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ANNALS OF THE WEST:
'^'
JriYrJ,^
EMBRACI^O A CONCISE ACCOUNT or v^ ~^- ^
PRIICIPAL EVENTS,
' WHICH HAVE OCC'JKRED IN THE
' - '}
WESTERN STATES AND TERRITORIES,
FROM THE DISCOVERY OF THE MISSISSIPri VALLEY TO THE YEAR
EIGHTEEN HUNDRED AND, FIFTY.
COMPILED TROM THE MOST ATJTHEWTIO SOOROES.
FOE THB rnojECTon.
FIRST EDITION,
BY JAMES II; rERKINS.
SECOND EDITION, llEVISED AND ENLAROED
BY J. M.' PECK.
ST. LOUIS: ■ ■
PUBLISHED BY JAMES R. ALBACH.
CHAMBERS A KNAPP, PRINTERS.
1850.
i\
f ; r
L !
I 1
1
ii
-='«*T'-.'*Ei^*««'>^^S'rtce^r-;>¥E.«t^/:;a:^«^i:?twt'>- .a-^^fS^WSs^S*?*-??"'
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Entered according to Act of Congrcfis, in the year 1850, by Jahes R. Albach, in the
Clerk'e Oi&co of the District Court of the United States for the District of Missouri.
PREFACE.
R. Albach, in the
ct of Missouri.
In presenting a second Edition of tliis work, the pro-
jector and proprietor believes the occasion appropriate
for an explanation of such circumstances as induced
the undertaking.
From his earliest recollection, the study of the histo-
ry ?nd geography of our country, has afforded pleasures
to be derived, in an equal degree, from few other sour-
ces. The memories of childhood recall the delightful
emotions ever experienced from listening to recitals of
thrilling events, and descriptions of distant scenes.
The gratification of similar emotions, or rather a pas-
sion for an acquaintance with historical and topographi-
cal facts relative to the " Great West," but particularly
such as might elucidate its beginnings, rise, and pro-
gress towards its future destiny, has been a principal
employment of the publisher for nearly thirty years,
during which time he has traversed most of that exten-
sive region, and visited nearly every memorable spot,
for the means of forming an enlightened judgment, and
correct ideas of men and events in times past. Nothing,
however, of the materials or knowledge thus acquired,
was collected with a view to publication, being solely
r
■«'*'i=*S»^ft|te -
IV
PREFACE.
the natural and incidental results of researches, entered
upon and pursued for his private gratification.
A change of circumstances, however, seemed to jus-
tify an alteration of purposes; consequently, in 1844,
promulgation was commenced by written and oral lec-
tures; as one thought originates another, in 1845 the
idea of publishing in book form, first occurred.
The proprietor, then residing in Ohio, submitted his
plan to several gentlemen of eminent standing, who at
once gave it their cordial approbation. A prospectus
was immediately circulated, and patrons by hundreds,
obtained throughout that community.
Demonstrations of future popularity, sufficient to en-
sure a successful issue, having thus been made, an en-
gagement was entered into in the spring of 1846, with
the late Rev. James H. Perkins, of Cincinnati, by which
he took charge of the compilation, and prepared the
work fsr the press ; and no one acquainted with that
deservedly esteemed and lamented gentleman, need be
informed, that the trust could not have been committed
to better or more able hands.
A volume of 600 pages appeared before the Jose of
that year : but an obligation to publish at the promised
time, made it necessary, somewhat, to depart from the
projector's plan, and to present the book in a form not
deemed the most eligible.
In view of this circumstance, together with a desire
to extend and amplify the sketches of Illinois, Missouri,
^if «-, -_^. --.
h
hes, entered
n.
Tied to jus-
y, ill 1844,
lid oral lec-
in 1845 the
ed.
Jmitted his
ing, who at
prospectus
' hundreds,
iient to en-
ide, an en-
1 846, with
, by which
spared the
with that
n, need be
committed
PREFACE. V
and other communities more recently developed, the
present Edition was resolved upon: which is a revision
of ihe first, enlarged by the Rev. John M. Peck, of Illinois,
a gentleman well calculated for this duty, from his long
residence in the West and familiarity with the history of
those portions less elaborately treated of in the former
Edition. Notwithstanding, this edition is still not ar-
ranged in strict accordance with the plan originally pro-
jected, yet it is believed that for general accuracy and
especial fulness of detail, it may be commended to its
readers in its present form as worthy of attention. —
Although it is not presumed to be wholly free from er-
rors and imperfections, it will be found to contain a
faithful narrative of memorable events, deserving the
perusal of western people, especially the young, and the
descendants of our Pioneers, to whom the volume is
most respectfully dedicated.
JAMES R. ALBACH.
5"^ Louis, May, 1850.
I'*'
le close of
i promised
- from the
I form not
I :M
h a desire
Missouri,
=;.", ^ ^>« ^, .;,
%y
-tr^asf^
n\%
1516.
I5QS.
ISM.
1541.
1543.
CURONOLOGICAL TABLE.
Ponce de Leon discovers Florida.
Diego Miruelo visils Florida.
Piinipliilo dc Narvnei goes to Florida.
Do Soto asks leave to conquer Florida.
May Ue Soto roaches Tampa and Appalaolieo bays.
De Soto reaches Mississippi, and crosses it to Washita.
DbC o n aches Mavilla, on the Alabama.
De Solo diacenda Wasliita to Mississippi.
May 21, De Soto dies.
His followers try to reach Mexico by land and fall.
1613 July Ho Soto's followers reach Mexico by water.
1544." Do Bicdma presents his account of Do Soto's expeditiou to
King of Spain.
1010 Le Caron explores Upper Canada.
J530. Charles First grants Carolina to Sir Robert Heath, p. 6J.
YQ24, First mission founded near Lake Huron.
I54l| French at Fulls of St. Mary, Lake Superior.
jjgQ^ First missionary station on Lake Superior.
1004] Colonel Wood's alledged travels previous to this year.
1005* Allouez founds first permanent station on Lake Superior.
J668, Mission at St. Mary's Falls founded.
ICIq] Porrot explores Lake Michigan ; La Salle in Canada.
jg7l' French lake formal posaossion of the north-west.
Marquette founds St. Ignatius on Strait of Mackinac.
1673. May 13, Marquette and his companions leave Mackinac to seek the
Mississippi.
June 10, Marquette and his companions cross from Fox river to Wiscon-
Mn.
Marquette and his companions reach Mississippi.
Marquette and his companions meet Illinois Indians.
Marquette and his companions reach Arkansas.
Marquette and his companions leave on return to Canada.
Marquette and his companions reach Green Bay.
June 17,
June 21,
July,
July 17,
September,
1675. May 18,
1676.
1677.
Marquette dies.
La Salle goes to France to see the King.
Returns and rebuilds Fort Frontenac.
La Salle visits France a second time.
> — !> » '
1G80. Jnn. l,
Ffi). an,
Marcli,
^■"' (iinnNoi.ofiirAi, tarle.
IC7H. July II, UHiillc an.nV.Mli nail fop Cmm.Ia;.-^.!.!. l.'i, »riivo al Quebec.
Nov. IH, I,a Salle mid Toiili cro.fs Lake Ontario.
1079. January, I,a Snilo luiui hli itorei.
August 7, Tlie CJrimn lails up I.iiku Krit j 27tli, at .Macliiiiae.
1C79. Sept. 19. Tlio Criffiii aeni back to Macarn.
Nov. 1 , J.a Sallo at St. Jompli'H rivor, I.ukf Michigan.
Dec. ;i, l.u Salle cMiNPi to Knukakt/e.
Ln flullt; In Pioriii Lake; Tort Cruvccuur built.
Hrnnipin I't'ii*. to (.xploro tin I'ppur Mississippi.
I. a Salic returiis to Cuiir.da.
AprilitMay, lIuniio|)iii on the I'ppf,' Mis.v|s.Hiiipi.
September, Tonti niter conimnvung Fort Si. LouIh (Rock fort,) forced lo
leave tilt- Iliini la.
Oct. &Nov. I,a Sallo r«turn» to the Illinois,
Noveml tr, llcuneplo relurni to Canada and rOutopu.
IC81, Juno, Lu Salle and Tont' meet at IVfackinac.
.August, La Salle a third time goeH to the Illinois.
Nov. 3, La Sullo at St. Joieph'.s again.
1682. Jan. 5 or C, La Salic goes from Chicago westward.
February G, LaSullu on banks of 'he Mississippi.
Fub. 13, La Salle dt'HConda Missis^ilppi.
March 6, La Sulle discovers mouihs of ,"\Ii!(sis.sippi and takes po»»C38i>)ii.
September, La Sallo returns to St. Joseph's of Michigan.
16S3. Dec. 13, La Salle reaches France.
1004. July 24, La Sulle sail.s from France fop mouth of Mississippi",
La Salic roaches 8t, Domingo,
La Salle sails from St. Domingo for mouth of Mississippi,
La Salle discovers the main land.
The Iroquois place ihemsolves under England.
La Salle in the Gulf of Mexico.
February 4, La Salle sends pany on shore to go eastward for mouth of Mis-
sissippi.
La Salle reaches Matagorda Bny.
La Sallo left in Texas, by Beaujcu.
Aitempts to build a Fort, and is unfortunate, and Ilia men sick
and die.
December, La Sallo goes to look for Mississippi.
1686. March, La Salle returns to Matagorda Bay.
April, La Salle goes again to seek the I\Iissisaipi)i, and And a route to
Canada.
April, Tonii goes down Mississippi to meet La Salic.
August, La Salle returns unsuccessful.
Sept. 20,
Nov. 25,
Dec. 28,
1685. January,
Feb. 13,
March 15,
July.
1687. Jan. 12, La Salle leaves for Mississippi the third time.
March 15, La Salle sends men to look for stores.
March 17, La Salle follows and is killed by thoso men.
May, His murderers quarrel ; seven go on toward Mississippi.
July 24, The seven reach the Arkansas.
Sept. 14, The ssven reach Fort St. Louis on Illinois river.
^
-a R r j» fr3.-
ariivo at Quebec.
mac.
fort,) forced lo
CtiHONOLOOIOAr. TAIll.K.
IX
1^
k ii
akra poisossijn.
isi|ipr.
IMissiissippi.
moutli of Mis-
led Ilia men sick
find a route lo
Biasippi.
1700.
Jnn. .Tli
March 3,
Sppti'tnUcr,
January,
lOgg, I,,i irnntuii'i: Irivv.U to il.o " I.-llLt rivrr."--[l>oiili'fiil.l
JJ93', Uuforo tliia lima (iraviur, ilie foiimlir of KunUu^kiu, wn among
. tlio Illinois. ,
KHNk«iUii» rouiicl(d,<liito unknown. •
Ciliokia foiiiiiU'd, diilo uiiluiowii.
Peoria a trading poat.
I(i98. Oct. 17, D'IborvdU Ihuv.'s Fronco for MisBi«»l|ipi.
Dr. Coxij .semU two vexai'la to tlio MlssiKsippi.
IC'J'J. Jnn. .Tl, D'lberville in Hay of M.itiile.
D'lliiTvillo en'ors Mlnnisfiippi.
DMImrvilla rftiiriiH to Fninco.
Bienville lonnds Mlstislppi nnd meoli Enjjllali.
|)'II)iTvillo rctiiruH from I'runci:.
D'lberville f;i)i;s up tlit; Missiiiiippl.
D'Ib.rvillf xnuU U Siicir for ropi.orto Upper >flHsl-ii.ippi.
M. Si. Dunnia explored Ued river.
De lu Moltii Cmlilliic found* Detroit.
D'lberville founds colony on M d.de river.
Iroquois iigain pliii;o lli(jin»elvc8 under England.
Kottleincnt on Wasbitn.
St, Donnia in Texaa and the l're»idie.
MisHOurl river cxploreil to KaiiZiis. ^
First grant of lind at Detroit.
D'ArtnguBtte in LouhiiinH.
Governor Spotswood of Virginii explores the Allegbanien.
lionisiana grantod to CrozJl.
Fort Rosalio commenced.
St. Dennis in possession of Texas. .
Cro/.it resigns Louisiana.
September, Louisiana trade granted to Company of West.
Colonist* sent to I.onisiana, and New Orh-ans luidouf.
Fori Cliartrcs commenced.
Company of tlie Wfst made Company of the Indiea.
La Uarpe builds a Fort in Texus.
Renault leaves France for lllinoia.
Fort Chartrcs finished. -
January, Law made minister of finance.
April, Stock of Company of the Indies worth 2050 per cent.
Moy, Comi/uny of Indies bankrupt.
Renault arrives in Illinois, and sends out mining partiea.
]Mine La Motte discovered.
Spanish invasion of tlio Missouries from Santa Fe, defaated
and dostroyod.
La Ilarpe explores Washita and Arkansaa rivers.
1722. Charlevoix visits Illinoin.
J726. Iroquois a ihird time place thomaelvps under England.
1729. Nov. 28, French among the Natchez murdered.
1730. Jan. & Feb., The Natchez conquered and destroyed.
1701.
1703.
no5.
1707.
1708.
1710.
1712.
1714.
171G.
1717.
1718.
1719.
1720
M
'•■' s ;
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.
n..
1731.
1732.
1735.
1736. May,
May 20,
May 27,
1739.
1740. Mnrch,
I7ja.
1744.
1749.
1749.
1750.
1731.
1752.
June,
175.3. Muy,
June,
August,
September,
October,
Nov J.5,
Nov. 22,
Dec. 4,
Dec. 11,
1754. Jan. C,
April,
April,
April 17,
May,
June,
July, 1.
October,
Previous to this. Gov. Keith wishes West secured to England.
Company of Indies resign Louisiana to King.
Vincennes settled according to some, (sse pp. G6-C8.)
Daniel Boone born.
Expedition of French against Chickasaws.
D'Artaguette conquered.
Bienville fails in assault on Chickasaws and retreats.
French collect to attack Chickasaws.
Peace between French and Chickasaws.
John Howard goes down Ohio.
Treaty of English and Iroquois at Lancaster.
Vaudreull fears English influence in West.
Renault returns to France.
Chickasaws attack Freiuli post on Arkansas.
Conrnd Weiser sent to Ohio.
Ohio Company formed.
Grant of land to Lcyal Company.
Celeron sent to bury medals along Ohio.
English Fort built on Great Miami.
English traders seized on Maumee.
Forty vessels at New Orleans.
Dr. Walker explores Kentucky.
Christopher Gist explores Ohio and Great Miami.
French build Forts on French creek.
French attack English post on Great Miami, t. J :
Treaty of Logstown.
Famiiis settle west of Alleghanies.
Penn^lvania Assembly informed of French raovementi.
Commissioner sent to warn French.
Trent sent with arms for friendly Indians.
Colonies authorized to resist French by Ijrce.
Treaty of Winchester.
Treaty with Iroquois ordered by England.
Treaty of Carlisle.
Ohio Company open line of "Braddock's road.'l.
Washington leaves Will's creek for Ohio.
Washington reaches Monongahela.
Washington reaches Venango.
Washington reaches French Commander.
Washington returns to Will's creek.
Troops called out by Virginia.
French Fort at Venango finished.
Virginia troops moving westward.
Fort at the Forks of Ohio taken by French.
Washington crosses Alleghanies and attacks and kills Jumon-
ville and his party.
New York sends £5000 to Virginia.
Washington at Fort Necessity, which capitulates the third.
Washington retires to Mount Vernon.
French hold the whole West.
•'■"^^^iifc.-^-l
secured to England,
ip. G6-C8.)
1 retreats.
ter.
CII«ONOLOGICAL TABLE.
XI
1755. January,
Feb. 20,
Apcil,
April 20,
May 21),
July 8,
1756. January,
April,
May,
September,
I
Mil
i tnovements.
oad.
is and kills Jumon-
ilates the third.
1757.
1758.
June 29,
France proposes a compromise.
Brad do k Imdsin Virginia.
France and England send flo-ts to America.
Braddock man lies westward.
Expedition ngain-it Nova Scotia loaves Bopton.
Braddock reaches Monon^aliela, defeated the 9th, and died
the 13lh.
Lewis commands an exi edition against the Ohio Indians, and
fails.
Indians fill the Valley of Virginia.
War declitred tietwoi-n France niid England.
Armstrong attacks Indians at Kitlaning.
First treaty of EuBton.
Massacre of Fort William Ilonry.
Pilt returns to office.
Louisburg and Fort Frontenac taken.
Post leavM for iho Oliia nvi-r to conciliate the Indians. ''
August 24, Post confers with ludiiins at r ort Pitt.
Sept. 21,
October,
Nov. 5,
Nov. 23,
1759
1760. Sept. 8,
'- !•
Grant defeated.
Washington opening a road over the mountains.
Washington at Loyalhanna.
Washington at Fort Du Quesno, which the French left on the
24th.
Second trL-aty of E;iston.
P«sl's second mission to Ohio Indians.
Ticonderoga, Crown Point, Niagara, and Quebec yield to Eng-
li.ih.
The French yield Canada.
Cherokee War.
Ger.era! Monk ton treats with the Indians at Fori Pitt for land.
Settlers go over the mountains.
Rogers goes to Detroit ; reaches it the lOth November ; returns
across Ohio to Fori Pitt in December.
Alexander Henry visits north-west.
Christian Post goes to settle on '.e Muskingum.
Bouquet warns setilers off of Indian lands.
Post and Heckewelder go to Muskingum.
Preliminaries to peace of Paris settled, Loaisiana transferred
to Spain.
Treaty of Paris concluded. (-^^
Detroit attacked by Pontiac. ■ -"■
Mackinac taken by Indians. ^•
ju..^, Presqu'ile (Erie) taken by Indians.
June'to Aug. Fori Pilt besieged and lolicveJ by Bouquet.
October, Proclamation to protect Indian lands.
Nov. 3, M. Laclede arrives in Ste. Genevieve ; and Fort Chartres.
1764. Feb. 15, St. Louis founded.
June to Aug. Bradstreet makes peace with ncrlhern Indians.
November, Bouquet makes peace wif.i Ohio Indians.
April 21, French officers ordered to give up Louisiana to Spain.
Sept. 13,
17GI.
1762.
Nov. 3,
1763. Feb. 10,
May 9,
June 4,
June,
XII
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE,
1766.
1767
17C8. Oct. 21,
1769. March,
May ] ,
Juiio 7,
Dec. 22,
1770. October,
' '65. April, Sir Wm. Johnson ma\es treaty at German Flat*.
May i June, Georgo Croglian goes westward.
Captain Stirling for England takes possession of Illinois.
Proclamation of Governor Gage.
Settlors cross mountains.
\^ pole Company proposed.
Colonel Jamos Smith visits Kentucky. '■- '
Western Indians grow impatient.
Franklin labor.s for Walpole Company.
Finley visits Kentucky.
Zeisberger founds mission on the Alleghany.
Treaty of Fort Stanwix by which the title of tho Iroquois lo
all south of the Ohio is purchased.
Captain Pitman in Illinois.
Mississippi Company proposed.
Boono and oliiers start for Kentucky.
Boone and others reach Rod river.
Boone taken by Indians.
Treaty of Lochaber.
Ohio Company merged in Walpole Company.
Washington visits the West.
Tho Long Hunters explore tho West.
Tho Zanes found Wheeling.
Moravians invited to Big Beaver.
Spain obtains possession of St. Louis and Upper Louisiana.
The Boones return to North Carolina.
Indians killed by whites on Lower Ken»wha.
M.)ravians invited by Dela wares, found Shoenbrun on the Mus-
kingum.
General Gage's proclamition against settlors on Wabash.
Fort Chartres evacuated.
Boone and others start to settle Kentucky.
Boone and others aro attacked by Indians and turn back.
Bullitt, McAfee, &c., descend the Ohio.
Bullitt, McAfee, &c., survey at Falls, and on Kentucky river.
General Thompson surveys iu the valley of the Licking.
General Lyman goes to Natchez.
James Harrod in Kentucky.
Dunmore sends Connolly to take possession of PitUburgh as
being within Virginia.
Connolly calls out the militia ; ho is arrested by St. Clair; his
followers are riotous, and fire on the Indians.
Connolly, released on parole, comes to Pittsburgh with an arm-
ed force.
He rebuilds the Fort and calls it Fort Dunmore.
Chorokees attack a boat on the Ohio.
Connolly writes to the settlers to beware of the Indiana. , '
Cresap, having Connolly's letter, attacks Indians.
Greathouse murders several Indians.
Preparations for war.
1771. March,
1772.
May 3,
April,
1773. Sept. 25,
Oct. 10,
1774.
January,
Jan. 25,
March 28,
April 16,
April 21,
Flats.
OD of Illinois.
of tho Iroquois to
>per Louisiana.
I.
ubrun on the Mus-
on Wabasli.
d turn buck.
n Kentucky river,
he Licking.
1 of Pittsburgh ag
by St. Clair J his
iJians.
urgh with an arm-
)re.
the Indiana,
am.
' CIIRONOLOOICAL TABLE.
1774, Logan revenifes his family. ■*
June, Boone sent for surveyors in Kentucky.
June 10, Friendly Shawanese attacked by Connolly.
Traders murdered.
July, McDonald attacks Wappatomlca.
Sept. 6 &jl2, Troops under Lewis march down Kenhawa
Oct. 6, Troops under Lewis reach Point Pleasant.
Oct. 10, Battle of Point Pleasant. '
November,
xm
Dunmore makes peace.
Treaty of Wutaga ; purahase by Transylvania Company.
Boone goes to Kentucky and founds Boonesboro'.
Henderson reaches Boonesboro'.
Henderson calls representatives together.
Legislature adjourns.
Massachusetts Council try to prevent hostility by Iroquoi?.
Guy Juhnson influences Iroquois against Americans.
Oni'iJasand Tuscaroraa adhere to America.
Boonos family and several others reach Kentucky.
Congress forms three Indian Departments.
Meeting of Commissioners and Indians at Albany.
Meeting of Commi.ssioners and Indians at Pittsburgh.
Connolly arrested in Maryland.
An attack on Detroit proposed in Congress.
Washington advises the employment of the Indians.
Indians incline to British.
Congress authorizes the employment of Indians.
July 7, to 21, Indians attack Kontuokians ; settlers leave.
George Rogers Clark in Kentucky.
Kentuckians petition Virginia for admission as citizens, and
choose Clark and Jones members of Virginia Assembly.
Clark procures powder from Council of Virginia.
Virginia admits Kentucky among her counties.
Clark and Jones return by Pittsburgh with powder.
Jones killed while going for powder to Limestone.
Clark reaches Harrodsburg.
Cornstalk murdered at Point Pleasant. -^
Congress of Indians and British at Oswego.
Ki'ntucky infested with savages.
Kintucky chooses Burgesses.
Logan's station attacked.
April 20 to June 22,— Clark's spies in Illinois.
August, Logan cro.sses the mountains for powder.
Colonel Bowman and lOO men come from Virginia.
Sep.26&27, Fort Henry (Wheeling) attacked.
September, First Court at IJarrodslurg.
Clark leaves for Virginia.
Brady and party atteck St. Joseph.
The attack on Detroit urged in Congress.
Clark opens Ins plan for conquering Illinois to Governor of
VirginiT.
1775. March 17,
Ap.il 1,
April 20,
May 23,
May 27,
April,
May,
June 28,
June,
July,
August,
October,
177G. April 29,
April 19,
May,
June 3,
June G,
August 23,
Dec. 7,
Dec. 25,
1777. Summer,
.r<.
Spring,
April,
May,
Oct. 1,
October,
Nov. 20,
Deo. 10,
L
XIV
1778. January 2,
February 7,
March 10,
June 2i,
Juu« 16,
May,
June 35,
July 4,
Aug. 1,
Aug. 1,
Aug. 8,
September,
Sept. 17,
October,
December,
1779. January 29,
January,
Feb. 7,
Feb. 24,
April I,
May,
May 21,
July,
July,
August,
September,
October,
Oct. 13,
Oct. 30,
1780.
Feb. 19,
Sjiring,
Spring,
May,
May,
June,
July,
Sept. 6,
October,
November,
December,
1781. Jan. 2,
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.
Orders issued to (>lark to attack IllinoU.
Boone taken prisoner at the Licking.
Buone carried to Detroit.
Clark passes Falls of Ohio.
Buone escapes and relieves Booneiboro'
Mcintosh commands at Fo;t Pitt.
Fort Mcintosh built.
New Jersey objects to land claims of Virginia.
Clark takes Kaskaskia.
Cahokia joins the Americans.
St. Vincents joins the American cause.
Buone goes to attack Paint creek town.
Boonesboro' besioged.
Fort Laurens built.
Clark holds council with the Indians.
Treaty with Delawares at Pittsburgh.
Maize and party attack St. Joseph.
Virginia grants Henderson and Company 200,000 acres on
Green river.
Governor Hamilton takes Vincennes.
Clark hoars of capture of Vincennes.
Delaware objects to land claims of Virginia.
Clark's campaign against Vincennes.
Hamilton surrenders the Fort and is sent to Virginia.
Americans suspect and attack Iroquois.
Lexington, Kentucky, settled.
Virair'ia passes land laws.
Maryland objects to land claims of Virginia.
General Sullivan devastates Iroquois country.
Bowman's expedition against Indian towns on Miamies.
Fort Laurens abandoned.
Indians treat with Broad head at Fort Pitt.
Rogers and Benliam attacked by Indians.
Land Commissioners open their sessions in Kentucky.
Congress asks Virginia to reconsider land laws.
Colonel John Todd lu Llinois.
Hard winter — great suffering.
New York authorizes a ceasii)n of western lands.
Fort Jefferson built on Misslsiiippi.
Great emigration to Kentucky.
Vi-ginia grant:, lands in Kentucky for education.
St. Louis attacked by Brirish and Indians.
Louisville established by law.
Byrd invades Kentucky. ■'" ^
Clark attacks Shawanese. /-^
RosoUuion of Congress relative to western (and«.
Connecticut pusses first act of i ejjion of westera reserve.
Fort Pitt thraatcned by savages.
Kentucky divided into three counties.
Clark prepares to attack Detroit.
Virginia makes her first act of cession.
irgima.
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLK.
XV
ny 200,000 acres on
to Virginia.
inta.
itry.
irns on Miamies.
in Kentucky.
1 laws.
rn lands.
ucatioR.
1 landa.
restera reserve.
1781. Feb. 15, Mr. Jay instructed that he may yield the navigation of the Mis-
sissippi.
March 1, New York cedes her western lands.
Brodhead attacks Delawares on Muskingum. ^-^
April 16, Mary Heckewelder born ; first white child in Ohio.
Americans begin to settle la Illinois.
Chickasaws attack Firt Jefferson. /.
September, Colonel Floyd rescued by Wells.
September, Moravians carried to Sandusky by British and Indians.
October, Moravian Missionaries taken to Detroit.
Wiiliims( n leads a party against the Moravians, but finds the
tcvn deserted.
Kentucky organized.
Moravians murdered by Americans. .'
Moravian missionaries taken to Detroit.
Bstit's defeat.
Crawford's expedition, taken prisoner and burnt.
Attack on Brynnl's station.
Battle of the Blue Licks.
Clark invades the Miami valleys the second time.
Land Offices opened.
Provisional articles of peace with Great Britain.
Hostilities of United States and Great Britain cease.
Kentucky formed into one district.
Congress calls on States to cede lands.
Peace proclaimed to the army.
English propose to carry away negroes.
Washington protests against course of English.
Rufus Putnam applies for lands in west.
Baron Steuben sent to receive western posts. ^- '
Cassaty sent to Detroit.
Virginia withdraws Clark's commission.
Definitive treaty of peace.
Washington writes to Duane about western lands.
Congress proposes terms of cession to Virginia.
Congress forbids all purchases of Indian lands.
Congress instructs Indian Coaimissioners.
Virginia grants Clark and his soldiers lands.
British leave New York taking negroes.
Daniel Brodhead opens a store in Louisville. ^
Virginia authorizes cession on terms proposed.
Treaty of peace ratified by United States.
James Wilkinson goes to Lexington, Kentacky.
Virginia gives deed of cession.
Indian Commissioners reinstructed.
Pittsburgh r«3-Burveyed.
Treaty of peace ratified by England.
Virginia refuses to comply with treaty.
England refuses to deliver up western posts. -'-—
Treaty with Iroquois alFortStanwix.
1782. March,
March,
March 23,
June,
Aug. 14,
Aug. 19,
September,
November,
"' Nov. 30,
1783, Jan. 20,
March,
April 18,
April 19,
May,
June,
July 12,
August,
Sept. 3,
Sept. 7,
Sept. 13,
Sept. 22,
Oct. 15,
Nov. 25,
Dec. 20,
1784. Jan. 4,
February,
March I,
March 4,
April 9.
_ June 22,
July,
Oct. 22,
I
XVI
CiinONOLOOICAL TABLE.
[
Dee. 27,
1785. Jan. 21,
April,
May 20,
May 93,
July,
Augast 8,
August,
1786. January,
January,
Jau 10,
Jan. 31,
March 1,
May, 16,
May,
^ May 26,
June 30,
July 29,
August,
— Sept. 14,
October, 8,
November,
November,
Dec. 22,
1787. January,
March 8,
May,
June,
July,
•——July 27,
July 13,
July,
August .18,
August 29,
Sept. 17,
Oct. 27,
Oct. 2,
Oct
Oct. 5,
Nov 93,
Logan calls meeting at Danville.
First Kentucky Convention meets.
Kentucky receives many emigrants.
Treaty with Delawarcs, &.c, at Fort Mcintosh.
An attempt to settle at mouth of Scioto. .4-
Ordinance for survey of westorn lands passed.
Second Kentucky Convention meets.
Don Gardoqui comes from Spain.
Third Kentucky Convention meets.
Colony emigrates from Virginia to Illinois. _,
Indians threaten hostility.
Great confederacy of north-western Indians formed by Brant.
Fort Harmar buill.
Brant visits England to learn purposes of ministers.
Virginia agrees to independence of Kentucky.
Putnam and Tuppercall mectii.g to form Ohio Company.
Treaty with Shawanese at Fort Finney, (mouth of Great
Miami.)
Oliio Company of associates formed.
Governor of Virginia writes to Congress respecting Indian in-
vasions.
The negotiations as to Mississippi before Congress.
Resolution of Congrass produces cession by Connecticut.
Congress authorizes the invasion of north-western territory.
Pittsburgh Gazette first published.
Mr. Jay authorized to yield navigation of Mitsissippi for a term
of years.
Connecticut makes second act of ces'^ion.
Clark seizes Spanish property at Vincenucs.
Virginia protests against yielding navigation of Mississippi.
Great diusatisfaction in the west.
Governor of Virginia informed as to Clark's ninvoments.
Great Indian Council in north-west ; they address Congress.
Fourth Kentucky Convention meets.
Ohio Company chooses Directors.
Meeting in Kentucky relative to navigation of Mississippi.
Wilkinson goes to New Orleans.
Dr. Cutler negotiates with Congress for lands for Ohio Com-
pany.
Congress make order in favor of Ohio Company.
Ordinance passed for government of north-western territory.
Harry Innis refuses to prosecute invaders of Indian lands.
Kentucky Gazette established.
Symnies applies for land.
Entries of Virginia Military Reserve, north of Ohio, begin.
Fifth Kentucky Convention meets.
Ohio Company completes contract for lands.
Symmes' application referred to Board of Treasury.
Troops ordered west. . ""
St. Clair appointed Governor of horth-western territory.
PrepaiRtious mude by Ohio Company to send settlers west.
5-.**-^ -I --r^HW'AflSftMia^fciftaifP**?.^^— iT»
oah.
id.
B formed by Brant.
misters.
,
Hiio Company.
, (mouth of Great
ospecting Indian iii-
jngress.
Connecticut.
\resteru territory.
[i:8issippi fur a term
1 of Mississippi.
8 ninvoments.
address Congress.
of Mississippi,
nds for Ohio Com-
pany.
ivcstern territory,
r Indian lands.
1 of Ohio, begin.
reasury.
3rn territory,
lid seitletj west.
- ^
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.
XVII
1787. Nov.i2G,
December,
178?. Summer,
J innary,
Feb. 29,
April 7,
July 2,
July 3,
July 9,
July2S,
July 25,
August,
i<flpt. 2,
Sept. 22,
Nov. 4,
Nov. 18,
Novembe',
Dec. 24,
DfC. 28,
Dec. 29,
1799. Jan. 9,
Spring,
June,
June,
July,
July 20,
September,
Sept. 29,
Oct. 6,
Dec. 29,
1790. Jan, 1 or 2,
Spri'itr.
April,
May,
July 15,
July 26,
Sept. 15,
Sept. 30,
Oct. lo,
Oct. 17,
Oct. 18,
Oct. 19,
Oct. 22,
2
Syinmei ifsues propoiuU for settler*. ^-'
John Brown, first western representative goea to Congrea*.
Indians expected to make treaty at Marietta.
Great emigration ; 4,500 persons puss Fort IJarmar.
Denman purchase! Cincinnati. ^—-"^
The admission of Kentucky debated in Congrew.
Ohio Company settlers I ind at Muskingum. -"
Marietta named.
The admission of Kentucky refused by Congress.
St. Clair reaches north-western territory. .
Sixth Kentncky Convention meets.
First law of north-western territory published.
Symmes starts for the west. <^-
Losantiville (Cincinnati) laid out. J-.,
First court held at Marietta.
Symmes reaches his purchase.
Great Indian Council in north-west to forbid treaties with sepa-
rate nations.
Seventh Kentucky Convention meets.
Columbia settled by Stites
Dr. Connolly in Kentucky as a British agent.
The founders of Cincinnati leave Maysville.
Cincinnati reached according lo McMillan.
Virginia passes third act to make Kentucky independent.
George Morgan removes to New Madrid.
Treaties of Fort Harmar concluded.
Wilkinson goes to New Orleans again.
Daniel Story, first teacher and preacher. In Ohio Company's
purchase.
Symmes' settlements threatened by Indians. '-'"
Major Doughty arrives at Symmes' purchaso and begins Fort
Washington.
Western scouts withdrawn by Virginia.
Eighth Kentucky Convention meets.
Governor J»liro of New Orleans writes Sebastian.
Congress empowers President to call out western militia.
Preslclflnt authorizes Governor St. Clair to call out Militia. »''
General Harmar reaches Cincinnati with 300 troops.
Governor St. Clair at Cincinnati, which name is then given it.
St. Clairgoes west to Kaskaskia.
Gamelin si-nl to Wabash Indians. -^^
Indian hostililies tike place. ""
St. Clair calls out western militia. C--^"^"'
Ninth Kentucky Convention meets.
Troops gather at Fort Washlugton. >■""
Harmar leaves Fort Washington.
Colonel Hardin with the advance reaches Miami villages. ^
Main army reaches Miami villages.
Trotter goes after Indians. '■ •^'' • '
Hardin's first defeat.
Hardin's second defeat.
»>*'^ ■
if- 1;
I
r
XVIII
CIISONOLOGICAL TABLB.
1 79U. December, Kentuckiani petition Congresi to fight Indiani in their own
way.
December, Admiiiion of Kentucky to U. States brought before Congrese.
December, Mauie and others contract to settle Manchester.
1791. Jnn. 2,
Feb. 4,
March ;i,
March 9,
March 13,
April 27.
May 5,
May 15,
May 21,
May 23,
July 27,
August I,
Sept. C,
Sept. 7,
Sept. 17,
Oct. 12,
October,
- Nov. 4,
Nov. 8,
December,
1792. Jan. 7,
Jan. 9,
February,
Fab. 1.
March,
April 3,
April 3,
May 8,
May 8,
May 22,
May 22,
June,
June 20,
July 7,
Aug. 21,
Sept. 15,
Sept. 27,
Nov.- 6,
Nov. 6,
December,
Dig Bottom settlement destroyed by Indians. ^ —
Congress agree to admit Kentucky.
Excise laid on spirits.
Scott of Kentucky authorized to march against Indians.
Procter starts on his western mission.
Procter reaches DufTuio creek.
Procter is refused a vessel to cross Lake Erie.
Si. Clair at Fort Washington preparing his expedition.
Procter abandons his mission.
Scott marches up Wabash. ^.
Meeting at Brownsville against excise.
Wilkinson marches against Eel river Indians.
Collector of Alleghany and Washington counties (Pennsylva-
nia] attacked.
Meeting at Pittsburgh against excise.
St. Clair commences his march. /
Fort Jeflerson commenced.
Wilson maltreated in west of Pennsylvania.
St. Clair's defeat. i^ ""'
The remainder of the army at Fort Washington.
Convention elected to form Constitution for Kentucky.
Peace offered by the United States to the Indians -through the
Senecas.
Pond and Stodman sent west. / ',
Brant invited to Philadelphia.
Wilkinson sends to field of St. Clair's defeat.
Gallipolis settled. ^^r--
Iroquois chiefs visit Philadelphia. t>
Instructions issued to Trueman.
Kentucky Constitution prepared.
Excise laws amended.
Captain Hendrick sent west.
Instructions issued to Rufus Putnam.
Trueman leaves Fort Washington — Hardin also. '"'
General Wayne moves westward.
Brant visits Philadelphia.
Fire lands given to sufferers, by Connecticut.
Indians seize 0. M. Spencer, &c.
Great anti-excise meeting at Pittsburgh.
Washington issues proclamation on excise law.
R. Putnam makes a treaty at Vincennes.
Adair attacked near Fort St. Clair. 4-
Opposition to excise law diminishes.
United States troops at Legionville, on the Ohio.
1793. March 1, Lincoln, Randolph and Pickering, appointed to treat with In-
dians.
April, United States Legion goes down to Ciacinnati. y'
>S8!«M*lni»«*S>lP)il!»»S9»«eS«(l^">1*-- -
lans in their o« n
beforo Congress,
er.
t Indiani. ''
podilioD. /
iltui (Pennsylya-
an.
entucky.
lans -through the
4
CIIRONOLOOICAL TABLE.
XIX
1793. April 8, Oenei rcaohea United States.
iMay 17, Commlisioners roach Niagara.
May 18, Genet if presented to Washington.
jMay 30, First Democratic society in Philadelphia.
June, CominiiHioners correspond with Governor Simcoe.
July 15, Commissioners meet Brant and hold a council. -^
July 21, Commissioners at Elliott's house, mouth of Detroit liver.
July 31, Commissioners meet Indian delegates.
Aug. 16, Final action of the Commissioners and Indians.
Oct. 7, Wayne leaves Cincinnati with his legion.
Oct. 13. Wayne encamps at Greenville.
Oct. 24, Wayne is joined by Kentuckians under Scott.
Oct. 17, Lowry and Boyd attacked.
November, French emissarlus sent west.
Doc. 25, Field of St. Clair's defeat taken potsesalon of by Wayne's
troops.
Dissatisfaction in the west.
0.
to treat with In-
Dec. 25,
1794. January,
February,
February,
Spring,
April,
April,
May,
May,
Summer,
June 30,
June,
July 16,
July 23,
July 26,
July 26,
Aug. 1,
Aug. 7,
Aug. 8,
Aug. 13,
Aug. 18,
Aug. 20,
Aug. 21,
September,
Sept. 11,
Sept. 25,
Sept. &. Oct
Dec. 28,
1795. Jan. 24,
Spring,
— May,
June 16,
Jnly,
July,
Aug. 3,
Aug. 10,
Whisky riots recommence.
Lord Dorchester's speech to Indians.
The Mingo Creek Association formed. «'
Wayne prepares for his campaign.
General Simcoe builds a Fort on the Maumee.
Democratic society formed at Pittsburgh.
Spaniards offer help to Indians.
French emissariei forced to leave west.
Contest respecting Presqu'isle.
Indians attacked Fort Recovery.
Suits commenced against whisky rioters.
First gathering about Neville's house; burnt 17th.
Meeting at Mingo Creek. -'
Mull robbed by Bradford.
Scott, with 1600 men, joins Wayne. ■' •
Great gathering at Btaddock's field.
Washington issues proclamation against whisky rioters.
Wayne near Maumee.
Wayne sends his last peace message to Indians. ■^—^
Wayne builds Fort Deposit.
Wayne meets and conquers Indians.
Commissioners of government meet committee of rioters.
British try to prevent Indians making peace.
Vote taken upon obedience to the law in Pennsylvania.
Washington calls out militia.
Fort Wayne built.
Indians ask for peace of Colonel Hamtramek. '"'
Indians sign preliminaries of a treaty.
Prisoners are interchanged.
Connecticut prepares to sell her reserve.
Council of Greenville opens.
The Baron de Carondelet writes Sebastian.
Jay's treaty formed. ,.
Treaty of Greenville signed.
Council of Greenville closed. ^
XX
CIIBONOI OUICAL TADI.R.
I79S. Aiiguit,
'— Sept. 5 or 9,
Oct. a7,
Nov. 4,
I79G.
S«pt.
July,
Auguil,
August,
August,
1797.
Oet.
Oct.
1708.
Dee.
1799. Feb. 4,
Feb.
Sept. 24,
Oct. 6,
1800. May 7,
May 30,
Oct. I,
Nov. 3,
Nov. 3,
1801.
Dec.
1803 Janaary,
January,
April 30,
Oct. 16,
Nov. 1,
Nov. 29,
1803. April,
April,
April,
April,
Oct. 21,
Grant by CmiKreM to Gullipolii irttlrra.
Conncciioiit sell* Wuitcrn Ki-iiMivfl lo Lund Company.
Pinckni'yoonoluJea treaty wUhSpuln.
Duyton laid out. .^^-^
ChilllcothB founded.
M. Adet, French Minister, sends oniUsaiies to (liKuflecl the
west to the Uiiiuu.
Sebastian visits the south-west.
Cleveland Inid out and iminud.
British give up posts in north-west.
DifBculties with Spain begin.
General Wayne died. .^ >•
First paper mill lu the west.
Power visits Kentucky, and writes to Sebastian.
Daniel Uoone moves west of Alisxliisippl.
Occupying claimant law of Kentucky passed.
W. n. Harrison appointed Secretary of North- west territory.'
Alien and sedition laws pnsscd.
Nullifying resolutions in Kentucky.
Death abolished in Kentucky, excrpt for murder.
ReproHcnIativca for north-west territory first cliosen.
Representatives of north-west territory meet to uominutc cau-
didate.s for Council.
Kentucky Constitution amended.
Assembly of nortli-wcat territory org:anizes at Cincinnati.
W. H. Harrison ai)puiiit«d l)elrgute in Cungre.sa for north-
west territory.
Indiana territory formed. j;,
Connecticut yields jurisdiction of her reserve to the U. States,
and United States gives her patents for the soil.
Treaty of St. Ildefonso.
Assembly of north-west territory meets at Chilllcothe.
First missionary iu Con leciicat Reserve.
W. H. Harrison appointed Governor uf Indiana territory. ,
St. Clair re-appointed Governor of nortli-went territory.
Cincinnati, in place of Cliilliuotlie, aj{uiu made saut of govern-
ment for north-west territory.
Thomas Worlhington goes to Washington to procure the erec-
tion of Ohio into a State.
Uciversity at Athena, Ohio, established-
First Bunk in Kentucky.
Congress agree that Ohio may become a Slate.
The Spanish Intendaut forbids the use of Now Orleans by the
Americans.
Convention meets to form a Constitution for Ohio.
Constitution formed.
New Orleans opened to Americans again.
Livingston and Monroe in France — purchase Louisiana.
Lands locitiedd for Miami University.
Miami Eiporting Company chartered.
Ttie Senate ratify the purchase of Louisiana.
htvr " an.i a; ' .) iy» n '»ea<«g>WsaB3
Company.
I to (likufTecl the
m.
(h-wost lurritory.
tier.
clioien.
lo uominutc cbu-
t CincinnHti.
Dgreiia Tor uorlh-
to the U. State*,
the soil.
illieothe.
iia territory.
t territory.
de aaut of govern -
procure the erec-
w Orleans by the
Ohio.
Louisiana.
■<*<r
|||0:«. I)ec.20,
18U1. MaruiiQG,
M.iy II,
IB05. Jan. II,
Juno U,
June,
June,
June,
Juno,
180G. July 311,
Aug.
Aug. 31,
.Sept.
Nov.
Ueo. 6,
Dec. 10,
Doc. H,
26,
1807. Jan. 17,
Jan.
May,
1808.
1809.
1810.
1811.
Junu,
Feb. 17,
July,
August,
July.
Auguit,
Oct.
Nov. 7,
Dee. IG,
lUI'J. June 1,
June 38,
July 1,
July 2,
July 12,
July 17,
Aug. 7,
Aug. 13,
Aug. 14,
Aug. 16,
Aug. 16,
Aug. 15,
Sept. 8,
Sept. 17,
CilRONOLOOICAL TABLB.
XXI
Louiaiaua given up to the Amurloaua.
Terriiory of Orleant, & Dlatriot of tippor LouUiana orgnnlied.
Lewitand Clark Htarton thei.' expedition.
Michigan territory formed.
Detroit burned to the grouud.
Durr vitlti the weit.
General Atsembly meet in Indiana territory.
Tecumlhe and the Pra,ihet begin to influeuco the Indiana.
Stepi taken to nialio National road.
Ilurr'a letter to VV ilkinson.
.Spaniard!* croii the Sabine.
Burr goea west; U at Plltiburgh.
Lewis and Clark return from Oregon.
Davies tries to arrest Burr.
Sobasliuu found guilty by Kentucky House of RepreaenUtivet.
Burr's men go down the Ohio
Burr's boats and stores arrested.
Burr meets his men at the month of the Cumberland.
Burr yields to civil authority of Mississippi.
Burr escapes, is seized, and tried at Richmond in May.
Petition for slavery in Indiana.
Bank of Marietta chartered.
Bank of Chlllicoihe chartered.
Tecumthe and the Prophet remove to Tippecanoe. JT
Illinois territory formed.
Miami University chartered.
Doone'i Lick settled.
C. Cole and others killed by Indian* in Missouri. .
Meeting of Tecumthe and Harrison at Vinoenne*. *-•-''
Company of rangers raised in Illinois.
Tecumibe goei to the louth.
Harrison proposes to visit Indian*. J
Harrison marches toward Tippecanoe.
First ateamer (New Orleans) leaves Pittsburgh for Natchet
and New Orleans.
Battle of Tippecanoe. <^ , _
Great earthquake* begin. -
General Hull marches from Dayton. '
British at Maiden hear of the declaration of war. t
Hull aends men and good* by water to Detroit.
Hull hears of the declaration of war.
Americans at Sandwich.
Mackinac taken by the British. •
Hull retires to Detroit.
Brock reaches Maiden-
Brock at Sandwich.
Brock before Detroit.
Hull surrenders. jr^* ,^ ij
Masrocre of troop* near Chicago. jM'"' ,! '
Fort Harriion attacked. ^^
W. H. Harrison appointed Commander in north -we*t. <
,r
f .
u ■
» \t*' ■ -is)
, i.
XXII
ciiRON'ni.onicAt. TAni.K.
IU13. 0«t. (ionrrni Ifnpkini atlaeki Iha liiillnns on ilis Wubaah. "^
Ool. (iovurnor Ivdwirili otUckii llic In. liana uii tlit lllliioii.
Deo. Colonvl ('uii)|ibull atiack-' tlie IiicllaiiH mi the Aliaaiiwinaaway.'
1813. Jan, 10, Wlnclieiter reachei the rapiili of Mauiiisa.
Jan. 17, Hi-ndi (rooni to Frvnchlown.
Jan. IH, ilritinh at Frmchlown tlefrated.
Jan. ii'J, Americans tlufealnl at Krenclitown, with great lots,
Jan. 2:1, Mui.sacre of the wounded. ^"^"^
Jan. %%, llarrlnoii retreats to I'ortagv river. J
Feb. I, llarriion advanc<« to Mauinio, and builds Fort MeiKi.
April 'J8, Fort Meina beiluged.
May S, (jeneral (ireen Clay rrachea Fort Meljji; Dudiay'i party loit. '
May !), Hritiih return to Maiden.
July 18, Hriilnh fliet prepare to attack Krie.
July 31, Fort St«plieniun believed, and bravely defended. I
A'ig. 4, Perry'i veiseU leave Erie.
Sept. 10, Victory by Perry, on Lake Erie.
Kept. '27, American army at Maiden.
Sept. 29, American army at Sandwich.
()<'t. 5. Battle of the Thamra, and Tecumthe killed.
1614. Feb. Holmea'e expedition into Canada.
Feb. J. C. Symmca died.
July, Expedition under Croghan a|;ninit Mackinac.
July, Fort SliHlby, at Prairie du Chlen, taken by the Dritiib.
July 23, Treaty with Indiana at Greenville.
Oct. it, Nov. MoArthur'a expedition into Canada.
Dec. 24, ~ .«. '
1815.
1816.
1817.
1818
1819
1820.
1821.
1822.
1823.
1824.
1825.
1326.
1827.
1830.
1831.
1832,
Treaty of Ghent.
Various trcatiea with Indiani.
Feb. Ohio taze* the Banks.
March, Pittsburgh incorporated.
March, Columbua made capitol of Ohio.
Deo. Bank of Shawneetown chartered.
Dpc. General Banking Law of Ohio, paiied.
Dec. 11, Indiana admitted to the Union.
First itcamboat at St. Louis.
September, North-west of Ohio bought of Indians.
Jan. & Oct., U. States Bank opens branches in ClnclDnall and Chilllcothc.
Aug. 26, Illinoli) becomes a State.
First steamboats on the Missouri.
Military Post establishrd at Council BluflTs.
Bxpodition to the Yellow Stone.*
The first steamer on Lake Erie.
Content of Ohio ond the United States Bank.
Nullification resolutions of Ohio.
Missouri forms a Constitution.
Cass visits Lake Superior, &.c.
Missouri received into the Uuion by proclamation of Prasideot.
Ohio moves in relation to canals.
Ohio moves in relation to schools.
Illinois movcj in relation to canals.
Slavery contest in Illinois. ,
Fob. 4 &. 5, Ohio passes canal and school laws.
The first steamer on Lake Michigan.
Fir^t seminary built and opened in Illinois.
Treaty by Keokuk at Prairie du Chien.
Blask Hawk hostile, and driven west of Mississippi.
First steamer at Chicago.
February, Great flood in Ohio.
May, Black Hawk war commenced.
May 14, emiman's defeat near Rock river.
May 21, Indian creek aettlement destroyed.
July, Cholera among Scott's troops and along Lakes.
July 21, Black Hawk defeated on Wisconsin.
Aug. 3, Black Hawk defeated on Mississippi.
Aug. 27, Black Hawk delivered to ikited SUtes.
Sept., Treaty with Indians. *
September,
December,
Sept.
May,
Aug. 12,
Jan. 31,
Jan. 31,
Feb. 14,
Nov. 1.
"^ -»-
W.ib«.h. -^
!• IlllllOil.
lie AliMiwinneway.
eat loM. ^
rort MelKf.
dUy'i party lott.
ided. /
lie Dritiib.
|8»a. Oct.
1833.
July an,
1834.
1835.
1836.
1B37.
1838. July 4,
Sept. I,
1839.
lato.
1841. Apiil 4,
ti and Chillicothc.
ation of Praaident.
aiaaippi.
1843.
(68.
*^-!^.
1843.
1844.
1845.
184G.
1847.
1848.
1849.
June 20,
Aug. 15,
May 14,
Aug. 28,
May 17,
Oct. 17,
CIIRONOl.OOICAI. TAntr.
xtni
Cholera at Cincinnoli and nfong ilm Ohio.
I'irat lBriiiiiig««tll«'mi'riM iii liiwn.
(Jo»«rnor F.lwardN iU»d at lliillovillf. Illiiuiii.
ChoUraaiSt. Louh »nd ihntiighoiit ilic Misiiimippl \ alley.
Mormon iIiII'k uUi.'ri in Jacknon coiinly, Mi.sioiiri.
IndiHii irc'.Uy at Chicago.
()aMttm:r ol llliroU (mblislma at Jiirksonvillo.
Termiimlioiiofvorioui hunk churiera III t)l'l'>.
Michi({auform«aCoii»lituilonBud inaken npplicallon to join
tha Union,
Con((reH propoifi* coiuliiiiins.
Stata Uiink of lllinoii ohartiri-d.
Miobigan r«jecti tliu ooudJiioiTi.
Adoptad in as«'CondCiin»enlioii.
Terriioiy of VViiooniin (inoluiilnj; Iowa) organUaa.
Illiiioiiand Michigan cuiial cuminanced.
Mlchlinan recfivodinto llie Union.
Internal Improvement f»yatein adopted In Illinois.
Riots at Alton, III., and Lovfjoy kilM.
Slate Homo of Miaaourl.at Jofferaon City, barnad.
Territory of Iowa organized.
Mormoii war la Minsoiirl.
Deatli of Govt' rnor William Clark.
Hink Comnilssioueraappointtd in Ohio.
Mormon* retreat to IlllnolH, locate at Commerce, nnd coll it
Nauvoo.
Iowa City locaUd and made the seat of novnrnment.
Great polliioal excltument In the presidential cuuTai.
Deathof W. H. IlarrlHon, Pruiident of the United Siatea, at
Waahington City.
Canal, Internal Improveuent System, and Banks in Illinola
slopped.
Groat depreaaion in flnancial affaira throughout the we»t.
Cinclnratl Aatronomical society founded.
Death of General Henry Atkinson at Jefferson Barracks, Mit-
■•""■'• . „ . •
Death of Hon. Mary P. Leduc, first Secretary of Upper Louis-
iana, and an old citizen of St. Louis.
Death of Hon. A. W. Snyder, Belleville, III.
Death of Hon. J. B. C. Lucas, at St. Louis, aged 80.
Illinois Banks accept of an act by the Legislature and close
their business.
Corner stone of Cincinnati Observatory laid in November. i
Mormon troubles in Illinois.
Great flood on the Mississippi— American Bottom pubnierged.
Steamboats ./ent from St Louis to the Illinois bluffs.
Mormon war in Illinois ; Joseph Smith, tho leader, and othern
killed.
State Constitution formed In Iowa; boundaries not approvej by
Congress,
Banking law of Olilo creating a State Bank and branches, and
indnpendent Banka passed.
Illinois negotiates with bond-holdera to finUh canul.
Work on Uie Illinois canal resumed.
Convention in Wisconsin form a State Constitution; rejected
by the people.
Convention in Illinois form a new Constitution.
Constitution of Illinois adopted by the people, and went into
operation.
' Wisconain formj anew OonsiUulion; approved by the people,
and accepted by Congress.
Cholera on the western rivers, and in many cities and towns.
Deaths from all diseases in St. Louis, 8,603; choler«, 4,800.
Great fire: 23 ateamboats, 400 buildings, and $2,750,000 worth
of property burnt.
Great Convention in St. Louis on Rail-roai to the Pacific. •
Hfp*^
ERRATA.
In a book like the "Annals," it is hardly possible, between authors, crmpositors and
proof readers, to avoid some typographical errors. The most frequent thai occurs in this
work, are misplacing the brackets, 'ntendcd to distinguish the composition of the Etiilor
from that of Mr. Perkins.
Page 29, Nicholas Parrot, should be Perrot.
37, A part of the last paragraph should have been in brackets.
47, The asterisk after " Hidden Eiver," should be out.
66, Read, "all was ttitt wild except those little spots."
70, Third paragraph, read 1752 for 7732.
71, A bracket after second paragraph.
133, The brackets in the middle of the page should be out.
134, Brackets out at close of first paragraph.
142, Third paragraph read " a few days after that in the boat," instead, " after that
at Captina,"
167, Put a bracket at close of the page.
171, A bracket should be out at the commencement of paragraph second.
187, A bracket should be at close of the chapter.
201, A bracket should be at close of first paragraph.
209, A bracket at close of the page.
609, Chickasaw Blufis in line 16 from the top, should be Iron Banks situated a few
miles below the junction of Ohio and Mississippi rivers.
261, A bracket should follow asterisk, after last paragraph.
311, A bracket after third paragraph.
349, A bracket after third paragraph. .
399, A bracket after first paragraph.
447, A bracket after first paragraph.
604, A bracket should be out at first paragraph.
527, The date should be 1803, instead of 1793.
634, A bracket at close of tb6 page.
609, A bracket at the close of last paragraph but one.
670, Bracket ohould be left out at the end of second paragraph, "fter "Illinois."
674, 575, The captions over these pages are wrong. " Organization of lUinoU Terri-
tory," is found on pp. 676, 577.
677, Abraoketis wanting at the close of fourth paragraph. " Fort Wa^ne, August
7, 1818, in some copies should bo 1810.
505, The brocket should be left out at the commencement of the paragraph.
602, "Fort Wayne" should read "Sandwich," at the 13th lino from bottom.
616, In third paragraph after Cahokia, reod Creek.
619, The bracket should be put at the close of the last of last paragraph.
636, The caption is wrong. It belongs to page 633.
643, The bracket at the end of first paragraph, should be left out.
709, 711, and 713. The captions over these pages should be " Sketchei of Indian Hit-
tori/."
744, "Cape au Gris," should be Cape au Gret. It was so called from the gray rock
there.
795,' Second paragraph read "Sautcaurs."
796, In third paragraph, read retailed for "retained this story of Black Hawk."
^*aii»Prsv)stim >A^ - jjii,tmjv»Ht ttm ff M ^ '
:hor8, crmpositors and
nt thai occurs in thii
osition of the Etlilor
," instead, " after that
pb second.
Banks situated a few
ra.
)h, -rter "Illinois."
ion of IltinoU Terrl-
'Fort Wa^no, August
e paragraph,
from bottom.
sragraph.
ut.
■.elchei of Indiun Hit-
d from the gray rock
>f Black Hank."
ANNALS OF THE WEST.
CHAPTER I.
SPANISH AND FRENCH DISCOVERIES, A. D. 1512 TO 1750.
Discovery of Floridn— De Soto's Expedition and Discovery of the Missi^ippi — Marquette
and Joliet's Expedition — Enterprise of La Salle — Visit to Illinois — Fort Crovecteur —
Hennepin's voyage up the Mississippi — La Salle's Expedition down the Mississippi to the
Gulf — "Proees Verbal" — Returns to Illinois and starts to France — La Salle returns
to the Gulf of Mexico— Discovers and takes possession of Texas — His Assassination —
Tonti's Acliiovemcnti — La Ilontan — Kaskaskia Founded— D'Ibl)er\'ille's A'^oyage— Grant
to Crozat — Mis-siseippi Company — New Orleans Founded — The Natchea Extermination —
War with the Chickasaws — Mississippi Valley in 1750.
In the year 1512, on Easter Sunday, the Spanish nantie for
which is Pascua Florida,* Juan Ponce de Leon, an old com-
rade of Columbus, discovered the coast of the American con-
tinent, near St. Augustine; and, in honor of the day, as well
as because of the blossoms which covered the trees along the
shore, named the new-found country Florida. Juan had been
led to undertake the discovery of strange lands, partly by the
hope, common to all his countrymen at that time, of finding
endless stores of gold, and partly by the wish to reach a fountain
that was said to exist, deep within the forests of North America,,
which possessed the power of renovating the life of those who
drank of, or bathed in, its waters. In return for his discovery
he was made Governor of the region he had visited, but various
circumstances prevented his return thither until 1621, and then
he went only to meet with death at the hands of the Indians.
In the Clean time, in 1516, a roving Spanish sea captain,
Diego Miruelo, had visited the coast first reached by Ponce de
Leon, and in his barters with the natives had received con-
siderable quantities of gold, with which he returned home, and
spread abroad new stories of the wealth hidden in the interior.
*Pa«cua, the old English "Pasch" or Passover; "Pascua Florida" is the "Holy-day of
Flowers."
i
^'■<m
^-" ■ "" ' - "
S6
Discovery of Florida,
16S2.
Ten years, however, passed before Pamphilo de Narvaez
undertook to prosecute tlie examination of the lands north of tlie
Gulf of Mexico; the shores of which, during the intervening
years, had been visited and roughly surveyed. Narvaez was
excited to action by the late astonishing success of the conqueror
of Montezuma, but he found tiie gold for which he sought, fly
constantly before him ; each tribe of Indians referred him to
those living still farther in the interior, and from tribe to tribe
he and his companions wandered, weary and disappointed,
during six months; then, having reached the shore again, naked
and famished, they tried to regain the Spanish colonies; but of
three hundred only four or five at length reached Mexico. And
still these disappointed wanderers persisted in their original
fancy that Florida* was as wealthy as Mexico or Peru; and
after all their wanderings and sufiierings so told the world.f
Among those to whom this report came, was Ferdinand de
Soto, who had been with Pizarro in the conquest of Peru, and
who longed for an opportunity to make himself as rich and noted
as the other great Captains of the day. He asked leave of the
King of Spain to conquer Florida at his own cost. It was given
in 1638 ; with a brilliant and noble band of followers, he left
Europe ; and in May 1539, after a stay in Cuba, anchored his
vessels near the coast of the Peninsula of Florida, in the bay of
Spiritu Santo, or Tampa bay .J
*By Florida the Spaniards in early times meant at least all of North America south of
the Great Lakes.
tFor facts in relation to Florida see Bancroft's IlisU U. S., Vol. I.
J The original authorities in relation to De Soto, are an anonymous rortugucsc writer, a
gentleman of Elvas, vho claims to have been an eye-witness of what he relates; and
Louis Ileriiandcz do Biedma, who was also with the expedition, and presented his account
to the Spanish King in 1544. Wo have also a letter from De Soto, to the authorities of
the city of Santiago, in Cuba, dated July 9, 1539. These authorities in the main agree,
though the Portuguese account is much the fullest, and the Governor's letter of course
relates but few events. The Portuguese narrative was published in 1557 ; llakluyt gnve it
in English in 1609, and it waa again published in London in ICSC; a Frcncli tran.ilation
appeared in Paris in 1685. Itseredibility is questioned. See Sparks in Butler's Kentucky,
2d Ed. 493; also, Bancroft's U. S.I; 60. note. Tho account by Bitdma and De Soto's
letter arej in a work published in Paris, called "Voyages, Relations st Memoires originaux
pour sevir a I'hiitoire de decouverte de I'Amcriqut." One volume of this collection relates
to Florida, and oppearcd in 1811. We have epitomised the account as given by Bancroft
•a his first volume.
