if he did not go back himself, a great part of the fu'my would be kept back from service for want of suitable bullets. He ran back and ordered every vessel to send ashore all their casks of bullets; being brought, [they] knocked out their heads, and turned them all out upon the green by the fort, and set all the peo- ple in the town, that were able, to make slugs; being * [and meeting] • [him] ♦Cnptiin Anthony Bracket, an early settler on Caaco bay, w%:re his posterity yet remain. Notice ia talien by Sulii\un, 11 'J. that the family were considerable landholders in Fainidutli, between the 1680, and 1690, under a title of the govenum iit, signed by president Danforth. lb. 196, 197. When Casco was destroyed in 1676, Captain Bracket witii hia wife and one cliild was token by the savages. This was on tiie 1 1 August, and tlio November following they made their escape. Those tliat had them prisoners, landed them on the north sliore nf tiie bay, and here their keepere had intelligence of a valuable liouse, taken by another party, the spoils of which they were eager to share; therefore, leaving Bracket, his wife and child, and a negro, with some provisions, who promised that they would come after, and departed. They found an old bircii canoe, in which they escaped to the other side of the bay, where, only the day before the enemy had left. Here they got on board a vessel bound to PascaUiqua, were they arrived safe. Hubbard, 293 to 296. What time Bracket returned to his lands does not appear. When Androaa erected forta there in 1688, Captain Bracket was put in command of three. Sullivan, 260. I! FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 167 most of them too large for their use, which hae like to have been the overthrow of their whole army. He finding some small bullets, and what slugs were made, and three knapsacks of powder, went imme- diately to the army, which was very hotly engaged. But coming to the river the tide was up; he called to his men that were engaged, encouraging them, and told them [that] he had brought more ammunition for them. An Indian, called '^aptain Lightfoot,* laid down his gun, and came over the river, taking tho powder upon his head, and a kettle of bullets in each hand, and got safe to his fellow soldiers. He perceiving great firing upon that side he was of, went to see who the;, were, and found them to be two of Major Church's companies, one of English and the other of Indians, being in all about fourscore men, that had not got over the river, but lay firing over our men's heads at the enemy. He presently ordered them to rally, and come all together, and gave the word for a Cfasco .nan. So one Swarton, a Jersey man.f appearing, whom he could hardly un- derstand. He asked him how far it was to the head of the river, or whether there were any place to get over? He said [that] there was a bridge about three quarters of a mile up, where they might get over. So he calling to his soldiers, engaged on the other side, that he would soon be with them over the bridge, and come upon the backs of the enemy, which put new courage into them. So thejr imme- diately moved up towards the bridge, marchmg very thin; being willing to make what show they could; shouting as they marched. They saw the enemy running from the river side, where they had made stands with wood to prevent any body from coming over the river; and coming to the bridge, thoy saw on the other side, that the enemy had laid logs, and * See note 2 on page 100. f An Irishman. 168 PRENai AND INDIAN WARS. stuck birch brush along to hide themselves from our view. He ordered the company to come altogether, bid- dine them all to run after him, who would go first ; ana that as soon as they got over the bridge, to scat- ter; that so they might not all be shot down to- gether; expecting the enemy to be at their stands. So running up to the stands, found none there, but were just gone; the ground being much tumbled with them behind the said stands. He ordered the Captain with his company of English to march down to our men, engaged, and that they should keep along upon the edge of the marsh, and himself, with his Indian soldiers would march down through the brush. And coming to a parcel of low ground, which had been formerly burnt, the old brush being fallen down, lay very thick, and the young brush being grown up, made it bad travelling. But com- ing near the back of the enemy, one of his men call- ed unto him, (their commander) and said, " The ene- my run westward to get between us and the bridge." And he looking that way, saw men running; and making a small stop, heard no firing, but a great chopping with hatchets; so concluding the fight was over, made the best of their way to the bridge again ; lest the enemy should get over the bridge into the town. The men being most of them out, (our ammuni- tion lay exposed) [and] coming to the bridge where he left six Indians for an ambuscade on the other side of the river, that if any enemy offered to come over, they should fire at them, which would give him notice ; so would come to the!: assistance. (But in the way, having heard no firing, nor shouting, concluded the enemy were drawn off.) He asked the ambuscade whether they saw any Indians? they said "Yes, abundance." He asked them where? They answer- ed, that they ran over the head of the river by the \ ^ / IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) A w ""^ vV^ 7 1.0 1.1 11.25 |jo ^^ Wi^m *ii ^ 12.2 U I. hiuu 1.4 11.6 6" Photographic Sdences Corporation 23 WIST MAIN STRUT WMSTM.N.Y. M5I0 (716)875-4503 / ,, THK FIOHT AT CASCO. P. Itt?. lA FRENCH AND IMDIAN WARS. 169 ccdur swamp, and were running into the neck to- wards the town. There being but one Englishman with him, he bid his Indian soUliers scatter, [and] run very thin, to preserve themselves and be the better able to make a discovery of the enemy. And soon coming to Lieutenant Clark's* field, on the south side of the neck, and seeing the cattle feeding quietly, and per- ceiving no track, concluded the ambuscade had told them a falsehood. They hastily returned back to the said bridge, perceiving [thatj there was i^o noise of the enemy. He hearing several great guns fire at the town concluded that they were either assaulted, or that they had discovered the enemy ; [ — ]^ having order- ed that in case such should be, that they should fire some of their gieat guns to give him notice. He being a stranger to the country, concluded [th&t] the enemy had, by some other way, got to the town ; whereupon he sent his men to the town, and himself going to the river, near where the fight hac been, asked them how they did, and what was become of the enemy 9 [They]* informed him that the enemy drew off m less than an hour afler he left them, and had not fired a gun at them since. He told them [that] he had been within little more than a gun shot of the back of the enemy, and had been upon them, had it not been for thick brushy ground, &c. Now some of his men returning from the town, gave him the account, that they went while they saw 1 [He] a [Who] * The name of Clark occurs early amone the first clairaers of the soil in this part of the country. To Thomas Clark and Roger Spencer, wa« sold the island of Arrowseag, as the Indians called it, but the English, Arrowsike. It appears also that Clark possessed lands on the main, from whence he was driven in 1675. Sullivan, 145, 169, 173. This if not the same may be a relative. Mather, Mag., 524, informs as, that one Lieut. Clark was killed here in a sally in Maji 1690. ** ^t' 170 KUENCH AND INDIAN WARS. the colours standing, and men \/alking about as not molested. He presently ordered that all his army* should pursue the enemy, bikt they told him that most of them had spent their ammunition ; and that if the enemy had engaged them a little longer, they might have come and knocked them on the head ; and that some of their bullets were so unsizeable, that some of them were forced to make slugs while tiicy were ens^aged. He then ordered them to get over all the wounded and dead men, and to leave none behind, which was done by some canoes they had got. Captain Hallf and his men being first engaged, did great damage, and suffered the greatest loss in his men. ^ut Cap- tam Southworth,! with his company, and Captain Numposh with the Seconet Inaians, and the most of the men belonging to the town all coming suddenly to his relief, prevented him and his whole company from being cut off, &c. By this time the day was far spent, and marching into town about sunset, carrying in all their wounded and dead men ; being all sensible of God's goodness to them, in giving them the victory, and causing the enemy to fly with shame ; who never gave one shout at their drawiniv off. The poor inhabitants wonder- fully rejoiced that the Almighty had favoured them so much ; saying, that if Major Church with his for- ces had not come at that juncture, they had been all cut off; and said further, that it was the first time, that ever the eastward Indians had been put to flight. * How numerous this army was is not tol i us, but it proba- dIt consisted of near 400 men, as his own volanteers number- ed 250, and these men were joined by two other companies as mentioned in his commission from the Massachusetts gov- ernment. t Captain Nathaniel Hall was of the Massachusetts where the name is very common at this dajr. Mather, Mag. II, 515, says, " he had been a valiant captain in the former war.'* X Captain Nathaniel Si;uthworth of Plymouth coilcinj. I find no particulam of him. FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. ITI The said Church with his volunteers were wonder- fully preserved, having never a man killed outright, and but one Indian mortally wounded, who died ; several more being badly wounded, but recovered.* Ailer this engagement Major Church, with his for- ces, ranging all the country thereabout, in pursuit of the enemy and visiting all the garrisons at Black point,f Spurwink,;]: and Blue pomt,<^ and went up Kennebeck|| river, but to little effect. And now winter drawing near, he received orders from the government of Massachusetts bay, to settle all the garrisons, and put in suitable officers according to his best discretion, and to send home all his soldiers, volunteers and transports, which orders he presently obeyed.^ Being obliged to buy him a horse to go home by land, that so he might the better comply with his orders. * The killed and wounded spoken of above as being brought over in canoes, were Captain Hall's men Bv this statement reference is only made to the Plymouth forces. Mather says, that 10 or 12 were killed. Magnali*, II, 515. t A short distance to the west of Cape Elizaoeth, in the \own of Scarborough, and was called the east parish. X " On the west line of Cape Elizabeth [town] or on the ast line o" Scarborough." A small river meets the sea here «f the samvs name. Sullivan, 36, 115. § A little to the west of Black point and was the west par- ish of Scarborough. lb. SIS. II Sullivan, 31, tells us, that this name, " no doubt," is de- rived " from a race of Sagamores of the name of Kenebis." This noble and beautiful river enters the ocean to the east of Casco bay, in about S3 d. 42 min., north latitude. It is the ancient Sagadahock, and is celebrated as the place where the first settlement wais made in Newengland. It was on an island at the mouth of said river, called Stage island, in 1607, by a colony of 100 persons in two ships under the direction of Sir John Popham. But the next year, their chief men being dead, the colony returned to England. An earlier date is assigned to the discovery of ihe river by the French, namelyi in 1604. See an anecdote of this settlement in the Appen- dix, No. XII, 4. IT At this time, the whole eastern country was saved by this expedition. Sullivan, 203. jr 172 FRENCH AND INDIAN WtiRS. The poor people, the inhabitants of Cusco, and places adjacent, when they saw [that] he was going away from them, lamented sadly, and begged earn- estly that he would suffer them to come away u^ the transports ; saying, that if he left them there, that in the spring of the year, the enemy would come and destroy them and their families, &c. So by their earnest request, the said Major Church promised them, that if the governments that had now sent him, would send him the next spring, he would certainly come with his volunteers and Indians to their relief ; and, that as soon as he had been at home, and taken a little care of his own business, he would certainly wait upon the gentlemen of Boston, and inform them of the promise [that] he had made to them ; and if they did not see cause to send them relief, to entreat their honours, seasonably to draw them off, that they might not be a prey to the barbarous enemy. Taking his leave of those poor inhabitants, some of the chief men there, waited upon him to Black point, to Captain Scottaway's* garrison. Coming there, they prevailed with the said Captain Scottaway to go with him to Boston, which he readily complied with, provided the said Church would put another in being done, and they set oi't and to command the garrison ; which taking their leave one of another, travelled through all the country, home to Boston ; (having employed himself to the utmost to fulfil his instructions, last received from Boston ; which cost him f^.bout a month's service over and above what he had pay for from the Plymouth gentlemen.) And in hid travel homeward, several gentlemen waited upon the said Major Church, who was obliged to bear their expcnses.f * No more of this gentleman is found, than what is given in this piace. t Whether this was a general custom in those days, or not, 1 have taken no trouble to ascertain, but it would contribute very little to the dignity of an office now. /■ FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. When he con venture that little which providence hath betr «Tir with, on the said ac- count. The season oi ^ year being such, if some speedy action be not performed in attacking them, they will certainly be upon us in our out towns, God knows where, and the inhabitants there, not being able to defend themselves, without doubt many souls may be cut oft", as our last year's experience wofuUy hath declared. The inhabitants there, trust to your protection, having undertaken governmeiit and your propriety ; if nothing be performed on the said ac- count the best way, under correction, is to demolish the garrison, and draw off the inhabitants, that they may not be left to a merciless enemy ; and that the arms and ammunition may not be there for the strengthening of the enemy, who without don bt have need enough, having exhausted their greatest store in this winter season. I have performed my promise to tliem, and acquitted myself in specifying the same to yourselves. Not that I desire to be in any action although willing to serve my King and country, anU may pass under the censure of scandalous tongues FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 175 in the last expedition, which I hope they will amend on the first opportunity of service. I leave to ma- ture consideration, the loss of trade and fishery ; the war brought to the arce of all the eviln endured by the colonie;*. Hence the long train of warn nt the expense of ro much blood and treasure to *' drire the French out of Canada." Sir William Phim was the chief mover and exucutor of this expedition. His fleet, retarded by unavoidable accidents, did not arrive before Quebeck un> til the 5 October. The next morning, he sent a 8ummon« on shore, but received an insolent answer from the Govern* our. The next day, he attempted to land his trnops, but was prevented by the violence of the wind. On the 8, all the effective men (13 or ISOO) landed on the island of Orleans, 4 miles below the town, and were fired on, from the woods, by the French and Indian?. Havint cmained on shore un- til the 11, and then learning by a deserter, the strength of the place, they embarked with precipitation. In their way to Boston, the fleet was dispersen in a tempest. Some of the vessels were blown off to the West Indies, one was lost on an island near the mouth of the St. Lawrence, and two or three were never heard of. Holmes, I; 478, 479. No provisions at home had been made to pay the forces, relyine on plun- der ; bills of credit, therefore, were resorted to, which were the first ever used in this country. Hutchinson, 1, 356, 357. t The derivation of the word Canada, being so curious it was thought that it would be pardonable to give it a place in this work. Mr. Bozman, in his excellent " Intioduction to a History of Maryland," 34, says that it is a traditional re- port, that previous to the visiting of Newfoundland by Car- tier, in 1534, some Spaniards visited that coast in search of eold, but its appearance discouraged them, and they quitted It in haste crying out as they went on board their vessel, " .Sea nada, Jlca nac/a," that is, in English, " There is noth- ing here." The Indians retained these words in their memo- ries, and afterward, when the French came to ^he country, they were saluted with the same words, and mistook them for the name of the country. And in time the first letter wu lost, hence the name Canada. Something amounting to nearly the same thing may be seen in Mather's Magnuia, II, 532. } John Walley, who had the command of the land forces, under Sir WiU'.an Phips, against Canada. An entire jour* oal, kept by Walley, of that expedition, is preserved m n 13 178 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. that if he would not go himself in that expedition, that he would not hinder others. He onHwercd the said Walley, that he should hinder none but his old soldiers, that used to go along with him, &,c. The said Church going down to Charlestown, to take his leave of some of his relations and friends, who were going into that expedition, promised his wife and family not to go into Boston, the small pox^ being very rife there. Coming to CharleHtown, seve- ral of his friends in Boston came over io see him. And the next day afler the said Churoh came there, Major Walley came to him, and informed him that the Governour and council wanted to speak with him. He answered him, that he had promised his wife and family not to go into Boston ; saying, [that] if they had any business, they could write to him, and that he would send them his answer. Soon af\er came over two other gentlemen with a message, that the Governour and council wanted to have some discourse with him. The answer return- ed, was, that he intended to lodge that night at the Greyhound, in Koxbury, and that in the morning, would come to Pollard'sf at the south end of Bos- ton, which accordingly he did. Soon ai\er he came Hutchinson, Ap. I, 470. He wan judge of the superiour court of Massbchusetts, and a member of the council. The church of Bristol is indebted to him aa one of its principal founders He is represented, as possessing sweetness of spirit, wisdom in council, and impartiality as a Judge. He died 11 Janua- ry, 17 IS, aged 68 years. * I find no mention of the Small Pox at this time in Boston bv any author that I have consulted ; but in the History of Dorchester it is noted, page 34, " that from the first of April, 1690, unto the first of July, 1691, there died in Dorchester 57 persons ; 89 of them of the ttnaUpox, the rest of a fever." Hence from its near vicinity to Boston, no doubt it was very prevalent there. (^Having since seen in Mr. Snow's Histo* ry of Boston, that it did prevail there as mentioned in the text.] t A puhliek house, under this name, is yet known in Bot> ton, at the golden ball, Elm street. FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS 179 thither, received n letter from the honourable Cap- tain Sewall,* to request him to come to the council. The answer [that] he returned by the bearer was, that he thought there was no need of his hazarding himself so much as to come and speak with them ; not that he was '■fraid of his life, but because he had no mind to be concerned ; and further by reason [that] they would not hearken to him about the poor people of Casco. But immediately came Mr. Max- fieldf to him, saying, that the council bid him tell the said Church, that if he would take his horse and ride along the middle of the street, there might be no danger. They were then sitting in council. He bid [him]' go and tell his masters not to trouble themselves whether he came upon his head or his feet, he was coming. However, thinking the re- tarn was something rude, called '.im back to drink a glass of wine, and then he would go with him. So coming to the council, thev were very thank- ful to him for his coming, and told him, that the oc- casion of their sending for him was, that there was a captive come in, who gave them an account, that the Indians were come down, and had taken posses- sion of the stone fort at Pejepscot,| so that they 1 [them] * Stephen Sewall, I conclude this must be, who was com- mander or the fort at Salem. He was a brother of Judge Se- wall, and sustained several important offices. He married a daughter of the Rev. Mr. Mitchel of Cambridge, wuo had 17 children. He died about the 31 October, 1735, greatly re- spected and lamented. Eliot, N. E. liiog. 430. 1 1 learn nothing of this person. The name u common in Newhampshire. X A fall of water in the Androscoggin. What the true or- thography of this word is, is unknown to me. Sullivan ends it with a double (, and again alters to Pe^pscott. Mather has it Pechypscot. Some authors write u instead of o in the termination. Thus the different ways are brought under the view of the reader, that he may employ which he chooses. The stone fort was near the falls on the Lorth side of the ri- 180 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. wanted his advice and thoughts about the matter ; whether they would tarry and keep in the fort or not 9 and whether it were not expedient to send some forces to do »ome spoil upon them '') and fur- ther to know whether he could not be prevailed with io raise some volunteers, and go, to do some spoil upon them '? He answered them, [that] he was unwilling to be concerned any more ; it bemg very difficult and chargeable to raise volunteers, as he found by experience in the last expedition. But they using many arguments prevailed so far with him, that if the government of Plymouth saw cause to send him, he would go; thinking the expe- dition would be short. [He then] took his leave of them and went home. In a short time after, there came an express from Governour Hinkley, to request Major Church to come to Barnstable to him, he having received a letter from the government of Boston to raise some forces to go east. Whereupon the said Major Church went the next day to Barnstable, as ordered. Finding the Governour and some of the council of war there, [who] discoursed [with] him ; [conclud- ed]' that he should take his Indian soldiers, and two English Captains, with what volunteers could be raised ; and that one Captain should go out of Ply- mouth and Barnstable counties, and the other out of Bristol county, with what forces he could raise ; concluding to have but few officers, to save charge. The said Church was at great charge and expense in raising of forces. Governour Hinkley promised that he would take care to provide vessels to tran- sport the said army, with ammunition and provisions, by the time prefixed by himself; for the govern- ment of Boston had obliged themselves by their Ict- 1 [concluding] ▼er, and was taken in the spring of this year, (1690) after the English had left it, (probably.) It was 4 miles rrom the wa- ters of Casco bay. auUivan, 178, 9. FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 181 ter, to provide any thing that was wanting. So at the time prefixed, Major Church marched down all his soldiers out of Bristol county to Plymouth, as or- dered. And being come, found it not as he expect- ed ; for there were neither provisions, ammunition, or transports. So he immediately sent an express to the Governour, who was at Barnstable, to give him an account that he with the men were come to Plymouth, and found nothing ready. In his return to the said Church, [he] gave him an account of his disappointments, and sent John Lathrop* of Barnsta- ble in a vessel, with some ammunition and provi- sion on board, to him at Plymouth ; also sent him word that there were more on board of Samuel Al- lingf of Barnstable, who was to go for a transport, and thut he himself would be at Plymouth next day. But Ailing never came near him, but went to Bil- lingsgate,! ^^ Cape Cod, as he was informed. The Governour being come, said to Major Church, that he must take some of the open sloops, and make spar decks to them, and lay platforms for the soldiers to lie upon, which delays were very expensive to the said Church ; his soldiers being all volunteers, daily expected to be trcatec by him, and the Indians al- ways begging for money to get drink. But he using his utmost diligence, made what despatch he could to be gone. Being ready to embark, received his * Probcbly, the ancestor of some eminent men of later times in Massachusetts. He perhaps was the son of John Lathrop, who fled from England in the days of persecution, and afterward settled in Barnstable. The first John died in 165». t It is thought that this name should have been written Alien. No pains have been taken to ascertain any thing concerning this person, but if what Dr. Mather says be cor- rect, he is a descendant of one Thomas Allen, who came to this country in 16S8, and was afterward a minister io Charlestowii. Eliot, 30. t In the town of Eastham. ■^ ,'^ 1B2 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. commission, and instructions from Governour IIink< ley, which are as follows. [The comntission beine the same as that for the first expedi« tion is here omitted. It was dated 9 September, 1690. The instructions, also, differing only in a few unimpor- tant matters, are omilted to give place to more interest- ing information. It may be proper to notice the chief dif- ferences. No men of war vessels attended, nor was Church directed to confer with any persons except his officers. The eight poundu per head over and above is not mentioned, and are signed only b^ Governour Hinkley. Date, the same as that of the commission.] ' Now having a fair wind, Major Church soon got to Piscataqua.* [He^^ was to apply himself to Ma- t'or Pike,f a worthy gentleman, who said, [that] he lad 2dvice of his coming from Boston gentlemen; also, [that] he had received directions, that what men the said Church should want, must be raised out of Hampshire, out of the several towns a ')d garrisons. Major Pike asked him, how many men he should want 1 He said, enough to make up his forces that he bro;ight with him, three hundred, at least, and not mora than three hundred and fifty. And so in about nine days time, he was supplied with two com- panies of soldiers. He having been at about twenty shillings a day charge in expenses while there. Now 1 [who] * The country at the mouth of Pascataqua river went un- der the general name of Pascataqua, but since, (he river only, is known by that name. The word was formerly, and some- times latterly, spelt as in the text, but an a should take the place of ». t Major Robert Pike was a person of distinction. He was among the first ^ counsellors appointed by charter, for the province of Massachusetts bay, who were to hold their offices until May 1693, or until others should be chosen in their •tead. He might be the ancestor of the distinguished Nicho- las Pike of Somerswurth, to whom we are much indebted lor the best system of Arithmetick that has appeared. An ac- count might perhaps be found of the family in Newham])- ■lure, (or which I hhve not bad an opportunity. i.* ; 'SW' ; * 'm 1 * FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 183 he received Major Piko's instructions, which are as foUoweth. ** Portsmouth, in JSTewhampshire, Sept. 9, 1690. To 'Major Benjamin Church, Commander in Chief of their Majestlea' farces, now designed upon the present expedition eastward, and now resident at Portsmouth. The Governour and council of the Massachusetts colony reposing great trust and confidence in your loyalty and valour, from experience of your former actions, and of God's presence with you in the same; in pursuance of an order, received from them com- manding it ; these are in their Majesties' names to empower and require you, as commander in chief, to take into your care and conduct these forces now here present at their rendezvous at Portsmouth ; and they are alike required to obey you ; and with them to sail eastward by the first opportunity to Casco, or f>Iaces adjacent, that may be most commodious for anding with safety and secrecy; and to visit the French and Indians at their headquarters at Ameras- cogen, Pejepscot, or any other place, according as you may have hope or intelligence of the residence of the enemy; using always your utmost endeavour for the preservation of your own men, and the kill- ing, destroying, and utterly. rooting out of the enemy, wheresoever they may be found ; and also, as much as may possibly be done, for tiie redeeming or re- covering of our captives in any places. You being there arrived, and understanding your way, to take your journey back again, either by land or water, as you shall judge most convenient for the accomplishing of the end intended ; and to give in- telligence always of your motions, whensoever you can with safety and convenience. Lastly. In all to consult your council, the com- manders or commission officers of your several com* 'H- :: n 184 TRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. panies, when it may be obtained, the greater part of whom to determine. And so the Lord of hosts, the God of armies, go along with you, and be your con- duct. Given under my hand, the day and year above said, Per ROBERT PIKE." Being ready, they took the first opportunity, and made the best of their way to Pejepscot fort, where they found nothing. From thence they marched to Amerascogen,* and when they came near the fort. Major Church made a halt, ordering the Captains to draw out of their several companies sixty of their meanest men, to >e a guard to the Doctor, and knap- sacks, being not a mile from said fort. And then moving towards the fort, they saw young Doneyf and his wife, with two English captives. The said Doney made his escape to the fort, his wife was shot down, and so the two poor captives were released out of their bondage. The said Major Church and Captain Walton| made * This river has its rise in Newhampshire and flowing east* ward enters Maine in about 44 d. 20 min. N. Mather, says this place where they had now arrived at, was 40 miles up the river. Mag. 538. Perhaps few words have been writ- ten more different ways, than this. The authors of the Newhampshire Gazetteer prefer that as in the text, ex- cept, that they doubk<; the g and rhange the last e into ». But people in general, that live on said river, adopt the better method of Androscoggin. t He was an Indian, and all we know of him is found in this history ; except he be the one seized at Wells, mentioned by Mather, H, 545, and whose name is signed Robin Doney to the articles of peace at Pemmaquid in 1693. lb. 543. X Col. Shadrach Walton of Soniersworth N. H. A brave and valuable officer. In the long wars that followed, he rendered important services. To recount his actions would be to write a narrative, much beyond the limits of a note. More particulars of him may be found in Penhafiow's history, in I Newhampshire Hist. soc. Collections, than in any ot n- er work extant. He was with Col. March, in 1707, in an onsuccessful attempt on Portroyal. Here he fought a body FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 185 [i no stop, making the best of their way to the fort, with some of the army, in hopes of getting to the fort before young Doney ; but the river through which they must pass, being as deep as their arm- pits. However Major Church as soon as he was got over, stripped to his shirt and jacket, leaving his breeches behind, ran directly to the fort, having ajn eye to see if young Doney (who ran on the other side of the river,) should get there before him. The wind now blowing very hard in their faces, as they ran, was some help to them ; for several of our men fired guns, which they in the fort did not hear, so that we had taken all in the fort, had it not been for oung Doney, who got to the fort just before we did ^Hel' ran into the south gate, and out at the nortti, all the men following him, except one. [TheyP all ran directly down to the great river and falls. The said Church and his forces being come pretty near, he ordered the said Walton to run directly with some forces inio the fort, and himself with (tie rest, ran down to the river, after the enemy, who ran some of them into the river, and the rest under the gieat falls. Those who ran into the river were killed ; for he saw but one man get over, and he only crept up the bank, <.nd there lay in open sight. And those that ran under the falls, they made no discovery of, notwithstanding several of his men went in under the said falls, and were gone some considerable time, [but] could not find them. So leaving a watch there, returned up to the fort, where lie found but one man 1 [who] 9 [who] of the enemy and put them to flight, being the only field offi- cer then on shore. Again in 171U, he rendered important service at the same place, when it was taken by the arma- ment under Col. Nicholson. In a note to page 119, in Pen- hallow's Itistory it is remarked thai " He was dismissed from service" fin 1725) ''and was succeeded by Col. Thomas Westbroolc." But on what account hn was dismissed. wheth« er from age or misconduct is unknown to me. Ho is men- tioned no wore in Peahallow's history. r" f 186 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. amongst i taken, and several women and children ; whom were Captain Hakins'* wife and Worumbos'f wife, the sachem of that fort, with their children. The said Ilakins was sachem of Pennacook,]; who do- * Hawkins or Hogkins. This sachem had been treated with neglect by Governour Cranfield, which in part may ac- count for his enmity to the English. He made a treaty with them in 1685, which perhaps, was broken more through the ne« g1ip;ence ofthe Enghsb than the wish of Hogkins. He ap|>ears to have learned so much of the English language as to pre- tend to write and read. Four letters from under his hand are preserved in Belknap, I, Appendix, No. XLII, &c. One of which, as a cariosity, is here printed. '*May 15, 168S. Honour Mr. Governor, Now this day I com your house, I want se you, and I bring my hand at before you I want shake hand to you if your worship when please then you receve my hand then snake your hand and my hand. lou my friend because I remem- ber at old time when live my grant father and grant mother then Engli;;hmen com this country, then my grant father and Englishmen they make a good govenant, they friend allways, my grant father'leving at place called Malamake rever, oth- er name c^ef Natukkog and P<*nukkog, that one rever great manv names, and I bring you this few skins at this first time I will give you my friend. This all Indian hand. JOHN X HAWKINS, Sagamore." This letter is the best written of the four, and are all very similar. I copy it precisely as I find it in Belknap. Two of the others are signed John Hogkins, and one, Mr. John Hogkint, the last has no date, and one is dated 16 May, and the other two the 15, both having 14 signers beside Hogkins, who, it is probable, were his principal men. The name of Hogkins or rather Hawkins he received from some English- man. His Indian name was Hancamagus. See N. H. Hist. Soc. Col. I, 331. t A sachem ofthe Androscoggins. He was with Madoka- wando in the celebrated attack on Storer's garrison at Wells, An account of which may be seen in a succeeding note. X The country on the Merrimake river, including the pre- sent town of Concord, and the lands above and below, but how far, cannot be told ; as those people never set any par- ticular bounds to their country, that we know of. See Far* mer*s account ofthe Pennacook Indians, in N. H. Hist. Soc. Col I| 218. The word should be spelt as in the text, but /• FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. I's: Btroycd Major Waldcn and his family, some timu before, &c. The said two women, viz. Hakins' and Worumbos' wives requested the said Church, that he would spare them and their children's lives ; promising upon thai condition, [that] he should have all the captives that were taken, and in the Indians' hands. He asked them how many *? They said, about four score. So, upon that condition, he promised them their lives, &c. In the said fort there were several English cap- tives, who were in a miserable condition. Amongst them was Captain Hucking's* wife, of Oyster river.f Major Church proceeded to examine the man, taken, who gave him an account, that most of the fighting men were gone to Winterharbour,J to pro- vide provisions for the bay of Fundy^ Indians, who the author just cited, leaves out one n. Sullivan writes Pen- nycook. fielknap, whom many, justly in most respects, fol- low, writes it as in the text, with the' omission of one n, as does Mather, whom he follows. • Hu "king's garrison was taken, about the 'ast of Aueust, 16S9, ilk v.'iichwere a few women and boys. The Indians had been in ambush for a number of days, until they had as- certained how many men belonged to the garrison, then as they all went out into the field one day, the Indians cut off their retreat, and killed them all excepting one, who escap- ed, being 18 in all. They then went to the garrison and de- manded a surrender, but the boys at first refused, and some fighting was done ; at l-ingth they surrendered on terms of life, &.C. The assailants: found means to fire the gairison, which hastened the surrender. Mather, Mag. II, 515. This woman is supposed to I e the wife of the owner of the gar- rison. t Now Durharn. The country thereabout, was formerly known by this name. } At the mouth of Saco river