Note by the Ed.— There is a narrative by Inca Garcilaeo de la Vega, in Spanish, written
a few yoors after tho return of De Soto's uompanions and while they were living. From
this and the other work mentioned above, Theodore Irving, Esq., while iu Madrid, a fow
years since compiled hia "Conquest of Florida," in two volumes 12 mo. Much of it ap-
pears like romance, but the whole espeditiou of De Soto waa romance in reality, though a
historical fact.
!^"*aj*,aes5riii(tii^ • i^^3^^Bs!,c,•ae■.^1•»^s*^)!'«B5l^«9^~'f.s^".^T«^-•-
16S8.
ilo (le Narvaez
nds north of tlie
the intervening
Niirvaez was
if the conqueror
\i he sought, fly
referred him to
im tribe to tribe
d disappointed,
)re again, naked
colonies; but of
d Mexico. And
1 their original
or Peru; and
the world.f
IS Ferdinand de
3st of Peru, and
s rich and noted
ked leave of the
5t. It was given
bllowers, he left
aa, anchored his
da, in the bay of
JTorth America south of
IB Portuguese writer, a
' what he relates; and
J presented his account
o, to the authorities of
ties in the main ngrec,
emor's letter of course
1507; Ilalilujt gnve it
5; a Frcncli translation
;s in Butler's Kentucky,
Bitduia and l)e Soto's
I St Memoires originanx
if this collection relates
at as given by Bancroft
ega, in Simnish, written
ley were living. From
wliile in Madrid, a few
12 mo. Much of it ap-
nee in reality, though a
1542.
De Soto's Expedition.
27
De Soto entered upon his march into the interior with a deter-
mination to succeed. He had brought with him all things that
it was supposed could be needful, and that none might be
tempted to turn back, he sent away his vessels. From June till
November, of 1539, the Spaniards toiled along until they reached
the neighborhood of Appalachee bay, finding no gold, no foun-
tain of youth. During the next season, 1540, they followed the
course suggested by the Florida Indians, who wished them out
of their country, and going to the north-east, crossed the rivers
and climbed the mountains of Georgia. D-- Solo was a stern,
severe man, and none dare to murmur. Still finding no cities
of boundless wealth, they turned westward, towards the waters
of the Mobile, and following those waters, in October (1540,)
came to the town of Mavilla on the Alabama, above the junction
of the Tombecbee. This town the Europeans wished to occupy,
but the natives resisted them, and in a battle which ensued, the
Indians were defeated.
Finding himself, notwithstanding his victory, exposed to con-
stant attacks from the red men at this point, De Soto resumed his
march towards the Mississippi, and passed the winter, probably,
near the Yazoo. In April 1541, once more the resolute Spaniard
set forward, and upon the first of May reached the banks of the
Great River of the West, not fov from the 35th parallel of lati-
tude.* A month was spent in preparing barges to convey the
horses, many of which still lived, across the rapid stream. Hav-
ing successfully passed it, the explorers pursued their way north-
ward, into the neighborhood of New Madrid ; then turning west-
ward again, marched more than two hundred miles from the
Mississippi to the highlands of White river. And still no gold,
no gems, no cities ; only bare prairies, and tangled forests, and
deep morasses. To the south again they toiled on, and passed
their third winter of wandering upon the Washita. In the fol-
lowing spring (1542,) De Soto, weary with hope long deferred,
descended the Washita to its junction with the Mississippi, wish-
ing to learn the distance and direction of the sea. He heard,
when he reached the mighty stream of the West, that its lower
portion flowed through endless and uninhabitable swamps. —
Determined to learn the truth, he sent forward horsemen; in
eight days they advanced only thirty miles. The news sank
• De Soto probably was at the lower Chickasaw Bluffs. The Spaniards called the Missis-
sippi, Rio ernnde, Great Eivcr, which is the literal meaning of the aboriginal name.-Bfi.
'k^ ': '■■
^:';f
ii, * t
28
Death of De Soto.
1643.
deep into the stout lieart of the disappointed waiTior. His men
and horses were wasting around him: the Indians near by
challenged him, and he dared not meet them. His health yielded
to the contests of his mind and the influence of tiie climate ; he
appointed a successor, and upon the 21st of May .lied. His
body was sunk in the stream of the Mississippi.
Deprived of their energetic, though ruthless, leader, the Span-
iards determined to try to reach Mexico by land. They turned
West again therefore, and penetrated to the Red river, wander-
ing up and down in the forests, the sport of inimical Indians.
The Red river they could not cross, and jaded and heartless,
again they went eastward, and reached in December 1542, the
great Father of Waters once more. Despairing of success in
the attempt to rescue themselves by land, they proceeded to pre-
pare such vessels as they could to take them to sea. From
January to July 1543, the weak, sickly band of gold-seekers,
labored at the doleful task; and in July reached, in the vessels
thus wrought, the Gulf of Mexico, and by September, entered
the river Panuco. One-half of the six hundred* who had dis-
embarked with De Soto, so gay in steel and silk, left their bones
among the mountains and in the morasses of the South, from
Georgia to Arkansas.
Such was the first expedition by Europeans, into the great
Western Valley of North America. They founded no settle-
ments, left no traces, produced no effect unless to excite the
hostility of the red against the white men, and to dishearten such
as might otherwise have tried to follow up the career of dis-
covery to better purpose. As it was, for more than a century
after the expedition oi De Soto, the West remained utterly
unknown to the whites. In 1616, four years before the Pilgrims
•"moored their bark on the wild New England shore," Le Caron,
a French Franciscan, had penetrated through the Iroquois and
Wyandotst to the streams which run into Lake Huron ; and in
1634, two Jesuits h.-'d founded the first mission among the rivers
and marshes of the icgion cast of that great inland sea; but it
was 1641, just one hundred years after De Soto reached the
* De Bicdma says there landed C20 men.
tThp Wyandot* arc the same as the llurona. Hcckeweldor's Xarr. 336, note . ace their
traditionary hUtory hy J. Badger, a Missionary among them.-Cisfs Cincinnati Mhcel-
iMjy I. 153.
t gJW ^l tlJtto l gJ^ SKiBaSigaWiWilB^gW BM II ^^
'W'
1643.
aiTior. His men
Indians near by
lis health yielded
' tiie climate ; he
May .lied. His
I.
leader, the Span-
d. They turned
;d river, wander-
inimical Indians.
,ed and heartless,
member 1542, the
ng of success in
jroceeded to pre-
II to sea. From
1 of gold-seekers,
ed, in the vessels
ptember, entered
id* who had dis-
{, left their bones
the South, from
s, into the great
lunded no settle-
less to excite the
dishearten such
he career of dis-
e than a century
remained utterly
efore the Pilgrims
shore," Le Caron,
the Iroquois and
;e Huron ; and in
1 among the rivers
inland sea -, but it
iJoto reached the
irr. 336, note . ac« their
list's Cincinnati Miscel-
'ft'"}
1671.
Marquette and Joliet.
29
Mississippi, that the first Canadian envoys met the savage nations
of the North-west, at theSault de Ste. Marie,* below the outlet
of Lake Superior. This visit, however, led to no permanent
result, and it was not till 1659 that even any of the adventurous
fur traders spent a winter on the frozen and inhospitable shores
of the vast lake of the North, nor till 1660 that the unflinching
devotion of the Missionaries caused the first station to rise upon
its rocky and [)ine-clad borders. But Mesnard, who founded that
station, perished in the woods in a few months afterward, and
five more years slipp^id by before Father Claude AUouez, in
1665, built the earliest of the lasting habitations of white men
among the kindly and hospitable Indians of the Northwest.
Following in his steps, in 1668, Claude Dablon and J^. ^33
Manpictte founded the mission at St. Mary's Falls; in 1670,
Nicholas Parrot, as agent for Talon, the intendant of Canada,
explored lake Michigan as far as Chicago; in 1671 formal pos-
session was taken of the Nortli west by French officers in the
presence of Indians assembled from every part of the surround-
ing region, and in the same year Marquette gathered a little flock
of listeners, at Point Sl Ignatius, on the main land north of the
island of Mackinac. During the three years which this most
excellent man had now spent in that country, the idea of
exploring the lands yet farther towards the setting sun, had been
growing more and more definite in his mind. He had heard, as
all had, of the great river of the West, and fancied upon its
fertile banks, — not mighty cities, mines of gold, or fountains of
youth — but whole tribes of God's children to whom the sound
of the Gospel had never come. Filled with the wish to go and
preach to them, he obeyed with joy the orders of Talon, the
wise intendant of Canada, to lead a' party into the unknown
distance; and having received, as companions on behalf of the
government, a Monsieur Joliet, of Quebec, together with five
boatmen, in tiie spring of 1673, he prepared to go forth in search
of the much talked of stream.-|-
IJjion the 13th of May, 1673, this little band of seven left
Michilimackinac in two bark canoes, with a small store of Indian
corn and jerked meat, bound they knew not whither.
The first nation they visited, one with which our reverend
Father had been long acquainted, being told of their venturous
«rAyii of St Slary,
IFor the above dates, Ac,, eee Bancroft'B U. S., Vol. Ill
M\
<•■
M
1
*
r 11"'l
\wi
isaBwasssr
30
Reach the Mississippi.
1673v
plan, begged them to desist. There were Indians, they said, oa
that great river, who would cut off their heads without the least
cause ; warriors who would seize them ; monsters who T/ould
swallow them, canoes and all; even a demon, who shut the
way, and buried in the waters that boil about him, all who
dared draw nigh> and, if these dangers were passed, there were
heats there that would infallibly kill them.* "I thanked them
for their good advice," says Marquette, "but I told them that I
could not follow it; since the salvation of souls was at stake, foz'
which I should be overjoyed to give my life."
Passing through Green Bay, from the mud of which, says our
voyager, rise "mischievous vapors, that cause the most grand
and perpetual thunders that I have ever heard," they entered
Fox river, and toiling over stones which cut their feet, as they
dragged their canoes through its strong rapids, reached a village
where lived in union the Miamis, Mascoutensf and "Kikabeux"
(Kickapoos.) Here AUouez had preached, and behold! in the
midst of tiie town, a cross, {une belle craix,) on which hung
skins, and belts, ai\d bows, and arrows, which "these good
people had offered to the great Manitou, to thank him because
he had taken pity on them during the winter, and had given
them an abundant chase."
beyond this poin* no Fienchman had gone; here was the
bound of discovery ; and much did the savages wonder at the
hardihood of these seven men, who, alone, in two bark canoes^
were thus fearlessly passing into unknown dangers.
On the 10th of June, they left this wondering and well-wish-^
tng crowd, and, with two guides to lead them through the lakes
and marshes of that region, started for the river, which, as they
heard, rose but about three leagues distant, and fell into the
Mississippi. Without ill-luck these guides conducted them to
the portage, and helped them carry their canoes across it ; then,
returning, left them "alone amid that unknown country, in the
hand of God J' > - .'
• The Bllusion hero is to the legend of the Piajoti— or the monstor bird that devoured
men.of which some rude Indian paintings were seen thirty years since on the clifis above
the city of Alton, and Indians as they passed in their canoes made offerings by dropping
tobaoeo and other articles, valuable in their estimation in the riv. r. John Russell, Esq., of
niinois, wove this "Indian Tradition" into a beautiful story that went the rounds of peri-
odical literature, in 1840.— Ed.
t In Charlevoix's time these occupied the country from the Illinois to the Fox river, ani
ficom lake Michigan to the MissiBsippi. — See his Map.
JassSsr-iSf
1673.
ins, they said, oa
without the least
sters who T/ould
n, who shut the
ut him, all who
issed, there were
^*I thanked them
told them that I
was at stake, for
f which, says our
} the most grand
d," they entered
heir feet, as they
reached a village
■ and "Kikabeux"
id behold! in the
on which hung
lich "these good
lank him because
r, and had given
le; here was the
es wonder at the
two bark canoes^
Qgers.
ng and well-wish-
through the lakes
jr, which, as they
and fell into the
inducted them to
es across it ; then,
m country, in the
Bstcr bird that devoured
s since on the cliffs above
de oflerings by dropping
r. John Busscll, Esq., of
went the rounds of peri-
nois to the Fox river, onl
1673.
Visit to the Illinois.
31
With prayers to the mother of Jesus they strengthened their
souls, and committed themselves, in all hope, to the current of
the westward flowing river, the "Ouisconsin"* (Wisconsin;) a
sand-barred stream, hard to navigate, but full of inlands covered
with vines, and bordered by meadows, and groves, and pleasant
slopes. Down this they floated until, upon the 17th of June,
they entered the Mississippi, "with a joy," says Marquette,
"that I cannot express."
Quietly floating down the great river, they remarked the
deer, the butValoes, the swans — "wingless, for they lose their
feathers in that country," — the great fish, one of which had
nearly knocked their canoe into atoms, and other creatures of
air, earth and water, but no men. At last, however, upon the
21st of June, they discovered, upon the western bank of the
river, the foot prints of some fellow mortal?, and a little path
leading into a pleasant meadow. Leaving the canoes in charge
of their followers, Joliet and Father Marquette boldly advanced
upon this path toward, as they supposed, an Indian village.
Nor were they mistaken; for they soon came to a little town,
to which, recommending themselves to God's care, they went so
nigh as to hear the savages talking. Having made their pres-
ence known by a loud cry, they were graciously received by an
embassy of four old men, who presented them the pipe of peace,
and told them, that this was a village of the "Illinois." The
voyagers were then conducted into the town, where all received
them as friends, and treated them to a great smoking. After
much complimenting and present-making, a grand feast was
given to the Europeans, consisting of four courses. The first
was of hominy, the second of fish, the third of a dog,t which
the Frenchmen declined, and the whole concluded with roast
buffalo. After the feast they were marched through the town
with great ceremony and much speech-making; and, having
spent the night, pleasantly and quietly, amid the Indians, they
xeturned to their canoes with an escort of six hundred people.
• Cttlled"Mi8con3ia"in the printed Journal. — Ed.
■\ A dog feast is still a feast of honor among the savages. See Fremont's Beport of Bxp«-
ditions of 1842, 'W, and 'U, printed at Washington, 1845; p. 42. F«;omont says the meat
is somewhat like mutton. See, also. Dr. Jarvis's discom-se before :he N. Tf . Historical Society
in 1819, note R; Lewis and Qark's Journal, II. 165; Qodman's Natural History, I. 2M.
S'D
m
m
iiifc.
1. <* ;
i Hi
Arrive at the Arkansas.
1673.
The Illinois, Marquette, like all the early travelers, describes as
remarkably handsome, well-mannered, and kindly, even some-
what efFeminate.
Leaving the Illinois, the adventurers passed the rocks* upon
which wore painted those monsters of whose existence they had
heard on Lake Michigan, and soon found themselves at the
mouth of the Pekitanoni, or Missouri of our day ; the character
of which is well described; muddy, rushing, and noisy. — They
next passed u dangerous rook in the riverf and then came to
the Ouabouskigou, or Ohio, a stream which makes but a small
figure in Father Marquette's map, being but a trifling water-
course compared to the Illinois. From the Ohio, our voyagers
passed with safety, except from the musquitoes, into the neigh-
borhood of the "Akamscas," or Arkansas. Here they were at-
tacked by a crowd of warriors, and had nearly lost their lives;
but Manjuette resolutely presented the peace-pipe, and some of
the old men of the attacking party were softened, and saved
them from harm. "God touched their hearts," says the pious
narrator.
The next day the Frenchmen went on to "Akamsca," where
they were received most kindly, and feasted on com and dog
till they could eat no more. These Indians cooked in and eat
from earthen ware, and were amiable and unceremonious, each
man helping himself from the dish and passing it to his neighbor.
Fi-om this point Joliet and our writer determined to return to
the North, as dangers increased towards the sea, and no doubt
could exist as to the point where the Mississippi emptied, to
ascertain which point was the great object of their expedition.
Accordingly, on the 17th of July, our voyagers left Akamsca;
retraced their path with much labor, to the Illinois, through
which they soon reached the Lake; and, "nowhere," says
Marquette, "did we see such grounds, meadows, woods, stags,
buffaloes, deer, wild-cats, bustards, swans, ducks, pavroquets,
and even beavers," as on the Illinois river.
In September the party, without loss or injury, reachedGreen
Bay, and reported their discovery ; one of the most important
of that age, but of which we have now no record left except
the brief narrative of Marquette ; Joliet, (as we learn from an
abstract of his account, given in Hennepin's second volume.
*Pia£a Rock, at the present city of Alton, lUinois.
t The Grand Tower.
■■'S*'"";
m^
1673.
rs, dcscM'ihes ns
lly, even some-
he rocks* upon
itence they had
ijselves at the
the character
1 noisy. — They
1 then came to
kes but a small
trifling water-
), our voyagers
into the neigh-
thoy were at-
)st their lives;
)e, and some of
ned, and saved
says the pious
ar.isca," where
I corn and dog
iked in and eat
emonious, each
to his neighbor,
ed to return to
I, and no doubt
>pi emptied, to
leir expedition,
left Akamsca ;
llinois, through
owhere," says
, woods, stags,
ks, parrocjuets,
, reached Green
nosl important
>rd left except
learn from an
econd volume»
The Grand Tower.
1676.
Death of Mnrqwtte.
S8
London, 1698,) having lost all his papers while returning to Que-
bec, by the upsetting of his canoe. Mnnjuette's unpretending
account, we have in a collection of voyages by Thevcnot,
printed in Paris in 1681.* Its general correctness is imques-
tionable ; and, as no European had claimed to have made any
such discovery at the time this volume was juiblished, but the
persons therein named, we may consider the account as genuine.
Afterwards Marquette returned to the Illinois, by their request,
and ministered to them until 1675. On the 18th of May, in
that year, as he was passing with his boatmen up I.akc Mich-
igan, he proposed to land at the mouth of a stream running
from the peninsula, and perform mass. Leaving his men with
the canoe, he went a little way apart to pray, they waiting for
him. As much time passed, and he did not return, they called
to mind that he had said something of his death being nt hand,
uiiu anxiously went to seek him. They found him dead;
where he had been praying, he had died. The canoc-mcn
dug a grave near the mouth of the stream, and buried him in
the sand. L'ere his body was liable to be exposed by a rise
of water; and would have been so, had not the river retired,
and left the missionary's grave in peace. Charlevoix, who
visited the spot some fifty years afterward, found that the wa-
ters had forced a passage at the most difficult point, had cut
through a bluff, rather than cross the lowland where that grave
was. The river is called Marquette .f
While the simple-hearted and true Marquette was pursuing
his labors of love in the West, two men, differing widely from
him and each other, were preparing to follow in his footsteps,
and perfect the discoveries so well begun by him and the
Sieur Joliet. These were Robert de la Salle and Louis Hen-
nepin. ' ^ "^ •
*TbU work U now very rare, but Marquette's Journal has been rcpublieUed by Mr.
Sparks, at least in substance, iu Butler's Kentucky, 2d Ed. 492; and in tlio American
Biography, 1st series, vol. X. A copy of the map by Marquette, is alxo given by Mr. Ban-
croft, Tol. III. We have followed the original in Tbevenot, a copy of which is in Harvard
Library.
tCharlevoix'g Lettert, vol. II. p. 96. iVeio France, vol. VI. p. 20. Mnniuette spells
the name of the great western river, "Mississippy;" Hennepin made it "Meschasipi;"
others have written "Mesohasabe," Jco. Ac. There is great cuufusion in all the Indian oral
names; we have "Kikabeaux," "Kikapous," "Quicapous;" "Ottaoucts," "Outnovas;"
"Miamis," "Oumamis;" and so of nearly all the nations. Our "Sioux" Charlevoix tells ns,
13 the last syllable of "Nadouessioux," which is written, by Hennepin, "Nadoussion" and
"Nadouessious," in his "Louuiana," and "Nadoua88ans,"and in his "Nouvellt Dtcou
vtrtt," The Shawanese are always called the "Chouanouas,"
I
i
J-
Robert dc la Salle.
1676
La Sullo was u native of Normandy, and was brought up,
as wc learn from Charlevoix, among the Jesuits;* but, having
lost, by Hoino unknown cau8C, his patrimony, and being of a
stirring and cncrgetir* disposition, he left his homo to seek for*
tune among the cold and dark regions of Canada, rhis was
about the year 1670. Here he mused long upon the pet pro-
ject of those ages, a short-cut to China and the East ; and,
gaining his daily Inad, we know not how, was busily plan-
ning an expedition up the great lakes, and so across the con-
tinent to the Pacific, when Marquette returned from the Mis-
sissippi. At once the hot mind of La Salle received from his
and his companion's narrations, the idea, that, by following the
Great River northward, or by turning up some of the streams
which joined it from the westward, his aim might be certainly
and easily gained. Instantly he went towards his object. He
applied to Frontenac, then governor-general of Canada, laid
before him an outline of his views, dim but gigantic, and, as
a first step, proposed to rebuild of stone, and with improved
fortifications. Fort Frontenac upon Lake Ontario, a post to
which he knew the governor felt all the aflection due to a
namesake. Frontenac entered warmly into his views. He
saw, that, in La Salle's suggestion, which was to connect Can-
ada with the Gulf of Mexico by a chain efforts upon the vast
navignble lakes and rivers which bind that country so won-
derfully together, lay the germ of a plan, which might give
unmeasured power to France, and unequalled glory to him-
self, under whose administration, he fondly hoped, all would be
realized. He advised La Salle, therefore, to go to the King
of France, to make known his project, and ask for the royal
patronage and protection ; and, to forward his suit, gave him
letters to the great Colbert, minister of finance and marine.
With a breast full of hope and bright dreams, in 1675, the
penniless adventurer sought his monarch; his plan was ap-
proved by the minister, to whom he presented Frontsnac's
letter; La Salle was made a Chevalier; was invested wilh
the seignory of Fort Catarocouy or Frontenac, upon condition
he wguld rebuild it ; and received from all the first noblemen
and princes, assurances of their good-will and aid. Returning
to Canada, he labored diligently at his fort till the close of
1677, when he again sailed for France with news of his pro-
*Cbarl«roix'3 New France, Pods edition of 1744, vol. II. p. 263.
'^'^^r
1676
^as brought up,
;** but, having
and being of a
me to seek for-
ida. rhia was
on the pet pro-
tho East ; and,
'as busily plan-
across the con-
1 from the Mis-
ceived from his
y following the
of the streams
jht be certainly
his object. He
>f Canada, laid
igantic, and, as
with improved
tario, a post to
ction due to a
his views. He
:o connect Can-
8 upon the vast
ountry so won-
lich might give
d glory to him-
ed, all would be
go to the King
ik for the royal
I suit, gave him
i and marine,
ns, in 1676, the
3 plan was ap-
ed Frontenac's
invested with
upon condition
first noblemen
id. Returning
ill the close of
sws of his pro-
1678.
Father Louis Hinnepin.
35
gress. Colbert and his son, 8«'ign«lay, now minister of niarin'',
once more received him with favor, and, nt tht'ir instnnco, the
King granted new letters patent with new privileges. His
nuHsion having sped so well, un the 14th of July, 1(178, La
Salle, with his lieutenant, Tonti, an Italian, and thirty men,
sailed again from Rochclle for (Quebec, where they arrived on
the 16lh of September ; and, after a few days' stay, proceeded
to Fort P'rontenac*
Hero was quietly working, though in no quiet spirit, the
rival and co-laborer of La Salle, Loui.s Hennepin, a Francis-
can friar, of the RecoUet variety ; a man full of ambition to
be a great discoverer; daring, hardy, energetic, vain, and self-
exaggerating, almost to madnes.s ; nnd, it is feared, more anx-
ious to advance his own holy and unholy ends than the truth.
He had in Europe lurked behind doors, he tells u>>, that he
might hear sailors spin their yarns touching foreign lands;
and he profited, it would seem, by their instructions. He
came to Canada when La Salle returned from his first visit to
the court, and had, to a certain extent, prepared himself, by
journeying among the Iroquois, for bolder travels in the wilder-
ness. Having been appointed by his religious superiors to ac-
company the expedition which was about to start for the
extreme West, under La Salle, Hennepin was in readiness for
him at Fort Frontenac, where he arrived, probably, some time
in October, 1678.t
•Chorlevolx'g Jfew rrance, 1744, vol. II. p. 2«4, 208. Sparks' lifo of La Salle. Ameri-
can Biography, new series, I. 10 to 15.
t Uennepin's Wmo DUcoverg, Utreoht edition of 1097, p. 70. — CharloToix'K -Vf lo France
Tol. II. p. 266. We give the name«of the lakea and rivera aa they appear in the
early travel:. . < j
Lake Ontario was alao Lake Frontenac.
Lake Erie, was Erike, Erige, or Eric, from a nation of Erie^ deetroycil l>y the Iro-
quoia; they lived where the State of Ohio now is (Charlevoix's ATfin JVoncc, vol. II. p. 62;) *
it was aldo the Lake of Conti.
Lake Huron, was Karegnond! in early times ( Ma]) of 1656 ; ) and also, Lake of Orleans.
Lake Michigan, was Lake of Paans (Map of 1656; ) also, of the Illinois, or Illinose, or
minouacks; also Lake Mischigonong, and Lake of the Dauphin.
Lake Superior was lake Supcrieur, meaning the upper, nut the larger lake — also, lake of
Conde. Ornen Bay, was Bale da Fuans.
Illinois River, in Hennepin's Louitiana, and Joutol's Jouma/, is River Seignclay; and
the Mississippi river, in those works, is River Colbert; and was by La Sallo, called
River Colbert.
Ohio River was Ouabonskigon, Oubaohi, Oubache, Oj-o, Ouye, Bollc Riviere ; and by La
Salle, River St. Louis.
Missouri River, was Pekitanoni, Riviere des Osascs ct Massourites ; and by Coxo is oallad
y«Uow River.
i \ -'3;g
36
Firit S< fifioncr on the Laics.
1679.
The Chovnilcr's first st»»p was to Nond forward rnon to pre-
pare the minds of the Indians along the lakns for liis coming,
and to soften their heart i>y well-chosen gifts and weirds; an<l
also, to pi<'k lip peltries, heaver sltins, and other valuahlcs;
and, upon the 18th of Noveinhcr, 1678, he himself embarked
in ft little vessel of ten tons, to eross Lake Ontario. This, says
one of his chroniclers, was the first ship that sailed ujion that
fresh water s.'a. The wind was strong and contrary, and four
weeks nearly were passeil in ht^ating up the little distance be-
tween KJMf^ston and Niagara. Having forced their hrigantine
as far towards the Falls as was possible, our travellers landed ;
built some magazines with dilRculty, for at times the ground
^vas frozen so hard that they could drive their stakes or posts
into it, only by first pouring upon it boiling water; and then
made acquaintance with the Iroquois of the village of Niagara,
upon liake I'rie, Not far from this village. La Salle founded
a second fort, upon which he set his men to work ; but, finding
the Iro(|uois jealous, he gave it up for a time, and merely
erected temporary fortifications for his magazines; and then,
leaving orders for a new ship to be built, he returned to Fort
Frontenac, to forward stores, cables, and anchors for his forth-
coming vessel.
Through the hard and cold winter days, the frozen river
lying before them' "like a plain paved with fine polished
marble," some of his men h nved and hammered upon the
timbers of the Gri'ni as the great bark was to be named,
while others gathered furs and skins, or sued for the good will
of the bloody savages amid whom they were quartered ; and
all went merrily until the 20th of January, 1679. On that
day the Chevalier arrived from below; not with all his goods,
however, for his misfortunes had commenced. The vessel in
which his valuables had been embarked was wrecked through
the bad management of the pilots; and, though the more
important part of her freight was saved, much of her provision
went to the bottom. During the winter, however, a very nice
lot of furs was scraped together, with which, early in the spring
of 1679, the commander returned to Fort Fi*ontenac to get
another outfit, while Tonti was sent forward to scour the lake
coasts, muster together the men who had been sent before,
collect skins, and see all that was to be seen. In thus coming
a.'id going, buying and trading, the summer of this year slipped
9m
^^-
1670.
inpti to prc-
r his corning,
words ; nn«l
r viiluiil)lcs;
If ciiiNarkrd
This, says
i'(\ ujion that
ary, and four
distance be-
fir l)ri>^antino
Ucrs landed ;
s the ground
akcs or posts
er ; and then
e of Niagara,
^alle founded
; but, finding
, and merely
•s; and then,
irned to Fort
for his forth-
! frozen river
fine polished
ed upon tho
;o be named,
the good will
irtered ; and
79. On that
all his goods,
The vessel in
eked through
gh the more
her provision
r, a very nice
in the spring
tenac to get
!our the lake
sent before,
1 thus coming
year slipped
1679.
hi Siil/c in U'inoh.
away, and it was the 7th of August before the Grijpn was
ready to nail. Then, with Tc-Dtums, and the discharge of
aniuehuNcs. she began her voyage uj) I^akc Krie.
Over Lake Erie, through tlie strait beyond, across St. CInir,
and into Huron the voyagers passed niost happily, in Huron
they were troubled by storms, dreadful as those upon tho
ocean, and were at last forced to take refuge in the road of
Michilimackinac. 7'his was upon the 27th of August. At
this place, which is described as one *' of prodigious fertility,'*
La Salic remained until the middle of September, founded a
fort there, and sent men therefrom in various directions to sp}'
out the state of the land. He then went on to Circi-n Hay, the
" Baio dcs Puan8,"t of the French ; and, finding there a large
quantity of skins and furs collected for him, he determined to
load the Grijfin therewith, and send her back to Niagara.
This was done with all promptness; and, upon the 18th of
September, she was dispatched under the charge of a pilot,
supposed to be competent and trustworthy, while the Norman
himself, with fourteen rnen, proceeded up Lake Michigan,
paddling along its shores in the most leisurely manner; Tonti,
meanwhile, having been sent to find stragglers, with whom
he was to join the main body at the head of the lake.
From the 19th of September till the 1st of November, the
time was consumed by La Salle in his voyage up the sea in
question. On the day last named, he arrived at tke mouth of
the river of the Miamis, or St. Josephs, as it is now called.J
Here he built a fort and remained for nearly a month, when
hearing nothing from his Gr'tffin, he determined to push on
before it was too late.
On the 3rd of December, having mustered all his forces,
thirty laborers and three monks, after having left ten men to
garrison the fort. La Salle started again upon "his great voy-
age and glorious undertaking.' Ascending the St. Josephs
river in the south-western part of Michigan to a point where,
oy a short portage, they passed to the *^The-au-ki-ki," (now
corrupted into Kankakee,) a main branch of the Illinois river.
Falling down the said river by easy journeys, the better to
*In reality a very storila spot.
tSo called from the fllthlnesa of the tavagct, who lived principally on fish.—Ed.
JSce on this point, North American Beview, January 1839, No. CII. p. 74.
,,.■^1:
«.■.
• 'i
■',.
- f
yt'-
36
Fort Crevcceeur Built.
1680.
observe that country, about the last of December, reached a
village of the Illinois Indians, containing some five hundred
cabins, but, at that moment, no inhabitants. The Sieur La
Salle, being in great want of bread-stuffs, took advantage of
this absence of the Indians to help himself to a sufficiency of
maize, of which large quantities were found hidden in holes
under the huts or wigwams. This village was, as near as we
can judge, not far from the spot marked on our maps as Rock
Fort, inXa Salle county, Illinois. The corn being got aboard,
the voyagers betook themselves to the stream again, and
toward evening on the 4th of January, 1680, fell into a lake
which must have been the lake of Peoria. Here the natives
were met with in large numbers, but they were gentle and
kind, and having spent some time with them. La Salle deter-
mined in that neighborhood to build another fort, for he found
that already some of the adjoining tribes were trying to disturb
the good feeling which existed; and, moreover, some of his own
men were disposed to complain. A spot upon rising ground,
near th s river, was accordingly chosen about the middle of
January, and the fort of Crcvccaur (Broken Heart,) com-
menced; a name expressive of the very natural anxiety and
sorrow, which the pretty certain loss of his Griffin, and his
consequent impoverishment (for there were no insurance
offices then,) the danger of hostility on the part of the Indians,
and of mutiny on the part of his men, might well cause him.
Nor were his fears by any means groundless. In the first
place, his discontented followers, and afterwards emissaries
from the Mascoutens, tried to persuade the Illinois that he was
a friend of the Iroquois, their most deadly enemies ; and that
he was among them for the purpose of enslaving them. But
La Salle was an honest and fearless man, and, as soon as cold-
ness and jealousy appeared on the part oJ his hosts, he went
to them boldly and asked the cause, and by his frank state-
ments preserved their good feeling and good will. His disap-
pointed enemic's, then, or at .some other time, for it is not very
clear when,* tried poison; and, but for "a dose of good treacle,"
La Sajle might have ended his days in his fort Crevecoeur.
Meanwhile the winter wore away, and the prairies were
•Charlevoix says it was at the close of 1679; Hennepin, that they did not reach the Il-
linois, till January 4tli, 1680. We have no means of deciding, but follow Hennepin, whg it
particular as to dates, and was present.
"l"S6S5ii(f
-■' tf' - k t
1680.
jer, reached a
five hundred
rhe Sieur La
advantage of
sufficiency of
dden in holes
as near as we
maps as Rock
ag got aboard,
tn again, and
;11 into a lake
re the natives
re gentle and
a Salle deter-
t, for he found
ying to disturb
)me of his own
rising ground,
the middle of
Heart,) com-
il anxiety and
'ri^Ti, and his
no insurance
of the Indians,
ell cause him.
s. In the first
rds emissaries
)is that he was
lies ; and that
ig them. But
3 soon as cold-
hosts, he went
3 frank state-
[1. His disap-
r it is not very
good treacle,"
yreveccEur.
prairies were
did not reach the II-
low Henucpin, who is
1680.
Loss of ihe Griffin.
39
getting to look green again ; but our discoverer heard no good
news, received no reinforcement ; hist property was gone, his
men were fast deserting him, and he had little left but his own
strong heart. The second year of his hopes, and toils, and
failures, was half gone, and he further from his object than
ever; but still he had that strong heart, and it was more than
men and money. He ^aw that he must go back to Canada,
raise new means, and enlist new men ; but he did not dream,
therefore, of relinquishing his projects. On the contrary, he
determined that, while he was on his return, a small party
should go to the Mississippi and exploie that stream towards
its .source ; and that Tonti, with the few men that remained,
should strengthen and extend his relations among the Indians.
For the leader of the Mississippi exploring party, he chose
Father Louis Hennepin ; and, having furnished him with all
the necessary articles, started him upon his voyage on the last
day of February, 1680.*
Having thus provided against the entire stagnation of dis-
covery during his forced absence. La Salle at once betook
himself to his journey eastward : a journey scarce conceivable
now, for it was to be made by land from fort Crevecoeur round
to fort Frontenac, a distance of at least twelve hundred miles,
at the most trying season of the year, when the rivers of the
lakes would be full of floating ice, and offer to the traveler
neither the security of winter, nor the comfort of summer.
But the Chevalier was not to be daunted by any obstacles ; his
affairs were in so precarious k state that he felt he must make
a desperate effort, or all his plans would be for ever broken up ;
so through snow, ice and water, he won his way along the
southern borders of lakes Michigan, Erie and Ontario, and at
last reached his destination. He found, as he expected, every
thing in confusion : his Griffin was lost ; his agents had cheated
*Tho commander was NAcau, corruptly made Sacan by many modern writers. Our
authority is Dr. Sparks. In a manuscript correspondence on the subject, with the editor,
Dr. S. says :
"In my French MSS., I find the word written D'Acau, and I suppose it was commonly
called Acnu. Hence Hennepin writes it from the sound Ako; and from the blind manner
in which the name was written in Tonti's oiiglnal MS., D'Acau, was mistaken for JhuMj
and here we have the origin of the conflict between Hennepin and Tonti, in regard to this,
name, which has puziled the subsequent writeni."
■ Hennepin wns notorious for misstatements, and Jclaims to authority he neTcr possessed.
He was with the expedition and the historian of it.— Ed.
m
Hennepin with the Indians.
1680.
him ; }iis creditors had seized his goods. Had his spirit been
one atom less elastic and energetic, he would have abandoned
the whole undertaking ; but La Salle knew neither fear nor
despair, and by midsummer we behold him once more on his
way to rejoin his little band of explorers on the Illinois. This
pioneer body, meanwhile, had sufTere 1 greatly from the jeal-
ousy of the neighboring Indians, and the attacks of bands of
Iroquois, who wandered all the way from their homes in New
York, to annoy the less warlike savages of the prairies. Their
sufferings, at length, in September, 1680, induced Tonti to
abandon his position, and seek the lakes again, a point which,
with much difficulty, he effected. When, therefore, La Salle,
who had heard nothing of all these troubles, reached the posts
upon the Illinois in December 1680, or January 1681, he found
them utterly deserted ; bis hopes again crushed, and all his
dreams again disappointed. There was but one thing to be
done, however, to turn back to Canada, enlist more men, and
secure more means : this he did, and in June^ 1C81, h''.d the
pleasure to meet his comrade. Lieutenant Tonti, at Mackinac,
to whom he spoke, as we learn from an eye-witness, with the
same hope and courage which he had exhibited at the outset
of his enterprise.
And here, for a time, we must leave La Salle and Tonti, and
notice the adventures of Hennepin, who, it will be remem-
bered, left fort CrevecoBur on the last of February, 1680. In
seven days he reached the Missis.sippi, and, paddling up its
icy stream as he best could, by the Uth of April had got no
higher than the Wisconsin. Here he was taken prisoner by a
band of northern Indians, who treated him and his comrades
with considerable kindness, and took them up the river
until about the first of May, when they reached the Falls of
St. Anthony, which were then so named by Hennepin in
honor of his patron saint. Here they took to the land, and
traveling nearly two hundred miles towards the northwest,
brought him to their villages. These Indians were the Sioux.
Here Hennepin and his companions remained about three
months, treated kindly and trusted by their captors ; at the
end of that time, he met with a band of Frenchmen, headed
' by one Sieur de Luth, who, in pursuit of trade and game, had
penetrated thus far by the route of Lake Superior ; and, with
these f(!llow countrymen the Franciscan returned to the bor-
1680.
his spirit been
ave abandoned
leither fear nor
jce more on his
5 Illinois. This
from the jeal-
cks of bands of
homes in New
irairies. Their
luced Tonti to
a point which,
eforc, La Salle,
ached the posts
1681, he found
led, and all his
ane thing to be
more men, and
, 1G81, h-'.dthe
ti, at Mackinac,
itness, with the
;d at the outset
i and Tonti, and
vill be remem-
uary, 1680. In
paddling up its
pril had got no
n prisoner by a
id his conu-ades
I up the river
led the Falls of
r Hennepin in
) the land, and
the northwest,
v^ere the Sioux,
led about three
captors ; at the
ichmen, headed
and game, had
rior ; and, with
•ned to the bor-
1682.
La Salle on the Mississippi.
41
ders of civilized life, in November, 1680, just after La Salle
had gone back to the wilderness as we have related. Hen-
nepin soon after went to France, where, in 1684, he published
a work narrating his adventures.*
To return again to the Chevalier himself, he met Tonti, as
we have said, at Mackinac, in June, 1681 ; thence he went
down the lakes to fort Frontenac, to make the needful prepa-
rations for prosecuting his western discoveries ; these being
made, we find him, in August, 1681, on his way up the lakes
again, and on the 3d of November at the St. Josephs, as full
of confidence as ever. The middle of December had come,
however, before all were ready to go forward, and then, with
twenty-three Frenchmen, eighteen eastern Indians, ten Indian
women to wait upon their lazy mates, and three children,
he started, not as before by the way of the Kankakee, but by
the Chicago river, traveling on foot and with the baggage on
sledges. It vas upon the 5th or 6th of January, 1682, that
the band of explorers left the borders; of lake Michigan ; they
crossed the portage, passed down to fort Crevecoeur, which
they found in good condition, and still going forward, on the
6th of February, were upon tht banks of the Mississippi. On
the thirteenth they commenced their downward passage, but
nothing of interest occurred, until, on the 26th of the month,
at the Chickasaw Blufis, a Frenchman, named Prudhomme,
who had gone out with others to hunt, was lost, a circum-
stance which led to the erection of a fort upon the spot, named
from the missing man, who was found, however, eight or nine
days afterwards. Pursuing their course, they at length, upon
the 6th of April, 1682, discovered the three passages by which
the Mississippi discharges its waters into the Gulf; and here
we shall let La Salle himself tell his story, as it is given in the
•This volume, called "A doscriptioi of Louisiana," he, thirteen ycnra atlcnrardB, en-
larged and altered, and publiehed with the title, "New Discovery of a Vast Country situated
in America, between New Mexico and the Froien Ocean." In this new publication, he
claimed to have violated Ln Safe's instructions, and in tho first place to have gone dowa
the Mississippi to its mouth, before ascending it. His claim was very naturally doubted ;
and examination has proved it to be a complete ' ble, the materials having been taken from
an occount publish )d by Lo Clcrcq in 1891, of La Salle's successful voytigc down the great
river of the West, a voyage of which we have presently to spealt. T'-is account of La
Clercq's was drawn from the letters of Father Zenobe Membre, a priest who was with La
Salle, and is the most valuable published work in relation to the final expedition from
Canada, made by that ranch-tried and dauntless commander. The whole subject of Hen-
nepin's credibility, is presented by Mr. Sparks, in his life of La Salle, with great finitnen
and irwisioa, and to that we refer all curious readers.
3
^
Mouth of the River.
1682.
"Procos-verbal" which Mr. Sparks has translated from the
original in the French archives. It thus proceeds :
"We landed on the bank of the most western channel,
about throe leagues from its mouth. On the .7th, M. de La
Salle went to reconnoitre the shores of the neighboring sea,
and M. de Tonti likewise examined the great middle chan-
nel. They found these two outlets beautiful, large and deep.
On the 8th, we reascended the river, a little above its con-
fluence with the sea, to find a dry place, beyond the reach of
inundations. The elevation of the North Pole was here about
twenty-seven degrees. Here we prepared a column and a
cross, and to the said column we affixed the arms of France,
with this inscription :
LOUIS LE GRAND, RIO DE FRANCE ET DE NAVARRE, REGEN;
LE NEUVIEME AVRIL, 1683.
The whole party, under arms, chaunted the Tc Dcum, the
Exiiudiat, the Dominc satvum fac Regcm; and then, after a
salute of firearms and cries of Vive le Roi, the column was
erected by M. de la Salle, who, standing near it, said, with a
loud voice in French : —
" 'In the name of the most high, mighty, invinciWc, and vic-
torious Prince, Louis the Great, by the Grace of God, King of
France and of Navarre, Fourteenth of that name, this ninth
day of April, one thousand six hundred and eighty-two, I, in
virtue of the commission of his Majesty, which I hold in my
band, and which may be seen by all whom it may concern,
have taken, and do now take, in the name of his Majesty and
of his successors to the crown, possession of this country of
Louisiana, the seas, harbors, ports, bays, adjacent straits ; and
all the nations, people, provinces, cities, towns, villages, mines,
minerals, fisheries, streams and rivers, comprised in the extent
of the said Louisiana, from the mouth of the great river St.
Louis, on the eastern side, otherwise called Ohio, Alighin,
Sipore or Chukagoua, and this with the consent of the Chaou-
nons, Chickasaws, and other people dwelling therein, with
whom we have made alliance ; as also along the river Colbert
or Mississippi, and rivers which discharge themselves therein,
from its source beyond the country of the Kious or Nadoues-
sious, and this with their consent, and with the consent of the
Montantecs, Illinois, Mesigameas, Natches, Koroas, which are
■1 ■
1682.
latcd from the
!cds :
jsterii channel,
£5 .7th, M. de La
eighboring sea,
,t middle chan-
largc and deep.
! above its con-
ad the reach of
was here about
. column and a
irms of France,
^RRE, REGEN;
e Tc Dcum, the
d then, after a
16 column was
it, said, with a
inciWc, and vie- ,
of God, King of
lame, this ninth
;ighty-two, I, in
ich I hold in my
it may concern,
his Majesty and
" this country of
ent straits ; and
(Villages, mines,
ed in the extent
} great river St.
I Ohio, Alighin,
nt of tlic Chaou-
g therein, with
the river Colbert
mselves therein,
ous or Nadoues-
le consent of the
oroas, which are
16S2.
Takes Possession of the Country.
13
the most considerable nations dwelling therein, with whom,
also, wc have made alliance either by ourselves, or by others
in our behalf;* as far as its mouth at the sea, or Gulf of
3Iexico, about the twenty-seventh degree of the elevation of
the North Pole, and also to the mouth of the river of Palms ;
upon the assurance, which we have received from all these
nations, that we are the first Europeans who have descended
or ascended the said river Colhert ; hereby protesting against
all those, who may in future undertake to invade any or all of
these countries, people or lands, above described, to the preju-
dice of the right of his Majesty, acquired by the consent of
the nations herein named. Of which, and of all that can be
needed, I hereby take to witness those who hear me, and de-
mand an act of the Notary, as required by law.'
'•To which the whole assembly responded with shouts of
Vive le Roi, and with salutes of firearms. Moreover, the said
Sieur de la Salle ca.used to be buried at the foot of the tree,
to which the cross was attached, a leaden plate, on one side
of which were engraved the arms of France, and the follow-
ing Latin inscription.
LVDOVICVS MAGNVS RECENT. . , ,
NONO APRILIS CID IDC LXXXII.
ROBERTVS CAVELLIER, CVM DOMINO DE TONTY, LEGATO, R. P. ZENOBI
ME.MBRE, HECOLLECTO, ET VIGiyTI GALLIS PRIMVS HOC FLVMEN, I.NDE AB
ILINEORVM PAGO, ENAVIGAVIT, EJVSQVE OSTIVM FECIT PERViVVM, NONO
APEILIS ANNI CIO IOC LXXXII.
After which the Sieur de la Salle said, that his Majesty, as
eldest son of the Church, would annex no country to his crown,
without making it his chief care to establish the Christian reli-
gion therein, and that its symbol must now be planted ; -vhich
was accordingly done at once by erecting a cross, before which
the Vcxilla and the Domine sulvum fac Refcm were sung.—
Whereupon the ceremony v/as concluded with cries of Vive
Ic Roi. ■ * '
"Of all and every of the above, the said Sieur de la Salle
having required of us an instrument, we have delivered to him
i There is an obscurity in this enumeration «i lUicc ? id Indian nation", which may ha
ascribed to an ignorance of the geography of the coiibc-y ; but it seems to bo the design of
the Sieur de la Salle to take posaef'ion of the whole territory watered by the Missitsippi
from its mouth to its source, and by the streams flowing in .o it on both tides.— Sparbe.
. i(f^s '
««,"
'!•'/,'• I
,^?,
1
111
44
Returns to Illinois.
1682.
the same, signed by us, and by the undersigned witnesses, this
ninth day of April, one thousand six hundred and eighty-two.
"LA METAIRE, Notary.
Dc La Salle,
p. Zksore,' Recor.-d Missionaty^,
Henry de Tonty,
Fbancois de Boisrondet,
Jean Bourdon,
SiEuu d'Autray,
jAaUES CACCHOId.
Pierre Yoc,
Giles Meucrat,
Jean Michel, Surgeon,
Jean Mas,
Jean Dulignon,
Nicholas de la Salle."
Thus was the foundation fairly laid for the claim of France
to the Mississippi Valley, according to the usages of European
powers. But La Salle and his companions could not stay to
examine the land they had entered, nor the coast they had
reached. Provisions with them were exceedingly scarce, and
they wei<^ forced at once to start upon their return for the
north. This they did without serious trouble, although some-
what annoyed by the savages, until they reached Fort Prud-
homme, where La Salle was taken violently sick. Finding
himself unable to announce his success in person, the Cheva-
lier sent forwa/d Tonti to the lakes to communicate with the
Count de Froutenac : he himself was able to reach the fort
at the mouth of the St. Josephs, toward the last of September.
From that post he sent with his dispatches, Fath Zenobe,
to represent him in France, while he pursued the more lucra-
tive business of attending to his fur trade, in the north-west,
and Completing lus long prqjected fort of St. Louis, upon the
high and commanding bluS" of the Illinois, now known as
Rock Fort ; a bluff two hundred and fifty feet high, and acces-
sible only on one side.* Having seen this completed, and the
necessary steps taken to preserve a good understanding with
the Indians, and also to keep up a good trade with them, in
the autumn of 1683, the Chevalier sailed for his native land,
which he reached, December l3th.
At one time he had thought probably of attempting to estab-
••After exchanging views and faoU with Dr. SimrkJ, he writes, Nov. 26, 1846. "It ap-
jv>v8 to m« that "Buflalo Rock," from your description, is most likely to have been the
site of Ld SaUe's Fort St. Louis."
B^ffa^o Jloek is a singular promuntory on th^ north side of the Ulinois river in La Salle
county, six miles below Ottowa. It rises nearly 50 or 60 feet nearly perpendicular on three
sides, and contains on its surface about 800 acres, of timber and prairie.— Oa». of Illinoia
by Ed.
1682.
d witnesses, this
and eighty-two.
AIRE, Notnry.
r)L',
L'CRAT,
lEL, Surgeon,
I
CGNON,
DE LA Salle."
! claim of France
ages of European
could not stay to
le coast they had
liiigly scarce, and
ir return for the
3, although some-
ached Fort Prud-
ly sick. Finding
;rson, the Cheva-
luntcate with the
to reach the fort
ast of September.
, Fatlv Zenobe,
d the more iucra-
n the north-west,
:. Louis, upon the
, now known as
it high, and acces-
)mpleted, and the
iderstanding with
,de with them, in
r his native land,
:empting to estab-
I, Nov. 26, 1846. "It ap-
likoly to haro been the
IllinoU river in La Sails
'ly perpendicular on ttiree
prairie.— Oai. of Illinois
1684.
La Salle sails to France.
45
lish a colony on the Mississippi, by means of supplies and per-
sons sent from Canada ; but farther reflection led him to believe
his true course to be to go direct from France to the mouth of
the Mississippi, with abundant means of settling and securing
the country ; and to obtain the necessary ships, stores, and emi-
grants, was the main purpose of his visit to Europe. But he
found his fair fame in (tanger, in the court of his king. His
success, his wide plans, and his overbearing character were
all calculated to make him enemies j and among the foremost
was La Barre, who had succeeded Frontenac as Governor of
Canada.
But La Salle had a most able advocate in France, so soon
as he was there in person ; and the whole nation being stirred
by the story of the new discoveries, of which Hennepin had
widely promulgated his first account some months before La
Salle's return, our hero feiind ears open to drink in his words,
and imaginations warmed to make the most of them. The
minister, Seignelay, desired to see the adventurer, and he soon
won his way to whatever heart that man had ; for it could not
have required much talk with La Salle to have been satisfied
of his sincerity, enthusiasm, energy, and bravery. The tales
of the new governor fell dead, therefore the king listened
to the prayer of his subject, that a fleet might be sent to take
possession of the mouth of the Mississippi, and so that the
great country of which he told them be secured to France. —
The king listened : and soon the town of Rochelle was busy
with the stir of artisans, ship-riggers, adventurers, soldiers,
sailors, and all that varied crowd which in those days looked
into the dim West for a land where wealth was to be had
for the seeking.
On the 24th of July, 1684, twenty-four vessels sailed from
Rochelle to America, four of which were for the discovery and
settlement of the famed Louisiana. These four carried two
hund..id and eighty persons, including, the crews ; the.e were
soldiers, artificers, and volunteers, and also "some young wo-
men." There is no doubt that this brave fleet started full of
light hearts, and vast, vague hopes ; but, alas I it had scarce
started when discord began ; for La Salle and the commander
of the fleet, M. de Beaujeu, were well fitted to quarrel one
with the other, but never to work together. In truth La Salle
seems to have been no wise amiable, for he was overbearing,
#•1
|;"v«--
/ f
46
Rctiini!' tn the Guff of Mexico.
1694.
harsh, .ind probably sflfish to the full extent to be looked for
ill a man of worldly ambition. However, in one of the causes
of quarrel whioli arose during the passage, he acted, if not
with policy, certainly with boldne'^s and humanity. It was
when they came to the Tropic of Cancer, where, in those
times, it was customary to dip all green hands, as is still
sometimes done under the Equator. On this occasion the
sailors of La Salle's little squadron promised themselves rare
.sport and much plunder, grog, and other good things, the for-
feit paid by those who do not wish a seasoning ; but all these
expectations were stopped, and hope turned into hate, by the
express and emphatic statement on the part of La Salle, that
no man under his command should be ducked, whereupon the
commander of the fleet was forced to f(3rbid the ceremony.
With such beginnings of bickering and dissatisfaction, the
Atlantic was slowly cro.ssed, and, upon the 20th of September,
the island of St. Domingo was reached. Here certain ar-
rangements were to be made with the colonial authorities;
but, as they were away, it became necessary to stop there for
a time. And a sad time it was. The fever seized the new-
comers ; the ships were crowded with sick ; La Salle himself
was brought to the verge of the grave ; and when he recov-
ered, the first news that greeted him, was that of his four
vessels, the one wherein he had embarked his stores and
implements, had been taken by the Spaniards. The sick man
had to bestir himself thereupon to procure new supplies; and
while he was doing so, his enemies were also bestirring them-
selves to seduce his men from him, so that with death and
desertion, he was likely to have a small crew at the last.
But energy did much ; and, on the 25th of November, the first
of the remaining vessels, she that was "to carry the light,"
.sailed for the coa.st of America. In her went La Salle and tlie
historian of the voyage, Joutel.*
For a whole month were the disconsolate sailors sailing,
and sounding, and stopping to take in water and .shoot alliga-
tors, and driftir g in utter uncertainty, until, on the 28th of De-
cember, the nr. lin land was fairly discovered. But "there
being," as Jou el says, "no man among them who had any
knowledge of that Bay," and there being also an impression
''Joutel accompanied La Sallo, and tv
was published in Paris, 1713. In the mau
uently wrote his "Journal HUtoHque," which
appears to to a truthful narrative.— Ed.
1694.
II be looked for
no. of the causes
lie acted, if not
nanitv. It was
where, in those
vnds, as is still
is occasion the
themselves rare
things, the for-
sj ; but all these
iilo hate, by the
f La Salle, that
, whereupon the
le ceremony,
satisfaction, the
;h of September,
lere certain ar-
lial authorities ;
to stop there for
seized the iiew-
lia Salle himself
when he recov-
that of his four
his stores and
The sick man
w supplies ; and
bestirring them-
with death and
■ew at the last,
vember, the first
carry the light,"
La Salle and tlie
! sailors sailing,
and shoot alliga-
n the 28th of De-
ed. But "there
n who had any
so an impression
•tmal HUtoHque," which
[hful narrative.— Ed.
16S5.
Lnnds in Texas,
47
that they must steer very much to the westward to avoid the
curroiJts, it was no wonder they missed the Mississippi, and
wandered far beyond it, not knowing where they went; and
so wore away the whole month of January, ltt85. At last,
La Salle, out of patience, determined to land some of his men
and go along the .shore toward the point where he believed
the mouth of the ^Mississippi to be, and Joutel was appointed
one of the commanders of this exploring party They started
on the ith of February, and traveled eastward, (for it was clear
that they had pas,scd the river) during three days, when they
came to a great stream which they could not cross, having no
boats. Here they made fire signals, ind, on the L3th, two of
the vcs-^els came in sight ; the mouth of the river, or entrance
of th<» bay, for such it proved to be, was forthwith sounded,
and the harks sent in to be under shelter. But, sad to .say, La
Salle's old fortune was at work here again ; for the vessel
which bore his provisions and most valuable stores, was run
upon R shoal by the grossest neglect, or, as Joutel thinks, with
malice prepense; and, soon after, the wind coming in strong
from the sea, she fell to pieces in the night, and the bay W(w
full of casks and packages, which could not be saved, or were
worthless when drawn from the salt water. From this un-
timely fate our poor adventurer rescued but a s:.iaU half of his
second stock of indispensables.
And liorc, for a moment, let us pause to look at the Cheva-
lier's condition in the middle of March, 1685. Bcaujcu, with
his ship, is gone, leaving his comrades in the marshy wilder-
ness, With not much of joy to look forward to. They had
guns and powder, and shot; eight cannon, too, "bu*^ not one
bullet," that is, cannon-ball, the naval gentlemen having
refused to give them any. And here are our lonely settlers,
building a fort upon the shores of the Bay of St. Louis, as they
called it, known to us as the Bay of St. Bernard, or Mata-
gorda Bay, in Texas. They build from the wreck of their
ship, we cannot think with light hearts ; every plank and tim-
ber tells of past ill luck, and, as they looked forward, there is
vision of irritated savages, (for there had been warring al-
ready,) of long search for the Hidden River* of toils and dart-
gers ill its ascent when reached. No wonder, that "duriaig
that time several men desertt d." So strong was the fever for
* So tbo Spaninrdi called the Misiissippi.
%
I
41
DiJficuUus in Texas.
1685.
desertion, that, of some who stole awny and were retaken, it
was found necessary to execute one.
And now La Salle prepares to issue from his nearly comple-
ted fort, to look around and see where he is. He has still a
good force, some hundred and fifty people ; and, by prompt and
determined action, much may be done between this last of
March and next autumn. In the first place, the river falling
into the Bay of St. Louis is examined, and u new fort com-
menced in that neighborhood, where seed is planted also ;
for the men begin to tiro of meat and fish, with spare allow-
ance of bread and no vegetables. But the old luck is at work
still. The seed will not sprout ; men desert ; the fort goesi
forward miserably slow ; and at last, three months and more
gone to no purpose, Joutel and his men, who arc still hewing
timber at the first fort, are sent for, and told to bring their tim-
ber witb them in a fioat. The float or raft was begun "with
immense labor," says the wearied historian, but all to no pur-
pose, for the weather was so adverse, that it had to be all
taken apart again and buried in the sand. Empty-handed,
therefore, Joutel sought his superior, the effects being left at a
post by the way. And he came to a scene of desolation ;
men sick, and no houses to put them in ; all the looked-for
crop blasted ; and not a ray of comfort from any quarter.
"Well," said La Salie, "wo must now muster all hands, and
build ourselves 'a large lodgment' " But there was no tim-
ber witbin a league; and not a cart nor a bullock to be had, for
the buflaloes, though abundant, were ill broken to such labor.
If done, this dragging must be done by men ; so, over the long
grass and weeds of the prairie-plain, they dragged some sticks,
with vast suffering. Afterwards the carriage of a gun was
tried; but it would not do; "the ablest men were quite spent."
Indeed, heaving and hauling over that damp plain, and under
that July sun, might have tried the constitution of the best of
Africans ; and of the poor Frenchmen thirty died, worn out.
The carpenter was lost; and, worse still. La Salle, wearied,
worried, disappointed, lost his temper and insulted his men.
So closed July ; the Chevalier turned carpenter, marking out
the tenons and mortises of what timber he could get, and grow-
ing daily more morose. In March he thought much might be
done before autumn, and now autumn stands but one month
removed from him, and not even a house built yet.
'•'i'mimMms,
y«""f» j y-
1685.
kere retaken, it
nearly conple-
lle has still a
by prompt find
en this last of
lie river falling
new fort corn-
planted also ;
th spare allow-
luck is at work
; the fort goes
onths and more
ire still hewing
bring their tim-
as begun "with
it all to no pur-
t had to be all
Empty-handed,
8 being left at a
B of desolation ;
1 the lookcd-for
my quarter,
r all hands, and
5re was no tim-
ck to be had, for
n to such labor.
0, over the long
ged some sticks,
J of a gun was
:rc quite spent."
lain, and under
n of the best of
died, worn out.
Salle, wearied,
suited his men.
er, marking out
I get, and grow-
much might be
but one month
yet.
1680.
Disastrous Ejrj)cdition.
\0].
And August soon passed too, not without results, however;
for the timber that had been buried below was got up, and a
second house built, "all covered with ])lanks and bullock*^
hides over them."
And now once more was La Salle ready to seek th« Missis
sippi. First, he thought he would try with the last of the four
barks with which he left France ; the bark La lit.lk, "a little
frigate carrying six guns," which the King had given our Che-
valier to be his navy. But, after having put all his clothes
and valuables on board of her, he determined to try with
twenty men to reach his object by land. This was in Deccm-
])or, 16S5. From this expedition he did not return until March,
16N6, when he came to his fort again, ragged, hatless, and
worn down, with six or seven followers at his heels, his travels
having been all in vain. It was not very encouraging; but,
says Joutel, " we thought only of making ourselves as mer-
ry as we could." The next day came the rest of the party,
who had been sent to find the little frigate, which should have
been in the bay. They came mournfully, for the little frigate
could not be found, and she had all La Salle's best cfl'ccts on
board.
The bark was gone ; but our hero's heart was still beating
in his bosom, a little cracked and shaken, but strong and iron-
bound still. So, borrowing some changes of linen from Joiiul,
toward the latter end of April, he again set forth, he and
twenty men, each with his pack, "to look for his river," as our
writer aptly terms it. Some days after his departure, the bark
La Belle came to light again ; for she was not lo.st, but only
ashore. Deserted by her forlorn and diminished crew, how-
ever, she seems to have been sufliered to break up and go to
pieces in her own way, for we hear no more of the little
frigate.
And now, for a time, things went on pretty smoothly. There
was even a marriiige at the fort; and "Monsieur le Marquis
la Sabloniere" wished to act as groom in a second, but Joutel
absolutely refused. By and by, however, the men, seeing that
La Salle did not return, "began to mutter." There were even
proposals afloat to make away with Joutel, and start upon a
new enterprise ; uio leader in which half-formed plan was one
Sieur Duhaut, an unsafe man, and inimical to La Salle, who
had, probably, maltreated him somewhat. Joutel, however,
e&
Allcwjtt an Orrrland Juurnei/.
1687.
loarncd tlio sfato of mnttcrs, and put n stop to nil such pro-
ccediii;,'-*. Ktiowinij idlciirsts to bo n root of couiitlcNs evils
ho mndt' liin in«n work nnd dnnco as long as there was vigor
enough ill thoia to keep their iiinhs in motion; nnd in such
inaimcr the Mumincr passed away, until in August T>a Salle
returned. Ho had been as far as the sources of tlje Sahine,
probably, l)ut had suffered greatiy; of the twenty men he had
taken with him, only eight eame hack, somo having fallen
sick, some having died, and others deserted to the Indians. He
had not found "his river," though ho had been so far in that
direction ; but ho camo back full of spirits, "which," says our
writer, "revived the lowest ebb of hope." He was all ready,
too, to start again at once, to seek tho Mississippi, and go on-
ward fo Canada, and thence to France, to get new r«>cruits
nnd sui)plies ; but, "it was determined to let th«! great heats
pass before that enterprise was taken in hand." And the
heats passed, but with them our hero'.s health, so that the
proposed journey was delayed from time to time until the 12th
of Januarv, 16S7.
On that day started the last company of La Salle's adven-
turers. Among them went Joutcl, and also the discontented
Duhaut ; and all took their "leaves with so much tenderness
and .sorrow as if they had all presaged that they should never
sec each other more." They went northwest along the bank
of the river on which their fort stood, until they came to
where the streams running toward the coast were favorable,
nnd then turned eastward. From the 12th of January until
the loth of March did they thus journey acro.ss that southern
country, crossing "curious meadows," through which ran
"several little brooks, of very clear and good water," which,
with the tall trees, all of a size, and planted as if by a line,
"aflorded a most delightful landskip." They met many Indians
too, with whom La Salle established relations of peace and
friendship. Game was abundant, "plenty of fowl nnd par-
ticularly of turkeys," was there, which was "an case to their
sullerings ;" aiid so they still toiled on in shoes of green bul-
lock's hide, which, dried by the sun, pinched cruelly, until,
following the trac!cs of the buffaloes, who choose by instinct
the best ways, they had cume to a pleasanter country than
they had yet passed through, and were well on toward the
Iong-.?ought Father of Waters.
1687.
> all such pro-
nuiltlrss I'vils
'TO was y'l'^nr
1 ; niid in such
i^'iist r.a 8nlle
of th»' Sahiiu',
ty men he had
haviii},' fallen
e hidiaiis. He
1 so fur in that
hieh," says our
Wfis nil ready,
)j)i, and go on-
t new reeruits
he great henta
n<l." And the
;h, so that thu
until the 12th
Salle's ndven-
e discontented
ucli tenderness
y should never
xlong the bank
they eamc to
'crc favorable,
January until
that southern
fh which ran
vatcr," which,
I if by a line,
. many Indians
of peace and
owl and par-
II case to their
of green bul-
cruclly, until,
se by instinct
country than
n toward the
16*57.
Asyiissin'ifinn «f Im Silk.
;,^
On the I.5tli of March, I^a Salic, recognizing tlic spot
where they were a. unc through which h« had passed in his
former journey, and near which he had hidden sonic beans
and Indian wheat, ordered the Sieurs Puhaut, Iliens, f.iotot
the Surgeon, and some others, to go and seek th^'ui. This
they did, but found that the goods were all spoiled, so they
turned toward the camp again. While coming c-ampward
tliey chanced upon two bullocks, whi('h was killed by one of
La Salle's hunters, who was with them. So they sr'ut the
comnmnder word that they had killed some meat, and that, if
he would have the llesh dried, he might send horses to carry it
to the place where he lay; and, nu'anwhile, tliey cut up tlic
bullocks, and took out the marrow-bones, and laid them aside
fur their own choice eating, as was usual to do. When La
Salle heard of the moat that had bi>en taken, hi- sent hi.^
nephew and chief confident, M. Moranget, with om- He Male
and his own footman, giving them orders to send all that was
fit to th( amp at once. M. Moranget, when he canu; to where
Duhaut and the rest were, and found that they had laid by for
themselves the marrow-bones, became angry, took from them
their choice pieces, threatened them, and spoke harsh words.
This treatment touched these men, already not well pleased,
to the quick; and, when it was night, they took counsel to-
gether how they might best have their revenge. The end of
such counseling, whtsrc anger is foremost, and the wil(lernes.s
is all about one, needs scarce to be told ; "we will have their
blood, all that are of that party shall die," said these mal-
contents. So, when M. Moranget and the rest had supped and
fallen asleep, Liotot the surgeon took an axe, and \\ith few
strokes killed them all; all that were of La Salle's party, even
his poor Indian hunter, because he was faithful; and, lest Do
Male might iiol be with them (for him they did not kill,) they
forced him to stab M. Moranget, who had not died by the first
blow of Liotot's axe, and then threw them out for the carrion-
birds to feast on.
This murder was done upon the 17th of March. And at
once the murderers would have killed l.a Salle, but he and
his men were on the other side of a river, and the m ater for
two days was so high that they could not cross.
La Salle, meantime, was growing anxious also ; his nephew
so long absent, what meant it? and he went about asking if
52
Posts in lilinois.
1687.
Duhaut had not been a malcontent; but none said, Yes.
Doubtless there was something in L^ Salle's heart, which told
him his followers had cause to be his foes. It was now the
20th of the month, and he could not forbear setting out to
seek his lost relative. Leaving Joutel in command, therefore,
he started 'with a Franciscan monk and one Indian. Coming
near the hut which the murderers had put up, though still on
the opposite side of the river, he saw carrion-birds hovering
near, and to call attention if any were there, fired a shot.
There were keen and watching ears and eyes there ; the gun
told them to be quick, for their prey was in the net; so, at
once, Duhaut and another crossed the river, and, while the
fiist hid himself among the tall weeds, the latter showed him-
self to La Salle at a good dstance off. Going instantly to
meet him, the fated man passed near to the spot where Du-
haut was hid. Ihe traitor lay still till b" came opposite;
then, raising his piece, shot his commander through the head ;
after lingering an hour, he died.
Thus fell La Salle, on the threshold of success. No man
had more strongly all the elements that would have borne
him safe through, if we except that element which insures
affection. " He had a capacity and talent," says Joutel, one
of his staunchest f\-iends, "to make his enterprise successful;
his constancy and courage, and extraordinary knowledge in
arts and sciences, which rendered him fit for anything, together
with an indefatigable body, which made him surmount all
difficulties, would have procured a glorious issue to his under-
taking, had not all those excellent qualities been counterbal-
anced by too haughty a behavior, which sometimes made him
insupportable, and by a rigidness toward those that were
imder his command, which at last drew on him an implacable
hatred, and was the occasion of his death."
La Salle died, as far as can be judged, upon a branch of the
Brazos.*
And now, the leader being killed, his followers toiled on
mournfully, and in fear, each of the others — Duhaut assuming
the command until May. Then there arose a difference
among them as to their future course ; and, by and by, things
coming to extremities, some of La Salle's murderers turned
upon the others, and Duhaut and Liotot were killed by their
*Sparks, 158.
^1W
■ Miy-j-y*- ."!-
1687.
e said, Yes.
,rt, which told
was now the
setting out to
,nd, therefore,
ian. Coining
hough still on
irds hovering
, fired a shot,
lere ; the gun
le net; so, at
md, while the
showed him-
: instantly to
ot where Du-
,me opposite ;
igh the head ;
ess. No man
d have borne
vhich insures
ys Joutel, one
ise successful;
knowledge in
hing, together
surmount all
i to his under-
;n counterbal-
nes made him
»se that were
an implacable
, branch of the
v^ers toiled on
laut assuming
a difference
and by, things
rderers turned
killed by their
■3m-
1688.
Adventures of Tontl
63
comrades This done, the now dominant party determined to
remain among the Indians, with whom they then were, and
where they t'omd some who had been with La Salle in his
former expedition, and had deserted. These were living among
the savages, painted, and shaved, and naked, with great store
of squaws and scalps. But Joutel was not of this way of think-
ing ; he and some others still wished to find the Great River
and get to Canada. At last, all consenting, he did, with six
others, leave the main body, and take up his march for the
Illinois, where he hoped to find Tonti, who should have been
all this while at Fort St. Louis. This was in May, 16S7.
With great labor this little band forced their heavy-laden
horses over the fat soil, in which they often stuck fast ; and,
daring countless dangers, at length, upon the 24th of July,
reached the Arkansas, where they found a post containing a
few Frenchmen who had been placed ther s by Tonti. Here
they stayed a little while, and then went forward again, and
on the 14th of September, reached Fort St. Louis, upon the
Illinois. At this post, Joutel remained until the following
March— that of 1688— when he set off for Quebec, which city
he reached on the last of July, just four years having passed
since he sailed from Rochelle.
Thus ended La Salle's third and last voyage, producing no
permanent settlement; for the Spaniards came, dismantled
the fort upon the Bay of St. Louis, and carried away its gar-
rison, and the Frenchmen who had been left elsewhere in the
southwest intermingled with the Indians, until ad trace of
them was lost. ,r i i i *
And so closed his endeavors in defeat. Yet he had not
worked and suffered in vain. He had thrown open to France
and the world an immense and most valuable country ; had
established several permanent forts, and laid the foundation of
more than one settlement there. Peona, Kaskaslaa Cahok.a,
to this day, are monuments of La Salle's labors ; for though he
founded neither of them, (unless Peoria, which was built nearly
upon the sight of Fort CreveccBur,) it was by those whom he
led into the West, that these places were peopled and cu^ihzed .
He was, if not the discoverer, the first settler of the Mississippi
Valley, and as such deser^•es to be known and honored.
•The authoritic, m relation to L. Salle are nennepin; ^-2 -i« ^li!'.!
name ofToaU in 1697, but disclaimed by him; (CUarlevOts u.. Z^i.-^Uttrt, Ei^fiante,,
54
Mission of Falficr Gravicr.
16S9.
Tonti, left by La Salle when he sailed for Franco, after
reaching the Gulf Mexico in 16-."?, remained as commander
of that Kock Fort of St. Louis, which ho had hegun in IGSO.
Here he i^tnyed, swaying absolutely the Indian tribes, and
acting as viceroy over the unknown and uncounted French-
men who were beginning to wander through that beautiful
country, mnking discoveries of which we have no records left.
In 16S6, looking to meet La Salle, he went down to the mouth
of the Mississippi ; but discovering no signs of his old comrade,
he turned northward again., [There is evidence that in this
voyage he proceeded up the Arkansas, and left a corps of men
at the place long known as the "Post," who became the nu-
cleus of that ancient settlement.] After reaching his post on
the Illinois, he found work to do ; for the Iroquois, long threat-
ening, were now in the battle-field, backed by the English,
and Tonti, with his western wild allies, was forced to march
and fight. Engaged in this business, he appears to us at inter-
vals in the pages of Charlevoix; in the fall of 1687 we have
liim with Joutcl, at Fort St. Louis; in April, 1089, he suddenly
appears to us at Crevectear, revealed by the Baron La Hon-
tan ; and again, early in 1700, D'lberville is visited by him at
the mouth of the 3Iississippi. After that we see him no more,
and the Bio^raphie ViiivcrseUe tells us, that, though he re-
mained m.iny years in Louisiana, he finally was not there ;
but of his dea' h, or departure thence, no one knows.
Next in sequence, we have a glimpse of the above-named
Baron La Ilontan, discoverer of the Long River, and, as
that discovery seems to prove, drawer of a somewhat long
bow. By his volumes, published a la Haye, in 1700, ve
learn, that he too, warred against the Iroquois in 1087 and
I(i88 ; and, having gone so far westward as the LaK' of the
Illinois, thought he would contribute his mite to the discove-
ries of those times. So, with a suiTicient escort, he crossed by
Marqurttc's old route, Fox River and the Wisconsin, to the
.Mississippi ; and, turning up that stream, sailed thereon till
he came to the mouth of a river, called Long River, coming
from the West. [It is marked on the map of Mr. Nicollet, as
a small stream entering the Mississippi a .short distance below
letter 'f Marct, xi. 308, original edition. IntroJuction to Sparks' Life of La Salle:) the
w?k of ,. ■.'lorci, already mgntioued; Joutd's Journal; and Sparks' Life: tlio laft it
es.i'Ctially valuable.
1689.
Franco, after
s commander
ogun in IGSO.
n tribes, and
mtccl French-
hat beautiful
o records left.
L to the mouth
iohl comrade,
!e that in this
, corps of men
came the nu-
ig his post on
s, long threat-
the English,
•ccd to march
to us at i uter-
es? wc have
•, he suddenly
ron La Hon-
ted b}^ him at
him no more,
lough he re-
as not there ;
)WS.
ibovc-named
ver, and, as
newhat long
in 1700, ve
in 1687 and
Lalv' of the
the discove-
le crossed by
)nsin, to the
thereon till
liver, coming
*. Nicollet, as
stance below
8 of La Salle:) rbe
' Life : the la£t U
1693.
Kaskaskia and Cahokia Founded.
55
St. Peters. He represents this river as of immense size, up
which he sailed more than eighty days, and did not reach hal''
the distance of its navigable waters, and that in the depth of
winter ! Very little dependence can be placed on the story of
La Ilontan.]
After La Ilontau's alleged discoveries, we have few events
worth recording in the annals of the north-west previous to
1750. "La Salle's death," says Charlevoix, in one place, "dis-
persed the French who had gathered upon the Illinois ;" but in
another, he speaks of Tonti and twenty Canadians, as estab-
lished among the Illinois three years after the Chevalier"s fate
was known there..* This, however, is clear that before 1G93,
the reverend Father Gravier began a mission among the
Illinois, and became the founder of Kaskaskia, though in what
year we know not ; but for some time it was merely a mis-
sionary station, and the inhabitants of the village consisted
entirely of natives, it being one of three such villages, the other
two being Cahokia and Peoria. This we learn from a let-
ter written by Father Gabriel Marest, dated "Aux Cascaskias,
autrement dit dc I'lmmaculee Conception do la Saintc A'ierge,
le 9 Novembre 1712." In this letter the writer, after telling
us that Gravier must be regarded as the founder of the Illinois
Missions, he having been the first to reduce the principles of
the language of those Indians to grammatical order, and so
to make preaching to them of avail, — goes on near the close
of his epistle to say, "These advantages (rivers, &c.) favor the
design which some French have of establishing themselves in
* * * If the French, who may come
our
village.
among us, will edify our neophytes by their piety and good
conduct, nothing would please us better than their coming;
but if immoral, and perhaps irreligious, as there is reason to
fear, they would do more harm than we can do good."t
Soon after the founding of Kaskaskia, though in this case
also we are ignorant of the year, the missionary Pinet gath-
ered a flock at Cahokia ;J while Peoria arose near the remains
*Stv> France, vol. iii. pp- 395, 3S3.
tBancrr.ft, iii. 195. Lcttros EJiQantes, (Pdris 17S1,) 328, 339, .375. Hall and others
fpcnk of the Kafkaskia records as containing dee.U dated 1712; those may have been to
the French referred to by Marost, or iicrhaps to convertol Indians.
t Bancroft, ul. 190.
1^
I-'
h
f .
■'^r
66
Adventures of D^ Iberville.
1699.
of Fort CrevecoBur.il An unsuccessful attempt was also made
to found a colony on the Ohio,^ it failed in consequence of
sickness. In the north De la Motte Cadillac, in June, 1701,
laid the foundation o^ Fort Pontchartrain on the Strait, (le
Detroit)!! while in the southwest efforts were making to realize
the dreams of La Salle. The leader in the last named enter-
prise was Lemoine D'Iberville, a Canadian officer, who, from
1694 to 1697, distinguished himself not a little by battles and
conquests among the icebergs of the "Baye d'Udson" or Hud-
son's Bay.* He having, in the year last named, returned to
France, proposed to the minister to try, what had been giver,
up since La Salle's sad fate, the discovery and settlement of
Louisiana by sea. The Count of Pontchartrain, who was
then at the head of marine affairs, was led to take an interest
in the proposition; and, upon the l7th of October, 1698,
D'Iberville took his leave of France, handsomely equipped
for the expedition, and with two good ships to forward him in
his attempt. t
Of this D'Iberville we have no very clear notion, except
that he was a man of judgment, self-possernon, and prompt
action.
Such was the man who, upon the 31st of January, 1699, let
go his anchor in the Bay of Mobile. Having looked about
him at this spot, he went thence to seek the great river called
by the savages, says Ch' levoix, "Malbouchia," and by the
Spaniards, "la Palissade," from the great number of trees
about its mouth. Searching carefully, upon the 2d of March,
li Xher^ was an Old Peoria on the north-wost shore of the Uke of that ntme, a mi'.o and
a half above the outlet. From 177S to 1790 the inhabitants left this for New Peoria, (Fort
Clark,) at the outlet. American State Papers, sviii. 476.
J Judge Law, in his address of February, 13.39, before the Vinoennes Historical Society,
contends that this pott was on the Wabash, and at Vincennes, (p. 14, 15, and note B.)
Charlaruix, (ii. 266, edition 1744,) ioji it vras " a I'enlree it la Riviere Ouabache, gui it
dechnrge dam le Miciiiipi, ^c." — "At the entrance (or mouth) of the River Oubache which
discharges itself into the Mississippi." The name Ouabache was applied to the Ohio below
the mouth of what we now call the Wabash. See all the more ancient maps, iScc. [ Fort
Massac, on the Ohio, was a missionary station in 1712, and Ohio was then called Ouabache.
—Ed.]
^Charlevoix, ii. 28'1. — Le Detroit woj the whole Strait from Erie to Huron. (Charlevoix,
U. 369, note : see also his Journal.) The first grants of land at Detroit, 1. e. Fort Pont-
chartrain, were made in 1707.— (See American State Papers, zvi. 263 to 294. Lanman's
UUtory of iMichigao, 336.)
*yew France, vol. lii. pp. 215, 296.— Le//r« Edijlantet, vol. z. p. 280.
t Ifete France, vol. iii. p. ."77.
V1R\-
i .
'liaE'-.trr*
1699.
; was also made
consequence of
I, in June, 1701,
I the Strait, (le
taking to realize
St named enter-
Rcer, who, from
by battles and
Udson" or Hud-
led, returned to
had been given
id settlement of
train, who was
take an interest
October, 1698,
)mely equipped
forward him in
' notion, except
on, and prompt
nuafy, 1699, let
g looked about
■eat river called
lia," and by the
umber of trees
le 2d of March,
that ntme, a mi'.c and
I for New Peoria, (Fort
mes Historical Society,
p. 14, 15, and note B.)
'.iviere Ouabache, gvi it
i River Oubnche which
piied to the Ohio below
sieot maps, iScc. [ Fort
then called Ouabache.
Huron. (Charlevoix,
)etroit, i. e. Fort Pont-
263 to 234. Lanman's
,280.
1700.
A British Vessel.
57
our commander found and entered the Hidden River, whose
mouth had been so lo.ig and unsuccessfully sought. As soon
as this was done, one of the vessels returned to France to carry
thither the news of D'Iberville's success, while he turned his
prow up the Mississippi. Slowly ascending the vast stream,
he found himself puzzled by the little resemblance which it
bore to that described by Tonti. So great were the discrepan-
cies, that he begun to doubt if he were not upon the wrong
stream, when an Indian chief sent to him Tonti's letter to La
Salle, on which, through thirteen years, those wild men had
been looking with wonder and awe. Assured by this, that he
had indeed reached the desired spot, and wearied probably by
his tedious sail thus far, he returned to the Bay of Biloxi, be-
tween the Mississippi and the Mobile waters, built a fort in
that neighborhood, and, having manned it in a suitable manner,
returned to France himself.*
While he was gone, in the month of September, 1699, the
lieutenant of his fort, M. De Bienville, went round to explore
the mouths of the Mississippi, and' take soundings. Engaged
in this business, he had rowed up the main entrance some
twenty-five leagues, when, unexpectedly, and to his no little
chagrin, a British corvette came in sight, a vessel carrying
twelve cannon, slowly creeping up the swift current. M.
Bienville, nothing daunted, though he had but his leads and
lines to do battle with, spoke up, and said, that, if this vessel
did not leave the river withovit delay, he had force enough at
hand to make her repent it,. All which had its effect ; the
Britons about ship and stood to sea again, growling as they
w«nt, and saying, that they had discovered that country fifty
years before, that they had a better right to it than the French,,
and would soon make them know it. The bend in the river,,
where this took plaje, is still called "English Turn.** This
was the first meeting of those rival nations in the Mississippi;
Valley, which, from that day, was a bone of contention be-
tween them till the conclusion of the French war of 1756,
Nor did the matter rest long with this visit from the corvette.
Englishmen began to creep over the mountains from Caro-
lina, and trading with the Chicachas, or Chickasaws of our
day, stirred them up to acts of enmity against the French.
When D'Iberville came back from France, in January, 1700,,
• Jfev Franct, vol. Ui. p. S30, et, leg.
4
Expedition of y^e Sueur.
1708.
■ n
and heard of these things, he determined to take possession of
the country anew, and to build a fort upon the banks of the
Mississippi itself. So, with due form, the vast valley of the
West was again sworn in to Louis, as the whole continent
through to the South Sea had been previously sworn in by
the English to their Kings ; and, what was more effectual, a
little fort was built, and four pieces of cannon placed thereon.
But even this was not much to the purpose ; for it soon disap-
peared, and the marshes about the mouth of the Great River
were again, as they had ever been, and long must be, unin-
habited by men.
D'Iberville, in the next place, having been visited and guided
up the river by Tonti in 1700, proposed to found a city among
the Natchez, — a city to be named, in honor of the Countess of
Pontchartrain, Rosalie. Indeed, he did pretend to lay the cor-
ner-stone of such a place, though it was not till 1714 that the
fort called Rosalie was founded, where the city of Natchez is
standing at this day.
Having thus built a fort at the mouth of the Great River,
and designated a choice spot above for a settlement, D'Iber-
ville once more sought Europe, having, before he left, ordered
M. Le Sueur to go up the Mississippi in search 6f a copper
mine, which that personage had previously got a clue to, upon
a branch of the St. Peters river;* which order was fulfilled,
and much metal obtained, though at the cost of great suffer-
ing. Mining was always a Jack-a-lantern with the first set-
itlers of America, and our French friends were no wiser than
.their neighbors. The products of the soil were, indeed, scarce,
rthough valuable on a large scale, it being supposed that the
wealth of Louisiana consisted in its pearl-fishery, its mines,
.and the wool of its wild cattle.f In 1701 the commander
^came again, and began a new establishment upon the river
Mobile, one which superseded that at Biloxi, which thus far
,had been the chief port in that southern colony. . After this,
things went on but slovyly untU 1708 ; D'Iberville died on one
of his voyages between the mother country and her sickly
daughter, and after his death little was done. In 1708, how-
ever, M. D'Artaguette came from France as commissary of
* Charlevoix, vol. ir. pp. 182, 184. In Loog's Second Expedition, p. 318, m*7 be feen
k deUiled tooonnt of Le Saenr*! prooeedingi, UkoB ficom a manoseript itatomtDt of them,
t ChmrUvoiz,«Tol. iiL p. 389.
1708.
:e possession of
e banks of the
, valley of the
hole continent
ly sworn in by
ore effectual, a
ilaced thereon,
r it soon disap-
he Great River
must be, unin-
ited and guided
id a city among
the Countess of
I to lay the cor-
II 1714 that the
' of Natchez is
le Great River,
ement, D'lber-
he left, ordered
5h of a copper
a clue to, upon
r was fulfilled,
of great suffer-
th the first set-
'. no wiser than
, indeed, scarce,
posed that the
lery, its mines,
be commander
upon the river
which thus far
tiy. . After this,
iUe died on one
and her sickly
In 1708, how-
commissary of
t, p. 318, 111*7 ^ (MB
ipt itattmont of them.
1717.
The Great Bank of Law.
69
Louisiana, and, being a man of spirit and energy, did more
for it than had been done before. But it still lingered ; and,
under the impression that a private man of property might
manage it better than the government could, iL Mng, upon
the 14th of September, 1712, granted to Crozat, a man of great
wealth, . .- monopoly of Louisiana for fifteen years, and the
absolute ownership of whatever mineR he might cause to be
opened.*
Crozat, with whom was associated Cadillac, the founder of
Detroit, and Governor of Louisiana, relied mainly upon two
things for success in his speculation ; the one, the discovery of
mines ; the other, a lucrative trade with New Mexico. In re-
gard to the first, after many years' labor, he was entirely dis-
appointed ; and met with no better success in his attempt to
open a trade with the Spaniards, although he sent to them
both by sea and land.
Crozat, therefore, being disappointed in his mines and his
trade, and having, withal, managed so badly as to diminish
the colony, at last, in 1717, resigned his privileges to the king
again, leaving in Louisiana not more than seven hundred
souls.f
Then followed the enterprises of the far-famed Mississippi
Company or Company of the West, established to aid the im-
mense banking and stock -jobbing speculations of John Law,
a gambling, wandering Scotchman, who seems to have been
possessed with the idea that wealth could be indefinitely in-
creased by increasing the circulating medium in the form of
notes of credit. The public debt of France was selling at 60
to 70 per cent, discount ; Law was authorized to establish a
Bank of circulation, the shares in which might be paid for in
public stock at par, and to induce the public to subscribe for the
bank shares, and to confide in them, the Company of the West
was established in connection with the Bank, having the ex-
clusive right of trading in the Mississippi country for twenty-
five years, and with the monopoly of the Canada beaver trade.
This was in September, 1717; in 1718 the monopoly of tobac-
co was also granted to this favored creature of the State ; iu
1719, the exclusive right of trading in Asia, and the East
• The grant may be found, Lud Lawi 944.
j- By Louisiana here i« to be ondantood LanU«na proper; not the Dlinoi* oonstij com-
monly inoluded at that period. — Bd.
I
;m'
«0
The Great Bankruptcy.
1722.
Indies; and soon after the farming of the public revenue, to-
gether with an extension of all these privileges to the year
1770 ; and as if all this had been insufficient, the exclr.sive
right of coining, for nine years, was next added to the im-
mense grants already made to the Company of tho West.*
Under this hot bed system, the stock of the Company rose to
500, 600, 800, 1000, 1500, and at last 2050 per cent.; this was
in April, 1720. At that time the notes of the Bank in circula-
tion exceeded two hundred millions of dollars, and this abun-
dance of money raised J " price of every thing to twice its
true value. Then the bubble burst ; decree after decree was
made to uphold the tottering fabric of false credit, but in vain;
in January, 1720, Law had been made minister of finance, and
as such he proceeded first, to forbid all persons to have on
nand more than about one hundred dollars in specie, any
amount beyond that must be exchanged for paper, and all
payments for more than twenty dollars were to be made in
paper ; and this proving insufficient, in March, all payments
over two dollars were ordered to be in paper, and he who
dared attempt to exchange a bill for specie forfeited both.
Human folly could go no farther ; in April the stopk began to
fall, in May the Company was regarded as bankrupt, the notes
of the Bank fell to ten cents on the dollar, and though a de-
cree made it an offence to refuse them at par, they were soon
worth little more than waste paper.
Under the direction of a Company thus organized and con-
trolled, and closely connected with a bank so soon ruined, but
little could be hoped for a colony, which depended on good
management to develop its real resources for trade and agri-
culture.! In 1718, colonists were sent from Europe, and New
Orleans laid out with much ceremony and many hopes ; but
in January, 1722, Charlevoix writing thence, says: "if the
eight hundred fine houses and the five parishes that were two
years since represented by the journals, as existing here,
shrink now to a hundred huts, built without order, — a large
wooden magazine, — two or three houses that would do but
little -credit to a French village,— and half of an old store-
house, which was to have been occupied as a chapel, but from
•After 1719, colled tho Company of the Indies.
tA a«t of regulations for goremiri the Oompan.r, passed in 1721, may be found in Dil-
lon's Indiana, <1I to 44.
l-sfe*- ■>'-■'■"
1722.
ic revenue, to-
es to the year
, the cxclnsive
led to the im-
of tho West.*
)mpany rose to
cent.; this was
lank in circula-
and this abun-
ig to twice its
\er decree was
[lit, but in vain;
of finance, and
3ns to have on
in specie, any
paper, and all
to be made in
i, all payments
r, and he who
forfeited both,
stock began to
erupt, the notes
id though a de-
they were soon
nized and con-
3on ruined, but
snded on good
trade and agri-
rope, and New
ny hopes; but
, says : "if the
that were two
existing here,
irder, — a large
would do but
r an old store-
iapel, but from
may be found in Dil-
1723
Condition of New Orleans.
«t
which the priests soon retreated to a tent as preferable, if all
this is so, still how pleasant to think of what this city will one
day be, and instead of weeping over its decay and ruin to look
forward to its growth to opulence and power."* And again,
"The best idea you can form of New Orleans, is to imagine
two hundred persons, sent to build a city, but who have en-
camped on the river-bank, juet sheltered from the weather,
and waiting for houses. — They have a beautiful and regular
plan for this metropolis, but it will prove harder to execute
than to draw."t Such, not in words precisely, but in sub-
.stance, were the representations and hopes of the wise his-
torian of New France, respecting the capital of the colony
of Law's great corporation ; and we may be sure that with
the chief place in such a condition, not much had been 'ione
for the permanent improvement of the country about it. The
truth was, the same prodigality and folly which prevailed in
France during the government of John Law, over credit and
commerce, found their way to his western possessions ; and
though the colony then planted, survived, and the city then
founded became in time what had been hoped, — it was long
before the influence of the gambling mania of 1718, 19 and
20 passed away. Indeed the returns from Louisiana never
repaid the cost and trouble of protecting it, and, in 1732, the
Company asked leave to surrender their privileges to the
crown, a favor which was granted them.
But though the Company of the West did little for the en-
during welfare of the Mississippi valley, it did something ; the
cultivation of tobacco, indigo, rice and silk, was introduced,
the lead mines of Missouri were opened, though at vast ex-
pense and in hope of finding silver; and, in Illinois, the culture
of wheat began to assume some degree of stability and, of
importance. In the neighborhood of the river Kaskaskia,
Charlevoix found three villages, and about Fort Chartres, the
head quarters of the Company in that region, the French
were rapidly settling.J
All the time, however, during which the great monopoly
lasted, was, in Louisiana, a time of contest and trouble. The
«Charlcvoix, UL 430— ed. 1744. i
tCharlevoU, iii. 441— «d. 1744.
:(Sce Appendix — Annals of lUiuoia.
Destruction of the Natchez.
1729.
English, who, from an early period, had opened commercial
relations with the Chicka^aws, through them constantly inter-
fered with tho trade oi'the Mississippi. Along the coast from
Pensacola to the Uio del Norte, Spain disputed the claims of
her northern neighbor : and at length the war of the Natchez
struck terror into the hearts of both white and red men. Amid
that nation, as we have said, D'Iberville had marked out Fort
Rosalie, in 1700, and fourteen years later its erection had been
commenced. The French, placed in the midst of the natives,
and deeming them worthy only of contempt, increased their
demands and ii^juries until they required even the abandon-
ment of the chief town of the Natchez, that the intruders
might use its site for a plantation. The inimical Chickasaws
heard the murmurs of their wronged brethren, and breathed
into their cars counsels of vengeance ; the sufferers determin-
ed on the extermination of their tyrants. On the 28th of No-
vember, 1729, every Frenchman in that colony died by the
bands of the natives, with the exception of two mechanics :
the women and children were spared. It was a fearful re-
V •'ge, and fearfully did the avengers suflfer for their murders.
Two months passed by, and the French and Choctaws in
one day took sixty of their scalps; in three months they were
driven from their country and scattered among the neighbor-
ing tribes ; and .vithin two years the remnants of the nation,
chiefs and people, were sent to St. Domingo and sold into
slavery. So perished this ancient and peculiar race, in the
same year in which the Company of the West yielded its
grants into the royal hands.
When Louisiana came again into the charge of the govern-
ment of France, it was determined, as a first step, to strike
terror into the Chickasaws, who, devoted to the English, con-
stantly interfered with the trade on the Mississij.' . For this
purpose the forces of New France, from New Oi" "ns to De-
troit, were ordered to meet in the country of th inimical
Indians, upon the 10th of May, 1736, to strike a " which
should be final. D'Artagaette, governor of Illinois, wiui the
young and gallant Yincennes, leading a small body of French
and more than a thousand northern Indians, on the day ap-
pointed, was at the spot appointed ; but Bienville, who had
returned as the king's lieutenant to that southern land which
he had aided to explore, was not where the commanders from
1789.
1736.
ITArtaguetle and Vinccnnea Killed.
63
d commprcial
nstantly inter-
;he coast from
the claims of
' the Natchez
d men. Amid
rked out Fort
:tion had been
r the natives,
ncreased their
the abandon-
the intruders
al Chickasaws
and breathed
rers determin-
le 28th of No-
ly died by the
mechanics:
IS a fearful re-
their murders.
Choctaws in
iths they were
: the neighbor-
of the nation,
and sold into
ir race, in the
est yielded its
of the govern-
step, to strike
! English, con-
f . For this
)f "ns to De-
' th inimical
a •" which
lois, Willi the
>dy of French
1 the day ap-
lle, who had
n land which
nanders from
above expected to meet him. During ten days they waitoJ,
and Htill saw nothing, heard nothing of the forces from the
south. Fearful of exhausting the scant patience of his red
allies, at length D'Artaguetto ordered the onset; a first and a
second of the Chickasaw stations were carried successfully,
but in attacking a third the French leader fell ; when the Illi-
nois saw their commander wounded, they turned and fled,
leaving him and de Vincennes, who would not desert him, in
the hands of the Chickasaws. Five days afterwards, Bien-
ville and his followers, among whom were great numbers of
Choctaws, bril)ed to bear arms againlst their kinsmen, came
creeping up the stream of the Tombecbee ; but the savages
were on their guard, English traders had aided them to fortify
their position, and the French in- vain attacked their iog fort.
On the 20th of May, D'Artaguette had fallen ; on the 27tU
Bienville had failed in his assault ; on the Slst, throwing his
cannon into the river, he and his white companions turned their
prows to the south again. Then came the hour of barbarian
triumph, and the successful Chickasaws danced around the
flames in which were crackling the sinews of D'Artaguette,
Vincennes, and the Jesuit Senat, who stayed and died of his
own free will, because duty bade him.
Three years more passed away, and again a French army
of nearly four thoui^and white, red and black men, was gath-
ered upon the banks of the Mississippi, to chastise the Chicka-
saws. From the summer of 1739 to the spring of 1740, this
body of men sickened and wasted at Fort Assumption, upon
the site of Memphis. In March of the last named year, with-
out a blow struck, peace was concluded, and the province of
Louisiana once more sunk into inactivity.*
Of the ten years which followed, we know but I'ttle that is
interesting in relation to the West: and of its condition in
1760, we can give no better idea than may be gathered from
the following extracts of letters written by Vivier, a missiona
ry among the Illinois.
Writing "Aux Illinois," six leagues from Fort Chartres,
June 8th, 1750, Vivier says : "We have here. Whites, Negroes
* In reference to Croi at, Law, and erents in Louiiiana, we refer to Bannrort iii. — Penny
Cyclopedia, articlea "Ijaw;" "Miwiasippi Company;" Charleroiz, vol. ii.; Du Prati'g Lonis-
iana; Nilc«' Register, ii. 161, 189; and the collection of dooumonta (mostly official) rela-
tive to the Company of the West, published at Amsterdam, in 1720, in the work called
"Relations de la Louisiano, et du Fleuve Miasissippi," 2 vol*.
• •■>««-',
M-.
64
Papulation of Illinois.
1780.
and Indians, to say notiiing of cross breeds. There are five
French villnf^cs, and three villages of the natives, within a
space of twenty-one leagues, situated between the Mississippi
and another river called the Karkadiad (Kaskaskia.) In the
five French villages are, perhaps, eleven hundred whites,
three hundred blacks, and some sixty red slaves or savages.
The three Illinois towns do not contain more than eight hun-
dred souls, all told.* Most of the French till the soil ; they
raise wheat, cattle, pigs and horses, and live like princes.
Three times as much is produced as can be consumed ; and
great quantities of grain and flour are sent to New Orleans."
In this letter, also, Vivier says that which shows Father
Marcst's fears from French influence over the Indian neo-
phytes to have been well founded. Of the three Illinois
towns, he tells us, one was given up by the missionaries as be-
yond hope, and in a seconti but a poor harvest rewarded their
labors; and all was owing to the bad example of the French,
and the introduction by them of ardent spirits.f
Again, in an epistle dated November 17, 1750, Vivier says :
" For fifteen leagues above the mouth of the INIississippi ono
sees no dwellings, the ground being too low to be habitable.
Thence to New Orleans the lands are only partially occupied.
New Orleans contains, black, white and red, not more, I
think, than twelve hundred persons, To this point come all
kinds of lumber, bricks, salt-beef, tallow, tar, skins and bear's
grease ; and above all, pork and flour from the Illinois. These
things create some commerce, forty vessels and more have
come hither this year. Above New Orleans plantations are
again met with ; the most considerable is a colony of Germans,
some ten leagues up the river. At Point Coupee, thirty-five
leagwes above the German settlement, is a fort. Along here,
within five or six leagues, are not less than sixty 'habitations.'
Fifty leagues farther up is the Natchez post, where we have a
garrison who are kept prisoners by their fear of the Chicka-
saws and other savages. Here and at Point Coupee, they
raise excellent tobacco. Another hundred leagues brings us
• There wm a fourth, (Peoria probably,) eighty leagues distant, nearly a« large as the
three referred to; thU is stated in another port of the same letter. See appendix— An-
nala of Illinois, art. Aborigines.— Ed.
t Criminals, vagabonds and strumpets, were largely exported to Louisiana, *'nen the flnt
settlements were made.— Father Fuisaon in Lettres Ediflantes, (Paris, 1781,) Ti. 393, &o.
1760.
There are five
lives, within a
the Mississippi
iskia.) In the
undrcd whites,
v'CH or savages,
hnn eight hun-
tlic soil ; tlu-y
3 like princes,
onsumcd ; and
New Orleans."
shows Father
le Indian nco<
! three Illinois
sionaries asbe-
rewarded their
of the French,
)0, Vivier says :
Mississippi ono
to be habitable,
tially occupied,
d, not more, I
point come all
ikins and bear's
Illinois. These
ind more have
plantations are
ny of Germans,
ipee, thirty-five
;. Along here,
,y 'habitations.'
bere we have a
of the Chicka-
; Coupee, they
gues brings us
icarly u large as the
See appendix — An-
uiiiana, «hen tbc flnt
t, 1781,) Ti. 393, 4o.
ii^lni'i' ■
1760.
IjCuJ and Copper Mines.
65
to the Arkansas, where wo have also a fort and f,'arrs»»n, for
the bencflt of river traders. There wire some iiihfi»)iluiits
about here formerly, but lu 1748, the Chickasnws attacked the
post, blew many, took thirteen prisoners, and drove the rest
into the fort. From the Arkansas to the Illinois, near five
hundred leagues,* there is not a settlement. There should,
however, be a good Ibrt on the Oubachc, (Ohio) the only puth
by which the English can reach the Mississippi. In the Illi-
nois are numberless mines, but no one to work them as they
deserve. Some individuals dig lead noar the surface, and
supply the Indians and Canada. Two Spaniards, now here,
who claim to be adepts, say that our mines are like those of
Mexico, and that if wc would dig deeper, we should find sil-
ver under the load ; at any rate the lead is excellent. There
are also in this c juntry copper mines beyond doubt, an from
time to time large pieces arc found in the streams."!
•DbtanoM are overrated In all the old French journal*. The dUtanoe In Ikoi, wa» abo»»
MO EnglUh mllea, instead of French leagues.
tLettros Ediflantos, (Paris, 1T81,) vii. 79 to 108.
[3to AnaivU of Miewwl, AppendU, for a Sketch of tbo Lead and CopiHjr wlnM.-EaO
CHAPTER II.
ENGLISH DISCOVERIES AND CLAIMS.
Bnglieh Discoveriei by Virginia— By PennsylTania— Daniel Coxo — Briti«h ParcbuM of
the Five Nations — Oliio and other CompanieR formed — Agency of OM — Fort attacked
by the French, and the Natives killed and Traders carried to Canada — Qen. Waihing-
lon'" Mission — Preparations for War — Pittsburgh Taken.
We have now sketched the progress of French discovery in
the Valley of the Mississippi. The first travelers reached that
river in 1673, and when the new year of 1750 broke upon the
great wilderness of the West, all was still, except those little
spots upon the prairies of Illinois, and among the marshes of
Louisiana, which we have already named. Perhaps we
ought also to except Vincennes, or St. Vincent's, on the Wa-
bash,* as there is cause to believe that place was settled as
early as 1735, at least. But the evidence in relation to this
matter is of a kind which we think worth stating, 'iiot from
the importance of the matter itself, but to illustrate the diffi-
culty which besets an inquirer into certain points of our early
western history. Volney, by conjecture, fixes the settlement
of Vincennes about 1735 ;t Bishop Brute, of Indiana, speaks
of a missionary station there in 1700, and adds, "The friendly
tribes and traders called to Canada for protection, and then
M. de Vincennes came with a detachment, I think, of Carig-
nan, and was killed in 1735."J Mr. Bancroft says a military
establishment was formed there in 1716, and in 1742, a settle-
ment of herdsmen took place. |1 Judge Law regards the post
as dating back to 1710 or 1711, supposing it to be the same
with the Ohio settlement noticed on page 30, and quotes also
an Act of Sale, existing at Kaskaskia, (if we understand him
aright,) which in January, 1735, speaks of M. de Vinsenne, as
"Commandant auPoste de Ouabache."§ Again, in a petition
of the old inhabitants at Vincennes, dated in November, 1793,
we find the settlement spoken of as having been made before
1742 ;Tf and such is the general voice of tradition. On the
•Also called Post St Vincent's and Au Poste or O'Post.
fVolncy's View, p. 330.
JButlcr'a Kentucky, Introduction, six., note.
IHistory United Ptatcs, iii. 3*6.
JLaw's Addross, 18;!9, p. 21.
^American Slate Papers, xvi. 32.
"S??r'
1736.
Settlement of Vincennes.
67
il8.
Brituh Parchues of
Gut— Furt attacked
ida — (}en. Waihing-
h discovery in
■8 reached that
roke upon the
;pt those little
he marshes of
Perhaps we
s, on the Wa-
vaa settled as
ilation to this
ting, \iot from
rate the diffi-
;s of our early
he settlement
diaha, speaks
"The friendly
tion, and then
link, of Carig-
lys a military
1742, a settle-
gards the post
• be the same
nd quotes also
nderstand him
3 Vinsenne, as
i,in a petition
)vember, 1793,
n made before
ition. On the
other hand, Charlevoix, who records the death of Vincennes,
which took place among the Chickasaws, (see ante p. 63,) in
1736, makes no mention of any post on the Wabash, or any
missionary station there ; neither does he mark any upon his
map, although he gives even the British forts upon the Tennes-
see and elsewhere. Vivier, a part of whose letters we have
already quoted, says in 1760, nothing of any mission on the
Wabash, although writing in respect to western missions, and
speaks of the necessity of a fort upon the "Ouabache ;" by this,
it is true, he meant doubtless the Ohio, but how natural to refer
to the post at Vincennes, if one existed. In a volume of "Me-
moires" on Louisiana, compiled from the minutes of M. Du-
mont and published in Paris, in 1763, but probably prepared
1749,* though we have an account of the Wabash or St.
Jerome, its rise and course, and the use made of it by the
traders, not a word is found touching any fort, settlement or
station on it. Vaudreuil, when Governor of Louisiana, in
1761 mentions even then no post on the Wabash, although he
speaks of the need of a post on the Ohio, near to where Fort
Massac or Massacre was built afterwards, and names Fort
Miami, on the Maumee.f The records of Vincennes, Judge
Law says, show no earlier mission than 1749.^ Still farther,
in " The Present State of North America," a pamphlet pub-
lished in London, in 1766, with which is a map of the French
posts in the West, we have it stated that in 1750 a fort was
founded at Vincennes, and that in 1764, three hundred families
were sent to settle about it.
Such is the state of proof relative to Vincennes: one thing
however, seems certain, which is, that the Wabash was very,
early frequented. Hennepin, in 1663-4, had heard of the
"Hohio"; the route from the lakes to the Mississippi, by the
Wabash, was explored in 1676 ;1| and in Hennepin's volume
•Memoires Historiques sur La Loubiano, Ac. . t • »>
[fThcre were /our places called "Miami," or "Maumee;" one at the junction of the LitUe
Bt Joseph and Ste. Marie, in Indiana, now called Fort Wayne.
The second was on the St. Joseph river of Michigan.
The third was on the Illinois river, and placed by Charlevoix on his Map oC New Prano*
1723.
The fourth was the fort erected by the British at the foot of the rapids of the Maumee,
kbout fifteen miles from the west end of Lake Eric.
Some of the authorities quoted, by the " Ouabache " mean the Ohio river, which bad the
name oi "Ouabache," in French and English documents until aboHt 1736.— Ed.]
t Address, p. 17.
IHistoxre General desYoyages, xiv. 75S.
|: •,
I?:.
' 'y ^ty ^i gn."*^''''
Jt-
wm^^
C8
The British in the West.
1749.
of 1698, is a journal, said to be that sent by La Salle to Count
Frontenac, in 1682 or '3, which mentions the route by the
iMaumcc* and Wabash as the most direct ix the great western
river.
In 1749, therefore, when the English first began to move
seriously about sending men into the West, there were only
the Illinois and the lower country settlements, and perhaps
Vinccnnes; the present States of Ohio, Indiana, and Ken-
tucky, being still substantially in possession of the Indians.
From this, however, it must not be inferred that the English
colonists were ignorant of, or indifferent to, the capacities of
the West, or that the movements of the French were unob-
served up to the middle of the eighteenth century. Governor
Spotswood, of Virginia, as early as 1710, had commenced
movements, the object of which was to secure the country
beyond the Allcghenies to the English crown. He caused the
mountain passes to be examined, and with much pomp and a
great retinue, undertook the discovery of the regions on their
western side. Then it was that he founded " The Tramontine
Order," giving to each of those who accompanied him a golden
horse .shoe, in commemoration of their toilsome mountain
march, upon which they were forced to use horse-shoes, which
Avere seldom needed in the soft soil of the eastern vallies. In
Tennsylvania, also. Governor Keith and James Logan, Secre-
tary of the Province, from 1719 to 1731 represented to the
powers in England, the necessity of taking steps to secure
the western lands. f Nothing, however, was done by the gov-
ernment of the mother country, except to take certain diplo-
matic steps to secure the claim of Britain to those distant and
unexplored wildernesses.
England, from the outset, claimed from the Atlantic to the
Pacific, on the ground that the discovery and possession of the
seacoast was a discovery and possession of the country; and,
as is well known, her grants to Virginia, Connecticut, and
other colonies were through to the South Sea. It was not
upon this, however, that Great Britain relied in her contest
with France ; she had other grounds, namely, actual discovery,
and purchase or title of some kind from the Indian owners.
•rntil thii century, usually calleil the Miami, and sometimes the Tawa or Ottawa River*
tBnncroft, iii. ZU; Jones' PicEcnt State of Virginia, (1724,) 14 j Universal Iligtory,
•j.1. 102.
1749.
Salle to Count
route by the
great western
gan to move
re were only
and perhaps
la, and Ken-
' the Indians.
xt the English
capacities of
I were unob-
y. Governor
i commenced
; the country
le caused the
[i pomp and a
'ions on their
e Tramontine
[ him a golden
no mountain
!-shoes, which
rn vallies. In
Logan, Secre-
iented to the
eps to secure
le by tije gov-
certain diplo-
se distant and
.tlantic to the
isession of the
country; and,
necticut, and
It was not
in her contest
ual discovery,
ian owners.
wa or Ottawa River
Universal IlistorVj
Tms^^"
1742.
British Explorations.
69
Her claim on the score of actual discovery was poorly sup-
ported however, and little insisted on.
"King Charles the First, in the fifth year of his reign (1630)
granted unto Sir Robert Heath, his attorney general, a patent
of all that part of America," which lies between thirty-one
and thirty-six degrees north latitude, from sea to sea. Eight
years afterwards, Sir Robert conveyed this very handsome
property to Lord Maltravers, who was soon, by his father's
death. Earl of Arundel. From him, we know not by what
course of conveyance, this grant, which formed the province
of Carolana (not Carolina,) came into the hands of Dr. Dan-
iel Coxe, who was, in the opinion of the attorney-general of
England, true owner of that Province in the year of D'lber-
•ille's discovery, 161)9.*
[We will give a brief sketch of the British through the dis-
coveries of Coxe and others.
Daniel Coxe states that one Colonel Wood of Virginia, dis-
covered at different times, several branches of the great rivers
Ohio and "Meschasebe,"— says that he, (Coxe,) had seen the
journal of a Mr. Needham, who was employed by Col. Wood.
He tells of another journal, which he affirms wa;; in his pos-
session for some time, written by some one in English, who
had gone up the Mississippi to the "Yellow or Muddy river,
otherwise called the Missouri,"— that a number of persons
went from New England one hundred and fifty leagues beyond
the river "Meschasebe," to New Mexico. He claims to have
made discoveries himself, by sailing up the Mississippi in 1698.
This was probably the English expedition met by Bienville at
the "English Turn." These statements of Dr. Coxe are
found in his "Memorial to King William," but are unsup-
ported by any other authority except his voyage up the Mis-
sissippi when he came in contact with Bienville, and made
the "English Turn."
There is a tradition,! that in 1742 John Howard crossed the
mountains of Virginia, went down the Ohio in a canoe made
of a buffaloe skin, and was taken prisoner by the French on
the Mississippi. In the London edition of Du Pratz, published
• A Deicription of the English Province of Carolana, 4-c., by Daniel Coxo, E«iuiro.
London 1722, pp. 113 tt >*g- By "Carolana," Com includoa wliat a caUcd tlie "Valley of
the MiaaisBippi," and not the States of "Carolina."— Ed.
fKcrcheval'e Valley of Virginia.
(■_
90
Purchase from the Iroquois.
1764.
I'm
in 1774, the same facts of Howard are stated in a note, and
reference given to an ofRcial report of the Governor of Vir-
ginia. This visit of Howard, though it could give the gov-
ernment no claim to this Valley, is mentioned as the first
English exploration to the Ohio and Mississippi which is
fairly authenticated.
The next adventurer under British authority was Conrad
Weiser, an Interpreter to the Indians, in 1748. Weiser was
sent from Philadelphia to the Indians at Logstown on the
Ohio river, between Pittsburgh and Big Beaver creek, to carry
presents and a friendly "talk ;" and English traders are refer-
red to as residing in that vicinity. That "traders" resided
amongst the Indians on the Ohio at an early period, is well
authenticated.
The Government of Pennsylvania recalled its traders from
Ohio in 1732, in consequence of troubles with the French.
The Indians at a council in Albany, in 1754, acknowledged
the English had been on the Ohio thirty years.
Mr. Butler, in his History of Kentucky, Introduction to the
second edition, gives the adventures of one "Sailing," in the
West, as early as 1730, but in a note to Du Pratz, he is named
as having been with Howard in 1742.
But the principal ground of claim of the British to the
country west of the AUeghenies, was by treaties of purchase
from the "Five Nations," or Iroquois. This was the only con-
federacy of Indian tribes that deserved the name of govern-
ment in this part cf North America. They had the rude ele-
ments of a confederated republic, and they were the con-
querors of most of the other tribes from Lower Canada to the
'Mississippi and even beyond. The facts and proofs of these
' conquests will be found in the Appendix. Different from the
policy of all the other tribes, they left the conquered nations
to manage their own intct nal affairs as they might choose,
but exacted tributes, a.id especially claimed the right as con-
querors to dispo.se of their country. On this right the Five
Nations sold in treaty with the British authorities, the country
on the Ohio, including Western Virginia, and Kentucky; a
laige part of lUitJois, and the country along the northern
lakes into Upper Canada.
Waiving for the present, all questions as to the justice of
their claims, we only state a fact now fully established, that
w^m
1764.
in a note, and
jvernor ofVir-
l give the gov-
ed as the first
ssippi which is
ty was Conrad
'. Weiser was
tgstown on the
• creek, to carry
adcrs are refer-
raders" resided
• period, is well
its traders from
ith the French.
aclcnowledged
•eduction to the
Sailing," in the
itz, he is named
British to the
ies of purchase
IS the only con-
ame of govern-
ad the rude ele-
were the con-
r Canada to the
proofs of these
fferent from the
iquered nations
r might choose,
he right as con-
I right the Five
ties, the country
id Kentucky ; a
ig the northern
the justice of
established, that
1764.
Claims of the English.
71
this confederacy did set up claims to the whole country, now
embraced in Kentucky and Western Virginia north of the
Cherokee claims, and the Northwestern Territory except a
district in Ohio and Indiana and a small section in South-
western Illinois, which was claimed and held by the Miami
confederacy.
In 1684, Lord Howard, Governor of Virginia, held a treaty
with the Five Nations, at Albany, when at the request of
Colonel Dunga.i, Governor of New York, they placed them-
selves under the protection of the Biitish nation.* They
made a deed of sale by treaty to the British Government of a
vast tract of country South and East of the Illinois river, and
extending across Lake T^uron into Canada.
Another formal deed was drawn up, and signed by the
Chiefs of the National Confederacy in 1726, by which their
lands were conveyed in trust to England, "to be protected and
defended by his Majesty, to and for the use of the g.-antors
and their heirs."!
If, then, the Six Nations had a good claim to the western
country, there could be but little doubt thai England was justi-
fied in defending that country against the French, as France,
by the treaty of Utrecht, had agreed not to invade the lands
of Britain's Indian allies. But this claim of the New York
savagts has been disputed. Among others General William
H. Harrison has attempted to disprove it, and show, that the
Miami confederacy of Illinois aad Ohio could not have been
conquered by the Iroquois.J We shall not enter into the con-
troversy ; but will only say, that to us the evidence is very
strong, that, before 1680, the Six Nations had overrun the
western lands, and were dreaded from Lakes Erie and Michi-
gan to the Ohio, and west to the Mississipp'.. In 1673, Allouez
and Dablon found the Miamis upon Lake Michigan, fearing a
visit from the Iroquois,§ and from this time forward we hear
*> Plain Fact; Philadelphia, 1781, pp. 22, 23.
tTbis may bo found at length in Pownall'ii Adminittration of the Coloniet, fourlh edition,
London, 1763, p. 269.
J See Harrison's Historical Addreu, 1837.
Qeneral llarriwn, probably, waa not aware the Iroquois made their ingrera and ej^em
into the Illinoiii country by the Ohio and the Lakes. Wo have no evidence tbey couquor-
«d the Miami conrederocy, and at one period the two confudoracioii appear to liare bven
confirmed by terms. — Ed.
^George Croghan, the Indian agent, took an oath that the Iroquois oiaimed no rartber
M the north aide of the Ohio than the Qreat Miami or Stony river; (csuled abio Kocky
1
Hi; it. :•
\n ■•'■ %
'<■■■■ ',
■ \
H
Wcslem Lands claimed by ihc BiHtish.
1744.
of them in that far land from all writers, genuine and spuri-
c'ls, as may be easily gathered from what we have said
already of Tonti and his wars.* We cannot doubt, therefore,
that they did overrun the lands claimed by them, and even
planted colonies in what is now Ohio ; but that they had any
claim, which a Christian nation should have recognized, to
most of the territory in question, we cannot for a moment,
think, as for half a century at least it had been under the rule
of other tribes, and, when the difference between France and
F.n gland began, was, with the exception of the lands just
above the head of the Ohio, the place of residence and the
hunting-ground of other tribes. f
But some of the western lands were also claimed by the
British, as having actually been purchased. This purchase
was said to have been made at Lancaster, Pennsylvania, in
1744, when a treaty was held between the colonists and the
Six Nations, relative to some alleged settlements that had
been made upon the Indian lands in Pennsylvania, Virginia,
and Maryland ; and to this treaty, of which we have a very
good and graphic account, written by Witham Marshe, who
went as secretary with the commissioners for Maryland, we
now turn. The Maryland commissioners reached Lancsster
upon the 9Aft of June, before either the governor of Penn-
sylvania, the Virginia commissioners, or the Indians had arri-
ved ; though all but the natives came that evening.
The next forenoon wore wearily away, and all were glad
to sit down, at one o'clock, to a dinner in the court-house,
which the Virginians gave their friends, and from which not
many Mere drawn, even by the coming of the Indians, who
came, to the number of two hundred and fifty- two, with squaws
and little children on horseback, and with their fire-arms, and
bows, and arrows, and tomahawks, and, as they passed the
rivor, Great Mineami; ond Asseronict.) Hntohin's Gwgraphical Description, 25, Tho
purport of this oath has been misunderstood, it says nothing of what the Iroquois trans-
ferred to England in 1768. See Butler's Kentucky, 6, 6.-Hall'« Statistics of the West,
Preface, viii. Butler's Chronology, O.-The oath is given, American State Papers, xvil.
110.
•Sec Charlevoix, Do La llontan, Hennepin, Tonti, io.
t"In 1774, when the Lancaster treaty waa held with the Six Nations, somo of tloir
. number were making war upon the Catawbas."-Mar8h's Journal, Ma«sa«husett« Histori-
cal Collections, vol. vii. pp. 190, 191.
[Sec the facts stated In the Appcndi.^:, Annals of Illinois, Art. Aborigines.]
• :^:*t^>(^
1744.
1748.
Ohio Company Proposed.
73
ine and spuri-
we have said
)ubt, therefore,
icm, and even
t they had any
recognized, to
or a moment,
under the rule
en France and
the lands just
lidence and the
;1 aimed by the
This purchase
nnsylvania, in
onists and the
ents that had
rania, Virginia,
ve have a very
a Marshe, wLo
• Maryland, we
;hed Lancaster
ernor of Penn-
idians had arri-
ming.
all were glad
\ie court-house,
Prom which not
e Indians, who
'o, with squaws
• fire-arms, and
[ley passed the
Description, 25. Tho
nt the Iroquoii tracs-
tatisticg of tho West,
Q State Papers, xrii.
ations, somo of ttoir
lateachusetta Ilutori-
rigi&cs.]
court-house, invited the white men with a song to renew their
former treaties. Cn the outskirts of the town, vacant lots
had been chosen for the savages to build their wigwams upon,
f».nd thither they marched on with Conrad Weiser, their friend
and interpreter,* while the Virginians "drank the loyal
iicalths," and finished their entertainment. [Here follows a
minute description of the drunkenness and festivity of the
Indians, which continued at intervals for several days. It
appears, however, in Marshe's journal, that the chiefs "nar-
rowly scanned" the goods paid by the commissioners of
Maryland for the lands that colony purchased, amounting to
£220 Pennsylvania currency. The commissioners of Virginia
paid £200 in gold and a like sum in goods, with a promise
that as settlements increased more should be paid.] The
commissioners from Virginia, at this treaty of Lancaster,
were Col. Thomas Lee and Col. William Beverly .f
On the 5th of July, everything having been settled satisfac-
torily, the commissioners left " the filthy town " of Lancaster,
and took their homeward way, having suffered much from the
vermin and the water, though when they used the latter
would be a curious enquiry.
Such was the treaty of Lancaster, upon which, as a corner-
stone, the claim of the colonists to the West, by purchase,
rested ; and upon this, and the grant from the Six Nations,
Great Britain relied in all subsequent steps. '
As settlements extended, and the Indians murmured, the
promise of further pay was called to mind, and Weiser was
sent across the Alleghenies to Logstown, in 1748,J with pre-
sents, to keep the Indians in good humor; and also to sound
them, probably, as to their feeling with regard to large settle-
ments in the West, which some Virginians, with Col. Thomas
Lee, the Lancaster commissioner, at their head, were then
contemplating.^ The object of these proposed settlements
•For »omo idea of Weiser, see Prond'a History of Ptnntylvania, vol. ii., p. 316, where
a long letter by him is given. Day'n Historical Collections of Pennsylvania, 134.
■[Plain Fact; being an Examination, i-e., and a Vindication of Iht Grant from the ,
Six United Natiom of Indiam to the Proprietor* of Indiana, vs. the Decition of the LejU- V
lature of Virginia. Pp. 29-39. Philadelphia : E. Aitlcen. 1781, Sparks' Wpsnington,
vol. ii. p. 480. Marshe's Journal. The .^hole proceedings may be found in Oolden'g His-
tory of the Iroquois, given with proper formal solemnity.
JPlain Facts, pp. 40, 119, 120.
jSparks' Washington, vol. ii. p. 478. Scarce anything was kr.jwn of the old Ohio Com-
pany, until Mr. Spark's inquiries led to the note referred (o; and even now so UtUeis
5 • i .
w
f4
Ohio Company.
1V60.
i
was not the cultivation of the soil, but the monopoly of the
Indian trade, which, with all its profits, had till that time
been in the hands of unprincipled men, half civilize('., half
savage, who, through the Iroquois, had from the earhest period
penetrated to the lakes of Canada and competed everywhere
■•vith the French for skins and furs.* It was now proposed in
\ 'rTinia to turn these fellows out of their good berth beyond
.o mountains, by means of a great company, which should
iiold lands and build trading-houses, import European goods
T gularly, and export the furs of the West in return to Lon-
uuu Accordingly, after Weiscr's conference with the Indians
at Logstown, which was favorable to their views, Thomas Lee,
with twelve other Virginians, among whom were Lawrence
and Augustine, brothers of George Washington, and also Mr.
Hanbury of London, formed an association which they called
the " Ohio Company," and ifi 1748, petitioned the king for a
grant beyond the mountains. This petition was approved by
the monarch, and the government of Virginia was ordered to
grant to the petitioners half a million of acres within the
bounds of that colony, beyond the Alleghenies, two hundred
thousand of which were to be located at once. .This portion
was to be held for ten years free of quit-rent, provided the
company would put there one hundred families within seven
years, and build a fort sufficient to protect the settlement; all
which the company proposed, and prepared to do at once,
and sent to London for a cargo suited to the Indian trade,
which was to come out so as to arrive in November, 1749.