in Maine. § A large bay, sometimes called Frenchman's bay, contain ing the island Mountdesert, 8 or 10 miles to the eastward of the mouth of Penobscot river. Sullivan, 57, informs us, that it took the name of Frenchman's bay, from this circumstance. That with Demotte came over to America one Nicholas D'Aubn, a French ecclesiastic of respectabilitjr, who went on shore on the vrest side of the bay, and wandering into the r ii FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. J' ■ i :: were to come and join with them to fight the English. The soldiers being very rude, would hardly spare the Indian's life, while in examination ; intending when he had done, that he should be executed. But Cap- tain Hucking's wife, and another woman, down on their knees, and begged for him, saying, thnt he had been a means to save their lives, and a great many more ; and had helped several to opportunities to run away, and make their escape ; and that never, since he came amongst them, had fought against the English, but being related to Plakins' wife, kept at the fort with them, having been there two years ; but his living was to the westward of Boston. So, upon their request, his life was spared, <&,c. Next day the said Church ordered that all their corn should be destroyed, being a great quantity ; saving a little for the two old squaws, which he do- signed to leave at the fort, to give an account who he was, and from whence he came. The rest being knocked on the head, except the aforementioned, for an example ; ordering them all to be buried. Having inquired where all their best beaver was ? they said [tiiat] it was carried away to make a pre- sent to the bay of Fundy Indians, who were coming to their assistance. Now being ready to draw off from thence, he called the two old squaws to him, and gave each of them a kettle, end some biscuit, bidding them to tell the Indians, when they came home, that he was known by the name of Captain Church, and lived in the westerly part of Plymouth government ; and that those Indians that came with him, were formerly King Philip's men, and that he had met with them in PhiMp's war, and drawn them off from him, to woods in search of curiositi [who] I 19 .I.i iiii 11 ii 194 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. down the bank again, where all the forces were or- dered to observe his motion, viz., that he would give three shouts, and then all of them should run with him up the bank. So, when he had given the third shout, [he] ran up the bank, and Captain Converse with him, but when the said Converse perceived that tha forces did not follow, as commanded, called to the Major, and told him [that] the forces did not follow. [He,]> notwithstanding the enemy fired smartly at him, got safe down the bank again ; and rallying the forces up the bank, soon put the enemy to flight. And fol- lowing them so close, that they took thirteen canoes, and one lusty man, who had Joseph Ramsdel's scalp by his side. [He]' was taken by two of our Indians, and having his deserts, was himself scalped. Thii; being a short and smart fight, some of our men were killed and several wounded. Sometime after, an Englishman, who was prisoner amongst them, gave an account, that our forces had killed and wounded several of the enemy, for they killed seve- ral prisoners according to custom,* &c. After this action was over, our forces embarked for Piscataqua. The Major went to Wells, and re- moved the Captain there, and put in Captain Andros, who had been with him ; and kifSW the discourse left with the two old squaws at Amerascogen, for Haliins and Worumbos to come there in fourteen days, if they had a mind to hear of their wives and children ; who did then, or soon after come with a flag of truce to said Wells garrison, and had leave to come in, and more appearing came in, to the number of eight, ''without any terms) being all chief Sachems. [They]' were very glad to hear of the women and children, viz., Hakins and Worumbos' wives and children. [They]^ all said three several times that they would > [wl.ol 9 [who] 3 [aud] * [who] • It was said to he a ca'-.toin among nnost of the Indian na- tions, to kill as many prisoners as thoy lust in battle. u FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 195 never fight against the English any more, for the French made fools of them, &c. They saying as they did, the said Andros let them g(». Major Church being come to Piscataqua, and two . of his transports having the small pox on board, and several of his men having got great colds by their hard service, pretended [that] they were going to have the small pox; thinking by that means to be sent home speedily. The Major being willing to try them, went to the gentlemen there, and desired them to provide a house ; for some of his men expected [that] they should have the small pox ; which [they] readily did, and told him, that the people belonging to it were just recovered of the small pox, and had been all at meeting, &-c. The Major returning to his officers, ordered them to draw out* all their men that were going to have the small pox, for he had provided an hospital for them. So they drew out seventeen men, that had as they said all the symptoms of the small pox. He ordered them all to follow him, and coming to the house, he asked them how they liked it"? They said, "Very well." Then he told them that the people in the said house, had all had the small pox, and were re- covered ; and that if they went in, they must not out till they [had] all had it. Whereupon come they all presently began to grow better, and to make excuses, except one man who desired to stay out till night before he went in, &c. The Major going to the gentlemen, told them, that one thing more would work a perfect cure upon his which was to let them go home; which did men, work a cure upon all, except one, and he had not the small pox. So he ordered the plunder to be divided forthwith, and sent away all the Plymouth forces. But the gentlemen there desired him to s^'-y, and they would be assisting to him in raising new forces, to the number of what was sent away ; and that they would send to Boston for provisions, which they did ' 'i- BV 196 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. and sent Captain Plaisted* to the Governour and council at Boston, <&c. And in the mean time, the Major with those gen- tlemen went into all those parts,ilind raised a suffi- cient number of men, both officers and soldiers. [They]' all met at the bankf on the same day that Captain Plaisted returned from Boston. [The]* re- turn from the Boston gentlemen was, that the Canada expedition had drained them so that they could do no more. So that Major Church, notwithstartding he had been at considerable expenses in raising said forces to serve his King and country, was obliged to give them a treat and dismiss them. Taking his leave of them, [he] came home to Boston in the Mary sloop, Mr. AldenJ master, and Captain Con- verse with him, on a Saturday. And waiting upon the Governour, and some of the gentlemen in Boston, they looked very strange upon them, which not only troubled them, but put them in some consternation ; [wondering] what the matter should be, that after so much toil and hard service, [they] could not have 1 [who] 8 [whose] • The name of Plaisted is found in the earlier and later war3 as well as in this. A letter from Roger Plaisted to Maj. Waldron, who was killed at Salmon fal's, 1675, show- ing his desperate situation, is printed in Hubbard, 281. Whether this was a son or not is not known to me, but from the author just cited should conclude that it was not. Per- haps he was a near connexion. In 1712, a Mr. Plaisted was taken at Wells, and ransomed for 300 pounds. t By the bank I suppose is meant, that part of the town of Portsmouth, including Church hill, formerly called Straw- berry bank, and was a general appellation for the town. J The same mentioned further on, as old Mr. Alden, and Capt. Alden. He lived at Boston, and was one of the accus- ed in the celebrated toitch age, and was committed to prison by Hawthorn and Gidnf^y, 31 May, 1692, where he remained 15 weeks ; at the end of which time he made his escape. He afterwards returned, and none appearing against him, was rleared. See Calef's " More \V onders ol the luTisible World," 2 10 to 214. FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 191 so much as one pleasant word, nor any money in their pockets ; for Major Church had but eight pvnce left, and Captain Converse none, as he said afterwards. Major Church seeing two gentlemea, which he knew had money, asked them to lend him forty ahU- ling8, telling them his necessity, yet they refused. So being bare of money, was obliged to lodge at Mr. Alden's three nights. The next Tuesday morn- ing Captain Converse came to him, (not knowing each others circumstances as yet) and said, [that] he would walk with him out of town. So coming near Pollard's at the south end, they had some discourse. [Observed,] that it was very hard that they should part with dry lips. Major Chrrch told Captain Con- verse that he had but eight pence left, and could not borrow any money to carry him home, and the said Converse said, that he had not a penny left ; so they were obliged to part without going to Pollard's, &c. The said Captain Converse returned back into town, and the said Church went over to Roxbury ; and at the tavern he met with Stephen Braton of Rhodeisland, a drover, who was glad to see him, (the said Church) and he as glad to see his neighbour. Whereupon Major Church called for an eight penny tankard of drink, and let the said Braton know his circumstances, [and] asked him whether he would lend h'lm forty shillings'? He answered, " Yes, forty pounds if he wanted it." So he thanked him, and said [that] he would have but forty shillings, which he freely lent him. Presently after Mr. Church was told that his bro- ther, Caleb Church of Watertown, was coniirjf with a spare horse for him, (having heard the night before that his brother was come in.) By which met^ns the said Major Church got home. And for all his travel and expenses in raising soldiers, and service done, never had but fourteen pounds of Plymouth gentle- men, and not a penny of Boston ; notwithstanding he had worn out all [of J his clothes, and run himself in 198 FRENCH AND INDIAN V/ARS. debt, so that he was obliged to sell half a share of land in Tiverton, for about ^ixty pounds, which is nov. " worth thru hundred pounds more and above what he had. Having not been at home long before he found out the reason why Boston gentlemen looked so disaf- fected on him. As you may see by the sequel of two letters, [which] Major Church sent to the gentlemen m the eastward parts, which are as followeth. « Bmtoi, AVwemfter 27, 1690. Worthy Gentlemen, According to my promise when with you last, I waited upon the Governour at Boston on Saturday, Captain Converse being with me. The Governour mformed us that the council were to meet on the Monday following in the afternoon, at which time we both there wa'ted upon them, and gave them an ac- count of the state of your country, and great neces- sities. They informed us, that their general court was to convene the Wednesday following, at which time they would debate and consider of the matter. Myself being bound home, Captain Converse was ordered to wait upon them, and bring you their re- solves. I then to6k notice of the council that they looked upon me with an ill aspect, not judging me worthy to receive thanks for the service I had done in your parts; nor as much as asked me whether I wanted money to bear my expenses, or a horse to carry me home. But I was forced, for want of money, being far from friends, to go to Roxbury on foot ; but meeting there with a Rhodeisland gentle- man, acquainted him of my wants, who tendered me ten pounds, whereby I was accommodated for my journey home. And being conip home, I went to • About 1716. r FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 199 the minister ^f our town,* and gave him an account of the transactions of the great affairs I had oeon em- ployed in, and the great favour God was pleased to show me, and my company, and the benefit I hoped would accrue to yourselves ; and desired him to re- turn publick thanks ; but at the same interim of time a paper was presented unto him from a court of Ply- mouth, which was holden before I came home, to command a day of humiliation through the whole government, " because of the frown of God upon those forces sent under my command, and the ill suc- cess we had, for want of good conduct." All which was caused by those false reports which were posted home by those ill affected officers that were under my conduct ; especially one, which yourselves very well know, who had the advantage of being at home a week before me, being sick of action, and wanting the advantage to be at the bank, which he was every day mindful of more than fighting the enemy in their own country. " After I came home, being informed of a general court at Plymouth, and not forgetting my faithful promise to you, and the duty I lay under, I went thither. Where waiting upon them I gave them an account of my Eastward transactions, and made them sensible of the falseness of those reports that were posted to them by ill hands, and found some small favourable acceptance with them ; so far that I was credited. I presented your thanks to them for their seasonably sending those forces to relieve you, of the expense and charge they had been at ; which thanks they gratefully received ; and said a few lines from yourselves would have been well ac- cepted. I then gave them an account of your great necessities, by being imprisoned in your garrisons, and the great mischief that would attend the pub- • Bristol. The Rev. Samuel Lee, I suspect, was then the minister, as he did not leave America until ^sometime the next year. See note 4, page xii. s'-f •f.ii 200 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. I '> ' V- lick concerns of this country by the loss^ of their Majesties' interest, and so much goo it is presumed, of the Rev. John Wheelwright, of whom so mucn has been said and written concerning An- tinnmianprincip-es and land titles. Being contented with the history of the father, I have not disturbed the ashes of the son. The venerable ancestor held a deed of certain lands in Exeter, N. H., from certain Indian Sagamores un- der date, 1629, the " authenticity" of which, has of late, been examined by two able criticks. The late Governour Plumer of N. H., first endeavoured to vindicate its genuineness, and James Savage of Boston, seems to have proved the contrary. The deed maybe seen in I Belknap, App. No. I. Govern- our Plumer's argument in N. H. Hist. See. Col. 299. And that of Mr. Savage in his edition of Winthrop's Journal, I, 412. t A Lieut. Littlefield is named bv Penhallow, 71, as being Blain in 17J2, at Wells. It might be Le. J 204 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. those parts, I am informed by Captain Andros, that yourself and most all the forces, are drawn off from the eastward parts. I admire at it, considering that they had so low esteem of what was done, that they can apprehend the eastward parts so safe before the enemy were brought into better subjection. I was in hopes, when I came from thence, that those who were so desirous to have my room, would have been very brisk in my absence, to have got themselves some honv/ur, which they very much gaped after, or else they would not have spread so many false ro- f)orts to defame me ; which had I known before I eft the bank* I would have had satisfaction of them. Your honour was pleased to give mo some small account, before I left the bank, of some things that were ill represented to you, concerning the eastward expedition, which being rolled home like a snowball through both colonies, was got to such a bigness, that it overshadowed one from the influence of all comfort, or good acceptance amongst my friends in my journey homeward. But through God's good- ness [I] am come home, flnding all well, and myself in good health ; hoping, that those reports will do me the favour, to quit me from all other publick ac- tions ; that so I may the more peaceably, and quiet- ly, wait upon God; and be a comfort to my own family, in this dark time of trouble ; being as one hid, till his indignation is overpast. I shall t-ake it as a great favour, to hear of your welfare. Sub- scribing myself as I am, sir, Your moat assured friend and servant, BENJAMIN CHURCH." Major Church did receive, after this, answers to his letters, but hath lost them, except it be a letter from several of the gentlemen in those parts, in June following, which is as followeth. * Portsmouth. See page 196, note S. FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 20S " Portsmouth, June 29, 1691 Major Benj. Church, • Sir, your former readiness to expose yourselfin the service of the country, against the common ene- my, and particularly the late obligations, you havo luid upon us, in these eastern parts, leave us under a deep and grateful sense of your favour therein. And forasmuch as you were pleased when last here, to signify your ready inclination to further service of this kind, if occasion should cull for it. We therefore presume, confidently to promise ourselves compliance accordingly; and have sent this mes- sage on purpose to you, to let you know, that not- withstanding the late overture of peace, the enemy have approved themselves as perfidious as ever, and are almost daily killing and destroying upon all our frontiers. The Governour and council of the Mas- sachusetts have been pleased to order the raising of one hundred and fifty men, to be forthwith despatch- ed into those parts ; and, as we understand, have written to your Governour and council of Plymouth for further assistance, which we pray you to promote, hoping if you canobtain about two hundred men, Eng- lish and Indians, to visit them at some of their head quarters, up Kennebeck river, or elsewhere, which for want of necessaries was omitted last year ; it may be of great advantage to us. We offer nothing of advice, as to what methods are most proper to be taken in this affair. Your acquaintance with our circumstanc ^s as well as the enemy's, will direct you therein. We leave the conduct thereof to your own discretion. But that the want of provision, &,c., may be no remora to your motion, you may please to know Mr. GeafTord, one of our principal inhabi- tants, now residing in Boston, hath promised to take care to supply to ihe value of ttoo or three hundred pou]ul3, if occasion require. We pray a few lines by the bearer, to give us a prospect of what wc » I 206 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. ma^ expect for our further encouragement, and te- main, Sir, your obliged friends and servants, William Vaughan, Richard Martyn, Nathaniel Fhykr, William Fcrnald, Francis Hooke, , Charles Frost, John Wincol, Robert £lliott." (A trtt€ copy of the original letter ; which letter waa presented to me by Captain Hatch, who came express.) Major Church sent them his answer, the contents whereof was, that he had gone often enough for nothing, and especially to be ill treated with Hcan- dais and false reports, when last out, which he could not forget. And signified to them, that doubtless some amongst them, thought they could do without him, &c. And to make short of it, [they] did go out, and meeting with the enemy at Maquait, were most shamefully beaten, as I have been inform- ed.* • I will lay before the readei m account of the affair hint- ed at, as I find it in Mather, an>. will only observe, that, that author is enough inclined to favour the side of the English. "About the latter end of July [1691] we sent out a small army under the command of Capt. March, Capt. King, Capt. Sher- burn, and Capt. Walten, who landing at Maquoit, marched up to Pechypscot, but not finding any signs of the enemy, marched down again. While the commanders were waiting a-shore till the soldiers were got aboard, such great numbers of Indians poured in upon them, that though the commanders wanted not for courage or conduct, yet they found them- selves obliged, with much ado, (and not without the death of worthy Capt. Sherburn) to retire into the vessels which then lay aground. Here they kept pelting at one another all night j but unto little other purpose than this, whicli was indeed remarkable, that the enemy was at this time going tu FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 207 THE THIRD EXPRDITION EAST. This was in the year lf>92. In ihe time of Sir William Phips'* government, Major Walloy bein^ at Boston, was requested by his excelleney to treat with Major Church about going east with him. Ma- jor Walley coming home, d. \ This fort was called the William Henry, and was the Lest then in these parts of America. It was built of stone o( a quadrangular figure, and about 737 feet in compass, mo'^nt- ing 14 (il" not 18) guns. Whereof tt were 18 pounders. About 60 men were left to man the fort. Mather, Alagnalia, 11, 536, 537. I Their whole force was 450 men. lb. FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 211 my ; you are duly to observe the following instruc- tions. [mprimis. You are to lake care that the worship of God be duly und constantly maintained and kept up amongst you ; and to suffer no swearing, cursing, or other profanation of the holy name of God ; and, as much as in you lies, to deter and hinder all otiier vicej amongst your Soldiers. Secoijdly. You are to proceed, with the soldiers under your command to Penobscot, and, with what privacy, and what undiscoverable methods you can, there to land your men, and take the best measures to surprise the enemy. Thirdly. You are, by killing, destroying, and all other means possible, to endeavour the destruction of the enemy, in pursuance whereof, being satisfied of your courage and conduct, I leave the same to your discretion. Fourthly. You are to endeavour the taking what captives you can, either men, women or children, and the same safely to keep and convey them unto me. Fifthly. Since it is not possible to judge how af- fairs may be circumstanced with you there, I shall therefore not limit your return, but leave it to your prudence, only that you make no longer stay than you can improve for advantage against the enemy, or may reasonably hope for the same. Sixthly. You are also to take care and be very mdustrious by ul possible means to find out and de- •Btroy all the enemy's corn, and other provisions in all places where you can come at the same. Seventhly. You are to return from Penobscot and thcrfe eastern parts, to make all despatch henco for Kennebeck river and the places adjacent, and there prosecute all advantages against the enemy as afore- said. Eighthly. If any soldier, officer, or other shall be disobedient to you as their commander in chief, or other their superiour officer, or make, or cause 212 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. any mutiny, commit other offence or disorders, you shall call a council of war amongst your officers, and having tried him or them so offending, inflict such punishment as the merit of the offence requires, death only excepted, which if any shall deserve, you are to secure the person, and signify the crime unto me by the first opportunity. Given under my hand this 11th day of August, 1692. WILLIAM PfllPS." Then the Major and his forces embarked and made the best of their way to Penobscot. And coming to an island in those parts in the evening, landed his forces at one end of the island. Then the Major took part of his forces and moved (toward day) to the other end of the said island, where they found two Frenchmen and their families, in their houses ; and, that one or both of them had Indian women to their wives, and had children by them. The Major presently examining the Frenchmen, [demanded] where the Indians were *? They told him, that there was a great company of them upon an island just by. And showing him the island, [he] presently discovered several of them. Mp.jor Church and his forces still keeping undis- covered to them, asked the Frenchmen where their passing place was ? Which they readily showed them. So presently they placed an ambuscade to take any that should come over. Then sent orders for all the rest of the forces to come ; sending them an account of what he had seen and met withal ; strictly charg- ing them to keep themselves undiscovered by the enemy. The ambuscade did not lie long before an Indian man and woman came over in a canoe, to the place for landing, where the ambuscade was laid- [They]' hauled up their canoe, and came right into the hands of our ambuscade.who so suddenly suroris- 1 [who] FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 2\.i ed them that they could not give any notice to the others from whence they came. The Major ordering that none of his should offer to meddle with the canoe, lest they should be discovered. Hoping to take the most of them, if his forces came as ordered, (he expecting them to come as directed.) But the first news [tha^ he had of them, was, that they were all coming, [an.'V not privately as ordered, but the vessels fair in signt of the enemy, which soon put ihem all to flight. . And our forces not having b^ata suitable to pursue them, they got all away in their canoes, &c. [This]' caused Major Church to say, [that] he would never go out again without fa] sufficient number of whale boats, [the]' want of which was the ruin of that action.* Th-^n Major Church, according to his instructions, ranged sA\ those parts, to find all their corn, and carried aboard their vessels what he thought conve- nient, and destroyed the rest. Also finding conside- rable quantities of plunder, viz., beaver, moose skins, &,c. Having done what service they could in those parts, he returned back to his excellency at Peme- quid. Where being come, staid not long, (they be- ing short of bread) his excellency intended [going] home for Boston for more provisions. [In the way]^ going with Major Church and his forces to Kenne- beck river ; and coming there gave him further or- ders, which are as foUo^veth. " By hia Excellency the Govemour, To Major Benjamin Church. You having already received former instructions, are now further to proceed with the soldiers under 1 [though] 9 [which] 3 [for] < [bnt before] * Mather, 11, 537, says that five prisoners were taken at ( his time. m 1* ' 214 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. your command *br Kennebeck river, and the plac(!g > adjacent, and use your v^rnost endeavours to kill, destroy akid take captive the French and Indian ene- my wheresoever you shall find any of them ; and at your return iu Pemequid (which you are to do as soon as you can conveniently ; after your best en- deavour done against the enemy, and having des- troyed their corn and other provisions) you are to ; stay with all your soldiers and officers, and set them to work on the fort, and make what despatch you can in that business, staying there until my further order. ^ WILLIAM PHIPS." Then his excellency taking leave went for Boston, and soon after, Major Church and his forces had a smart fight with the enemy in Kennebeck river ; pur- sued them so hard that they left their canoes, and ran up into the woods. [They] still pursued them up to their fort at Taconock,* which the enemy perceiving, set fire to their houses in the fort, and ran away by the light of them ; and when Major Church came to the said fort, [he] found about half their houses standing, and the rest burnt ; also found great quantities of corn, put up into Indian cribs, which he and his forces destroyed, as ordered. Having done what service he could in those parts, ,«, returned to Pemequid. And coming there, employ- ed his forces according to his instructions. Being out of bread [and] his excellency not coming, Ma- jor Church was obliged to borrow bread of the Cap- tain of the man of war, that was then there, for all th^ Ibrces under his command ; his excellency not coming as expected. But at length his excellency came, and brought very little bread, more than ' This fort was about 64 miles from the sea. Taconock, or as Sullivan has it, Taconnet is a great fall of water in tht* Kennebeck. At this place, W order of Gov. Shirley, a fort was built on the east bank of the river (in 1754) and called fort Halifax. Minot's Hist. I, 186. m FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 2li) would pay what was borrowed of the man of war ; 6o that in a short time after Major Church, with his forces, returned home to Boston, and had their wa- ges for their good service done. Only one thing, by the way, I will just mention ; that is, about the six pounds [which] Major Church borrowed as beforementioned, and put into the hands of Mr. Fobes, who distributed the said money, all but thirty shillings, to the Indian soldiers, as di- rected, which was deducted out of their wages, and the country had credit for the same. And the said Fobes kept the thirty shillings to himself, which was deducted out of his, wages. Whereupon Major Walley and [the] said Fobes had some words. In short Major Church was obliged to expend about six pounds of his own money ir. marching down the forces both English and Indians, to Boston, having no drink allowed them upon the road, &.c So, that instead of Major Church's having the allowances aforementioned by Major Walley, he was out of pocket about twelve pounds over and above what he had ; all wh-^h had not been, had not his excellency been gone out of the country. THE FOURTH EXPEDITION EAST. « In 1696, Major Church b;jing at Boston, and be- longing to the house of representatives, several gen- tlemen requesting him to go east again, and the general court having made acts of encouragement, &.C. He told them, [that] if they would provide whale boat , and other necessaries convenient, he would. Being also requested by the said general court, he proceeded to raise volunteers ; and made It his whole business, riding both east and west in our province and Connecticut, at great charge and expenses. And in about a month's time, raised a Jfl! 216 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. sufficient number out of those parts, and inarched them down to Boston. Where he had the promise that every thing should be ready in three weeks, or a month's time ; but was obliged to stay conside- rably longer. Being now at Boston, he received his commission and instructions, which are as followcth. ^« WILLIAM STOUGHTON,* Esquire, LieutenarU Govemour, and Commander in Chief, in and over hia Majesty's province of Massachusetts bay, in JVewengland, To Major Benjamin Church, Greeting. Whereas there are several companies raised, consisting of Englishmen and Indians, for his Majes- ty's service, to go forth upon the encouragement given by the great and general court, or assembly of this his Majesty's province, convened at Boston, the 27th day of May, 1G90, to prosecute the French and Indian enemy, &c. And you having offered yourself to take the command and conduct of the said several companies. By virtue, therefore, of the power and authority in and by his Majesty's royal commission to me granted, reposing special trust and confidence in your loyalty, prudence, courage * Mr. Stoughton was the son of Israel Stouehton uf Dor- chester, at which place he was born in 1633. He graduated at Harvard college, 1650, and engaging in the study of divin< ity, is said to have made an excellent preacher, but was never settled. Is also said to have possessed good talents and great learning. It may be allowed that he nad a great deal of some kind of learning, and yet, destitute of much solid understanding or science. This no one will doubt, when informed that he was one of the principal judges, who Sdt and condemned so many unfortunate persons fur the imaginary crime of xoitehcrajt, in the lOtfcA age of Salem ; and to add to his misfortunes, Dr. Eiiot says, hat " he was more obstinate in his errour than others on the bench." When Phips left the government, he was the commander in chief. In 1700 he was again in the office. He died in 1702. At his expense was the college called Stoughton hall built N. E. Biog. '14, 5 i J FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 217 and good conduct. I do by these presents consti- tute and appoint you to be Major of the said several companies, both Englishmen and Indians, raised for his Majesty's service upon the encouragement afore- said. You are therefore carefully and diligently to perform the duty of your place, by leading, ordering, and exercising the said several companies in arms, both inferiour officers and soldiers, keeping them in good order and discipline, commanding them to obey you as their Major. And yourself diligently to intend his Majesty's service for the prosecuting, pursuing, taking, killing or destroying the said ene- my by sea or land ; and to observe all such orders and instructions as you shall from time to time re- ceive from myself, or commander in chief for the time being, according to the rules and discipline of war, pursuant to the trust reposed in you. Given under my hand and seal at arms, at Boston, the third day of August, 1 696, in the eighth year of the reign of our sovereign Lord William the III, by the grace of God, of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, King, defender of the faith, &c. WILLIAM STOUGHTON By commanfi of the Lieut. Go';ernour, &c. Isaac Addington, Secr.^* ^^ Province of Massachusetts bay. By the Right Honourable the lAeutenant Govemaiir and Com- mander in Chief. Instructions for Major B&NjAMiy Church, Com- mander of the forces raised for his Majesty'' s ser- vice, against the Frenc'. nnd Indian enemy and rebels. Pursuant to the commission given you, you are to embark the forces now furnished and equipped for his Majesty's service on the present expedition to the eastern parts of this province, and with them, nnd such others as shall offtr themselves to go forth K 218 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. on tho snid service, to sail unto Piscataqua, to join those liilely despatched thither for the same expedi- tion, to await your coming. And with a!! care and diligence to improve the vessels, boats and men un- der your command in search for, prosecution and pursuit of, the said enemy at such places where you may be informed of their abode or resort, or whore you may probably expect to find, or meet with them, and take all advantages against them which provi- dence shall favour you with. You are not to list or accept any soldiers that are already in his Majesty's pay, and posted at any town or garrison within this province, without special order from myself. You are to require and give strict orders that the duties of religion be attended on board the several vessels, and in the several companies under your com- mand, by daily prayers unto God, and reading his holy word, and observance of the Lord's day to tho utmost you can. You are to see that your soldiers have their due allowance of provisions, and other necessaries, and that the sick or wounded be accommodated in tlie best manner your circumstances will admit. And that good order and command may be kept up and maintained in the several companies, and all disor- ders, drunkenness, profane cursing, swearing, disobe- dience of officers, mutinies., omissions or neglect of duty, be duly punished according to the laws mar- tial. And you are to require the Captain or chief officer of each company, with the clerk of the same, to keep an exact journal of all their proceeding!? from time to time. In case any of the Indian enemy and rebels offer to submit themselves, you are to receive them, only at discretior. ; but if you think fit to improve any of them, or any others v iich you may happen to take prisoners, you may encourage them to be faithful by FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 2in t!io promise of their lives, whicli shall be granted upon approbation of their fidelity. You are carefully to look after the Indians which you have out of the prison, so that they may not have opportunity to escape but otherwise im- prove them to what advantage you can, and return ♦hem back a<»ain to this place. Y'>u arc to advise, as you can have occasion, with Capta;n John Gorham, who accompanies you in this expedition, and is to take your command in case of your death. A copy of these instructions yo*i are to leave with him, and to give me an account from time to time of your proceedings. WILLIAM STOUGHTON. Boston, August I2th, 1696." In *he time [that] Major Church lay at Boston, the news cau.3 of Pemcquid fort's being taken.* It c?me * Thus the fort which I mr>lishing one fort, and cutting down some cor.i, &c. He desiring to hear of the proceedings of l)e- borahuel, and the French man of war. And inform- ed him that there were several canoes coming with workmen from Quebeck, to St. Johns.* Where since, we concluded, it was to build a fort at the river's mouth, when the great guns were taken, &c. It being just night, the officers were called to- gether to advise, and their pilot, York, informed them of a fort up that river, and that it was built on a little island in that river ; and that there was no getting to it, but in canoes, or on the ice in the winter time. This with the certain knowledge that we were discovered by the enemy that escaped out of the upper canoe, conclu led it not proper, at that time, to proceed any further up ; and that there was no getting any further with our boats ; and the ene- my being alarmed, would certainly fly from them (and do as they did four years ago at their fort at Taconock. Having fought them in Kennebeck river, and pursued them about thirty miles to Taconock, they then set their fort on fire, and ran away by the light of it, ours not being able to come up with them at that place.) of regulars. They left Montreal about the first of July, and with the greatest difficulty penetrated about 300 miles into the wilderness. Nothing was effected by this great army, but the burning of a few Indian huts, and torturing a few prisoners. One circumstance of the latter, as a strilting ex- ample of magnanimity, on the one side, and more than sav ago barbarity on the other, shall be related. On the ap- proach of the Count with his army to an Indian town, it was deserted by all its inhabitants, except an aged chief, of near 100 years. He was immediately put to torment. One stabbed him with a knife, at which he exclaimed, " You had better make me die by fire, that these French dogs may learn how to suffer like men," &.c. He continued firm until he expired under the most excruciating torture that could be invented. * At the mouth of the river St. Johns, in what is now N. Brunswick. R 15 1^' •F . ]": 9H FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. Major Church then encouraging his soldiers, told them, [thut] he hoped they should meet with part of the enemy in Penobscot bay, or at Mountdesart where the French ships were. So, notwit?:standing they had been rowing several nights before, with much toil, besides were short of provisions, they cheerfully embarked on board their boats, and went down the river both with and against the tide. And next morning came to their vessels, where the Major had ordered them to meet him, who could give him no intelligence of any enemy. Where being come they refreshed themselves. Meeting then with ano- ther disappointment ; for their pilot, York, not be- ing acquainted any further, they began to lament the loss of one Robert Cawley, whom they chiefly depended on for all the service to be done now eastward. He having been taken away from them the night before they set sail from Boston (and was on board Mr. Thorp's sloop) and put on board the man of war unknown to Major Church, notwithstand- ing he had been at the trouble and charge of pro- curing him. Then the Major was obliged to one Bord,* procured by Mr. William Alden, who being acquainted in those parts, to leave his vessel, and go with him in the boats, which he readily complied with, and so went to Nasketf point, where being in- formed was a likely place to meet the enemy. Com- ing there, found several houses and small fields of corn, the fires having been out several days, and no nt'W tracks. But upon Penobscot island they found several Indian houses, corn and turnips. Though the enemy still being all gone, as beforementioned. Then they divided, and sent their boats some one way, and some another, thinking, that if any strag- gling Indians, or Casteen himself, should be there- • Tlie name of Bord or rather Bead as Sullivan has it, is found among the first inhabitants of Saco. Hist. Maine, 318. t Or Nauseag, in the town of Woolwich on the east side ol the Kennebeck. FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 227 about, they might find the;n, but it proved all in vain. Himself and several boats went to Mountde- sart, to see if the French ships were gone, and whether any of the enemy might be there, but to no purpose ; the ships being (ropje and the enemy also. The V being now got several leagues to the westward of their vessels, and seeing that the way was clear for their vessels to pass ; and all their extreme row- ing, and travelling by land and water, night and day, to be all in vain. (The enemy having left those parts as they judged, about eight or ten days before.) And then returning to their vessels, the commander calling aU his officers together, to consult and re- solve what to do ; concluding that the enemy, by some means or other, had received some intelligence of their being come out against them ; and that they were in no necessity to come down to the sea side as yet, moose and beaver now being fat. They then agreed to go so far east, and employ themselves, that the enemy belonging to these parts, might think [that] they were gone home. Having some discourse about going over to St. Johns. But the masters of the vessels said, [that] [theyj' had as good carry them to old France, <&.c., which put oiT that design. (They concluding that the French ships were there.) Then the Major moved for going over the bay towards Lahane,* and towards the gut of Cancer,f where was another considerable fort of In- dians, who often came to the assistance of our ene- my, the barbarous Indians. Saying, that by the time they should return again, the enemy belonging to these parts would come down again, expecting that we were gone home. But in snort, could not prevail with the masiers of the open sloops to ven- »J^he] * This name is spelt Layhone in a succeeding pagA. t Properly, Canreau, and pronounced Canso. It is the strait between Cape Breton island and NovaSLOtia connect- ing the Atlantic with the gulf o( St. Lawrence. U ir 228 FRENCH AND INDIAN WAKS. ture across the bay.* [They]* said ftliat] it was very dangerous so late in the year, and as much as their lives were worth, &c. Then they concluded and resolved to go to So- nactacsi,f wherein there was a ready compliance. (But the want of their pilot, Robert Cawley, was a great damage to them, who knew all those parts.) However, Mr. John Alden, master of the brigantine En- deavour, piloted them up the bay to Senactaca. And coming to GnnsfoncJ point, being not far from Se- nactaca, then came to, with all the vessels, and ear- ly next morning came to sail, and about sunrise got into town. But it being so late before we landed, that the enemy, most of them, made their escape. And as it happened [we] landed where the French and Indians had some time before killed Lieutenant John Paine,§ and several of Captain Smithson's men, that were with said Paine. They seeing our forces coming, took the opportunity, fired several guns, and so ran ail into the woods, [and] carried all or most part of their goods with them. One Jarman Bridgwayll came running towards our forces, with a » [who] •BayofFundy. t This, I presume, is what is called Signecto in Gov. Dud- ley's instructions to Col Church for the lifth expedition. It is since written Chignecto, and is the northern arm of the bay between Nova«cotia and Newbrunswick. Here the tide rises and falls 60 feet. { I suppose the reader would get over this word better, were it spelt better. B\it the alteration would be immaterial, as it is the name of a place. § The same, I presume, who, in 1676-7, assisted Major Waldron in settlin* a treaty with the eastein Indians. I learn no more of him than is found in Mr. Uubbaid's Nar 349, 8tc. Of Smith'on I learn nothing. II Charlevoix, who v.'as better acquainted with French namifis thaii our author, calls him Bourgeois. He was one of the principal ir.liabitants of the place. See Hist. Mas. 11. 9'i, 93. Hutchinson, i'l. , says, that ''Church calls hmi Bridg* man." Perhaps he did in his des'.atches, but it is not so spell in my copy. ii FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. / 320 J gun in one hand, and his cartridge box in the other, [and] calling to our forces to stop, that he might spcaR with them. But Major Church thinking [that this]' was [done] that they might have some advan- tage, ordered them to run on. When the said Bridgway saw ^hat] they would not stop, turned and ran. But the Major called unto him, and bid him stop, or he should be shot down. Some of our forces being near to the said Bridgway, said, [that] it was the General that called to him. He hearing that, stopped and turned about, laying down his gun, stood, till the Major came up to him. His desire was, that the commander would make haste with him to his house, lest the savages^ should kill his father and mother, who were upward of four score years of age, and could not go. The Major asked the said Bridgway whether there were any Indians amongst them, and where they lived'? He shaked his head, and said, he durst not tell, for if he did, they would take an opportunity, and kill him and his. So all that could be got out of him was, that they were run into the woods with the rest. Then orders were given to pursue the enemy, and to kill what Indians they could find, and take the French alive, and give them quarter if they ask- ed it. Our forces soon took three Frenchmen, who, up- on examination, said, that the Indians were all run into the woodj. The French firing several guns, and ours at them. But they being better acquain- ted with the woods than ours, got away. The Ma- jor took the abovesaid Jarman Bridgway for a pilot, and with some of his forces went over a river; to several of thiit houses, but the people were gom, and [had] carried their goods with them. In rang- ing tne woods [they] found several Indian houses, ^m * Church's savages. 230 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. their fires being just out, but no Indians. Spending that dny in ranging to and fro, found considerable of their goods, and but few people. At night the Major wrote a letter, and sent . ut two French pri- soners, wherein was signified, that if they would come in, ihey should have good quarters. The next day several come in, which did belong to that part of the town where our forces first land- ed, [and]^ had encouragements given them by our commander, [viz.,] that if they would assist him in taking those Indians, which belonged to those parts, they should have their goods re- turned to them again, and their estates should not be demnified; [but]* they refused.* Then the Major and his forces pursued their design. f 1 [who] 9 [which] • What Hutchinson, II, 92, observes concerning this very severe requisition, is too just to be unnoticed. " This was a hard condition, and in effect, obligine them to quit thb.. country ; for otherwise, as soon as the English had left them without sufficient protection, the incensed Indians would have fell upon them without mercy." t "Charlevoix says, (in Hist. Mas. II, 99, 93>) that Bour- geois produced a writing, by which Sir William Phips had given assurances of protection to the inhabitants of Chignec- to, whilst they remained faithful subjects of King Wilfiam ; and that Church gave orders that nothing in their houses, &r., should be touched : but whilst he was entertained by Bourgeois, together with the principal officers, the rest of the army dispensed themselves among the other houses and be- haved as if they had been in a conquered country." And, " that many of the inhabitants, not trusting to tbe promises of the General [Church] refused to come in, and that it was very well they did ; for soon after he broke through all bounds, and left only the church and a few houses and narns ftanding ; and having discovered, posted up in the church, an order of Frontenac, the Governour of Canada, for the re- eutaiion of trade, he threatened to treat them as rebels, set nre to the church, and the houses which he had spared and which were now all reduced to ashes ; and having d )ne this, be presented a writing which he tOid them was an acknowl edgoment of tbeir having renewed their subjection to King VViUiam, and would be a security to them in case any Enjr- lish should again land among then.." Before regarding this FUE CU AND INDIAN WARS. 231 And went further ranging their country, found seve- ral more houses, but the people [had] fled, and car- ried what they had away. But in a creek [they] found a prize baik, that was brought in there by a French privateer. In ranging the woods, took some prisoners, who upon examination gave our comman- der an account, that there were some Indians upon a neck of land, towards Menis.* So a party of men was sent into those woods. In their ranging about the said neck, found some plun- der, and a considerable quantity of whortleberries, both green and dry, which were gathered by the In- dians. [They]' had like to have taken two Indians ; [but]' by the help of a birch canoe [they] got over the river, and made their escape. Also tney found two barrels of powder, and near half a bushel of bul- lets. The French denying [them]^ to be theirs, [and] said [that] they were the savages; but sure it might be a supply for our enemies. Also, they took from Jarmau Bridgway several barrels of powder, with bullets, shot, spears and knives, and other supplies to relieve our enemies. He owned that he had been trading with those Indians along Cape Sablef shore, with Peter Assnow ; and, that there he met with the French ships, and went along with them to St. Johns, and helped them to unload the said ships, and car- ried up the river provisions, ammunition and other goods to Vilboon's fort.]; The Major having ranged all places that were thought proper, returned back to the place where 1 [and] a [who] 3 [U] account as perfectly correct, it should be remembered that the Jesuit Charlevoix ever portrays the affairs of the French in amiable colours. * On a basin of the- east arm of the bay between Novasco tia and Newbrunswick. Morse spells the word two ways viz.. Mines and Minas. t The southwest point of Novascotia. X This fort was upon the river St. Johns. 132 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. they first landed. And finding several prisoners come in, HJio were troubled to see their cattle, sheep, hogs and dogs lying dead about their houses, chopped and hacked with hatchets, (which was done without order from the Major.) However, ho told thenri, [that] it was nothing to what rur poor English, in our frontier towns, were forced to look upon. For men, women and children were chopped and hacked so, and left half dead, with all their scalps taken off; and that they and their Indians served ours so ; and our sava- ges would be glad to serve them so too, if he would permit them, which caused them to be mighty sub- missive. And [they] begged the Major that he would not let the savages serve them so. Our Indians being somewhat sensible of the dis- course, desired to have some of them tr roast, and so to make a dance. And dancing in a hideous man- ner, to terrify them, said, that they could eat any sort of jlesh, and that some of theirs would make their hearts strong. [And] stepping up to some of the prisoners, said that they must have their scalps, which much terrified u;e poor prisoners, who begged for their lives. The Major told them [that] he did not design the savages should hurt them ; but it was to let them see a little what the poor English felt, saying, [that] it was not their scalps [that] he want- ed, but the savages ; for he should get nothing by them ; and told them, that their fathers, the friars and Governours encouraged their savages, and gave them money to scalp our English, notwithstanding they were with them, which several of our English, there present, did testify to their faces, that their fathers and mothers were served so in their sight. But the Major bid them tell their fathers, (the fri- ars and Governours,) that if they still persisted, and let their wretched savages kill and destroy the poor Euglish at that rate, he would come with some hun- dreds of savages, and let them loose amongst them, who would kill, scalp, and carry away every French FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 233 person in all those parts ; for tiiey were the root from whence al! the branches camo, that hurt us. For the Indians could not do us any harm, if they [the French] did not relieve and supply them. The French being sensible of the Major's kindness to them, kissed his hand, and were very thankful to him for his favour to them in saving their lives. [They] owned that their priests* were at the taking ofPeme- (]uid fort, and v^ere now gone to Tiayhone, with some of thelndians, to meet the French ships, but for what, they would not tell. The commander, with his forces, having done all they could in those parts, concluded to go to St Johns river, to do further service for their King and country ; [so] embarked all on board their trans- ports.! A"*^ having a fair wind, soon got to Mono- genest,! which lies a little distance from the mouth of St. Johns river. Next morning early, the Major with his forces, landed to see what discovery they could make ; [so they] travelled across the woods to the old fort or falls at the mouth cf St. Johns river, keeping them- selves undiscovered hom the enemy. Finding thnt there were several men ai work, and having informed themselves as much as they could, (the enemy being ou the other side of the river, could not come at them) returned back. Bvit night coming on, and dark wet weather, with bad travelling, were obliged to stop in the woods till towards next day morning, and then went on board. Soon after the Major ordered all the vessels to come to sail, and go into the mouth of the river. [That] being done, it was not long before the Major and his forces landed on the east side of the river, the French firing briskly at them, but did them no * Castine was mentioned as being there. See note, page 319. t On the 30 September. t On the north side of the river. r 134 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. harm. And running fiercelv upon the enemy, thcv loon fled into the woods. The Majur ordered a briHK party to run across a neck to cut tncm off from their canoes, which the day before they had made a dis- covery of. So the commander, with the rest, ran directly towards the new fort [that] they were huihl- Hng, not knowing but [that] they had some ordnance mounted. The enemy running directly to their ca- noes, were met by our forces, who fired at them and killed one, and wounded Corporal Canton, who was . taken. The rest throw down what they had, and ran into the woods. The said prisoner. Canton, bein<:; brought to the Major, told him, [that] if he would let his surgeon dress his wound and cure him, he would be serviceable to him as long as he lived. So being dressed, he was examined. [He]^ gave the Major an account of the twelve great guns which ivere hid in the beach, below high water mark. (The carriages, shot, and wheelbarrows, some fluur and pork, all hid in the woods.) The next morning the officers being all ordered to meet together, to consult about going to Vilboon's fort, and none amongst them being acquainted but the Aldens, who said, [that] the water in the river was very low, so that tney could not get up to the fort ; and the prisoner. Canton, told the Com- mander, that what the Aldens said was true. So not being willing to make a Canada expedition, con- cluded [that] it was not practicable to proceed.* Then ordered some of the forces to get the great guns on board the open sloops, and the rest to range the woods for the enemy, who took one prisoner antl brought [him] in. [They]' in their ranging, found there a shallop, hauled in a creek. And a day or two after there came in a young soldier to our forces, 1 [Who] « [vfho] * The unsuccessful attempt on Quebeck by Sir William Phips, which was rendered abortive by the lateness of the ■eason. "■-^4^. ll FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. :Wi"i who tipon examination, gave an account of two more which h'l left in tho woods at some distance. So immediatuly the Major wiih some of his forces went in pursuit of them, taking the said prisoner with them, who conveyed them to the place where ho left them, but they were gone. [TheyJ then asked tho prisoner, whether there were any Indians in those parts'? [He] said No, [that] it wis as hard for Vilboon, their (jovernour, to get an Indian down to the water side, as it was for him to cai'ry one of those greot ^uns on his back to his fort. For they hv nng had nitelligence by a prisoner out of Boston jail, that gave them an account of Major Chur-h and his for- ces coming out against them. Now, having with a great deal of pains and trou- ble, got all the guns, shot, and other stores aboard, intended [to proceed] on our design, which we came out first for. But the wind not serving, the com- mander sent out his scouts into the woods to seek for the enemy. And four of our Indians came upon three Frenchmen undificovered, who concluded, that if the French should discover them, [theyj would fire at them, and might kill one or more of them ; which, to prevent, fired at the French, killed one, and took the other two prisoners. And it happened that he who was killed, was Shanelere, the chief man there, &c. The same day they mended their whale boats, and the shallop which they took ; fitting her to row with eight oars, that she might be helpful to their prosecuting their intended design against the enemy, in their returning homeward. "Then the commander ordering all the officers to come together, informed them of his intentions ; and ordered that no vessels should depart from the fleet, but to attend the mo- tions of their Commodore, as formerly ; except they were parted by storms, or thick fogs. And if so, it should happen that any did part, when they came to '; 236 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. Passamequady,* should stop there awhile ; for thore they intended to stop and do business, with the help of their boats a«];ainst the enemy. And if tlic) missed that, to stop at Machias,f which was the next place [tlxat] he intended to stop at. Hav- ing ar account by the prisoners taken that Mr. Late- riii was there, a trading with the Indians in the river. [And] encouraging them, said, [that] he did not doubt but to have a good booty there. And if they should pass those two places, be sure not to go past Naskege§ point ; but to stop there till he came, and not to depart thence in a fortnight without his orders ; having great service to do in and about Pe- nobscot, &.C. Then Major Church discoursed with Captain Bracket, Captain Hunewell, and Captain Larking, (with their Lieutenants) commanders of the forces, belonging to the eastward parts, who were to dis- course their soldiers about their proceedings, when they came to Penobscot. And the Major himself was to discourse his Indian i'jldiers, and their Cap- tains, who with all the rest readily complied. The projection being such, that when they came to Pe- nobscot, the commander designed to take what pro- * Better written Passammaquaddy. Coasters call it Quod- dy. It is a deep bay, which begins the separation of the British dominions from Maine. t The bay of Machias is separated from Passammaquoddy by Pleasant point on the west. A river flows into this bay oi'the same name, on which is the town of Machias. X Whoever this person might be, we hear no more of him, only that he was ?. Frenchman, and had a family at Mount- desert ; that he was taken in the last expedition; and that his i,:\me was oW Lateril or Lotriell according to the early writers who mention him, which of course, was all they knew about him. § What Sullivan calls Nauseag, I expect, almost up to the Kenneneck, but on the east side, and now within the town of Woolwich. See page 226, of this history, where it u qtelt fitasket. FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 237 visions could be spared out of all the sloops, and put [it] on board the two brigantines, and to send all the sloops home with pome of the officers and men that wanted to be at homo. And then with those forces aforementioned, to wit, the eastward men, and all the Indians ; and to take what provi- sions and ammunition was needful, and to march with himself up into the Penobscot country, in search of the enemy, and if posssible to take that fort in Penobscot river. Captain Bracket informing the Major, that when the water was low, they could wade over, which was at that time, the lowest that had been known in a long time. And being there, to range through that country down to Pemequid, where he intended [that] the two brigantines should meet thom ; and from thence taking more provisions, viz., bread, salt, and ammu- nition suitable (to send those two vessels home also) to trc'.el through the country to Nerigiwack,* and from thence to Amerascogen fort, and so down where the enemy used to plant. Not doubting but that in all this travel to meet with many of the ene- my before they should get to Piscataqua. All which intentions were very acceptable to the forces that were to undertake it. [And]' rejoicing, said, they had rather go home by land than by water, provided their commander went with them. [He,]' to try their fidelity, said [that] he was grown an- cient, and might fail them. [But] they all said they would not leave him, and when he could not travel n:iy further, they would carry him. Ilaving done what service they could, at and about the moutli of St. Johns river, resolved on their 1 [who] » [who] • NorriHffowocU. This name iias been subject to almost as many mclhoilsof sp"lling, as its neighbour, Androscoggin. It was an ancient celebrated Indian town on the Kennebeck river, about P4 miles from its mouth by the course oi"th»j river Sullivan, SI, 32. s? 238 FPENCH AND INDIAN WARS. intended design. And the next morning, having but little wind, cniu3 all to sail. The wind coming agaiftst them they put into Mushquash cove. And the next day the wind being still against them, the Major with part of his forces landed, and employed themselves in ranging the country for the enemy, but to no purpose. [But]^ in the night the wind came pretty fair, and at twelve o'clock they came to sail. [ThuyP had not been out long before they spied three sail of vessels ; expecting them to be French, fitted to defend themselves. So coming near, hailed them, [and]^ found them to be a man of war, the province galley, and old Mr. Alden* in a sloop, with more forces, Colonel Hathornef com- mander. Major Church went aboard the Commodore, where Colonel Hathorne was, who gave him an account of his commission, and orders, and read them to him. Then his honour told Major Church, that there was a particular order on board Captain Southack for him, which is as folioweth. [To Major Benjamin Church.'] II, " Boston, tieptember 9th, 1696. Sir, His Majesty's ship Orford, having lately surprised a French shallop, with twentytliree of the soldiers 1 [and] » [and] 3 [Who] • The same often mentioned in the preceding pages. See note S, on page I Ob. He was in 1692 imprisoned for witch- craft, anil previously examined by Hawthorn, under whom he appears in this expedition. See Hutchinson, II, 50, and 94. t Col. John Hathorne or Hawthorn. This gentleman, however unfit he might be to succeed Church, it is certain that he may now be better employed than when committing vitches at Salem. I learn little of him, excepting what may l)r> seen in Hutchinson, and Calef. Perhaps he was a son of William Hawthorn, the first speaker of the court of Massa- chusetts, upon record. Hii-t. Mas. I, 150. He was nuite ac- tive in these wars, also in the former. Nothing very brilliant appears to have been performed under his commant if i> 240 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. prise, and that all engaged in the same may bo under the special protection of the Almighty. I am ycjiir loving friend, WILLIAM STOUGHTON." The Major havmg read his last orders, and con- sidering his commission, found that he was obliged to attend all orders,* &.C., was much concerned that he and his were prevented in their intended projec- tion, if carried back to St. Johns. Tiien discoursing with Colonel Hathorne, gave him an account of whnt they had done at St. Johns, viz., that us to the de- molishing the new fort, tliey had done it ; and [had] got all their great guns and stores aboard their ves- sels. And, that if it had not been that the waters were so low, would have taken the fort up the river also, before he came away. Told him also, that one of the prisoners which he had taken at St. Johns, upon examination, concerning the Indians in those parts, told him, [that] it was as hard for Vilboon their Governour, to get one of their Indians down to the water side, as to carry one of those great guns upon liis back. And that they had an account of him [Church,] and his forces' coming to those parts by a prisoner out of Boston jail. Also, told his honour, that if they went back it would wholly disappoint them of thoir doing any further service, which was [what]' they came for to Penobscot, and places ad- jacent. But all was to no purpose- His honour tcll- » [that] * Church couhl not but he offrnde I at such boyish conduct, which will more fully appear in thf ensuing narration. Iin- jioriant service, perhat)s, mit^^ht h.tvc been done in the exe- cution of the pliin that Church an( his forces were then about to enter upon. They would doub less have relieved the east- ern pro])le from their garrisons i.i which they had most of the year been shut ui>. The --avages hat! hovered aroun 1 tiie rettlements from Pa^cataqua to their »>xtefit eastward, and had between thf 7 May. and 13 October, killed and ta^ ken ai)Put 84 of the inhabitants ; 24 being of the former num- ber. Sue Alagnalia, II, d49, 50. ■ [ !■: FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 241 irig the Major that he must attend his orders then received.* And to encourage the officers and soldiers, told them, [that] they should be wholly at the Major's ordering and command in the whole action. And to be short did go back, and the event may be seen in Colonel Hathorne's journal of the said action.f Only I mubt observe one thing by the way, which was, that when they drew off to come down the riv- er again, Colonel Hathorno came off and left the Ma- jor behind to see that all the forces were drawn off. And coming down the river, in or near the rear, in the night, heard a person halloo. Not knowing at * The superceding of Church, says Hutchinson, II, 94, " was an impolitic measure, unless any misconduct in Church made it necessary that he should be superceded." But nothing of that kind is made appear, and can be accounted for, only, by suppos- ing that Stoughton h.id not fully recovered from the debility he had received in the late Witch Crusade. fThe journal of Ilathorne, referred to, is undoubtedly lost, which we have to regret. Perhaps Hutchinson had the use of it, as the account which he gives of the expedition is somewhat particular. He mentions, II, 94, 5, that Villebon had timely notice of their object, and the reinforcement; and accordingly had made the best arrangements he could to re- ceive them. They effected a landing on the 7 October, not however without consider.ib1e opposition. The same day they raised a battery, and planted two iieldpieces upon it. Witii these and their small arms they commenced an attack upon the fort, which was answered. The following night being very cold, the English made fires to keep them from perisliinff. But this being a sure mark for the enemy's cannon, were obliged to put them out, and suffer the inclemency of tlie weather. Ciiurch's men suffering more extremely, being almost bare of clothing from their long service. Discountgement now seized them, and they drew off the next night. Mather makes no reflections on the planning and executing of this expe- dition. " The difficulty of the cold season so discouraged our men, that after the making of some few shot the enterprise found itself under too much congelation to proceed any fur- ther." So he says, Magnolia, 11, 550. No account ia given that uny were killed. L 16 I 242 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. first, but it might be a snare to draw them into ; but upon consideration, sent to see who or what he was, and found him to be a Negro man belonging to Mar- blehcjad, that .had been taken and kept a prisoner amongst them for some time. The Major asked him, whether he could give any account of the Indians in those parts *? He said Yes, they were or had been all drawn off from tne sea coast, up into the woods near an hundred miles. [They] having had an ac- count by a prisoner out of Boston jail, that Major Church and his forces were coming out against them in four brigantines, and four sloops, with twentyfour jicttiaugera-, (meaning whale boats) which put them into [such] a fright, that notwuh standing they were so far up in the woods, were afraid to make fires by day, lest he and his forces »hould discover the smokes, and in the night lest they should see the light. One thing more I would just give a hint of, that is, how the French in the eastward parts were much surprised at the motion of the whale boats. [They] said, [that] there was no abiding for them m that country. And I have been informed since, that soon after this expedition, they drew off from St. Johns fort and river. But to return. Then going all down the river, embarked and went homeward. Only by the way, candid reader, I would let you know of two tliiugs that proved very prejudicial to Major Church and his forces. The first wa?, that the government should miss it so much as to send any prisoner away from Boston before the expedition was over. Secondly, that they should send Colonel Hathorne to take them from the service and business they went to do ; who, by submission, doubtless thought [that] they did for t''e best though it proved to the contrary. So [I] shall wind up with a just hint of what hap- pened at their coming home to Boston. After all // r /^ , ,r FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 213 their hard service both night and day, the govern* ment took away all the great guns and warlike stores and gave them not a penny for them (except it was some powder, and thai, tliey gave what they pleased for.) And besides the assembly passed a vote that they should have but half pay. But his honour the Lieutenant Governour being much disturbed at their so doing, went into the town house, where the representatives were sitting, and told iho» except they did reassume that vote, which was to y.^\. I jor Church and his forces off their half pay, ♦'"eyp Id sit there till the next spring. Whereup* m wa^ ra- assumed. So that they had just their . . : e wages. But as yet, never had any allowance for e ^eat guns and stores; neither has Major C^urch had any allowance for all his travel and grea rj.^nses in raising the said forces, volunteers. THE FIFTH AND LAST EXPEDITION EAST. In the year 1703-4, Major Church had an account of the miserable devastations made on Deerfield,* a town in the westward parts of this province,f and the horrible barbarities, and cruelties exercised on those poor innocent people by the French and In- dians ; especially of their cruelties towards that wor- thy gentlewoman Mrs. Williams, and several others, whom they marched in that extreme season ; forcing them to carry great loads. And when any of them by their hard usage could not bear with it, [they] were knocked on the head, and so killed in cool blood. All which, with some other horrible instan- ces done by those barbarojs savages, which Major Church himself was an eye witness to in his former travel in the eastward parts, did much astonish him. • A more particular account of the " Destruction of Deer- field" will be given in the IX Appendix to this history, t On Connecticut river, about 90 miles from Boston. :m t / "S 'f'\ ^. ir44 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. V To see a woman that those barbarous snvagee had taken and killed, exposed in a most brutish man- ner (as can be expressed) with a young child seized fast with strings to her breast. [The]' infant hud no apparent wo»ind, which doubtless was left alive to suck its dead mother's breast, and so miserably to perish and die. Also ^o see other poor children hanging upon fences, doad, of either sex, in their own poor rags, not worth stripping them of, in scorn and derision. Another instance was, of a straggling soldier, who was found at Casco, exposed in a shameful and bar- barous manner. His body being staked up, his head Cttt oH*, and a hog's head set m the room ; his body ripped up, and his heart and inwards taken out, and private members cut off, and hung with belts of their own, the inwards at one side of his body, and his privates at the other, in scorn and derision of the English soldiers, &c. These and such like barbarities caused Major Church to express himself to this purpose. Inat if hff were commander in chief of these provinces, he would soon put an end to those barbarities, done by the barbarous enemy, by making it his whole bu- siness to fight and destroy those savages as they did our poor neighbours, which doubtless might, have been done if rightly managed, and that in a short time, &c. So that these with the late inhumanities done upon the inhabitants of Deerfield, made such an impression on his heart, as cannot well be express- ed. So that his blood boiled within him, making such impulses on his mind, that he forgot all former treatments, which were enough to hinder any man, especially the said Major Church, from doing any further service. Notwithstanding all which, having a mind to take some satisfaction on the enemy, his heart being full, took his horse and went from his own habitation, * [which] ■tl ±i FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 24 .i near seventy miles, to wait upon his excellency, and oflered his service to the Queen,* his excellency and the country ; which his excellency readily ac- cepted of, and desired Major Church to draw a scheme for the ensuing action, or actions. So tak- ing leave went home, and drew it, v.hich is as fol- loweth. " Tiverton, February 5, 1703-4. May it please your Excellency — According to your request, when I was last with yourself, and in obedience thereunto, I present you with these following lines, that concern the prepara- tion for next spring's expedition, to attack the ene- my. According to my former direction ; for it is good to have a full stroke at them first, before they have opportunity to run for it. For the first of our action will be our opportunity to destroy them, and to prevent their running away, in waylaying every passage, and make them know we are ir. good earnest. And so we being in a diligent use of means, we may hope for a blessing from the Almighty, and that he will be pleased to put a dread in their hearts, that they may fall before us and perish. For my ad- vice is, First. That ten or twelve hundred good able sol- diers, well equipped, be in a readiness fit for action, by the first of April at farthest ; for then will be the time to be upon action. Secondly. That five and forty or fifty, good whaleboats be had ready, well fitted with five good oars and twelve or fifteen good paddles to every boat. • Anne, who came to the throne of England in 1702. She reigned until her death in 1714, and then the line of Ueor- fes commenced. This war which began in 1708 is general- y called Queen Anne's war. Dr. Douglass calls it " Dud- ley's Indian War." But this must be regarded as one ol" his loose denominations, for the war had already originated when Gov. Dudley entered upon his office. 