Other companies were also formed about this time in Vir-
ginia, to colonize the West. Upon the 12th of June, 1749, a
grant of 800,000 acres, from the line of Canada, on the north
and west, was made to the Loyal Company ; and, upon the
29th of October, 1761, another of 100,000 acres to the Green-
briar Company.f
But the French were not blind all this while. They saw,
that if the British once obtained a strong-hold upon the Ohio,
known that we cannot but hoiie some Historical Society wiU prevail on Clinrlcs Fcnton
Mercer, formerly of Virginia, who holds tUo papers of that Company, to allow their publi-
cation. No full history of the West can be written, until tho facts relative to tho great
land companies are better known.
♦See Charlevoix, first and second volume in many places especially i. 502, 515, ii. 133,
269 373. The English were at Mackinac as early as 1686.
■fBeviaed Statutes of Virginia, by W. B. Leigh, ii. 347.
IV 60.
lonopoly of the
[ till that time
civilize('., half
e earliest period
ited everywhere
low proposed in
id berth beyond
y, which should
European goods
I return to Lon-
vith the Indians
i^s, Thomas Lee,
were Lawrence
n, and also Mr.
lich they called
d the king for a
as approved by
was ordered to
,cres within the
!S, two hundred
.This portion
it, provided the
3S within seven
settlement; all
to do at once,
be Indian trade,
ember, 1749.
;his time in Vir-
jf June, 1749, a
[la, on the north
i and, upon the
es to the Green-
ile. They saw,
upon the Ohio,
jvail on Charles Fcnton
ly, to allow their publi-
ct8 relative to the great
ally i. 502, 515, u. 133,
1749.
Movements of the French.
75
they might not only prevent their settlements upon it, but
must at last come upon their lower posts, and so the battle be
fought soonflr or later. To the danger of the English pos-
sessions in the West, Vaudreuil, the French governor, had
been long alive. Upon the 10th of May, 1744, he wrote
home representing the consequences that must come from
allowing the British to build a trading-house among the
Creeks;* and, in November, 1748, he anticipated their seizure
of Fort Prudhomme, which was upon the Mississippi below
the Ohio.f Nor was it for mere sickly missionary stations
that the governor feared; for, in the year last named, the Illi-
nois settlements, few as they were, sent flo and corn, the
hams of hogs and bears, pickled pork ann seV yrtle wax,
cotton, tallow, leather, tobacco, lead, iron, opp 'one little
buffalo wool, venison, poultry, bear's gv vt oii, fc,kins, and
coarse furs to the New Orleans market. /iVt • in 1746, from
five to six hundred barrels of flour, accoidin^ o cne authority,
and two thousand according to anot' , went thither from
Illinois, convoys annually going down tecember with the
produce-! Having these fears, and seeing the danger of the
late movements of the British, Gallisoniere, then Governor of
Canada, determined to place along the Ohio, evidences of the
French claim to, and possession of the country ; and for that
purpose, in the summer of 1749, sent Louis Celeron with a
party of soldiers, to place plates of lead, on which were writ-
ten out the claims of France, in the mounds, and at the
mouths of the rivers.^ Of this act William Trent, who was
sent out in 1762, by Virginia, to conciliate the Indians, heard
while upon the Ohio, and mentioned it in his Journal ; and
within a few years, one of the plates, with the inscription
* PownaH's Mimorial on Service in Anierica, na before quoted. Vaudreuil came out as
Governor of Canada in 1755.— Mfl»80cft«sc«s Historical Collections, vol. \\\., p. 105. Bee
al30 Holmes Annalt, vol. ii. p. 2,3. .
tPownaH'a Memorial.
Jlbid. Kepresentations t« Earl of Hillsborough, 1770, quoted in FUson'a KcntucUy,
1784 : also, in Uutchins' Geographical Description, p. 15.
§ Sparlcs' Washington, vol. ii. p. 430. Atwater's History of Ohio, first edition, p. 109.
Transactions of the American Antiquarian Society, vol. ii. pp. 535-641. De Witt Clinton
received the plate mentioned in the text from Mr. Atwater, who says it was found at the
mouth of the Muskingum, though marked as having been placed at the mouth of the Ve-
nango (Ycnangue) river, (French Creek, we presume.) Celeron wrote from an old Shawnee
town on the Ohio to Governor Hamilton of Pennsylvania, respecting the intrusion of tra-
ders from that colony into the French dominions. Minutes of the Council of Pennsylva-
nia, quoted in Dillon's History of Indiana, i. 00.
H
GisCs Exploration.
1761.
partly defaced, has been found near the mouth of the Muskin-
gum. Of this plate, the date upon which is August 16th, 1749,
a particular account was sent, by De Witt Clinton, t ) the
American Antiquarir>n Society, in whose second volume (p.
536-41) the inscription may be found at length. By this
step, the French, perhaps, hoped to quiet the title of the
river, " Oyo ;" but it produced not the least result. In that
very year, we are told, a trading-house was built by the Eng-
lish, upon the Great Miami, at the spot since called Loramie's
Store ;* while, from another source, we learn, that two traders
were, in 1749, seized by the French upon the Maumec. At
any rate, the storm was gathering; the English company was
(determined to carry out its plan, and the French were deter-
mined to oppose them.
During 1760, we hear of no step, by either party; but in
February, 1761, wc find Christopher Gist, the agent who had
been appointed by the Ohio Company to examine the western
lands, upon a visit to the Twigtwees or Tuigtuis, who lived
upon the Miami River, one hundred and thirty miles from its
mouth. t In speaking of this tribe, Mr. Gist says nothing of a
trading-house among them, (at least in the passage from his
Journal quoted by Mr. Sparks,) but he tells us, they loft the
Wabash for the sake of trading with the English ; and wc have
no doubt, that the spot which he visited was at the mouth of
Loramie's Creek, where, as we have said, a trading-house
was built about or before this time. Gist says, the Twigtwees
were a very numerous people, much superior to the Six Na-
tions, and that they were formerly in the French interest.
Wynne speaks of them as the same with the Ottowas; but Gist
undoubtedly meant the great Miamis confederacy ; for he says
that they are not one tribe, but " many different tribes, under
the same form of government."! [The journey of Gist com-
*Cont:tt <n America, by an ImpartM Hand. Onco thig writer epcalu of this poat aa
upon th« Wabash, bat ho doubtlees meant that on the Miami.
tSporks' Wathington, vol. i". p. 37.
JSee Harrison's Discount, olrciiJy quoted. Franklin, following a Twigtwoo chief pre-
sent at Carlisle, in 1753, (Minutes of that Council, p. 7. Sparks' Franklin, vol. ir. p. 71,)
speaks of the Piankeshaws, a tribe of the Twigtwees; and again, of the Miamis or Twig-
twees (ibid. vol. Ui. p. 72.){ The name is spelt in the Minutes of the Provincial Council of
Pennsylvania, Twechtweie, and they are described as those Indians, called by the French,
Miamis, (iii. 479.) On Evans' map, of 1755, they are called Tawizti, and are mentioned
among the confederated nations of the West. See also General Uorrison's letter of March
22, 1814, in McAfee, p. 43.
1751.
of tho Muskin-
ust 16th, 1749,
linton, t ) the
)nd volume (p.
gth. By this
le title of the
esult. In that
ilt by the Eng-
lled Loramie's
lat two traders
Maumee. At
company was
ich were deter-
r party ; but in
agent who had
ine the western
ftuis, who lived
y miles from its
lys nothing of a
assAge from his
lis, they loft the
h ; and we have
at the mouth of
a trading-house
, the Twigtwees
to the Six Na-
•'rench interest,
towas ; but Gist
icy ; for he says
nt tribes, under
ey of Gist com-
epoaka of tlila poat ai
a Twigtwoo chief pre-
rankUn, vol. iv. p. 71,)
f the MiamU or Twig-
9 Prorincial Council of
called by the French,
ctl, and are mentioned
rison's letter of March
1761.
Conference at Logstown.
77
mcnccd October 3], 1760, and lasted until ^Tay 1761. From
the head of tho Potomac, he went to the jbrks of the Ohio
(Pittsburgh), thence across what is now the State of Ohio to
the mouth of the Scioto ; then to the Tvvigf wee towns on the
Miami; from thence rq^urned to the Scioto, then followed
the Ohio to within fifteen miles of tho Falls, which he dared
not viiiit on account of the Indians there ; and thence returned
to the settlements by Kentucky river and Cumberland Gap.
A journal of his tour was published as an Appendix to Pow-
nall's Topography, London, 1776; and large extracts are
given by Dr. Hildreth.*]
Having thus generally examined the land upon tho Ohio,
in November Gist commenced a thorough survey of the tract
south of the Ohio and east of the Kanawha, which was that
on which the Ohio Company proposed to make their first
settlement. He spent the winter in that labor. In 1751, also,
General Andrew Lewis, commenced some surveys in the
Greenbriar country, on behalf of the company already men-
tioned, to which one hundred thousand acres of land had
been granted in that region ;t but his proceedings, as well as
Gist's, were soon interrupted. Meanwhile no treaty of a defi-
nite character had yet been held with the western Indians ;
and, as the influence both of the French and of the indepen-
dent Englisii traders, was against the company, it was thought
necessary to do something, and the Virginia government was
desired to invite the chiefs to a conference at Logstown,
which was done.
All this time the French had not been idle. They not only
stirred up the savages, but took measures to fortify certain
points on the upper waters of the Ohio, from which all low-
er posts might be easily attacked, and, beginning at Prcsqu'Ile,
or Erie, on the lake, prepared a line of communication with
the Allegheny. This was done by opening a wagon-road from'
Erie to a little lake lying at the head of French Creek, where
a second fort was built, about fifteen miles from that at lirie.
When this second fort was made, we do not clearly learn ; but
'Powoall'g work was a folio of 4S page«, called, "Topographical Description of tnch
puts of North America as are contained in the annexed Map." The Map was Evant'.
Oist'g Journal occupies ten pages. MS. Letter) of I,. C. Draper and Dr. Sparkt to Mr,
Perkitu.— Ed.
t Stuart's Memoir of Indian War. Border Warfare, 48.
'. »^<T*36tivV--^»"*'
■V'ij.i
n
First English SHtkmcnt Datmynl.
17B0.
Home time in 176'i, we believe* But lesit, while these little
castles were <{uietly rising nmid the forest, the Uritish also might
strengthen themsi-ivos too securely to be dislodged, a party of
soldiers was sent to keep the Ohio clenr; and this party,
ef\rly in 1762, having heard of the tjj-uding-^ouse upon the
Miami, and, very likely, of the visit to it by Gist, came to the
Twigtwees and demanded the traders, as unauthorized intru-
ders upon French lands. The Twigtwees, however, were
neither cowards nor traitors, and refused to deliver up their
friends t The French, assisted by the Ottowas and Chip-
pewas, then attacked the trading-house, [where several fami-
lies lived,] which was probably a block-house, and after a
severe battle, in which fourteen of the natives were killed,^
and others wounded, took and destroyed it, carrj'ing the tra-
ders away to Canada as prisoners, or, as one account says,
burning some of them alive. This fort, or trading-house, was
called by the English writers Pickawillany.^
Such was the fate of the first Hritish settlement in the Ohio
, valley, of which we have any record. It was destroyed early
in 1752, as we know by the fact, that its destruction was re-
ferred to by the Indians at the Logstown treaty in June.
"What traders they were who were taken, Ave do not know
with certainty. Some have thought them agents of the Ohio
Company ; but the Gist's proceedings about the Kanawha do
not favor the idea, neither do the subsequent steps of the
company ; and in the "History of Pennsylvania," ascribed to
Franklin, we find a gift of condolence made by that Province
to the Twigtwees for those slain in defence of the traders
•Washington's Journal of 1753.— Mantc, in liis History of tlio War, says, early in 1753,
but there was a post at Erie when the traders were taljen, before June, 1762.
fSparks' Franklin, vol. iv. p. 71.— Tol. iii.p. SIO. ritin Tactt, p. 42. Cmtttt M North.
ilfn«r(«a, Ac. p. .36. Wttttm Monthly Magazine, 1833. This fort was alwayf. referred to
in the early treaties of the United States \?ith the Indians ; see Land Laws and Treaties,
poit. Several other captures beside this are referred to by Franltlin and others. The
attack on Logstown, spoken of by BrooUctt and Russell, was donbtleai this attack on the
Miami poit. Smollett; Otorse 11. ohap. ix. See alio Bark's Virginia, vol. iii. p. 170.
^Among them a king of the Piankeshaws. (Minutes of the Council of Carlisle, 1753.)
From those Minutes wo learn also that the Ottowas ond Chipiwwaa oideU the French.
§ Washington's Journal (London, 1754) has a map on which the name is printed "Pik-
kawalinna."— A memorial of the king's miriitor, in 1755, refers to it a« "PickawilUnes,
in the centre of the territory between the OlfK. and the Wabash." Sjiarks' Franklin, vol.
iv. p. 330.) The name is probably some variaf.on of Piqua or Pickaway : in 1773, written
by Rev. David Jones "Pickawake." (Cist's Cincinnati Miscellany, i. 265.)
-•mm
1760.
1753
Treatjf Negotiations.
79
ile these little
tish aiao might
fed, a party of
(I this party,
u.s(> upon the
It, came to the
lorized intru-
owever, were
liver up their
as ant) Chip-
several fami-
, and after a
were killed,:]:
•rjing the tra-
accoant says,
ng-houue, was
nt in the Ohio
estroyed early
iction was re-
^aty in June.
! do not know
ts of the Ohio
Kanawha do
t steps of the
1," ascribed to
that Province
of the traders
, flsyi, early in IT53,
, 1762.
!. Cmteit in North
u alwayt. roferrod to
. Lam and Treaties,
n and others. The
M this attack on the
>, vol. iii. p. 170.
I of Carlisle, 17S3.)
leU the French.
me is printed "Pil<-
ai "Pioliawillanes,
nrks' Franklin, vol.
ly : in 1773, written
65.)
ainont; thi'm, in 1762, which leadft us to believe tha«; they were
iudcpendtMtt merchants from that colony.*
IMood had now been shed, and both parties became more
deeply interested in the progress of events in the West. The
L')n;;lish, on their part, determined to purchase from the Indians
fi title to the lands they wished to occupy, by lair means or
foul ; and, in the spring of Hfii, Messrs. Fry,t Lomnx, and Pat-
ton, were sent from Virginia to hold a conference with the na-
tives at Logstown, to leurn what they objected to in the treaty
of Lancaster, of which it was said they complained, and to
Hcttle all dilliculties.j; On the 9th of June, the commissioners
met the red men at Logstown : this was a little village, seven-
teen miles and a half below Pittsburgh, upon the north side
of tlic Ohio. J It had long been u trading point, but had been
abandoned by the Indians in 1750. || Here the Lanca.ster treaty
was produced, and the sales of the western lands insisted
upon; but the chiefs said, "No: they had not heard of any
sale west of the warrior's road,1I which ran at the foot of the
Allegheny ridge." The commissioners then offered goods for
a ratification of the Lancaster treaty ; spoke of the proposed
settlement by the Ohio Company ; and used all their persua-
sions to secure the land wanted. Upon the 11th of June, the
Indians replied : "They recognized the treaty of Lancaster,
and the authority of the Six Nations to make it, but denied
that they had any knowledge of the western lands being con-
veyed to the English by said deed ; and declined, upon the
*The Twigtwccs met the Pennsylvanhuii at Lancaster, in July, 1743, and made »
treaty with them. (Dillon's Indiana, i. 03.) Croghan, also, (Butler's Kontuoky, 471,)
(peaks of thein as connected with Pennsylvania. The Shawncca, from the West, went to
Philadelphia to make treaties, in 1732. (Hinutee of tho IVovinciAl Council of PennsyWa-
Dia, iii. 401.)
tAfterwatdg Cumnmndcr in Chief over Washington, at tho commencement of tho French
war of 17»5— 63 ; he died ot Will's Creek, (Cumberland) May 31. 1754. Sparks' Wash-
ington, ii. 27. uot«.
X Plain Fact; p. 40.— Sparks* Washington, vol. U. p. 480.
JCroghan, in his Jovma; says, that Log'stown was t«u/A of the Ohio. (Batler's Ken-
tucky, Ajjp.) Tho rivtr is itself nearly north and south at tho spot in question ; but w«
always call the Canada fide the north side, having reference to the general direction of tho
stream.
I Bancroft's ExpidiHon, London, 1706, p. 10.— Logstown is given on the map aeoompany-
Ing tho volume.
f Washington (Sparks' ii. 52C,) speaks of a warrior's path coming out upcn tlv Ohio
about thirty miles above the Great Kanawha; — Filsons and Ilutchins 'vie m,-ip) mako the
one referred to by them terminate below tho Scioto. — One may hove 'icon a branch used
by the Muskingum and Uocking tribes, tho other by those of the S\;'.otu Valley.
m '
1';
80
Terms agreed upon.
1752.
whole, having any thing to do with the treaty of 1744." "How-
ever," said the savages, "as the French have already struck
the Twigtwees, we shall be pleased to have your assistance
and protection, and wish yoii would build a fort at once at
the Forks of the Ohio."* But this permission was not what
th? Virginians wanted ; so they took aside Montour, the inter-
preter, who was a son of the famous Catharine Montour,^ and
a chief among the Six Nations, being three-fourths of Indian
blood, and persuaded him, by valid arguments, (of the kind
which an Indian m jstly appreciates doubtless,) to use his in-
fluence with his ft Hows. This he did; and, upon the 13th of
June, they all united in signing a deec^, confirming the Lan-
caster treaty in its full extent, consenting to a settlement south-
east of the Ohio, and guaranteeing that it should not be dis-
turbed by them.| By such means was obtained the first treaty
with the Indians in the Ohio valley.
All this time the two powers beyond the Atlantic were in a
professed state "of profound peace ;" and commissioners were
at Paris trying to out-manoBUvre one another with regard to
the disputed lands in America,^ though in the West all looked
like war. We have seen how the English outwitted the
Indians, and secured themselves, as they thought, by their
politic conduct. But the French, in this as in all cases, proved
that they knew best how to manage the natives; and, though
they had to contend with the old hatred felt toward them by
the Six Nations, and though they by no means refrained from
strong acts, marching through the midst of the Iroquois coun-
try, attacking the Twigtwees, and seizing the English traders,
nevertheless they did succeed, as the British never did, in at-
taching the Indians to their cause. As jin old chief of the
Six Nations said at Easton, in 1768: "The Indians on the Ohio
left you because of your own fault. When we heard the French
were coming, we asked you for help and arms, but we did not
* Plain Tactt, p. 42.
t For a sketch of tbU woman, &«« Mauachxuettt Historical CollecHoni, First Series, toI.
tU. p. 189, or Stone's Lift of Brant, vol. i. p. 339. She had two sons, Andrew and Henry.
Tho latter WM a Captain among the Iroquois, the former a common interpreter, appa-
rently. Andrew was ttken by the French in 1749. Which of them was at Logstown we
are Kot told; but, from his influence with the Indians, it was pixibably Henry.
X Plain Facti, pp. 38-44. The Virginia commissioners were men of high character, but
treated with the Indians according to the ideas of their day.
JSce BmoUet ; Qeorge II., chap. Tiii. and iz.
1752.
1744." "How-
already struck
our assistance
fort at once at
was not what
tour, the inter-
[VIontour,f and
irths of Indian
s, (of the kind
I to use his in-
)on the 13th of
ming the Lan-
ttlement south-
uld not be dis-
the first treaty
mtic were in a
lissionera were
with regard to
Vest all looked
outwitted the
(Ught, by their
II cases, proved
s; and, though
3vvard them by
refrained from
Iroquois coun-
English traders,
3ver did, in at-
Id chief of the
ms on the Ohio
jard the French
but we did not
fiont, First Series, yol.
s, Andrew and Ucnry.
aon interpreter, »p^<i-
1 WHS at Logstown w«
)ly Henry.
of high character, but
1753.
Preparations for Hostilities.
81
get them. The French came, they treated us kindly, and
gained our affections. The Governor of Virginia settled on
our lands for his own benefit, and, when we wanted help,
forsook us."*
So stood matters at the close of 1752. The English had
secured (as they thought) a title to the Indian lands southeast
of the Ohio, and Gist was at work laying out a town and fort
there on Chartier's Creek, about two miles below the Fork.f
Eleven families also were crossing the mountains to settle at
the point where Gist had fixed his own residence, west of
Laurel Hill, and not far from the Youghiogany. Goods, too,
had come from England for the Ohio Company, which, how-
ever, they could not well, and dared not, carry beyond Will's
Creek, the point where Cumberland now stands, whence they
were taken by the traders and Indians ; and there was even
some prospect of a road across the mountains to the Monon-
gahela.
On the other hand, the French were gathering cannon and
stores upon Lake Erie, and, without treaties or deeds for land,
were gaining the good will of even inimical tribes, and pre-
paring, when all was ready, to strike the blow. Some of the
savages, it is true, remonstrated. They said they did not un-
derstand this dispute between the Europeans, as to which of
them the western lands belonged, for they did not belong to
either. But the French bullied when it served their turn, and
flattered when it served their turn, and all the while went on
with their preparations, which were in an advanced state
early in 1753.J
In May of that year, the governor of Pennsylvania informed
the Assembly of the French movements, a knowledge of which
was derived, in part at least, from Montour, who had been
present at a conference between the French and Indians rela-
tive to the invasion of the West.§ The Assembly, thereupon,
voted six hundred pounds for distribution among the tribes,
besides two hundred for the presents of condolence to the
Twigtwees, already mentioned. This money was not sent,
*Plain Facts, p. 55.— Pownall's Memoir on Service in North America,
t Sparks' Washington, vol. ii. pp. 433, 482, and map, p. 38.
JSce in Washington's Journal, tho speech of Half-king to the French commander and
his answer.— Sparks' Washington, vol. ii. p. 484.
§ Sparks' Franklin, vol. iii. p. 219.
^^W
:*!i^ "
■ "■"S^SKS-"^'""
82
Another Treaty.
1763.
\<\
W'
but Conrad Weiser was despatched in August to learn how
things stood among the Ohiosp.vrages.* Virginia was moving
also. In June, or earlier, a commissioner was sent westward
to meet the Frenci., arir' ask how they dared to invade his
Majesty's province. Tiie messenger went to Logstown, but
was afraid to go up the Allegheny, as instructed.! Trent was
also sent off with guns, powder, shot and clothing for the
friendly Indianr ; and then it was, that he learned the fact
already stated, as to the claim of the French, and their burial
of medals in proof of it. While these measures were taken,
another treaty with the wild men of the debatable land was
also in contemplation ; and in September, 1753, William Fair-
fax met their deputies at Winchester, Virginia, where he con-
cluded a Ireaty, with the particulars of which we are unac-
quainted, but on which, we are told, weis an endorsement,
stating that such wjis their feeling, that he had not dared to
mention to them either the Lancaster or the L)gstown treaty ;J a
most sad comment upon the modes taketi to obtain those
grants. In the month following, ho vvever, a more satisfactory
interview took place at Carlisle, between the representatives
of the Iroquois, Delawares, Shawnees, Twigtwees and Wyan-
dots, and the commissioners of Pennsylvania, Richard Peters,
Isaac Norris, and Benjamin Franklin. At this meeting the
attack on the Twigtwees was talked over, the plans of the
French discussed, and a treaty concluded. The Indians had
sent three messages to the French, warning them away; the
reply was, that they were coming to build forts afWenengo,"
(Venango,) 'Mohongiala forks, (Pittsburgh,) Logstown and
Beaver Creek. The red men complained of the trad'..*-, as
too scattered, and killing them with runi; they wished only
three trading stations, viz: mouth of "Mohongoly," (Pitts-
burgh,) Logstown, and mouth of Conawa."§
Soon after this, no satisfaction being obtained from the
Ohio, either as to the force, position, or purposes of the
French, Robert Dinwiddle, then Governor of Virginia, deter-
mined to send to them another messenger, and selected a
young surveyor, who, at the age of nineteen, had received
the rank of major, and whose previous life had inured him to
* Sparks' Franklin, vol. iii. p. 2S0.
tSpark«' Washington, vol. ii. p. 430.
X Plain Tactt, p. 44.
JMinntcs of Treaty at Carlisle in October, 1753, pp. 5 to 8.
W-^
1763.
to learn how
I was moving
int westward
to invade his
ogstown, but
t Trent was
ithing for the
rned the fact
d their burial
s were taken,
ible land was
W^illiam Fair-
k^here he con-
we are nnac-
endorsement,
i not dared to
wn treaty ;J a
obtain those
•e satisfactory
jprcsentatives
ES and Wyan-
ichard Peters,
s meeting the
plans of the
e Indians had
;m away; the
fWenengo,"
lOgstown and
the traJ'.i^. as
yr wished only
gf;ly," (Pitts-
led from the
■poses of the
irginia, deter-
nd selected a
had received
inured him to
1763.
Washington.
83
hrvdship and woodland ways; while his courage, cool judg-
ment, and firm will, all fitted him for such a mission. This
young man, as all know, was George Washington, who was
twenty-one years and eight months old, at the time of the
appointment.* With Gist as his guide, Washington left
Will's Creek, wliere Cumberland now is, on the 15th of Novem-
ber, and, on the 22d, reached the Monongahela, about ten
miles above the Fork. Thence he went to Logstown, where
he had long conferences with the chiefs of the Six Nations
living in that neighborhood. Here he learned the position of
the French upon the Riviere aux Bamfs, and the condition of
their forts. He heard, also, that they had determined not to
come down the river till the following spring, but had warned
all the Indians, that, if they did not keep still, the whole
French force would be turned upon them ; and that, if they
and the English were equally strong, they would divide the
land between them, and cut off all the natives. These threats,
and the mingled kindness and severity of the French, had
produced the desired efiect. Shingiss, king of the Delawares,
feared io meet Washington, and the Shannoah (Shawnee)
chiefs would not crme either. f
The truth was, these Indians were in a very awkward
position. They could not resist the Europeans, and knew
not which to side with; so that a non-committal policy
was much the safest, and they were wise not to return by
Washington (as he desired they should) the wampum they
received from the I-'rench, as that would be equivalent to
breaking with the;n.
Finding that nothing could be done with these people,
Washington left Logstown on the 30th of November, and,
traveling amid cold and rain, reached Venango,J an old In-
dian town at the mouth of French Creek, on the 4th of
the next month. Here he found the French ; and through
the rum, the flattery, and the persuasions of his enemies,
he very nearly lost all his Indians, even his old friend, the
» Sparks' Washington, vol. ii. pp. 42S — 447.
t Shingias, or Shinga«k, was the great Delaware 'Warrior of that day, and did the
Britiah much mischief.— See IlackewoMcr'a Narrative, p. 64.
% A corruption of Innnngah ; (DayV Uiatorical Collections of Pennsylvania, 630, note.)
The French fort there was caUod Fort Machault. Memoirea sur la Derniero Outrre,
iii. ISl.)
I
I"
If
■yr*"
'"' "'^^ms^.
I
; m
84
Washington's Return.
1764.
Half-king. Patience and good faith conquered, however,
and, after another effort through mires and creeks, snow, rain
and cold, upon the Uth he reached the head of French Creek.
Here he delivered Governor Dinwiddle's letter, took his ob-
servations, received his answer, and upon the 16th set out
upon his return journey, having had to combat every art
and trick "which the most faithful brain could suggest," in
order to get his Indians away with him. Flattery, liquor,
guns, and provisions were showered upon the Half-king and
his comrades, while Washington himself received bows,
smirks, and compliments, with a plentiful store of creature-
comforts also.
From Venango, Washington and Gist went on foot, leaving
their Indian friends to the tender mercies of the French. Of
their hardships and dangers on this jour/iey out and back, we
need only say, that three out of five rien who went with
them were toi^ badly frost-bitten to continu* the journey.* —
In spite of all, however, they reached W ' "s Creek, on the
6th of January, well and sound.f Daring .h-: absence of the
j-oung messenger, steps had been taken to fortify and settle
the point formed by the junction of I'le Monongahela and
Allegheny ; and while ..pon his re?.u' he met' "seventeen
horses, loaded with materials .r'' ^^tones ic a f rrt at the Fork
of the Ohio," and, soon af^ ^r, '-sf-me families g'oing out to set-
tle." , -icse steps v»'ere taken by the Ohio Company; but, as
soon as vVp"';i"^ton returned wh*: the letter of St. Pierre,
the commaiuiei- n.i French Creek, and it was perfectly clear
t^at nci l>ii h'^ r-Ji- his superiors nieant to yield the West
without a struggle, Governor Binwiddie wrote to the Board
of Trade, stating that the French were building another fort
at A'^enango, and that in March twelve or fifteen hundred
men would be ready to descend the river with their Indian
allies, for which piirpose three hundred canoes had been col-
lected ; and that Logstown was then to be made head-quar-
ters, while forts were built in various other positions, and the
whole country occupied. He also sent expresses to the Gov-
ernors of Pennsylvania and New York, calling upon them for
assistance ; and with the advice of his council, proceeded to
* Spatks' Washington, ii. 55.
t Gist's Journal of tliis Expedition maj be found in the MMsachusetta Historical Col-
lections, third series, vol. v. (1836,) 101 to 103.
1764.
•ed, however,
iks, snow, rain
French Creek.
*, took his ob-
3 16th set out
bat every art
Id suggest," in
lattery, liquor.
Half-king and
!ceived bows,
re of creature-
)n foot, leaving
le French. Of
t and back, we
ho went with
le journey.* —
Creek, on the
absence of the
rtify and settle
longahela and
aet "seventeen
kirt at the Fork
oing out to set-
■npany ; but, as
r of St. Pierre,
pe"fectly clear
y^ield the West
te to the Board
iig another fort
fifteen hundred
ith their Indian
s had been col-
ade head-quar-
sitions, and the
>ses to the Gov-
J upon them for
il, proceeded to
;husetts Uistnrical Col-
1754.
Fort at Venango Finished.
86
enlist two companies, one of which was to be raised by
Washington, the other by Trent, who was a frontier man.
This last was to be raised upon the frontiers; and to proceed
at once to the Fork of the Ohio, there to cou :«lete in the best
manner, and as soon as possible, the fort begun by the Ohio
Company ; and in case of attack, or any attempt to resist the
settlements, or obstruct the works, those resisting were to be
taken, and if need were, to be killed.*
While Virginia was taking these strong measures, which
were fully authorized by the letter of the Earl of Holdernesse,
Secretary of State.f written in the previous August, and which
directed the Governors of the various provinces, after repre-
senting to those who were invading his Majesty's dominions
the injustice of the act, to call out the armed force of the
province, and repel force by force ; while Virginia was thus
acting, Pennsylvania was discussing the question, whether the
French were reaUy invading his Majesty's dominions, — the
Governor being on one side, and the Assembly on the other, J
and New York was preparing to hold a conference with the
Six Nations, in obedience to orders from the Board of Trade,
written in September, 1763.§ These orders had hccj ieni
out in consequence of the report in England, that the natives
would side with the French, because dissatisfied v. ith ilic oc-
cupancy of their lands by the English ; and simultaneous orders
were sent to the other provinces, directing the Govcrnora to
recommend their Assemblies to send commissioners to Alljany
to attend this grand treaty, which was to heal c*i. vounds.
New York, however, was more generous when callef'! on by
Virginia, than her neighbor on the south, f'd voted, for the
assistance of the resisting colony, five th
rency-ll
It was now April, 1754. The fort at Y
and all along the line of French Creek tr
and the wilderness echoed the strange si unds of an European
camp, — the watch-word, the command the clang of muskets,
the upr-^ar of soldiers, the cry of the
and pounds cur-
ango was finished,
ps were gathering ;
icr; and with these
^Sparks' Wuhington, toI. ii. pp. 1, 431, 446.— Sparks' Franklin, vol. iu. p. 254.
fSparks' Franklin, vol. lii. p. 251, where the letter is given.
JSparki' Franklin, vol. iii. pp. 254, 263.
JPIain Facts, pp. 45, 46. Sparks' Franklin, vol. iii. p. 253.
I! Massachusetts Historical Collections, first ecrict, vol. vii. p. 73.
IMI
M
'■■-■•'.<fafr
86
Volunteers called out.
1754.
t „
were mingled the shrieks of drunken Indians, won over from
their old friendship by rum and soft words. Scouts were
abroad, and little groups formed about the tents or hr. ts of
the officers, to learn the movements of the British. Canoes
were gathering, and cannon were painfully hauled here
and there. All was movement and activity among the old
foi-ests, and on hill-sides, covered already with young xvild
flowers, from Lake Eric to the Allegheny. In Philadelphia,
meanwhile, Governor Hamilton, in no amiable mood, had
summoned the Assembly, and asked them if they meant to
help the King in the defence of his dominions ; and had de-
sired them, above all things, to do whatever they meant to do,
quickly. The Assembly debated, and resolved to aid the King
with a little money, and then debated again and voted not to
aid him with any money at all, for some would not give less
than ten thousand pounds, and others would not give more
than five thousand pounds ; and so, nothing being practicable,
they adjourned upon the 10th of April until the 13th of May.*
In New York, a little, and only a little better spirit, was at
work; nor was this si, u igc, as her direct interest was much
less than that < f Pennsylvania. Five thousand poqnds indeed
was, as wo have said, voted to Virginia ; but the Assembly
(juestioned the invasion of his Majesty's dominions by the
French, and it was not till June that the money voted was
sent forward. t
The Old Dominion, however, was all alive. As, under the
provincial law, the militia could not be callG|| forth to march
more than five miles beyond the bounds of the colony, and as
it was doubtful if the French were in Virginia, it was deter-
mined to rely upon volunteers. Ten thousand pounds had
been voted by the Assembly ; so the two companies were now
increased to six, and Washington was raised to the rank of
lieutenant colonel, and made second in command under
Joshua Fry. Ten cannon, lately from England, were for-
warded from Alexandria; wagons were got ready to carry
westward provisions and stores through the heavy spring
roads;" and everywhere along the Potomac men were enlist-
ing under the Governor's proclamation, which promised tQ
* Sparks' Franklin, vol. iii. pp. 264, 265.
IMassachusctta Uistorical Collections, first scries, vol. vii. pp. 72, 7", find note.
1754.
1751.
The War Begun.
87
won over from
Scouts were
;nt.s or huts of
•itish. Canoes
' hauled here
imong the old
th young xvild
L Philadelphia,
»le mood, had
they meant to
; and had de-
y meant to do,
;o aid the King
d voted not to
d not give less
lot give more
tig practicable,
13th of May.*
' spirit, was at
•est was much
pounds indeed
the Assembly
unions by the
ley voted was
As, under the
ibrth to march
jolony, and as
, it was deter-
d pounds had
nies were now
to the rank of
amand under
id, were for-
iady to carry
heavy spring
II were enlist-
. promised to
nnd note.
those that should serve in that war, two hundred thousand
acres of land on the Ohio, or, aK'eady enlisted, were gathering
into grave knots, or marching forward to the field of action,
or helping on the thirty cannon and eighty barrels of gun-
powder, which the King had sent out for the western forts.
Along the Potomac they were gathering, as far as to Wills
Creek ; and far beyond Will's Creek, whither Trent had come
for assistance, his little band of forty-one men was working
away, in hunger and want, to fortify that point at the Fork of
the Ohio, to which both parties were looking with deep inter-
est. The first birds of spring filled the forest with their songs ;
the redbud was here and there putting forth its flowers on the
steep Allegheny hill-sides, and the swift river below swept by,
swollen by the melting snows and April showers ; a few In-
dian scouts were seen but no enemy seemed near at hand ;
and all were so quiet, that Frazier, an old Indian trader, who
had been left by Trent in command of the new fort, ventured
to his home at the mouth of Turtle Creek, ten miles up the
Monongahela. But, though all w»« «o quiet in that wilder-
ness, keen eyes had seen the lov i itrenchment that was
rising at the Fork, and swift feet had borne the news of it up
the valley ; and, upon the 17th of April, Ensign Ward, who
then had charge of it, saw upon the Allegheny a sight that
made his heart sink ; sixty batteaux and three hundred canoes,
filled with men, and laden deep with cannon and stores. The
fort was called on to surrender ; by the advice of the Half-
king, Ward tried to evade the act, but it M'ould not do ; Con-
trecoBur, with a thousand men about him, said "Evacuate,"
and the Ensign dared not refuse. That evening he supped
with his captor, and the next day was bowed off" by the
Frenchman, and, with his men and tools, marched up the
Monongahela. From that day began the war.*
* Sparks' Wailiington, vol. ii. The number of French troops was probably over-itated,
but to thfi captives there seemed a round thouaand. Durk, in his History of Virginia,
speaks of the taking of Logstovrn by the French ; but Logstown waa never a post of the
Oiiio Corapiny tis he represents it, as is plain from all contemporary letters and accounts.
Burk'i ignoraneo of Western matters is clear in thid, that he says the French dropped
down from F'Tt Du Qiiesne to Presqu'Ilo and Venango; they, or a part of them, did drop
down the Ohio, but surely not to posts, one of which wasi on Lake Erie, and the other far
))D tho Allcglif.ny! In a letter from Captain Stobo, written in July, 1764, at Fort Du
(£ftti,r, where he was then confined as hostage under tho capitulation of Great Meadow?,
lie fays there were but two hundred men in and aljout the Fort at that time. — (American
Pioneer, i. 236.— For plan of Fort« Du Quesnc and Pitt, seo article in Pioneer; also, Day's
Historical Collections of Pennsylvania, 77.)
-^mw^
1
"-^^IT"
CHAPTER 111.
WAR OF 1754 TO 1763.
Fort Nooesaity— Proposod oompromUo by tho French— March of Bmddook— Defeat of
BraJdock— Expedition to the ludian Towns on tho Ohio— Fort Du (Juoano taken by the
British— Journey of Post— Treaty at Eaaton- Settlemcntg in the West— Treaty of Peace
at Paris.
Washington was at Will's Creek, (Cumberland,) when the
news of the surrender of the Forks reached him. He was.on
his way across the mountains, preparing roads for the King's
cannon, and aiming for the mouth of Red Stone Creek,
(Brownsville,) where a store-house had been already built by
the Ohio Company ; by the 9th of May, he had reached Lit-
tle Meadows, on the head waters of a branch of the Youghio-
gheny, toiling slowly, painfully forward, four, three, sometimes
only two miles a day ! All the while from traders and others
he heard offerees coming up the Ohio to reinforce the French
at the Fork, and of spies out examining the valley of the
Monongahela, flattering and bribing the Indians. On the
27th of°May he was at Great Meadows, west of the Youghi-
ot'heny, near the Fort of Laurel Hill, close by the spot now
known' as Braddock's Grave. He had heard of a body of
French somewhere in the neighborhood, and on the 27th, his
former guide. Gist, came from his residence beyond Laurel
Hill near the head of Red Stone Creek, and gave information
of a body of French, who had been at his plantation the day
before. That evening from his old friend the Half-king, he
heard again of enemies in the vicinity. Fearing a surprise,
Washington at once started, and early the next morning at-
tacked the party referred to by the Chief of the Iroquois. In
the contest ten of the French were killed, including M. de
Jumonville, their commander; of the Americans but one was
lost. This skirmish France saw fit to regard as the commence-
ment of the war, and in consequence of a report made by M. de
Contrecoeur, to the Marquis Du Quesne, founded upon the tales
told by certain of Jumonville's men, who had run away at the
first onset, it has been usual with French writers to represent
the attack by Washington as unauthorized, and the party as-
'■?^S0^-'
176.^
CopiluhUioii of Fort NcccsMly,
89
Jraddoflk— Defeat of
(jucano taken by the
est — Treaty of Peace
md,) when the
I. lie was.on
for the King's
Stone Creek,
ready built by
reached Lit-
f the Youghio-
ree, sometimes
ers and others
rce the French
valley of the
iahs. On the
jf the Youghi-
y the spot now
. of a body of
)n the 27th, his
beyond Laurel
ive information
ntation the day
e Half king, he
'ing a surprise,
xt morning at-
le Iroquois. In
icluding M. de
,ns but one was
the commence-
, made by M. de
d upon the tales
un away at the
crs to represent
d the party as-
■>' »
sailed by him as a party sent with peaceable intentions; and
this impression was confirmed by the term "assassination of M.
de Jumnnviile," used in the capitulation of Cireat Meadows in
the following July ; — this having been accepted by Washing-
ton (to whom the term was falsely translated,) it was naturally
regarded as an acknowledgment by him of the improper
character of the attack of May '28th. Mr Sparks, in his ap-
pendix to Washington ^ papers, vol. ii. pp. 447, 459, has dis-
cussed this matter at length, and fully answered the aspersions
of the European writers ; to his work we refer our readers.
From the last of May until the 1st of .luly, preparations
were made to meet the French who were understood to be
gathering their forces in the West. On the 28th of June,
Washington was at Gist's house, and new reports coming in
that the enemy was approaching in force, a council of war
was held, and it was thought best, in consequence of the
scarcity of provisions, to retreat to C4reat Meadows, and even
farther if possible. When, however, the retiring body of
Provincials reached that post, it was deemed impossible to go
farther in the exhausted state of the troops, who had been
eight days without bread. Measures were therefore taken to
strengthen the fort, which, from the circumstances, was named
Fort Necessity. On the 1st of July, the Americans reached
their position ; on the 3d, alarm was given of an approaching
enemy; at eleven o'clock, A. M., nine hundred in number,
they commenced the attack in the midst of a hard rain ; and
from that time until eight in the evening, the assailants ceased
not to pour their fire upon the little fortress. About eight
the French requested some ofiicer to be sent to treat with
them; Captain Vanbraam, the only person who pretended to
understand the language of the enemy, was ordered to go to
the camp of the attacking party, whence he returned bringing
terms of capitulation, which, by a flickering candle, in the
dripping quarters of his commander, he translated to Wash-
ington, and as it proved, from intention or ignorance, mis-
translated. By this capitulation, the garrison of Fort Neces-
sity were to have leave to retire with everything but their
artillery; the prisoners taken May 2Sth were to be returned;
and the party yielding were to labor on no works west of the
mountains for one year; for the observance of these condi-
tions Captain Vanbraam, the negotiator, and Captain Stobo,
6
— wyi
90
Resignation of Washington.
1754.
were to bo retained by tlie French as sureties.* The above
provisiona having been agreed to, Washington and his men,
hard pressed by famine, liastcned to the nearest depot which
was at Will's Creek. At this point, immediately afterwards.
Fort Cumberland was erected under the charge of Colonel
Innes, of North Carolina, who, since the death of Colonel
Fry, had been Commander-in-Chief. At that time there were
in service, 1st, the Virginia militia ; 2nd, the Independent Com-
panies of Virginia, South Carolina, and New York, all of whom
were paid by the King ; 3d, troops raised in North Carolina
and paid by the Colony ; and 4th, recruits from Maryland; of
these the Virginia and South Carolina troops alone had been
beyond the mountains.
From August to October little appears to have been done,
but in the latter month the Governor of Virginia, (Dinwiddle,)
so changed the military organization of the Colony, as to leave
no one in the army with a rank above that of Captain ; this
was done in order to avoid all contests as to precedence
among the American officers, it being clear that troops from
various Provinces would have to be called into the field, and
that the different commissions from the Crown, and the Colo-
nies, would give large openings for rivalry and conflict ; but
among the results of the measure was the resignation of
Washington, who for a time retired to Mount Vernon-t
It was now the fall of 1754. In Pennsylvania, Morris, who
had succeeded Hamilton, was busily occupied with making
speeches to the Assembly and listening to their stubborn re-
plies; J, while in the north the Kennebec was fortified, r*nd a
plan talked over for attacking Crown Point on Lake Cham-
plain the next spring; § and in the south things went on much
as if there were no war coming. All the colonies united in
one thing, however, in calling loudly on the mother country
for help. During this same autumn the pleasant Frenchmen
were securing the West, step by step ; settling the valley of
the Wabash ; gallanting with the Delawares, and coquetting
with the Iroquois, who still balanced between them and the
♦This fact would seem to show that Vanbraam'a miitranslation must have been from
ignorance or accident. •
fSparks' Washington, ii. 64, 67, and generally, the whole volume, as to this war.
JSparks' Franklin, vol. iii. p. 282.
gMassaohusetts Historical CJolleotions, vol. vii. p. 88.
-*
1764.
* Tlic above
1 and hiH men,
it depot which
ily afterwards,
go of Colonel
th of Colonel
nc there were
pendent Com-
rk, all of whom
lorth Carolina
1 Maryland; of
lone had been
ive been done,
I, (Dinwiddle,)
ny, as to leave
Captain ; this
to precedence
at troops from
> the field, and
, and the Colo-
I conflict ; but
resignation of
^ernon.t
a, Morris, who
1 with making
ir stubborn re-
fortificd, "nd a
n Lake Cham-
went on much
>nics united in
nother country
mt Frenchmen
g the valley of
ind coquetting
1 them and the
must hare been from
as to this trar.
1755.
li tad Jock in America.
91
English. The forest of the Ohio shed their leaves, and the prai-
ries Hllod the sky with the smoke of their burning ; aiid along
the great rivers, and on the lakes, and amid the patliless
woods of the West, no iluropean wa.s seen, whose tongue spoke
other language than tliat of France. So closed 1754.
The next year opened witii professions, on both sides, of the
most peaceful intentions, and preparaliotis on both sides to
push the war vigorout^iy. France, in .January, proposed to re-
store every thing to the state it was in before the last war,
and to refer all claims to commissioners at Paris; to which
IJritaiii.on the 22nd, rei)lied that, the west of North America
must be left as it was at the treaty of Utrecht. On the 6th of
February, France made answer, that the old Finghsh claims in
America were untenable ; and offered a new ground of compro-
mise, namely, that the English should retire east of the Alle-
ghenies, and the French west of the Ohio. This olfer was long
considered, and at length was affrnd to by Enir/und on the 7th
of March, provided the French would destroy all their forts on
the Ohio and its branches ; to which, after twenty days had
passed, France said, "No."* While all this negotiation was
going on, other things also had been in motion. General
Braddock, with his gallant troops, had crossed the Atlantic,
and, upon the 20th of February, had landed in Virginia, com-
mander-in-chief of all the land forces in America; and in the
north all this while there was whispering of, and enlisting for,
the proposed attack on Crown Point ; and even Niagara, far
off by the falls, was to be taken in ca'e nothing prevented. In.
France, too, other work had been done than negotiation ; for
at jrest and Uochelle ships were fitting out, and troops g^'"
ering, and stores crowding in. Even old England ' erst i
not been all asleep, and Boscawen had been busy at Plymouth,
hurrying on the slow workmen, and gathering the unready .sai-
lors.f In March the two European neighbors were smiling
and doing their best to quiet all troubles; in April they still
smiled, but the fleets of both were crowding sail across the At-
lantic and, in Alexandria, Braddock, Shirley, and their fellow-
officers were taking counsel as to the summer's campaign.
In America four points were to be attacked; Fort Du
•Plain Facts, pp. 51, 52. — Secret Journals, vol. iv. p. 74.
■fSparks' Wnshington, vol. ii. p. 68. — Massachusetts Historical Collections, ro.. Til. p. 89.
— Smollett. George II, o'laptcr s.
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92
Difficulties of Braddock.
1755.
Qucsne, Crown Point, Niagara, and the French posts in Nova
Scotia. On the 20th of April, Braddock lilt Ak'xandria to
march upon Du Quesno, whither he was expressly ordered,
tho'ugh the oflicers in America looked upon it as a mistaken
movement, as they thought New York should be the main
point for regular operations. The expedition for Nova Scotia,
consisting of three thousand Massachusetts men, left Boston
on the 20th of May ; while the troops which General Shirley
was to lead against Niagara, and the provincials which Will-
iam Johnson was to head in the attack upon Crown Point,
slowly collected at Albany.
May and June passed away, and mid summer drew nigh.
The fearful and desponding colonists waited anxiously for
news; and, when the new's came that Nova Scotia had been
conquered, and that Boscawen had taken two of the French
men of war, and lay before Louisburg, hope and joy spread
everywhei-e. July passed away, too, and men heard how slowly
and painfully Braddock made progress through the wilderness,
how his contractors deceived him, and the colonics gave little
help, and neither horses nor wagons could be had, and only
one, Benjamin Franklin, sent any aid ;* and then reports came
that he had been forced to leave many of his troops, ana much
of his baggage and artillery, behind him ; and then, about the
middle of the month, through Virginia there went a whisper,
that the great general had been defeated and wholly cut oil";
and, as man after man rode down the Potomac conlirining it,
the planters hastily mounted, and were off to consult with
their neighbors; the country turned out; companies were
formed to march to the frontiers ; sermons were pi-eached,
and every heart and mouth was full. In Pennsylvania the
Assembly were called together to hear the "shocking news; "
and in New Vork it struck terror into those who were there
gathered to attack the northern posts. Soldiers deserted ; the
batteaux men dispersed; and when at length Sliirley, since
Braddock's death the commander-in-chief, managed with infi-
nite labor to reach Oswego on Lake Ontario, it was too late
and stormy, and his force too feeble, to allow him to more than
garrison that point, and march back to Albany again-f John-
•Sparka' Washington, vol. ii. p. 77, Ac— Sparks' Franklin, vol. vii. p. 91, Ac.
tFor a full account of Shirley's E.xpcditiun, ace the paper in Masacliusotts Ili-torical
Collections, vol. vii.
1755.
its in Nova
xanclria to
ly ordered,
a mistaken
! the main
ova Scotia,
left Boston
ral Shirley
/hich Will-
own Point,
Irew nigh,
xiousiy for
had been
the Flench
joy spread
[low slowly
wilderness,
gave little
1, and only
|)orts came
, ana much
, about the
a whisper,
lly cut oil";
ilirniing it,
)nsult with
.nies were
preached,
Ivania the
ng news; "
were there
serted ; the
rley, since
1 with in fi-
ts too late
' more than
lin-t John-
1, Ac.
isatts lIi;torical
I
1755.
Services of Franklih.
98
son did better ; for he met and defeated Baron Dicskau upon
the banks of Lake George, though Crown Point was not
taken, nor even attacked.
But we must turn back for a moment to describe particu-
larly the events of Braddock s famous defeat, connected as it
is with the history of the West; and we cannot do it more
perfectly than in the words of Mr. Sparks in his appendix to
the second volume of the writings of Washington.
The defeat of General Braddock, on the banks of the Monon-
gahela, is one of the most remarkable events in American
history. Great preparations had been made for the expedi-
tion, under that experienced officer, and there was the most
sanguine anticipation, both in England and America, of its
entire success. Such was the confidence in the prowess of
Braddook's army, according to Dr. Franklin, that, while he was
on his inarch to Fort Du Quesne, a subscription paper was
handed about in Philadelphia, to raise money to celebrate his
victory by bonfires and illuminalions, as soon as the intelli-
gence should arrive.
General Braddock landed in Virginia on the 20th of Feb-
ruary, 1755, with two regiments of the Puitish army from
Ireland, the forty-fourth and forty-eighth, each consisting of
five hundred men, one of them commanded by Sir Peter
Halket, and the other by Colonel Dunbar. To these were
joined a suitable train of artillery, with military supplies
and provisions. The General's first head-quarters were at
Alexandria, and the troops were stationed in that place
and its vicinity, till they marched for Will's Creek, where they
arrived about the middle of May. It took four weeks to
efliect that march. In letters written at Will's Creek, General
Braddock, with much severity of censure, complained of the
lukewarmness of the colonial governments and tardiness of
the people, in facilitating his enterprise, the dishonesty of
agents and the faithlessness of contractors. The forces which
he brought together at Will's Creek, however, amounted to
somewhat more than two thousand elfective men, of whom
about one thousand belonged to the royal regiments, and the
remainder were furnished by the colonies. In this number
were embraced the fragments of two independent companies
from New York, one of which was commanded by Captain
Gates, afterwards a Major-Gencral in the Revolutionary war.
Thirty sailors had also been granted for the expedition by
Admiral Keppel, who commanded the squadron that brought
over the two regiments.
At this post the army was detained three weeks, nor could
it then have moved, had it not been for the energetic personal
services of Franklin, among the Pennslyvania farmers, in pro-
94
Braddock's Defeat.
1755.
curing horses and wagons to transport the artillery, provisions
and baggage.
The details of the march were well described in Colonel
Washington's letters. Tiie army was separated into tvo
divisions. The advanced division, under CJeneral Braddock,
consisted of twelve hundred men, besides oflicers. The other,
under Colonel Dunbar, was left in the rear, to proceed by
slower marches. On the 8th of July, the General arrived
with his division, all in excellent health and spirits, at the
junction of the Youghiogheny and Monongahela rivers. At
tliis place Colonel Washington joined the advance division,
being but partially recovered from a severe attack of fever,
which had been the cause of his remaining behind. The
officers and soldiers were now in the highest spirits, and firm
in the conviction, that they should within a few hours, vic-
toriously enter the walls of Fort Du Quesne.
The steep and rugged grounds on the north side of the
Monongahela prevented the army from marching in that di-
rection, and it was necessary in approaching the Fort, now
about fifteen miles distant, to ford the river twice, and march
part of the way on the south side. Early on the morning of
the 9th, all things were in readiness, and the whole train pass-
ed through the river a little below the mouth of the Youghio-
gheny, and proceeded in perfect order along the southern mar-
gin of the Monongahela.
Washington was often heard to say during his lifetime, that
the most beautiful spectacle that he ever beheld was the dis-
play of the British troops on this eventful morning. Every man
was neatly dressed in full uniform, the soldiers were arranged
in columns and marched in exact order, the sun gleamed from
their burnished arms, the river flowed tranquilly on their
right, and the deep forest overshadowed them with solemn
grandeur on their left. Officers and men Avere equally in-
spired with cheering hopes and confident anticipations.
In this manner they marched forward till about noon, when
they arrived at the second crossing place, ten miles from Fort
Du Quesne. They haUed but a little time, and then began
to ford the river and regain its northern bank. As soon as
they had crossed, they came upon a level plain, elevated but
a few ieet above the surface of the river, and extending
northward nearly half a mile from its margin. Then com-
menced a gradual ascent at an angle of about three degrees,
which terminated in hills of a considerable height at no great
distance beyond. The road from the fording placo to Fort Du
Quesne, led across the plain and up this ascent, and thence
proceeded through an uneven country, at that time covered
with woods.
By the order of march, a body of three hundred men, under
Colonel Gage, afterwards General Gage, of Boston memory,
1755.
provisions
ill Colonel
into Ivo
Braddock,
The other,
iroceed by
al arrived
•its, at the
ivcrs. At
e division,
k of fever,
lind. The
, and firm
liours, vic-
ide of the
in that di-
Fort, now
and march
Tiorning of
train pass-
; Youghio-
thern mar-
etime, that
/as the dis-
Every man
e arranged
amed from
y on their
ith solemn
equally in-
ions.
lOon, -fthen
3 from Fort
Lhen hcgan
As soon as
evated but
extending
Then com-
je degrees,
at no great
to Fort Du
and thence
fie covered
Tien, under
a memory,
1755.
Braddock^s Defeat.
95
made the advanced party, which was immediately followed
by another of two hundred. Next came the General with
the columns of artillery, the main body of the army, and the
baggage. At one o'clock the whole had passed the river, and
alinust at this moment a sharp firing was heard upon the ad-
vance parties, who were now ascending the hill, and had got
forward about a hundred yards from the termination of the
plain. A heavy discharge of musketry was poured in upon
their front, which was the first intelligence they had of the
proximity of an enemy, and this was suddenly followed by
another on their right flank. They were filled with great con-
sternation, as no enemy was in sight, and the firing seemed to
proceed from an invisible foe. They fired in their turn, how-
ever, but quite at random, and obviously without effect, as
the enemy kept up a discharge in quick, continued succession.
The General advanced speedily to the relief of these de-
tachments; but before he could reach the spot which they oc-
cupied, they gave way and fell back upon the artillery and
the other columns of the army, causing extreme confusion,
and striking the whole mass with such a panic, that no order
could afterwards be restored. The General and the officers
behaved with the utmost courage, and used every effort to
rally the men, and bring them to order, but all in vain. In
this state they continued nearly three hours, huddling togeHier
in confused bodies, firing irregularly, shooting down their own
officers and men, and doing no perceptible harm to the enemy.
The Virginia provincials were the only troops who seemed to
retain their senses, and they behaved with a bravery and reso-
lution worthy of a better fate. They adopted the Indian
mode, and fought each man for himself behind a tree. This
was prohibited by the General, who endeavored to form his
men into platoons and columns, as if they had been manceu-
vring on the plains of Flanders. Meantime the French and
Indians, concealed in the ravines and behind trees, kept up a
deadly and unceasing discharge of musketry, singling out
their objects, taking deliberate aim, and producing a carnage
almost unparalleled in the annals of modern warfare. More
than half of the whole army, which had crossed the river in so
proud an array, only three hours before, were killed or wound-
ed ; the General himself had received a mortal wound, and
many of his best officers had fallen by his side.
In describing the action a few days afterwards, Colonel
Orme wrote to the Governor of Pennsylvania : "The men
were so extremely deaf to the exhortations of the General and
the officers, that they fired away in the most irregular manner
all their ammunition, and then ran off", leaving to the enemy
the artillery, ammunition, provisions and baggage ; nor could
they be persuaded to stop till they had got as far as Gist's plan-
tation, nor there only in part, many of them proceeding as far
M
Brwhlock's Defeat.
1755.
as Colonel Dunbar's party, who lay six miles on this side. The
officers were absolutely sacrificed by their good behavior, ad-
vancing sometimes in bodies, sometimes separately, hoping
by such example to engage the soldiers to f'oliowthcm, but to
no purpose. The General had five horses shot under him,
and at last received a wound through his right arm into his
lungs, ol' which he died the 13th instant. Secretary Shirley
was shot through the head ; Captain Morris, wounded. Colonel
Washington had two horses shot under him, and his clothes
shot through in several p'aces, behaving the whole time with
the greatest courage and resolution. Sir Peter Ilalket was
killed upon the spot. Colonel Burton and Sir John St. Clair
were wounded." In addition to these, the other field oflicers
wounded were Lieutenant-Colonel Gage, (al'terw^ards so well
known as the commander of the British forces in Boston, at
the beginning of the Revolution,) Colonel Orme, Major Sparks,
and Brigade Major Ilalket. Ten Captains were killed, and
twenty-two wounded ; the whole number of officers in the
engagement was eighty-six, of whom twenty-six were killed,
and thirty-seven wounded. The killed and wounded of the
privates amounted to seven hundred and fourteen. Of these
at least one-half were supposed to be killed. Their bodies
left on the field of action were stripped and scalped by the
Indians. All the artillery, amnmnition, provisions, and bag-
gage, every thing in the train of the army, fell into the ene-
my's hands, and were given up to be pillaged by the savages.
General Braddock's papers wtre also taken, among which
were his instructions and correspondence with the ministry
after his arrival in Virginia. The same fate befell the papeis
of Colonel Washington, including a private journal and his
official correspondence, during his campaign of the preceding
year.
M. de Conti'ecoeur, the commandant of Fort Du Quesne,
received early intelligence of the ai-rival of General Braddock
and the British regiments in Virginia. After his removal from
Will's Creek, French and Indian scouts were constantly abroad,
who watched his motions, reported the progress of his march,
and the route he was pursuing. His army was represented to
consist of three thousand men. M. de Contrecoeur was hesi-
tating what measures to take, believing his small force wholly
inadequate to encounter so formidable an enemy, w-hen M. de
Beaujeu, a Captain in the French service, proposed to head a
detachnient of French and Indians, and meet the enemy in
their march. The consent of the Indians was first obtained.
A large body of them was then encamped in the vicinity of
the Fort, and M. de Beaujeu opened to them his plan, and re-
quested their aid. This they at first declined, giving as a
reason the superior force of the enemy, and the impossibility
o/'&uccess. But at the pressing solicitation of M. de Beaujeu,
1755.
side. The
havior, ad-
■ly, hoping-
icm, but to
under him,
rm into his
ary Shirley
ed, Colonel
his clothes
; time Avith
lalket was
in iSt. Clair
eld officers
rds so well
Boston, at
ijor Sparks,
killed, and
:ers in the
vere killed,
ided of the
Of these
lieir bodies
ped by the
, and bag-
to the ene-
le savages,
long which
le ministry
the papeis
lal and his
! preceding
u Quesne,
.1 Braddock
11 oval from
itly abroad,
'his march,
resented to
r was hesi-
irce M holly
■hen M. de
i to head a
} enemy in
t obtained,
vicinity of
in, and re-
iving as a
ipossibility
e Beaujeu,
(
mttrntrnff^
-
1755.
Bradtlock's Defeat.
97
they agreed to hold a council on the subject, and talk with him
again the next morning. They still adhered to thei'^ lirst de-
cision, and when M. dc Beaujeu went out among them to in-
quire the result of their deliberations, they told him a second
time they could not go. This was a severe disappointment
to jM. de Beaujeu, who had set his heart upon the enterprise,
and was resolved to prosecute it. Being u man of great good
nature, affability, and ardor, and much beloved by the savages,
he said to them, "I am determined to go out and meet the
enemy. What! will you suffer your father to go out alone ?
I am sure we shall conquer." With this spirited harangue,
delivered in a manner that pleased the Indians, and won upon
their confidence, he subdued their unwillingness, and they
agreed to accompany him.
It was now the 7lh of July, and news came that the English
were within six leagues of the Fort. This day and the next
were spent in making preparations, and reconnoitering the
ground for attack. Two other Captains, Dumas and Licjuery
were joined with M. de Beaujeu, and also four Lieutenants, six
Ensigns and two Cadets. On the morning of the 9th they
were all in readiness, and began their march at an early
hour. It seems to have been their iir.st intention to make a
stand at the ford, and annoy the English while crossing the
river, and then retreat to the ambuscade on the side of
the hill where the contest actually commenced. The trees
on the bank of the river afforded a good opportunity to
effect this measure, in the Indian mode of warfare, since the
artillery could be of little avail against an enemy, where every
man was protected by a tree, and at the same time the En-
glish would be exposed to a point blank musktt shot in fording
the river. As it happened, however, JM. de Beaujeu and his
party did not arrive in time to execute this part of the plan.