24G FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. And upon the walo ofuacii bnut, five pieces ofNtrong leather be fastened on eucrh side to n\\\i Hve Hniull ash burs through ; tha( so, whenever they land, the men may step overboard, and slip in said bars across, and take up said boat that she may not be hurt against the rocks. And that two suitable brass kettles bo provided to belong to each boat to dress the men's victuals in to make their lives comfortable. Thirdly. That four or five hun] Bcal at anns, "it Boston, the 18th day of Marcli, in the third year of her Majesty's reign. Anno Doin. 1703-4. J. DUDLEY. By his Excellency's command. Isaac Addinoton, Seer." Colonel Church no sooner received his commis- sion, but proceeded to the raising of men, volun- teers, by going into every town within the three counties,* which were formerly Plymouth govern- ment ; advising with the chief officer of each com- Kany, to call his company together, that so he might ave the better opportunity to discourse and encour- age them to serve their Q,ue»;n and country. Treat- ing them with urink convenient, told them, [that] he did not doubt but with God's blessing to bring them all home again. All which with many other argu- ments, animated their hearts to do service. So, that Colonel Church enlisted, out of some companies, near twenty men, and others fifteen. He having raised a sufficient number of English soldiers, proceeded to the enlisting of Indians, in all those parts where they dwelt, which was a great fa- tigue and expense ; being a people that need much treating, especially with drink, &,c. Having enlist- ed the most of his soldiers in those parts, who daily lay upon him, [and] was not less than five pounds per day expenses, some days in victuals and drink ; who doubtless thought, (especially the English) that the country would have reimbursed it again, other- wise they would hardly [have] accepted it of him. Colonel Church's soldiers, both English and In- dians, in those parts, being raised, marched them all * Plymouth, Barnstable, and Bristol. This division was made in 1685, which before were all in one. Supplement to Morton, ^7. If -T '«r ,.^ 253 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. !<;■ 254 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS Tnaintctioiu for Colonel Bbnjamin Chubch in the present Expedition. In pursuance of the commission given you to take the chief command of the land and sea forces by me raised, equipped and sent forth on her Ma- jesty's service, against her open declared enemies, the French and Indian rebels. You are to observe the following instructions. First. You are to take care, that the duties of religion be attended on board the several vessels, and in the several companies under your command, by daily prayers unto God, and reading his holy word. And that the Lord's day be observed and duly sanc- tified to the utmost of your power, as far as the cir- cumstances and necessity of the service can admit, that so you may have the presence of God with, and obtain his blessing on, your undertaking. You are to take care, that your soldiers have their due allowance of provisions and other necessaries ; that their arms be well fixed, and kept fit for service, and that they be furnished with a suitable quantity of powder and ball, and be always in readiness to pass upon duty. That good order and discipline be maintained ; and all disorders, drunkenness, profane swearing, curs- ing, omission or neglect of duty, disobedience to of- ficers, mutiny, desertion, and sedition be duly pun- ished, according to the rules and articles of war: the which you are oqce a month or oftener, to cause to be published, Jind made known to your oflSicers and soldiers for their observance and direction in their duty. Let notorious and capital oflfenders be sent away to the next garrison, there to be imprison- ed until they can be proceeded with. Let the sick and wounded be carefully looked af- ter, and accommodated after the best manner your circumstances will admit of, and be sent either to Casco fort, or to Mr. Peperel's at Kittery, which may be easiest, so soon as vou can. FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 255 You are forthwith to senil away the forces and stores by the transports, with the whaleboats to Pis« cataqua, on Kittery side tliere to attend your com- ing whither you are to follow them with all expedi- tion. You are to embark in the province galley, Captain Southack commander, and Lieutenant Colonel Gor- ham go on board Captain Gallop ; who are both di- rected to attend your motion on the French side, after which they are to return. Let the commanders of all the store sloops and transports know that they sail, anchor and serve at your direction. When you sail from Piscataqua, keep at such dis- tance off the shore, that you be not discovered by the enemy to alarm them. Stop at Montinicus,* and there embark the forces in the whaleboats for the main, to range that part of the country, in search of the enemy, to Mountdesart, sending the vessels to meet you there ; and after having refreshed and re- cruited your soldiers, proceed to Machias, and from thence to Passamequado ; pjid having efi'ected what spoils you possibly may, upon the enemy in those parts, embark on your vessels for Menis and Signec- to, to Portroyal gut ; and use all possible methods for the burning and destroying of the enemies houses, and breaking the dams of their corn grounds in the said several places, and make what other spoils you can upon them, and bring away the prisoners. In your return call at Penobscot and do what you can there, and so proceed westward. This will probably employ you a month, or six weeks ; when you will draw together again, and by the latter end of June, consider whether you can march to Norrigwack, or other parts of their plant- iiig, to destroy their corn and settlements and keep * An island considerable difitance from the coast of Maine, and the same, I suppose, called Martinicusor Mertinicuson the late maps. It is 1& or ilO miles from Vinalhaven island at the mouth of the Penobscot. I i#ii f :;l ' V--^*#- '^■'.-, 256 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. the expedition on foot until the middle of August next. Notwithstanding the particularity of the aforego- ing instruction,! lay you under no restraint, because I am well assured of your courage, care, caution anrl industry ; but refer you to your own resolves, by the adviceof your commission officers, not under the de- gree of Captains, and the sea commission Captains (whom you will, as often as you can, advise with) ac- cording to the intelligence you may receive, or as you may find needful upon the spot. You arc by every opportunity, and once a week certainly, by some means either by way of Casco, Piscataqua, or otherwise to acquaint me of your pro- ceedings and all occurrences, and what may be fur- ther necessary for the service. And to observe such further and other instructions as you shall receive from myself. As oiten as you may, advise with Captain Smith and Captain Rogers, commanders of her Majesty's ships. Let your minister, commissary, and surgeons be treated with just respects. I pray to God to preserve, prosper and succeed you. Given under my hand at Boston, the fourth day of May, 1704. J. DUDLEY." Pursuant to his instructions he sent away his trans- ports and forces* to Piscataqua, but was obliged himself to wait upon his excellency by land to Pis- cataqua in order to raise more forces in the way thither ; and did raise a company under the command of Captain Harridon.f Taking care to provide a • This collected armument consisted of 550 soldiers, in 14 small transports, and was provided with 36 whale boats, and convoyed by three men of war ; one of 48, one of 32, and one ofl4cuns. Hutchinson, 11, 132. Douglass, I, 557. t This name is spelt Harreden in Penhallow's history ; but his own signature to the resolve before Portroyal is Har- radon. No otner mention is made ofhim in the Indian wars hat I hav8 seen. L FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 2.-)7 pilot for them in the bay of Funuy. (Colonel Churcli being directed to one Fellows whom he met with at Ipswich.) And going from thence to Piscataqua with his excellency, was there met by that worthy gentleman, Major Winthrop Hilton,* who was very helpful to him in the whole expedition, whose name and memory ought hot to be forgot. Being ready to embark from Piscataqua, Colonel Church t-equested the commanders of her Majesty's ships, Captain Smith,f and Captain Rogers! to tarry at Piscataqua a fortnight, that so they mignt not be discovered by the enemy before ho had done some spoil upon them. Then moving^S, in their transports, as direcl-d, got safe into Montinicus,|| undiscovered by the enemy. Next morning early, fitted out two whaleboats with men. Captain John Cook in one, arid Captain Constant Church in the other, and sent them to Green islandlT upon a discovery. And com- ing there, they parted, one went to one part, and the other to the other part, that so they might not miss • Abundant materials are preserved .'or a biography of this gentleman. He was a direct descendant of one of tne first settlers of Newhampshire in 16-23. He was a successful offi- cer, but like many others was doomed to fall by savage hands. In addition to what is'found in this history, and Penhallow's Indian Wars, a memoir may be seen in I of Farmer and Moore's Col. 241, 251. He was engaged in the masting busi- ness in Exeter, where he lived, and having some fine trees fallen in the woods, went with 17 men to peel the bark off, to save them from the worms ; but a party of Indians, on 23 June, 1710, fired upon them from an ambush, and killed the Colonel and two more. Colonel Daniel Plumer of E|>- ping, informs me that the place where they were killed is in the present town of Epping, N. H. Perhaps not far from what is now called the mast way. t Commandei of the Jersey frigate. { Commander of the frigate Gosport. § May 15. || See note on page 255. If A small woody island about 5 miles south easterly from Montinicus. w rir-J > 4 ,• a' )4 258 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. of whut could be discovered. [Here]* they met with old Lafaure,* with his two sons, Thomas and Timo- thy, and a Canada Indian. The enemy seeing that they were discovered, threw down their ducits and eggs, who had got a consider- able quantity of each, and ran to their canoes, getting into them, stood directly for the main. [OnJ look- ing behind them perceived the whaleboats to gain so fist upon them, clapt side by side, and all four got into one canoe, which proved of little advantage to them. For the whaleboats gained so much upon them, and got sn near, that Captain Cook, firing at the steersman, which was the Indian, and hii[)pened to graze his skull, and quite spoiled his paddling. Upon whi( h old Lafaure, and sons, seeing their com- panion's condition, soon begged for quarter, and had it granted. The two Captains with their success presently returned to their commander taking care that their captives should not discourse together be- fore they were examined. When brought to Colonel Church, he ordered them to be apart, and first pro- ceeded to examine old Lafaure, whom he found to be very surly and cross; so that he could gain no intelligence by him. Upon which the commander was resolved to put in practice what he had formerly done at Senecto.f Ordering the Indians to make two large heaps of dry wood, at some distance one from the other, and to set a large stake in the ground, close to each heap. Then [he] ordered the two sons Thomas and Timo- thy, to be brought, and to be bound to the stakes ; also ordering his Indians to paint themselves with co- lours, which they had brought for that use. Then the Colonel proceeded to examine, first Timothy; 1 [where] * Penhallow, 33, in N. H. Hist. Col. I, calls him Monsieur fjfcfchure. t The place, which on page 238, is spell Senactaca. See DOte 2 ol that page. FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 2M [lic]^ told him, [that] he had examined his fatlier already, and that if ho told him the truth he would save his life, and take him into his service; and that he should Imve cood pay and live well. He answer- ed, that he would tell him the truth. And [accord- ingly] gave him an account of every thing [that] he know, which was all minuted down. He being ask- ed whether his brother Thomas did not know more than he 7 His answer was, yes, for his brother Tho- mas had a commission sent him from the Govornour* of Canada, to command a company of Indians, who were gathered together at a place where some French gentlemen, lately arrived from Canada, who were officers, to command the rest that were to go west- ward to fight the English ;f and that there was sent to his father, and brother Tom, a considerable quan- tity of flour, fruit, ammunition a id stores, for the supply of the said army. He being asked whether he could pilot our forces to them 9 said no; but his brother Tom could, for he had hid it, and that he was not then with him '? The Colonel asked him what gentlemen those were that came from Canada *? He 1 [and] • Vaudreuil. t This is supposed by the historian of Newhampshire, to be the army of which Penhallow gives an account ; who mutinied in their march " about the plunder that they had in view ; forgetting the proverb about dividing the skin be- fore the bear was killed." In consequence of their mutiny most of them returned ; but a subdivision of them fell upon Lancaster and Groton, killed two or three persons, and got some plunder. But this army does not correspond with th« statement given l)y Dr. Belknap. See page 161, note 2. After RTr. Penhallow has got quite through with tho expedi- tion of Church, and the affair under " Mr. Caleb Lyman" at tUe westward, he says, " The French in Canada were now forming another design on Northampton." Now it appears to me, that the Doctor is out in his conjecture, and that the army mentioned by Penhallow was not the one mentioned by our a ithor. And bad he looked into Dr. Douglass, Summa- ry, I, 557, he would have found more particulars about it. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 1.1 I^|2j8 |25 |S( "^^ S^H U£ ^ |22 11° 12.0 lU u I: ! 1-25 III 1.4 II 1.6 < 6" ► 7: V W Photographic Sdences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 145S0 (716) t72-4503 4r ^ 260 FRENCH ANP INDIAN WARS. answered, " Monsieur Gourdan,* and Mr. Sharkee." Being asked where they were *? answered, " At Pas- samaquado, building a fort there." Being also asked what number of Indians and French there were at Penobscot'? he answered, [that] there were several families, but they lived scattering. Asked him far- ther, if he would pilot our forces thither 9 [He] an- swered [that] he would if the commander would not let the savages roast him. Upon which the Colonel ordered him to be loosed from the stake, and took him by the hand, told him, he w«uld be as kind to him as his own father ; at which he seemed to be very thankful. And then the Colonel proceeded to examine his brother Tom. [He]^ told him that he had examined his father and brother ; and that his brother had told him every tittle [that] he knew ; and that he kneW more than his brother Timothy did ; and that if he would be ingenuous and confess all he knew, he should fare as well as his brother. But if not, the savages should roast him. Whereupon he solemnly promised that he would, and that he would pilot him to every thing he knew, to the value of a knife and sheath (which without doubt he did.) Then the Colonel immediately gave orders for the whaleboats to be ready, and went directly over where the said goods and stores were, and found them as informed, took them on board the boats, and return- ed to their transports. And ordering provisions to be put into every man's knapsack for six or eight days ; so in the dusk of the evening left their transports, with orders how they should act, and went directly for the main land of Penobscot, and mouth of that 1 [and] * Guorden appears to be the true oithography of this name. He was afterward taken as will presently be seen. Sharkee made a very narrow escape with his wife into the woods. Penhallo.w, 17, says he was taken, but hn must be miMaken. This errour is nut noted in the N. H. Hist. Soc. CoL See page 34. '^.L FRE^CU AND INDIAN WARS 261 river, with their pilots, Tom and Timothy, who car< ried them directly to every place and habitation, both of French and Indians thereabouts, (with the as- sistance of one De Young* whom they carried out of Boston jail for the same purpose, [and he]^ was ser- viceable to them.) Being there we killed and took every one, both French and Indians ; not knowing that any one did escape in all Penobscot. Among those that were taken was St. Casteen's daughter, who said that her husband was gone to France, to her father, Monsieur Casteen.f She haVing her children with her, the commander was very kind to her and them. All the prisoners that were then taken, held to one story in general, which they had from Lafaure's sons, [viz.,] that there were no more Indians thereabouts, but enough of them at Possamequado. Upon which they returned to their transports with their prisoners and plunder. The commander giving order immediately for the soldiers in the whaleboats to have a recruit of pro- visions for a further pursuit of the enemy. Giving orders to the transports to stay a few days more there, and then go to Mountdesart, (and there to stay for her Majesty's ships, who were directed to come thither,) and there to wait his further order. Then Colonel Church with his forces immediately embarked on board their whaleboats, and proceeded to scour the coast, and to try, if they could discover any of the enemy coming from Passamequado ; mak- ing their stops in the day time at all the points tmd places where they were certain [that J the enemy would land, or come by with tUeir canoes, and at night to their paddles. Then coming near where the 1 [who] • In Penhaliow, 17, his name is written D'Young and not D. Young as reprinted in Col. N. H. Hist. Soc. I, S3. f Baron De St. Castine. See note 1, on page 164. 262 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. veMcls were ordered to come, having made no dis* covery of the enemy, went directly to Mountdesart, where ttie transports were just come. And taking some provisions for his soldiers, gave directions for the ships and transports in six days to come directly to Passamequado, where they should find him and his forces. Then immediately moved away in the whaleboats, and made diligent search along shore, as formerly, iiipecting all places where the enemy was likely toiurk: Particularly at Machias, but found neither fires nor tracks. Coming aAerwards to the west har- bour at Pu^samequado, where they entered upon ac- tion. An account whereof Colonel Church did com- municate to his excellency, being as folioweth. " May it pUaae your Excellency, I received yours of this instant, October ninth, with the two inclosed informations, that concern my actions at Passamequado, which I will give a just and true account of, as near as possibly I can, viz On the seventh of June last, 1704, in the evening, we entered in at the westward harbour at said Pas- samequado. Coming up said harbour to an island, where landing, we came to a French house, and took a French woman and children. The woman upon her examination, said her husband was abroad a fishing. I asKed her, whether there were any Indians there- abouts *? she said * Yes, there were a great many, and several on that island.' I asked her, whether she could pilot me to them? said 'No, they hid in the woous.' I asked her, when she saw them t answer- ed, * Just now, or a little while since.' I asked her whether she knew where they had laid the canoes 9 she answered ' No, they carried thcii canoes into the woods with them.' We then hastened away along shore, seizing what prisoners we could, taking old Lotricl and his family. This intelligence caused me to leave Colonel Gor- FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR& 203 ham, and a considerable part of my men, and boats with him at that island; partly to guard and secure those prisoners. Being sensible it would be a great trouble to have them to secure and guard at our next landing, where I did really expect, and hoped to have an opportunity, to fight our Indian enemies. For all our French prisoners that we had , iken at Penobscot, and along shore, had informed us, that when we came to the place where these Canada gentlemen lived, we should certainly meet with the savages to fight us; those being the only men that set the In- dians against us, or upon us, and were newly come from Canada, to manage the war against us. (Plead- ing in this account and information their own inno- cency.) And partly in hopes that he, the said Co- lonel Gorham, would have a good opportunity in the morning to destroy some of those our enemies, (we were informed [of,] by the said French women as above) with the use of his boats as I had given di- rection. Ordering also Major Hilton to pass over to the next island, that lay east of us with a small party of men and boats, to surprise and destroy any of the enemy, that in their canoes might go here and there, from any place, to make their flight from us ; and, as he had opjHjrtun ty, to take any French prisoners. We then immediately moved up the river, in the dark night, through great difficulty, by reason of the eddies and whirlpools, made with the fierceness of the current. And here it may be hinted, that we had information, that Lotriel had lost part of his family passing over to the next island, falling into one of those eddies were drowned, which the two pi- lots told to discourage me. But I said nothing of that na,ture shall do it. For I was resolved to ven- ture up, and therefore, forthwith paddling our boats as privatefy as we could, and with as much expedi- tion as we could mak<3 with our paddles and the help of a strong tide, wc came up to Monsieur Gour- SG4 FAEMCU AND INDIAN WARS, dan's a little before day. Where taking notice of the shore, and finding it somewhat open and clear, 1 ordered Captain Mirick and Captain Cole, having English companies, to tarry with several of the boats to be ready, that if any of the enemy should come down out of the brush into the bay (it being very broad in that place) with their canoes, they might take and destroy them. Ordering the remainder of the army, (being land- ed,) with myself and the other officers, to march up into the woods with a wide front, and to keep at a considerable distance ; for that if they should run in heaps, the enemy would have the greater advantage. And further directing them, that if possible, they should destroy the enemy with their hatchets, and not fire a gun.. This order I always gave at land- ing; telling them the inconveniency of firing, in that it might be, first, dangerous to themselves, they being many of them young soldiers. (As I had sometime observed, that one or two guns being fired many others would fire, at they knew not what, as happened presently after.) And it would alarm the enemy, and give them the opportunity to make their escape ; and it might alarm the whole country, and also prevent all further action from taking effect. Orders being thus passed, we moved directly to- wards the woods. Le Paver's* son directing us to a little hut or wigwam, which we immediately surround- ed with a few men. The rest marching directly up into the woods, to see what wigwams or huts they could discover. Myself made a little stop, ordermg the pilot to tell them in the hut, that they were sur- rounded with an army, and that if they would come forth and surrender themselves, they should have good quarter ; but if not, they should be all knocked on the head and die. One of them showed himself, [and] I asked who ■ The same, who in the late preceding pages is called Laf taure. Sec note 1 , on page ^&8. FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 265 he was 9 He said < Gourdan ;' and begged for quar- ter. I told him he should have good quarter ; add- ing further, that if there were any more in the house, they should come out. Then came out two men. Gourdan said, they were his sons, and asked quarter for them, which was also granted. Then come out a woman, and a little boy. She fell upon her knees, begced quarter for herself and children, and that I would not suffer the Indians to kill them. I told them they should have good quarter, and not be hurt. Auer which I ordered a small guard over them, and so moved presently up with the rest of my company oiler them that were gone before. But looking on my right hand, over a little run, 1 saw something look black just by me ; [I] stopped and heard a talking ; [then] stepped over, and saw a little hut or wigwam, with a crowd of people round about it, which was contrary to my former directions. [[^ asked them what they were doing"? They repli- ed, [that] there were some of the enemy in a house and would not come out. I asked what house '^ they said, * A bark house.' I hastily bid them pull it down, and knock them on the head, never asking whether they were French or Indians ; they being all enemies alike to me.* • * The Colonel was much blamed for this hasty step j and Hutchinson savs, II, 133, that he "excused himself but indif- Terently." Of which, however, the reader may judge as well as he. It does not appear from a long career of useful services, that Church was ever rash or cruel. From the ex- traordinary situation of his men, rendered doubly critical from the daikness of the night, and the almost certain intel- ligence, that a great army of the enemy were at hand, is thought to be sufficient excuse for the measure ; the remark of Hutchirson to the contrary notwithstanding. The same author, II, 138, excuses the French and Indians for their cruelty in putting to death prisoners at the destruction of Deerneld ; because it was necessary to their own preserva- tion, and the English had done so too ; and gives lor exam- ple the action of Henry V, who, after the celebrated battle of Akfincourt, nut to death a multitude of his French uriso* M !l SGG FllENCH AND INDIAN WARS. And passing then to them, and seeing them m great disorder, so many of the army in a crowd to- gether, acting so contrary to my command and di- rection, exposing themselves and the whole army to utter ruin, by their so disorderly crowding thick to- gether. Had an enemy come upon them in that in- terim, and fired a volley amongst them, they could not have missed a shot. And wholly neglecting their duty in not attending my orders, in searching diligently for our lurking enemies in their wigwams, or by their fires, where 1 had great hopes, and real expectations to meet with them. I most certainly know that I was in an exceeding great passion ; but not with those poor miserable enemies ; for I took no notice of a half a dozen of the enemy, when at the same time I expected to be engaged with some hundreds of them ; of whom we nad a continued account, who were e ted from Portroyal side. In this heat of actic ry word that I then spoke, I cannot give an act .t of; and I presume it is impossible. [ stopped but little here, but went directly up in- to the woods, hoping to be better employed with the rest of the army. I listened to hear, and looked earnestly to see what might be the next action. But meeting with many of the soldiers they told me [that] they hud discovered nothing ; we fetching a small compass round, came down again. It being pretty dark, I took notice, [that] I saw two men lay dead, as I thought, at the end of the house where the door was; and immediately the ners, that greatly exceeded the number of h<8 own army. This was in a barbarous age ; being 300 vears before the settlement of Newengland. n ence it would have been much easier for him to excuse our hero than the enemy. For ac- cording to the usages of war, he would have been justified in putting to death prisoners at such a critical time. But these were enemies who would not submit ; or what amounted to the same thing, they would not come out of their bouse when ordered by the forces. ^'^ KK£NCH AND INDIAN WARS. 2C1 guns wont otl', and they fired every man, as I thought, and most towards that place where I left the guard with Monsieur Gourdan. I had much ado to stop the firing, and toid them, I thought thov were mad ; and [that] I believed they had not killed and wound- ed less than forty or fif\y of our own men. And I asked them wliat they shot at *? they answered, * At a Frenchman that ran away.' But to admiration no man wan killed but he, [the Frenchman] and one of our men wounded in the leg. And I turning about, a Frenchman spoke to me, and I gave him quarter. Daylight coming on, and no discovery made of the enemy, I went to the place where I had lefl Mon- sieur Gourdan, to examine him and his sons, who agreed in their examinations ; told me two of their men were abroad. It proved a damage. And further told me, that Monsieur Sharkee lived several leagues up, at the head of the river, at the falls, and ail the Indians were fishing, and tending their corn there; and that Monsieur Sharkee had sent down to him, to come up to him, to advise about the In- dian army* that was to go westward. But he had returned him answer, [that] his business was urgent, and he could not come up ; and that Sharkee, and the Indians would certainly be down that day, or the next at the furthest, to come to conclude of that matter. This was n short night's action, and all sensible men do well know, that actions done in the dark, (being in the night aforesaid) under so many dif- ficulties, us we then laboured as before related, ' was a very hard task for one man, matters being cir- cumstanced as in this action, which would not admit of culling a council ; and at thai time could not be confined thereunto. At which time I was transport- ed above fear, or any sort of dread ; yet, being sensi- ble of the danger in my army's crowding so thick together, and of the great duty incumbent on me, * See note 3, or page 359. 268 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS to preserve them from ull danscr [that] I poRsibly could, for further improvement m the destruction of our implacable enemies, ant ready to conclude, that I was very quick and absolute in giving such com- mands and orders, as I then apprehended most pro- per and advantageous. And had it not been for the intelligence I had received from the French, we^ook at Penobscot, as before hinted ; and the false report [that] the French women (first took) gave tne, I had not been in such haste. I question not, but those Frenchmen that were slain, had the same good quarter of other prisoners. But I ever looked on it, a good providence of Almighty God, that some few of our cruel and bloody enemies were made sensible of their bloody cruelties, perpe- tr . led on my dear and loving friends and countrymen ; and that the same measure (in part) meeted to them, as they had been guilty of, in a barbarous manner at Deerfield ; and, I hope, justly. 1 hope God Almi&hty will accept hereof, although it may not be eligible to our French implacable enemies, and such others as are not our friends. The Ibregoing journal, and this short annexment, I thought it my duty to exhibit, for the satisfaction of my frienf^s and countrymen, whom I very faithfully and willingly served in the late expedition. And I hope will find acceptance with your excellency, the honourable council and Representatives now assem- bled, as being done from the zeal I had in the said service of her Majesty, and her good subjects here. I remain your most humble and obedient servant, BENJAMIN CHURCH." This night's service being over, immediately Col- onel Church leaves a sufficient guard with Gourdan and the other prisoners, moved in some whaleboats with the rest; and as they were going, spied a small thing upon the water at a great distance, which proved to be a birch canoe with two Indians in her FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 2G9 Tho Colonel presently ordered the lishtest boat he hnd, to make the best of her way, and cut them off from the shore. But tho Indians perceiving their do- Ricn, ran their cnnoe ashore and fled. Colonel Church fearing ftlmtj they would run directly to Sharkee, made all the exoeditinn imaginable. But it being ebb, and the water low, was obliged to land, and make the best of their way through tho woods, hoping to intercept the Indians, and get to Sharkee's house before them, which was two miles from where our forced landed. The Colonel being ancient and unwieldy, desired Sergeant Edee to run with him. And coming to several trees fallen which he could not creep under, or readily get over, would lay his breast as^ainst the tree, the said Edee turning him over, generally hnd eatliick, fulling on his feet, by which means [ho] kept in the front. And coming near to Sharkee's house, discovered some French and Indians making a wear* in the river, and presently discovered the two Indians aforementioned, who called to them at work in the river, [and] told them, [that] " there was an army of English an Indians just by." [They]^ im- mediately leil their work and ran, endeavouring to get to Sharkee's house. [He]° hearing the noise, took his lady and child and ran into the woods. Our men running briskly, fired and killed one of the In- dians, and took the rest prisoners. Then going to Sharkee's house found a woman and child, to whom they gave good quarter. And find- ing that Madam Sharkre had left her silk clothes and fine linen behind her, our forces were desirous to have pursued and taken her. But Colonel Church forbade them ; saying he would have her run and suffer, that sh') might be made sensible, what hardships our poor people had suffered by them, &c. [He] then pro- 1 [who] « [who] * Or, wier, a rack to catch fiih in. fro FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. cemled to examine the prisoners newly taken, who gave hi .. Mic same account fthat] he had before, of the Indians being up at the tails, dec. It being just night, prevented our attacking them that night. hut next morning early, they moved un to the falls which was about a mile higher. But aoubtless the enemy had some intelligence by the two aforeuaid In- dians, before our forces came, so that they all got on the other side of the river, and left some of their goods by the water side to decoy our men, that so they might fire upon them ; which indeed they effect- ed. But through the good providence of God, never a man of ours was killed, and but one slightly wound- ed. AAer a short dispute. Colonel Church ordered that every man might take what they pleased of the fish, which lay bundled up, and to burn the rest, which was a great Quantity. The enemy seeing what our forces were about, and that their stock of fish was destroyed, and the season being over for getting any more, set up a hideous cry, and so can all away into the woods. They being all on the other side of the river, ours could not follow them. Having done, our forces marched down to theii boats, at Sharkee*s, and took their prisoners, beaver, and other plunder which they had got, and put it into their boats, and went down to Gourdan's house, where they had lefl Lieutenant Colonel Gorham, and Major Hilton, with part of the forces to guard the prisoners, (and kept a good look out for more of the enemy) who upon the Colonel's return, gave him an account that they had made no discovery of the enemy since he left them, &c. Just then her Majesty's ships and transports arriv- ing, the commanders of her Majesty's ships told Col- onel Church, that they had orders to go directly for Portroyal gut, and wait the coming of some store ships,* which were expected at Portroyal from France. * No ships arrived, or at least, we have no account of any. Holmes, II, 65, mentions, tub anno 1705, that a rich ship FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 271 And Colonel Church ndvining with them, propoicd that it waa very expedient and HorviceubJe to the crown, that Captain Soinhnck in the Province Kulley ■liould accompany them, which thoy did readily ac- quiesce v/ith him in. Upon which, the Colonel immediately embarked his forces on board the irnnsports, and himself on bonrd Captain Jarvis, ordering the commntsary of the stores, the mininter, surgeons and pilots all to embark on board the same vessel with nim. Ordering all the whaleboats to he put on board the transports, and then to come to sail. The ships standing awny for Portroyal gut, and Colonel Church with the trans- ports for Menis. In their way the Colonel inquired of iheir pilot, Fellows, what depth of water there was in the creek, near the town of Menis ? he answered him, that there was water enough, near ti <^ town, to float that vessel, they were in, at low water. So, when coming near, Colonel Church observed a .voody island between them and the town, that they ran up on the back side of, (the said island) with all their transports, undiscovered to the enemy, nnd cume to anchor. Then the Colonel and all his for- ces embarked in the whaleboats. It being late in the day, [they] moved directly for the town ; and in the way Hsked for the pilot, who, he expected, was in one of the boats ; but he had given him the slip, and tar- ried behind. The Colonel not knowing the ditlicul- ties that might attend their going up to the town, im- medintcly sent Lieutenant Giles, who could speak French, with a flag of truce up to the town, (wiUi a . . — m namnH the Siene, was taken, the preceding autumn, by the English ; and that she was hound to Quebeck, with a cargo amounting to nearly a million of livres. But this was in June, hence it does not agree with the supposition (hat said shin was taken by Churcb's convoy. He cites Charlevoix, and the Universal History. Dr. Dcug^lass, I, 557, in this, as well as many other cases, comes happily to our relief. He informs us, that this ehiy * was taken by an English Vir- ginia Fleet." 