The EnglLsh were preparing to cross the river, when the
French and Indians reached the defiles on the rising ground,
where they posted themselves, and waited until Braddock's
advanced columns came up. This was the signal for the at-
tack, which was made at first in front, and repelled by so heavy
a discharge from the British, that the Indians believed it pro-
ceeded from artillery, and showed symptoms of wavering and
retreat. At this moment M. de Beaujeu was killed, and the
command devolving on M. Dumas, he showed great presence
of mind in rallying the Indians, and ordered his officers to
lead them to the wings and attack the enemy in the flank,
while he with the French troops would maintain the position
in front. This order was promptly obeyed, and the attack be-
came general. The action was warm and severely contested
for a short time; but the English fought in the European method,
firing at random, which had little effect in the woods, while
the Indians fired from concealed places, took aim, and almost
■"-|^V.*r.#5!-
98
Braddock''s Defeat.
1756.
every shot brought down a man. The English columns soon
got into confusion ; the yell of the savages with which the
woods resounded, struck terror into the hearts of the soldiers,
till at length they took to Hight, and resisted all the endeavors
of tiieir olliccrs to restore any degree of order in their escape.
The route was complete, and the field of battle was left cov-
ered with the dead and wounded, and all the artillery, ammu-
nition, provisions, and baggage of the English army. The
Indians gave themselves up to pillage, which prevented them
♦rom pursuing the English in their flight.
JSuch is the substance of the accounts written at the time
by the French officers and sent home to their Government.
In regard to the numt)eis engaged, there are some slight varia-
tions in the three statements. The largest number reported
is two hundred and fifty French and Canadians, and six hun-
dred Indians. If we take a medium, it will make the whole
number led out by M. de Beaujcu, at least eight hundred and
fifty. In an imperfect returi, three officers were stated to be
killed, and four wounded; about thirty soldiers and Indians
killed, and as many wounded. When these facts are taken
into view, the result of the action will appear much less
wonderful, than has generally been supposed. And this won-
der will still be diminished, when another circumstance is
recurred to, worthy of particular consideration, and that is,
the shape of the ground upon which the battle was fought.
This part of the description, so essential to the understanding
of military operations, and above all in the present instance,
has never been touched upon, it is believed, by any writer.
We have .seen that Braddock's advanced columns, after cross-
i ng the valley extending nearly half a mile from the margin
of the river, began to move up a hill, so uniform in its ascent,
that it was little else than an inclined plane of a somewhat
crowning form. Down this inclined surface extended two
ravines, beginning near together, at about one hundred and
fifty yards from the bottom of the hill, and proceeding in dif-
fer(!nt directions till they terininated in the valley below. In
these ravines the French and Indians were concealed and pro-
tected. At this day they are from eight to ten feet deep, and
sufficient in extent to contain at least ten thousand men. At
the time of the battle, the ground was covered with trees and
long grass, so that the ravines were entirely hidden from view,
till they were approached within a few feet. Indeed, at the
present day, although the place is cleared from trees, and con-
verted into pasture, they are perceptible only at a very short
distance. By this knowledge of the local peculiarities of the
battle ground, the my.stery, that the British conceived them-
.selves to be contending with an in isible foe, is solved. Such
was literally the fact. They were so paraded between the
ravines, that their whole front and right flank were exposed
I
■i fa n i a
1756.
lumns soon
which the
he soldiers,
; endeavors
deir escape,
'as h>i't cov-
ery, ammu-
irmy. The
ented them
at the time
overnment.
ilight varia-
er reported
tid six hun-
; the whole
undred and
stated to be
and Indians
s are taken
• much less
id this won-
amstance is
and that is,
kvas fought,
derstanding
nt instance,
any writer.
, after cross-
. the margin
in its ascent,
i somewhat
tended two
lundred and
sding in dif-
' below. In
led and pro-
st deep, and
id men. At
th trees and
n from view,
ideed, at the
es, and con-
a very short
irities of the
;eived them-
ilved. Such
aetween the
ere exposed
1765.
Ji ruddock's Defeat.
to the incessant fire of the enemy, who discharged their mus-
kets over the edge of the ravines, concea!<'d during the opera-
tion by the grass and bushes, and protected by an invisible
barrier below the surface of the earth. VVilliani Butler, a
vetei m soldier still living (183-i,) who was in this action, and
afterwards at the plains of Abraham, said to me, "We could
only tell where the enemy were by the smoke of their mus-
kets." A few scattering Indians were behind trees, and some
were killed venturing out to take scalps, but much the larger
portion fought wholly in the ravines.
It is not probable, that either General Braddock, or any one
of his officers suspected the actual situation of the enemy,
during the whole bloody contest. It was a fault with the
General, for which no apology can be oU'ered, that he did not
keep scouts and guards in advance and on the wings of the
army, who would have made all proper discoveries before the
whole had been brought into a snare. This neglect was the
primary cause of his defeat; which might have been avoided.
Had he charged with the l)ayonet, the ravine would have
been cleared instantly ; or had he brought his artillery to the
points where the ravines terminated in the valley, and scoured
them with grape-shot, the same conse(|uence would have fol-
lowed.
But the total insubordination of his troops would have
prevented both these movements, even if he had become ac-
quainted with the ground in the early part of the action. The
disasters of this day, and the fate of the commander, brave
and resolute as he undoubtedly was, are to be ascribed to his
contempt of Indian warfare, his overweening confidence in
the prowess of veteran troops, his obstinate self-complacency,
his disregard of prudent counsel, and his negligence in leaving
his army exposed to a surprise on their march, lie freely con-
sulted Colonel Washington, whose experience and judgment,
notwithstanding his youth, claimed the highest respect for his
opinions ; but the General gave little heed to his advice.
While on his march, George Croghan; the Indian interpreter,
joined him with one hundred friendly Indians, who ofiered
their services. These were accepted in so cold a manner, and
the Indians themselves treated with so much neglect, that
they deserted him one after another. Washington pressed
upon him the importance of these men, and the necessity of
conciliating and retaining them, but without effect.
[A report has prevailed in Western Pennsylvania, that
Braddock was shot by a provincial soldier, whose brother had
been sentenced and shot by a court-martial, and an old man
died a few years since who made this claim.]
When the battle was ovei, and the remnant of Braddock's
army had gained, in their ilight, the opposite bank of the
river, Colonel Washington was dispatched by the General to
100
Testimony of Smith.
175n,
moot Colonel I)unl)ar, nnd order forward wagons for the
wounded with nil possible speed. lUit it was not till the
11th, after they h;ul reached Gist's plantation with great dif-
ficulty and nuich sullering from hunger, that any arrived.
The Cjeneral was first brought o(f in a tumbril ; ho was next
put on horse-baeU, hut being unable to ride, was obliged to bo
carried by the S(ddiers, They all reached Dunbar's camp, to
which the panic had already extended, and a day was passed
there in great confusion. The artillery was destroyed, and
the public stores and her.vy baggage were burnt, by whose
order «as never known. They moved forward on the 13th,
and that night CJeneral Braddock died, and was buried in the
road, for tlie purpose of concealing his body from the Indians.
The .spot is still pointed out, within a few yards of the present
national road, and about a mile west of the site of Fort A'eces-
sity at the great meadows. Captain Stewart, of the Virgini.'i
forces, had taken particular charge of him from the time he was
wounded till his death. On the 17th, the sick nnd wounded
arrived at Fort Cumberland, and were soon after joined by
Colonel Dunbar with the remaining fragments of the army.
The French sent out a party as far as Dunbar's camp, and
destroyed every thing that was loft. Colonel Washington
being in very feeble health, proceeded in a few days to Mount
Vernon.
[Col. James Smith was a prisoner at Fort Du Quesne at the
time of this celebrated battle, and gives in his "Narrative" a
particular account of the return of the parties of the French
and Indians. He saw them when they went out to the field
and when they returned, and witnessed the horrid .scene of
burning their prisoners. The in.sertion cannot add to the
testimony already adduced, nor ca.st any additional light on
the disaster to the British and colonial troops.]
Although the doings of 1765, recorded above, could not well
be looked on as of a very amicable character, war was not
declared by either France or England, until May the following
year ; and even then France was the last to proclaim the con-
test which she had been so long carrying on, though more than
three hundred of her merchant vessels had been taken by
British privateers. The causes of this proceeding are not
very clear to us. France thought, beyond doubt, that George
would fear to declare war, because Hanover was so exposed to
attack ; but why the British movements, upon the sea par-
ticularly, did not lead to the declaration on the part of France,
is not easily suggested. Early in 1766, however, both king-
^>'l
m-
1750.
nns for the
not till tlio
h groat dif-
ny urrivod.
10 wos next
l)lijjrd to bo
■'s camp, to
was passed
troynd, and
t, by whose
on the 13th,
iii'ied in the
the Indians,
the present
Fort i\eces-
the Virginia
time he was
d wounded
r joined by
1" tlic army.
? camp, and
Washington
ys to Mount
uesne at the
Cariative" a
the French
to the field
rid scene of
add to the
lal light on
uld not well
■ar was not
he following
vim the con-
;h more than
m taken by
ing are not
that George
o exposed to
the sea par-
rt of France,
, both king-
1750.
Expedition of Majnr Jjcii'is.
101
doms formed alliances in Europe ; France with Austria, Uus-
sia, and Sweden ; liiighmd with the (ireat Frederic. And then
conimenc(!d forthwith the Seven Years' War, wherein most of
Europe, North America, and tho East and West Indies par-
took and suffered.
Into the details of that war we cannot enter; not even into
those of tlie contest of JNorth America. In Virginia many
things worthy of notice took place, but most of them took
place east of the mountains — among western events we find
only the following : — Immediately after IJraddock's defeat, tho
Indians began to push their excursions across the mountains,
so that in April, 1756, Washington writes from Winchester :
"The Blue llidgo is now our frontier, no men being left in this
county (Frederick) except a few who keep close, with a num-
ber of women and children, in forts." Under these, or similar
circumstances, it was deemed advL ble to send an expedition
against the Indian towns upon the Ohio ; Major Lewi.-*, in
January 1756, was appointed to command the troops to be
uised in the proposed irruption, and the point aimed at was
apparently the upper Shawanese town,* situated on the Ohio
three miles above the mouth of the Great Kanahwa.f The
attempt proved a failure, in con.scquence, it is said, of tho
swollen state of the streams, and the treachery of the guides
and Major Lewis and his party suffered greatly.| Of this
expedition, however, we have no details, unless it be, as we
suspect, the same with the "Sandy Creek voyage," described
by W^ithers, in his Border warfare, as occurring in 1767, during
which year Washington's letters make no reference to any
thing of the kind. Withers, moreover, says, the return of the
party was owing to orders from Governor Faucjuier ; but Din-
widdle did not leave until .lanuary, 1758.§ <
Upon a larger scale it was proposed during 1756, jto attack
Crown Point, Niagara, and Fort du Quesne, but neither was
* The lower Shawanese town was just below the mouth of tho Scioto. Seo Croghan's
Journal — Butler's Kentucky, second edition, 472.
t Sparks' Washington, ii. 527.
J Sparks' ^Y!^3hingtan, ii. 125, 135, 136.
^ Sparks' Washington, ii. 270. Had tho return been owing to tlie Oovcrnor's orders
would Lieutenant M'Nutt, a.s Withers states, have presented his journal blauiiug Lewis
for returning, to the very Governor whose commands ho obeyed? Border Warfare, 65.
Mr. L. E. Draper wrote Mr. Perkins ho had complete proof from tho MS. journal of
Col. William I'restun of this "Sandy Creek" expedition, and that it occurred in 17J!) as
wo have corrected the Text. — Ed.
m
102
Fort Du Qucsnc Taken.
1758.
uttiickt'd ; for Montcalm took the forts at Oswego, which ho
clcstroycil, to (juicl the jealousy nf tho Iroquois, within whose
tcnilt)ry thfy were built, aud this stroke scorned to paralyzo
(ill arms. Oiw. l)ohl l)h)\v was made by Armstrong at Kittan-
ing, on the Allegheny, in Si-ptcmber,* and the frontiers of
I'ennsylvaniu for a tiints were made safe ; but otherwises the
year in America wore out with little result.
iJuring the next year, 1757, nothing took place, but the
cai)ture of Fort William Henry, by Montcalm, r.nd the mas-
sacre of its garrison by his Indians; a scene, of which the
readers of C()oi)(U''s f^ast of the Mohicans need scarce be
reminded. Tiiis, and tlic near destruction of the Hritish fleet
by nju;ale, off Louisburg, were the leading events of this dark
season: and no wonder that fear and despair sank deep into the
hearts of tlio colonists. Nor was it in America alone, that Bri-
tain sutlered during that summer. On the continent, Frederic
was borne down; in the Mediterranean, the navy of England
had been defeated, and all was dark in the East ; and, to add
to the weiglit of these misfortunes, many of them came upon
Pitt, the i)opular minister.*
Hut the year 1758 opened under a new star. On sea and
land, in Asia, Europe and America, Britain regained what
had been lost. The Austrians, Russians and Swedes, all gave
way before the great Captain of Prussia, and Pitt sent his
own strong, and hopeful, and energetic spirit into his subal-
terns, in North America, Louisburg yielded to Boscawen ;
Fort Frontenac was taken by Bradstreet; and Du Quesne
was abandoned uj'Dn the approach of Forbes through Penn-
sylvania. From Uiat time, the post at the Fork of the Ohio
was Fort Pitt.
In tliis last capture, as more particularly connected with
tlic West, we arc now chielly interested. The details of the
gathering and the march may bo seen in the letters of Wash-
ington, who, in opposition to Colonel Bouquet, was in favor
of crossing the mountains by Brnddock's road, whereas. Bou-
quet wished to cut a new one through Pennsylvania. In this
* Holmes' Annals, vol. ii. p. T.'i.— Durk's Virginia, vol. iii. p. 221.— Day's Historical Col-
loctioni of IVnn.iylvania, 9(1. Ilolincs, (referring to New York Historical Collections, iii.
399,) snys the Ohio Indians had already killed one thousand persona on the frontier :
Armstrong did not, however, destroy more than forty savages.
■file returned to office, June 2llth, UJ7.
I
1758.
1768
lioulc to Pennsylvaniii.
103
division, Dou(|iiPt was listened to l»y tlic Cicnrnil; nnd Jiiic in
tlui si'Jison a new njutc was iiiidi'itakm, h\ wliirli such diinys
and troiiMfs were prodiicrti, tliat lliu whole ('X| edition eaiue
near provin;,' a I'aiiure. liiaddoeii's road liad, in ( aily times,
been selected by the most exporieuced Indians and I'n.ntier
men as the most f'avoraide whereby to cro^s thei.mountains,
beinjj nearly the route by wliieh the national roail has be» n
fiincc eanied over them. In 1753, it was opened by the Ohio
Company. It was afterward imj)roved by the Provincial
troops under \Vashin<,'ton, and was fini^he(l by ISraddock's
engineers;* and this route was now to b(! given up, ami a
wholly new one opened, probably, as Washingtoii .su^^yested,
through Pennsylvania inllucnce, that her frontiers mij^'ht there-
by be protected, and a way opened lor her traders. The
hardships and dangers of the iimrch Irom llaystt)wn to Fort
l)u tiuesne, where the British van arrived upon the 2f)tii of
Novend)cr, may be seen slightly pictured by the letters of
Washington and the second journal of I'ost.f and may be
mor(! vividly conceived by those who have passed through the
valley of the upper Juniata. J
But, turning from this march, let us look at the position of
things in the West, during the autumn of 1758. We have
said, that in the outset the Frenc!; did tlieir utmost to alienate
the Six Nations and Delawares from their old connexion with
the British ; and so politic were their movements, so accurate
their knowledge of Indian character, that they fully succeeded.
The English, as we have seen, bad made some foolish and in-
iquitous attempts to get a claim to the western lands, and by
rum and bumbo had even obtained grants of those lands ; but
when the rum had evaporated, the wild men saw how they
had been deceived, and listened not unwillingly to the French
professions of friendship, backed as they were by presents and
politeness, and accompanied by no a.lempts to buy or wheedle
land from thcm.§ Early, therefore, many of the old allies of
England joined her enemies; and the treaties of jAlbany,
"Sparka' Washington, vol. ii. p. 102.
■fProud's Pennsylvania, vol. ii. Appendi-t,
JGen. Forbes win to sick on Uis march ns to be carried on a litter. He died in Phila-
delphia a few days after the Uritish tuuk pcssession of Fort Du Que.-nc, now Piktsburgh.
JSeo Post's Journals; Pownall's Memoir on Service in North America.
104
Disfilfi'ctioii of the Indians.
1768.
Johnson Hall, and Easton,* did little or nothing towards stop-
ping the desolation of the frontiers of l*ennsylvania, Mary-
land, and Virginia. The Quakers always believed, that this
state of enmity between the Delawares and themselves, or
their rulers, might be prevented by a little friendly com-
munion; but the persuasions of the French, the renegade
English traders, and others who had gone to the West, were
great obstacles to any iViendly conversation on the one side,
and the common feeling among the whites was an ecjual diffi-
culty on the other. In the autumn of 1756, a treaty was held
at Easton with the Pennsylvania Delawares,f and peace
agreed to. But this did not bind the Ohio Indians even of the
same nation, much less the Shawanese and Mingoes ; and
though the Sachem of the Pennsylvania savages, Teedyuscung,
promised to c:iil his western relatives with a loud voice, they
did not, or would not hear him; the tomahawk and brand
still shone among the rocky mountain fastnesses of the inte-
rior. . or c!".; . ny heart but pity the red men. They knew
not whom to believe, nor where to look for a true friend.
The French said they came to defend them from the English;
the English said they came to defend them from the French ;
and between the two powers they were wasting away, and
their homes disappearing before them. "The kings of France
and England," said Teedyuscung, "have sctiled this land so as
to coop us up as if in a pen. This very ground that is under
me was my land and inheritance, and is taken from me by
fraud." Such being the feeling of the natives, and success
being of late nearly balanced between the two European pow-
ers, no wonder that they hung doubting, and knew not w'hich
way to turn. The French wished the eastern Delawares to
move west, so as to bring them within their influence ;J and the
British tried to persuade them to prev;iil on their western
brethren to leave their new allies and be at peace.
In 1758, the condition of ailairs being as stated, and Forbes'
*Mar.y (ivalies were inmto Wtwccn \~b?, nnd 175!^, which auiounteJ to little or nothing.
(5ce Muf.-iKliusetts lIi^(uri^•4l Oj\loi.tion.-, vol. vii. p. !)7. Spirks' Franklin, vol. iii. jip. 4olJ
■l.'iO, .|71. rr.uurs reniifylviiiiia, vol. ii. aiip. ; Fricndlj- AtfcK'ialiou's Addrefs, and Pott's,
.Joui-niils. Tlicre were two Ka.-toii trca(ie.<: one Rith the I'enn-ylvania Delawares, in I76fi,
the other witli all the Indians in A'iM. Sec, nUo, in Proud'.s Pennpylvnni.i, vol. ii. p. .'331,
an inciuiry into the eau-c3 of (luarrel with llio Indians, and extracts from ti'caties, &e.
fSparks* Fr.inUlin, vol. vii. p. 126.
JIIeckcwcMcr'i Narrative, p. 53.
1758.
ards stop-
ia, Mary-
, that this
selves, or
idly rom-
renegade
'est, were
one side,
ijual diffi-
was held
nd peace
^en of the
oes ; and
Jyuscung,
oice, they
nd brand
the inte-
ley knew
le friend.
English ;
3 French ;
way, and
of France
land so as
t is under
in me by
d success
ean pow-
lot which
iwares to
;J and the
western
d Forbes'
Ic or nothing.
j1. iii. in). 4o()
FS, and I'oft's,
fares, in ITofi,
vol. ii. p. ."31,
•aties, Ac.
1758.
C. F. Post sent West.
105
array on the eve of starting for Fort Du Quesne, and the
French being also disheartened by the British success else-
where, and their force at Du Quesne weak, it was determined to
make an effort to draw the western Indians over, and thereby
still further to weaken the force that would oppose General
Forbes. It was no easy matter, however, to find a true and
trustworthy man, whose courage, skill, ability, knowledge,
and physical power, would fit him for such a mission. He
was to pass through a wilderness filled with doubtful friends,
into a country filled with open enemies. The whole French
interest would be against him, and the Indians of the Ohio
were little to be trusted. Every stream on his way had been
dyed with blood, every hill-side had rung with the death-yell,
and grown red in the light of burning huts. The man vvho
was last chosen was a Moravian, who had lived among the
savages seventeen years, and married among them ; his name
Christian Frederic Post. Of his journey, sufferings, and
doings, we have his own journal, though Heckewelder tells
us, that those parts which redound most to his own credit, he
omitted when printing it. He left Philadelphia upon the 15th
of July, 1758; and, against the protestations of Teedyuscung,
who said he would surely lose his life, proceeded up the Sus-
quehanna, passing "many plantations deserted and laid
waste." Upon the 7th of August, he came to the Allegheny,
opposite French Creek, and was forced to pass under the
very eyes of the garrison of Fort Venango, but was not mo-
lested. From Venango he went to '-'Kushkushkee," which
was on or near Big Beaver Creek. "This place," he says,
"contained ninety houses and two hundred able warnors."
At this place Post had much talk with the chiefs, who seemed
well disposed, but somewhat afraid of the French. The great
conference, however, it was determined, should be held oppo-
site Fort Du Quesne, where there were Indians of eight na-
tions. The messenger was at first unwilling to go thither,
fearing the French would seize him; but the savages said,
"they would carry him in their bosom, he need fear nothing,"
and they well redeemed this promise. On the 24th of August,
Post, with his Indian friends, reached the point opposite the
Fort ; and there immediately followed a series of speeches,
explanations and agreements, for which we must refer to his
Journal. At first he was received rather hardly by an old
7
ISI
106
Conference at Fort Du Quesnc.
1758.
and deaf Onondago, who claimed the land whereon they
stood as belonging to the Six Nations ; but a Delaware re-
buked him in no very polite terms. "That man speaks not
as a man," he said ; "he endeavors to frighten us by saying
this ground is his; he dreams ; he , 1 his father (the French)
have certainly drank too much liquor ; they are drunk ; pray
let them go to sleep till they are sober. You do not know
what your own nation does at home, how much they have to
say to the English. You are quite rotten. You stink. You
do nothing but smoke your pipe here. Go to sleep with your
father, and when you are sober we will speak to you."
It was clear that the Delawares, and indeed all the western
Indians, were wavering in their affection for the French ; and,
though some opposition was made to a union with the colo-
nists, the general feeling, produced by the prospect of a quick
approach of Forbes' army, and by the truth and kindness of
Post himself, was in favor of England. The Indians, howev-
er, complained bitterly of the disposition which the whites
showed in claiming and seizing their lands. "Why did you
not fight your battles at home or on the sea, instead of coming
into our country to fight them ?" they asked, again and again ;
and were mournful when they thought of the future. " Your
heart is good," they said to Post, " you speak sincerely ; but
we know there is always a great number who wish to get
rich ; they have enough ; look ! we do not want to be rich,
and take away what others have. The white people think
we have no brains in our heads; that they are big, and we a
little handful ; but remember, when you hunt for a rattlesnake
you cannot find it, and perhaps it will bite you before you see
it." "When the war of Pontiac came, this saying might have
been justly remembered.
At length, having concluded a pretty definite peace. Post
turned toward Philadelphia, setting out upon the 9th of Sep-
tember; and, after the greatest suflerings and perils from
French scouts and Indians, reached the settlements unin-
jured.
While Post was engaged upon his dangerous mission, the
van of Forbes' army was pressing slowly forward under the
heats of August from Ilaystown, (Bedford,)* toward Loyal-
hanna, hewing their way as they went. Early in September,
* Sparks' Waahington, u. 312.
1758.
:aying
■( TiM i in i 4 ^iimmsm»f^
■^' ■.
1758.
Major Grant Defeated.
107
the General reached Raystown, whither he had also ordered
Washington, who had till then been kept inactive among his
sick troops at Fort Cumberland. Meantime two officers of the
first Virginia regiment had gone sepa.rately, each with his
party, to reconnoitre Fort du Quesne, and had brought ac-
counts of its condition up to the 13th of August.* It being
deemed desirable, however, to have fuller statemenis than
they were able to give, a party of eight hundred men under
Maj. Grant, with whom went Maj. Amhew Lewis of Virginia,
was pushed forward to gain the desired information. Grant
appears to have exceeded his orders, which were merely to ob-
tain all the knowledge relative to the French which he could :
and after having unwisely divided his force, he, with equal
\vant of sagacity, brought on an engagement; having before
him, perhaps, the vain hope that he should take the fort he
was sent to examine. In the skirmish thus needlessly entered
into. Grant's troops were thrown into confusion by their Indi-
an foes. Lewis, who had been left two miles behind, hasten-
ing forward when he heard the sound of firearms, to relieve
his comrades, was unable to check the rout which had com-
menced, and, together with his commanding officer, wastakea
prisoner. Indeed, the whole detachment would have shared
their fate, had not Capt. Bullitt, with his fifty Virginians res-
cued them. Ordering his men to lower their arms, this able
ofiicer waited until the Indians, who thought the little band
about to yield, were in full view, then giving the word, poured,
upon the enemy a deadly fire, which was instantly followed
by a charge with bayonet, a proceeding so unlocked for
and so fatal as to lead to the complete rout of the assailants.
This conduct of the Virginians was much admired, and Wash.-
ington received publicly the compliments of the Commander-
in Chief on account of it.f
October had now arrived, and Washington was engaged in
opening the road toward the Fork of the Ohio. On the 5th of
November, he was still at Loyalhanna, where at one time the
General thought of spending the winter; on the 15th, he was
at Chesnut ridge, advancing from four to eight miles a day ;
"See map in Sparks' Washington, ii.; also plate and account in Am. Pioneer, ii. 147.
tSparks' Washington ; ii. 31.3; note— Butler's Kentucky, 1A edition, Introduction, xlir.
— MnrBhall's Life of Washington, (edition 1S04, I'hiliulelphi:!,) ii. 66. This defeat o«-
curred, September 21. AVa«hington commanded all the Virginia troops.
^rfifSCJ*^'
108
Fort Du Qucsne Taken.
1758.
and in ten days more stood where Fort Du Qiiesne had been ;
the French having destroyed it, when they embarked for the
lower posts on the Ohio the preceding day.
[Another great Indian council was held at Easton, Pa.,
(1768) in October, at which peace was concluded with the
colonists. Here were the chiefs of the "Six Nations," (the
Tuscaroras having joined the confederacy in 1716,) and their
allies. Post, the Moravian, was sent back with this treaty,
with the messengers to the West, within five weeks after his
return.* ] He followed after Gen. Forbes, from whom he re-
ceived messages to the various tribes, with which he once
more sought their chiefs ; and was again very instrumental in
preventing any junction of the Indians with the French. In-
deed, but for Post's mission, there would in all probability
have been gathered a strong force of western savages to way-
lay Forbes and defend Fort Du Quesne ; in which case, so ad-
verse was the season and the way, so wearied the men, and so
badly managed the whole business, that there would have
been great danger of a second "Braddock's field ; " so that
our humble Moravian friend played no unimportant part in
securing again to his British Majesty the key to western
America.
With the fall of Fort Du Quesne, all direct contest between
the French and British in the West ceased. From that time,
Canada was the only scene of operations, though garrisons
for a while remained in the forts on French Creek. In 1759,
Ticonderoga, Crown Point, Niagara, and at length Quebec
itself yielded to the English; and, on the 8th of September,
1760, Montreal, Detroit, and all Canada were given up by
Vaudreuil, the French governor.
But the French had not been the only dwellers in western
America; and when they were gone, the colonists still saw
before them clouds of dark ant' jealous warriors. Indeed, no
sooner were the Delawares quiet in the north, than the Chero-
kees, who had been assisting Virginia against her foes, were
roused to war by the thoughtless and cruel conduct of the fron-
tier men, who shot several of that tribe, because they took
iome horses which they found running at large in the woods.
•See a note in Burk'g "History of Virginia," vol. iii, p. 239. American Pioneer, i. 244,
taken from the Annual Register for 1759, p. 191.^ The Irofinois were angry at the promi-
nence of TeedyuscuDg in thir. treaty.
'T%''
1758.
1760.
Settlements in the West Resumed.
109
The ill-feeling bred by this act was eagerly fostered by the
French in Louisiana ; and, while Amherst and Wolfe were
pushing the war into Canada, the frontiers of Georgia, the
Carolinas and Virginia, were writhing under the horrors of
Indian invasion. This Cherokee war continued through 1760,
and into 1761, but was terminated in the summer of the last-
named year by Colonel Grant. We should be glad, did it
come within our province, to enter somewhat at large into the
events of it, as then came forward two of the most remarka-
ble chiefs of that day, the Great Warrior and the Little Car-
penter (AttakuUakuUa); but we must first refer our readers to
the second volume of Thatcher's "Indian Biography."
Along the frontiers of Pennsylvania and northern Virginia,
the old plantations had been, one by one, reoccupied since
1758, and settlers were slowly pushing further into the Indian
country, and traders were once more bearing their burdens
over the mountains, and finding a way into the wigwams of
the natives, who rested, watching silently, but narrowly, the
course of their English defenders and allies. For it was, pro-
fessedly, in the character of defenders, that Braddock and
Forbes had come into the West;* and, while every British
finger itched for the lands as well as the furs of the wild men,
with mistaken hypocrisy they would have persuaded them that
the treasure and the life of England had been given to pre-
serve her old allies, the Six Nations, and their dependents, the
Delawares and Shawanese, from French aggression. But the
savages ki.jw whom they had to deal with, and looked at
every step of the cultivator with jealousy and hate.
In 1760, the Ohio Company once more prepared to pursue
their old plan, and sent to England for such orders and in-
structions to the Virginia government as would enable them
to do so.f During the summer of that year, also, General
Monkton, by a treaty at Fort Pitt, obtained leave to build posts
within the wild lands, each post having ground enough about
it to raise corn and vegetables for the use of the garrison.J
Nor, if we can credit one writer, were the settlements of the
♦Sparks' Franklin, vol. iv. p. 323. — Post's Journal shows how full of jealoujiy the Indi-
ana were; see there also Forbes' letter, sent by him.
■fSparks' Washington, vol. ii. p. 482. — Plain Facti, p. 120, where a letter from the Com-
pany, dated September 9th, 1701, is given.
X Dated August 20th. Plain Fact^, pp. 55, 56.
'■»«<!?►
'■»i®Sj-S|S
■^'Mr^Wi^^^ieSM'
no
^Lijov Rogers Crosses the Ohio.
1760.
'»:
Ohio Company, and the forts, the only inroads upon the hunt-
ing grounds of the savages; for he says, that in 1757, by the
books of the Secretary of Virginia, three millions of acres had '
been granted west of the. mountains. Indeed, \vc know that
in 1758 she tried by law to encourage settlements in the
West ; and the report of John Blair, Clerk of the Virginia
Council, in 1768 or 1769, states that most of the grants be-
yond the mountains were made before August, 1754.* At
any rate, it is clear that the Indians early began to murmur;
for, in 17G2, Bouquet issued his proclamation from Fort I'itt,
saying that the treaty of Easton, in 1758, secured to the red
men all lands west of the mountains as hunting-grounds ;
wherefore he forbids all settlements, and orders the arrest of
the tradere and settlers who were spreading discontent and
fear among the Ohio Indians. f
But if the Ohio Indians were early ill-disposed to the Eng-
lish, much more was this the case among the Lake tribes, who
had known only the French, and were strongly attached to
tL3m : the Ottaways, Wyandots and Chippeways. The first
visit which they received from the British was after the sur-
render of Vaudreuil, when Major Robert Rogers was sent to
take charge of Detroit. J He left Montreal on the 13th of
September, 1760, and on the 8th of October, reached Presqu'-
Ile, where Bouquet then commanded. Thence he went
slowly up Lake Erie to Detroit, which place he summoned to
yield itself on the 19th of November. It was, if we mistake
not,, while waiting for an answer to this summons, that he was
visited by the great Ottawa chieftain, Pontiac, who demanded
how the English dared enter his country ; to which the answer
was given, that they came not to take the countrj', but to open
a free way of trade, and to put out the French, who stopped
their trade. This answer, together with other moderate and
kindly words, spoken by Rogers, seemed to lull the rising
fears of the savages, and Pontiac promised him his protection.
Beleter, meantime, who commanded at Detroit, had not
yielded; nay, word was brought to Rogers on the 24th, that
•Contest in North America, by nn Impartial Hand, p. 3C. — Secret Journals, vol. iii. p.
187. — Plain Facts. Appendix.
t Plain Facts, p. 56. — Sec Ilcckcwelcicr's Xarrntive, p. 64.
J See his Journal, London, 1765. Also, his Concise Account of North America. Lon-
don. 1765.
'■^-
l**ni¥ '
1760.
1761.
Henry at Mackinac.
Ill
his messenger hatl been confined, and a flag-pole erected,
with a wooden head upon it, to represent Britain, on which
stood a crow picking the eyes out, as emblematic of the suc-
cess of France. In a few days, however, the commander
heard of the fate of the lower posts, and, as his Indians did
not stand by him, on the 29th he yielded. Rogers remained
at Detroit unil December 23d, under the personal protectioa
of Pontiac, to whose presence he probably owed his safety.
From Detroit the Major went to the Maumee, and thence
across the present State of Ohio to Fdrt Pitt; and his Journal
of this overland trip is the first we have of such an one in that
region. His route was nearly that given by Hutchins,* in
Bouquet's "Expedition," as the common one from Sandusky
to the Fork of the Ohio. It went from Fort Sandusky, where
Sandusky City now is, crossed the Huron river, then called
Bald Eagle Creek, to " Mohickon John's Town," upon what
w») know as Mohicon Creek, the northern branch of White
Woman's River, and thence crossed to Beaver's Town, a Del-
auare town on the west side of the "Maskongam Creek,"
opposite "a fine river," which from Hutchins' map, we presume
was Sandy Creek. At Beaver's Town were one hundred and
eighty warriors, and not less than three thousand acres of
cleared land. From there the track went up Sandy Creek
and across to the Big Beaver, and up the Ohio, through Logs-
town, to Fort Pitt, which place Rogers reached January 23d,
1760, precisely one month having,passed while he was upon
the way.
In the spring of the year following Rogers' visit, (1761,)
Alexander Henry, an English trader, went to Michillimackinac
for purposes of business, and he found everywhere the strong-
est feeling against the English, who had t'one nothing by
word or act to conciliate the Indians. Even then there were
threats of reprisals and war. Having by means of a Canadi-
an dress, managed to reach Michillimackinac in safety, he was
there discovered, and was waited on by an Indian chief, who
was, in the opinion of Thatcher, Pontiac himself This chief,
after conveying to him the idea, that their French i'ather
would soon awake and utterly destroy his enemies, continued :
"Englishman! Although you have conquered the French,
* Thomas Iluk'bins, afterwards Geographer of the United States, was, in 17C4, assistant
onginoer in Bouquet's expedition.
-1%--r^
fll
112
Treaty at Paris.
1763.
■ '-3
fc /
you have not conquered us ! We are not your slaves ! These
lakes, these woods, these mountains, were left to us by our an-
cestors. They are our inheritance, and we will part with them
to none. Your nation supposes that we, like the white people,
cannot live without bread, and pork, and beef. But you ought
to know that He, the Great Spirit and Master of Life, has
provided food for us upon these broad lakes and in these
mountains."
He then spoke of the fact that no treaty had been made
with them, no presents sent them, and while he announced
their intention to allow Henry to trade unmolested, and to
regard him as a brother, he declared, that with his king the
red men were still at war.*
Such were the feelings of the north-western savaprs imme-
diately after the English took possession of their lands ; and
these feelings were in all probability fostered and increased by
the Canadians and French. Distrust of the British was gen-
eral; and, as the war between France and England still went
on in other lands, there was hope among the Canadians, per-
haps, that the French power might be restored in America.
However this may have been, it is clear that disaffection
spread rapidly in the West, though of the details of the years
from 1769 to 1763 we know hardly anything.
Upon the 10th of February, 1763, the treaty of Paris was
concluded, and peace between the European powers restored.
Of that treaty we give the essential provisions bearing upon
our subject.
Art. 4. "His most Christian Majesty renounces aU preten-
sions which he has heretofore formed, or might form, to Nova
Scotia or Acadia in all its parts, and guarantees the whole of
it, and with all its dependencies, to the King of Great Britain :
moreover, his most Christian Majesty cedes and guarantees to
his said Britannic Majesty, in lull right, Canada, with all its
dependencies, as well as the island of Cape Breton, and all
the other islands and coasts in the gulf and river of St. Law-
rence ; and, in general, every thing that depends on the said
countries, lands, islands, and coasts, with the sovereignty,
property, possession, and all rights acquired by treaty or
otherwise, which the most Christian King and crown of France
have had, till now, over the said countries, islands, lands,
places, coasts, and their inhabitants ; so that the most Christian
• Travels of Alexander Henry in TJanada, from 17CC to 1776.
Ihatohor's Indian Biography, vol. ii. pp. lb, et teq.
New York, 1909.—
-.1
'^-
1763.
These
^mtHti,
1763.
Treaty at Paris.
113
King, cedes and makes over the whole to the said King, and
to the crown of Great Britain, and that in the most ample
manner and form, without restriction, and without any liberty
to depart from the said cession and guarantee under any pre-
tence, or to disturb Great Britain in the possessions above
mentioned.
Aiir. 7. "In order to establish peace on solid and durable
foundations, and to remove forever all sul^ccts of dispute
with regard to the limits of the British and French territories
on the continent of America; 't is agreed that for the future,
the confines between the doi.wnions of his Britaninc Majesty
and those of his most Christian Majesty in that part of the
world, shall be fixed irrevocably by a line drawn along the
middle of the river Mississippi, from its source to the river
Iberville, and from thence by a line drawn along the middle
of this river, and the lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain, to
the sea; and for this purpose, the most Christian King cedes,
in full right, and guarantees to his Britannic Majesty, the
river and port of the Mobile, and every thing which he pos-
sesses or ought to possess on the left side of the river Missis-
sippi, with the exception of the town of New Orleans, and of
the island in which it is situated, which shall remain to France;
it being well understood that the navigation of the river Mis-
sissippi shall be equally free, as well to the subjects of Great
Britain as to those of France, in its whole breadth and length
from its source to the sea ; and expressly, that part which is
between the said island of New Orleans, and the right bank
of that river, as well as the passage both in and out of its
mouth. It is further stipulated that the vessels belonging to
the subjects of either nations shall not be stopped, visited, w
subjected to the payment of any duty whatsoever."
'T"-'=^:
:mis^immmMsffi'i-'--~-m<^msx:^mp^-
CIIAPTEIl IV.
T
INDIAN CONSPIRACY, TUEATIRS. AND nXPLOIlATIONS OF
Tin: WKST, riioM no:) to 1774.
InUnn Cmi-iiiracy under Pontiao-Stratngcm nt DetmitDofoated— Mnsoncrc ntMiiol(!iiac~
Treaty of DDtmit— Sotllcmont of St. LhuIm iukI transfer of Loiiisiiins— Treaty i,f Fort
Pliuiwi.\— Kxiioililion of Col. Croglinn— Hr. Walker's Comii.iny— Col. .Fames .'^inith's
K.xpc-lilion to Kentueky--Danicl Buonu'd Exiiloration— Eiul;iration to Kentucky anil
Mii»ij8ip]ii,
Again, men began to think seriously of the West. Pamph-
lets were piililisliecl upon tlic advantages of settlements on
the Ohio ; Colonel Mercer was cho.sen to represent the old
Company in England, and try to have their alfairs made
straight, for there were counter-claims by the soldiers M'ho
had enlisted, in 1751, under Dinwiddie's proclamation ; and
on all hands there were preparations for movement. But,
even at that moment, there existed through the whole West a
conspiracy or agreement among the Indians, from Lake Michi-
gan to the frontiers of JVorth Carolina, by which they were,
with one accord, with one spirit, to fall upon the whole line
of British posts and strike every white man dead. Chippe-
ways. Otto ways, Wyandotts, Miamis, Shawanese, Delawares,
and Mingoes, for the time, laid by their old hostile feelings,
and united under Pontiac in this great enterprise. The voice
of that sagacious and noble man was heard in the distant
North, crying, "Why, says the Great Spirit, do you suffer these
dogs in red clothing to enter your country and take the land
I have given you ? Drive them from it ! Drive them ! When
you are in distress, I will help you."
That voice was heard, but not by the whites. The unsus-
pecting traders journeyed from village to village; the soldiers
in the forts shrunk from the sun of early summer, and dozed
away the day; the frontier settler, singing in fancied security,
sowed his crop, or, watching the sunset through the girdled
trees, mused upon one more peaceful harvest, and told his
children of the horrors of the ten years' war, now, — thank
God ! over. From the Alleghenies to the Mississippi the trees
*w"
1763.
Nine Furts Cd/i/iircif.
116
had leaved, and nil was calm life and joy. lint, tlirnii;>li ilmt
great country, oven tlinn, l)unds of sullen red men vere jour-
neyinj? from the central valleys to the lakes and the eastern
hills. Hands of Chippeways f,'athered about Miehilliinackinac.
Ottaways filled the woods near Detroit. 'Die Maiiinee post,
Presiju'lle, Ninj^ara, I'itt, Ligonier, and every Kngii.oh fort was
hemmed in hy mingled trihes, who felt that the groat battle
drew nigh which was to determine their fate and the posses-
sion of their noble lands! At last the day came. The traders
everywhere were seized, their goods taken Irom tlnim, atid
more than one hundred of them put to death. Mine British
forts yielded instantly, and the savages drank, "scooped up in
the hollow of joined hands," the blood of many a IJriton. Tho
border streams of Pennsylvania and N'irginia ran red again.
"We hear," says a letter for Fort Pitt, "of scalping every
hour." In Western Virginia, more than twenty thousand -
people were driven from their homes.
[The forts, or rather trading posts, were those of Creen Bay,
St. Joseph, Ouiatcnon, Miamis, Sandusky, Presqu'Ilc, Leboiuf,
Venango, and Michillimackinac. Three others, Niagara, Pitt,
and Detroit, were attacked but not taken. The master spirit
of this enterprise was Pontiac, an Ottawa chief, who resided
near Detroit. He was one of those heroic men who stamp
their own character on their country and the age. No Ameri-
can Savage has shown a more marked character, in forming
great and comprehensive plans, or in executing them with
energy and boldness. He had been friendly and liberal with
the French, but he disliked the British, though, as a matter of
policy, he professed friendship at first. After Canada and its
dependencies had surrendered to the British arms, in 1760,
General Amherst of Montreal, dispatched Major R. Rogers
with a considerable force, to take possession of Detroit and
Mackinac. These were the first English troops that ever
penetrated that region.
Drawing near to Detroit, they received a message from
Pontiac, informing Major Rogers that their chief was master
of the country they had entered. The commander was intro-
duced to the great chief, who condescended to smoke the pipe
of peace and make a treaty.
One of the speeches of Pontiac we here insert as illustra-
tive of the character of that man :
. lisiSspf mi:^mmw^mm^^^mmmm
r
116
AtUinpt on Detroit.
1763.
'■EiiKlisliinun ! It Ih to vou tliiit I spt^ak-
ttcntion. liiiKlislunrii ! You know that tlir I'itiicIi Kiiirf ii<
-and I tU'inniul your
ntt(
our liitlicr. 11(1 proniisi'd to he such, and wr, in rt-turn,
promised to he his cinldrcn — this promise we have kept.
"Englishmen ! It is you tiiat have made war with this, our
father. Vou are his enemy — liow then could you iuive thu
boldness to venture ainonif us, his children? You know that
his enemies are ours !
"linj^lishmen ! We arc inPormed that our father, the Kinj? of
France, is (dd and infirm; and that, being fatigued with nuik-
injf war upon your nation, he has fallen asleep. During his
sleep you have taken advantage of him, and posses.sed your-
selves of Canada. But his nup is almost at an end — 1 think
I hear him already stirring, and incpiiring for his children, tlie
Indians — and when he does awake, what must become of you?
He will destroy you utterly !"
After deceiving the British by a treaty, Pontiac laid the plan
of a sudden and cotem[)orancous attack upon all the British
fort.s and trading posts on the northern lakes.
He sent runners with a "talk" and a belt of wampum, which
he pretended had been sent him by the King of France, to tho
Indian tril) along the line of frontier, by which means ho
brought into a conspiracy the Miamis, the Ottawas, the Chip-
pewas, tho Wyandots, the Potawatamies, the Missisaugas, tlio
Shawanocs, the Saukies, the Ottagamies, and tho W'inneba-
goes. His measures were taken with so much secrecy that
the storm burst on each garrison in the month of May, before
the English had learned the plans of their enemy, or had made
any preparation for defence.
Fort Pitt and Niagara, being regular fortifications, were
successfully defended, and Detroit was saved by detection of
the stratagem.
This post was attempted by Pontiac in person, who, with a
number of braves, presented him;ielf at the gate on the 8th of
May, and desired to speak with the commanding ollicer. This
was Maj. Gladwyn, who, unsuspicious of treachery, and believ-
ing he desired to trade, and that "the Indians desired to take
their new father, the King of England, by the hand," gave his
consent, and the council was to be held next day in the fort.
The plan of Pojitiac was to gain admittance into the fort,
with a number of his braves, who had cut short their guns so
as to be concealed under their blankets, and at a signal he
would give, they were to massacre the officers, throw open
■^w
1703.
1763.
Miiranac Captured.
117
'
tli(> K'ltos, admit the other IndianM, and complete the destruc-
tion of the garrison.
An Indian woman, who had boon oriipK)yed by the eoriiman-
dant to make moccasins, out of a curiously wrouglit elk skin,
betrayed the conspirators. Next morning the ffnrrison was
under arm.s, the guards vver«i doubled, and tiie ollicers nrnied
with swords and pistoLii. Pontine, on his arrival, encjuired of
the iiritish commandant tlic cause of this unusual display, and
received for answer, it was necessary to keep his young men
from being idle. The council opened, the speech of I'ontiac
wa.s bold and menacing, and his voice and gesticulations
vehement. When ho was about to give his men tlie signni,
the drums beat the charge, the guards levelled their muskets,
the ollicers drew their swords, and I'ontiac, though a brave
man, was disconcerted. Mnjor (Jladwyn approached the
chief, turned aside his blanket, discovered the sliortencd gun,
expo.sed his plan, reproached him for his treachery, and
ordered him and his braves to leave the fort. The gani son in
the fort consisted of 122 men, ollicers included, besides some
forty traders and engagees who resided in the fort.
As the Indians retired they gave a yell, and discharged their
guns at the garrison. They also murdered an aged English
woman and her two sons, and a discharged sergeant and his
family iu the vicinity. A furious attack was made upon the
fort for several days, and repeated attempts made by the
Indians to gain possession. At one time they filled a cart
with combustibles and ran it against the pickets to set them
on fire. For several months the English were blockaded and
their supplies cut off. There was great difficulty in sending
aid to Detroit from the Southern posts. Niagara and Fort
Pitt had become reduced to great distress, and the latter was
finally relieved by Colonel Bouquet, who penetrated the
wilderness of Pennsylvania by Bedford and Fort Ligonier,
with 300 men and forty horses, loaded with provisions.
The po.st of Michillimackinac was attacked, entered, and
seventy of the garrison killed and scalped, on the 4th of June,
the same year. The garrison con.sisted of ninety men, besides
two subaltern officers, under the command of Major Kthering-
ton. Sometime previous, this officer had received intelligence
of the hostility of the Indians, but he would not believe it.
Besides the garrison, there were within the limits of the stock-
'i^iiii^M^^I^M':S^^'0^^i'iS^^^^ii!!SP^SS^i^S^^TX~
"nam^-
118
StralaiTcm at Mackinac.
1763.
ade, about thirty cabins, inhabited by as many French families.
Among the traders at this post was Mr. Alexander Henry,
who, after a narrow escape from the massacre, wrote a narra-
tive of the events in the Northwest at this period, which ib
reliable history. We give the substance of his account o<'the
attacif on this post, with copio-is references.
"On the 4th of June, the morning was sultry, and the
Chippeways projected a game of ball called Baggatiwaj/, with
tlie Sacks, for a high wager, and they gave an invitation to
the British officers, to be present. This game is played with
a bat and ball ; the bat being about four feet long, curved, and
ending in a sort of racket. Two posts were planted in the
ground, a half mile or more apart, and the issue of the game
consisted in striking the ball beyond either post.
On the ground, midway between the posts, the ball is
placed. The Indians being divided into two parties, played
with great animation and much noise and confusion. In the
heat of the contest the ball was frequently, as if by accident,
sent over the pickets into the fort, and the commandant, with
the subalterns and a part of the soldiers, went out to witness
the game. When the ball was sent within the pickets?, num-
bers of both parties ran within the fort, until the artifice was
repeated several times, and the British thrown off their guard,
not suspecting treachery. At this crisis, the ball was again
thrown over the pickets, and the Indians, in great numbers
rushed in, as if to recover the ball, but with arms concealed,
and commenced a furious attack on the garrison. In a short
time they had possession of the fort. About seventy, including
the commander, several officers and traders, and the garrison
and servants, were killed and scalped. The remainder, being
saved as prisoners, were taken to Montreal, where they were
redeemed. Carver says, "the Indians had the humanity to
spare the lives of the greatest part of the garrison and
traders." The Indians numbered nearly 400 braves."*]
It was now nearly autumn, and the confederated tribes had
*For further imrticulars of Pontijic, the stratagem at Detroit, massacre at Mackinac,
anil events of 17C3, the reader is referred to tlio fillowing authorities. Carver's Travels,
p. 13, riiilrulelphia edition, 1790. llcnry'i Narrative. Dralte's Captivities, pp. 2S!), 202.
Drake's Book of the Indians, book v, art. I'ontiak, pp.52, 53. Ilolmes' Annals, vol. ii, p.
121. Sparks' Washington, vol. ii, map at p. .38. Day's Historical Collections o{ Penn-
sylvnniu, CSl. Thatcher's Indian Biographi/, vol.ii, p. S3. Lanman's History of Michigan,
pp. 121, 121. Dillon's Indiana, vol. :, lip. 82, 83. Brown's Illinois, pp. pp. 192. 204.
— ■'T'
T
1763.
1 families.
iv Henry,
e a narra-
, which ib
mt o*" the
and the
way, with
itation to
Lycd with
rved, and
id in the
the game
e ball is
s, played
1. In the
accident,
ant, with
witness
ets, num-
ifice was
ir guard,
'as again
numbers
jnccaled,
n a short
ncluding
garrison
er, being
icy were
lanity to
son and
I'*"]
'ibcs had
t Mackinac,
er's Travels,
pp. 2S!), 2<J2.
tls, vol. ii, p.
ms of Penn-
)f Michigan,
2. 204.
1763.
Royal P reclamation .
119
failed to take the three most important fortresses in the* West,
Detroit, Pitt, and Niagara. Many of them became disheart-
ened ; others wished to return home for the winter ; others
had satisfied their longings for revenge. I'nited merely by
the hope of striking and immediate success, they fell from one
another when that success did not come; jealousies and old
enmities revived ; the league was broken ; and Tontiac was
left alone or with few followers.
In October^also, a step was taken by the British govern-
ment, in part, for the purpose of quieting the fears and sus-
picions of the red men, which did much, probably, toward
destroying their alliance ; a proclamation was issued contain-
ing the following paragraphs and prohibitions:
And, whereas, it is just and reasonable, and essential to our
interest and the security of our colonies, that the several na-
tions or tribes of Indians with whom Ave are connected, and
who live under our protection, should not be molested or
disturbed in the possession of such parts of our dominions and
territories as, not having been ceded to, or purchased by us,
are reserved to them, or any of them, as their huntin''
grounds; we do, therefore, with the advice of our privy coun°
oil, declare it to be our royal will and pleasure, that no
Governor or Commander-in-chief, in any of our colonies of
Quebec, East Florida, or West Florida, do presume, upon any
pretence whatever, to grant warrants of survey, or pa.ss any
patents for lands beyond the bounds of their respective gov-
ernments, as described in their commissions ; as, also thai no
Governor or Commander-in-chief of our other colonics or
plantations in America, do presume for the present, and until
our further pleasure be known, to grant warrants of survey,
or pa.ss patents for any lands beyond the heads or sources of
any of the rivers which fall into the Atlantic ocean from the
west or northwest; or upon any lands whatever, which, not
having been ceded to, or purchased by us, as aforesaid, arc
reserved to the said Indifins or any of them.
And we do further declare it t > be our royal will and
pleasure, for the present, as aforesaid, to reserve under our
sovereignty, protection, and dominion, for the use of the said
Indians, all the land and territories not included within the
limits of our .said three new governments, or Avithin the
limits of the territory granted to the Hudson's Bay Company;
as also all the lands and territories lying to the Avestward of
the sources of the rivers Avhich fall into the sea from the west
and northvA'est as aforesaid; and we do hereby strictly forbid,
on pain </iour displeasure, all our loving subjects from makin^^
any purchases or settlements Avhatever, or taking posscs.sion
m
': h- (
7'
■" %'«.mi^^mm!i!Si=m^sssmfm^n^&€4ii ^^! !,'?s m^,&ifi -:y
120
Royal Proclamation.
1763.
of any of the lands above reserved, without our special leave
and license for that purpose first obtained.
And we do further strictly enjoin and require all persons
whatever, who have either wilfully or inadvertently seated
themselves upon any lands within the countries above descri-
bed, or upon any other lands, which, not having been celled
to, or purchased by us, are still reserved to the said Indians, as
aforesaid, forthwith to remove themselves from such settle-
ments.
And whereas, great frauds and abuses have been committed
in the purchasing lands from the Indians, to the great preju-
dice of our interests, and to the great dissatisfaction of the
Indians; in order, therefore, to prevent such irregularities for
the future, and to the end that the Indians may be convinced
of our justice and determined resolution to remove all reason-
able cause of discontent, we do, with the advice of our privy
council, strictly enjoin and require that no private person do
presume to make any purchase from the said Indians, of any
lands reserved to the said Indians, within tho.be parts of our
colonies where we have thought proper to allow settlement ;
but that, if at any time, any of the said Indians should be
inclined to dispose of the said lands, the same shall be pur-
chased only for us, in our name, at some public meeting or
as,sembly of the said Indians, to be held for that purpose, by
the Governor or Commander-in-chief of our colony, respec-
tively, within which they shall lie : and in case they shall lie
within the limits of any proprietaries, conformable to such
directions and instructions as we or they shall think proper
to give for that purpose : and we do, by the advice of our
privy council, declare and enjoin, that the trade with the said
Indians shall be free and open to all our subjects whatever :
Provided, That every person who may incline to trade with
the said Indians, do take out a licen.se, for carrying on such
trade, from the Governor or Commander-in-chief of any of
our colonies, respectively, where such person shall reside ;
and also give security to observe such regulations as we shall,
at any time, think fit, by ourselves or commissaries, to be ap-
pointed for this purpose, to direct and appoint, for the benefit
of the said trade ; and we do hereby authorize, enjoin, and
require the Governors and Commanders-in chief of all our
colonies, respectively, as well those under our immediate
government as those under the government and direction of
pi'oi)rietf.rics, to grant such licenses without fee or reward,
taking especial care to insert therein a condition that such
license shall be void, and the security forfeited, in case the
person to whom the same is granted shall refuse or neglect to
observe such regulations as we shall think proper to prescribe
as aforesaid.
"
1763.
ial leave
I persons
y seated
'e descri-
en celed
idians, as
sli settle-
)mmitted
at prej li-
on of the
irities for
onvinced
I reason-
3ur privy
•erson do
s, of any
ts of our
;tlement ;
hould be
be pur-
Beting or
'pose, by
r, respec-
shail lie
3 to such
k proper
ce of our
I the said
'hatever :
ade with
; on such
)f any of
1 reside ;
we shall,
to be ap-
le benefit
join, and
f all our
nmediate
section of
• reward,
;hat such
case the
leglect to
prescribe
■^i-MAH^ifiisAi
"
1763.
Settlement of St. Louis.
121
To assist the eflect of this proclamation, it was determined
to make two movements in the spring and summer of 1764 ;
General Bradstreet being ordered into the country upon Lake
Erie, and Bouquet into that upon the Ohio. The former
moved to Niagara early in the summer, and there in June,
accompanied by Sir WilUam Johnson, held a grand council
with twenty or more tribes, all of whom sued for peace ; and,
upon the 8th of August, reached Detroit, where, about the
21st of that month, a definite treaty was made with the
Indians. Among the provisions of this treaty were tht fol-
lowing : *
1. All prisoners in the hands of the Indians were to be
given up.
2. All claims to the Posts and Forts of the English in the
West were to be abandoned; and leave given to erect such
other forts as might be needed to protect the traders, &lc.
Around each fort as much land was ceded as a "Cannon-shot"
would fly over.
3. If any Indian killed an Englishman he was to be tried
by English law, the Jury one-half Indians.
4. Six hostages were given by the Indians for the true ful-
filment of the conditions of the treaty.f
[During the period of the Indian conspiracy undf r Pontiac,
and til negotiations for peace, a series of events were open-
ing in another quarter, of which, British authorities took no
notice. We allude to the settlement of St. Louis, and the
progress of civilization along the Mississippi. The lead busi-
ness commenced, under Philip Francis Renault, in 1720, and
was prosecuted at various periods, and the trade with the
Indians in peltry was conducted by. individual enterprise.
But in 1763, Pierre Li<rucste Lndcde, an enterprising trader,
obtained a grant from M. D'Abadie, director general of Louis-
iana, with "the necessary powers to trade with the Indians of
the Missouri, and those west of the Mississippi, above the
Missouri, as far north as the rivor St. Peters."
"Annual Register, 1764.— (State Papers, 1&1.)
tllcnry's Narrative (Now York edition, 1809, pp. 185, 186. Henry was with Bradstreet
The Annual Register of 1764, (State Paper*, p. 181, says the treaty was made at Pre.qu'Ile'
(Erie.) Mr. Uarvey, of Erie, (quoted by Day in his Uiatorical Collections of Pennsylvania'
3U, sayi the same. Others have named the Maumee, where a truee was agreed to, Au-
gust Cth. (See Henry.) There may have been two treaties, one at Detroit with the'otta
was, Ac., and one at Erie with the Ohio Indians.
8
^- -,-,,.
' - ' 1Casg®g^*8Ei^lK^^S^i98Sil»^;sS^©K<-'
122
Site of St. Ijouia Described.
1764.
mdY
Laclede organized a company under the firm of " Laclede,
Maxan & Co.," fitted out an expedition, and started from
New Orleans on the third day of August, 1763, and reached
Ste. Genevieve, (then a small village on the bank of the
Mississippi) on the 3d of November, just three months after
his departure. Poinding no place in which to store his goods,
he proceeded' tO Fort Chartres, then under command of M. St.
Ange de Belle Rive. He left this point early in February,
1764, with the men he brought from New Orleans, with a
reinforcement from Ste. Genevieve, Fort Chartres and Kas-
kaskia, and stopped a short time at Cahokia, then called
^'Notre Dame dcs Kahokias" and engaged several families to
accompany him to his projected settlement. On the fifteenth
of February, the arty landed on the west bank of the Missis-
sippi, on the spot now occupied by the city of St. Louis, and
commenced cutting down the trees, and erecting cabins for the
accommodation of his goods and men. He laid off a village
plat, with narrow streets, which he named St. Louis, in honor
of Louis XV. of France.
At that time a skirt of tall timber lined the bank of the
river, free from undergrowth, which extended back to a line
about the range of Eighth street. In the rear was an exten-
sive prairie. The first cabins were erected near the river and
Market street. No"Bloody Island," or "Duncan's Island," then
existed. Directly opposite the Old Market square, the river
was narrow and deep, and until about the commencement of
the present century, persons could be distinctly heard from
the opposite shore. Opposite Duncan's Island and South St.
Louis was an island, covered with heavy timber and separated
from the Illinois shore by a slough. Many persons are now
living (1850) who recollect the only ferry from Illinois to St.
Louis, passed from Cahokia, below this island, and landed on
the Missouri shore near the site of the United States Arsenal.
It deserves note that at this period, Louisiana belonged to
Spain, and the Illinois country, the norv' west and Canada, to
Great Britain.
By a secret treaty, signed on the third of November, 1762,
betv^'een the French and Spanish kings, the former ceded to
the latter the part of the province of Louisiana, which lay
on the western side of the Mississippi river, including the
island and city of New Orleans, on the eastern side, but it
nrf*imn*rj»ir-|tPj
1764.
Laclede,
•ted from
reached
ik of the
iths after
lis goods,
of M.St.
February,
s, with a
und Kas-
;n called
imilies to
! fifteenth
le Missis-
ouis, and
ins for the
a village
, in honor
Ilk of the
to a line
an exten-
river and
nd," then
the river
cement of
iard from
South St.
separated
are now
lois to St.
landed on
5 Arsenal,
longed to
anada, to
)er, 1762,
ceded to
kvhich lay
jding the
ie, but it
1769.
Change of Government.
123
*- ■»
was not until the 2lst of April, 1764, that the governor, M.
D'Abadie, received orders from Louis XV. to proclaim this
change to the colony.
The governor was so deeply distressed at these orders, that
it caused his death.*
The administration remained in the hands of the French
under Aubri, the successor of M. D'Abadie. The colonists
had a great aversion to the Spanish government, and when
the Court of Madrid sent, as Captain General, Don Antonio
D'LHloa, a man of prudence and discretion, he could not
openly exercise his authority. The colonists sent deputies to
Versailles for permission from the King to remain subjects of
France. Louis XV. declared the cession was irrevocable.
The Spanish general, Don Alexander O'Reilly, was ap-
pointed as the successor of D'Ulloa in 1769, with special power
to compel subjection, with three thousand soldiers. The col-
onists at New Orleans attempted to prevent his landing, and
it was only by the influence of the French magistrates, who
saw the hopelessness of a violent contest with the crown of
Spain, unaided by their former government, that he obtained
possession. O'Reilly was a tyrant and barbarian, and ruled
only by superior force. Six principal citizens were con-
demned and shot by his orders ! +
For our authority, concerning the appearance of the site
of St. Louis and the aspect of the river, we are indebted to
the late Auguste Chouteau, Sen., and several other inhabitants
of St. Louis, who were living thirty years since.
We cannot well give the Annals of St. Louis, of Missouri,
and of Illinois, with the correctness and particularity desirable,
in the body of the work, prepared by. Mr Perkins, without
trenching on the narrative of events that transpired in other
parts of the West at the same period. Our readers will find
the whole in the Appendix.]
Bouquet, meanwhile, collected troops at Fort Pitt, and in
the autumn marched across from Big Beaver to the upper
Muskingum, and thence to the point where the White Wo-
man's river comes into the main stream. There, upon the 9th
of November, he concluded a peace with the Delawares and
Shawanese, and received from them two hundred and six pris-
*Marbois' Ilistory of Louisiana, p. 13<J.
tlbid. Also, Martin's History of Louisiana, vol. ii. p. 7.
'^iiSS^£X^^s^^s^mw^^3sgs^imss}^^s^!:?mm^mM
124
Captives Delivered up.
1766.
oners, eighty-one men and one hundred and twenty-fiA-e
women and children. He also received, from the Shawanese,
hostages for the delivery of some captives, who could not be
brought to the Muskingum at that time. These hostages
escaped, but the savages were of good faith, and upon the
9th of May, 1765, the remaining whiter were given up to
George Croghan, the deputy of Sir William Johnson, at Fort
Pitt.* Many anecdotes are related in the account of the de-
livery of the captives to Bouquet, going to show that strong
attachments had been formed between them aud their cap-
tors ; and West's pencil has illustrated the scene of their de-
livery. But we have little faith in the representations of
either writer or painter.j
Pontiac, the leading spirit in the past struggle, finding his
attempts to save his country and his race at that time hopeless,
left his tribe and went into the West, and for some years after
was living among the Illinois, and in St. Louis, attempting,
but in vain, to bring about a new union and new war. He
was in the end killed by a Ka-skaskia Indian. So far as we
can form a judgment of this chieilain, he was, in point of
talent, nobleness of spirit, honor, and devotion, the superior
of any red man of whom we have an account. His plan of
extermination was most masterly; his execution of it equal
to its conception. But for the treachery of one of his follow-
ers, he would have taken Detroit early in May. His whole
force might then have been directed in one mass, first upon
Niagara, and then upon Pitt, and in all probability both posts
would have fallen.J Even disappointed a^ he was at Detroit,
had the Six Nations, with their dependent allies, the Dela-
wares and Shawanese, been true to him, the British might
have been long kept beyond the mountains; but the Iroquois,
— close upon the colonies, old allies of England, very greatly
•Sec, however, American Archives, fourth series, i. 1015, where the good faith of the
Shawanese is disputed.
f " An Historical Account of the Expedition against the Ohio Indians in the year 1764,
under the command of Henry Bouquet, Esquire, &o. Published from Authentic Docu-
ments, by a Lover of his Country. London, 1766. This volume was first printed in
Philadelphia. <
JThatohcr'a Indian Biography, vol. ii. Our knowledge of Pontiac and his war is very
imited. We hope something more may come to light yet. Nicollet In his Bcport, (p. 81,)
gives some particulars from one who knew Pontiac. His death was revenged by the North-
em nations, who nearly csterminatod the Illinois.
1766.
'^enty-five
awanese,
d not be
hostages
upon the
en up to
I, at Fort
)f the de-
lat strong
heir cap-
their de-
lations of
nding his
hopeless,
2ars after
tempting,
var. He
far as we
point of
superior
plan of
■ it equal
is follow-
is whole
irst upon
oth posts
t Detroit,
he Dela-
sh might
Iroquois,
y greatly
faith of the
ic year 1764,
hentio Docu-
it printed in
is war is very
jport, (p. 81,)
)y the Notth-
- H' " >■■ ' ■ »
1766.
Col. CrogltarCs Exp/orathfi.
125
under the influence of Sir William Johnson, and disposed, as
they ever proved themselves, to claim and sell, but not to
defend the West, — were for peace after the King's proclama-
tion. Indeed, the Mohawks and leading tribes were from the
first with the British; so that, after the success of Bradstrcet
and Bouquet, there was no difficulty in concluding a treaty
with all the Western Indians; and late in April, 1766, Sir
William Johnson, at the German Flats, held a conference with
the various nations, and settled a definite peace.* At this
meeting^ two propositions were made; the one to fix some
boundary line, west of which the Europeans should not go ;
and the savages named, as this line, the Ohio or Allegheny
and Susquehanna ; but no definite agreement was made,
Johnson not being empowered to act. The other propo-
sal was, that the Indians should grant to the traders, who
had suffered in 1763, a tract of land in compensation for the
injuries then done them, and to this the red men agreed.f
[ After the peace of 1763, Col. George Croghan, a commis-
sioner under Sir William Johnson, was sent to explore the
country adjacent to the Ohio river, to conciliate the Indians.
His Journal may be found in the "American Monthly Journal
of Geology and Natural Science," published !n Philadelphia
in l831-'32, vol. i. p. 257 ; and in the Appendix to Butler's
"History of Kentucky," (second edition.)
Accompanied by the deputies of the Scnecas, Shawanese,
and Delawares, Col. Croghan left Pittsburgh, May 15th, 1765,
with two batteaux, proceeded down the Ohio river, and on
the 6th of June reached the mouth of the Wabash. From
this point he dispatched two Indian runners with letters to
Lord Frazer, a British officer, who had been sent from Fort
Pitt to take possession of Illinois, and to M. St. Ange, the
French commandant at Fort Chartres.
On the 8th, a'^ daybreak, his party was attacked "by a
party of Indians, consisting of eighty warriors of the Kicka-
poos and Musquatimes," (probably Musquakies.) They
killed two white men and three Indians of his party, wounded
the commander, and made him and "all the white men
prisoners," after plundering them of all they possessed. One
of the Shawanese, who, being wounded, had concealed him-
sPlain Fact*, p. 60.
flhid. — Sutler's History of Kentucky, ee«>nd edition, p. 4T9, el. $eq.
1
;■♦' >
'm
rs^SifKss®
'S 'Jisix^!tJ0&»- j, ^' ,-V^ite> ' i ! "«^' .i tmf^^H &ii-J'i' . '" ' h ' tiffi»>^:'my4i'm^^S^.'^
fei:.'
m
126
Col. Croghan Rcturna.
1765.
i -J
'■X
I >■
self in the bushes, finding the hostile party were from Illinois,
came forward, gave them an Indian talk, and threatened
them with the vengeance of the Shawancse nation. This
alarmed them, and they set off with their prisoners to their
towns on the Ouiatenon, up the Wabash. Passing through
Vincennes, he found a village of eighty or ninety French
families. The Colonel represents the French as inimical to
him and the British, and as sharing the plunder with the Indi-
ans. He gives a description of the country and the fertility
of the soil with creditable accuracy. He visited the Twigtwee
and several other Indian villages, passed by the present site
of Fort Wayne, thence down the Maumee to Lake Erie and
round to Detroit, which he reached on the 16th of August.
On the 26th of September he set out from Detroit, passed
along the north shore of Lake Erie in a birch canoe, and
reached Niagara on the 8th of October. At the close of his
Journal is a list of Indian tribes, their localities, and their
hunting grounds, from New York to Mississippi.]
Mr. Perkins observes : So stood matters in the West during
this year, 1766. All beyond the Alleghenies, with the excep-
tion of a few forts, was a wilderness, until the Wabash was
reached, where dwelt a few French, with some fellow coun-
trymen, not far from them, upon the Illinois and Kaskaskiai
The Indians, a few years since, undisputed owners of the
prairies and broad vales, now held them by sufferance, having
been twice conquered by the arms of England. They, of
course, felt both hatred and fear ; and, while they despaired
of holding their lands, and looked forward to unknown evils,
the deepest and most abiding spirit of revenge was roused
within them. They had seen the British coming to take their
hunting-grounds upon the strength of a treaty they knew not of.
They had been forced to admit British troops into their country ;
and, though now nominally protected from settlers, that prom-
ised protection would be but an incentive to passion, in case it
was not in good faith extended to them.
And it was not in good faith extended to them by either
individuals or governments. During the year that succeeded
the treaty of German Flats, settlers crossed the mountains
and took possession of lands in western Virginia, and along
the Monongahela. The Indians, having received no pay for
these lands, murmured, and once more a border war was
-^['Ammtrmmmmmam
1765.
n Illinois,
ireatencJ
>n. This
s to their
; through
r French
imical to
the Indi-
e fertility
\vigtvvee
dsent site
Erie and
August,
it, passed
uoe, and
)se of his
and their
;st during
le excep-
:>ash was
ow coun-
askaskia^
rs of the
e, having
They, of
lie sp aired
»vvn evils,
IS roused
:ake their
ew not of.
■ country ;
lat prom-
in case it
by either
lucceeded
mountains
nd along
» pay for
war was
176V.
Purchase of Lands,
127
feared. General Gage, commander of the King's forces, was
applied to, probably through Sir William Johnson, and issued
his orders for the removal of the settlers ; but they defied his
commands and his power, and remained where they were. *
And not only were frontier men thus passing the line tacitly
urged on, but Sir William himself was even then meditating
a step which would have produced, had it been taken, a gen-
eral Indian war again. This was the purchase and settle-
ment of an immense tract south of the Ohio river, where an
independent colony was to be formed. How early this plan
was conceived we do not learn, but from Franklin's letters,
we find that it was in contemplation in the spring of 1766.t
At this time Franklin was in London, and was written to by
his son, Governor Franklin, of New Jersey, with regard to
the proposed colony. The plan seems to have been, to buy
of the Six Nations the lands south of the Ohio, a purchase
which it was not doubted Sir William might make, and then
to procure from the King a grant of as much territory as the
Company, which it was intended to form, would require. Gov-
ernor Franklin, accordingly, forwarded to his father an appli-
cation for a grant, together with a letter from Sir William,
recommending the plan to the ministry ; all of which was
duly communicated to the proper department. But at that
time there were various interests bearing upon this plan of
Franklin. The old Ohio Company was still suing, through
its agent, Colonel George Mercer, for a perfection of the
original grant The soldiers claiming under Dinwiddle's
proclamation had their tale of rights and grievances. Indi-
viduals, to whom grants had been made by Virginia, wished
them completed. General Lyman, from Connecticut, we
believe, was soliciting a new grant similar to that now asked
by Franklin ; and the ministers themselves were divided as to
the policy and propriety of establishing any settlements so
far in the interior — Shelburne being in favor of the new colo-
ny — Hillsborough opposed to it.
The Company was organized, however, and the nominally
leading man therein being Mr. Thomas Walpole, a London
banker of eminence, it was known as the Walpole Company.
Franklin continued privately to make friends among the min-
♦Plain Facts, p. 65.
f Sporkt' Franklin, vol.
ir. p. 233, et. uq.
V'^'sr ■
■ s ^^r ^ - m ' .
128
Treaty of Furl Stanwix.
1768.
1 (f
i"
istry, and to press upon thorn the policy of making largo set-
tlements in the West; and, as the old way of managing the
Indians by superintendents was just then in bad odor, in con-
sequence of the cxponse attending it, *he cabinet council so
far approved the new plan as to present it for examination to
the Board of Trade, with members of whicli Franklin had also
been privately conversing.
This was in the autumn of 1767. Lut, before any conclu-
sion was come to, it was necessary to arrange definitely that
boundary line, which had been vaguely talked of in 1765,
and with respect to which Sir William Johnson had written
to the ministry, who had mislaid his letters, and given him no
instructions. The necessity of arranging this boundaiy was
also kept in the mind by the continued and growing irritation
of the Indians, who found themselves invaded fmm every
side. This irritation became so great during the autumn of
1767, that Gage wrote to the Governo' of Pennsylvania or*
the subject. The Governor communicated his letter to the
Assembly on the 6th of January, 1768, and representations
were at once sent to England, expressing the necessity of
having the Indian line fixed. Franklin, the father, all this
time, was urging the same necessity upon the ministers in
England; and about Christmas of 1767, Sir William's letters
on the subject having been found, orders were sent him to
complete the proposed purchase from the Six Nations, and
settle all differences. liut the project for a colony was for the
time dropped, a new administration coming in which was not
that way disposed.
Sir William Johnson having received, early in the spring,
the 01 lers fro.a England relative to a new treaty with the
Indians, at once took steps to secure a full attendance.* No-
tice was given to the various colonial governments, to the
Six Nations, the Delawares, and the Shawanese, and a con-
gress was appointed to meet at Fort Stanwix during the fol-
lowing October, (1768). It met upon the 24th of that month,
and was attended by representatives from New Jersey, Vir-
ginia, ind Pennsylvania; by Sir William and bis deputies; by
the agents of those traders who had suffered in the war of
1763; and by deputies fi-om all the Six Nations, the Dela-
*For sn account of this long-lost treaty see Plain Facts, pp. 65—104, or Butler's Ken-
tucky, 2nd edition, pp. 472—488.
■A^
vias;
1768.
Claims of tftc Irwpiois.
129
wari's nnd the Shnwnncsc. The first point to he scttli'il w jwi
the boundary line which was to dL'torniinc the Indian iunds nt'
the West from that time forward ; and thi.s line the Indians,
upon the 1st of November, stated should begin on the Ohio,
at the mouth of the Cherokee (or Tennessee) river ; ihencu
go up tiic Ohio and Allegheny to Kittaning ; thence across to
the Susquehanna, etc.; whereby the whole country south of
the Ohio and Allegheny, to which the Six Nations had any claim,
was transferred to the British. One deed for a part of this
land, was made on the 3d of November to William Trent, at-
torney for twenty-two traders, whose goods had been destroy-
ed by the Indians in 1763. The tract conveyed by this was
between the Kanawha and Monongahela, and was by the
traders named Indiana. Two days afterwards a deed for the
remaining western lands was made to the King, and the price
agreed on paid down.* These deeds were made upon the
express agreement that no claim should ever be based upon
previous treaties, tho.se of Lancaster, Logstown, «Sic.; and
they were signed by the chiefs of the Six Nations, for them-
selves, their allies and dependents, the Shawanese, Dela-
wares, Mingocs of Ohio, and others ; but the Shawanese and
Delaware deputies present did not sign them.
[On the treaty of Fort Stanwix, in a great measure, rests the
title by purchase to Kentucky, Western Virginia, and Western
Pennsylvania, and the authority of the Six Nations to sell this
country rests on Iheir claim by conquest.]
But besides the claim of the Iroquois and the north-west
Indians to Kentucky, it was also claimed by the Cherokees ;
and it is worthy of remembrance that the treaty of Lochabar,
made in October, 1770, two years after the Stanwix treaty,
recognized a title in the southern Indians to all the country
west of a line drawn from a point six miles east of Big or
Long Island in Holston river, to the mouth of the Great Kana-
wha ;t although, as we have just stated, their rights to all the
lands north and east of the Kentucky river was purchased by
Colonel Donaldson, either for the king, Virginia, or himself —
it is impo.ssible to say which. J
•There were also given two decJs of lands in the interior of Pennsylvania, ono to
Croghan, and the other to the proprietaries of that colony.
fButler, 2nd ed. Introduction, li. •
X Ilnll'i Sketches, ii. 248.
ijdKS**?
s;SSSsatr>f33SW»«>B»SfeSSgte»
130
hind Comjkinks in the Wist.
mo.
>;„,<
P
;^
;'liii
But the Krant of the great nortlicrn confederacy waw made.
The vvliite iimn couhl now (luict hiii conNcienco when driving
the native from his forest home, and fee! sure that an army
would hnck his pretenNions. A new co.npany wiw at once
organized in Virginia, culled the "Mississippi Comi)any," and
a petition sent to the king for two millions and a half of
acres in Ihc West. Among the signers of this were Francis
Lightfoot Lee, Uichurd Henry Lee, George Washington and
Arthur Lee. The gentleman last named was the agent for
the petitioners in Kngland. This application was referred to
the Board of Trade on the 9th of March, 1769, and aller that
we hear nothing of it.*
The Board of Trade, however, was again called on to re-
port upon the application of the Walpole Company, and
Lord Ilillshoroiigh, the President, reported against it. This
called out Franklin's celebrated "Ohio Settlement," a paper
written with so much ability, that the King's Council put by
the official report, and granted the petition, a step which
mortified the noble lord so much that he resigned his official
station.f The petition now needed only the royal sanction,
which was not given until August 14th, 1772; but in 1770,
the Ohio Company was merged in Walpole's, and the claims
of the soldiers of 1756 being acknowledged both by the new
Company and by government, all claims were quieted. No-
thing was ever done, however, under the grant to Walpole,
the Revolution soon coming upon Ar erica.J After the Revo-
lution, Mr. Walpole and his associi.ces petitioned Congress
respecting their lands, called by them "Vandalia," but could
get no help from that body. What was finally done by Vir-
ginia with the claims of this and other companies, we do not
find written, but presume their lands were all looked on as
forfeited.
During the ten years in which Franklin, Townall, and their
friends were trying to get the great western land company
into operation, actual settlers were crossing the mountains all
too rapidly; for the Ohio Indians "viewed the settlements
with an uneasy and jealous eye," and "did not scruple to say,
that they must be compensated for their right, if people set-
• Plain Facts, p. 09.— Butler's Kentucky, 4T5.
■f Sparks' Franklin, vol. 4, p. 302.
t Sparks' Washington, vol. ii, p. 4S3, et le?.— Plain Facte, p. 149.
-=»■■«*•
<w >"
1770.
1773.
JjunJs of Wiixliintrlon.
181
tloil thereon, notwitlistHudiiiK the «'ONsion by the Six Nntions."*
It hiis been Nuid, uIho, thnt Lord Duninorc, tlien Goveriutr of
VirKiniii, authdrized survojM niid Hcitlj^mcntN on the westiTU
lands, notwitlistandinK the procliunution of 17G3 ; hut Mr.
Sparks gives us a htter from him, in which tliis is expressly
denied. t However, surveys did go down even to the Falls of
the Ohio, and the whole region south of the Ohio was tilling
with white men.
Among the foremost speculators in western lands at that
time was Oeorgc Washington. He had always regarded the
proclamation of 1763 as a mere temporary expedient to (juiet
the savages, and being better acquainted with the value of
western lands than most of those who could command means,
he early began to buy beyond the mountains. His agent in
selecting lands was Col. Crawford, afterwards burnt by the
Ohio Indians. In September, 1767, we find Washington
writing to Crawford on this subject, and looking forward to
the occupation of the western territory; in 1770 he crossed
the mountains, going down the Ohio to the mouth of the great
Kanawha; and in 1773, being entitled, under the King's pro-
clamation of 1763, (which gave a bounty to officers and
soldiers who had served in the French war,) to ten thousand
acrea of land, he became deeply interested in the country be-
yond the mountains, and had some correspondence respecting
the importation of settlers from Europe. Indeed, had not the
Revolutionary war been just then on the eve of breaking out,
Washington would, in all probability, have become the lead-
ing setUevofthe West, and all our history, perhaps, have been
changed. J
But while in England, and along the Atlantic, men were
talking of peopling the West south of the river Ohio, a few
obscure individuals, unknown to Walpole, to Franklin, and to
Washington, were taking those steps which actually resulted
in its settlement; and to these we next turn.
o
• Woshington'g "Journal to the West, in 1770." Sparlu' Washington, vol. ii. p. 531.
■\Ibid, p. 378.
JSparks' Washington, toI. ii. pp. 340-7. He hail patents for ,"52,373 acres; 915T on th«
Ohio, between the Kanawhas, with a river front of 13 1-2 miles : 23,216 acr-js on the great
Kanhawa, with a river front of forty miles. Besides those lands, he owned, fifteen miles
below Wheeling, aS7 aere», with a front of two and a half miles, llo considered the land
worth $3 33 per acre.— Sparks' Washington, xii, 201, 317.
•■'•s^S^
?5ii5S^?!!gSS'Ws*a«iM'««sssaa*s!^^
^1
132
Dr. Walker's Expedition.
1758.
' 1
1^
m
Notwithstanding the fact that so much attention had been
given to the settlement of the West, even before the French
war, it does not appear that any Europeans, either French or
English, had, at the time the treaty of Fort Stanvvix was made,
thoroughly examined that most lovely region near the Ken-
tucky river, which is the finest portion, perhaps, of the whole
Ohio valley. This may be accounted for by the non-residence
of the Indians in that district; a district which they retained
as a hunting ground. Owing to this, the traders, who were
the first explorers, were led to direct their steps northward,
up the Miami and Scioto valleys, and were quite familiar with
the country between the Ohio and the Lckcs, at a period when
the interior of the territory south of the river was wholly un-
known to them. While, therefore, the impression which many
have had, that the entire valley was unknown to the English
colonists before Boone's lime, is clearly erroneous, it is equal-
ly clear that the centre of Kentucky, which he and his com-
rades explored during their first visit, had not before that
time, been examined by the whites to any considerable ex-
tent.
[Here it is necessary to call the attention of the reade.r to
another series of events, that opened the way for the ex-
ploration and settlement of Kentucky and Tennessee.
About the year 1758, Dr. Tho.-ias Walker, from Albemarle
county, Va., who had been previously employed as an agent
among the Cherokees on the Holston river, from 1750, was
appointed commissioner to take certain Cherokee chiefs to
England. Dr. Walker had explored the mountain vallies of
Southwestern Virginia and East Tennessee. While in Eng-
land, he organized a company to settle the wild lands in
Western Virginia and Carolina, of which the Duke of Cum-
berland was patron. He returned to America in the capacity
of general agent. Dr. Walker subsequently explored the
country; gave the name of his patron to Ctimbcrland river,
and the range of mountains that give origin to the head
branches. He also explored the upper parts of the Kentucky
river, and gave to it the name of Louisa, in honor of the
Duchess of Cumberland, which name it bore for some years.
He was at the treaty of Fort Stanwix, and had no small influ-
ence in the purchase of Western Virginia and Eastern Ken-
tucky from the Six Nations.
*
1»v
r
1758.
*
1759.
Colonels Mar/in and Sinit/i.
133
In March, 1769, Col. Joseph Martin, of Albemarle county, and
twenty other persons, started to form a settlement in Powell's
valley ; having received a written pledge from Dr. Walker,
of a, grant of 21,000 acres of land, on condition that they
reached the valley and made a settlement, before another
company (contmanded by Messrs. Kirkleys) gained possession.
The party reached the valley on the 1st of April, after great
effort and suffering, and commenced their improvements on
the 3d, and thus gained each their thousand acres. The val-
ley, the river, and the adjacent mountain, were named from
a hunter who first explored the country and marked his name
on a tree.
Colonel Joseph Martin was subsequently an agent among
the Cherokees, and the father of the late Colonel William
Martin, of Smith county, Tennessee, in whose possession we
found papers, and a letter from his father, dated May 9, 1769,
containing the foregoing facts. The explorations of Dr.
Walker, and Col. Martin, and the settlement of Powell's val-
ley, prepared the way for further progress westward.]*
The next explorer of Kentucky and Tennessee, was Col.
James Smith. Mr. Smith had been taken prisoner by the
Indians, near Bedford, Pa., in 1755, and was with them four
and a half years. In 1764, he was a lieutenant in General
Bouquet's campaign against the Indians, and a colonel in the
continental service in 1778.
During the summer of 1766, with four white men and a
mulatto slave, he made an exploration across the mountains
to the Cumberland, and then to the Tennessee rivers, to ex-
amine the country in view of future settlements.
Stone's river, a branch of the Cumberland, was so named
from Mr. Uriah Stone, one of the party. They explored the
country on each of the rivers, until they reached the mouth
of the Tennessee, where Paducah now stands. Col. Smith,
having stuck a piece of cane in his foot, was unable to travel,
his companions left him and the boy to aid him, and pro-
ceeded to the Illinois country. lie reached Carolina on his
•Mr. Baticr {History of Kentucky, it. 18,) mestiona Dr. Walker's explorations as in
1747. Stipp's Miscellany, p. 9, says 1750 ; which date is confirmed by facts in Holmes'
Annals, ii, 304, note. Marshall, voli. p. 7, says 1753. In the London edition of Wash-
ington's Journal, printed in 1754, there is a map on which is marked 'Walker's Settle-
ment, 1750," upon the Cumberland river. There is no discrepancy in these dates, for
Dr. Walker was engaged several years in his explorations and Indian agency. — Ed.
i iaS";'.-7.*l;i'a!SaS-Ai.;»''?SWS-.Jftii^' *i!a*«5SS»iV.*?'-"--tfi
s:,!f?j:^-ffu--t!siia;T.'«?r''
n
t
t
134
John Finlcy's Expedition.
1767.
return, in October, 1767, having been eleven months in the
wilderness In a few days he reached Conecocheague valley,
where his family resided.*
The next persons who entered this region were traders ;
coming, not from Virginia and Pennsylvania by the river, Out
from North Carolina by the Cumberland Gap. These traders
probably sought, in the first instance, the Cherokees and other
southern Indians, with whom they had dealings from a very
enrly period ; but appear afterrvard to have journeyed north-
ward upon what was called the Warrior's road, an Indian path
leading from the Cumberland ford along the broken country,
lying upon the eastern branch of the Kentucky river, and so
across the Licking toward the mouth of the Scioto. f This
path formed the line of commi^nication between the northern
and southern Indians ; and sonew^here "Ic.ig its course, John
Finley, doubtless in company with others, was engaged, in
1767, in trading with the red men ; we presume, with those
from north of the Ohio, who met him there with the skins
procured during their hunting expedition in that central and
choice region. Upon Finley's return to North Carolina, he
met with Daniel Boone, to whom he described the country he
had visited.
Daniel Boone was born in Bucks county, Pa., in the month
of February, 1736, being the sixth of eleven children. His
father moved to Berks county when Daniel was a small boy,
where, in a frontier settlement, he attended school, and where
in boyhood he received those impressions that were so fully
display ?d in after life. From childhood, he delighted to range
the woods, watch the wild animals, and contemplate the
beauties of uncultivated nature. In woodcraft, his education
was complete. No Indian could poise the rifle, find his way
through the trackless forest, or hunt the wild game better than
Daniel Boone.
Few men ever possessed that combination of boldness, cau-
tion, hardihood, strength, patience, perseverance and love of
solitude that marked his character. With these qualities
he was kind-hearted, humane, good-tempered, and devoid of
malice. He never manifested the temper of the misanthrope
*Pmith'8 Life, in "Incidtnit of Border Lift," p. 61. lloywood's Uittory of Tennetiee,
page 33.
f See map in Filson's Kentucky.
[
1767.
1769.
Colonel Daniel Boone.
135
or evinced any dissatisfaction with social or domestic life.
He had a natural sense of justice and equity between man
and man, and felt, through his whole life, repugnance to the
technical forms of law, and the conventional regulations of
society and of government, unless they were in strict accor-
dance with his instinctive sense of right.
When Daniel Boone was in the 18th year of his age, his
fatlnr removed from Pennsylvania to North Carolina, and
settled on the Yadkin, in the northwestern part of that State.
Here he married, and for several years, labored on a farm ;
hunting at the proper season. About 1762, he was leader of
a company of hunters from the Yadkin, who ranged through
the vallies on the waters of the Holston, in the southwesern
part of Virginia. In 1764, we find him, with another compa-
ny of hunters, on the Rock Castle, a branch of Cumberland
river, within the present boundaries of Kentucky, employed
as he stated, by a party of \i nd speculators to ascertain and
report concerning the country in that quarter.*
The oppression of the governors of the colony, and the
members of the Coupcii and of the Assembly, who were
English or Scotch adventurers, produced great dissatisfaction
with the laboring classes, and drove many to seek their for-
tunes in the wilds of the West. At the same time Richard
Henderson, the Harts and others, were projecting a purchase
of the fertile lands of the West, and encouraged the hunters
to explore the country.
On the return of Finley, as already stated, arrangements
were made for an exploring party to examine the rich vales
of the Kentucky, of which Boone was the leader ; and he alone
was in the confidence of the speculators. His companions
were John Finley, John Stewart, Joseph Holden, James Mon-
cey, and William Cool. They left the Yar'.kin settlement, and
Boone his family, on the first of May, and after much fatigue
and exposure to .severe rains, reached the waters of Red river
one of the main branches of the Kentucky, on the 7th of June.
In this region the party reconnoitered the count. y, and hunt-
ed, until December. At that period, the explorers divided
themselves into parties, that they might have a wider ^-angc of
observation. Boone had for his companion, iMr. Stewart. • Oi*
*II»ywood's Hittory of Tennatee, pp. 32, Zi.
r3J!uS«,7';:r'-:ScM»rK:.-r?rSKsS'Sr;(5."3
■L-f^^Vf:^%"-'XV.'^^^^'7rrf'r-''^>^^r-a^ev^^-T*^)^
136
Exjiiorers in the West.
1771.
m
fi. .
Finlay, and the rest of the party, we hear nothing more. Of
their adventures history is silent.
Boone and Stewart were soon taken by a party of Indians,
from whom they made their escape after several days' deten-
tion. Early in January, 1770, Squire Boone, a brother of
Daniel, and another adventurer, arrived from North Carolina,
with supplies of ammunition, and intelUgence from his familj-.
Shortly after this event, Stewart, while hunting, was killed by
the Indians, and the man who came with Squire Boone got
lost in the woods and perished. The two brothers, thus left
alone, pursued their hunting along the banks of the main
Kentucky river.
When sprinj^ opened Squire returned to the Yadkin for sup-
plies, while Daniel explored the country along Salt and Green
rivers. On the last of July Squire returned, and they enga-
ged in exploring the country on the waters of Cumberland
river, and hunting in that region until March, 1771. They
then returned by Kentucky river, and the Cumberland Gap, to
the settlements on the Yadkin.
During the same period, another exploring and hunting
party of about twenty men, left North Carolina and Western
Virginia, for the country of Tennessee. They passed through
Cumberland Gap into v/hat is now called Wayne county,
Kentucky, and, subsequently, moved in a southwestern direc-
tion, along the waters of Roaring river and Caney fork, and
returned in April, 1770, after an absence often months.
The same year another party often hunters built two boats
and two trapping canoes, loaded them with peltry, venison,
bears' meat and oil, and made a voyage down the Cumber-
land, Oliio and Mississippi rivers, to Natchez, where they dis-
posed of their cargo.
In 1771, Casper Mansco, who had twice visited the valley
of the Cumberland, came out again in company with several
other persons. They traversed the country along the Cum-
berland river to the region north of Nashville, and into the
"barrens" of Kentucky. From the period of their absence
they were called the "Long-hunters."* These several explo-
rations excited the attention of multitudes in the colonies
* For authorities and further events in detail, the render is referred to Haywood's Hitto-
ry of Tenntssee: Butler's History of the Commonwealth of Kentucky; and "Life of Daniel
lioonc," by the editor, in Dr. Sparlts' American Biography, vol. xxiii.
1773.
Emigration to Kentucky.
187
«* Si.
soutli of the Putomac, and turned their thoughts to a home in
the ''Far West."]
During the same eventful period, (1770), there came into
Western Virginia, no less noted a person than George Wash-
ington. Ilis attention, as we have before ciaid, had been
turnt'd to the lands along the Ohio, at a very early period ; he
had himself large claims, as well as far-reaching plans of set-
tlement, and he wished with his own eyes, to examine the
Western lands, especially those about the mouth of the Ka-
nawha. From the journal of his expedition, published by
Mr. Sparks, in the Appendix to the second volume of his
Washington papers, we learn some valuable facts in refer-
ence to the position of affairs in the Ohio valley at that time.
We learn, for instance, that the Virginians were rapidly sur-
veying and settling the lands south of the river as far down
as the Kanawhas ; and that the Indians, notwithstanding the
treaty of Fort Stanvvix, were jealous and angry at this con-
stant invasion of their hunting-grounds.
This jealousy and anger were not suffered to cool during
the years next succeeding, and when Thomas Bullitt and his
part_^ descended the Ohio in the summer of 1773, he found, as
related above, that no settlements would be tolerated .south of
the river, unle.ss the Indian hunting-grounds were left undis-
turbed. To leave them undisturbed was, however, no part of
the plan of these white men. This very party, which Bullitt
led, and in which were the two McAfees, Hancock, Taylor,
Drennon and others, separated, and while part went up the
Kentucky river, explored the banks, and made important
surveys, including the valley in which Frankfort stands, the
remainder went on to the Falls, and laid out, on behalf of
John Campbell and John Connolly, the plat of Louisville. All
this took place in the summer of 1773 ; and in the autumn of
that year, or early the next, John Floyd, the deputy of Colonel
William Preston, the surveyor of Fincastle county, Virginia,
in which it was claimed that Kentucky was comprehended
also crossed the mountains; while General Thompson, of
Pennsylvania, made surveys upon the north fork of the Lick-
ing.* Nor did the projects of the English colonists stop with
•Marahall, i 11.— Butler, second edition, 20. American State Papers, xv:. 683. Gcn^
Thompson was surveying for the Pennsylvania soldiers under the proclamation of 1783,
and a permit from the Council of Virginia in 1771.
9
S"? -- VvV ?i -tTr-* f'Vi'- i;:;riSiV-aiS(i-aS!lsisiefc-«KBra!ift»*KW*li--^!^ ' iJ\^X >r^'Li M niii ^uj i» u -^»'^-'»W««ii»i«tw»»«
138
Boone starts for Kentucky.
1773.
the settlement of Kentucky. In 1773, General Lyman, with
a number of military adventurers, went to Natchez, and laid
out several townships in that vicinity ; to which point emi-
gration set so strongly, thiit we are told, four hundred families
passed down the Ohio, on their way thither, during six weeks
of the summer of that year.*
[Anxious as was Boone to remove his family to the fertile
region of Kentucky, it was not until 1773, that he sold his farm
on the Yadkin, and, with five other families, took up the line of
march westward. The company started on the 25th of Sep-
tember, and were joined by others in Powell's valley, making
the number of forty men, besides women and children. As
they approached the last mountain barrier, on the 16th of
October, seven young men, who had charge of the cattle,
being five or six miles in the rear, were attacked by a party of
Indians. Six were slain, amongst whom was Boone's eldest
son James, and the seventh, though wounded, made his
escape. The cattle were dispersed in the woods.
This calamity so disheartened the emigrants, that they gave
up the expedition and returned to Clinch river.]
• HolmcB' Annals, ii. 183;— from original M6S. For a higtory of Natchci, »ee Wtrtem
MMMnger, September and November, 1838: it is by Masn Butler. See alio Ellicott'i
Journal, (Philadelphia, 1803,) p. 120, Ac
* t
m
H
1773.
lan, with
and laid
Dint emi-
] families
ix weeks
iie fertile
his farm
he line of
I of Sep-
, making
Iren. As
! 16th of
le cattle,
I party of
e's eldest
nade his
;hey gave
I, «ee Wcstorn
ilto Ellioott'i
^ W
y.
CHAPTER V.
ANNALS OF 1774 AND 1775.
So ttloment of Wheeling— Connolly seizes Fort Pitt— Murder of Log»n'« Family— Dan-
more's War— Bnttlo of Point PlcManl^Trantylvania Land Company— Settlement of
Kentucky — Fint Political Convention in the Went — Indian* in Alliance with tba
Britifb.
For a time the settlement of Kentucky and the West was
delayed; for though James Harrod, in the spring or early
summer of 1774, penetrated the wilderness, and built his
cabin, (the first log-hut reared in the valley of the Kentucky,)
where the town which bears his name now stands, he could
not long stay there ; the sounds of coming war reached even
his solitude, and forced him to rejoin his companions, and aid
in repelling the infuriated savages. Notwithstanding the
treaty of Fort Stanwix, the western Indians, as we have seen
were in no degree disposed to yield their lands without a
struggle. Wide-spread dissatisfaction prevailed among the
Shawanese and Mingoes, which was fostered probably by the
French traders who still visited the trrbes of the north-west.
Evidence of the feeling which prevailed, is given by Washing-
ton in his Journal of 1770, and has been already referred to.
And from that time forward almost every event was calculated
still more to excite and embitter the children of the forest. In
1770, Ebenezer, Silas and Jonathan Zane, settled at Wheeling ;
during that year the Boones, as we have related, were exploring
the interior of Kentucky ; and after them came the McAfees
Bullitt, Floyd, Hancock, Taylor, and their companions. The'
savages saw their best grounds occupied or threatened with
occupation; but still hey remembered the war of 1763 and
the terrible power of Britain, and the oldest and wisest of the
sufferers were disposed rather to submit to what seemed inevi-
table than to throw themselves away in a vain effort to with-
stand the whites. Hopeless hatred toward the invaders filled
the breasts of the natives, therefore, at the period immediately
preceding the war of 1774; a hatred needing only a few acts
of violence to kindle it into rage and thirst xbr human blood.
"^i;'?^5^-S^aBS»^*.3»?«^a5^.I^ei**«?«^^
^&km
140
Proclamntion of Dr. Cunnolly.
1774.
And such acta were not wanting; in ad ition to the murdor of
several single Indians by the frontier men,— in 1772,five fami-
lies of the natives on the Little Kanawha, were killed, in
revenge for the death of a white family on Gauley River,
although no evidence existed to prove who had committed the
last-named outrage.* And when 1774 came, a series of
events, of which we can present but a faint outline, led to
excessive exasperation on both sides. Pennsylvania and
Virginia laid equal claim to Pittsburgh and the adyoining
country. In the war of 1764, doubt had existed as to which
colony the fork of the Ohio was situated in, and the Old
Dominion having been forward in the defence of the contested
territory, while her northern neighbor had been very backward
in doing anything in its favor, the Virginians felt a certain
claim upon the "Key of the West." This feeling showed
itself before 1763, and by 1773 appears to have attained a
very decided character. Early in 1774, Lord Dunmore,
prompted very probably by Colonel Croghan, and his nephew,
Dr. John Connolly, who had lived at Fort Pitt, and was an in-
triguing find ambitious man, determined, by strong measures,
to assert the claims of Virginia upon Pittsburgh and its vicinity,
and dispatched Connolly, with a captain's commission, and
with power to take possession of the country upon the Monon- .
gahela, in the name of the king. The Doctor issued his
proclamation to the people, in the neighborhood of Redstone
and Pittsburgh, calling upon them to meet on the 24th or 25th
of January, 1774, in order to be embodied as Virginia militia.
Arthur St. Clair, who then represented the Proprietors of
Pennsylvania in the West, was at Pittsburgh at the time, and
arrested Connolly before the meeting took place. The people
who had seen the proclamation, however, came together, and
though they were dispersed without attempting any outbreak
in favor of the Virginian side of the dispute, which it was very
much feared they would do,— they did not break up without
drunkenness and riot, and among other things Jircd their guns
at Vie town occupied by friendly Indians across the river, hurting
no one, but exciting the ftar and aspicion of the red men.
Connolly, soon after, was for a ihort time released by the
sheriff, upon the promise to return m the law's custody, which
•Withers' Border Warfar?, 106.
page S69.
Monette's History of tie MiMi'^ipi Valley, vol. .j
1774.
1774.
His Arbitrary Measures.
141
promise he broke however, and having collected a band of
followers, on the 28th of March, came again to Pittsburgh,
still asserting the claim of Virginia to the government. Then
commenced a series of contests, outrages and complaints,
which were too extensive and complicated to be described
within our limited space. The end of the matter was this, that
Connolly, in Lord DunmoreV name,andby his authority, took
and kept possession of Fort Pitt ; and as it had been dismantled
and nearly destroyed, by royal orders, rebuilt it, and named it
Fort Dunmore. Meantime, in a most unjustifiable and tyranni-
cal manner, he arrested both private men and magistrates, and
kept some of them in confinement, until Lord Dunmore ordered
their release. Knowing that these measures were calculated
to lead to active and violent measures against himself by the
Pcnnsylvanians, he took great precautions, and went to con-
siderable expense to protect his own party from surprise.
These expenses, it is not improbable, he feared the Virginia
General Assembly would object to, although his noble patron
might allow them ; and it is not impossible that he intentionally
fostered, as St. Clair distinctly intimated in his letters to the
Pennsylvania authorities, the growing jealousy between the
whites and natives, in order to make their quarrels serve as a
color to his profuse expenditures. At any rate, it appears that
on the 21st of April, Connolly wrote to the settlers along the
Ohio, that the Shawanese were not to be trusted, and that they
(they whites) ought to be prepared to revenge any wrong done
them. This letter came into the hands of Captain Michael
Cresap, who was looking up lands near Wheeling, and who
appears to have possessed the true frontier Indian-hatred.
Five days before its date, a canoe, belonging to William Butler,
a leading Pittsburgh trader, had been attacked by three
Cherokees, and one white man had been killed. This hap-
pened not far from Wheeling, and became known there of
course ; while about the same time the report was general
that the Indians were stealing the traders' horses. When,
therefore, immediately after Connolly's letter had been circu-
lated, the news came to that settlement, that some Indians were
coming down the Ohio in a boat, Cresap, in revenge for the
murder by the Cherokees, and, as he afterwarc's said, in obedi-
ence to the direction of the commandant at Pittsburgh,
contained in the letter referred to, determined to attack them.
:^-
142
Massacre at Capttna.
1774.
IK J
I'ilif
i
They were, as it chanced, two friendly Indians, who, with two
whites, had been dispatched by William Butler, when he heard
that his first messengers were stopped, to attend to his peltries
down the river, in the Shawanese country.* The project of
Cresap, (and here we continue in the words of Dr. Dodd-
ridge,) "was vehemently opposed by Col. Zane, tlie proprietor
of the place. lie stated to the Captain that the killing of
those Indians, would inevitably bring on a war, in which much
innocent blood would be shed, and that the act in itself would
be an atrocious murder, and a disgrace to his name forever.
His good counsel was lost. The party went up the river. On
being asked, at their return, what had become of the Indians?
they coolly answered that "they had fallen overboard into
the rive'*!" Their canoe, on being examined, was found
bloody, and pierced with bullets. This was the first blood
which was shed in this war,* and terrible was the vengeance
which followed.
In the evening of the same day, the party heanng that
there was an encampment of Indians at the mouth of Captina,
went down the river to the place, attacked the Indians and
killed several of them. In this afl'air one of Cresap's party
■was severely wounded.
The massacre at Captina and that which took place at
Baker's, about forty miles above Wheeling, a few days after
that at Captina, were unquestionably the sole causes of the
war, 1774. The lastwa*. perpetrated by thirty-two men, under
the command of Daniol Greathouse. The whole number
killed at this place, and on the river opposite to it, was
twelve, besides several wounded. This horrid massacre
was efliectcd by a hypocritical stratagem, which reflects
the deepest dishonor on the memory of those who were
agents in it. , . t i.
The report of the murders committed on the Indians near
Wheeling, induced a belief that they would immediately
commence hostilities, and this apprehension furnished the
pretext for the murder above related. The ostensible object
for raising the party under Greathouse, was that of defending
the family of Baker, whose house was opposite to a large
encampment of Indians, at the mouth of Big Yellow Creek.
The party were concealed in ambuscade, while their com-
mander went over the river, under the mask of friendship, to
the Indian camp, to ascertain their number; while there, an
Indian woman advised him to return home speedily, saying
• For ihe aboTe facts relatWe to Connolly'* conduot, *c., see American ArcbWej,
fourth Mries, i. 252 to 28S, 435, 774, 459, 4fi7, 470, 484, Ac. It was taid that Dun-
mere thanked Cresap for what ho did; American Arohires, fourth series, i. 508; but
BO procf exists, we beliere, of his haring done so.
• The murder at Balltown took place in 1772.
1774.
1774.
The Affair of Orcathouae.
143
with two
he henrd
i peltries
reject of
•. Dodd-
roprietor
:illing of
ich much
■If would
J forever,
k'er. On
Indians?
)ard into
as found
rst blood
sngeance
ring that
Captina,
ians and
ip's party
place at
lays after
ies of the
en, under
i number
9 it, was
massacre
b reflects
vho were
ians near
fnediately
ished the
ble object
defending
J a large
>w Creek,
tieir com-
ndship, to
there, an
ly, saying
lui ArebWe;,
lid that DuD-
, i. 506; bat
,, .
that the Indians were drinking, and angry on account of the
murder of their people down the river, and might do him some
mischief. On his return to his party he reported that the
Indians were too strong for an upun attack. He returned to
Baker's and requested him to give any Indians who might
come over, in the course of the day, as much rum as they
might call for, and get as many of them drunk as he possibly
could. The plan succeeded. Several Indian men, with two
women, came over the river to Baker's, who had previously
been in the habit of selling rum to the Indians. The men
drank freely and became intoxicated. In this state they were
all killed by Greathouse, and a few of his party. I say a few
of his party, for it is but justice to state, that not more than
five or six of the whole number had any participation in the
slaughter at the house. The rest protested against it, as an
atrocious murder. From their number, being by far the ma-
jority, they might have prevented the deed ; but alas ! they did
not. A little Indian girl alone was saved from the slaughter,
by the humanity of some one of the party, whose name is not
now known.
The Indians in the camps, hearing the firing at the house,
sent a canoe with two men in it to enquire what had happened.
These two Indians were both shot down, as soon as they landed
on the beach. A second and larger canoe was then manned
with a number of Indians in arms ; but in attempting to reach
the shore, some distance below the house, were received by a
well directed fire from the party, which killed the greater
number of them, and compelled the survivors to return. A
great number of shots were exchanged across the river, but
without damage to the white party, not one of whom was
even wounded. The Indian men who were murdered were
all scalped.
The woman who gave the friendly advice to the commander
of the party, when in the Indian camp, was amongst the slain
at Baker's house.
The massacres of the Indians at Captina and YeLow Creek,
comprehended the whole of the family of the famous, but un-
fortunate Logan.*
This account by Doddridge is confirmed by the evidence of
Colonel Zane, whose deposition is givsn by Jeflferson ; but as
it diflfers somewhat from that of George Rogers Clark, who
was also present, we give part of the letter written by the
last named pioneer relative to the matter, dated June 17, 1798.
This country was explored in 1773. A re.solution was
formed to make a settlement the spring following, and the
mouth of the Little Kanawha appointed the place of general
*See Oaddridge'k Note«, p. 22(
i ,;j';*.. m>» » «j ' . - ^''- ' ■ wt'W^ ' -fe^.J''.^ ' v.-.' B ^ r ^
r
144
Coionct Clark's Account.
1771.
■1:^.1
rendezvouN, in optler to descend the river from thence in a
body. Karly in the Knrinj? the Indiiins had done some mis-
chief. Reports from their towns were alnrminf?, which deter-
red many. About eighty or ninety men only arrived at the
appointed rendezvous, where we lay w)mc days.
A small party of hunters, that lay alwutten miles helow us,
were fired upon by the Indians, whom the hunters heat back,
and returned to camp. This and many other cii.um^tanees
led us to believe, that the Indians were deUrmined on war.
The whole party was enrolled and determinetl to execute
their project of lorming a settlement in Kentucky, as wc had
every necessary store that could be thought of. An Indian
town called the Ilorsehead Bottom, on the Scioto and near its
mouth, lay nearly in our way. The determination was to
cross the country and surprise it. Who was to command?
was the question. There were hut few among us that had
experience in Indian warfare, and they were such as we did
not choose to be commanded by. We knew of Capt. Cresap
being on the river about fiileen miles above us, with some
hands, settling a plantation ; and that he had concluded to fol-
low us to Kenlucky as soon as he had fixed there his people.
We also knew that he had been experienced in a former war.
He -was proposed ; and it was unanimously agreed to sen^' for
him to command the party. Messengers were dispatched,
and in half an hour returned with Cresap. He had heard of
our resolution by some of his hunters, that had fallen in with
ours, and had set out to come to us.
We now thought our army, as we called it, complete, and
the destruction of the Indians sure. A council was called, and,
to our astonishment, our intended Commander-in-chief was
the person that dissuaded us from the enterprise. He said that
appearances were very suspicious, but there was no certainty
of a war. That if we made the attempt proposed, he had no
doubt of our success, but a war would, at any rate, be the re-
sult, and that we should be blamed for it, and perhaps justly.
But if we were determined to proceed, he would lay aside all
considerations, send to his camp for his people, and share our
fortunes.
He was then asked what he would advise. His answer
was, that we should return to Wheeling, as a convenient post,
to hear what was going forward. That a few weeks would
determine. As it was early in the spring, if we found the In-
dians were not disposed for war, we should have full time to
return and make our establishment in Kentucky. This was
adopted; and in two hours the whole were under way. As
we ascended the river, we met Kill-buck, an Indian chief, with
a small party. We had a long conference with him, but re-
ceived little satisfaction as to the disposition of the Indians.
It was observed that Cresap did not come to this conference,
I
1774.
1774.
Colonel Clark's Account.
145
1 f
hilt kept on the opposite side of the rivrr. Hr said that he
was afraid to triiKt himself with th- '•".lians. Th.it Kill Imcic
had friMjut'fitiy attempted to waylay his father, to kill him.
That if he crossed the river, perhaps his fortitude might fail
him, and that he might put Kill-buck to death. Un our arri-
val at Wheeling, (the country being pretty well settled lliere-
ahouts,) the whole of the inhabitants appeared ti» bo alarmed.
They llockcd to our camp fron» every direction ; and all
wo could say could not keep them fmm und»!r our wings.
We oliered to cover their neighborhood with scouts, until
further infornmtion, if they would return to their plantations;
but nothing would prevail. My this time we had got to be u
formidable party. All the hunttn-s, men without families,
etc., in that quarter, had joined our party.
Our arrival at Wheeling was soon known at Pittsburgh.
The whole of that country, at that time, being under the
jurisdiction of Virginia, Dr. Connolly had been appointed by
Dunmore Captain Commandant of the District which was
called Waugusta. He, learning of us, sent a message address-
ed to the party, letting us know that a war was to be appre-
hended ; and requesting V it we would keep our position, for
a few days, as messages liad been sent to the Indians, and a
''.w days would determine the doubt. The answer he got,
V '^, that we had no inclination to quit our quarters for some
time. That during our stay we should be careful that the
enemy did not harrass the neighborhood that we lay in. But
before this answer could reach Pittsburgh, he sent a second
express, addressed to Capt. Cresap, as the most intluential
man amongst us ; informing him that the messengcs had re-
turned from the Indians, that war was inevitable, and begging
him to use his influence with the party, to get them to cover
the country by scouts until the inhabitants could fortify them-
selves. The reception of this letter was the epoch of open
hostilities with the Indians. A new post was planted, a
council was called, and the letter read by Cresap, all the
Indian traders being summoned on so important an occasion.
Action was had, and war declared in the most solemn man-
ner ; and the same evening two scalps were brought into the
camp.
The next day some canoes of Indians were discovered on
the river, keeping the advantage of an island to coyer them-
selves from our view. They were chased lifteen miles down
the river, and driven ashore. A battle ensued ; a few were
wounded on both sides; one Indian only taken prisoner. On
examining their canoes, we found a considerable quantity of
ammunition and other warlike stores. On our return to camp,
a resolution was adopted to march the next day, and attack
Logan's camp on the Ohio, about thirty miles above us. We
did march about five miles, and then halted to take some re-
l-l f
146
Murder of Logan's Family.
1774.
freshments. Here the impropriety of executing the projected
enterprise was argued. The conversation was brcjght for-
ward by Cresap himself. It was generally agreed that those
Indians had no hostile intentions — as they were hunting, and
their party were composed of men, women, and children, with
all their stuff with them. This we knew; as I myself and
others :jresent had been in their camp about four weeks past,
on our descending the river Irom Pittsburgh. In short, every
person seemed to detest the resolution we had set out with.
We returned in the evening, decamped, and took the road to
Redstone.
It was two days after this that Logan's Family were killed.
And from the manner in which it was done, it was viewed as
a horrid murder. From Logan's hearing of Cresap bein^ at
the head of this party on the river, it is no wonder that he sup-
posed ht; had a hand in the destruction of his family.*
In relation to the murders by Greathouse, there is also a
variance in the testimony. Henry Jolly, who was near b
and whose statement is published in an article by Dr. Hil-
dreth, in Silliman's Journal for January. 1837, makes no men-
tion of the visit of Greathouse to the Indian camp, but says
that five men and one v/oman with a child came from the
camp across to Baker's, that three of the five were made
drunk, and that the whites finding the other two would not
drink, persuaded them to fire at a mark, and when their guns
were empty, shot them down ; this done, they next murdered
the woman, and tomahawked the three who were intoxicated.
The Indians who had not crossed the Ohio, ascertaining what
had taken place, attempted to escape by descending the river,
and having passed Wheeling unobserved, landed at Pipe
Creek, and it was then, according to Jolly, that Cresap's attack
took place ; he killed only one Indian.f But whatever may
have been the precise facts in relation to the murder of Lo-
gan's family, they were at any rate of such a nature as to
make all concerned, feel sure of an Indian war ; and while
those upon the frontier gathered hastily into the fortresses,J
an express was sent to Williamsburgh to inform the Governor
of the necessity of instant preparation. The Earl of Dun-
more at once took the needful steps to organize forces ; and
•Louisville Literary News Letter, quoted in Heiperian, February, 1839. p. 309.
fSee Am. Pioneer, i. 12 to 24. Am. Archives, 4th Series, 1. 467. Boo also Border War-
Core, 112, note, where the discrepancies of evidence are i ... ai, alto Jacob's Life of Cresap.
JBorder Warfare, 114.
M
1774.
! projected
ojght for-
th at those
nting, and
dren, with
nyself and
reeks past,
lort, every
out with,
he road to
'ere killed,
viewed as
> bein^ at
lat he sup-
ly.*
I is also a
s near b
f Dr. Hil-
js no men-
), but says
! from the
v&ve made
would not
their guns
t murdered
itoxicated.
ining what
I the river,
d at Pipe
ap's attack
itever may
dor of Lo-
iture as to
and while
brtresses.J
3 Governor
rl of Dun-
arces; and
p. 309.
80 Border Ww-
iLife of CreMp.
1774.
Expedition against the Indians.
147
meanwhile in June, sent Daniel Boone and Michael Stoner to
conduct into the settlements the surveyors and others who
were lingering upon the banks of the Kentucky and Elkhorn,
a duty which was ably and quickly performed. The unfortu-
nate traders among the Indians, however, could not thus be
rescued from the dangers which beset them. Some of them
fell the first victims to the vengeance of the natives. One,
near the town of White-Eyes, the Peace Chief of the Dela-
wares, was murdered, cut to pieces, and the fragments of his
body hung upon the bushes ; the kindly chief gathered them
together and buried them ; the hatred of the murderers, how-
ever, led them to disinter and disperse the remains of their
victim anew, but the kindness of the Delaware was as perse-
vering as the hatred of his brethren, and again he collected
the scattered limbs and in a secret place hid thtm.*
[The question, "who killed Logan's family," has been inves-
tigated, and every source of evidence exhausted. It is now
certain the murder was not committed by Cresap and his par-
ty, though from circumstances Logan tliought so. Those who
desire to examine the subject further, are referred to the
"American Pioneer," vol. i. pp. 7 — 24.]
It being, under the circumstances, deemed advisable, by the
Virginians, to assume the offensive, as soon as it could be
done, an army was gathered at Wheeling, which, some time
in July, under Colonel McDonald, descended the Ohio to
the mouth of (Japtina Creek, or as some say, Fish Creek,
where it was proposed to march against the Indian town of
Wappatomica, on the Muskingum. The march was success-
fully accomplished, and the Indians having been frustrated in
an expected surprise of the invaders, sued for peace, and gave
five of their chiefs as hostages. Two of them were set free,
however, by Colonel McDonald, for the avowed purpose of
calling the heads of the tribes together to ratify the treaty
which was to put an end to warfare ; but it being found that
the natives were merely attempting to gain time and gather
forces, the Virginians proceeded to destroy their towns and
crops, and then retreated, carrying "three of their chiefs with
them as prisoners to Williamsburg. f But this invasion did
nothing toward intimidating the red men.
•Heckewelder'a Narrative, 132.
•Border Warfare, 115. Doddridge, 241. Am. Arohitci, 4th Series, i. 722.
I
M ff'gy ' fT^ r»^i' yi^T^ ^ ^ •r^fye fr^ . . ■** "
148
Arbitrary Acts of Dr. Connolly.
1774.
The Delawares were anxious for peace; Sir \V-";am John-
son sent out to all his copper-colored flock, orders to keep
still:* and even the Shawanese were prevailed on by their
wiser leader, Cornstalk, to do all they could to preserve friendly
relations :] indeed they went so far as to secure some wander-
ing traders from the vengeance of the Mingocs, whose rela-
tives had been slain at Wllow Creek and Captina, and sent
them with their property safe to Pittsburgh.J But Logan,
who had been turned by the murderers on the Ohio from a
friend to a deadly foe of the whites, came suddenly upon the
Monongahela settlements, and while the other Indians were
hesitating as to their course, took his thirteen scalps in re-
taliation for the murder of his family and friends, and return-
ing home, expressed himself satisfied, and ready to listen to
the Long-Knives.§ But it was not, apparently, the wish of
Dunmore or Connolly to meet the friendly spirit of the natives,
and when, about the 10th of June, three of the Shawanese
conducted the traders, who had been among them, saffly to
Pittsburgh, Connolly had even the meanness to attempt first
to seize them, and when foiled in this by Colonel Croghan, his
uncle, who had been alienated by his tyranny, he sent men to
watch, waylay and kill them ; and one account says that one
of the three was slain. || Indeed, the character developed by
this man, while commandant t fort Dunmore, was such as to
excite universal detestation, and at last to draw down upon
his patron the reproof of Lord Dartmouth.Tl He seized pro-
perty, and imprisoned white men without warrant or pro-
priety ; and we may be assured, in many cases beside that
just mentioned, treated the natives with an utter disregard of
justice. It is not, then, surprising that Indian attacks occurred
along the frontiers from June to September ; nor, on the other
hand, need we wonder that the Virginians (against whom, in
distinction from the people of Pennsylvania, the war was car-
ried on,) became more and more excited, and eager to repay
the injuries received.
To put a stop to these devastations, two large bodies of
troops were gathering in Virginia; the one from the south-
ern and western part of the State, under General Andrew
• Am. Archive!, 4th F'.les, i. i J to 288.
t Do. do. JDo. do.
SDo. 449.
JDo. 42R.
^Do. T74.
! ,
1774.
1774.
Battle of Point Pleasant.
149
\ I
-• >
Lewis, met at Camp Union, now Lewisburg, Greenbriar
county, near the far-famed White Sulphur Springs ; — the other
from the northern and eastern counties, was to be under the
command of Dunmore himself, and descending the Ohio from
Fort Pitt, was to meet Lewis' army at the mouth of the Great
Kanawha. The force under Lewis, amounting to eleven hun-
dred men, commenced its march upon the 6th and 12th of
September, and upon the 6th of October reached the spot
agreed upon. As Lord Dunmore was not there, and as other
troops were to follow down the Kanawha under Colonel
Christian, General Lewis dispatched runners toward Pitts-
burgh to inform the Commander-in-chief of his arrival, and
proceeded to encamp at the point where the two rivers meet.
Here he remained until the 9ih of October, when dispatches
from the Governor reached him, informing him that the plan
of the campaign was altered ; that he (Dunmore) meant to
proceed directly against the Shawanese towns of the Scioto,
and Lewis was ordered at once to cross the Ohio and meet
the other army before those towns. But on the very day when
this mtivement should have been executed, (October 10th,) the
Indians in force, headed by the able and brave Chief of the
Shawanese, Cornstalk, appeared before the army of Virgini-
ans, determined then and there to avenge past wrongs and
cripple vitally the power of the invaders. Delawaias, Iro-
quois, Wyandots, and Shawanese, under their most noted
Chiefs, among whom was Logan, formed the army opposed to
that of Lew is, and with both the struggle of that day was one
of life or death. Soon after sunrise the presence of the sav-
ages was discovered ; General Lewis ordered out his brother,
Colonel Chas. Lewis, and Colonel Fleming, to reconnoitre the
ground where they had been seen ; this at once brought on the
engagement. In a short time Col. Lewis was killed, and
Colonel Fleming disabled ; the troops, thus left without Com-
manders, wavered, but Colonel Field with his regiment com-
ing to the rescue, they again stood firm ; — about noon Colonel
Field was killed, and Captain Evan Shelby, (father of Isaac
Shelby, Governor of Kentucky in after time, and who was
then Lieutenant, in his father's company,) took the command ;
and the battle still continued. It was now drawing toward
evening, and yet the contest raged without decided success
for either party, when General Lewis ordered a body of men
•^•^!S3?r
■ - -'^■ry''^* r > t *r' J, Tn >^ r?' -* * ■j » % ;.x
11
■i'
X
u- "..
160
Battle of Point Pleasant.
1774.
to gain the flank of the enemy by means of Crooked Creek, a
small stream which runs into the Kanawha about four hundred
yards above its mouth. This was successfully done, and the
result was the retreat of the Indians ac»*oss the Ohio.*
[The loss on the part of the Virginians in this battle was
seventy-five men killed, and one hundred and forty wounded
— about one-fifth of their entire number.
Among the slain were Colonels Charles Lewis and John
Field; Captains Buford, Morrow, Wood, Cundifi*, Wilson and
Robert McClanahan ; and Lieuts. Allen, Guldsby and Dillon,
"with some other subalterns. The loss of the enemy could
not be fully ascertained, as, until they are driven from the field,
they carry off" their dead. Next morning Col. Christian ex-
plored the battle-ground, and found twenty-one Indians lying
dead, and subsequently twelve others concealed by brush and
logs.f']-
Lord Dunmore, meanwhile, had descended the river from
Fort Pitt, and was, at the time he sent word to Lewis of his
change of plans, at the mouth of the Hocking, where he built
a block-house, called Fort Gower, and remained until after the
battle at the Point. J Thence he marched on towards the
Scioto, while Lewis and the remains of the army under his
command, strengthened by the troops under Colonel Christian,
pressed forward in the same direction, elated by the hope of
annihilating ^he Indian towns, and punishi ^ the inhabitants
for all they had done. But before reaching the enemy's coun-
try Dunmore was visited by the Chiefs asking for peace ;§ he
listened to their request, and appointing a place where a treaty
should be held, sent orders to Lewis to stop his march against
the Shawanese towns ; which orders, however, that ofiicer did
not obey, nor was it till the Governor visited his camp on Con go
Creek, near Westfall, that he would agree to give up an at-
tempt upon the village of Old Chillicothe, which stood where
Westfall now is.|| Afterthis visit by Dunmore, General Lewis
felt himself bound, though unwillingly, to prepare for a blood-
less retreat.