272 FUENCll AND INDIAN WARS. L> ■ » - Bummonr, which was written before they landed,) ex- pecting tlieir surrender, which is as foiloweth. " «' Aboard her Majesty' 9 Ship Adventure, neartltegul o/Menis, June 20, 1704. An agreement made by the field officers commanding her Majesty's forces for the present expedition against tfte French enemies, and Indian rebels. Agreed, that a declaration or summons be sent on shore at Menis and Portroyal, under a. flag of truce. Particularly, we do declare to you, the many cruel- ties and barbarities iV?* you and the Indians have been guilty of towanis us, in laying waste our coun- try here in the east at Casco, and tlie places adja- cent. Particularly, the horrid action at Deerfield, this last winter, in killing, massacreing, murdering and scalping, without giving any notice at all, or op- portunity to ask quarter at your hands ; and, after all, carrying the remainder into captivity in the height of winter, (of which they killed many in the journey) and exposed the rest to the hardships of cold and famine, worse than death itself. "Which cruelties we are y?t every day exposed unto and exercised with. We do also declare, that we have already made some beginnings of killing and scalping some Cana- da men, (which we have not been wont to do or al- low) and are now come with a great army of English and Indians, all volunteers, with resolutions to sub- due you, and make you sensible of your cruelties to us, by treatfng you after the same manner. At this time we expect our men of war and tran- sport ships to be at Portroyal. (We having but late- ly parted with them.) In the last place, we do declare to you, that in- asmuch as some of you have shown kindness to our cap ives, and expressed a love tc, and desire of be-' ing under the English government, we do therefore, notwithstanding all this, give you timely notice, and FllENCH AND INDIAN WAKS. Q7t <6 40 do demand a surrender immediately, by the laying down your arms, upon which, we promise very good quarter ; if not, you must expect the utmost severity. To the chief commander of the town of Menis, and the inhabitants thereof, and we expect your an- swer, positively, within an hour. / Benjamin Church, Col. John Gorham, Lieut. Col. WiNTHRop Hilton, J/q/." Then moving to the creek, expecting to have had water enough for the boats, as the pilot had informed them, but found not water enough for a canoe. So [they] were obliged to land, intending to have been up at the town before the hour was out, that the summons expressed. For their return was, " that if our forces would not hurt their estates, then they would surrender, if otherwise intended, they should fight for them," «fec. But meeting with several creeks, near twenty or thirty feet deep, which were very muddy and dirty ; so that the army could not get over them, [and] were obliged to return to their boats again, and wait till within night, before the tide served them to go up to the town. And then [iheyj intended to go up pretty near the town, and not to fall to, till morning ; being in hopes that the banks of the creeks would siiclter them from the enemy. But the tide's rising so high, exposed them all to the enemy ; who had the trees and woods to befriend them ; and so came down in the night, and fired smartly at our forces. But Colonel Church being in a pinnace, that had a .small cannon placed in the head, ordered it to be charged several times with bullets, in small bags, and fired at the enemy ; which made such a rattling amongst the trees, that [it] caused the enemy to draw off. And by the great providence of Almighty God, not one of our forces was hurt that night. But »» 18 874 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. as I have been informed, [the enemy]' had one In* dian killed, and some others wounded, which was some discouragement to [them.]* Next morning, by break of day, Colonel Church ordered all his forces (and placed Major Hilton on the right wing) to run all up, driving the enemy be- fore them ; who leaving their town to our forces, but had carried aWay the best of their goods, which were soon found by our soldiers. The bulk of the enemy happening to lie against our right wing, caused the hottest dispute there. [They]^ lay behind logs and trees, till our forces, and Major Hilton, who led them, came [ — y upon them, and forced them to run. And notwitlistanding the sharp firing of the enemy at our forces, by the repeated providence of God, there Was never a man of ours killed or .wounded. Our Isoidiers not having been long in town, before they found considerable quantities of strong drink, both brandy and claret ; and being very greedy after it, especially the Indians, were very disorderly ; firing at every pig, turkey, or fowl [that] they saw ; of which [there] were very plenty in the town, which e:idangered our own men. Colonel Church perceiving the disorder^ and firing of his own men, ran to put a stop to it, [und] had several shot come very near him. And finding what had occasioned this disorder, commanded his officers to knock out the heads of every cask of strong liquor they could find in the town, to prevent any further disturbance among his army; knowing, [that] it was impossible to have kept it from them, especially the Indians, if it were saved, &,c. Then some ^f the army who were desirous to pursue the enemy, having heard them driving away their cattle, requested the Colonel to let them go. [He]* did, and gave them their orders. Captain Co^ke, and Captain Church to lead the two wings »[tlM!y] » [the enemy] 3 [who] < ton] s [who] J ■• FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. S75 and Lieutenant Earker,* who led the Colonel's com- pany, in the centre. And the said Captain Cooke and Captain Church desired Lieutenant Barker not to move too fast ; so that he might have the benefit of their assistance, if he had occasion. But the said Lieutenant not being so careful as he should have been, or at least was too eager, was shot down, and another man, which were all the men that were kill- ed in the <,vhole expedition.f Towards night, Colonel Church ordered some of his forces to pull down some of the houses, and others to get logs and make a fortification for his whole army to lodge in, that night; that so they might be together. And just before night [he] or- dered some of his men to go [and] see if there were any men in any of the houses in the town ; [and], if [there were] not, to set them all on fire, which was done ; and the whole town seemed to be on fire all at once, <&.c. The next morning the Colonel gave orders to his men, to dig down the dams, and let the tide in, to destroy all their corn, and every thing that was good according to hi» instructions ; | and to burn the for- tification which they had built the day before ; and when the tide served to put all the plunder which they had got into tho boats. Then ordering his sol- diers to march a good distance one from anothe,r, which caused the enemy to think that there were no less than a thousand men, as they said bAerwards ; and that the burning of the fortification, and doing as they did, caused the enemy to think that they were * Charlevoix, in his tccount of the talcing of Menis, says, that the Lieutenant General of the English forces, was kill- ed, by which the Lieutenant, of Church's company is meant. t Penhallow in N. H. Hist. Col. I, S4, says " not above six died in the wliole expedition." X Thus do governments cause such horrid scenes. But is the crime lessenttd } They are considered right in the trade and custom of war. But is it so on that account? - r^ . 876 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. gone clear off*, and not to return again. But it prov* ed to the contrary ; for Colonel Church and his for< ces, only went aboard their transports, and there staid till the tide served. In the night [they]* embarked on board their whaleboats, landed some of their men, expecting they might meet with some of the enemy mending their dams ; which they did. And with their boats went up another branch of the river to anoth«>r town or village, [and] upon such a surprise, [that they] took as many prisoners as they could de- sire. And it happened that Colonel Church was at the French Captain's house when two gentlemen came post from the Governour* of T'ortroyal to him, who was the chief commander at Menis, with an express to send away two companies of men to defend the King's fort there ; and to give him an account, that there were three English men of war come into Port- royal gut, or harbour ; and that the men sent for must be posted awp.y with all speed. Colonel Church as was said before, being there, treated the two gen- tlemen very handsomely, and told them, [that] he would send them back again post to their master upon his business. And bid them give him his hearty thanks for sending him such good news, that part of his fleet was in so good a harbour. Then reading the summons to them that he had sent to Menis. Further added, that their master, the Governour of Portroyal, must immediately send away a post to the Governour of Canada, at Quebeck, to prevent his further sending any of his cruel and bloody French, and savages, as he had lately done upon Deerfield, where they had committed such horrible and bloody outrages upon those poor people, that never did ._ |W * Mons: iir De Siibercase, this year came in to be govern- onrofAcadic. Portroyal, I suspe<*>- was his principal scat. The next year he drove the English from NewfounJlaDdi %nd destroyed their settlements, fjolmesll, 65. FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS 277 them any harm, as is intolerable to think of, and that for the future, ii any such hostilities were made upon oui frontier towns, or any of them, he would come out with a thousand savages, and whaleboats convenient, and turn his back upon them, and let his savages scalp, and roast the French ; or, at least, treat them as tlieir savages had treated ours. [He] also gave them an account of part of that action at Passamequado, and how that his soldiers had killed and scalped some Canada men there, and would be glad to serve them so too, if he would per- mit them, which terrified them very much,* 6lc. The two French gentlemen that came post, made solemn promises, that they would punctually do the Colonel's message to their Governour. So with the desire of the French people there, that the Govern- our might have this intelligence. Colonel Church dismissed them, and sent them away; telling the same story to several of the prisoners, and what they must expect, if Qome speedy course were not taken to prevent further outrages upon the English. The number of prisonersf then present, which were con- siderable, did unanimously entreat of Colonel Church, that he would take them under the protection of the crown of England ; making great promises of their fidelity to the same ; begging with great agony of spirit to save their lives, and to protect them from his savages, whom they extremely dreaded. As to the matter of the savages, he told them, [that] it would be just retaliation for him to permit lis savages to treat the French in the same manner, as the French with their savages treated our friends in cur frontier towns. But as to his taking them un- der the protection of the crown of England, he ut- ' This, the commander of Portroyal, says Eatehinson, must know to be a gasconade. t Penhallow says, that in this expedition one hundred pri* Boners were taken. So says Dr. Douglass, I, S07 ; probablj on the same authority. 278 FRENCH AND rNDIAN WARS. terly refused it ; urging to them, their former perfi- diousness. They also urging to him, that it would b& impossible for any French to live ahy where in the boy of Fundy, if they were not taken under the Eng- lish government. For with the benefit of the whale- boats, (as the English called them) they could take and destroy all their people in the town of Menis, in one night. But he replied to them, [that] it should never be. Alleging to them, that when they were so before, when Portroyal was taken last by the Eng- lish,* that it proved of very ill consequence to the crown of England, and the subjects thereof in our frontiers. For that our English traders supplying them, enabled them f which opportunity they improv- ed) to supply the Inaians, our bloody enemies; and, therefore, he could make no other terms of peace with them, thoa, that if the French at Menis, Sig- necto, and Canada, would keep at home with their bloody savages, and not commit any hostilities upon any of our frontiers, we would return home and leave them. For that we lived at a great distance off, and had not come near them to hurt them now, had not thfe blood of our poor friends and brethren, in all the frontiers of our province cried for vengeance. Especially, that late unheard of barbarity committed * It IS sitoated on Ibe west side of Novascotia, on a river of the SRttie namn, which flows into the bsiy of Fundy. Men- tion has been made of the expedition to Canada in 1690, un- der Sir William Phips ; the reduction of Portroyal was exe- cuted under the same gentleman, in the same year, but pre- vious. It was commanded by Gov. Menival, who built it about 168S. When Phips took it, it was both " ill fortified and ill provided." See note 1, on page 177. It was in no condition to stand a siege, and submitted without resistance. (Hutch- inson, I, S53.) But it was, in 1705, retaken by the French. Again ir. 1710, a large armament under Col. Nicholson went against it, of which they made an easy conquest. There were but 360 men to defend it. The English had 5 frigates, 6 lov sr rates, and 34 transports. After it was taVen th- name was changed from Port Uoyal to Annapolis royal, which it vet retains. FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 279 upon the town of Deerfield ; which wrought soffone- rully on the hearts of our people, that our torcea uame out with that unanimity of spirit, both among the English and our savages, that we had not, nor needed a pressed man among them. The Colonel also telling them, that if ever hereafter any of our frontiers, east or west, were molested by them, as formerly, that he would, (if God spared his life) and they might depend r.pon it, return upon them with a thousand of his savrges, (if he wanted them,) all vo- lunteers, with our whaleboats, and pursue them to the last extremity. The Colonel's warm discourse with them, wrought such a consternation in them, which tliey discovered by their panick fears and trembling, their hearts sen- sibly beating, and rising up, as it were, ready to choke them. [They] confessed, that they were all his pri- soners, and begged of him, for JESUS' sake, to save their lives, and the lives of their poor families, with such melting terms, as wrought relentings in the Colonel's breast towards them. But ho v( ever, he told them, that his n lent was to carry as r.iany prisoi ?rs home as he could ; '.ut that he had taken so many, tltey were more than he had occasion for, nor desired any more; and, therefore, he would leave them. The Colonel resolving the next day to complete all his action at Menis, and so draw off. Accordingly, {he] sent his orders to Colonel Gorham and Major lilton, with all the English companies, both officers and soldiers, except some few, which he thought he might have occasion for, to go with the Indians in the whaleboats, up the eastward river, where a third part of the inhabitants lived. That so he might prevent any reflection made on them, in leaving any part of the service undone. And therefore, in the evening, ordered all the whaleboats to be laid ready for the night's service. And, accordingly when the tide serv- ed, he went with his Indians up the river, where they did some spoil upon the enemy going up. 280 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. In the morning, dovcral of their transports came to rnoet them, to their great rejoicing, whom they went un board [of] and soon came up with the whole fleet, with whom they joined, bending their course directly towards Portr iiig the time, the fionticrs enjoyed peace and tramiuillity. Hutchinson, ih. • Vaudreuil. t It appears that Church was censured wrongfully, and for some time, bore the faults, due only to others. For it i i • l^ 2SG FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. fore and after he came home. For all his great ex- penses, fatigues and hardships, in and about this ex- f>edition, viz., he received of his excellency fifteen pounda, as an earnest penny, towirds raising volun- teers. And after he came to receive his deben- ture for his Colonel's pay, there were two shillings and four jHfnce due to him. And as for his Captain's pay* and man Jack ; he has never received any thing as yet. Also, after he came home, some ill minded per- sons did their endeavour to have taken away his life, for there were some of the French enemy killed,-) [inj this expedition. But his excellency the Gov ernour, the honourable council, and the house of representatives, saw cause to clear him, and gave him thanks for his good service done. J was generally thought by the people, that Col. Church went on this expedition, tor the express purpose of reducing Port- royal, as it was, by the government, styled the "Portroyal ex- pedition," or, as entered on the council books " an expedition to Porlroyal," not knowing that he was strictly ordered to the contrary ; therefore, we are not surprised that he should be blamed, until the truth should be known. The Govern- our was accused of preserving that place to benefit himself by an illegal trade with the inhabitants. However this may be, he excused himself by saying, that he had no orders from the Queen to go against it ; antl that her Majesty was to send over in the spring, a force expressly for that purpose, as has been previously stated in this history. • It will be recollected that he was commissioned Colonel and Captain at the same time, and in the same warrant. t See page 265. Some of the enemy that would not sur- render. J Thus ends the military achievements of the justly cele- brated BENJAMIN Church. [The reader is requested to correct an errour in Dr Douglass' History, I, 557, b, where he observes, that Col. Church made an expedition in 1707-8, It was Col. March.] APPENDIX [.—SOME ACCOUNT OF THE EARLY VOTAGES TO, AND SETTLEMENTS IN NORTH AMERICA, AND THE TREATMENT UF THE INDIANS BT THOSE VOYAGERS. As early as 1508, the natives of North Airerica began to be carried away by voyagers, sometimes by force, and sometimes by flattery. At this early pe- riod, one Aubert, a Frenchiijan, sailed up the river St. Lawrence, and on his return to France, conveyed off a number of the natives * In 1565, a colony was sent out from England, under the direction of Sir Walter Ralegh, and was settled at Roanoke. This was the first English colony planted in America.f Through their misconduct to the natives, and to one another, they found themselves in a miserable condi- tion before the end of a year. Sir Francis Drake returning that way from a cruise against the Spani- ards, gave them a passage to England m his fleet. Just before the arrival of Drake, a chief, and many of his men were killed, and afterwards an Indian town was burned, by order of Sir Richard Grenvillc, who brought supplies to the colonists. In 1602, Bartholomew Gosnold sailed from Eng- laiul, and was the first Englishman that came in a direct course to this part of America.| He fell in with tlie coast near Cape Cod, which he discovered. Being met near the shore, by the natives in their ca- * American Annals, I, S7. I Belknap, Biog. I, 331. t lb. 1, 110. /^ 288 APPENDIX. 'I'' > noes, was kindly treated by them, and they helped him load his vessels.* The next year, Martin Pring arrived on the coast, and collected a cargo of Sassafras.f The Indians appeared hostile to this company, and caused them to leave the coast, sooner than they would otherwise have done. But this was not without a cause. A canoe had been stolen from them, and they were sported with by the sailors, who, to get rid of them, when they h;*d amused themselves sutficiently, would set their dogs to chase them away. In 1G05, Captain George Weymouth carried off five of the natives from the coast of Newengland, against their consent ; one of whom was a chief. In 1607, the first permanent colony of Virginia arrived in the Chesapeak, the twentysixth of April, and the thirteenth of May, they took a position for a town ; which, soon after, in honour of King James, was named James Town. They were annoyed by the Indians at first, and one person was killed. A peace was concluded in June following, but it wa? of short duration. An attempt, also, to settle a colony on Kenneheck river was made this year, but was relinquished the next.J In 1614, Captain John Smith made a profitable voyage to Newengland, and made an accurate sur- vey of its coast. The Newengland Indians, in this voyage, were justly incensed against the English, to a great degree. When Smith went for England, he left one Hunt to complete his cargo of fish. Thi« perfidious man enticed twentyfour Indians on board liis vessel, put them in confinement, and sold them at Malaga, to the Spaniards, for slaves. In the course of the year, another vessel came on the coast to trade with two of those taken off by Hunt, to assist in the * SassaiVati and furs were then the articles of exportation. tSee Belknap's life of Pring. Sassafras was collected about the islands. Pring found it on what is now Edgar town. t See I age 171 and note 5. APPENDIX. 9S* 89 business. It was now designed to settle a trading house, but the Indians soon discouraged tilem in the attempt. One of the prisoners had died, and the other was not permitted to go on shore. But some approached the ship under pretence of trade, and he jumped overboard. His friends in the canoes discharg- ed their arrows so thick at the same time, that in defiance of the English guns, they got him on board, and paddled off. A number of the English were badly wounded, and some of the Indians killed. The English were discouraged, and sailed for England."^ Two other natives, carried away by Hunt, found means, in lime, to get back to Newengland, and in some measure, allayed the vengeance of their coun- trymen ; by assuring them that the English, in gene- ral, were highly displeased at the conduct of Captain Hunt.f These, and many other insults on the Indians though small, in comparison with those suffered by their race in South America, were more than enough to cause them to entertain fearful apprehensions of every stranger. Before 1619, perhaps it would have been alto- gether impracticable to have attempted a settlement in Newengland, without great risk. The nativea. before which, were extremely numerous and warlike ; but this year,| a mortal sickness prevailed among them, that almost entirely desolated the country ; in- somuch, thai the living could not bury the dead. For when the Pilgrims arrived at Plymouth, the ground was strewed with human bones. The extent of this pestilence was from Penobscot to Narraganset.'^ • American Annals, I, 184, 185. t Hist. N. H. 1, 10, 11. X It is not certain that this plague happened in 1619, though from Johnson and others cited by Holmes, (I, 207, 208,) it appears probable. Morton, 25, says that it was two or three years before the settlement of Plymouth. Prince. Chron. 119, thinks this plague raged as early as 1618 or 17. ^ Prince, Chron. 188, and B«*lknap, Biog. I, SSe. N 19 I [^ 200 APPENDIX. IL—HISiaiN OP THE 8CTTLEHENT OF yCWENOLAm)' Bigotry ana superstition began to lose some ground in England, as early as 1550. And the per- secutions, and sufferings of the early martyrs o^ re- ligious freedom, have been the subject of many mas- sy volumes. In 1 549, a liturgy had been prepared by the bishops, and a law passed both houses of Par- lianrient, **that all divine offices should be performed according to it."* The clergy were ordered to conform to the liturgy, under pain of fines and im- prisonment. And, as has always since been the case, among all sects, the new sect, then denominated Pu- ritans, grew more numerous, in proportion, as tlie severity of persecution increased. In 1607, a congregation fled from England into Holland, and in 1608, were joined by others, and a church was there establici^ed, according, as they be- lieved, to the principles of the primitive church of Christ ; having Mr. John Robinson for their pastor. Their removal from England into Holland, was at- tended with the greatest difficulties, and thourh over- looked by the chief historians, who have written upon their history, is certainly among the first articles that should be related. It formed a part of a Manuscript History, written by Mr. William Bradford, ono of their number, which, though since lost f , was in poo- session of Governour Hutchinson, who copied this valuable part into his "summary of the affairs of the colony of New Plymouth,"| which is as follows. " There .vas a large company of them proposed to get passage at Boston in Lincolnshire, and for that ■ Holmes' Annals, I, 50. t At least, it has not been seen since 1775, when the Brit- Uh Vandait under Gen. Gage, in a sacrilegious manr ;r, dis- turbed the contents or the old south church, where it WM d(w posited. X In bis Hist Mass. II, No. I Appendix \ !• APPENDIX. 391 end had hired a ship wLally to themselves, and made agreement with the master to be ready at a certain day, and take them and their goods in at a conve- nient place, where accordingly they would all attend in readiness. So after long waiting and large ex- pense, though he kept not day with them, yet he came at length and took them in, in the night. But when he had them and their goods aboard he betrayed them, having beforehand complotted with the search- ers and other officers so to do, who took them and put them into open boats, and then rifled and ransacked them, searching them to their shirts for money, yea, even the women, further than became modesty, and then carried them back into the town, and made them a spectacle and wonder to the multitude, which came flocking on all sides to behold them. Being thus, flrst by the catch-poles, rifled and stript of their money, books, and much other goods they were pre- sented to the magistrates, and messengers sent to in- form the lords of the council of them, and so they were committed to ward. Indeed the magistrates used them courteously, and showed them what favour they could, but could not deliver them till order came from the council table ; but the issue was, that after a month's imprisonment, the greatest part were, dismissed, and sent to the places from whence they came, but seven of the principal men were still kept in prison and bound over, to the assizes. The next spring after, there was another attempt made, by some of these and others, to get over at another place. And so it fell out, that they light of a Dutch- man at Hull, having a ship of his own belonging to Zealand. They made agreement with him, and ac- quainted him with their condition, hoping to And more faithfulness in him, than in the former of their own nation. He bade them not fear, for he would do well enough. He was by apppointment to take them in, between Grindstone* and Hull, where was a large * Grimsby says Belknap. ' i VI y. t ^i I ; \ ' . i n ** 292 APPENDIX. common, a good way distant from any town. Now aeainst the prefixed time, the women and children, with the goods, were sent to the place in a small bark, which they had hired for that end, and the men were to meet them by land ; but it so fell out, that they were there a day before the ship came, and the sea being rough and the women very sick, prevailed with the seamen to put into a creek hard by, where they lay on ground at low water. The next morning the ship came, but they were fast and could not stir till about noon. In the mean time, the shipmaster per- ceiving how the matter was, sent his boat to get the men aboard, whom he saw ready, walking about the shore, but after the first boat-full was got aboard, and she was ready to go for more, the master espied a great company both horse and foot, with bills and guns and other weapons, for the country was raised to take them. The Dutchman seeing that, swore his country oath, * Sacramente,^ and having the wind fair, weighed anchor, hoisted sails, and away. Afler en- during a fearful storm at sea, for fourteen days or more, seven whereof they never saw sun, moon nor stars, and being driven nea. the coast of Noiway, they arrived at their desired haven, where the people came flocking, admiring their deliverance, the storm having been so long and sore, in which much hurt had been done, as tlie master's friends related to him in their congratulations. The rest of the men that were in greatest danger, mude a shift to escape away before the troop could surprise them, those only stay- ing that best might be assisting unto the women. But pitiful it was to see the heavy case of these poor women in distress ; what weeping and crying on every side, some for their husbands that were carried away in the ship, others not knowing what should become of them and their little ones, crying for fear and quaking with cold. Being apprehended, they were hurried from one place to anothec till in the end they knew not what to do with them ; for, to imprison so APFBNDIX. 393 many women with their innocent children for no other cause, many of them, but that they would go with their husbands, seemed to be unreasonable, and all would cry out of them ; and to send them home again was as difficult, for they alleged, as the truth was, they had no homes to go to, for they had either sold or otherwise disposed of their houses and liv- ings : To be short, after they had been thus turmoiled a good while, and conveyed from one constable to another, they were glad to be rid of them in the end upon any terms, though, in the mean time, they, poor souls, endured misery enough." Aiier remaining several years in Holland, they be- gan to fear that their company would finally become lost, by their connexion with the Dutch; and that their eiforts to establish the true religion, also lost. Some of their young men had already engaged in the military service of the Dutch, and marriages with their young women had taken place. These things caused much grief to the pious Forefathers ; more especially, because the Dutch were dissolute in their morals. Under these considerations, their thoughts were turned towards America; but, never so far north as Newengland. Sir Walter Ralegh was about thio time,* projecting a settlement in Guiana, and this place was first taken under consideration. Here a perpetual spring was promised, and all the beauties of a tropical summer. But considering the diseases which were so fatal to Europeans, and their near vicinity to the Spaniards,! the majority were against a removal thither. At length, they resolved to make their settlement in north Virginia,| and accordingly they sent agents • 1617. t The Spaniards had not actually taken possession of this country, but claimed it. Belknap, Biog. Il, 167. X North America was then known under the general names of north and south Virginia, divided by the parallel of 40 d. i t: ■ i ■, i; SQ4 APPENDIX. to England, to obtain a grant from the Virginia com* pony, and to know whether the King would grant them liberty of conscience, in that distant country. The Virginia company were willins to grant them such privileges as were in their power, but the bigot- ted James would agree no further, than " to connive at them, provided they should conduct peaceably."* The agents returned the next year, 1618, to the great discouragement of the congregation. Resolved, however, to make another trial, agents were sent again the next year, and after long and tedious dc- laysjf a grant was obtained, under the seal ot the company, which, after all this great trouble and expense, was never used.^ Notwithstanding, their removal was not given up, and they made ready for their voyage, with what ex- pedition they cou'd. It was agreed that a part should go before, to prepare the way ; and, accord- ingly, two ships were got ready, one named the Speedwell, of sixty tons, the other the Mayflower, of one hundred and eight tons. They first went from Leyden to England, and on the flfth of August, 1020, they left Southampton for America ;'§> but, they were twice forced to return, by reason of the bad state of the lesser ship. It was now agreed to dismiss the Speedwell, and they embarked on board the Mayflower, and, on the tia^h of September^ again sailed on their intended voyage.ll N. Prince, 180. Its whole extent was from Florida to the bay of Fundy. * Belknap, Biog. II, 170. American Annals, 1, 198. t Occasioned by dissensions among the Virginia company. One treasurer having resigned was displeased with his suc- cessor. See Bradford in Prince, 151, 153. X Because it was taken out in the name of a gentleman, whom ** providence" separated from them. § They intended to have settled somewhere near Hudson's river. P The last port they left was Plymouth. APPENDIX. SM Such were the transactions, and such the difllicuW ties, attending this persevering company of Pilgrims, (as they are truly called) in the great attempt, to set- tle a colony in America. As no particulars are pre- served of their voyage, we may now leave them until they appear on the coast.* III. LANDING or THE flLOFJMS AT PLYMOUTH. After some difficulties, in a voyage of two months and three days, they fell in with the land of Cupe Cod, on the ninth of November. Finding themselves fur- ther north than they intended to settle, they stood to > the southward ; but soon finding themselves nearly ^ encompassed with dangerous shoals, the Captainf took advantage of their fears, and bore up again for the cape ; and, on the tenth of November, anchored in cape Cod harbour.T On observing their latitude, they found themselves out of the limits of the south Virginia company. Upon which it was hinted by some, that they should now be under no laws, and every servant would have as much authority as his master. But the wisdom that had conducted them hither, was sufficient to pro- vide against this evil ; therefore, an instrument was drawn and signed, by which they unanimously form- ed themselves into a body politic. This instrument was executed November the eleventh, and signed by fortyone persons ; that being the number of men, qualified to act for themselves. Their whole number * It is related that in a storm a beam of the ship was thrown out of its place, and that they began to despair, but some gentleman having a large iron screw, by means of which it was again forced into its place. t Jones. X 'Hie Captain of the ship was hired hy the Dutch to land them thus far north, because they claimed the country at Hudson's river, and were unwilling that the English should get any footing there. See Morton, 13. is m [f i It 296 APPENDIX. John Carver ^ consisted of One hundred and one.* was chosen Governour for one year. * As it must be ever gratifying to posterity to know the first form of government ever drawn up in their country, and the names (n those who first ventured upon the groat undcr- takirg, both are here presented to their view, as I 6nd them in Mr. Prince's N. Eng. Chronology. In my first fVtion I copied from Morton, but o'' account of some errours in the names of the signers as given in his Newengland's Memorial I copy from Mr. Prince. However, it is possible that some small errours may exist, even -.nislist; for we know, that the chirography of 1630, was vastly difTerent from that a hundred years afler ; insomuch, that what Mr. Morton read for an r, might have been taken allerward for a f by Mr. Prince, &,c., as will appear by comparing those names, in which a difference is seen. Mr. Morton writes No. 35, John Craxton, No. 37, Joses Fletcher, No. 39, Digery Priest, No. S4, Richard Bitteridge, and No. 40, Edward Doten. He also has No. 33, Edmund Morgeson, but that I suppose to be a misprint. Uoth of those authors copied from Gov. Bradford's MS., as Hutchinson perhaps did, who differs from both. He wrHes Nos. 15 and 16, Tilley, No. 30, Ridgsdale, No. 35, Croxton, No. S7, Gardner, fiut the most unaccountable dif- ferences exist between authors who have copied from Mr. Pr'utce'n printed book. I need not name any one, in particular, as all iwat I have met with, differ in some respect, except the Editors of the N. H. Hist. Collections, who seem to have been particularly careful. " In the name of God, Amen. We, whose names are undei written the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign Lord King James, by the grace of God, of Great Britain, France and Ireland, King, defender of the faith, Sic. Having undertaken for the glory of God, and advancement of the christian faith, and honour of our King and country, a voyage to plant the first colony in the northern parts of Virginia, do by these presents, solemnly and mutually in the presence of God, and one of another, covenant and combine ourselves together, into a civil body politick, for our better ordering and preservation, and farthcrance of the ends afore- said ; and by virtue hereof, to enact, constitute, and frame such just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, and offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the general good of the colony. Unto which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witness whereof we have hereunder subscribed our names at cape C(mI, the 11th of November, in the year of the reign of our sovereign Lord, King James, of England, France and Ire* APPENDIX. 297 The day answering to the Eleventh qf December, is celebrated as the day of the landing of the Pil- grims ',* but on that day, a place was discovered, and fixed upon for their settlement. Parties before had landed and made some discoveries. The same day that the memorable instrument was signed, a party left the ship, and landed to explore the country, and get wood, but returned without making any particular discovery. But a few days after, {November fifteenth) sixteen men, under Cap- tain Mylcs Standish, were permitted to go in search Ian I, the XVIII, and of Scotland the LIV. Anno Domini, 1620. •» Mo. No. 1 Mr. John Carver,* 8 a William Bradford,* 2 S Mr. Edward Winslow,* 5 4 Mr. Wm. Brewster,* 6 5 Mr. Jsaac Allerton,* 6 a Capt. Miles Standish,* 2 7 John Alden, 1 8 Mr. Samuel Fuller,t 2 9 Mr. Christopher Martin*§4 10 Mr. Wm. Mullin8,*§ 5 11 Mr.Wm. White,*§ 5 12 Mr. Richard Warren.t 1 13 John Howland, (in Car- «er'« family.) 14 Mr. Stephen Hopkins,* 8 15 Edward Tilly,*§ 4 16 John Tilly ,*§ 3 17 Francis (;ook,t 2 18 Thomas Roger8,§ 2 19 Thomas Tinker,«§ 8 20 John RidKdale,*§ 2 21 Edward Fuller,«§ 8 S2 John Turner,§ 3 23 Francis Eaton,* 24 James Chilton,*§ 25 John Crackston,§ 26 John Billington,* 27 Moses Fletcher,^ 28 John Goodman,§ 29 Degory Prie.st,§ 30 Thomas Williams,§ 31 Gilbert Winslow, 32 Edmund Margeson,§ 33 Peter Brown, 34 Richard Britterige,§ 35 George Soule, (q/" Mr. 1Vtn$lov)'» family. 36 Richard Clark,§ 37 Richard Gardiner, 38 John Allerton,§ 39 Thomas English,^ 40 Edward Dorey, / 41 Edward Leister, J {both of Mr. Hopkins family.) 101 The above names having tliis mark * at the end brought their wives with them. Those with this t did not. Those with this § died before the end of March. The figures at the end of the numes denote the number in each family. • To reduce old style to new, eleven days are added ; there- fore, the 22 December is celebrated as tho landing of the Forefathers. M 2'J8 APPENDIX. of a convenient place for 8cttle|ncnt. They saw fivo Indians whom tncv followed ull day, but could not overtake them. The next day they discovered seve- ral Indian graves ; one of which they opened, and found some rude implements of war ; a mortar, and an earthen pot ; all which they took care to re- place ; being unwilling to disturb the sepulchres of the dead. They found under a small mound of earth, a cellar curiously lined with bark, in which was stored a quantity of Indian corn.* Of this they took as much as they could carry, and returned to the ship. Soon after, twentyfour others made the like ex- cursion, and obtained a considerable quantity of corn, which, with that obtained before, was about ten bushels. f Some beans were also found. ;( This discovery gave them great encouragement, and per- haps prevented their further removal ; it also saved them from famine. After considerable discussion, concerning a place for settlement, in which some were forgoing to Agu- wam,^ and some not so far, it was concluded to send out a shallop, to make further discovery in the bay. Accordingly, Governour Carver, with eighteen or twenty men, set out on the sixth of December, to ex- plore the deep bay of Cape Cod. The wether was very cold, and the spray of the sea lighting on them, they were soon covered with ice, as it were, like coats of mail. At night having got to the bottom of the bay, they discovered ten or twelve Indians, about a league off, cutting up a grampus ; who, on "'Of divers colours which seemed to them a very goodlj sight, having seen none before." Morton, 18. t Holmes' AnnaU, I, 301. X This was not hardly right, perhaps, but Morton, N. E. Memoral, 19, sa^s, that in " Aoout six months after they gave them full satisfaction to thei? content." § Ipswich is supposed to have been meant, as it wu know* by that name in a former voyage. ^^ APPENDIX. 399 discovcrinff the English, ran away with what of th«; fish they had cut otT. With some difficulty fruin shoals, they landed, and erected a hut, and passed the first night. In the morning they divided their company, some went by land, and others in the ves- sel, to make further discovery of the bay, to which they gave the name of Grampus, because that f^sh was found there. Thev met again at nigirt, and some lodged on board the shallop, and the rest as before.* The next morning, December tha eighth, as they were 'about to embark, they were furiously beset by Indians. Some of the company having carried their guns down to the boat, the others discharged upon them, as fast as they could ; but the Indians shouted, and rushed on, until those had regained their arms, and then they were put to flight. One, however, more courageous than the rest, took a position be- hind a tree, and withstood several volleys of shot, discharging arrows himself at the same time. At length a shot glancing upon the side of the tree, hurled the bark so about his head that he thought it time to escape. Eighteen arrows were picked up by the English, afler the battle, which ihey sent to their friends in England, as curiosities. Some were headed with brass, and others with horn and bone. The place where this happened, was on this account, called the FHrat ilncounter.f The compan) , afler leaving this place, narrowly escaped being cast away ; but they got safe on an uninhabited island,| where they passed the night. * Morton and Belknap. t Morton, 3S. It. was before called Namskeket. lb. SI. Or. Belknap, Bioe. H; 203, says, " A creek which now bears the name of Skakit, lies between E^stham and Har- wich ; distant about 3 or 4 miles westward i'rom Natuet ; the seat of a tribe of Indians, who (as they a'.terwards learned) made this attack." X This they called "Clark's Island, because Mr. Clark, the master's mate, first stepped ashore thereon." Morton, 34. 300 APPENDIX The next day, December the ninth, they dried theii clothes, and repaired their vessSi, which had lost her mast, and met with other damage. The next day they rested, it being Sunday. The day following, they found a place, which they judged fit for settle- ment ; and, after going on shore,* and discovering good water, and where there had been cornfields, re- turned to the ship. This was on the Eleventh of December, 1620, and is the day celebrated as the Forefathers' Day. On the fifteenth, the ship came into the new har- bour. The two following days, the people went on shore, but returned at night to the ship. On the twentythird, timber was begun to be pre- pared for "building a common store house. f The next day, the cry of Indians was heard, but none ap- peared. Oil the twentyfifth, the first house was be- gun. A fort was built on the hill, soon after, (where the burying ground now is) which commanded the town and harbour; and, they were diligently em- ployed, until a town was laid out ; to which they gave the name Plymouth, on account of the kind treat- ment they received from the people of Plymouth in • A large rock near the water, said to be the place where they first stepped ashore, is shown with a degree of veneration bylhe inhabitantsof Plymouth. Itisagranite ofa redishcast, and has long since been nearly levelled with the surface of the ground. A large fragment has be«n placed near the head of the main street, where it is made a rendezvous for boys in pleasant evenings. This, as well as the part from which it was taken, suffers occasionally under the force of a dull axe, to add to the entertainment of the story of the trav- eller. w t Their provisions and goods were held in common by the company, at first, but ^t was soon found by the wise leaders, tliat this method was not practicable, ana it was soon dro}V ned. Perhaps the chief mover of this wise measure was Gov. Bradford, as it was adopted in his administration. See Bel- knap, Biog. II, 232, S. ' - , APPENDIX. 301 England, and that being the place in their native country from which they last sailed.* • In January, 1621, their store house took fire, and was nearly consumed. Most of the people now wert.- sick, and Governour Carver and Mr. Bradford wero confined in the store house, when it took fire. In March, an Indian came boldly into the town, and saluted them with tliese words, "Welcome English- men ! Welcome Englishmen !" This was uttered in broken English, but was clearly understood. His name was Samoset, and he came from the eastward, where he had been acnnainted with some fishermen, and had learned some of their language. They treated him with kindness, and he informed them, that the great Sachem, Massassoit,f was coming to visit them ; and, told them of one Squanto, that was well acquainted with the English language. He left them, and soon after return-ju, in company with Mas- sassoit, and Squanto. J This Indian continued with the English as long as he lived, and was of infinite service to them. He showed thom how to cultivate corn, and other American productions. About this time, (beginning of April) Governour Carver died. Soon after, Mr. William Bradford was chosen. The mortality that began soon after their arrival, had before the end of March, carried off for- tyfour of their number. Such was the -beginning of Newengland, which is now, alone, a formidable nation. At the death of the first Governour, it contained Fiftyseven Europe- * It is remarkable that Captain Smith had called this place Plymouth in his map of Newengland. Dr. Belkuap says, that it was partly on this account that it Was now so called. t For the particulars of Massassoit's visit to the Pilgrims, see page 133, and note 1. X He was one of those carried off by Hunt, (see jjage 989) and got from Malaga to^ngland ; and was entcrtaine 1 by a gentleman in London, who employed him to Newfoundland, and other parts. He was at last brought into these parts by Mr. Thomas Dermer. Morton, 37, 38. 803 iPPENDIX. an inhabitants, and at the end of two hundred years, u it contained upwards of one million six hundred thousand. As it was my design, only to accompany the Pil- grims until they were seated in the wilderness, I shall now dismiss the engaging subject, with a short reflection. Perhaps the annals of the world do not furnish a parallel to the first peopling of Newengland ; as it ' < respectS purity of intention, judgment and fortitude in its execution, and in sustaining for a series of years, a government, that secured the happiness of all. An object of admiration, justly increasing on every suc- ceeding generation, in proportion to the remoteness of time. Founded on the genuineness of those au- thorities, who, without the least shade of fable, have transmitted to us their true history : rendered pecu- liarly interesting, from its minuteness of detail, ever* beyond what could have been expected. Insomuc' , that no one can read, wit'^Mit the deepest interes' in their situations ; and seomlug, as it were, to live over those days with them, and to gain a perfect ac- quaintance with a Carver, a Bradford, a Winslow, and, indeed, the whole train of worthies. IV. HISTORT OF THE P£^UOT WAR. While the number of English inhabitants was small, their troubles with the Indians were easily set- tled. But as is natural to mankind, as they increas- ed in numbers and wealth, they were too proud to court the favour of the natives. And notwithstand- ing, great tribute is due to the memory of our venera- ble forefathers, for their almost unexampled resolu- tion, perseverance, and above all, fortitude and wis- dom, yet they were men, and accountable only as men. " There was a nation of Indians in the southern parts of Newengland, called Pequods seated on a ii //■ APPENDIX. 303 fair navigable river,* twelve miles to the eastward of the mouth of the great and famous river of Connecticut; who (as was communly reported about the time when Newengland was hrst planned by the English) being a more fierce, cruel, and war- like people than the rest of the Indians, came down out of the more inland parts of the continent, and by force, seized upon one of the goodliest places, near the sea, and became a terror to all their neighbours, on whom they had exercised several acts of inhuman cruelty ; insomuch, that being flushed with victories over their fellow Indians, they began to thirst after the blood of foreigners, English and Dutch,f that ac- cidentally came amongst them, in a way of trade or upon other accounts. " In the year 1634, they treacherously and cruel- ly murdered Captain StoneJ and Captain Norton,'^ who came occasionally with a bark into the river to trade with them. Not long after within the compass of the next year,|| they in like treacherous manner, slew one Mr. Oldhamjir (formerly belonging to New Plymouth, but at that time an inhabitant of Massa- chusetts) at Block island,** a place not far from the mouth of their harbour, as he was fairly trading with them."tt * Mystic river. t Some of the Dutch that belonged to Manhattans, now Newyork, had a trading; house on Connecticut river, and in some difficulties with the Indians some were killed. X Captain Stone was from St. Christophers, and came to trade in Connecticut river at the Dutch house. Hist. Con. 1,70. § Norton was of Massachusetts and killf^d the same time, lb. II It was in 1636. f Some difficulty was occasioned with Mr. Oldham, on ac- count of religious matters, and he was banished out of Mas- sachusetts, but was afterward permitted to return. For a valuable memoir of him, see Mr. Savage's edition of Wio- throp>8 Hist. I, 80. •• About 20 miles S. S. W. of Newport, R. I. tt Hubbard's Narrative. S04 APPENDIX. '.' I i How much cause the Indians had for these outra- ges VI e cannot tell ; they say, that captain Stone sur- prised some ot their men, and forced them to pilot him up the river, and that on his coming ashore, with two others, was killed while asleep. The English account is as follows. Having entered the river, Stone hired some Indians to pilot two of his men up the river, who at night went on shore to sleep, and were murdered by their pilots. About a dozen of those Indians, who had been trading with Captain Stone, went on board his vessel, and murdered him, as he lay asleep in his cabin, and threw a covering over him. The men were murdered as they appear- ed, one after another, except captain Norton, who de- fended himself in the cook's room, until some pow- der that he had in an open vessel for the quick load- ing of his gun, took fire, and so burned him that he could resist no longer. Mr. John Oldham was murdered at Block island by some of them, or at least the murderers were shel- tered by them. One Gallop, in his passage from Connecticut, discovered Mr. Oldham's vessel, and on coming near, found the deck to be covered with In- dians. Gallop now suspected that they had killed Mr. Oldham. He hailed them, and they gave no answer, but made off as fast as they could ; he made for them, and was soon up with them ; fired among them, and drove ».ll from the deck. His crew being small, would not venture to board, and so stood off and took the force of the wind, and ran down upon them, and nearly overset their vessel. Six of them were so frightened, that they leaped overboard and were drowned. He again stood off, and so lashed his anchor, that when he came dov/n upon them again, it bored through the bows of the Indians' ves- sel, and four or five more jumped overboard and were lost. The vessels now stuck fast together, and they fought side by side, until they drove all below again ; and then Gallop boarded them, and as they ventur- \\ /; APPENDIX. 3;ecure the friendship of the Narragansets, which they efrecred. They had much to fear, in case they should join with the Pequots, being very numerous, their warriours being estimat- ed at five thousand. Endicott's ill success rather emboldened them than otherwise, and in the next April, 1637, six men were killed near Weathersfield, and several women were captivated. In all thirty had been killed since the first disturbances took place. Vigorous measures were now resolved upon by the people of Connecticut, who raised ninety men; and shortly after, the other colonies unittH in the com- mon cause.* The Connecticut troops, under Cap- tain John Mason, on the tenth of May, accompanied by about seventy Mohegan Indians, under Unca3 their Sachem, embarked down the river for Saybrook fort ; where, after making proper arrangements, they • The Massachusetts forces were on their march to join those of Connecticut, " when they were retarded by the most singular cause that ever influenced the operations of a mili- tary force. When they were mustered previous to their de- parture, it was found that some of the officers, as well as the private soldiers, were still under a covenant of worlcs ; and that the blessing of God could not be implored or expect- ed to crown the arms of such unhallowed meii with success. The alarm was general and many arrangements necessary in order to cast ox. t the unclean, and to render this little band* Bufficiently pure tt tight the battles of a people who enter- tained high ideas of their own sanctity." Robertson's Hist. America, II, Book X. Thus while the Boston men wore at war with the spirits of darkness, as they imagined, the Con- necticut men under Mason were led alone to fight the more dfcngerous Pequots, as will preseuily be seeu. •Coaaiating ot aOO. 1 // APPENDIX. 307 marched to Narraganset bay. Here they engaged a large body of the Narragansets, as auxiliaries, and then proceeded to Nihantic,* where they arrived, May twentyfourth. The next morning they were joined by another body of the Narragansets, which made their Indian force amount to near five hundred men. After marching twelve miles, to Pawcatuck river, Captain Mason halted to refresh his men. The weather was ex- tremely hot, and the men suffered very much. Ilis Nurraganset men now learning that they were going to attack the Pequot's chief fort, were greatly amaz- ed, and the most of them returned home. One We- quash, a deserter from the Pequots, now piloted the army to a fort at Mystic. At night they encamped by two large rocks,f and two hours before day, made ready to attack the fort. They yet had two miles to march, which took them until near the dawn of day. The fort was on the top of a hill, and no time must be lost in making the attack. . Their friend Indians now chiefly deserted them- and uhey divided themselves into two divisions, for the benefit of attacking them in two particular points. The party under Mason pressed on to the east side, while that under Cap- tain Underbill gained the west. As Mason ap- proached the palisades, a dog gave the alarm, and an Indian cried out " Owanux ! Owanux !" that is, " Englishmen ! Englishmen !" Being now discover- ed, they instantly discharged through ;he palisqdes, and then rushed into the fort sword in hand. Here the battle was severe, and for some time doubtful. As the moment grew more critical. Mason thought of the last expedient, ^.id cried out, " We must burn them ! We must burn them !" and taking a brand ol fire, communicated it to the mats, with which the wigwams were covered, they were all in a blaze in a • In Lyme. fBetween (wo large rocks in Groton, sincA called Porter's roeka" Trumbull. I, 83. 308 APPENDIX. il:' i i moment. The English then formed a circle about \< the fort, and all that ventured out to escape the flames, were immediately shot down. Dreadful now waj the work of death. Some perishing in the flames, others climbing over the palisades, were no sooner up than shot down. Uncas, in the mean time, had come up and formed a circle in the rear, and in a little more than an hour, the work was com-' plete. Six or seven hundred Indians were slain, and but two of the English, and sixteen wounded. The army now began the retreat, and a body of the enemy were soon seen in pursuit ; but a few shot kept them at a distance. This body of the enemy had not been in the battle, and on arriving at the fort, and beholding the dismal spectacis, beat the ground with rage, and tore their hair in despair. The English arrived at their homes in about three weeks from the time they set out, and (he people were greatly rejoiced at their success. Sassacus, the chief of the Pequots, and most of his people, now fled and led their country. But after some time, it was discovered, that a great body of them were in a swamp to the westward. Troops, therefore, were sent from Massachusetts, 'who joined others from Connecticut, and they immediately marched under the command of the valiant Mason, in pursuit of them. On the thirteenth of July they arrived at the fatal swamp. Some of the English rushed in, but were badly wounded, and rescued with difliculty. At length they surrounded the swamp, and the fight continued through the most of the night. By the help of a thick fog, many of the war- riours escapeH. About twenty were killed, and one hundred and eighty captivated, who were divided among the Narragansets and Mohegans. Sassacus, with a few of his chief men, fled to the Mohawks, who, at the request of the Norraganseta, cut off his 0: //■ APPENDIX. SO!) head ; and thus terminated the Pequot war> No- thing of great moment occurred until the time of Philip. V. — REMAINS or Philip's wab. It is intended here, to narrate the most important circumstances in the progress of that war at the east'vard, in Maine and Newhampshird. It was generally thought, that Philip had excited all of the Indians throughout Newengland, to rise with him in the war. While this has been doubted by some, others think it probable, that his endeavours were used even among the distant tribes of Virginia.f However this might have been, it is certain, that with- in twenty days from the time the war began in Swan- 7f>y, it began to blaze at the distance of two hundred miles, even at the northeasterly extremity of New- england. But the war at the eastward is said to have grown out of the foolish conduct of some of the in- abitants. An insult was offered to the wife of Squando, a chief Sachem on the river Saco. Some irregular sailors, having heard that young Indians could swim naturally, like thos'^ of the brute creation, met the wife of Squando with an infant child in a canoe, and to ascertain the fact, overset it. The child sunk to the bottom, but the mother diving down, immediately brought it up without apparent injury. However, it fell out, that the child died shortly ail jr, and its death w as iniputed to the treatment it had re- ceived from the sailors. This so eprnged the chief, that he only waited a fit time to comnrtence hostili- ties. Other causes of the war were n. wanting all along tiie eastern frontier. A letter was received at * It was the reflection upon the fate of this once famous na- tion, that gave risetc those beautiful and sympathetirk lines in Dwight's Greenfield hill. Fart the fourth, which Me in note 5 to page 146 of Philip's war. 1 See Hubbard, Nar. 363. ZZJ 310 APPENDIX. ') ;i ; : ■r ■' i Kennebeck, from York, the eleventh July, 1 GTS, giv- ing account of the war at the we8t\var«i, and that means were using to disarm the nulives along the shore. Had the Indians entertained no ideas of war before, they certainly would be justified in making war upon any that were about to deprive them of the means of self defence. How much have the Spar- tans, under Leonidas been celebrated for their answer to Xerxes, when he endeavoured to persuade them to give up their arms. But the English were not so generous as the Persian monarch, for ho promised the Spartans a far better country than theirs, if they would comply. To which they replied, that no country war^ worth having unless won by valour ; and, as to their arms, they should want them in any coun- try. Perhaps the despised Indians deserve as much honour, in some instances, as the defenders of Ther- mopylsB. In an attempt to force the Indians to deliver up their arms at Kennebeck, one belonging to the Eng- lish came near being killed. This caused consider- able tumult, but at length was settled, by promises and hostages on the part of the Indians. But through the supineness of their keepers, the hostages found meansi to escape ; and, meeting with some of their fellows, proceeded to Pejepscot, where they plunder- ed the house of one Purchase, an early planter, and known as a trader among them. The men were not at home, but no incivility was offered to the women. This was in September, 1675. About twentyfive of the English marched out to take revenge for what had been done. They went up Casco bay, and landed near the mouth of the An- droscoggin, where they had farms. On coming near the houses, " they heard a knocking," and presently saw some Indians ; who it appears, were doing no harm; but without waiting to know, the Englit^h rushed on them, and some were kil>«jd. The Indians rallied, and wounded many of them before they could APPENDIX. »H jinin their vesesls. Some it appears, even m those days, stood a little for the rights of the natives, nnd ventured to question the virtue of this action. '* Dut,'* lays Mr. Hubbard, "if this happened afler the mur- der of old Mr. Wakely and family, the English can be biumer'. for nothing but their negligence."* Dut whether it was or not, does not appear.f The de- stnKtion of this family was horrid. Six persons, n::.nely, the old gentleman, his son, and daughter in law, who was far advanced in pregnancy, and three grandchildren were killed, and mangled in a shock* mg manner. Some of the^n, when found the next day, were parti/ consumed in the flames of their dwelling, to which the Indian? set Are when they drew off. At Saco they met with a severe repulse,, in an en- deavour to tak^ Major Phillips' garrison. | Captain Benython had gOw 'nformation by a friendly Indian, that something was intended agamst the place, so he retired into the garrison with ?hillips. His house had not been deserted above an hour, when he saw it in flames. The savages soon crossed the river, and were seen skulkinn; by the fences to get a shot at some about the garrison. Major Phillips went into a chamber to look out for the enemy, and was wound- ed. The Indians thought they had killed him, and openly began the attack ; but their Captain bein^ immediately shot down, they drew a little further off. They now employed a stratagem to fire the garrison. They took the large wheels, (used for lumbering, at a mill near by, which they burned) and erected a battery upon the axletree, then they ran it back by taking hold of the tongue or spear, very near tiit.' garrison; when one wheel stuck in the mud, and tiie * Nurrutivo, 269. I Sii'Uviin, Hist Muine, 199, says it was in July, 1675, and llml the mime of tlie family was Wakefield. J On Saturday, 18 September. 1 : ! i »12 '^ APPENDIX. other rolling on, gave their helm an oblique dirocllon, 1111(1 they were alTexpoHed to the fire of.the Knglisli, They being in readiness, fired from every part of the fortification atonce, killing and wounding about thirty. The rest gladly gave up the siege and fled. They next killed seven persons at Blue point, (Scarborough,) and burned twenty houses.* About the same time, five persons were killed by the same Indiana, while going up Saco river. In the same month, they burned two houses at Oyster river, belonging to two families by the name of Chesly, killed two men passing in the river, and carried two captive. One Robinson and son were shot in the way between Exeter and Hamp- ton, about this time. Within a few days, also, the house ofoneTozer, atNewichwannock, was assault- ed, wherein were fifteen women and children, all of whom except two, were saved by the intrepidity of a girl of eighteen. She first seeing the Indians, shut the door and stood against it, till the others escaped to the next honse, which was better secured. The Indians chopped the door to pieces, then entering,* knocked her down, and leaving her for dead, went in pursuit of the others ; of whom, two children, who could not get over the fence, fell into their hands. The valiant heroine recovered of her wounds. The two next days, they showed themselves on both sides of the river, burned two houses and three barns, containing a great quantity of grain. And, at Oys- ter river, they ourned five houses, and killed two men. The people were now determined to retaliate. About twenty young men, chiefly of Dover, obtained leave of Major Waldron, then commander of the militui, to hunt the enemy. Having divided themselves into small parties, one of these came upon five Indians in the woods, near a deserted house. Two of them were preparing a fire to roast corn, while the other three were gathering it. They were at a loss at first * Sullivan, aifi. 1 » I APPENDIX 313 liovv to muke their onset, as the Indians wore the inoHt numerous. But ut length, concluded to creep lip and knock the two on the head at the fire, without noise to alarm the others. The first part of their plan exactly succeeded, tlie two Indians being laid dead with the buts of their guns ; but the others heard the blows and fled. People in general, now retired to garrison houses, and the country was filled w ith consternation. Octo- ber the seventh, Thursday, a man was shot ofT his horse, as he was riding between two garrisons at Newichwannock. Not far from tijo same place two others were shot dead the same day. About the same time, an old gentleman, by the name of Beard, was killed, and his head cut off and set upon a pole. This was at Oyster river On Saturday, the six- teenth, about a hundred Indians appeared at Newich- wannock, (Berwick now) a short distance from the upper garrison, where they killed one Tozer, and cap- tured his son. The guns alarmed Lijatenant Plais- ted at the next garrison, who, with seven men, went out on a discovery, but fell into an ambush ; two or three were killed, and the others escaped to the gar- rison, where they were closely besieged. In this perilous situation. Lieutenant Plaisted wrote a letter to Major Waldron for help, but he was not able to afford any. The next day Plaisted ventured out with twenty men to bury the dead, but was again ambush- ed, and his men deserted him. He disdaining to fly, was killed upon the spot, witii his eldest son, and one more. His other son died of his wounds. It appears that the Indians now drew off,, for Captain Frost went up from Sturgeon creek, the next day, and buried the dead. The enemy next appeared at Sturgeon creek, about the latter end of the month, and attacked Cap- tain Frost's house, which was preserved only by a stratagem. Frost had only three boys with him, but by giving orders in an imperious tone, for some to march here, and others to firr there, that the Indiana O f i- 314 APPENDIX. tliou;nrht he Imtl a ^.eat many men, so went off and IcJl him. The next day they appeared against Ports- mouth, on the Kittery side, where they killed one man and liurned his house. Some shot from a caii- n»m being thrown among them from a buttery on Portsmouth side, they thought best to disappear. A party of English pursued them, and recovered most of their plunder, but killed none. Soon after a house and two or three barns were burned atQ,uoche- co, and three or U. ur persons killed about Exeter and Lampreyeel rive;. At Casco bay. Lieutenant Ingersol's son, with another man, were killed, while out hunting. Many houses were also burned. At Black point. Lieuten- ant Augur with his brother were killed. Captain Wincol of Newichwannock, marched this way for the relief of his friends, with about fourteen men. He soon had a skirmish with the enemy, and lost two or three of his men. Soon after, as they were march- ing along on the sea side, they were beset by a great body of Indians; but, chancing to get behind some timber, from whence they dealt with them with such effect, that they soon took to the woods, and the English escaped in a canoe. But nine men from Saco, having heard the Bring, came out to assist their fellows, and fell into an ambush, and were all killed. Two persons were killed at Wells in the beginning of winter. At the same place, one Cross and one Isaac Cousins were also killed about a week after. Depredations were suspended on account of the severity of winter. But before the suspension, up- wards of fifty people had been killed and taken. In the mean time, a peace was concluded through the mediation of Major Waldron, which, says Mr. Hub- bard, " uight have remained firm enough to this day, had there not been too just an occasion given for the breaking of the same, by the wicked practice of some lewd persons which opened the door, and made way for the bringing in all those sad calamities and niis- i (■v APPENDIX. 315 chiefs, that have since fallen upon those parts of the country." But this may be considered as the end of Piiilip's war in the east, although from other causes a war continued till 1678. Many of Philip's Indians mixed with those at the eastward after the fall of that chief, in hopes of escaping detection. For they had seen even those who delivered themselves up, executed, therefore, they were apprised of their fate. Some that had killed Thomas Kimbal ot' Bradford, and curried off his family, soon after restored them with the hopes of pardon, but it being doubted whether this was a sufficient atonement for the whole, they (three of them) were thrown into Dover jail. The prisoners considering this only as a prelude to their future punishment, broke jail, and fled to join the Kenne- beck and Androscoggin Indians. Through their in- fluence another quarrel was begun. The next remarkable occurrence was the capture of the four hundred Indians at Quocheco.* For other particulars the reader is referred to Mather's Magnalia, and Belknap's Newhampshire. VI. THE BOLD EXPLOIT OP HANNAH DUSTAN. This took place in the latter part of Castine'a War, or as others term it *^ King William's War;" but as it is evident ihat Castine was the chief mover of it, it may very properly be called Castine's War. On the fifth of March, 1698, the Indians made a descent on Haverhill in Massachusetts, in which they took and killed thirtynine persons, and burned about a half a dozen houses. In the onset, the house of a Mr. Dustan was fallen upon, and his wife, who had lain in but a week before, and her nurse, Mary Neff", were taken. Mr. Dustan was absent when the In- • An account of the affair is given with the history of Ma jor Waldron in the third note to page 161. 316 APPENDIX. dians first appeared about the town, and on hearinjj the alarm, ran to the assistance of his family. Meet- ing seven of his children near his house, ordered them to run, and make their escape to some garrison in the town, while he entered the house with intent to help his wife escape. She left her bed at the warning, but the near approach of the Indians, would admit only of a flying retreat ; this Mr. Dustan saw was impossible, from the weak state of his wife. A moment of horrour and despair brooded over him ; in which he had to choose whether he would stay and suffer with her, or make his escape. He resolved on the latter, knowing that he could be no assistance to her, amidst an army of savages ; and, that he might be to his children, in facilitating their escape. The Indians were now upon them, but he having a horse, fled before them, and overtook his children, about forty rods from the house ; some one of which, he in- tended to have taken on the horse with him, and so escape. But now he was at a loss, for which one to take, he knew not; therefore, he resolved to face about, and defend them to the last. Some of the enemy drew near and fired ilpon them, and Mr. Dus- tan being armed, also fired upon the Indians, at which they gave over the pursuit, and returned to share the spoils of the house. Mr. Dustan and his seven children (from two to seventeen years of age) got safe to a garrison, one or two miles oft", where we must leave him to bewail the many supposed deaths of his wife and infant child. The Indians, being about twenty in number, in the mean time, seized the nurse, who was making her escape with the young child, and taking Mrs. Dus- tan, with what plunder could be found from the house, set it on fire, and took up their march for' Canada. The infant was immediately taken from the nurse, and a monster taking it by the feet, dashed out ita brains against a tree. Their whole number of cap- tives was now about twelve, which gradually dimin- APPENDIX. 317 ished on the inarch. Some, growing weary and faint, were killed, scalped, and otherwise mangled, and lefl in the wilderness. Notwithstanding the weakness of Mrs. Dustan, she travelled twelve miles the first day, and thus bore up under a journey of near one hundred and fifty miles, in a few days. On their march the Indians divided, according to their usual custom, and each family shifted for itself with their share of prisoners, for the convenience of hunt- ing. Mrs. Dustan, her nurse and an English youth, taken from Worcester eighteen months before, fell to the lot of an Indian family, consisting of twelve persons; two stout men, three women, and seven children. The captives were informed, that when they arrived at a certain Indian town, they were to run the gauntlet, through a great number of Indians. But on the thirtieth of April, having arrived at the mouth of Contoocook river, they encamped upon a small island, and pitched their tents. As all lay asleep but Mrs. Dustan, she conceived the bold de- sign of putting the Indians to death, and escaping. Accordingly, she silently engaged Miss NefF, and the English youth, to act a part in the dreadful tra- gedy ; infusing her heroism into them, each took a tomahawk, and with such deadly effect were the blows dealt, that all were slain save two ; one a wo- man, who fled desperately wounded, the other a boy, whom they intended to have kept. They then took off their ten scalps, and returned home in safety. The government voted them fifty pounds reward, and Colonel Nicholson, the Governour of Maryland, made them a valuable present. The island on which this memorable affair happened, justly bears the name of Dustan's island.* • — , — - * For the principal facts in this narrative I am indebted to the Magnalia. t w, •18 APPENDIX. VII.- -SCHENECTADA DESTROYED. I ? "In the dead of winter, three expeditions were planned, and parties of French and Indians despatch- ed from Canada, on different routes, to the frontiers of the English colonies. One of these parties, on February the eighth, 1690, fell on Schenectada,* a village on the Mohawk river. Such was the fatal se- curity of the people, that they had not so much as shut their gates. The enemy made the attack in the dead time of the night, when the inhabitants were in a piofound sleep. Care was taken by a division of tlie enemy into small parties, to attack every house at tho .