* Border Warfare, 125. Doddridge, 230. American Pioneer, i.381. Letters in Amer-
ican Archives, fourth eerios, i. 808-18, Ac. Thatoher'i Lives of Indians, ii. 168.
f Howe'i Historical Collections of Virginia, pp. 361 — 364.
X Border Warfare, 133.
2 With them was one Elliott, probably Matthew Elliott, so noted in 1790 to 1795.— Amer-
ican Pioneer, i. 18. |1 Whittlesey's Discourse, 1840— p. 24.
T
'I
1774.
1774.
Lord Dunmore Retires from the West.
161
I Creek, a
r hundred
, and the
>.*
ittle was
wounded
and John
ilson and
id Dillon,
imy could
1 the field,
istian ex-
ians lying
brush and
iver from
vis of his
•e he built
1 after the
vards the
under his
Christian,
le hope of
[habitants
ly's coun-
;ace ;§ he
e a treaty
ih against
officer did
)n Congo
ip an at-
od where
ral Lewis
r a blood-
--' iw
The Commander-in-chief, however, remained for a time at
Camp Charlotte, upon Sippo Creek, about eight miles from
the town of Westfall, on the Scio';o.* There we met Corn-
stalk, who, being satisfied of the futility of any further strug-
gle, was determined to make peace, and arranged with the
Governor the preliminaries of a trenty ; and from this point
Crawford was sent agair.st a town of the Mingoes, who still
continued hostile, and took several prisoners, who were carried
to Virginia, and were still in confinement in February, 1775. t
[It was at this time and place, (Pickaway county, Ohio,)
that Logan made his famous speech, and not at Camp Char-
lotte, as Mr. Jefferson supposed (for he would not go ♦here.)
This and many other facts are sustained by the testimony of
John Gibson, Esq., an Associate Judge of Alleghany county,
given at Pittsburgh by affidavit, April 4th, 1800.
These and other documents may be found in an "Appendix"
to Mr. Jefferson's Notes on Virginia, Boston edition, 1832. J
Many of the Virginians were dissatisfied with the treaty,
as iio effectual blow had been struck. The supposition is, the
Governor of Virginia foresaw the contest between England
and her Colonies, and desired to gain the friendship of the
Indians.
When Lord Dunmore retired from the West, he left one
hundred men at the mouth of the Great Kanawha, a few
more at Pittsburgh, and another corps at Wheeling, then called
Fort Fincastle. These were dismissed as the prospect of war
ceased. Lord Dunmore agreed to return to Pittsburgh in the
spring, meet the Indians and form a definite peace ; but the
commencement of tht> revolt of the Colonies prevented. The
Mingoes were not parties to the treaty at Camp Charlotte.^
The Shawanese agreed not to hunt south of the Ohio river,
nor molest travellers.^ The frontier men were much incens-
ed against Lord Dunmore for this treaty, but not the inhabitants
of Old Virginia.ll
[During "Dunmore's War," as these .series of hostilities
ten in Amtr-
168.
1795.— Amer-
1.
* American Pioneer, p. 331.
f American Arctiives, fourth aeries, i. 1222. Border Warfare, 137. — American Arokirei,
fourth leriet, ii. 1189.
X Amer. Archives, ii. 1189.
gAmer. Archives, fourth series, L 1170.
I Amer. Archives, fourth series, iL 170, 301.
152
Transylvania Land Comjiany.
1775.
were called, the militia was called out, and Daniel Boone
was appointed by the Governor to the command of three con-
tiguous garrisons on the frontier. James Ilarrod and several
other pioneers of Kentucky were engaged as scouts. Of these
la.st were Simon Girty, Simon Kenton, (^^nder the fictitious
name of Butler,) and others.
Boone, Ilarrod and others, on the return of peace, again
turned their eyes to the fertile vallies and choice hunting
grounds of Kentucky. A new Land Company, called the
"Transylvania Company," was formed in North Carolina,
through the agency of Richard Henderson, the Harts and
others. This was one of the several companies formed about
the same period to purchase lands of the Indians.* As the
Cherokees claimed the country south of the Kentucky river,
Henderson 6t Co. made several unsuccessful attempts at nego-
tiation, when they employed Boone, who, as their confidential
agent, had explored the country. The council was held at the
Indian town of Watauga, on the south branch of Holston
river, in March, 1775. Boone gave them the requisite infor-
mation concerning the country, the rivers and other particu-
lars. In con.sideration of the sura of ten thousand pounds
sterling, vhe Indians transferred to the company two large dis-
tricts of country, defined as follows :]
The first was defined as " Beginning on the Ohio river, at
the mouth of the Cantuckey Chenoee, or what, by the English,
is called Louisa river ; from thence running up the said river,
and the most northwardly fork of the same, to the head spring
thereof; thence a south-east course to the top of the ridge of
Powell's mountain ; thence westwardly along the ridge of tiie
said mountain, unto a point from which a northwest course
will hit or strike the he^d spring of the most southwardly
branch of Cumberland river, thence down said river, including
all its waters, to the Ohio river, and up the said river, &i it
meanders, to the beginning." , tt i
The other deed comprised a tract "beginning on the Holston
river, where the course of Powell's mountain strikes the same;
thence up the said river, as it meanders, to where the Virginia
line crosses the same ; thence westwardly along the line run
by Donaldson- to a point six English miles eastward of the
long island in said Holston river ; thence a direct course to-
wards the mouth of the Great Canaway, until if reaches the
top ridge of Powell's mountain ; thence westwardly along the
• See Patrick Henry's Deposition, in Hall's Sketches, i. 249.
'/: *>
— -^-.-^■^•-.•-.-,
1775.
1775.
Fort Erected at Boonesborousli.
163
iel Boone
three con-
nd several
Of these
fictitious
ice, again
e hunting
called the
Carolina,
iarts and
med about
* As the
,cky river,
ts at nego-
onfidential
held at the
jf Holston
isite infor-
er particu-
nd pounds
) large dis-
io river, at
le English,
&aid river,
lead spring
he ridge of
idge of the
est course
luthwardly
'.including
river, ai it
he Holston
sthe same;
le Virginia
le line run
^ard of the
course to-
eaches the
J along the
said ridge to the place of beginning."* This transfer, how-
ever, was in opposition to the ancient and constant policy,
both of England and Virginia, neither of which would
recognize any private dealings for land with the natives ;
and as much of the region to be occupied by the Tran-
sylvania Company was .eheved to be within the bounds
of the Old Dominion, Governor Dunmore, even before the
bargain was completed, prepared his proclamation warning
the world against "one Richard Henderson and other disor-
derly persons, who, under pretence of a purchase from the
Indians, do set up a claim to the lands of the crown." This
paper is dated but four days later than the treaty of Watauga.f
[Neither did the British, or any other European government,
recognize the entire sovereignty of the Indians over this coun-
try, or the title as valid to any purchase made by subjects in
their own right.
After a long period of litigation, the matter was settled by
a compromise ; the State of Virginia granted to the company
a tract of land on Green river.
The Company, however, not aware of the defect of their
title, proceeded to the survey and settlement of the tract in
Kentucky, and Capt. Boone was employed to manage the
enterprise. A road was explored and opened, and a fort
erected at Boonesborough, under the command of Boone.]
Upon the 20th or 25th of March, an attack bad been made
upon those first invaders of the forests, in which two of their
number were killed, and one or two others wounded : repulsed
but not defeated, the savages watched their opportunity, and
again attacked the little band ; but being satisfied by these
attempts,! that the leaders of the whites were their equals in
forest warfare, the natives offered no further opposition to the
march of the hunters, who proceeded to the Kentucky, and
upon the 1st of April, 1775, began the erection of a fort upon
the banks of that stream, sixty yards south of the river, at a
salt-lick. This was Boonesboro'. This fort or station was
oUall, i. 251. See also Butler, 504. Butler, instead of "Cantucky Chendee" ha«
"Kentucky Clienoco." See also Haywood's Tennessee. Life of Boone, by the Editor, in
Sparks' Library of Amer. Biography, xiii. new series, p. 43, 45.
t American Archives, 4tb leries, 174.
{See Boone's Narrative, and his letter in Hall's Sketches, i. 254. They do not agree
entirely.
10
m
Settlements in Kentucky.
1775.
> i
probably, when complete, about tM'o hundred and fiiYy foet
long by one hundred and fifty broad, and consisted of block-
houses and pickets, the cabins of the settlers forming part of
the defences ; * it was, from neglect, not completed until June
14th, and the party, while engaged in its erection, appear to
have been but little annoyed by the Indians, although one
man was kille 1 upon the 4th of April. To this station, while
yet but half complete, Henderson and his companions came
the 20th of April, following the road marked out by Boone.
[On the 13th of June, 1775, Mr. Her. 'erson wrote a long
letter from Boonesborough, Ky., to his asiiociates in North
Carolina, giving many particulars of the difficulties and the
progress of this enterprise of which we can give only a brief
summary. The letter may be found in " Sketches of the
West," by Jarr J Hall, Esq., Appendix, volume second.
Hendersr i-epresents that "things wore a gloomy aspect ;"
—that on their journey out they met people returning, and in
four days saw not less than one hundred persons, who had
become alarmed at the hostile appearance of the Indians ;
that "arguments and persuasion were needless." Eight or
ten were the only persons he could prevail on to proceed
with the little company of about forty.
The panic was contagious. But on their arrival at Boones-
borough, they found Captain Boone and his men wholly free
from alarm, and with the fort nearly completed. The "plan-
tations extend nearly two miles in length on the river, and up
a creek." Here the people worked on "their different lots;
some without their guns, and others without care."
We give an extract from the letter to show the condition of
the country at that period.]
We are seated at the mouth cf Otter Creek on the Ken-
tucky, about 150 miles from the Ohio. To the West, about
60 miles from us, arc two settlements, within six or seven
miles one of the other. There were, some time ago, about
100 at the two places ; though now, perhaps, not more than
60 or 70, as many of them are gone up the Ohio for their
families, &c.; and some returned by the way we came, to Vir-
ginia and elsewhere. * * * Qn the opposite
side of the river and north of us, about 40 miles, is a settle-
ment on the crown lands, of about 19 persons; and lower
down, towards the Ohio, on the same side, there are some
•See plan of the fort, Hall's Sketches, i.
1775.
1775.
First Political Convention.
155
1 fifty foet
of block-
ng part of
until June
appear to
bough one
tion, while
lions came
by Boone,
ote a long
in North
!s and the
nly a brief
lies of the
md.
y aspect;"
ing, and in
i, who had
B Indians;
Eight or
to proceed
at Boones-
^vholly free
rhe "plan-
i^er, and up
Perent lots;
ondition of
n the Ken-
'^est, about
or seven
ago, about
more than
io for their
ne, to Vir-
e opposite
is a settle-
und lower
are some
other settlers, how many, or at what place, I 2an't exactly
learn. There is also a party of about 10 or 12, with a sur-
veyor, who is employed in searching through the country, and
laying oil' officers' lands; they have been more than three
weeks within ten miles of us, and will be several weeks
longer ranging up and down the country. » # #
Colonel Ilarrod, who governs the two first mentioned settle-
ments, (and is a very good man for our purpose,) Colonel
Floyd, (the surveyor) and myself, are under solemn engage-
ments to communicate, with the utmost dispatch every piece
of intelligence respecting danger or sign of Indians, to each
other. In case of invasion of Indians, both the other parties
are i'stantly to march and relieve the distressed, if possible.
Add to this, that our country is so fertile, the growth of grass
and herbage so tender and luxuriant, that it is almost impos-
sible for man or dog to travel, without leaving such sign that
you might, for many days, gallop a horse on the trail. To be
serious, it is impossible for any number of people to pass
through the woods without being tracked, and of course dis-
covered, if Indians, for our hunters all go on horseback, and
could not be deceived if they were to come on the trace of foot-
men. From these circumstances, I think myself in a great
measure secure against a formidable attack ; and a few skulk-
ers could only kill one or two, which would not much affect
the interest of the company. * » *
Upon the 23d of May, the persons then in the country,
were called on by Henderson to send representatives to
Boonesboro', to agree upon a form of government, and to
make laws for the conduct of the inhabitants. From the
journal of this primitive legislature, we find, that, besides
Boonesboro', three settlements were represented, viz : Har-
rodsburgh, which had been founded by James Harrod in 1774,
though afterwards for a time abandoned, in consequence of
Dunmore's war; the Boiling Spring settlement, also headed
by James Harrod, who had returned to the West early in 1775;
and St. Asaph, in Lincoln county, where Benjamin Logan,
who is said to have crossed the mountains with Henderson,
was building himself a station; well known in the troubles
wdth the Indians which soon followed.
The labors of this first of Western Legislatures were fiuitless,
as the Transylvania colony was soon transformed into the
county ofKentucky, and yet some notice of them seems proper.
There were present seventeen representatives; they met
about fifty yards from the bank of the Kentucky, under the
budding branches of a vast elm, while around their feet sprang
166
First Political Convention.
1775.
mJi
the native w\nU clover, us n curpct for tlieir hall of legislation.
When God'n blessing h.id been asked by the Rev. John Lythe,
Colonel Henderson ollered an uddrcsd on behalf of the Pro-
prietors, from which \vc select a few paragraphs illustrative
of the spirit of the men and times.
"Our peculiar circumstances in this remote country, sur-
rounded on all sides with diliiculties, and equally subject to
one common danger, which threatens our common overthrow,
must, 1 thinii, in their effects, secure to us an union of inter-
ests, and consequently, that harmony in opinion, so essential
to the forming good, wise, and wholesome laws. If any
doubt remain among it you with respect to the force or efficacy
of whatever laws you now, or hereafter, make, be pleased to
consider that all power is originally in the people ; therefore,
make it their interest, by impartial and beneficial laws, and
you may be sure of their inclination to see them enforced.
For it is' not to be supposed that a people, anxious and desi-
rous to have laws made, — who approve of the method of
choosing delegates, or representatives, to meet in general Con-
vention for that purpose, can want the necessary and con-
comitant virtue to carry them into execution. * *
Among the many objects that must present themselves for
your cnnsideratior ♦he first in order, must, from its importance,
be that of establishing Courts of Justice, or tribunals for the
punishment of such as may oflV nd against the laws'you arc
about to make. As this law will be the chief corner stone in
the ground ^\ ork or basis of our constitution, let us, in a par-
ticMla- iDanner, r xommend the most dispassionate attention,
while you take for your guide as much of the spirit and genius
of the laws of Engiand, as can be interwoven with those of
this country.
Next to the establishment of courts or tribunals, as well for
the punishment of public offenders as the recovering of just
debts, that of establishing and regulating a militia, seems of
the greatest importance ; it is apparent, that without some
wise institution, respecting our mutual defence, the different
towns or settlements are every day exposed to the most immi-
nent danger, and liable to be destroyed at the mere will of the
savage Indians. Nothing, 1 am persuaded, but their entire
ignorance of our weakness and want cf order, has hitherto
preserved us from the destructive and rapacious hands of cru-
elty, and given us an opportunity at this time, of forming
secure defensive plans to be supported and carried into execu-
tion by the authority and sanction of a well digested law.
There are sundry other things, highly worthy your consid-
eration, and demand redress; such as the wanton destruction
of our game, the only support of life amongst many of us, and
for want of which the country would be abandoned ere to-
••w«^'*
1775.
1776.
First Political Convention,
167
legislnlion.
ohn Lythc,
)f the Pro-
illustrativt
untry, sur-
' subject to
jverthrow,
n of inter-
lo essential
s. If any
or elficacy
pleased to
therefore,
laws, and
I enforced.
s and desi-
method of
■neral Con-
f and con-
mselves for
tnportance,
lals for the
ws you arc
ler stone in
s, in a par-
3 attention,
and genius
th those of
as well for
ring of just
a, seems of
[hout some
le different
most immi-
! will of the
their entire
as hitherto
mds of cru-
of forming
into execu-
ted law.
our consid-
destruction
yof us, and
»ned ere to-
morrow, and scarcely a probability remain of its ever becom-
ing tlio habitation of any Christian people. This, together
with ihc practice of many foreigners, who make a business of
hunting in our country, killing, driving oil', and lessening tht)
uuiuber of wild cutth; and other game, whilst the v alue uf the
skins and furs, is appropriated to the benefit of persons not
concerned or interested in our settlement: these are evils, I
nay, that I am convinced cannot escape your notice and atten-
tion."*
[It should be kept in mind that this Convention was the Hrst
ever held in the wilds of the West, to form a government, and
it is evident these backwoods Kentuckians had in their minds
the elements of a republican representative government.]
To the address of Colonel Henderson, the representatives of
this infant commonwealth replied, by stating their readiness
to comply with the recommendations of the Proprietor, as
being Just and reasonable, and proceeded, with praiseworthy
diligence, to pass the necessary acts. They were in session
three working days, in which time they enacted the nine fol-
lowing laws ; — one for establishing courts ; one for punishing
crimes ; a third for regulating the militia ; a fourth ibr punish-
ing swearing and Sabbath-breaking ; a fifth providing for
writs of attachment ; a sixth fixing fees ; and three others for
preserving the range, improving the breed of horses, and pre-
serving game. In addition to these laws, this working House
of Delegates preparea a compact, to be the basis of relation-
ship between the people and owners of Transylvania : some
of its leading articles were these : —
1st. That the election of Delegates in this Colony, be an-
nual.
2d. That the Convention may adjourn and meet again on
their own a(\journment, provided, that in ca.ses of great emer-
gency the proprietors may call together the Delegates before
the time adjourned to, and if a majority does not attend, they
may dissolve them and call a new one.
3d. That, to prevent dissension and delay of business, one
proprietor shall act for the whole, or some one delegated by
them for that purpose, who shall always reside in the colony.
4th. That there be a perfect religious freedom and general
toleration — Provided, that the propagators of any doctrine or
tenets, widely tending to the subversion of our laws, shall, for
such conduct, be amenable to, and punishable by, the civil
courts.
»See Butler's Kentucky, p. 603.
168
First PJitiail Convmliim.
1775.
H^'
6tli. Thnt flir JndjjfN of Siiprrinr or Sijprnno Courts l)o
nppoiriti'd by the |)n)pri('f<trs, hut hv siipportrd by tho pcoplo^
and to them nnNWcrnhln for their miil-conduct.
9th. That tho .ludjjcM of thr inferior Courts he ropoinmrnd-
ed by tlie pcoph-, mid npprovcd of by the propriotorM, nnd l)y
them cominis.si()iied.
lUtii. That ail civil ami military ofPicerH be within the ap-
puintiiient of tiie proprii torti.
11th. That the ollice of Surveyor General, belong to no
person interested, or a partner in this purchase.
12th. That the lejiislafive authority, aller the strengtli nnd
maturity of the colony will permit, consist of three branches,
to wit: tlic delegates or representatives chosen by the peo])le,
a council not exceedinj? twelve men, possessed of li.nded es-
tate, residing in the colony, and the proprietors.
17th. That the convention have the sole power of raising
nnd appropriating all public monies, and e'ecting their Trea-
surer. *
On tho 27th of May this Legislature adjourned to meet
again upon the first Thursday of the next September, though
we do not learn that it ever did so.
From the time of the unpopular treaty of Camp Charlotte,
the western people had been apprehensive of extensive injury
to the American frontiers from the Indians, instigated by
agents reaching them through Canada, whenever the exi)ect-
ed outbreak with England took place. Nor was it long before
the Americans in the North saw the dangers to be feared from
the action of the Indians, intluenced by the British ; and early
in April, 1776, the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts wrote
to the Rev. Samuel Kirkland, then a missionary among the
Oneidas, informing him that, having heard that the English
were trying to attach the Six Nations to their interest, it had
been thought proper to ask the several tribes, through him, to
stand neutral. Steps were also taken to secure the co-opera-
tion, if possible, of the Penobscot and Stockbridge Indians;
the latter of whom replied, that, though they could never un-
derstand what the quarrel between the Provinces and old
England was about, yet they would stand by the Americans.
They also offered to "leel the mind" of the Iroquois, and try
to bring them over.f
•
•See Butler's Kentucky, p. 514.
fStonc, vol. 1, 1'p. 05-53. — Spnrks' Washington, vol. iii, pp. 495-496.
1775.
Courts he
ho people^
icoinmnid-
ors, nml by
I. Ill the ap-
luiig tu no
rnigth nnd
p hrnnclirH,
the poojile,
li.ndcd cs-
r of rnising
their Trcu-
?d to meet
ber, though
I Charlotte,
isivc injury
stiguted by
the expect-
long before
feared IVom
; nnd early
isctts wrote
among the
he English
;rest, it had
Ligh him, to
e co-opera-
gc Indians ;
il never un-
;es and old
.imericans.
)is, and try
1775.
Appeals to the Indiana.
159
Hut the Irotjuuis were not to bo easily won over by any
means. Sir William Johnson, so long the King's agent iiinong
them, and to whom they looked with the conlitltMiee of ehild-
ren in a father, had died suddenly, in June, 1771, and the wild
men had been left under the inlluence of Col. Cluy Johnson,
Sir William's son-in-law, who succeeded him as Superinten-
dent, and of John Johnson, Sir William's son, who succeeded
to his estates and honors. Ur,th these men were lories ; and
their inlluence in favor of England was increased by that of
the celebrated Joseph Brant. This trio, acting in coixjunction
with some of the rich old royalists along the Mohawk, op-
posed the whole movement of the Bostonians, the whole
spirit of the Philadelphia Congress, and every attempt, open
or secret, in favor of the rebels. Believing Mr. Kirkland to be
little better than a V> big in disguise, and fearing that he might
alienate the tribe in which ho was, from their old faith, and,
through them, inlluence the others, the Johnsons, while the
war was still bloodless, made strong eiforts to remove him
from his position.
Nor were the fears of the Johnsons groundless, as is shown
by the address of the Oneida Indians to the New England
Governors, in which thay state their intention of remaining
neutral during so unnatural a quarrel as that just then com-
mencing. But this intention the leading tribe of the great
Indian confederacy meant to disturb, if possible. The idea
was suggested, that Guy Johnson was in danger of being seized
l)y the Bostonians, and an attempt was made to rally about
him the savages as a body-guard ; while he, on his part, wrote
to the neighboring magistrates, holding out to them, as a ter-
ror, the excitement of the Indians, and the dangers to be feared
from their rising, if he were seized, or their rights interfered
with.
So stood matters in the Mohawk valley, during the month
of May, 1775. The John-sons were gathering a little army,
which soon amounted to five hundred men ; and the Revolu-
tionary committees, resolute never to yield one hair's breadth,
"never to submit to any arbitrary acts of any power under
heaven," were denouncing Colonel Guy's conduct as "arbi-
trary, illegal, oppressive, and unwarrantable." "Watch him,"
wrote Washington to General Schuyler in June ; and, even
before the order was given, what with the Tryon county men
I
160
The Indians Divided.
1775.
above him on the river, and the whole provincial force below
him, he was likely to be well watched. Finding himself thus
fettered, and feeling it to be time to take some decided step,
the Superintendent, early in July, began to move westward,
accompanied by his dependents and the great body of the
Mohawk Indians, who remained firm in the British interests.*
He moved first to Fort Stanwix, (afterwards Fort Schuyler,
near the present town of Rome,) and then went on to Ontario,
where he arrived early in July, and held a Congress with
thirteen hundred and forty warriors, whose old attachment
was then and there renewed. Joseph Brant, be it noted,
during all this time, was acting as the Superintendent's Sec-
retary.
All of the Six Nations, except the Oneidas and Tuscaroras,
might now be deemed in alliance with the British. Those
tribes, chiefly through the exertions of Mr. Kirkland, were
prevented from going with the others, and upon the 28th of
June, at German Flats, gave to the Americans a pledge of
neutrality, t
While the members of the Northern Confederacy were thus
divided in their attachmenis, the Delawares of the upper
Ohio were by no means unanimous in their opinions as to this
puzzling family quarrel which was coming on ; and Congress,
having been informed on the first day of June, that the
western Virginians stood in fear of the Indians, with whom
Lord Dunmore, in his small way, was, as they thought, tam-
pering,J it was determined to have a Congress called at Pitts-
burgh, to explain to the poor red men the causes of the sud-
den division of their old enemies, and try to persuade them to
keep peace. This Congress did not meet, however, until
October.§
Nor was it from the northern and western tribes only, that
hostilities were feared. The Cherokees and their neighbors
were much dreaded, and not withoutcause ; as they were then
less under the control of the whites, than either the Iroquois
or Delawares, and might, in the hope of securing their free-
dom, be led to unite, in a warfare of extermination against
the Carolinas. We find, accordingly, that early in July, Con-
• Stone, vol. i. p. 7T
JOld Journals, vol. i. p. 7S.
tStone, Tol. i. p. 81.
JHeckewelder's Narrfttivo, p. 136.
,.»,„^ --r-n,tMr5»TW.rtSi»ES«3JaAti»,J-«>3r-r»--
.,■,;>-.
1775.
brce below
limself thus
3cided step,
westward,
body v)f the
I interests.*
t Schuyler,
to Ontario,
ngress with
attachment
e it noted,
ident's Sec-
Tuscaroras,
ish. Those
tland, -were
the 28th of
a pledge of
y were thus
i" the upper
ns as to this
id Congress,
le, that the
with whom
ought, tam-
lled at Pitts-
of the sud-
lade them to
ivever, until
!s only, that
ir neighbors
ey were then
the Iroquois
g their freo-
tion against
n July, Con-
rativc, p. 136.
1775.
Conference with Northern Indians.
161
gress having determined to seek the alliance of the several
Indian nations, three departments were formed ;* a northern
one, including the Six Nations and all north and east of them,
to the charge of which General Schuyler, Oliver Wolcott, and
three others, were appointed ; a middle department, including
the Western Indians, who were to be looked to by Messrs.
Franklin, Henry, and Wilson ; and a southern df'partment,
including all the tribes south of Kentucky, over which com-
missioners were to preside under the appointment of the South
Carolina Council of Safety. These commissioners were to
keep a close watch upon the nations in their several depart-
ments, and upon the King's Superintendents among them.
These officers they were to seize, if they had reason to think
them engaged in stirring up the natives against the colonies,
and in all ways were to seek to keep those natives quiet and
out of the contest. Talks were also prepared to send to the
several tribes, in which an attempt was made to illustrate the
relations between England and America, by comparing the
last to a child ordered to carry a pack too heavy for its
strength. The boy complains, and, for answer, the pack is
made a little heavier. Again and again the poor urchin re-
monstrates, but the bad servants misrepresent the matter to
the father, and the boy gets a still heavier burden, till at last,
almost broken -backed, he throws off the load altogether, and
says he will carry it no longer. This allegory was intend-
ed to make the matter clear to the pack-carrying red men,
and, if we may judge from Heckewelder's account, it answer-
ed the purpose ; for, he says, the Delawares reported the
whole story very correctly. Indeed, he gives their report upon
the 137th page of his "Narrative," which report agrees very
well with the original speech, preserved to us in the Journals
of the old Congress.!
The first conference held by the commissioners, was in the
northern department, a grand Congress coming together at
Albany in August. Of this Congress a full account may be
found in Colonel Stone's first volume.^ It did not, however,
•Old Journals, vol. i. p. 113, Ac.
t Vol. i. p. 115. Sco also in Carey's Museum for January, 1789, p. S8 to 91, the ipecch
to the Iroquois at Philadelphia, delivered July, 13th 17T5 ; in this the pack-proverb is giv-
en fully and very well.
X Pp. 84-105. Appendix ir. xxxi.
1* ,
162
Conference with Western Indians.
1775.
fully represent the Six Nations, and some, even of those who
were present, immediately afterwards deserted to the British ;
so that the result was slight.
The next conference was held at Pittsburgh with the west-
ern Indians. This was in October, and was attended by the
Delawarcs, Senecus, and, perhaps, some of the Shawanese.
'he Delaware nation were, as we have already said, divided
in their views touching the Americans. One of their chief-
tains, Captain White-Eyes, a man of high character and clear
mind, of courage such as became the leader of a race whose
most common virtues were those "f the wild man, and of a
forbearance and kindness as unusual as fearlessness was fre-
quent, among his people, — this true man was now, as always,
in favor of peace ; and his influence carried with him a strong
party. But there were others, again, who longed for war,
and wished to carry the whole nation over to the British
interest. These were led by a cunning and able man, called
Captain Pipe, who, without the energy, moral daring, and un-
clouded honesty of his opponent, had many qualities admira-
bly suited to win and rule Indians. Between these two men
there was a division from the beginning of the Revolution till
the death of White-Eyes. At the Pittsburgh Conference, the
Peace Chief, as he was called, was present, and there asserted
his freedom of the Six Nations, who, through their emissa-
ries present, tried to bend the Delawares, as they had been
used to do. His bold denial of the claim of the Iroquois to
rule his people, was seized upon by some of the War-Party,
as a pretext for leaving the Muskingum, where White-Eyes
lived, and withdrawing toward Lake Erie, into the more im-
mediate vicinity of the English and their allies.
The Shawanese and their neighbors, meantime, had taken
counsel with Guy Johnson at Oswego, and might be consid-
ered as in league with the king. Indeed, we can neither
wonder at, nor blame these bewildered savages for leaguing
themselves with any power against those actual occupants of
their hunting-grounds, who are, here and there in Kentucky,
building block-houses and clearing corn-fields. Against those
block-houses and their builders, little bands of red men con-
tinually kept sallying forth, supplied with ammunition from
Detroit and the other western posts, and incited to exertion by
the well known stimulants of whisky and fine clothes.
•l.^
SWis^jd •fjyfe'Ti^T'^'i-'B^^Tfj;^'
1775.
those who
le British ;
the west-
led by the
mwanese.
id, divided
heir chief-
and clear
ace whose
, and of a
;s was fre-
as always,
n a strong
1 for war,
he British
lan, called
ig, and un-
es admira-
! two men
ulution till
jrerice, the
re asserted
iir emissa-
had been
Iroquois to
»Var-Party,
V^hite-Eyes
s more im-
had taken
be consid-
an neither
)r leaguing
:cupants of
Kentucky,
;ainst those
i men con-
lition from
exertion by
hes.
1775.
Settlement of Kentucky.
168
However, it is hardly correct to say, that this was done in
1775, though the arrangements were, beyond doubt, made in
that year, Col. Johnson having visited Montreal, immediately
after the council with the Shawanese and others at Oswego,
for the purpose of concluding with the Brit sh governor and
general upon his future course.
But although the dangers of the posts, more immediately
exposed to Indian invasions, were understood both East and
West, it did not prevent emigration. In June, 177.5, Boone
had sought the settlements once more, in order to remove his
family ; and in the following September, with four females,
the fearless mothers of Kentucky, re crossed the mountains.
These four women were, his own wife, Mrs. McGary, Mrs.
Danton and Mrs. Hogan ; their husbands and children came
with them, and more than twenty men able to bear arms,
were also of the party.
'• At the close of 1776, then, the country along the Kentucky
was filling with emigrants, although doubt and dissatisfaction
already existed as to Henderson's purchase, and especially as
to holding lands of proprietors, and being governed by them :
— many of the new settlers not being ignorant of the evils
brought on Pennsylvania by means of the Proprietary rule.
But hope was still predominant, and the characters of Har-
rod, Floyd, Logan and the Harts, were well calculated to in-
spire confidence.
North of the Ohio, during that year, little was doing of
which any knowledge has reached us : but one settlement be-
yond the Belle Reviere deserves our notice.
Our readers will remember the calm and bold Moravian,
Christian Frederick Post, who journeyed to the Big Beaver
Creek in 1758, and won the Delawaresto peace. This same
man, in 1761, thinking the true faith might be planted among
those western tribes, journeyed out to the Muskingum, and, on
the banks of that stream, about a mile from Beaver's Town,
built himself a house.* The next season, that is, in the spring
of 1762, he again crossed the mountains in company with the
well known Hecke welder, who went out as his assistant. The
Indians having consented to his living among them, and teach-
ing their children to read and write. Post prepared to clear a
» lleckcweldcr's Narratirc, p. 59.
'}}^.
W
H-%#-
164
The yiuravian yiissionary.
1762.
few acres whereon to raise corn. The chiefs hearing of this
called him to them, and said they feared he had changed his
mind, for, instead of teaching their children, he was clearing-
land ; which, if he did, others might do, and then a fort bo
built to protect them, and then the land claimed, and they be
driven olF, as had always, they said, been the case. Post re-
plied that a teacher must live, and, as he did not wish to be
a burden to them, he proposed to raise his own food. This
reply the Indians considered, and told him, that, as he claimed
to be a minister of God, just as the French priests did, and as
these latter looked fat and comely though they did not raise
corn, it was probable that the Great Spirit would take care of
him as he did of them, if he wished him to be his minister ; so
they could only give him a garden spot. This Captain Pipe
stepped off for him, and with this he had to shift as well is he
could.
These proceedings were in 1762, and while they show the
perfect perception which the Indians had of their dangers, and
of the English tactics, explain most clearly the causes of the
next year's war.
Post continued to till his little garden spot and teach his
Indian disciples through the summer of 1762, and in the au-
tumn accompanied King Beaver to Lancaster, in Pennsylva-
nia, where a fruitless treaty was concluded with the whites.
Returning from this treaty in October, he met Heckewelder,
who had been warned by his red friends to leave the coun-
try before war came, and was forced back upon the settle-
ments.
From this time, until the autumn of 1767, no Moravians
visited the West. Then, in the following spring, Zeisberger
went to the Allegheny, and there established a mission,
against the will, however, of the greater part of the savages,
who saw nothing but evil in the white man's eye.* The fruits
woald not ripen, the deer would not stay, they said, where the
white inan came. But Zeisberger's was a fearless soul, and he
worked on, despite threats and plots against his life ; and not
only held his place, but even converted some of the leading
Indians. Among these was one who ha/i co?ne from the Big
Beaver, for the purpose of refuting the Moravians ; and this
• Ileckowelder's Narrative, p. 98.
1762.
1775
Conspiracy to unite the Indians.
165
ing of this
anged his
s clearing
a fort bo
id they be
Post re-
wish to be
)od. This
le claimed
lid, and as
\ not raise
ike care of
inister ; so
ptain Pipe
well as he
show the
ngers, and
ses of the
teach his
in the au-
Pennsylva-
he whites,
ckewelder,
the coun-
the settle -
Moravians
Zeisberger
a mission,
e savages,
The fruits
, where the
oul, and he
; and not
the leading
m the Big
i; and this
man being influential, the missionaries were in 1770 invited
to come to Big Beaver, whither they went in April of that
year, settling about twenty miles from its mouth. Nor did the
kindness of the Indians stop hei-?. The Delawares of the
Muskingum, remembering perhaps what Post had done among
them ten years before, invited the Christian Indians of Penn-
sylvania to come and live on thei,' river; and in this invitation
the Wyandots joined. The proposition was long considered,
and at last agreed to ; and, rn tiie 3d of May, 177?, Zeisber-
ger, with twenty-seven of his native disciples, founded Schoen-
brun, upon the Muskingum, — the first true Christian settle-
ment made within the present State of Ohio, and the begin-
ning of that which was destroyed l^ the frontier men ten
years afterward, in so cruel and cowardly a manner. To this'
settlement, in the course of the next year, the Christian Indi-
ans of the Susquehanna, and those of the Bi? Beaver, re-
moved. Though endangered by the war of 1774, it was not
injured, and, when our Revolution began, was the only point
beyond Pittsburs;h, north of the river, where the English were
dwelling and labaring.*
It was towards the close of this last year of our colonial
existence, 17V5, that a plot was discovered, which involved
some whose names have already appeared upon our pages,
and which, if successful, would have influenced the fortunes
of the \7est deeply. Dr. John Connolly, of Pittsburgh, (he,
whom Washington had met and talked with in 1770, and
with whom he had afterwards corresponded in relation to
western lands, and who played so prominent a part as com-
mandant of Pittsburgh, where he continued at least through
17'74,)t was, from the outset of the revolutionary movements,
a Tory ; and being a man extensively acquainted with the
West, a man of talent, and fearless withal, he naturally be-
can.e a leader. This man, in 1775, planned a union of the
north-western Indians with British troops, which combined
forces were to be led, under his command, from Detroit, and
after ravaging the few frontier settlements, were to join Lord
Dunmore in eastern Virginia. To forward his plans, Connolly
visited Boston to see General Gage ; then having returned to
•See on the whole Bubjoct of the Momvian Miwions) Ucckeireldcr's account in Ameri-
can State Papers, vi. 379 to 391.
fAmcrican Archirea, fourth seriea, L 1179,
160
Early Pioneers.
1775.
the south, in the, fall of 1775, he left Lord Dunmorc for the
West, beaviu- u.;-. set of instructions upon his person, and
another set, the true ones, most artfully concealed, under the
direction of Lord Dunmore himself, in his saddle, secured by
tin and waxed cloth. He and his comrades, had gone us far
as Ilagerstown, where they were arrested upon suspicion, and
sent back to Frederick. There they were searched, and the
papers upon Connolly's person were found, seized, and sent
to Con<Trecs. Washington having been informed by one who
was present when the genuine instructions were concealed as
above stated, wrote twice on the subject to the proper authori-
ties, in order to lead to their discovery, but we do not learn
that they were ever found. Connolly himself was confined,
and remained a close prisoner till 1781, complaining much of
his hard lot, but finding few to pity him.* ^
[Dr. Connolly was one of the early explorers of Kentucky,
and in 1770 proposed to establish a province, which would
' have included the Cumberland, or Shawanee river from a line
drawn above the Fork to the Falls and the Ohio.f After-
wards he caused to be surveyed, patented, and advertised, m
April, 1774, the ground on which Louisville was built.J
Among the prominent pioneers and explorers of Kentucky,
this year, was Simon Kenton, Colonel Benjamin Logan, John
Floyd, William Whitley and George Rogers Clarke. Simon
Kenton was a tall, robust, athletic man, and of great energy
of character. He was a ranger and a spy in Dunmore's
campaign against the Indians in 1774, and with two other
men came down the Ohio river in a canoe to the place where
Au'^sta is now situated, and spent the season in hunting on
the waters of the Licking. He became identified with the
history of Kentucky, and the Indian wars of the north-west.
He was taken prisoner by the Indians, and sentenced to be
burnt but was rescued by the notorious Sim' .. GTty, after he
was tied to the stake and the fire kindled around him. He
•American Archives, 4th sorioa, iv. 617, where ConnoUy'i commission and several M-
t^r,are ffiven • do. iii. lOCO, where his examination is to be found; also, see index.of
^tloU. s"; aL Sparks-Washington, iii. 197. 211.212,269.271. Border Warfare.
S Old Journals, iii. 36. 121, 122, 125, 385. The whole st^ry « m the report of the
IILZ of Congress, old journals, iii. 121. Bee also Smyth's account of the affair m
the Slid vol. of bis work, p. 243.
■fSparks' Washington, ii. 632.
JAmer. Archives, fourth series. Western Garland, February, 1846, p. OS.
"■««^i»«»««i«»a•^Ial»«fl•^»j%eBOKi-f■i#a^f^^^'V■-''m
1776.
ore for the
>erson, and
under the
secured by
Tone Jjs far
ipicion, and
ed, and the
d, and sent
jy one who
ancealed as
ler authori-
not learn
ts confined,
ng much of
t Kentucky,
hich would
from a line
io-t After-
Ivertised, iik
)uilt.t
f Kentucky,
Logan, John
le. Simon
reat energy
Dunmore's
h two other
place where
hunting on
ed with the
1 north-west.
;enced to be
rty, after he
id him. He
I and several let-
tim, SCO index^of
Border Warfare,
the report of the
it of the affair in
T
1775.
Early Pioneers.
167
was with Col. G. R. Clarke in the Conquest of Illinois, and in
Wayne's army in 1795. After the close of the Indian wars
in the north-west, he settled in Ohio, where he sustained the
character of n worthy citizen, and died a few years since with
the faith of .. sincere Christian.
Colonel Benjamin Logan lived in Kentucky and performed
an important part in the annals of that Commonwealth.
One of those men whose name appears prominent in Ken-
tucky history was Colonel John Floyd, a surveyor from eastern
Virginia. His first exploration was made in 1774, but in
1775, he returned to pursue his vocation as a surveyor in lo-
cating land claims. His location was a few miles from Lonis-
ville, on Bear Grass creek, known to this day as "Floyd's Sta-
tion."
The emigrants to the Transylvania colony continued to in-
crease in number through the summer, so that on the first of
November the white population in all the settlements in Ken-
tucky amounted to three hundred persons, a majority of whom
■were effective men for the defence of the settlements. The
whole quantity of land in cultivation was two hundred and
thirty acres, planted in corn. The lands entered at the land
ofiice by individuals amounted to five hundred and sixty thou-
sand acres.* • . -
During the summer of 1775, Harrod's Station and Logan^s
Fort were established. A party of hunters and land explorers
were encamped on a fertile and delightful tract of country on
the head waters of the Elkhorn, when an emigrant from Vir-
ginia brought tiie news of the battle of Lexington, and the
outbreak of the American revolution. The feelings of liberty
and patriotism excited gave name to the encampment as the
embryo of a future city, and Lexington exists in commemo-
ration of the fact.f Louisville was a rendezvous for all those
who came down the Ohio river in boats and canoes.
•Butler'a Kentucky, Introduction, p. 08, 69.— Monette's Valley of the Mississippi, i.
fMorehead's Address, p. 33.
p. 98.
r
CHAPTER VI.
ANNALS OF 1776 AND 1777.
Bmplc "jt- •! "^-- <» in the War-Pionoer» to Kentucky— Capture and roicuo of QirU
—Pet ' 15 jf i If ; nbabitanti— Efforts of Qeorgo Bogers Clarke— Corn-stalk and Red-
bud kii ITonWr ' Kentucky —Attack on Wheeling- .ciimon Girty and family.
Jn the annals of Kentucky, the year 1776 is remarkable, first,
for the recognition by Virginia of the Transylvania colony, as
a part of the Old Dominion ; and secondly, for such a renew-
al of hostilities, as drove many, who had come to make the
West their home, back over the mountains again. During
the last six months of 1776, and the first half of 1776, the
northern savages had in a great measure ceased their excur-
sions against the invaders of their hunting-grounds. Not,
however, because they had given up the contest ; they were
preparing, in connection with the British agents in the north-
west, to act with deadly efficiency against the frontier sta-
tions. From an early period in the Revolutionary war, the
use of the Indians had been contemplated by both parties to
the struggle. It had been usual, in the contest between the
French and English, as we have seen; and few seem to
have deemed it possible to avoid alliances with the red men.
There is cause to think that England took the first steps
that were taken to enlist the Indians in the quarrel of mother
and daughter. The first mention of the subject, which we
meet with, is in the address of the Massachusetts Congress to
the Iroquois, in April, 1775.* In that they say, that they hear
that the British are exciting the savages against the colonies ;
and they ask the Six Nations to aid them or stand quiet.f And
in the June following, when James Wood visited the Western
tribes, and asked them to a council, which he did under the di-
rection of the Virginia House of Burgesses, he found that
Governor Carlton had been beforehand, and ofiered the alli-
• Sparks' Washington, vol. iii. p, 495.
I American Archives, fourth series, iv. 110.
*, ^ ^ m f^> m lt! s» >t^ii:l^(lmCSm!SSS m i i^ l^ ^^ V UJ m'■^:l>:^^
\
1776,
Autliorily to Employ Indians.
168
id roKue of Qirli
n-stalk and Red-
y and family.
rkable, first,
a colony, as
ch a renew-
:o make the
in. During
•f 1776, the
their excur-
unds. Not,
; they were
n the north-
frontier sta-
ary war, the
th parties to
between the
ew seem to
the red men .
B first steps
rel of mother
it, which we
I Congress to
lat they hear
the colonies ;
quiet.f And
the Western
under the di-
B found that
Bred the alli-
<
ancc of England.* It would seem, then, that even before the
battle of Lexington, both parties had applied to the Indians;
and sought an alliance. In the outset, therefor?, both parties
were of the same mind and pursued the same course. The
Congress of the United Colonies, however, during 1776, and
until the summer of 1776, advocated merely tkealtcm/tt to keep the
Indians out of the contest entirely, and instructed the Commission-
ers, appointed in the several departments, to do so. But Eng-
land was of another mind. Promises and threats were both
used to induce the savages to act with her.f though, at first, it
would seem, to little purpose, even the Canada tribe of
Caghnawagas having offered their aid to the Americr
When Britain, however, became victorious in the North,, t.;id
particularly after the battle of the Cedars, in May, 177> the
wild men began to think of holding to her side, their • oii y
being, in all quarrels of the whites, to stick to the St. .n/en.
Then it was, in June, 1776, that Congress resolved to i^o w a,t
Washington had advised in the previous April, that i" ' i prn-
ploy *^^i savages in active warfare. Upon the .a ■ of
April, the Commander-in-chief wrote to Congress, saying, as
the Indians would soon be engaged, cither for or against, he
would suggest that they be engaged for the colonies ;J upon
the 3d of May, the report on this was considered ; upon the
26th of May, it was resolved to be highly expodient to engage
the Indians for the American service ; and, upon the 3d of
June, the General was empowered to raise two thousand to be
employed in Canada. Upon the 17th of June, Washington
was authorized to employ them where he pleased, and to
offer them rewards for prisoners ; and upon the 8th of July,
he was empowered to call out as many of the Nova Scotia
and neighboring tribes as he saw fit.§
Such was the course of proceeding, on the part of the colo-
nies, with regard to the employment of the Indians. The steps,
at the time, were secret, but now the whole story is before the
world. Not so, however, with regard to the acts of England ;
as to them, we have but few of the records placed within our
reach. Cie thing, however, is known, namely, that, while the
•Sparks' Washington, vol. iii. p. 55. tibid-, p. 55.
JSparks" Washington, vol. iii. p. 361. Also, v. 277, where tke riows of Burke, Govern-
or Pownall, and others, are given.
t Journals, vol. i. pp. 43-47.
n
fvj
170
The Indians side with England.
1776.
colonics oflcrcd tlioir allies of the woods rewards for ;^r/j«rtfi-.»,
some of the British ngcnts gave them money for scalps*— a.
proceeding that cannot find any justilication.
In accordance with the course of policy thus pursued, the
north-western tril)es, already angered by the constant inva-
sions of their territory by the hunters of Virginia and Carolina,
and easily accessible by the lakes, were soon enlisted on the
side of England ; and had a I'ontiac been alive to lead them,
might have done much mischief. As it was, during the sum-
mer of 1776, their straggling parties so lilled the woods of
Kentucky, that no one outside of a fort felt safe.
[Amongst other emigrants, the opening of spring brought to
the country, were Colonel Richard Callaway (an intimate
friend of Daniel Boone) and his family.
"On the 14th of July, Betsey Callaway, her sister Frances,
and Jemima Boone, the two last about fourteen years of age,
carelessly crossed the river opposite Boonesborough, in a ca-
noe at a late hour in the afternoon. The trees and shrubs on
the opposite bank were thick, and came down to the water's
edge' the girls, unconscious of danger, were playing and
splashing the water with the paddles, until the canoe, lloat-
ing with the current, drifted near the shore. Five stout Indians
lav there concealed, one of whom, noiseless and stealthy as
the serpent, crawled down the bank until he reached the rope
that hung from the bow, turned its course up the stream, and
in a direction to be hidden from the view of the fort. 1 he
loud shrieks of the captured girls were heard, but too late lor
their rescue. The canoe, their only means of crossing, was
on the opposite shore, and none dared to risk the chance of
swimming the river, under the impression that a large
body of savages was concealed in the woods. Boone and
Callaway were both absent, and night set in before their
return and arrangements could be made for pursuit." We sub-
ioin the narrative of Colonel Floyd, who was one of the party,
remarking that this story was narrated to the writer by one ot
the captured party, in 1818, in terms substantially the same.J
Colonel Floyd says : "Next morning, by day-light, we were
on their track ; but they had entirely prevented our following
them by walking some distance apart through the thickest
cane 'they could find. We ob.served their course, and on
which side they had left their sign— and traveled upwards ol
thirty miles. We then supposed they would be less cautious
in traveling, and made a turn to cross their trace ; we had
gone but a few miles when we found their tracks in a buHalo
path— pursued and overtook them in going about tea miles,
• Jefferson's Writings, wl. i. p. 458.
"8 ' iaiiVSigWg gJ g^ ' ^ 'i ; "";:; ^ ^-'
'^ T^^lk^ " ^-..
1776.
'or jnisoners,
p scalps* — a
lurBiit'il, the
iHtniu inva-
nd Carolina,
isted on the
[) load them,
ng the sum-
he woods of
ig brought to
an intimate
iter BVances,
ears of age,
jgh, in a ca-
ind shrubs on
the water's
playing and
canoe, lloat-
stout Indians
1 stealthy as
bed the rope
stream, and
e fort. The
t too late for
rossing, was
le chance of
tiat a large
Boone and
before their
it." We sub-
of the party,
iter by one of
ly the same.]
ght, we were
:)ur following
1 the thickest
irse, and on
1 upwards of
less cautious
ace ; we had
s in a buffalo
ut tc;i miles,
1776.
Georqc Rogers Clark.
171
just as they were kindling a fire to cook. Our study had
been how to get the prirtoners, without giving the Indians
time to murder tiiem at\er they discovered us. We saw each
other nearly at the same time. Four of uslired, and all rjsh-
cd on them, by which thev were prevented from carrying
anything away excejjt one shot gun, without any ammunition.
Mr. IJoone and myself had each a pretty fair shot, as they be-
gan to move off. I am well convinced I shot one through the
body. The one he shot dropped his gun — mine had none.
The place was covered thick with cane, and being so much
elated on recovering the three poor little heart-broken girls,
we were prevented from making any further search. We sent
the Indians off without their moccasins, and not one of them
with so much as a knife or tomahawk." *
[Mr. Butler justly remarks, on this incident, 'These are
the unembellished circumstances of a transaction, which a
lively and most interesting writer [Mr. Flint] has, through mis-
information, historically disfigured into a beautiful romance."
We .add, that the romantic incidents told by Mr. Flint, and the
oath sworn by Boone, and administered to his followers, are
wholly fictitious f] *
But it was not destined that Kentucky .should sink under
her trials. It was during this very summer of 1776, indeed,
that the corner-stone of her pro.sperity was laid, and the first
step taken toward making her an independent commonwealth.
This was done by George Rogers Clark, truly her founder,
and the most eminent of the early heroes of the West. He
was born November 19, 1762, in Albemarle county, Vir-
ginia.J In early life, he had been, like Washington, a sur-
veyor, and more lately had served in Dunmore's war. He
first visited Kentucky in 1775,§ and held, apparently, at that
time, the rank of major. Returning to Virginia, in the au-
tumn of 1776, he prepared to move permanently to the West,
in the following spring. Having done this early in 1776,
Clark, whose views reached much farther than those of most
of the Pioneers, set himself seriously to consider the condition
• Life of Boone, in Sparks' American Biograpliy, xxiii. 59, 60— Butter's Kentucky
pages 32, 33. •"
t Flint's Life o. Boone, p. 89.
X Clarli's papers, in possession of L. C. Draper, in hij own writing, gm. tiiis date.
g Ho was west of the mountains in \112, as far as tiie Kanawha at least; see journal of
Ilcv. David Jones in Cist's Cincinnati Miscellany, i. 245. In 177 1, he was on hU w»y to
Kentucky when Dunmore'a war broke out. See ante.
HI
■^\
172
Protection of Virijinia Invoked.
1776.
and proHpccts of the jciing republic to which he had nttuched
hinwelf. its ndvantuges were too obvious to escupc any eje ;
but the dangere of a colony, so lar beyond the oUl lines oi civ-
ilization, and unconnected with any of the elder provinces,
while at the same time the title to it was in dispute, had not
impressed all minds as they should. Clark knew that ^ ir-
ginia entirely denied the purchase of Henderson ; he was
Ture also, that the Virginia settlers would never be easy under
a proprietary goverimient, however founded ; and sll^v al-
ready, with his quick eye, wide-spread dissatisfaction. One ol
two things he deemed the frontier settlements mu«t be, either
an acknowledged portion of Virginia,* and to be by hor
aided in their struggles,-or an independent commonwealth.
These views had been partially formed in 1775, probably,
for we find that by June 6th, 1776, they had attained suf-
ficient currency tc cause the gathering of a general meeting
at Harrodsburg, to bring matters to an issue. Clark was not
present at the commencement of the meeting. Had he been,
there is reason to think, he would have procured the election
of envoys authorised to lay the whole business before the As-
sembly of Virginia, and ask the admittance of Kentucky, by
itself into the number of her counties. As it was, he and Ga-
briel'jones were chosen members of the Virginia Assembly,
and a petition was prepared to be laid before that body.
[The following is the substance : They stated they had be-
come adventurers in the country from the advantageous re-
ports of their friends who had explored it ;-that they expect-
ed to obtain land in fee simple by an indefeasible title ;— that
the proprietors had advanced the price of the purchase money
from twenty shillings to fifty shillings sterling per hundred
acres and "increased the fees of entry and surveying to an ex-
orbitant price; that they had heard the lands bought of the Iro-
quois Indians at Fort Stanwix in 1708, included that part of
Kentucky, and, therefore, doubted the validity of the purchase
of the proprietors made from the Cherokees ;— and they ask
to be taken under the protection of the colony of Virginia,
and that measures might be adopted to restore peace and har-
mony to the settlement. And they add, "L'' your honors ap-
prehend that our case comes more properly before the honor-
« So farFincastlc county hml been held to include Kentucky, but tUo inhabitants hod no
righto or protections as citizens of Virginia. Marshall, i. -17.
»swi,-«4«srt>!^r f -- !»;'^'W»i3*>»«!MS1»i'SiSfcJffi£4£S^^^
1776.
Imd nttachrd
iipc any *^'y" »
I lines of civ-
vr provinccH,
)ut«-, hnd not
lew thut Vir-
Hon ; ho was
je easy under
and saw al-
ien. One of
UHt bo, cither
be by hor
nmonwcalth.
lb, probably,
attained suf-
leral meeting
)larkwas not
Had he been,
1 the election
)cfore the As-
Kentucky, by
is, he and Ga-
tia Assembly,
at body.
I they had be-
intageous rc-
t they expect-
ile title ;— that
irchasc money
per hundred
ying to an ex-
ight of the Iro-
ed that part of
f the purchase
—and they ask
ly of Virginia,
peace and har-
)ur honors ap-
fore the honor-
Uo iobabitants bad do
1776.
Supj)iics of Powder (iranlcd.
m
able, the (Jcneral CongroHS, that you in your goodness recom-
mend the same to your worthy delegates to espouse it as tho
caus«! of the Colony." This petition was signed by James
Ilarrod and eighty-seven other men.*]
Clark knew perfectly well that the Legislature of his native
State- would not acknowledge tlin validity of the election of
Delegates from the frontiers, but hoping, nevertheless, to eflect
his object, he and his companion took the southern route by tho
Cumberland Gap, and alter suffering agonies from "scald
feet," at length reached their destination only to learn that
the Assembly had adjourned. This, of course, caused a delay
in part of their proceedings, but the keen-witted soldier saw,
that, before the Legislature met again, he might, by proper
steps, effect much that he wished to ; he lo.st no time, there-
fore, in waiting upon Patrick Henry, then Governor, and, ex-
plaining to him the capabilities, the dangers, the wishes
and the necessities of the settlers in the far west, — asked for a
supply of the first necessary of life, gunpowder. The Gover-
nor listened patiently and gave Clark a favorable letter to the
Executive Council, being himself sick and unable to go with/
him to Williamsburg, the seat of government at that time.
But the Council were very cautious, and while they would
lend the powder, if Clark would be answerable for it, and pay
for its transportation, they dared not, until the Assembly had
recognized the Kentucky stations as within Virginia, do more.
Clark presented, and again presented tho impossibility of his
conveying the powder to so great a distance, through a coun-
try swarming with foes. The Council listened patiently, but
dared not run any risk. An order was issued for the pow-
der on the terms proposed, but the inflexible pioneer would
have none of it, and inclosing the order again to the Council
told them that, since Virginia would not aid her children, they
must look elsewhere, — that a land not worth defending, was '
not worth claiming, of course, — and so he bade them good-
bye. Tr.ose intimations were not to be overlooked, the
whole matter was again weighed in the Council, and probably
the Governor's advice taken, after which, upon the 23d of
August, an order was issued for placing the ammunition re-
quired at Pittsburgh, subject to Major Clark's order, for the
use of the inhabitants of "Kentucki."t
» See Ilaira Sketches, ii. p. 236. t Butler, aoeond edition, 43S, gives tho order.
174
County of Kentucky Created.
1776.
One of his objects being tlius in the main accomplished,
Clark prepared himself to urge the suit of the Transylvania
colonists before the Le^^islature, when it should meet in the
fall, having first written to his friends at the west that powder
was waiting them at Pittsburgh, which they must manage to
get down the river. When the Assembly met, Messrs. Clark
and Jones on the one hand, and Henderson and his friends on
the other, proceeded to lay before it the whole question of
proprietorship in the Kentucky purchase from the Cherokees.
The contest must have been one of considerable severity, for
it was not till December 7, 1776,* that the success of the Del-
egates appointed in June was made certain by the erection
of the region in dispute, together with all that now forms
the State of Kentucky, into a county of that name. His
second great aim secured, (and he probably considered it so
before the actual passage of the above law,) Clark and his as-
sociate were on the point of returning at once to the frontier
by the southern route, as we presume, when they fortunately
heard that their gunpowder was still at Pittsburgh. The
truth was, that Clark's letter to his western friends had mis-
carried. At once the envoys determined to go back by way of
the Ohio, and see their five hundred pounds of ammunition
safe to the stations themselves. When they reached Pitts-
burgh they learned that many Indians, it was thought with
hostile intentions, were lurking thereabouts, who would pro-
bably follow them down the river ; but no time was to be lost,
no matter what dangers threatened, so with seven boatmen
the two Delegates embarked upon the Ohio, and succeeded in
reaching safely Limestone Creek, where Maysville has been
since built. Setting their boat adrift, lest it should attract
attention, they concealed their treasure, as they best could,
along the banks of the Creek, and started for Harrodsburg to
procure a convoy. On the way they heard of Colonel Todd
as being in the neighborhood with a band of men ; Jones and
five of the boatmen remained to join this party and return
with it for the powder, while Clark and the other two pushed
forward to the Kentucky. Jones and Todd, having met,
turned their steps towards the Ohio, but were suddenly
attacked on the 25th of December, near the Blue Licks, by a
party of natives who had struck Clark's trail, were defeated,
* Morehead's Addrce>, 50.— Butler says December 6th, in Chronology, p. 27.
!-,,wi*ws«wi«3SAi«w«isi«eB
1776.
complished,
ransylvania
meet in the
that powder
manage to
essrs. Clark
is friends on
question of
Cherokees.
severity, for
of the Del-
ihe erection
now forms
name. His
iidered it so
I and his as-
the frontier
fortunately
irgh. The
ds had mis-
!k by way of
ammunition
iched Pitts-
lought with
would pro-
is to be lost,
en boatmen
ucceeded in
le has been
3uld attract
best could,
•rodsburg to
donel Todd
; Jones and
and return
two pushed
laving met,
e suddenly
Licks, by a
re defeated,
;y, p. 27.
1776.
Situation of the Country.
176
and Jones with two others were killed.* Clark, however,
reached Harrodsburg in safety, and a party was sent thence
which brought the gunpowder to the forts.
The year 1776 might be said to have passed without any
serious injury to the colonists from the various Indian tribes,
although it was clear, that those tribes were to be looked on
as engaged in the war, and that the majority of them were
with the mother country. Through the West and North-west,
where the agents of England could act to the greatest advan-
tage, dissatisfaction spread rapidly. The nations nearest
the Americans found themselves pressed upon and harreissed
by the more distant bands, and through the whole winter of
1776-7, rumors were flying along the frontiers of Virginia
and Pennsylvania, of coming troubles. Nor were the good
people of New York less disturbed in their minds, the settlers
upon the Mohawk and upper Susquehanna standing in con-
tinual dread of incursion. f No incursion, however, took
place during the winter or spring of 1777 ; though the
blow was delayed, why, we cannot well know, until Great
Britain has magnanimity enough to unveil her past acts, and,
acknowledging her follies and sins, to show the world the
various steps to that union of the savages against her foes,
v/hich her noble Chatham denounced as a "disgrace," and
"deep and deadly sin."
That blow was delayed, however ; and, alas ! was struck,
at length, after, and, as if in retaliation for one of those vio-
lent acts of wrong, which must at times be expected from
a frontier people. We refer to the murder of Cornstalk,,
the leading chieftain of the Scioto Shawanese ; a man, whose
energy, courage and good sense, place him among the very
foremost of the native heroes of this land.J This truly great
man, who was himself for peace, but who found all his neigh-
bors, and even those of his own tribe, stirred up to war bj'^ the
agents of England, went over to the American fort at Point
Pleasant, at the mouth of the Great Kanawha, in order to talk
the matter over with Captain Arbuckle, who commanded
there, and with whom he was acquainted. This was early
in the summer of 1777. The Americans, knowing the Shaw-
anese to be inclining to the enemy, thought it would be a
•Clark's Journal in Morehead, 161. Also Clark's Account in Dillon's Indiana, 123 to 130.
fSee Stone, vol, i. p. 191.— Doddridge's Indian Wars, <fcc.
JJournal of tlio Old Congress.— Stone, 4o
"S^»*-'
176
Treacherous Murder of Hostages.