^ame instant. Before the people were risen from their beds, the enemy were in possession of their dwellings, and commenced the most inhuman barbarities. In an instant the whole village was wrapped in a general flame. Women were ripped up, and their infants dashed against the posts of their doors, or cast into the flames. Sixty persons perish- ed in the massacre, and about thirty were captivat- ed. The rest fled naked in a terrible storm and deep snow. In the flight, twentyfive of these unhappy fugitives lost their limbs, through t!ie severity of the season. The enemy consisted of about two hundred French, au'u a number of Caghnuagaf Indians, under the command of D'Aillebout, De Mantel, and Le Moyne. Their first design was against Albany, but having been two anti twenty days on their march, they were leduced to such strait:^, that they had thoughts of surrendering themselves prisoners of war. The In- * About 14 miles above Albany, on the west ^ide of the Mohawk. The country around is a sandy barren, on which account it was called Schenectada. t This Gaghnuaga is in Canada. There is another on the Mohawk river, 6 miles below Johnston, but the inhabi- tants here spell it Caughnewaga. APPENDIX. 319 rlinnfi. therefore, advised them to Scheutictada : and it seems that the accounts, which their scouts gave tliem of its fatal security, was the only circumstance which determined them to make an attempt, even upon this. The enemy, pillaged (he town, and went off with the plunder, and about fo.'.y of the best horses. The rest, with all the cattle they could lind, were left slaughtered in the streets. The success of the enemy seems to have been principally owing to the dispute between Leisler* and the people of Alba- ny, in consequence of which this post was neglect- ed. The Mohawks joining a party of young men from Albany, pursued the enemy, and falling on their rear, killed and captivated nearly thirty ."f VIII. SCHUSLliR's EXPEDITION, AND OTHER EVENTS. The success of the French and Indians against the frontier settlements of Newengland, had been great, andtlieinactivity of the people to repel them, had just- ly been an object of blame with the Sixnations; fur their country must at all times aflurd a pass to them. Steps, therefore, must now be taken to retain the confidence of those people. Major Peter Schuyler, the Washington of his day, lived at Albany, where with incredible industry and perseverance, he made himself acquainted with all the plans and undertakings of the Sixnations, and as studiously maiiitained a friendship with them, which extended to all Americans. They had received re- peated injuries from the French for a long time, and something was now necessary to prove to them, that the English were not afraid to meet them on their own ground. Accordingl ;, in 1691, Major Schuyler, " wiih about three hundred men, nearly half Mo- * Afterwards executed for assuming the government of Newyork. See Smith's Hist. N. Y. 131 to 129. 1 Trumbull's Hist. U. S. 1, 215 to 217. i| J. 5 ! 320 APPENDIX. hnwks and Schakook* Indians, passed Lake Chhm- plain, and made a bold attack on the French settle- ments north of the lake. Meanwhile, De Callieres, tin- Governour of Montreal, spared no pains to give hii:i a proper reception. He crossed the river with twelve hundred men, and encamped at La Praire. Schuy- ler attacked and put to flight his out posts and In- dians, pursued them to the fort, and on that com- menced a brisk attack. He had a sharp and brave action with the French regulars, and afterward forc- mg his way through a body of the enemy, who in- tercepted him, on his return, made good his retreat. In these several conflicts, the Major slew of the ene- my, thirteen officers, and in the whole three hundred men ; a greater number than he carried with him into the field."t Before this, in 1688, twelve hundred warricurs of the Sixnations, made a descent on the island of xMon- ireal, slew a thousand of the inhabitants, and carried off twentysix prisoners, whom they burnt alive. About three months alter, they attacked the island again, and went off" with nearly the same succe.s.>. " These expeditions had the most dismal consequen- ces on the aflairs of the French in Canada." They had a garrison at lake Ontario, which they now aban- doned, and fled in canoes down the Cadarackui in the night ; and, in descending the falls, a great num- ber of men were lost. Ths warriours then took pos- session of the garrison, and twentyseven barrels of powder fell into their hands. Nothing but the ignor- ance of the Sixnations, in the European art of war. saved Canada from total ruin ; and, what will ever be lamented, the colonies, through the caprice of their European lords, were unable to lend them any assist- ance. With a little help from the English, a period would have been put to the torrents of blood that • Trumbull, I, 221, but at SOJ, he spells it as seen in Phil- ip's war, page €8 except that he usee but one t t Ibid. 321-225. APPENDIX. 321 flowed until the conquest by the immortal Wolf and Amherst, in 17Q0. IX. DESTRUCTION Or DEERFIELD. In 1703, the plan was laid to cut off the frontier inhabitants of Newengland, from one extremity to the other, but it was not fully executed. Though the eastern settlements from Casco to Wells were de- stroyed, and one hundred and thirty people killed and taken, the western frontiers remained unmolested, and were lulled into a fatal security. From the In- dians that traded at Albany, Colonel Schuyler receiv- ed intelligence of a design in Canada to fall upon Deeriield, of which the inhabitants were informed in May " The design not being carried into execution in the course of the summer, the intelligence was not enoueh regarded. But the next winter, 1704, M. Vaudneul, [Vaudreuil] Governour of Canada, re- sumed the project with much attention.'' The history of this affair from the accomplished historian of Vermont, Dr. Samuel Williams, is per- haps more particularly interesting, as he is an imme- diate descendant of a principal sufferer, the Rev. John Williams, I give it in his own words. " Deerfield, at that time, was the most northerly settler; ^ent on Connecticut river, a few families at Northfield excepted. Against this place, M. Vau- drieul sent out a party of about three hundred French and Indians. They were put under the command of Hertel de Rouville, assisted by four of his brothers ; all of which had been trained up to the business by their father, who had been a famous partizan in their former wars. The routa they took, was by the way of Lake Champlain, til) they came to the French river, now calL i Onion river. Advancing up that stream, they passed over to Connecticut river, and travelled on the ice till they came near to Deerfield. Mr. Williams, their minister, had been much appre^ o \ I S22 APPENDIX. hensivc of danger, and attempted to make the samo impression on the minds of his , people, but not with Buiiicient success; but upon his application, the go- vernment of the province had sent a guard of t^ ?nty soldiers for their assistance. The fortifications were some slight works thrown round two or three garri- son houses, but were nearly covered in some places with drifls of snow. To this place, Rouvillc with his party, approached on February the twentyninlh Hovering round the place, he sent out his spies for intelligence. The watch kept the streets of the town till about two hours before day, and then, unfortu- nately, all of them went to sleep. P'^rceiving all to be quiet, the enemy embraced the opportunity and rushed on to the attack. The snow was so high, that they had no difficulty in jumping over the walls of the fortification ; and immediately separated into small parties, to appear before every house at the same time. The place was completely surprised, and the enemy were entering the houses at the mo- ment the inhabitants had the fiist suspicion of their approach. The whole village was carried in a few hours, and with very little resistance; one of the gar- rison houses only, being able to hold out against the enemy. Having carried the place, slain fortyseven of the inhabitants, captured the rest, and plundered the vil- lage, the enemy set it on fire ; and an hour after sun rise on the same day, retreated in great haste. A small party of the English pursued them, and a skirmish ensued the same day, in which a few were lost on both sides. The enemy, however, completely suc- ceeded in their enterprize, and returned to Canada on the same route, carrying with them one hundred and twelve of the inhabitants of Deerfield, as prisoners of war. They were twentyfive days on their march from Deerfield to Chambly ; and like their masters, the savages, depended on hunting for their support. On tiieir arrival in Canada, they found much hu- /■ APPENDIX 323 manity and kindness from the French, and from M. V'audrieul their Governour ; but complained much of the intolerance, bigotry, and duplicity of the priests."* Among the captives was the minister of the town. Rev. John Wiiliams. As the Indians entered his room, he took down his pistol, and presented it to the breast of the foremost, but it missed fire. They then laid hold on him, and bound him naked as ho was, and thus kept him for the space of an hour. In the mean time two of the children were carried out and killed ; also a negro woman. His wife, who was hardly recovered from childbed, was with the rest marched for Canada. The second day, in wading a river, Mrs. Williams fainted and fell, but with assist- ance was keiJt along a little farther; when at the foot of a hill she be^an to falter, her savage master, with one blow of his tomahawk, put an end to her miseries. The distance they had to march was at least three hundred miles. At different times the most of the prisoners were redeemed and returned home. Mr. Williams and fiftyseven others arrived at Boston from Quebeck, in 1706. One of his daughters, f^unice, married an Indian, and became a convert to the Ro- man Catholick religion, which she never would con- sent to forsake. She frequently visited her friends in Newengland ; " but she uniformly persisted in wearing her blanket and counting her beads."f Mr. Williams, after his return, was invited to preach near Boston ; but refused every offer, and returned agam to Deerfield and collected his scattered flock, with whom he continued until 1728; "dying in peace, beloved by his people, and lamented by his country." He published a history of his captivity, which, when Dr. Williams, his grand eon, wrote his • Williams' Hist. Vermont, I, 804-807. I Holmes* American Annals, II, 63. ««4 APPENDIX. history of Vermont, had paseed through seven cdi tions.* X. RAVAGES or THE EASTERN INDIANS. In 1707, the frontiers suffered extremely. Oyster river, Exeter, Kingstown, and Dover in Newhamp- flhu'j ; Berwick, York, Wells, Winterharbour, Casco, and even Marlborough in Massachusetts, were con- siderably damaged. In 1710, Col. Walton with one hundred and seventy men made an expedition to Norridgewock, in the beginning of winter. The chief of that place was taken and killed, f and many more. The next year is rendered memorable by the great expedition against Canada; memorable only for its bad success, and the monstrous debt it brought upon the Colonies. In 1713, a peace was concluded with France, in consequence of which the eastern Indians desired peace f. ith the colonies, which was accordingly brought about.J It was however of tihort duration. In August 1717, it was renewed at Arrowsike,§ but was broken within two years after, • Hist. Vermont. t His name was Arruhawikwabcmt, "an active bold fellow, and one of an undaunted spirit ; for, when he was asked Be' eral questions, he made no reply ; and when they threat- ened him with death, he laughed at it with contempt." Pen- hallow, 70. X The delegates met at Portsmouth, N. H., 11 July, and a treaty was signed the 13. The articles are preserved entire in Penhallow's History, 82-85. § Penhallow, page 90, relates a story concerning the abun- dance of Dunks at this place, which, though we do not doubt it, is certainly equally astonishing to many Jish stories. About three days after the renewal of the treaty, " a number of Indians went a duck hunting, which was a season of tlie year that the old ones generally shed their feathers in, and the young ones are not so well flushed as to be able to fly ; they drove them like .. flock of sheep before them into the creeks, where without either powder or shot, they killed at one time, four thousand and six hundred." The English bought for a pcnuy a dozen. ( I APPENDIX. 32A and various hostilities committed. The government, in 1721, ordered a party of men to Norridgcwock, their chief town, but on their approach, the Indians all fled into the woods. One Sebastian Ralle, or Rollo dwelt there, as a missionary amon^ them, and was supposed to have stirred up the Indians to hos- tilities, as Castine formerly had. Nothing was effect- ed by the expedition, except the bringing awuy of some of Ralle's papers, by which it was discovered, that he was instigator in the war. This was thought by the Indians to be such an insult on the divine agency, that they now made war their business. In June, 1722, a large body struck a deadly blow on Merrymeeting bay, a village on an arm of the Win- nipissaukee,^ where they took nine families. f Short- ly ailer, at Passammaquaddy, they took a vessel with passengers, and burned Brunswick. War was now declared on the part of the English, and in February, Col. Westbrook with one hundre1ly, as it was the most early way, and, no doubt,so called by the natives themselves t Most t)f these were afterward set p.t liberty. Penhal* low, 91. jt; 326 APPENDIX. Aflerwarda Captain Moulton went nn with a party of men to Norridguwock, but the villoge was do< serted. He was a brave and prudent man, and, pro> bably, imagining that moderation and humanity might excite the fndiann to a more favourable con< duct towards the English, he left their houses and Church standing." In April, 1723, eight persons were killed or taken at ScHrborough and Falmouth. " Among the dead was a Sertreant Chubb, whom the Indians imagining to be Captain Harman, against wlioni they had cnn< ceived the utmost malignity, fiitoen aiming at him at the same instant, lodged eleven bullets in his body. Besides other mischiefs, the enemy, the summer following, surprised Casco, with other harbours in its vicinity, and captured sixteen or seventeen sail of fishing vessels. The vessels belonged to Massachu- Betts ; but Governour Philips of Novascotia, happen- ing to be at Casco, ordered two sloops to be imme- diately manned and dispatched in pursuit of the ene- my. The sloops were commanded by John Eliot of Boston, and John Robinson of cape Anne. As Eliot < was ranging the coast he discovered seven vessels in Winepang harbour. He concealed his men, except four or Ave, and made directly for the harbour. Coming nearly up to one of the vessels, on board of which was about sixty Indians, in high expectation of another prize, they hoisted their pendants and cried out * Strike English dogs and come aboard for you are all prisoners.' Eliot answered that he would make all the haste he could. As he made no attempts to escape, the enemy soon suspected mischief, cut their cable and attempted to gain the shore ; but im- mediately boarding them he prevented their escape. For about half an hour they made brave resistance, but Eliot's hand grenadoes made such u havock among them, that at length, those who had not been killed, took to the water where they were a fair 1 APPENDIX. 327 mark for the English musketeers. Five only reached tlic shore. Eliut received three bad wounds, had one man killed and several wounded. He recovered ficvcn \e88el8, several hundred quintals of fish, and fifteen captives. Many of the captives had been eent away, and nine had been murdered in cold blood. Robinson retook two vessels and killed several of tlic enemy. The loss of such a number of men determined the onemy to seek revenge on the poor fiHliermrn. Twenty of these yet remained in their hands, at the harbour of Malagash, [where the remaindor of the vessels lay which they had taken from the .i^nglish, and were inaccessible to Captain Eliot.] These were all destined to be sacrificed to the manes of the slaughtered Indians. At the very time, that the pow- awing and other ceremonies, attending such horri- ble purposes, were just commencing. Captain Blin, who sometime before had been a prisoner among them, arrived off the harbour , and made the signal, or sent in a token, which it had been agreed betweuti them, should be the sign of protection. Three In- dians came aboard, and an agreement was made for the ransom both of the ships and captives. Those were delivered and the ransom paid. Captain Blin in his way to Boston, captivated a number of them, near cape Sable ; and Captain Southack a number more, which they brought on with them to Boston." In September they made a descent on the island of Arrowsike, where they burned the houses, killed the cattle, and then retired to their head quarters at Norridgewock. There was a garrison on the island of about forty men, but their number was so small compared with thai of the enemy, that no sally was made. The beginning of the next year, 1724, was alto- gether unfavourable to the English. People were killed at Cape Porpoise, Black Point, and Berwick ; also at Lamprey, and Oyster rivers, and Kingston in Newhompshire. 338 APPENDIX. "Captain Josiah Winslow, who had been station- ed at the fort on St. George's river, with part of his company, had been surprised and cut off. He went out from the tort with two whaleboats, fourteen white men, and three Indians. It seems the enemy watch- ed their motions, and c their return, suddenly sur- rounded them, with thirty canoes, whose compliment was not less than a hundred Indians. The English attempted to land, but were intercepted, and nothing remained but to sell their lives as dearly as possible. They made a brave defence, but every Englishman was killed. The three Indians escaped to report their hapless fall. Flushed with these successes, the enemy attempted still greater feats on the water. They took two shallops at the isles of shoals. They then made seizure?' of other vessels in different har- bours. Among others they took a large schooner carrying two swivel guns. This they manned and cruised along the coast. It was imagined that a small force would be able to conquer these raw sai- lors. A shallop of sixteen, and a schooner of twenty men, under Captains Jackson and Lakeman, were armed and sent in pursuit of the enemy. They soon came up with them, but raw as they were, they obli- ged the English vessels to sheer ou, and leave them to pursue their own course, who took eleven vessels and fortyfive men. Twentytwo they killed, and the others they carried into captivity." While these aifairs were passing at sea, the inland country suffered also. " Mischief was done at Gro- ton, Rutland, Northampton, and Dover. In all these places more or less were killed, some wounded, and others carried into captivity." The scene is now to change. The English are resolved to visit the Indians at their head quarters, at Norridgewock. Accordingly, Captains Moulton, Harman, and Bourne, with two hundred and oiglity men, arrived at Taconnock, up the Kennebeck river, tlie twentieth of August. Here they leil their boats .\PPENDIX. 320 and forty men to guard them, and proceeded the next day for Norridgewock. " In the evening they discovered two women, the wife and daughter of Bomazeen, the famous warriour and chieftain of Norridgewock. They fired upon them and killed his daughter, and then captivated his wife. By her they obtained a good account of the state of the village. On the twentythird they came near it, and as they imagined that part of the Indians would be in their corn fields, at some cistance, it was thought expedi- ent to make a division of the army." Captain Har- man marched with eighty men into the fields — " Moulton with the remainder marched directly for the village. About three o'clock it opened sudden- ly upon them. The Indians were all in their wig- wams entirely secure. Moulton marched his men in the profoundest silence, and ordered that not one of them should fire at random, through the wigwams, nor till they should receive the enemy's fire ; as he expected they would come out in a panic and over- shoot them. At length an Indian stepping out, dis- covered the English close upon them. He instantly gave the war hoop, and sixty warriours rushed out to meet them. The Indians fired hastily without in- juring a man. The English returned the fire with great effect, and the Indians instantly fled to the riv- er. Some jumped into their canoes, others into the river, which the tallest of them were able to ford. Moulton closely pursuing them, drove them from their canoes, and killed them in the river, so that it was judged, that not more than fifty of the whole vil- lage reached the opposite shore. Some of these were shot before they reached the woods. The English then returning to the village, found father Ralle, the Jesuit, firing from one of the wig- wams on a small number of men who had not been in the pursuit of the enemy. One of these he wound- ed ; in consequence of which, one Lieutenant Ja. tiSO APPEN?>IX. ques burst the door and shot him through the head. Captain Moulton had given orders not to kill him. Jaques excused himself, affirming that Ralla was loading his piece, and refused to give or take quar- ter. With the English there were three Mohawks. Mogg,'*'' a famous Indian warriour firing from a wi^ warn killed one of them. His brother in a rage flew to the wigwam, burst the door, and instantly killed Mogg. The English followed in a rage and killed his squaw and two helpless children." After the ac tion Harman arrived and they all lodged in the vi]< lage. " In the morning they found twentysix dead bodies, besides that of the Jesuit. Among the dead were Bomazeen. Mogg, Wissememet, and Bomazeen's son in law, all famous warriours."f The inhumanity of the English to the women and children cannot be excused. It greatly eclipses the lustre of the victory. J The Norridgewocks were now broken down, and they never made any figure afterwards.*^ XI. — lovewell's fight. W Perhaps the celebrated story of "Lovewell's Fight," cannot be given, to interest the present age, better than in the language of the old song, composed just after it happened. It is a simple and true nar- rative of the affair. 1 or worthy Captain Lovewell,|| t purpose now to sing, How vahantly he served his country and his King ; • In Philip's War there was a chief by this name. Mr. Hubbard called him " Mug the rogue." t " The number in all that were killed [of the enemy] was supposed to be eighty." Penhallow, 108. t " It may," says Penhallow, ib. " be as noble an exnloit, (all things considered) as ever happend in the time of King Philip." § The above article is taken from Dr. Trumbull's Hist. U. S. Chap. IX. 11 Captain .Tohn Lovewell lived in Dunstable, New,n.»<> 1 1 APPENDIX. 331 s 1- He and his Taliant soldiers, did ranee the woods full wide, And hardships they endured to quell the Indians' pride. 3 'Twas nigh unto Piewacket,* on the eighth day of May,t They spied a rebel Indian soon after break of day; He on a hank was walking, upon a neck of land, Which leads into a pond^ as we're made to understand. S Our men resolv'd to have him and tiarell'd two miles round. Until they met the Indian, who boldly stood his ground ; Then spake up Captain Lovewell, "Take you good heed," says he, " This rogue is to decoy us, I very plainly see.§ 4 " The Indians lie in ambush, in some place nigh at hand, " In order to surround us upon this neck of land ; " Therefore we'll march in order, and each man leave hi4 pack,|| *' That v.^ may briskly fight them when they make their attack." 5 They came unto this Indian, who did them thus defy. As soon as they came nigh him, two guns he did let fly,ir shire, then Massachusetts. " He was a son of Zacheus Lovo- well, an Ensign in the army of Oliver Cromwell, who came to this country and settled at Dunstable, where he died at the age of one hundred and twenty years, the oldest white man who ever died in the state of Newhampshire." Far- mer and Moore's Col. Ill, 64. • Situated on the upper part of the river Saco, then 50 miles from any white settlement. lb. I, '2T. It is in the present town of Fryeburg, Maine. t They set out from Dunstable about the 16 April, 1725. Symmes' narrative, in Farmer and Moore's Col. 1, 27. X Called Saco pond. Some call this Lovewell's pond, but Lovewell's pond is in Wakefield, where he some time before, captured a company of Indians, who were on their way to attack some of the frontier towns. § This Indian was out a hunting, and probably had no knowledge of the English, having two ducks in his hand, and his guns loaded with beaver shot. Symmes and Belknap. II The Indians finding their packs, learned their number, and placed themselves to surround them, when they return- ed. IT It appears from Mr. Symmes, that the English saw the Indian coming, and secreted themselves, firing at him fir^t 332 APPENDIX. i; Which wounded Captain Lovewell, and likewise one man more,* [fJof'^'T But when this rogue was running, they laid him in his i Then having scalpM the Indian, they went back to the snot, Where they had laid their packs down, but there tncy found them not, For the Indians having spy'd them, when they them down did lay, Did seize them for their plunder, and carry them away. 7 These rebels lay in ambush, this very place hard by. So that an English soldie- did one of them espy, And ctied out " Here's a.i Indian," with that they started out. At fiercely as old lions, and hideously did shout 8 With that our valiant English, all gave a loud huzza. To shew the rebel Indians they fear'd them not a straw: So now the fighi began, and as fiercely as could be, Tl»j Indians ran up to them, but soon were forc'd to flecj 9 Then spake up Captain Lovewell, when first the fight be- gan, " Fight on my valiant heroes! you see they fall like rain." For as we are informed, the Indians were so thick, A man could scarcely fire a gun and not some of them hit. 10 Then did the rebels try their best our soKl.crs to surround, But they could not accomplish it, because there was a pond, To which our men retreated and covered all the rear,§ The rogues were forc'd to flee them, altho' they skulk'd for fear. Ilcthen, having two guns, discharged both, and wounded (he Captain mortally. • Samuel Whiting. t Ensign Wyman shot him, and Mr. Frye, the chaplain, and another, scalped him. Symmes. ; Both parties advanced with their guns prescn ted, and wlien they came within " a few yards," they fired on both sides. " The Indians fell in considerable numbers, but the b^nglish, most, if not all of them, escaped the first shot." lb. riicn advancing within twice the length of their guns, slew nine, Penhallow. ^ Twelre were killed and wounded before they retreated lo the pond. There was a small bank, which serveii thoia w // APPENDIX. 33J II Two logs Ihere were behind them, that close together lay, Without being discovered, they could not get away •, Therefore our valiant English, they travelT'd in a rov , And at a handsome distance as they were wont to go. 13 'Twas 10 o'clock in the morning, when first the fight begun, And fiercely did continue until the setting sun , Excepting that the Indians, some hours before 'twas night, Drew off into the bushes and ceased awhile to fight.* 13 But soon again returned, in fierce and lUriousmood, Shouting as in the morning, but yet not half so loud ; For as we are informed, so thicii and fast they fell, Scarco twenty of (heir number, at night did get home well.t 14 And that our valiant English^ till midnight there did stay, To see whether the rebels would have another fray ; But they no more returning, they made off towards their homo, [come.J And brought away their wounded as far as they couM 15 Of all our valiant English, there were but thirtyfour, And of the rebel Indians, there were about fourscore. And sixteen of our English did safely home return. The rest were killed and wounded, for which we all must mourn. § as a breastwork, and, perhaps, saved them from an immediate defeat. This is the more probable, as but few were killed afterward. lb. • They probably drew off to take care of the wounded. Symmes nor Penhallow makes no mention that they return- ed again to the fight, after they drew off. t Forty were said to be killed upon the sjiot, and eighteen more died of their wounds. Penhallow. } Solomon Keyes, after receiving three wounds, crawled along the shore of the pond, where he chanced to find an old canoe, into which he rolled himself, and the wind wafted him on several miles towc^rd the fort, which he reached in safety. He felt his end approaching, when he was in the boat, into which he had crawled, only to die in peace, and to escape the scalping knife, but wonderfully revived. Symmes. § Eight were left in the woods, whose wounds were so ba sioned Captain. He died soon after. II Many of LoveWell's men knew Paugus personally. A huge bear's skin formed a part of his dress. From Mr. Symmes' account, it appears that John Chamberlain killed him. They had spoken together some time in the fight, and afterward both happened to go to the pond to wash out their guns, which were rendered useless by so frequent firing. Here the challange was given by Paugus, " It is you or I." As soon as the guns were prepared they firc The names of the fallen the traveller leaves Cut out with his knife in the bark of the trees. But little avail his affectionate arts, For the names of the fallen are graved in our hearts. The voice of the hunter is loud on the breeze, There's a dashing of waters, a rustling of trees ; But the jangling of armour hath all pass'd away* No gushing of lifebiood is here seen to day. The eye that was sparkling, no longer is bright. The arm of the mighty, death conquered its might, * Taken from Farmer and Moore's Col. 1, 35. m ■>■*.,. 336 APPENDIX. Thp bosoms fliat once for Ihf ir country beat high. To tlio&e bofoms the sods of the valley are nigh. Sleep, soMicru of merit, uleep, gallants of yore» The hatchet is fallen, the struggle is o'er. AVhile the fir tree is green and the wind rolls a wave, The tear drop shall brighten the turf of the brave. XII. ANECDOTES, NARRATIVES, &C., OT THE IN- DIAN }. 1. Among the first settlers of Brunswick, Maini?, was Daniel Malcolm, a man of undaunted courage, and an inveterate enemy of the Indians, who gave him the name of Sungurnumby, that is, a very strong ninn. Early in the spring, he ventured alone into the forest for the purpose of splitting rails from the spruce, not apprehensive of Indians so early in the season. While engaged in his work, and having opened a log with small wedges about half its length he was surprised by Indians, who crept up and se- cured his mus1<*>t, standing by his side. "Sungur- numby," said the chief, " now me got you ; long me want you ; you long speak Indian, long time worry him ; me have got you now ; look up stream to Ca- nada." — "Well," said Malcolm, with true sangfroid, " you have me ; but just help me open this log be- fore I go." They all (five in number) agreed. Mal- colm prepared a large wooden wedge, carefully drove it, took out his small wedges, and told the In- dians to put in their fingers to the partially clefted wood, and help pull it open. They did ; he then sud- denly struck out his blunt wedge, and the elastick wood instantly closed fast on tneir fingers, and he secured them.* 2. Origin of the name of a bridge in Saliabury A*. H., known by the name of " Indian Bkidge."— In the fall of the year 1753, two Indians, named Sa- ^ Farmer and Moore, III, lOS. ^ \ • ) APPENDIX. •97 bntis and Plausawa, came into Canterbury with furs. They here met two men from Newbury, whom they knew, but were not pleased at seeing them, and be> gan to make oH'. Subatis seemed disposed to do mischinf. but was prevented by Plausawa. The two Kriglisiimen offered to buy their furs. They refused, and said they would not sell furs to the English, but would go to Canada; but afterward they offered to trade for rum. They had rum, but would not sell it to them, thinking that they wore ill disposed. At they were about to leave the Indians, one of them, Plausawa, appeared friendly, and advised them to avoid meeting with Indians. When they had gone a little distance from the Indians, Sabatis called them, and said, " No more you English come here ; me heart bad ; me kill you." One of the English replied, "No kill — English and Indians now all brothers." As they led the Indians, they met one Peter Bowen going toward them. Thev told him of the temper the Indians had showed, and tried to dis- suade him. He replied, that he was not afraid of them ; that he was acquainted with Indians and knew how to deal with them. The Indians had got into their canoe, and were going up the river, when Bow- en called to them, and invited them to go to his house, and stay all night ; and that ho would give them some rum. They went with him to his house, which was in Contoocook. The night was spent in a drunken frolick, in which Bowen did not fail to act his part ; being much accustomed to their modes of life. In the midst of the frolick, Boivcn took the caution to unload their guns. The next morning he took his horse to convey their packs to their boats. As they were going, Sabatis proposed to Bowen to run with his horse. A race being agreed upon and icrformed^ in which Sabatis beat Bowen on horse- >ackf at which he was much pleased, and laughed *.cartily. After proceeding along a little further, P 22 APPENDIX. Subatia said to him, " Bowen walk woods," meaning that Bowon wns his prisoner. Bowen said, "No walk woods, all one brothers." Another race soon followed, in which Snbatis fell in the rear, and Bow- en hearing a gun snap, looked round and saw a flush from Sabatis' gun, which wos pointed at him. He turned back and laid him dead with a blow of his tomahawk. Plausawa was further behind, and us Bowen came toward him, he leveled his gun and it snapped also ; he then fell on his knees and begged for his life, but Bowen knew he should be in danger so long as the friend of Sabatis lived, so he despatch- ed him in like manner. He then hid the bodies un- der a bridge, which were found the next spring and buried. From this aflhir is the name of Indian Bridge derived.* 3. Origin of the peopling of Nantucket by the Ir^ diana. It is told that in a remote period of antiqui- ty, an eagle made a descent on some part of the coast of what is now Newengland, and carried off a young Indian in his talons. The weeping parents made bitter lamentations, and with eager eyes saw their child borne cut of sight, over the trackless deep. They resolved to follow in the same direc- tion. Accordingly they set out in their canoes, and after a perilous passage descried the island. They landed and after much search found the bones of the child. 4. ^n anecdote of the colony of Sagadehack. " The Norridg?wock Indians have this tradition that this company engaged a number of Indians, who had come to trade with them, to draw a cannon, -by a long rope; that ti'.e moment thev were ranged in a strait line, the white people discharged the piece, which killed and wounded a number. Their story is, that the indignation of the natives for this b^ba* • Ibid. HI. i7. N\ ' APPENDIX. 339 rous treachery, compelled the company to embark to save their own lives."* 5. «M letter from Kino Philip to Oovemour Prince, copied from the original, which belongs to Mr. tVhite, o/Flymouth. The woi da are spelt (u in the original letter." Kino Philip desire to lot you understand that he couM not come to the court, for Tom, his interpreter has a puin in his back, that he could not travil so far, and Philip sister is very sick. 1 1 Philip would intreat that favor, of you, and aney ^ of the niajestrates, if aney English or Ensians speak 1 '-- about aney land, lie prcay you to give them no an- swer at all. This last sumer he made that promis with you, that he would not sell no land in 7 years time, for that he would have no English trouble him j 1 before that time, he has not forgot that you promis W him. p He will come a sune as posible he can to speak J with you, and so I rest, your verey loveing friend, Jm Philip, dwelling at mount hope nek . . 'i \ To the much honored Governer, Mr. Thomas Prince, dwelling at Plymouth.f 6. Singularity of the Indian language. Thus the word Nummatchekodtantamooongannnnonash signi-r fies no more in English, than our lusts; and Noo- womantammooonkanunonnash no more than our 2oi*e«. A yet longer word (if so such an assemblage of let- ters may be called) Kummogkodonattoottummooeti- teaongannunnonash is to express only our questicn.X 7. A proof of King Philip's humanity. The ances- ter of Col. B. Cole, of Warren, llhodeisland, came to this « luntry and settled at Tuisset.^^ He in time ^ • Morse and Parish's Hist. N. Eng. 17. t Mass. Hist. Soc. Col. H, 40. The Editor writes at the ' y ■ bottom of the letter, " There is no date to the letter, it was .j^ probably written about 1660 or 1670." ; ;■ ' X See Magnalia, I, 507. ^ A neck of land on the east side of Keekarouit river. ! 1- f !.. -■' 1 340 APPENDIX. became acqainted with Philip, and always lived in habits of friendship with him. In June 1G75, Philip informed him that his young men were very eager to go to war against the English ; but vyhen he could no longer restrain them he would let him know. Ac- cordingly on an evening previous to the fatal 24. canoes arrived from Mounthope With advise fiom Philip, thEt Mr. Cole and family must go over to R. I., as his people would begin the war. They em^ barked, and the next morning their dwellings were burned. Col. B. Cole, is of the fourth generation.* 8. An Indian Snare. To take large animals they sometimes built two extensive fences, perhaps a mile apart at one extremity, and at the other nearly meet- mg, forming an angle, generally, something less than a right one. At this point or opening they contrived to bend down a tree of sufficient strength to suspend the largest animals. " An English mare having once strayed away, was caught, and like Mahomet's fabled coffin, raised between the heavens and earth, in one of these snares. The Indians arriving, and seeing her struggling on tlic tree, ran immediately, and in- formed the English that their aquaw horse was hang- ing on a tree."f 9. Anecdote of Massassoit. " Mr. Winslow,J com- ing in his bark from Connecticut to Narragenset, — and he lefl her there, — and intending to return by land, he went to Osamekin the sagamore, [Massas- soit] his old ally, who offered to conduct hun home to Plimouth. But, before they took their journey, Osamekin sent one of his men to Plimouth to tell them that Mr. Winslow was dead ; and directed him to show how and where he was killed. Whereupon there was much fear and sorrow at Plimouth. The next day, when Osamekin brought him home, they * Oral account of Col. Cole, t Morse and Parish's N. Eng. \ Mr. Edward Winslow. M -lYi ii ■H APPENDIX. 841 ackcd him ivhy he sent such word, &c. He answer- ed, that it was their manner to do so, that they mi^ht be more welcon.e when they came home."* This was in 1634. 10. Singular descriptions. Dr. Mather says there fell into his hands the manuscript of a Jesuit, em- ployed by the French to instruct the Iroquois Iiv- dians in religion ; in which was " one chapter about Heaven, and another about Hell, wherein are such thick skulled passages as these." " ' Q. How is the soyl made in Heaven'^ A. 'Tis a very /ojr soyl, they want neither for meats nor clothes : 'tis but wishing and we have them. Q. Are they employed in Heav- en ? A. No ; they do nothing ; the fields yield corn, beans, pumpkins, and the like without any tillage." After a few others that amount to no more or less, it proceeds thus in the examination of Hell. " * Q. ff^hat sort of soyl is that of hell? A. A very wretched soyl ; 'tis a fiery pit, in the centre of the earth. Q. Have they any light in heW? A. No. 'Tis always dark ; there is always smoke there ; their eyes are always in pain with it ; they can see noth- ing but the devils. Q. WhcU shaped things are the devils ? A. Very ill shaped things ; they go about with vizards on, and they terrify men. Q. What do they eat in hell 9 A. They are aiways hungry, but the damned feed on hot ashes and serpents there. Q. What water have they to drink 9 A. Horid wa- ter, nothing but melted lead. Q. Don't they die in hell9 A. No : yet they eat one another, every day ; but anon, God restores and renews the man that w^tj eat- en, as a crept plant in a little time repullulates.' " " It seems they have not thought this divinity too gross for the barbarians. But I shall make no re- flections on it."f • Winthrop's Hist N. Eng. I, 1S8, 1S9. t See Magnalia, I, 521, bii. m 342 APPENDIX. Xin. ^MASSACRE or THE CONESTOGOE INDIANS IN PENNSYLVANIA. An almost uninterrupted friendship seems to have existed between the Indians and the inhabitants of Pennsylvania, until the year 1754. At this period the French had stirred up the Indians in the back country, and an Indian war commenced. About ten years after that, when " many," says Mr. Proud, " who had been continually flocking into the province, in later years, having from their inex- perie.ice and ignorance, too despicable an opinion of that people, and treating them accordingly, were by this conduct foolishly enraged against the who4e species indiscriminately ; insomuch, that in the lat ter part of the year 1763, calling to their aid the madness of the wildest enthusiasm, with which, un- der pretence of religion, certain most furious zealots among the preachers of a numerous sect, in the pro- vince, could inspire their hearers, to cover their bar- barity, a number of, not improperly named, armed demi-aavages, inhabitants of Lancaster county, prin- cipally from the townships of Paxtang and Donnegal, and their neighbourhood, committed the most horri- ble massacre, that ever was heard of in this, or per- haps, any other province, with inpunity ! and under the notion of extirpating the heathen from the earth, as Joshua did of old, that these saints might possess the land alone," &c. Thus begins the narrative. " 'These Indians were the remains of a tribe of the Six Nations, settled at Conestogoe, and thence call- ed Conestogoe Indians. On the first arrival of the English in Pennsylvania, messengers from this tribe came to welcome them, with presents of venison, corn and skins; and the whole tribe entered into a treaty of friendship with the first Proprietary, Will- iam Penn ; which was to last as u/ng as the sun should shine, or the waters run in the rivers ;i ! APPENDIX. 343 This treaty has been since frequently renewed, and the chain brightened, as they express it, from time to time. It has never been violated on their part, or ours, till now. As tJieir lands, by degrees, were mostly purchased, and the settlement of the white people began to surround them, the Proprietor as- signed them lands on the manor of Conestogoe, which they might not part with ; there they have lived many years, in friendship with their white neighbours, who loved them for their peaceable, in- offensive behaviour. It has always been observed, that Indians, settled in the neighbourhood of white people, do not increase, but diminish continually. This tribe accordingly went on diminishing, till there remained in their town, on the manor, but twenty persons, namely, seven men, five women, and eight children, boys and girls. Of these, Shehaes. was a very old man, having as- sisted at the second treaty, held with them by Mr. Penn, in 1701 ; and ever since continued a faithful friend to the English ; he is said to have been an ex- ceeding good man, considering his education, being naturally of a most kind, benevolent temper. This little society continued the custom they had begun, when more numerous, of addressing every new Governour, and every descendant of the first Proprietary, welcoming him to the province, assur- ing him of their fidelity, and praying a continuance of that favour and protection, which they had hither- to experienced. They had accordingly sent up an address of this kind to our present Governour (John Penn, Esquire) on his arrival; but the same was scarce delivered when the unfortunate catastrophe happened which we are about to relate. On Wednesday, the 14th of December, 1763, fif- tyseven men from some of our frontier townships, wlio had projected the destruction of this little com- monwealth came all well mounted, and armed with : m r s 344 APPENDIX. firelocks, hangers and hatchets, having travelled through the country in the night to Conestogoc ma- nor. There they surrounded the small village of In- dian huts, and just at break of day, broke in upon them all at once. Only three men, two women, and a young boy were found at home ; the rest being out among the neighbojring white people ; some to sell their baskets, brooms and bowls, they manufac- tured, and others, on other occasions. These poor defenceless creatures were immediately fired upon, stabbed and hatcheted to death ! The good She- haes, among the rest, cut to pieces in his bed ! All of them were scalped, and otherwise horribly mang- led. Then their huts were set on fire, and most of them burned down. The Magistrates of Lancaster sent out to collect the remaining Indians, brought them into the town, for their better security against any further attempt ; and, it is said, condoled with them on the misfortune, that had happened, took them by the hand, and promised thtm protection. They were put into the workhouse, a strong build- ing, as the place of greatest safety. These cruel men again assembled themselves ; and hearing that the remai'^' s.. U ^rteen Indians were in the workho jje at La;.i.:i: t , they suddenly appeared before that town, on the twentyseventh of December. Fifty of them armed as before ; dis- mounting, went directly to the workhouse, and by violence broke open the door, and entered with the utmost fury in their countenances. When the poor wretches saw they \\h^A no protection nigh, nor could possibly escape, and being without the least wea- pon of defence, they divided their little families, the children clinging to their parents ; they fell on their faces, protested their innocence, declared thoir love to the English, and that, in their whole lives, they had never done them injury ; and in this pos- tii'i, they all received the hatchet'. Men, women \K APPENDIX. und children, were every one inhumanly murdered in cold blood ! The barbarous men, who committed the attrocious loct, in defiance of government, of all laws, human and divine, and, to the eternal disgrace of their coun- try and colour, then mounted their horses, huzzaed in triumph, as if they had gained a victory, and rode off unmolested ! The bodies of the murdered were then brought out, ixnd exposed in the street, till a hole could he made in the earth, to receive and cover them. But the wickedness cannot be covered, and the guilt will lie on the whole land, till justice is done on the mur- derers. The blood of the innocent will cry to heaven for vengeance. Notwithstanding the proclamations and < ndea- vours of i.ie Governour on the occasion, the murder- ers having given out such threatenings against those that disapproved their proceedings, that the whole country seems to be in terror, and no one durst speak what he knows ; even the letters from thence are unsigned, in which any dislike is expressed ol the rioters.' " Mr. Proud* adds to the above narrative, that, " So far had the infection spread, which caused this ac- tion, and so much had fear seized the mind? c-f the people, or perhaps both, that neither the printer ror the writer of this publication, though supposed to be as nearly connected as Franklin and KsU were at that time, and men of the first character in iheir way, did not insert either their names, or places A' abode, in it ! It was printed while the insurgents were pre- paring to advance towards Philadelphia ; or on their way thither ; it appeared to have some effect, in pn - • See his Hist. Pennsylvania, I, 326 to 328. [I would re- mind the reader, that no comparison should have been made^ in note 2, to pace 147, between the treatment of the Indians ill Newengland, and Pennsylvania ; for Mr. Makin wrote before any material difficulties had occurred in that pro> viDce.] 1^ I ) 846 APPENDIX. I venting the threatened consequences, by exciting an exertion of endeavours, in the citizens, for that pur- pose ; and being a relation of real facts, though writ m a hurr;', it was never ancwered or contradicted.' XV. TliOUBLES WITH THE INDIANS IN THE LATE WAR WITH ENGLAND. Before the declaration of war took place betweyn America and Great Britain, the Indians along the frontiers, very much alarmed the inhabitants by their ''ostile appearance. The famous Indian warriour, Tecumseh, had been known for his enmity to civilization, and utter aver- sion to the white people, from the time of Harmer's defeat ; and, like the celebrated Philip, had extend- ed his endeavours, far and wide, among the various tribes of his countrymen, to unite them in making war on the Americans. His eloquence was irres'sta- ble and his success was great. I*^ is sufficient to observe, that the English had early engaged him in their cause. Much was also imposed on the ciedu- lity of those people by a brother of Tecumseh, who professed the spirit of prophecy, and the art of con- juration ; in the exercise of which, much was effect- ed. He was kr'Avn by the name of " The Prophet." In l8il, Governour Harrison of Indiana, met a large number of chiefs at Vincennes, to confer about the state of affairs. Tecumseh appeared there, to remonstrate against the sale of certain lands, made by the Kiv-kapoos and others. In a speech of great eloquei.ce, he urged the wrongs of his countrymen, by i'lXe encroachments of the whites, of which he faavp » fa'»!ifrl history. In the Governour's answer, no advanced smething which Tecumseh thought, or ptrhops knew f -^ Ije wrong. At which he raised his tomahawV, aiKi iwenty or thirty others followed his example But fL'rrison had taken the precaution to have a sufT^icat foice at hand, which prevented any acts of vie'ence. This broke up the conference, and vvuf was st^n expected to follow. ■■i ^ ' ". rin m ! ' ! ' . i I APPENDIX. Battle of Tippecanoe. Toward the latter end of tlie year 1811, the appearance of the Indians was so alarming, that Gov. Harrison, with an army of about 2000 men, marched into the Indian country. On arriving within a mile of the Prophet's town, they were met by a number of chiefs, who sued for peace, and begged for their lives. Harrison demanded the plunder taken from the Americans. It being near night, 6 November, they requested the army to encamp, and in the morning, they would accede to his proposals. The intrigue was mistrusted, and the Governour drew up his army in order of battle, and encamped for the night. About four o'clock their camp was attacked with great impetuosity, and the battle 'Was for some time doubtful and bloody. But at length, the Indians were overpowered, and the victory was complete. About 300 of their war- riours strewed the ground of battle. The behaviour of the Americans, many of whom had never seen an engagement before, cannot be too much applaud- ed. When the battle began, each took his post without noise, and with calmness. Their loss in valuable officers was severe : They were these ; kill- ed, Col. Abraham Owens, the Governour's aid ; Col. Joseph H. Davies, a very eminent lawyer; Col. White, Capt. Warrick, Capt. Spencer, Lieut. Mc- Mahon, Lieut. Berry, and Capt. Bean. jin Expedition against the Western Indians. — For the purpose of driving the hostile Indians out of the limits of the U. States, an expedition was on foot early in October, consisting of 4000 men un- der Gen. Hopkins. After relieving fort Harrison, above mentioned, he crossed the Wabash and en- camped but few miles distant. Here discontents were discovered among the soldiers, which very soon broke out into open disobedience of orders. This great army was composed of raw militia, of which lit- tlecould be expected; and, but for the assistance af- forded fort Harrison, the expedition would have been fivl Vt i; 348 APPENDIX. rendered entirely abortive. A certain Major rode up to the General, and with great authority of ex- pression, commanded him to return. Seeing the state of his men, the General told them, that if 500 would accompany him, he would proceed in quest of the enemy ; but not a man would turn out. Ho then requested them to let him have the direction for a single day ; to which they assented. He then put himself at their head, and ordered them to march J but they filed off in a contrary direction, and marched off to fort Harrison; and the General followed in the rear. At their encampment in a great prairie beyond the Wabash, the grass was dis- covered to be on fire, and driven by a fierce wind directly toward their camp. This was an Indian trap. But the Americans set fire to the grass about them, and were thereby delivered from a formidable onset by the flames. The same officer, afterward performed a successful expedition against the In- dians. Affair of the river Raisin. Out of sympathy for the mhabiiants of Frenchtown, who were threatened with aa Indian massacre, an imprudent step was tti'N'^n by the Americans. Gen. Winchester had f,a- ketj post at the rapids, when he received a pressi \g request from those inhabitants, for his protectio'i. Accordingly, he despatched Col. Lewis with 300 men for their relief. On his arrival, he found the Indians already in possession of the place, but he at- tacked them 'n their works, and drove them from the place, and encamped on the same ground. Two days after, 20 December, Gen. Winchester arrived with the main army. Their force now consisted of 760 men. These operations went on without the knowledge of Gen. Harrison, the commander in chief, whose knowledge of the situation of the country, convinced him of their extreme danger. French- town is situated only 20 miles from Maiden, a strong; British post, of a superiour force to the Americans, 1 ! ) ■ j n APPENDIX. 34U and the intervening waters were coverc ' with solid ice. It was aUo 70 miles from any American place, from whence they could expect supplies. Their situation did not escape the notice of th^ Brit< ish. Col. Proctor, with GOO English and abovo 1000 Indians under the two Indian chiefs, Splitlog and Roundhead, appeared before their camp at day break, on the 22 January, 1813, and immediately began the attack. The Americans' works not being large enough to contain their small force, l'>0 were posted without. The numbers of the enemy enabled him to dispose of his force, as to cut off all means of retreat. The attack was first made on those without the fort, who we., soon forced to give way. They fled across the river, and were pursued by the ene- my, and cut to pieces. One hundred men, in two companies, left the works, and went over to their as' sistance, and shared the same horrid fate. GenernJ Winchester and Col. Lewis, in some manoeuvre, were taken prisoners. The little army now in possession of the pickets, maintained the unequal fight until 11 of the clock, when Gen. Winchester capitulated for them. It was particularly stipulated that the wound- ed should be protected from the savages. Tho army still consisted of upwards of 500 men, and not until a flag had passed three times would they con- sent to surrender. But knowing their situation to be desperate, they consented under assurance from the British officer, that their lives and proper- ties should be protected. We shall now see, with what faith the semi barbarian, Proctor, acted. No sooner bad this brave band submitted, thon they saw what was to follow. The tomahawk and scalping knife were indiscriminately employed among the dead and wounded ; officer's side arms were wrest- ed from them, and many stript and robbed. About 60 wounded Americans strewed the battle ground, who, by the kindness of the inhabitants were remov- ed into houses. But horrid to tell, the next day < % m t & m ?l: 350 APPENDIX. body of those savages were permitted to return, and after scalping and murdering to their content, set fire to the town, and all were buried beneath the conflagration, except a few that could travel, who were marched into the wilderness. Defence of fort Meiga. General Harrison had established his head quarters at Franklintown, previ- ous to the battle of the river Raisin, for the greater facility of transmitting orders, &c., to the different posts. After that aflair took place, he concentrated his -forces, consisting of 12UU men, at the Rapids, and there threw up a fort, which, in honour of the Governour of Ohio, was called fort Meigs. The ene- my made their appearance about the 28 April, and soon after, began to construct batteries on the op- posite side of the river. But in this business they proceeded slowly, from the annoyance of fort Meigs, and were obliged to perform their labours in the night. They at length succeeded in erecting two batteries of heavy cannon, and a mortar. These be- gan furiously to play upon the American works, but were several times silenced. Proctor sent an inso- lent summons to Harrison, to surrender ; he returned an answer according as it merited. The siege was continued, and the Indians from the tops of the trees fired into the fort and killed several men. General Harrison now received information, that two regi- ments from Ohio, which were expected, were near at hand. He despatched orders to their General for a party to attack the enemy's works at one point, while a party from the fort, should act simultaneous- ly on another part. Eight hundred .T»'',n under Col. Dudley of the Ohio men, and another body under Col. Miller, were immediately in motion. Col. Dud- ley led his men up in the face of the enemy's cannon, and every battery was carried, almost in an instant, and the British and Indians fled with great pncipi- tution. These fugitives were l t by a large body of [ndians under Gen. Tecumseh. This famous war* JH mi \' APPENDIX. 3.'. I rioiir, expecting tho Anri(!ricanH to purnue, formed an finibusli, and wuitocl their approach. Col. Dudiey'ti men were so elated at their success, that they could not be restrained from [.iirsuiiig the fugitives, although their Colonel used his utmost endeavours. They accordingly pressed on, and immediately found them- selves surrounded by the savages. Here another horrid slaughter followed ; but, different from that at Raisin, for Tecumseh interposed for the lives of those that surrendered, and not like Proctor, did he turn his back on those barbarities. Ho even laid a chief dead at his feet, for persisting in the massacre. About (»50 men were killed and missing in this af- fiiir. The lamented Dudley was among the former. The party under Col. Miller, performed their part admirably, and after spiking the cannon, returned to camp with upwards of 40 prisoners. These opera- tions made the enemy relin(iuish his desigr., and he immediately drew off. The distinguished names of Croghan, Todd, Johnson, Sedgwick, Ritzen, Stod- dard, and Butler will live in the annals of their coun- try. The last mentioned was a son of Gen. Butler, who fell in St. Clair's defeat. fialtle of the Moravian towns, and death of Te- cumseh. After the great naval^vict«)ry on the lake, achieved by the American fleet, under the gallant Perry, Proctor abandoned Maiden, and took a posi- tion on the river Thames. His precipitate move- ments were displeasing to Tecumseh, who thought the situation of his brethren entirely disregarded, by their being left open to the Americans. In a speech to Proctor, he reprobates his conduct in very pointed terms. He says, "The/var before this, [meaning the re- volution] our British father gave the hatchet to his red children, when our old chiefs were alive. They are now dead. In that war our father [the king] was thrown on his back by the Americans, and he afterward took them by the hand without our knowledge, and we are afraid he will do so again at this time. Listen, you told us to brings our families to this place, and we I IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) // //>""** 1.0 1.1 11.25 Li 128 |2.5 US Ui 12.2 !!f lift ""■* L£ 12.0 K ■UUI. U 11.6 0%. •v^ 7 ■^? Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WIST MAIN STRiET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14S80 (716) •72-4S03 4% ^ 853 APPENDIX. did so. You promised to take care of them, and tiiat they should want for nothing. Our ships have gone, one way, and we are very much astonished tu see our father [Proctor] tyins up every thing, and preparing to run away the bther. You always told us you never could draw your foot off British ground ; but now, father, we see you are drawing back with- out seeing the enemy. We must compare our fa- ther's conduct to a fat animal, that carries his tail on his back, but when affrighted, drops it between its legs and runs off." This though a few detached para- graphs, will serve to give some acquaintance with the great chief. Proctor, after considerable manoeu- vring, was unable to escape with all his baggage, being hard pressed by Harrison in every move up the Thames. At length the two armies met in the vicinity of the Moravian towns, 5 October 1813, and a fierce battle was fought. Tecumseh's Indiana were in possession of a thick wood, who, with the British regulars, had formed their line of battle, on advantageous ground. Gen. Harrison, with his aids, Com. Perry, Capt. Butler, and Gen. Cass, led the front line, while Col. Johnson, with the mounted men, was ordered to charge at full speed, and break their line. They were immediately in motion, and though the horses recoiled on receiving the fire of the Brit- ish and Indians, yet, it was momentary, and their im- ftetuosity bore down all before them. The enemy's ine was broken in an instant and Johnson's mount- ed men were formed on their rear, and poured in a tremendous fire upon them. The British officers finding it in vain to rally again at this point, surren- dered. A body of savages under Tecumseh, still disputed the ground, and Col. Johnson fell, in the thickest of the fight, almost covered with wounds. Tecumseh in person flew towards him, with his toma- hawk raised, to give him the fatal blow. Johnson, though faint from loss of blood, had strength to draw his pistol, and laid Tecumseh dead at his feet. MMM II' ! r M APPENDIX. 358 When the mighty chief fell, the Indians all left the giound. At another point, a division attempted to make an impression upon the American infantry, but the venerable Gov. Shelby (one of the heroes of King's mountain) supported them with another regi- ment, and the enemy were immediately routed. The hottest of the fight was where Tecumseh and Johnson fell. Thirty Indians and six Americans lay within a few yards of the spot. Proctor fled with great precipitation, but his carriage was taken with ail his papers, and even his sword. Eight pieces of artillery were taken, six of which were brass. Three of these were trophies of the revolution, which were surrendered by Hull. The Americans had not above 50 killed and wounded. Of the British 600 were ta- ken prisoners, and 70 killed and wounded, and up- wards of a hundred Indians were !eft on the field. Thus ended the Indian wars in the west. Their combination was now entirely broken up, and the frontier settlements, which for a h^ng time had en- dured all the horrours of Indian barbarities, were, in some degree, liberated. , 23 FINIS. i i ; [865] fr^ INDEX. In the following Indei, wme espluktiont may b« wanting, ta it diflbn flrom worka of tliit liind in general. All Indian names of places are given ; but placet having only an English name, are not given, unless they have been noted for some depredation, or having their situations described. And as every circumstance in a history may be found by an Index of pro- per names, it was thought needless to name them, as it only increases pro- lixity. "^ AMawomr.!! 27, 97. Asuhmequin 133, 134, 136, 142. Aubert carries off natives 287. Augur Lieut., killed 314. Awashonks 21 to 27, 57, 76 to 88 85 to 92, 111. B. Baker Thomas 190. Baker Lieut., killed 275. Barlow's Columbiad iv, 46, 128. Barns 102. Barrow Sam 115, 119 Baxter 49 Bean Cap., killed 347. Beard , killed SIS. Beers Cap., killed 64. Belcher Cap. Andrew 62, 253. Belcher Mr., wounded 33. Bellomont Gov. 250. Belknap's Amer. Biog. xv, 24, 32, 134, 287, '8, '9, 293, '4, 299, 300. Belknap's Hist. N. H. xiii, 21, 152, 161, 164, 186, 187, 203, 259. 284. 289, 315, 331. Bcnnet Sergeant 67. Benython Cap. 311. Berry Lieut., killed 847. Billington John 297. Blin Cap. 327. Bliss Mr. A. 13& Boad 226. Bomazeen 329, kiUeti 880. Bourne Cap. 328. Bowen Peter 337, 338. Bozman'a Hist, 177. Bracket Can. 166, 191, 224,236, *? Bradford Maj. SO, 65, 84, 85, 96. Acushnet 98. Adams' Hist. Neweng. 80, 82, 49, 68. Adams President John 151- Adams Samuel xii. Addington Isaac 167. 817. 261. Agamenticus 24. Agawom 89, 119, 144, 298. Agincourt battle 266. Akkompoin, Philip's unele,killed 110. Albemarl Duke of 207. [238, Alden Cap. John 196, 197, 201,228, Aldeu John 297. Alden William 226. Alderman 47, kills Philip 126. Alexander dies 18, 134, 148. Allen's Biog. Diet, xii, xiv, 24, 28, 81, 88, 133, 145, 150, '2, '6, 207 Allen Samuel 181. Allen Thomas 181. Allerton John 297. Allerton Mr. Isaac 297. Almy Cap. John 18, 40. Andover 220. Andros Cl,.. Elisha 194, 201, 204. Androscoggin 184, 186. Andros Sir Edmund 120, 160, 151, 152,154,104,173,250. Annawon xiv, 106, 124, 127, 129, 131. 132, ISS. 134, 136. 137, ta- ken 138, put to death 146. Annnawon's rock 136. Aponagansot 60, 61, 98, 100. Appleton Mai. Samuel 66, 67. Aquetneck 19. Arrowsike 163. 169. 827 Arruhawikwabeml 324. / 356 INDEX. f- BridlbrJ Mr. Wm. 890, 294, 296, Colman Dr. Benjamin iv. \ 297. 300. SOI, S02. Conestogoe massacre 842 to 846. ^ Conscienre. taken 149. Brndslraot Gjv. 152, 157. Bruiuc Stephen 197. Brewster Mr. Williun 297. CoiitooGuok 817. 387. ['7 '8 Converse Cap. James 189, 192, 194, Bridgewater 29. Cook Cap. John 262, '7, 274, 281. Bridf way Jarman 228, 229, 290. Cook Elisha 160 B'ltterige Richard 296, 297. Cook Francis S97. Broclebank Cap., killed 70. Cook John 101. Brookfield 6& Cousins Isaac, kiiied 814. Brown Cap. John 252, 281. Crackston John 296, 297. f; - . Brown Mr. James 27, 20, 81. rraniioM Gov. 186. ;H- Brown Peter 297. Cranston Gov. John 88, 89, 62. Bulkley Gershom 62. Croghaii Geo. 361. Bull's carrison 57. , Bump John 144. Cross , killed 814. Cudworth Mai. 80, 86, 86, 87. Curwin Jonathan 221. Butler Cap. 861, 862. c. Cushnet 98. CalePs Hist, witchcraft 196, 220. D. Canonchet 73, taken 107, killed 108. D'Aillebout 318. Canonicus, killed 104. Danforth Gov. 156, 160, 1« Canton Corporal, taken 284. Dartmouth 60, 61. Carver Gov. John 183. 298, 297, D'Aubri Nicholas 187. 299, dies 301. 802. Davenport Cap., killed 66. Davics Col., killed 847. Carver's Travels 21. Castine Baron De St. 162, 164, 165, Davis Cap. Silvanus 160, 163. 176, 219, 226. 238, 261. D'Calicrs 320. Caushnowotfa. 818. Deborahii«>, 225. Cawley Robert 226, 228. Deerfield 64. 243, 82L ' Chamberlain John 884. Demot, 187. Champlain Cap. 220. Donaison Cap. 66, 64, 73. 107 Chelmsford 64. Dermer Cap. Thomas 301. Chesly 312. D'Froiitenac Count 224. 280. Chi^iiecto 228. 282. Dillano 101 to 106. i < Chilton James 297. D'Mantel 318. Chubb C^. 219, killed 220. D'Monts 220. Chubb Sergeant, killod 826b Doney 184, 185, 190. ■ Church Benjamin xii. Dorey Edward 296, 297. \ Church Deac. Benj. lii. Douglass' Hist. 42. 61, 62, 74, 98, Church Charles sii. 142, 146, 246. 256, 259, 271, 277. Church Caleb xi. 197. [274, 281. 284, 286. Church Cap. Constant xi, 251, 267, Drake Sir Francis 287 Church Edward xii, 262. 281. Dubois 282, 284. i Church Joseph xi. Dudley Col , killed 361. i266, 285. Church Thomas xi. Dudley Gov. Joseph 260, 261, 263, Clark Cap. Wm. 268. Dudley Thomas 152, 249. Clark Gov. 158. Dustan Mrs. Hannah 315 to 317. Clark Lieut 169. / Dwight Dr. 146, 308. ' Clark Richard 297. Dyer Cap. John 252. 281. D^Young 261. \ Clark's Karrison Ti, 96. Clark's island 299. E. ) Clinton Hon. De Witt 68. \ Cocheco 161. 314. Coddingtun Gov. Wm. 88. Co^e Col. B. 889, 840. Cole Cap. James 262, 2S1. 281. Earl Ralph 61. 62. \ Eaton Francis 297. Edee Sergeant 269. Edmunds Cap; 62, 176. INDEX. m FA»,C»P- 51.52. Flio'. R.v. John, 21. Kliot Ca(i. John 826, 327. Kliot's Hiog. Dictionary 28, 62, 145,'Haiiiio xv. Hall Cap. Nathaniel 166, I6S. 170^ Huininond William, killed 33. [J71. Hancamagui 186, 16U, 162, 179, 181, 207, 216. Eliot Ruben 206. Endecoit Cap. 305. 806. [21. Knijiisli, probable numbertof in 1675, Engliih Thotnoa 297, F. Farmer and More'i Collections xii, 103. 257, 296. 331. SS5, 336, 338 Fallrivor xv, 48. Feriiaia William 206. Fi venations 68. Fletcher Moses 296, 297. Foglaiid forry 42. Forbes William 101,209,215. Fore lathers' day 800. Forei'uthers' rock 3C0. Froiitenac Gov. 224, 230. Frost Cap. 813. Frost Major 2U3, 206 Frye Cap. James 334. Fryer Cup. Nathaniel 208, 206. Frye Rev. Mr. 330, wounded 334. Fuller Cap. 3^ to 89. Fullam Sergeant, killed 334. Fuller Edward 297. Fuller Mr. Samuel 297. G. Gage Gen. 290. Gallop Cap. killed 58. Gallop Cap. John 304, 303. Gardiner Cap. killed &8. Gardiner Richard 296. George 21, 79. [221 Gidiiey Col. Bartholomew 19G, 2l0, Giles Lieut. 271. Gill Mr 32,33. GofT General 54, 65. Guiding Cup 45, 46, 120, to 123. Gold island 43. Goodman John 297. Gurham Cap. John 221, 247. 252, 255, 262, 270, 273, 27.'*, 281. Gorton Rev. Samuel 28, 1U4. Gusnold Hartholoniew 287. Gourdaii Moiig. 2G0, 263, taken 265, 267, 268, 270, 283. Green island 257. Grenville 8ir Richard 28T Grimstone 291. H. Hadley 108. Hahlax furt 214. Harman Cap. 826, S2S, 329, »30 Harradon Cap. J.hn 236, 281. .'larrison Gen. 346, 347, 350. Harris' Hist. Dorchester 178. Hatch Cap. 206. Hatfield 55. Havens Jack 86, 90. Hawkins 186, 187, lS8, 194 Hawthorne John 161. 196. 821, 288, 239,241,242. Hazelton Charles 22. Henchman, Cap 47, 51, 63. Hill Cap. 284. Hilton Mnj. Winthrop, killed 257, 263, 270, 273, 274, 27». 2j4, 298. Honeywel Lieut. 203, 2^. Hook Francis 206. ^Ho|ikins Gen. 347. Hopkins Mr. Stephen 94, 297. Howland Isaac 89, 90, 91, 114. Huwiand Jabez88,89, 114,118, 127 131, 143. Howland John 89, 114. 297. Hoyt's Researches .'3, 68, 864. Hubbard's Narrative xiv,20, 21, 22, 27, 28, .SO, 32, 34, 85, 36, 37, 39. 4;{, 47, 49, 52, 64, 55, 66, 67. 63, 69. 73, 91, 106, 109, 110, 112, 114, 117, 118, 124, 126, l;}4, laO, 142, 144, 146, 148, i49. 166, 196, 201, 209, 228, 3U3, o09, 311,314,3o0. Hubbard Rev. Wm. xiv. 11 lickings Mrs. 187, i88. Hudibras 24. Hunt Cap. 28S, 2S9, 801. Hunter Cap. 49. Hutchinson Miij. 201. Huichinson Cap. 36,63. Huichinsoii's History iii. xiii, xiv. 20, 28, 29, hO, 31, 32, 34, 36, 87, 4<), 50, 63, ()8, 74, 96, 103, UO, 133 134, 135, ,45, 146, 154, \6:i, 177 178, 220, 221, 2j8, 2oO, 238, 241, 2.->6, 2t5, 277 2?8, 28t, 2&6, 29U> 296, 323. Hyrcania xv, 354. 358 INDEX. I. Ibenrine 219. 220. Ingoriwl Lieut. 814. Indian bridge 386, 837. Indiani, number of in 167S, 20. IriMh Mri. xt. Iruquoia 224. J* Joquea Lieut. 829. Jarvia Cap. 271. Jefleriee 160. Johnson Cap killed 88. Jonei Cap. 29t(. K. Keekamuit 84. Kennebeck 171. Keyea Solomon, wounded SSS. Kickapooa 846. Kimball Thomas, killed 816. King Cap. 206. [liii. King, no such dignity ambOg Indians Kirk Sir David fsO. L. Lafauro 161, 26b, 264. Lake 41. Lake Cap., killed 163. Lamb Cap. Joshua 262, 281. Lancaster 64, 259. Larking Cap. 236. Lateril Mr. 236. Latlirop Cap. Joseph 200. Lathrop Cap., killed 64. Lathrop John 181. Lee Abraham, killed 168. Lee Mrs. 163, 164. Lee Rev. Samuel zii, 199. Leister Edward 297. [ 1 62. Leverett Gov. John 62, dies 1-16, Liehtfoot Cap. 100, 104, '6, 111, 167, Littleeyes 25, taken 99, 1U4. Littlelieia Cap. John 20U, 203. Lovowell Cap. John SoO to 336. M. Magnus Queen 108, 108. Makin Thomas xvi, 148, 346. Manhattans 803. Mansell Sir Robert 220. Malagash 327. Maquas 224. Maquoit 189, 206. March Cap. 206, 286. Margeson Edmund 296, 297. Marlborciigh 64, 65 Marshall Cap., killed 68. Martin Mr. Chri8tu|>her 297. Martyn Richard 206. MaM>n Cap. John 806. 807, 806. M.iiion Samuel 160. [301, 340. Massassoit xiii, 18, 94, 110, 133, 134, Mather's Mngnalia xii, liv, 20, 22, 26. 47, 60,66, 126, 146, 169, 170. 171, 176, 177. 179, 184, 187, 189. 191, 192, 202, 206, 207, 210, 218, 220, 240, 241. 815, 817, 888, 841. Mailapoiset U2, 105. Matlatoag 104. Maxfield Mr. 179. Mayflower, a ship 284. Mayr point 191. Medlield 64. Meuis 281, taken 274. Menival Gov. 278. Merrymeeting bay 325. Metacomet xiii. Middleborough 61, 65. 91. Miles Rev. John 31. 82. Minot's Hist. 214. Mogg, killed 3S0. Mohawks 64, 68. lA 224. Mohegans 17. touhogan 222. ^on.jgenest 238. x,ii7oanam 134. Monopoide 107. Montinicus 161, 263. Montreal 224, 320. Morse and Parish's Hist. Newenf« land 124,339,340. Morse's Annals 81, 124, 126, 138. Morton's Memorial xiii, 23, 27, 28, 30, 89, 138, 134, 164, 249, 261, 289,295,296, 298, 299, at>V Morton Thomas Zi, 24. Mosely Cap. Samuel 66, 67. Mossipee 184, 288. Moulton Cap. 326, 328, 829, 330. Mounthope 22. Mullins Mr. William 297. Munponset 94. 96. Myrick Cap. Isaac 262, 264, 281. N. Namskckot 299. [108. Nanunttenoo, taken 107, put to death Narragansets xiii, 17, 18. number of in 1679, 20. 36. 54. Naakeag 236, 252. Nathaniel 129, 180. 131. Nauset 299. NeffMiss Mary 315. 316, 817 Nemasket 96. Netops67, 91. Newenglaiui g6. Oinena 10, 126. Oiaroakin 340. Otia Jamaa »i. Owena Col., killed 847. P. Paine Lieut. John 228. Paaaammaquoddy 296. Paluxet 63. Paugua, killed 381. Pawcatuek river 807. PeoaBeld battle 87 to 46. Pejepicot 179, 181, 190, 206. Pemmaquid 209, 210, 219. Penn Oo?. John 848. Penn Gov. William 842. Penhallow'a Hiat. vii, 184, 1S5, 208, 256, 257, 2SS, 269, 2G0, 261, 276, Zil, 284, 824, 825, 380, 332, 883. Pennacook 161, 186. Peperel Mr. 264. Pequota 17, war with 302. Perpodock 102. Peter67,.77,84, 88, 124. Philip King ziii, origin of hia name 18, killed 123. Philipa Gov. 326. Phillips' garrison 311. Phips Sir Wm. 152, 164, 163, 176, 177. 207, 208, 212, 214, 216, 234, 278, 339. Pierce Cap. 64, killed 72. Pigwocket 161, 331. Pike Moj. Robert 182, 183, 184, 203. Pitkin Wm. 160. Plaisted Lieut. 203. Plaiated Roger 196, killed SIS Plumcr Col. Daniel ?57. Plumer Gov. Wm. 203. Plymouth 17, 65. Pucasaet 19, 27. Pokanoket xiii, 18, 22, 29. Popham Sir John 171. PoppaaquMh 127, 128. Potoek 68. Prentice Cap. Themu 82, SO, 00. Prince Gov. 18, 830. PrineeV Chronology vil, tiii, 84,94, 186, 289, 294. »S. Pring Martin 288. Proud'a Hiat. xvi, 148, 3^2, 345. Providenee 6.*. Pumham, killed 66. 6.1, 104. PuuLatees battle 3*7 to 46. Purchase Mr. 800. Q. (tuabaog 68, 119. Quadequinah 110. Quaucut 89. Quebeek 177, 284. han Mai. SM, 206. Vaudreuil Gov. 258,286, 821,828. Villeau Cap. 239. Villebon 192, 231. '4, '6, 241. Viriiiiia, ancient limiu of 238, 290 w. Wachiiset 69, 80. Wadsworth Cap., killed 70. Waldron Mi^. 161, killed 162. Wallaaton Cap. 24. Waller John 160, 177, 207, 215. Walton Cap. 184. '6, 208. '6. '24. Wamesit 64. Wampanooga liii, 48. Wampom, value of 141, '2. Wamsutta 184. Warren Mr. Richard 297. Warwick 06, 63, 64. Weelamorr 27. 82, 47,'8, 60, *7. 103 Wepoiset 87. Wequash 307. Wessagusset 24. Weymouth 64. Wheelwright Eaq. John 2C0, '8. ■ While Mr.Wm.297. Wilcox Daniel 17. Willard Cap. Simon 106, 168. Willard Maj. 54. Williams Cap. 122. Williams' Hist. Vermont 821, '3. Williamson Cap. Caleb 262, 281, - Williamson's Hist. N. Car. 68. Williams Rov. John 284, 321, '3. Williams Rev. Roger 28, 68. W illiams Thomas 207. Wincol John 206, 314. Wiiiepang 826. Winnipissaukee 326. Winslcw Gilbert 297. Winslow Hon. Josiah 26, 80, 52, 65, 56. 64, 98, 147. Winslow Josiah 828. Winslow Mr. Edward 26, 94, 133, / 181, 147, 29V, 302, 840. ' Winthrop Go". John 62. Winthrop'a ll'ut. Neweng. 24, 91, 96, 104, 145, 203, 803, 841. Wisememet, killed 830. Witchcraft 156, 196, 216, 238, 241, Woosamequin 133, 134. \ Worumbos 186, 187, '9 '94 Wyman Seth 882, '4. Y. » York Joseph 223, 226. ♦( 'I <^ IBLIGIOUS, SIIKNTIFIC. HISTOUCil, CUSnCiL i!fB IIRGELLAIVKOUS . 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