1777.
i
good plan to retain Cornstalk and Redhawk, a younger chief
of note, who was with him, and make them hostages for the
good conduct of their people. The old warrior, accordingly,
after he had finished his statement of .ne position he was in,
and the necessity under which he an- his friends would he of
"going with the stream," unless the Long-Knives could pro-
tect them, iound that, in seekinp; counsel and safety, he had
walked into a trap, and was f^st there. However, he folded
his arms, and, with Indian jalmness, waited the issue. The
day went by. The next morning came, and from the opposite
shore was heard an Indian hail, known to be -rom EUinipsco,
the son of Cornstalk. The Americans brought him also into
their toils as a hostage, and were thankful that they had thus
secured to themselves peace ;— as if iniquity and deception
ever secured that first condition of all good ! Another day
relied by, and the three captives sat waiting what time would
bring. On the third day, two savages, who were unknown to
the whites, shot one of the white hunters toward evening.
Instantly the dead man's comrades raised the ciy, "Kill the
red dogs in the fort. Arbuckle tried to stop them, but tbey
were men of blood, and their wrath was up. The Captain's
own life was threatened if he offered any hindrance. They
rushed to the house where the captives were confined ; Corn-
stalk met them at the door, and fell, pierced with seven bul-
lets; his son and Redhawk died also, less calmly than their
veteran companion, and more painfully. From that hour
peace was not to be hoped for.*
But this treachery, closed by murder, on the part of the
Americans, in no degree caused, or excuses the after-steps of
the British agents; for almost at the moment when ConisU'k
was dyiny upon the banks of the Ohio, there was a Congress
gathering at Oswego, under the eye of Colonel Johnson, " to
%at the fiesh and drink the blood of a Bostonian;" in other
words, to arrange finally the measures which should be taken
against the devoted rebels by Christian brethren and their
heathen allies. f
In Kentucky, meanwhile, Indian hostilities had been un-
ceasing.
[Colonel Clark in his Diary gives various details, but our
space will not permit more than a brief abstract.
»Doddridge, 237— Withers' Border Warfare, 151. jSton*. ^'ol- i- P- 18«.
■ .-s;^5l"WSSt*n?!«i::'S
T
1777.
nger chief
fes for the
!cordingly,
he was in,
ould he of
could pro-
ty, he had
, he folded
;sue. The
le opposite
EUinipsco,
n also into
Y had thus
deception
lother day
;ime would
nknown to
d evening.
r, "Kill the
I, but tbey
i Captain's
ce. They
[led; Corn-
seven bul-
■ than their
that hour
art of the
ter-steps of
» Conjsli;?k
a Congress
ihnson, " to
" in other
Id be takeu
I and their
3 been un-
its, but our
, vol. i. p. 186.
1777.
James Ray.
177
On the 6th of March, Thomas Stores and William Ray
were killed at the Shawanee Spring. On the 28th, a large
party of Indians attacked persons outside the fort and
killed several. On the 7th of April, forty or fifty Indians at-
tacked Boonesborough, killed and scalped Daniel Goodman,
and wounded several persons. During all of the summer
months the Indians were troublesome, attacked the forts, and
not a week passed without loss of life.*]
At times, the stations were assailed by large bodies of sav-
ages ; at times, single settlers were picked off by single skulk-
ing foes. The hoTses and cattle were driven away ; the corn
fields remained uncultivated; the numbers of the whites be-
came fewer and fewer, and from the older settlements little
or no aid came to the frontier stations, until Col. Bowman, in t
August, 1777, came from Virginia with one hundred men. It .
was a time of suffering and distress through all the colonies, ^
which was in most of them bravely borne ; but none suffered
more, or showed more courage and fortitude, than the settlers
of the West. Their conduct has excited less admiration out
of their own section than that of Marion, and men like him,
because their struggles had less apparent con;iection with the
great cause of American independence. But, who shall say,
what would have become of the resistance of the colon'es,
had England been able to pour from Canada her troops upon
the rear of tiie rebels, assisted, as she would have been, by
all the Indian nations? It may have been the contests before
the stations of Kentucky, and Clark's bold incursions into Illi-
liuois and against Vincennes, which turned the oft-tottering
fcftuiies of the great struggle.
But, however we may think on this point, we cannot doubt
the picturesque and touching character of many incidents of
western history during the years from 1777 to 1780. Time
has not yet so mellowed their features as lOf^l^'e them an air
of romance precisely ; but the essence of romance is in them.
In illustration, we will mention one or two of these incidents,
familiar enough in the West, but still worthy of repetition.
One of the eminent men of Kentucky, in those and later
times, was General James Ray. While yet a boy, he had
proved himself able to outrun the best of the Indian warriors;
and it was when but seventeen years o*" age, that he performed
•See Clark's Diary in Morehoad's Address, p. 162.
>s; «:-*>■
^mr^
178
Benjamin Logan.
1777.
.'J
the service for a distressed garrison, of which we are about
to speak. It was the winter of 1776-7, a winter of starva-
tion. Ray lived at Harrodsburg, which, like the other sta-
tions, was destitute of corn. There was game enough in the
woods around, but there were also Indians, more than enough,
and had the sound of a gun been heard in the neighborhood
of a station, it would have insured the death of the one who
discharged it. Under these circumstances, Ray resolved to
hunt at a distance. There was one horse left of a drove of
forty, which Major McGary had brought to the West ; an old
horse, faithful and strong, but not fitted to run the gauntlet
through the forest. Ray took this solitary nag, and before
day-dawn, day by day, and week by week, rode noiselessly
along the runs and rivers until he was far enough to hunt with
safety ; then he killed his game, and by night, or in th? dusk
of the evening, retraced his steps. And thus the garrison
lived by the daring labors of this striphng of seventeen. CWw
hunters tried his plan, and were discovered ; but he, by his
sagacity, boldness, care and skill, safely pursued h;.. disin .cr-
ested and dangerous employment, and succeeded in coivstantly
avoiding the perils that beset him. We do not M;:k that
Boone, or any one, ever showed more :>crfectly tUe\ lities
of a superior woodsman than did Ray throug-^ thaf, w ui.c. ,
If any one did, however, it was surely Renja nin Logan, in
the spring of that ..=-6 year. Legan, as wo have seen,
crossed the mountaiu^ v-'itb Henderson, in 1775, -nd was of
course one of the oldest ^clliers. In May, 1777, the fort at
which Logan i.N jd, wa; ■■''•rr^wnc .'1 by Indians, moie than a
hundred in number; and so silently had they made their ap
proach, that the first notice which the garrison had of their
presence was a discharge of firearms upon some men who
were guarding the women as they milked the cows outside
the station. One was killed, a second mortally wounded,
and a third, named Harrison, disabled. This poor man, una-
ble to aid himself, lay in sight of the fort, where his wife,
who saw his condition, was begging some one to go to his
relief. But to attempt such a thing seemed madness; for
whoever ventured from either side into the open ground,
where Harrison lay writhing and groaning, would instantly
become a target for all the sharp-shooters of the opposite
party. For some moments Logan stood it pretty well ; he
» i«r4<.u i .i i w>a a*Bgii»3M!>6^Hiafa8S^^vatjaiWa^
"j i i i r i f>°n'i i Vf<ii'. i '"i i
1777.
are about
of starva-
other sta-
)ugh in tiie
an enough,
ighborhood
B one who
resolved to
a drove of
est ; an old
le gauntlet
and before
noiselessly
hunt with
in th? dusk
le ga.'rison
teen. CWvr
; lie, by his
\:^ disjrt ,er-
1 coivstantly
t Ibink that
be\ lities
f, \nii'.o: ,
n Loj,'aii, in
have seen,
.-^nd was of
the fort at
loie than a
de their ap-
lad of their
e men who
ows outside
y wounded,
r man, una-
re his wife,
to go to his
ladness ; for
sen ground,
jld instantly
he opposite
tty well ; he
1777.
Benjamin Logan.
179
'
tried to persuade himself, and the poor woman, who was
pleading to him, that his duty required him to remain within
ihe walls and let the savages complete their bloody work.
But such a heart as his was too warm to be long restraineu '«v
arguments and judicious expediency ; and suddenly, turning
to his men, he cried, "Come, boys, who's the man to help me
in with Harrison?" There were brave men there, but to run
into certain death in order to save a man, whom, after all,
they could not save, — it was asking too much; and all shook
their heads and shrunk back from the mad proposal. "Not
one ! not one of you help a poor fellow to save his scalp?"
"Why, what's the ^'ood. Captain? to let the red rascals kill
us won't help Harrison?" At last, one, half inspired by Lo-
gan's impetuous courage, agreed to go ; he could die but once,
he said, and was about as ready then, as he should ever be.
The gate was slightly opened, and ihe two doomed men
stepped out; instantly a tempest of rifle balls opened upon
them, and Logan's companion rapidly reasoning himself into
the belief that he was not so ready to die as he had believed,
bolted back into the station. Not so his noble-hearted leader.
Alone, through that tempest, he sprang forward to where the
wounded man lay, and while his hat, hunting-shirt, and hair
were cut and torn by the ceaseless shower, he lifted his com-
rade like a child in his arms, and regained the fort without a
scratch.
But this rescue of a fellow-being, though worthy of record
in immortal verse, was nothing compared with what this same
Benjamin Logan did soon after. The Indians continued their
siege ; still they made no impression, but the garrison wt '-e ,
running short of powder and ball, and none could be pro
ed except by crossing the mountains. To do this, the nt li-
boring forest must be passed, thronging with Indians, A a
journey of some hundreds of miles accomplished, along a th,
every portion of which might be waylaid, and at least tho Jbrt
must be re-entered with the articles so much needed ~~ urely,
if ever an enterprise seemed hopeless, it was this ■ and
yet the thing must be tried. Logan pondered the matter
carefully; he calculated the distance, rot less than four hun-
dred miles and back ; he estimated the aid from other tjuar-
ters ; and in the silence of night asked wisdom and guidance
from God. Nor did he ask in vain; wisdom was given him.
i&.
:m!;^^-^-^'-^'-
180
Benjamin Logan.
1777.
/ At night, with two picked companions, he stole from the sta-
tion, every breath hushed. The summer leaves were thick
above them, and with the profoundest care and skill, Logan
guided his followers from tree to tree, from run to run, unseen
by the savages, who dreamed not, probably, of so dangerous
an undertaking. Quickly, but most cautiously, pushing east-
, ward, walking forty or fifty miles a day, the three woodsmen
^ passed onward till the Cumberland range was in sight; then,
avoiding the Gap, which they supposed would be watched
by Indians, over those rugged hills, where man had never
climbed before, they forced their way with untiring energy
and a rapidity to us, degenerate as we are, inconceivable.
The mountains crossed, and the valley of theHolston reached,
LoTTf n procured his ammunition, and then turned alone on
his homeward track, leaving his two companions, with full
directions, to follow him more slowly with the lead and pow-
der. He returned before them, because he wished to revive
the hopes of his little garrison in the wilderness, numbering,
as it did, in his absence,, only ten men, and they without the
means of dehnce. lie feared they w M yield, if he delayed
an hour; so, back, like a chan^ois, he =ped, over those broken
. find precipitous ranges, and actually reached and re-entered
his fort in ten days from the time he left it, safe and lull of
hope. Such a spirit would .lave made even women dare and
do every thing, and by his influence the siege was still resisted
till the ammunition came safe to hand. From May till Septem-
ber that little band was thus beset : then Colonel Bowman
relieved them. In the midst of that summer, as George Rogers
Clark'sjournalhasit, "Lieutenant Linn was married— great
merriment !" This was at Harrodsburg, near by Logan's sta-
tion. Such was the frontier life !
It was a trying year, 1777, for those little forts in the wil-
derness. At the close of it, three settlements only existed in
the interior. Harrodsburg, Boonesborough, and Logan's;* and,
of these three, the whole military population was but one
hundred and two in number !
Nor was it in Kentucky alone that the Indians were busy.
Through the spring and summer constant attacks w ore made
upon the settlements in the neighborhood of Wheeling. At this
point, as we have already said, the Zanes had settled in 1770,
*Seo Butler, Marshall, McClung, &c.
:itmmsitmi^'Cii^Sig'Kr0!^''^ii(^^^'i^-O!i
iftSfev/
I
1777.
m the sta-
x'ere thick
:ill, Logan
in, unseen
dangerous
ihing east-
woodsmen
ght; then,
e watched
liad never
ng energy
jnceivable.
)n reached,
I alone on
s, with full
d and pow-
d to revive
numbering,
kvithout the
he delayed
lose broken
re-entered
and full of
;n dare and
-till resisted
till Septem-
;1 Bowman
orge Rogers
•ricd — great
Logan's sta-
in the wil-
y existed in
gau's;* and,
f&s but one
1 were busy.
i M ere made
ling. At this
tied in 1770,
1777.
IntUnn Attack upon Fort Henry.
181
and here, in 1774, Connolly, or the settlers, by his direction, had
built a fort called Fort Fincastle,* the nan^e of the western
county of Virginia. In this a body of men was left by Lord
Dunmore, when he made his treaty with the Shawanese,t and
through the whole of 1775 and 1776 it was occupied by more or
fewer soldiers; indeed, in those times all men were soldiers, and
hostility frotn the Indians daily anticipated. This fort, in 1776,
war, called, in honor of the eloquent governor of Virginia,
Fort Henry,:}: and was the central point between Fort Pitt and
the works at the mouth of Kanawha. In the early autumn
of 1777, word from friendly Indians, perhaps the Christian ^
Delavvares, of the Muskingum, or perhaps from Isaac Zane, '
the brother of the Wheeling settlers,^ reached General Hand,
Mho commanded at Fort Pitt, informing him that a large body
of the north-western Indians was preparing to attack the
posts of the Upper Ohio. This news was quickly spread
abroad, and all were watching where the blow would come.
On the evening of September 26, smoke was seen by those
near Wheeling, down the river, and was supposed to proceed
from the burning of the block-house at Grave < re* li, and the
people of the vicinity taking the alarm, betook themselves to
the fort. Within its walls were forty-two fighting men, of
various ages and gifts : These were well supplied with guns,
both rifles and muskets, but had only a scanty supply of gun-
powder, as the event proved. The night of the 26th passed
without alarm, but when, very early upon the 27th, two men,
who were sent out for horses, in order to alarm the settlements
near by, had proceeded some distance from the fort, they met
a party of six savages, by whom one of them was shot. The
commandant of the post. Col. Shepherd, learning from the
survivor that there were but six of the assailants, sent a party
of fifteen men to see to them. These were suffered to march
after the six, who seem to have been merely a decoy, until
they were within the Indian lines, when, suddenly, in front,
behind, and on every side, the painted warriors showed them-
selves. Th*^ little band fought bravely against incalculable
*(ieorge B. Clark U »»j(l to haro planted it. (American Pioneci', ii. liJ3.)
t Ameriww A^ffbivel, 4th scries, ii. 1139.
5 American PioB«*r, ii. SOi,
§ Isaac Zane was with the Wyandotd from the time he was nine years old, iimcrican
State Paperi, xvi, 93--121.
" ^T^^-'"
,:*r*-^-"
182
Indians led by Simon Girty.
1777.
odds, but of the fifteen, three only escaped, and they by means
of the brush and logs which were in the corn field, where the
skirmish took place. As soon as the position of the first band
was seen at the fort, thirteen otl.ers rushed to their assistance,
and shared their fate. Then, and it was not yet sunrise, the
■whole body of Indians, disposed in somewhat martial order,
appeared regularly to invest the devoted fort. There were
nearly four hundred of them, and of the defenders but twelve
men and boys ; unless, indeed, we count women, than wliom, as
wc shall sec, none ime braver or calmer within the tvalls of that lit-
tle fortress.
The Indians were led by Simon Girty, who was acting as
an agent for the British in the attempt to secure the aid of a
part, at any rate, of the frontier men, in the Revolutionary
struggle.
Fort Henry stood immediately upon the bank of the Ohio,
about a quarter of a mile above the mouth of Wheeling Creek ;
between it and the steep river hill, which every traveler in the
West is acquainted with, were twenty or thirty log huts.
When Girty, then, as we have said, led his red troops against
the fort, he at once took possession of the houses ol the vil-
la ,e as a safe and ready-made line of attack, and from the
window of one of the cabins called upon the little garrison
to surrender to King George, and promised absolution to all
who would do so. Col. Shepherd answered at once that they
would neither desert nor yield ; and when Girty recommenced
his eloquence, a shot from some impatient listener suddenly
stopped his mouth. Then commenced the siege. It was just
sunrise in the valley, through which the quiet river flowed as
peacefully as if war was never known. A calm, warm, bright
September day— one of those days most lovely among the
many pleasant ones of a year in the Ohio valley. And from
sunrise till noon, and from noon till night of that day, the
hundreds of besiegers and units of besieged about and within
Fort Henry, ceased not to load and discharge musket or rifle
till it was too hot to hold. About noon the fire of the assail-
ants slackened, and then, as powder was scarce in the fort, and
it was remembered that a keg was concealed in the house of
Ebenezer Zane, some sixty yards distant, it was determmed to
make an ettbrt to obtain it. When the question "Who will
go ?" was proposed, however, so many competitors appeared
H/iW'Jmitlf ^.
^^.^*9^-vr'_i\ -
■:'3iy^^i®3SS^fc<?|!g»SS50iSwME?
T
1777.
y by means
, where the
e first band
assistance,
sunrise, the
irtial order,
rhere were
l)ut twelve
an w/iotn, as
s of that lit-
s acting as
he aid of a
iolutionary
f the Ohio,
ling Creek;
vcler in the
y log huts,
jps against
ol the vil-
d from the
Ic garrison
ition to all
;e that they
commenced
sr suddenly
It was just
r flowed as
arm, bright
among the
And from
it day, the
and within
sket or rifle
the assail-
he fort, and
le house of
tcrmined to
"Who will
s appeared
SCOT'
1777.
Elizabeth 7janc.
183
that time was wasted in adjusting claims to what was almost
sure death. The rest of the story we must lot Mr. George S.
McKiernan, from whom we take our whole account nearly,
tell in his own words:
At this crisis, a young lady, the sister of Ebenezcr and Silas
Zane, came forward and desired that she might be permitted
to execute the service. This proposition seemed so extrava-
gant that it met with a peremptory nfusal ; but she instantly
renewed her petition in terms of redoubled earnestness, and
all the remonstrances of the Colonel and her relatives failed
to dissuade her from her heroic purpose. It was finally re-
presented to her that cither of the young men, on account of
his superior fleetness and familiarity with scenes of danger,
would be more likely than herself to do the work successfully.
She replied that the danger which would aticnd the enter-
prise was the identical reason that induced her to oflier her
services, for, as the garrison was very weak, no soldier's life
should be placed in needless jeopardy, and that, if she were to
fall, the loss would not be felt. Iler petition was ultimately
granted, and the gate opened for her to pa.ss out. The open-
ing of the gate arrested the attention of several Indians who
were straggling through the village. It was noticed that their
eyes were upon her as she crossed the open space to reach her
brother's house; but seized, perhaps with a sudden freak of
clemency, or believing that a woman's life w^as not worth a
load of gunpowder, or influenced by some other unexplained
motive, they permitted her to pass without molestation.
When she reappeared with the powder in her arms, the In-
dians suspecting, no doubt, the character of her burden, eleva-
ted their firelocks and discharged a volley at her as she swiftly
glided towards the gate ; but the balls flew wide of the mark
and the fearless girl reached the fort in safety with her prize.*
The allies of Britain, finding rifles powerless when used
against well-built block-hou.ses and pickets, determined upon
trying an extemporary cannon, and having bound a hollow
maple with chains, having bored a touch hole, and plugged up
one end, they loaded it liberally and leveled it at the gate of
the impregnable cactle. It was now evening, and the disap-
pointed Wyandots gathered about their artillery, longing to
see its loading of stones open to them the door of the American
citadel. The match was applied ; bursting into a thousand
pieces, the cannon of Girty tore, maimed, and killed his
copper-colored kinsfolk, but hurt no one elsr.j-
* .See American Pioneer, vol. ii. p, 309.
fThis incident, and the heroic act of Elizabeth Zanc, are placed by Withers in the siege
of Fort Henry in 1782, (Border Warfare, 263-264.) We follow the writer in the Pioneer,
who a represented at an accural c man ; Withers was not always so.
181
ExjMls of Mdj. McCoUoch.
1777.
During that night many of the assailants withdrew disheart-
ened. On the morning of the 28th, firteen men came from
Cross Creek to the aid of Fort Henry, and forty-one from
Short Creek. Of these all entered the fort except Miyor Mc-
CoUoch, the leader of the Short Creek volunteers, ile was
separated from his men, and at the mercy of the natives, and
here again we prefer to use the words of Mr. McKiernan:
/ From the very commencement of the war, his reputation
as an Indian hunter was as great, if not greater, than that of
nny white man on the north-western border. He had parti-
cipated in HO many rencounters that almost every warrior
possessed a knowledge of his person. Among the Indians his
iiame was a word of terror ; they cherished against him feel-
ino-s of the most phrenzied haired, and there was not a Mingo
or" Wyandot chief before Fort Henry who would not have
given the lives of twenty of his warriors to secure to himself
the living body of Major McColloch. When, therefore, the
man, whom they had long marked out as the first object of
their vengeance, appeared in their midst, they made almost
superhuman efforts to acquire possession of his person. The
Heetnessof McColloch's well-trained steed was scarcely greater
than that of his enemies, who, with flying strides, moved on
in pursuit. At length the hunter reached the top of the hill,
and, turning to the left, darted along the ridge with- the inten-
don of making the best of his way to Short Creek. A ride of
a few hundred yards in that direction brought him suddenlv in
contact with a party of Indians who were returning to their
camp from a marauding excursion to Mason's Bottom, on the
eastern side of the hill. This party, being too formidable in
numbers to encounter single-handed, the Major turned his
horse about and rode over his own trace, in the hope of dis-
covering some other avenue to escape. A few paces only of
his countermarch had been made, when he found himself con-
fronted by his original pursuers, who had, by this time, gained
the top of the ridge, and a third party was discovered press-
in"- up the hill directly on his right. He was now completely
hemmed in on three sides, and the fourth was almost a perpen-
dicular precipice of one hundred and fifty feet descent, with
Wheeling Creek at its base. The imminence of his danger
allowed him but little time to reflect upon his situation. In
an instant he decided upon his course. Supporting his rifle
in his left hand and carefully adjusting his reins with the
other, he urged his horse to the brink of the bluff", and then
made the leap which decided his fate. In the next moment
the noble steed, still bearing his intrepid rider in safety, was at
the foot of the precipice. McColloch immediately dashed
across the creek, and was soon beyond the reach of the Indians.*
* Amerjcan I'ionoer, vol. ii. p. 312.
%W^s^sm^!ismm^!s^)ir
I
i
1777.
!W disheart-
canie from
ty-one from
t Miyor Mc-
H. ilc was
natives, and
icrnan:
i reputation
than that of
e had parti-
ery warrior
! Indians his
tist him feel-
not a Mingo
lid not havo
pe to himself
lerefore, the
irst object of
nade almost
crson. The
rcely greater
s, moved on
} of the hill,
ththeinten-
:. A ride of
I suddenly in
tiing to their
)ttom, on the
ormidable in
r turned his
hope of dis-
)aces only of
himself con-
time, gained
jvered press-
V completely
ost a perpen-
lescent, with
f his danger
ituation. In
ting his rifle
ins with the
iff, and then
lext moment
afety, was at
ately dashed
the Indians.*
1777.
Captain Joseph O^lc.
116
Finding all attrmpts to take the fort fruitless, the Indians
killed all the stock, including more than three liundred cuttle,
burned houses and fences, and destroyed every article of
furniture.
Of the forty-two men who had been in the fort, tvvcnty-fivo
were killed, alt outside of the walls; of the savages, probably
one hundred perished.*
[The Zanes, and a number of other familion, came from the J
South branch of the Potomac, and located themselves on the
site of Wheeling, in 1769. Of the number were Capt. Joseph
Ogle and his brother Jacob Ogle. The latter was mortally
wound(rd in the siege of Fort Ilenry, and the foruier, with
twelve men, went out to the rescue of Captain Mason, who
had been dispatched with fourteen men, by Colonel Shepherd,
to drive the Indians from the corn-field, where they were
secreted.
The self-devoted band under Captain Ogle, in their eager-
ness to relieve their fellow-.soldicrs under Mason, fell into an
ambuscade, and two-thirds of their number were slain on the
.spot. The fort now contained but thirteen men and boys,
with a large number of women and children, when Girty and
his four hundred Indians entered the village :uid called on them
to surrender. Captain Ogle escaped in the brush wood, ran
to the nearest settlement, rallied Major McColloch, and the
men of Short Creek, and accompanied them next morning to
the fort. In this manner the garrison was saved.
Captain Ogle, in 1785, emigrated to the Illinois country,
where he was one of its bravest defenders, and has left a
numerous posterit .f
As Simon Girty will figure in the Annals as a leader in the
marauding enterprises of the Indians, and as a partisan of the
Briti.sh, it will be interesting to the reader to have some par-
ticulars of his history and that of his family and associates.
We copy from the life of I3oone, in the Library of Americaa
Biography, vol. xxiii.
"Amongst the Indians north-west of the Ohio, were two
* See Withor/ Border Warfare, 160. American Pioneer, ii. .302~3M~339. Th» usual,
dito of the attack U September 1. Mr. McKicmaa gives good authority for Iiia dates,
which we follow.
f How's Virginia, pp. 409~il3. See Appendix, Illinois.
12
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is
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186
The Lrirly Family.
1777.
■■ »:
^1 ,
white men of the names of McKee and Girty, whose agency
and influence \v§re most disastrous to the frontier settlements.
Colonel McKee was the official agent of the British govern-
ment, and obtained great influence over the tribes of the
north-west, and had an infamous notoriety for the atrocities
committed under his sanction, and the success of h'.s intrigues.
His name must ever remain associated with the darkest deeds
recorded in the annals of the West. Doubtless, the barbari-
ties committed on the defenceless inhabitants, and even on
prisoners in his presctice and by his sanction, have been ex-
aggerated by rumor, and magnified by the resentment of those
who have suffered by his cruelties ; yet enough appears of
known official conduct, attested by American officers of high
station, and by witnesses of unimpeachable character, to blast
his reputation, and cause his name to be held in abhorrence."
Simon Girty was a native of Pennsylvania, a soldier and
spy under Lord Dunmore, and a companion of Simon Kenton
in the campaign of 1774. He had three brothers, George,
.Tames and Thomas. Girty, their father, was an emigrant
from Ireland, and settled in Pennsylvania, where he be-
came idle, thriftless, and intemperate. He was killed by In-
dians, according to some accounts, but according to others, by
his wife's seducer, who subsequently married her. In 1755,
their home was attacked by the Indians, burnt,andthe whole
family taken prisoners. The husband and step-father was
burnt at the stake in their presence, and the mother and four
brothers scattered among the north-western tribes.
Thomas made his escape, fell in with General Armstrong,
and got back to Western Peimsylvania, where he settled and
lived a worthy citizen to the close of his life, which took place
in 1820, in the ninetieth year of his age.
George was adopted by the Delawares, and lived with them
until his death. He became a perfect savage, and to consum-
mate cunning he added fearless intrepidity. He fought in the
battles of Point I ieasant, Blue Licks and Sandusky. He was
beastly intemperate in the latter part of his life, and died
about 1818, on the Maumce of the Lake.
James fell into the hands of the Shawanese, who adopted
him as a son, and trained him in all the arts of savage war-
fare. His repeated visits to Kentucky as the leader of ma-
rauding parties, were a terrible scourge to the people, for he
was bloodthirsty, cruel, ferocious and hard-hearted. Many
of his barbarous deeds were attributed to his brother Simon.
1777.
y, whose agency
itier settlements,
s British govern-
he tribes of the
'or the atrocilies
i of h'.s intrigues,
he darkest deeds
ess, the barbari-
its, and even on
I, have been ex-
;entment of those
ough appears of
1 officers of high
haracter, to blast
1 in abhorrence."
ia, a soldier and
3f Simon Kenton
brothers, George,
,vas an emigrant
,, where he be-
was killed by In-
ding to others, by
;d her. In 1755,
nt, -and the whole
I step-father was
1 mother and four
;ribes.
neral Armstrong,
re he settled and
which took place
i lived with them
B, and to consum-
Ile fought in the
ndusky. He was
lis life, and died
who adopted
s of savage war-
ihe leader of ma-
the people, for he
l-hearted. Many
lis brother Simon.
1777.
Exploits of Simon Girty.
187
Yet this monster was caressed by Elliott and Proctor in the
war of 1812.
The family were exchanged in 1758, at Gen. Forbes' treaty,
but only the mother and Simon returned.
Simon had been adopted by the Senecas, and became an ex-
pert hunter, and after his return, was for a time in Western
Pennsylvania. He left that region at the commencement of
the Revolutionary war, i.eing a decided tory. He joined the
Indians and often led their marauding parties. His residence
was at Sandusky, where he kept a trading-house. Here he
witnessed the burning of Colonel Crawford, and there is some
evidence, that he made an unsuccessful effort to save his life.
Here he saved the life of Simon Kenton, after he was tied
to the stake, for they were fellow soldiers in Dunmore's war,
and "shared the same blanket." His friendship to the Indians
and British, and his hatred to the United States, continued
through life.
When intoxicated, which was frequent; he was violent and
abusive, and spared neither friend or ibe. During the last
ten years of his life he suffered much from rheumatism. He
was in the war of 1812, was at Proctor's defeat on the river
Thames, and was killed by Col. Johnson's mounted men."*
» American Pioneer, ii. 302--314. InoidenU of Border Life, p. 133. Howe's Virginia,
pp. 409-413.
!l
CHAPTER VII.
CONdUEST OF ILLINOIS.
Proposition of Col. Clark to the Govcmtfl: of Virginia— Private instructions by the Council
—Raises troops in tho West— Expedition to tlio Illinois country— Kasltasliia and Caho-
kia taken— Post Vincent surrendered— Indian Treaties— Vincennes retaken by Colonel
Ilamilton— Col. Clark's Expedition to Vincennes and success— Hamilton a prisoner and
senl to Virginia— Tho resulU to the United States.
But, notwithstanding the dangers and difficulties which sur-
rounded them during 1777, the pioneers of the West held
steadily to their purposes, and those of Kentucky being now
a component part of the citizens of Virginia, proceeded to
exercise their civil privileges, and, in April, elected John Todd
and Richard Callaway, burgesses to represent them in the As-
sembly of the parent State. Early in the following Septem-
ber, the first court was held at Harrodsburg; and .Col. Bowman,
who, as we have mentioned, had arrived f;om the settlements
in August, was placed at the head of a regular military organi-
zation which had been commenced the March previous. Thus,
within herself, feeble as she was, Kentucky was organizing ;
and George Rogers Clark, her chief spirit, he that had repre-
sented her beyond the mountains the year before, was medi-
tating another trip to Williamsburg, for the purpose of urging
a bolder and more decided measure than any yet proposed.
He understood the whole game of the British. He saw that
it was through their possession of Detroit, Vincennes, Kas-
kaskia. and the other western posts— which gave them easy
and constant access to the Indian tribes of the north-west —
that the British hoped to eflect such an union of the wild men
as would annihilate the frontier fortresses. He knew that
the Delawares were divided in fetling, and the Shawanese
but imperfectly united in favor of England, ever since the
murder of Cornstalk. He was convinced, that could the
British ih the north-west be defeated and expelled, the na-
tives might be easily awed or bribed into neutrality ; and by
spies sent for the purpose, and who were absent from April
itnictions by the Council
J — Kasktskia and Caho-
nnes retaken by Colonel
[lamilton a prisoner and
ulties which sur-
f the West held
tucky being now
ia, proceeded to
lected John Todd
t them in the As-
llowing Septem-
nd .Col. Bowman,
n the settlements
r military organi-
i previous. Thus,
was organizing ;
e that had repre-
lefore, was medi-
)urpose of urging
iny yet proposed,
sh. He saw that
Vincennes, Kas-
I gave them easy
the north-west —
ti of the wild men
He knew that
d the Shaviranese
d, ever since the
1, that could the
expelled, the na-
eutrality; and by
absent from April
1777.
Conquest of Illinois.
189
20, to June 22d, he had satisfied himself that an enterprise
against the Illinois settlements might easily succeed. Having
made up his mind, on the 1st of October, he left Harrodsburg
for the East, and reached the capital of Virginia, November
the 6th. Opening his mind to no one, he watched with care
the state of feeling among those in power, waiting the proper
moment to present his scheme. Fortunately, while he was
upon his road, on the 17th of October, Burgoyne had surren-
dered, and hope was again predominant in the American
councils. When, therefore, the Western soldier, upon the
10th of December, broke the subject of his proposed expedi-
tion against the forts on the far distant Mississippi, to Patrick
Henry, who was still governor, he met with a favorable hear-
ing ; and, though doubts and fears arose by degrees, yet so
well digested were his plans, that he was able to meet each
objection, and remove every seeming impossibility. Already
the necessity of securing the western posts had been pre-
sented to the consideration of Congress ; as early as April 29,
1776, the committee on Indian Affairs were instructed to re-
port upon the possibility of taking Detroit;* and, again, upon
the 20th of November, 1777, a report was made to that body,
in which this necessity was urged, and also the need that
existed, of taking some measure to prevent the spirit of dis-
affection from spreading among the frontier inhabitants.!
Three Commissioners, also, were chosen to go to Fort Pitt, for
the purpose of enquiring into the causes of the frontier dif-
ficulties, and doing what could be done, to secure all the
whites to the American cause, to cultivate the friendship of
the Shawanese and Delawares, and to concert with General
Hand, some measures for pushing the war westward, so as to
obtain possession of Detroit and other posts. General Wash-
ington was also requested to send Colonel William Crawford,
an old pioneer, to take active command in the West ; and he
accordingly left head quarters upon the 25th. All this ended
in nothing, but it proved the correctness of Clark's views, and
aided, we may suppose, in convincing those who ruled in the
Ancient Dominion, that their glory and interest, as well as the
safety of the whole frontier country, were deeply involved in
the success of the bold plan of the founder of Kentucky.
» Secret JoumaU, i. 43. . -
jOldJottmals, vol. ii. p. 340. . i
1
PI
m ^
^1
i
190
Conquest of Illinois.
1777.
V .
tj.-
t.
, )
[We purposely omit the annals of the early settlements of
Illinois, that we may give them in consecutive order, with
many facts in detail in our Appendix.]
Clark, having satisfied the Virginia leaders of the fcaMbility
of his plan, received, on the 2d of January, two pets of in-
structions — the one open, authorising him to enlist seven com-
panies to go to Kentucky, subject to his orders, and to serv»^
for three months from their arrival in the West ; the other set
secret, and drawn as follows :
VIRGINIA: Set. In Council. Williamsburg, Jan. 2d., 1778.
Lieutenant Colonel George Rogers Clark :
You are to proceed, with all convenient speed, to raise
seven companies of soldiers, to consist of fifty men each, of-
ficered in the usual manner, and armed most properly for the
enterprize ; and with this force attack the British force at
Kaskasky.
It is conjectured, that there are many pieces of cannon and
military stores, to considerable amount at that place ; the
taking and preservation of which, would be a valuable ac-
quisition to the State. If you are so fortunate, therefore, as
to succeed in your expedition, you will take every possible
measure to secure the artillery and stores, and whatever may
advantage the State.
For the transportation of the troops, provisions, «fec., down
the Ohio, you are to apply to the commanding officer at Fort
Pitt, for boats ; and, during the whole transaction, you are to
take especial care to keep the true destination of your force
secret : its success depends upon this. Orders are, therefore,
given to Capt. Smith to secure the two men from Kaskasky.
Similar conduct will be proper in similar cases.
It is earnestly desired that you show humanity to such
British subjects, and other persons, as fall in your hands. If
the white inhabitants at that post and neighborhood, will
give undoubted evidence of their attachment to this State,
(for it is certain they live within its limits,) by taking the test
prescribed by law, and by every other way and means in their
power, let them be treated as fellow-citizens, and their per-
sons and property duly secured. Assistance and protection
against all enemies whatever, shall be afforded them ; and the
Commonwealth of Virginia is pledged to accomplish it. But,
if these people will not accede to these reasonable demands,
they must feel the miseries of war, under the direction of that
humanity that has hitherto distinguished Americans, and
•which, it is expected, you will ever consider as the rule of your
conduct, and from which you are, in no instance, to depart.
1777.
y settlements of
tive order, with
of the fcaMbility
two pets of in-
nlist seven com-
rs, and to serv»^
St ; the other set
, Jan. 2d., 1778.
t speed, to raise
:y men each, of-
Eroperly for the
ritish force at
s of cannon and
that place ; the
! a valuable ac-
,te, therefore, as
G every possible
1 whatever may
ions, (fee, down
ig officer at Fort
3tion, you are to
on of your force
rs are, therefore,
from Kaskasky.
s.
manity to such
your hands. If
§;hborhood, will
it to this State,
' taking the test
i means in their
1, and their per-
and protection
I them ; and the
mplish it. But,
nable demands,
direction of that
Americans, and
1 the rule of your
ice, to depart.
1778.
Conquest of Illinois.
191
The corps you are to command, are to receive the pay and
allowance of militia, and to act under the laAV , and regula-
tions of this State, now in force, as militia. The inhabitants
at this post will be informed by you, that in case they accede
to the offers of becoming citizens of this Commonwealth, a
proper garrison will be maintained among them, and every
attention bestowed to render their commerce heneficial ; the
fairest prospects being opened to the dominions of both l^rancc
and Spain. . ., «
It is in contemplation to establish a post hear the mouth ot
the Ohio. Cannon will be wanted to fortify it. Part of those
at Kaskasky will be easily brought thither, or otherwise se-
cured, as circumstances will make necessary.
You arc to apply to General Hand, at Pittsburgh, for pow-
der and lead, necessary for this expedition. If he can't supply
it, the person who has that which Captain Lynn brought irom
New Orleans can. Lead was sent to Hampshire by my crders,
and that may be delivered you. Wishing >'"« s"°^^,^' V"™'
Sir, your humble servant,* 1 • H t'JX " it •
With these instructions, and twelve hundred pounds in the
depreciated currency of the time. Colonel Clark, (for such was
now his title,) on the 4th of February, started for Pittsburgh. ,
It had been thought best to raise the troops needed, beyond
the mountains, as the colonies were in want of all the soldiers
they could muster east of the AUeghanies, to defend them-
selves against the British forces. Clark, therefore, proposed
to enlist men about Pittsburgh, while Major W. B. Smith, for
the same purpose, went to the Holston, and other officers to ^
other points. None, however, succeeded as they hoped to ;
at Pittsburgh, Clark found great opposition to the intention of ^
carrying men away to defend the outposts in Kentucky, while
their own citadel and the whole region about it, were threat-
ened by the savage allies of Ivngland ; and Smith, though
he nominally succeeded in raising four companies, was unable,
essentially, to aid his superior officer after all. With three .
companies and several private adventurers, Clark, at length, 1^
commenced his descent of the Ohio, which he navigated as '
far as the Falls, where he took possession of, and fortified,
Corn Island, opposite to the spot now occupied by Louisville, j
At this place, he appointed Colonel Bowman to meet him with S
such recruits as had reached Kentucky by the southern route,
and as many men as could be spared from the stations. Here
also, he announced to the men, their real destination. '•% . '
♦ SeoButler'sIIUtoiy of Kentucky, p. 489. '
192
Conquest of Illinois.
1778.
''I',
[lie was joined on Corn Island by Captain Bowman, and a
company from Kentucky, under Captain Diliard. His prin-
cipal officers were Captains Bowman, Helm, llarrod, Mont-
gomery and Diliard ; and he daily expected a reinforcement
from the llolston country, under Mtyor Smith, which failed.
He now disclosed to his troops that their point of destination
was Kaskaskia, in the Illinois country. The project met the
enthusiastic approbation of his men, except the company
from Kentucky under Captain Diliard; a large part of which,
with the Lieutenant, on the morning appointed for starting,
the worthy Captain had the mortification to find, had waded
the river and deserted. They were pursued in the morning,
overtalsen in the woods, about twenty miles from the Falls,
eight taken back, and the rest, wandered about in the woods
for some weeks, v/bere they suflered greater deprivations and
hardships than their comrades who had gone on the expedi-
tion, before they got shelter in a fort.*]
Having waited until his arrangements were all completed,
and those chosen, who were to be ot the invading party, on
the 24th of June, during a total eclipse of the sun, with four
companies he left his position and fell down the river. His
plan was to follow the Ohio as far as the fort known as Fort
Massac, and thence to go by land direct to Kaskaskia. His
troops took no other baggage than they could carry in the In-
dian fashion, and, for his success, he trusted entirely to sur-
prise. If he failed, his plan was to cross the Missis.sippi, and
throw himself into the Spanish settlements on the west of
that river. Before he commenced his march, he received two
pieces of information of which he made good use at the
proper time, by means of which, he conquered the West with-
out bloodshed. One of these important items was the alii-
lance of France with the colonies; this, at once, made the
/American side popular with the French and Indians of Illinois
\and the lakes ; France having never lost her hold upon her
iancient subjects and allies, and England having never secured
their confidence. The other item was, that the inhabitants of
Kaskeiskia, and other old towns, had been led by the British
to believe that the Long Knives, or Virginians, were the most
' fierce, cruel, and blood-tl 'rsty savages that ever scalped a foe.
With this impression on their minds, Clark saw that proper
*Cluk'a Journal— Batler'a Kentucky, p. 49.
^-m
I
1778.
Bowman, nnil a
Hard. His prin-
, llai-rod, Mont-
a reinforcement
th, which failed.
it of destination
project met the
)t the company
e part of which,
kted for starting,
[ind, had waded
in the morning,
from the Falls,
ut in the woods
[eprivations and
! on the expedi-
! all completed,
ading party, on
J sun, with four
the river. His
known as Fort
iLaskaskia. His
carry in the In-
entirely to sur-
Mississippi, and
on the west of
he received two
)od use at the
the West with-
is was the alli-
ance, made the
idiansof IHinois
hold upon her
ig never secured
e inhabitants of
1 by the British
:, were the most
sr scalped a foe.
aw that proper
1778.
Conquest of Illinois.
193
management would readily dispose them to submit fiom frar,
if s.urprised, and then to become friendly from gratitude, when
treated with unlooked for clemency.
[Near the mouth of the Tennessee river, he found John
Duir, with a party of hunters, who had recently come from
Kaskaskia, and who could give him important information.
They reported that M. Rochebluve was the commander ; that
the militia, (chiefly French citizens) were kept in good discip-
line; that spies were stationed along the Mississippi ; that a
rumor had reached Kaskaskia that the " Long-Knives " * had
projected an attack, and that the hunters and Indians had re-
ceived orders to keep watch, and report if any American
troops were coming that way. The fort near the town was
kept in order as a place of retreat if the village was attacked,
but it had no regular garrison. The hunters oliered to return
with Clark, and one John Saunders was employed as a guide.
The party landed near the old site of Fort Massac, and se-
cured their boats in the mouth of a small creek. Heavy
rains had fallen, succeeded by hot, sultry weather. Their
route lay through a wilderness without a path. Cypress
swamps, ponds, and deep, muddy, sluggish streams had to be
forded. Their success depended on a secret and rapid march
through the woods and prairies. For most part of the route,
the game on which they relied for subsistence was scarce, and
to send out hunting parties would expose them to discovery.
On the prairies, a July sun beat on them and water was
scarce. The distance, as they traveled, was over one hundred
miles. On the third day the guide got so bewildered that he
could not direct their course. A suspicion arose amongst the
men that he designed to betray them, and thoy earnestly de-
manded that he should be put to death! He begged that
under a guard he might go a short distance into the prairie
and try to find his course. In an hour or two, the poor fellow
exclaimed, "I know that point of timber," and pointed out
the direction of Kaska.skia. It was on the Fourth of July,
1778, that this party of invaders, with their garments torn
and soiled, and their beards of three weeks' growth, ap-
proached the town, and secreted themselves among the hills
east of the Kaskaskia river. Clark sent forward his spies to
•The Indians and French of IlUnoU, called the New Englanders " Bo$tonaU," aod th«
Virginians "tonj-KnivM."
I^f
II
194
Conquest of Illinois.
1778.
watch the proceedings of the people, and after dark put his
troops in motion and toolc possession of a house, where a
family lived, ahout three quarters of a mile uhove town.
Here they found hoats and canoes. The troops were uivided
into three parties, two of which were ordered tf. cross the
river, while the other, under the immediate command of Col.
Clark, took posses.^ion of the Fort.
Kaskaskia then contained ahout two hundred and fifty
houses. Persons who could speak the French language, were
ordered to pass through the streets and make proclamation,
that all the inhabitants must keep within their houses, under
penalty of being shot down in the streets.
The few British oflicers, who had visited the.se French
colonies since the commencement of the rebellion of their
Atlantic colonies, as they termed the Revolution, had told
the most exaggerated stories about the brutality and fero-
city of the "Long-Knives;"— that they would not only take
the property of the people, but would butcher, in a most
horrible manner, men, women and children ! The policy of
these stories was to excite in the minds of these simple-
hearted French people the most fearful apprehensions against
the colonists, that they might be watchful and. be prepared
for a determined resistance, should any attempt be made on
these remote posts. These stories were a stimulus to the
French traders to supply the Indians with guns, ammunition
and scalping-knives, to aid their depredations on the settle-
ments of Kentucky.
Colonel Clark gained this intelligence from the hunters,
ahd in his Journal says, "I was determined to improve upon
this, if I was fortunate enough to get them into my possession;
as I conceived the greater the shock I could give them at
first, the more sensibly would they feel my lenity, and become
more valuable friends."*
Few men have had a quicker and keener sagacity than
Clark. His plan was to produce a terrible panic and then
capture the town without bloodshed, and well did he succeed.
The two parties, having crossed the river, entered the
quiet and unsuspecting village at both extremes, yelling
in the most furious manner, while those who made the procla-
mation in French, ordered the people into their houses on pain
*Clark's Journal in Dillon's Indiana, i. p. 137.
1778.
1778.
Vonijuesl of Illinois
195
T dark put his
lousc, where a
10 ahove town.
■>s were aivided
ed tf. crnsH the
Mnmand of Col.
id red and fifty
Uinguage, were
e proclamation,
ir houses, under
i these French
ibellion of their
lution, had told
tality and fero-
tl not only take
jher, in a most
The policy of
f these simple-
liensions against
nd.hc prepared
ipt be made on
stimulus to the
uns, ammunition
as on the settlc-
om the hunters,
to improve upon
to my possession;
,ld give them at
nity, and become
icr sagacity than
panic and then
11 did he succeed,
iver, entered the
xtremes, yelling
made the procla-
ir houses on pain
of instant death. In a moment, men, women and children
were screaming, "/r.v loii<^ Coukaux ! — ks lunji( Coul(uu.v!^'
the liOii'^-Knivcs ! — the Lon^-Knivcs t
In about two hours after the surprise of the town, the in-
habitants had all surrendered and delivered up their arms to the
conqueror. Not a drop of blood had been shed, though the vic-
tory was complete. The whole management disj)lftyed in a
most admirable manner, what the French style ruse dc guerre,
the policy of war. M. llocheblave, the Govprnor,wns taken in
his chamber ; but his public papers and documents were ad-
mirably concealed or destroyed by his wife.
Throughout the night the Virginia troops were ordered to
patrol the streets, with yelld and whoopings after the Indian
fashion, which, though exceedingly alarming lo the con(|uerccl
inhabitants, was a stratagem of Clark to accomplish his pur-
poses.
One of the richest and most distinguished citizens of Kns-
kaskia at that period, was M. Ccrre,said by Col. Clark to have
been a most bitter enemy to the Americans. In this, probably,
he was misinformed. None of the French families in Illi-
nois were particularly friendly to the government of Great
Britain. But, probably, M. Cerrc had partaken of the feel-
ings of his townsmen concerning the "Long-Knives." He
had long been a successful trader, but had left the place be-
fore the arrival of the Americans, and was then at St. Louis
on his way to Quebec.
The commander at once determined to bring him and all
his influence to the side of the American interest. Accord-
ingly he took possession of his house and extensive stock of
merchandize and placed a guard over the property. Another
stratagem was to prevent all intercoUr.se between his own
men and the citizens, and to admit none of the latter to his
presence except by positive coinmand for them to appear be-
fore him ; or, apparently, in great condescension, when urgent-
ly solicited, to grant audience to some humble petitioner. By
this course of policy he contrived, at first, to confirm ail the
worst suspicions the British had instilled into the minds of the
simple villagers, of the ferocity of the " Long -Knives," and,
then, by undeceiving them to produce a revulsion of feelings,
and gain their unlimited confidence. In this he was com-
pletely successful. The town was in possession of an enemy,
'■< " ■'■ »"
19U
Conquest of lUinois,
1778.
' • I m
the iulmbitants had Ixori taught wcro the most fcTocious
and brutal of all iTU-ii, and of whom they cntcTtained tht;
moNt horiihlc apprehensions, and all intercourso was strictly
prohibited between each other, and the conrjucrors. Alter
live days the troops were removed to the outskirts of the
town, and the eitizcns were permitted to walk in the streets.
Hut finding them engaged in conversation, one with another,
Col. Clark ordered son.e of the oaicers to bo put in irons,
without assigning a Single reason, or permitting a word of
defence. This singular display of despotic power in the con-
queror, did not spring from a cruel disposition, or a disregard
to the principles of liberty, but it was the course of policy ho
had marked out to gain his object.
Of uU commanders, perhaps, Col. Clark had the readiest
and clearest insight into human nature. The eilect of this
stretch of military power, at first, was to fill tlio inhabitants
with consternation and dismay.
After some time M. Uibault, the parish priest, got permis-
sion to wait on Colonel Clark, with five or six elderly gentle-
men.
If the inhabitants of the town were filled with astonish-
ment at the suddenness of their captivity, these men were far
more astonished at the personal appearance of Clark and his
soldiers.
Their clothes were dirty and torn (for they had no change
of apparel)— their beards of three and four weeks' growth,
and, as Clark states in his Journal, they looked more frightful
and disgusting than savages.
Some minutes passed before the deputation could speak,
and then they felt at a loss whom they should address as com-
mandant, for they saw no difference in the personal appear-
ance between the chieftain and his men.
Finally, the priest, in the most submissive tone and posture,
remarked, that the inhabitants expected to be separated, per-
haps never to meet again, and they begged through him, as a
great favor from their conqueror, to be permitted to assemble
in the church, offer up their prayers to God for their souls, and
take leave of each other !
The commander observed, with apparent carelessness, that
the Americans did not trouble themselves about the religion of
others, but left every man to worship God as he pleased, that
1778.
most fiTooious
ntcrtaiiit'd the
r.so was strictly
[jiicrorH. Alter
lUtsUirts of till)
k ill the streets.
c with another,
)0 put in irons,
;tinjj a word of
iwer in the con-
1, or a disregard
rsc of poUcy he
lad the readiest
e cil'ect of this
the inhabitants
iest, got pcrmis-
: elderly gentle-
1 with astonish-
iv. .men were far
jf Clark and his
had no change
• weeks' growth,
id more frightful
ion could speak,
address as corn-
personal appear-
one and posture,
e separated, per-
hrough him, as a
itted to assemble
r their souls, and
carelessness, that
)ut the religion of
i he pleased, that
177R.
Conqntsl iif IlUniib.
197
they might go to church if they wished, but on no a(!(M)unt
must a singl(! person leave the town. All fiirllicr loiivcrsa-
tion was repelled, and they were sent away, rather abruptly^
that the alarm might be raised to the highest pitch.
The whole population assembled in the church, as for the
last time, mournfully chaunted their prayers, and bid each
other farewell — never expecting to meet again in this world I
But HO much did they regard this as a favor, that the priest
and deputation returned from the church to the lodgings of
Col. Clark, and in the name of the people expressed thanks
for the indulgence they had received. They then begged
leave to address their conqueror upon their separation and
their lives. They claimed not to know the origin or nature
of the contest between Great Uritain and the colonies. What
they had done had been in subjection to the IJritish command-
ers, whom they were constrained to obey. They were willing
to submit to the lo.ss of all their property as the fate of war,
but they begged they might not be .separated from tlieir fami-
lies, and that clothes and provisions might be allowed them
barely sulRcientfor their present necessities.
Col. Clark had now gained the object of his artful manoeu-
vre, lie saw their fears were raised to the highest pitch, and
he abruptly thus addressed them : —
" Who do you take me to be? 130 you think we are sav-
ages—that we intend to massacre you all? Do you think
Americans will strip women and children, and take the bread
out of their mouths? My countrymen," said the gallant
Colonel, " never make war upon the innocent! It was to
protect our own wives and children that we have penetrated
this wilderness, to subdue these British posts, from whence the
savages are supplied with arms and 'ammunition to murder
us. We do not war against Frenchmen. The King of
France, your former masl^.-, is our ally. His ships and sol-
diers are fighting for the Americans. Tlie French are our
firm friends. Go, and enjoy your religion and worship when
you please. Retain your property— and now please to inform
all your citizens from me that they are quite at liberty to con-
duct themselves as usual, and dismiss all apprehensions of
alarm. We are your friends, and come to deliver you from
the British."
This speech produced a revulsion of feelings better im-
M
198
Conquest of Illinois.
1778.
•fei i 'fl
m 5 <i.
gined than described. The news soon spread throughout the
village, the bell rang a merry peal, the people, with the
priest, again assembled in the church, Tc Dcum was loudly
sung, and the most uproarious joy prevailed througliout the
night. The people were now allowed all the liberty they
could desire. All now cheerfully acknowledged Col. Clark
as the commandant of the country.
An expedition was now planned against Cahokia, and Maj.
Bowman with his detachment, mounted on French ponies,
was ordered to surprise that post. Several Kaskaskia gentle-
men offered their services to proceed ahead, notify the Caho-
kians of the change of government, and prepare them to give
the Americans a cordial reception. The plan was entirely
successful, and the post was subjugated without the disaster
of a battle. Indeed, there were not a dozen British soldiers
in the garrison.
In all their intercourse with the citizens. Col. Clark instructed
his men to speak of a large army encamped at the Falls of
the Ohio, which would soon overrun and subjugate all the
British posts in the West, and that Post Vincent would be in-
vaded by a detachment from tlis army. He soon learned
from the French that Governor Abbott was gone to Detroit,
and that the defence was left with the citizens, who were
mostly French. VL. Gibault, the priest, readily undertook an
embassy to the Post, and to bring over the people to the
American interests without the trouble and expense of an in-
vasion. This was also successful, and in a few days the
' American Flag was displayed on the fort, and Captain Helm
appointed to the command, much to the surprise and conster-
nation of the neighboring Indians.
M. Gibault and party, with several gentlemen from Vin-
cennea, returned to Kaskaskia about the first of August with
the joyful intelligence.
The reduction of these posts was the period of the enlist-
ment of the men, and Colonel Clark was at a loss to know
how to act, as his instructions were vague and general. To
abandon the country now, was to loose the immense advan-
tages gained, and the commander, never at a loss for expedi-
ents, opened a new enlistment, and engaged his own men
on a new establishment, and he issued commissions for
French officers in the country to command a company of
1778.
ad throughout the
people, with the
Dcu77i was loudly
d througliout the
1 the liberty they
[edged Col. Clark
^ahokia, and Maj.
n French ponies,
Kaskaskia gentle-
notify the Caho-
pare them to give
Ian was entirely
hout the disaster
n British soldiers
1. Clark instructed
1 at the Falls of
subjugate all the
cent would be in-
\ie soon learned
gone to Detroit,
tizens, who were
lily undertook an
le people to the
expense of an in-
a few days the
nd Captain Helm
prise and conster-
lemen from Vin-
it of August with
iod of the enlist-
t a loss to know
ind general. To
immense advan-
a loss for expedi-
;ed his own men
commissions for
id a company of
1778.
Conquest of Illinois.
199
the inhabitants. lie then established a garrison at Cahokia,
commanded by Capt. Bowman ; and another at Kaskaskia,
commanded by Capt. Williams. Capt. William Linn took
charge of a party that was to be discharged when they ar-
rived at the Falls, (Louisville) and orders were sent to remove
the station from Corn Island, and erect a fort on the main
land, and a stockade fort was erected.
Capt. John Montgomery, in charge of M. Rocheblavc, the
late British commander, and as bearer of dispatches, was
sent with a corps of men to Virginia.
For the command of Post Vincent, he chose Capt. Leonard
Helm, in whom he reposed great confidence. Capt. Helm ;
had much knowledge and experience in Indian character, and
Col. Clark appointed him agent for Indian affairs in the de-
partment of the Wabash. About the middle of August, he
went out to take possession of his new command.
At that period, an Indian of the Piankashaw tribe that had
their principal village near Vincennes, possessed great influ-
ence among his people. He was known by the name of "Big
Gate," or "Big Door," and called by the Indians, "The Grand
Door to the Wabash," because nothing could be done by the
Indian confederacy on the Wabash without his approbation.
His father, who had been known as "Tobacco," or, more com-
monly, "Old Tobac," sent him "a spirited compliment by
Priest Gibault, who had influence with these Indians. Big Door
returned it. Next followed a regular "talk," with a belt of
wampum.
Captain Helm arrived safe at Vincennes, and was received ,
with acclamation by the people, and soon sent tne "talk" and \
the wampum to the Grand Door. These Indians had been
under British influence, and had done no small mischief to the
frontier settlements. The proud and pompous chief was taken
with the courtesy of the shrewd Captain, and sent him a mes-
sage that he was glad to see one of the Big Knife chiefs
in town; that here he joined the English against the Big
Knives, but he long thought they "looked a little gloomy ;"
that'hc must consult his counsellors, take time to deliberate,
and hoped the Captain of the Big Knives would be patient.
After several days of very constant and ceremonious pro-
ceedings, the Captain was invited to council by Old Tobac,
who played quite a subordinate part to his son.
II
230
Conquest of Illinois.
1778.
vW^;J
After the customary display of Indian eloquence, about the
sky having been dark, and the clouds now had been brushed
away, the Grand Door announced "that his ideas were quite
changed"— and the 'Vig Knives was in the right,"— "and that
he would tell all the red people on the Wabash tc bloody the
land no more for the English."
"He jumped up, struck his breast, called himself a man
and a warrior, said that he was now a Big Knife, and took
Capt. Helm by the hand. His exainple was followed by all
present."* .
This wars a most fortunate alliance, for, in a short time, all
the tribes along the Wabash, as high as the Ouiatenon, came
to Post Vincennes and followed the example of the Great
Door chief, and the interests of the British lost ground daily in
all the villages south of lake Michigan.
The French citizens at the different posts, enlisted warmly
in the American cause.
Captain Montgomery reached Williamsburg, then the seat
of government in the "Old Dominion," with Mr. Rocheblave,
the Governor of Illinois, a prisoner of war, and the dispatches
of Colonel Clark, announcing that the British posts were cap-
tured and the vast territory of the north-w3st subjugated.
Only four persons had known the real destination of Clark
i when- he left the seat of government at the commencement
; of the year. These were the Governor, Patrick Henry and
,his confidential counsellors, Thomas Jefferson, George Wythe
and George I\Iason. They had assumed a fearful responsi-
bility in giving him private instructions, authorising an attack
on these remote British posts. The degree of success was
beyond the expectations of the most sanguine.
In October, the House of Burgesses created the county ot
Illinois, and appointed John Todd, Esq., then of Kentucky
Lieutenant Colonel and Civil commandant. The act, which
we have in manuscript, with the seal of the Commonwealth,
contained the following provisions :
All the citizens of the Commonwealth of Virginia, "who
are already settled, or shall hereafter .ett e, on the western
^ do of the O/ao, shall be included in ^ distinct county which
^ shall be called Illinois county: and the Governor of this Com-
' monwealth, with the advice of the Council, may appoint a
» Journal of Clark, in Dillon's Indiana, p. 144.
1778.
lucnce, about the
lad been brushed
ideas were quite
ight,"— "and that
ash tc bloody the
i himself a man
: Knife, and took
IS followed by all
1 a short time, all
Ouiatenon, came
iple of the Great
ist ground daily in
, enlisted warmly
urg, then the seat
1 Mr. Rocheblave,
md the dispatches
ih posts were cap-
-w3st subjugated,
stination of Clark
e commencement
atrick Henry, and
on, George Wythe
I fearful responsi-
horising an attack
;e of success was
ne.
ated the county of
hen of Kentucky,
;. The act, which
le Commonwealth,
of Virginia, "who
tie, on the western
tinct county which
;rnor of this Com-
il, may appoint a
1778.
Conquest of Illinois.
201
county Lieutenant, or Commandant-in-chief, in that county,
during pleasure, who shall appoint and commission so many
deputy Commandants, militia and officers, and Commissaries,
as he shall think proper, in the different districts, during plea-
sure, all of whom, before they enter into office, shall take the
oath of fidelity to this Commonwealth, and the oath of office,
according to the form of their own religion. And all civil
officers to which the inhabitants have been accustomed, neces-
sary to the preservation of peace, and the administration of
justice, shall be chosen by a majority of citizens in their res-
pective districts, to be convened for that purpose, by the
county Lieutenant or Commandant, or his deputy, and shall
be commissioned by the said county Lieutenant, or Command-
ant-in-chief.
In November, the Legislature passed the following compli-
mentary resolution to Clark and his men
Is THE House of Drleoates, )
Monday,thc'2,M Nov. Ills. \
Whereas, authentic information has been received, that
Lieutenant Colonel George Rogers Clark, with a body of Vir-
ginia militia, has reduced the British posts in the western part
of this Commonwealth, on the river Mississippi, and its
branches, whereby great advantage may accrue to the com-
mon cause of America, as well as to this Commonwealth in
particular :
Resolved, That the thanks of this House are justly due to
the said Colonel Clark, and the brave officers and men under
his command, for their extraordinary resolution and persever-
ance, in so hazardous an enterprize, and for their important
services thereby rendered their country.*
Test, E. RANDOLPH, C. H. D.
[Afler organizing a civil government, and providing for an
election of magistrates by the people. Col. Clark directed his
attention to the subjugation of the Intlian tribes. In this he
displayed the same, tact and shrewdness, the same daring, and
his acts were crowned with the same success as in the con-
quest with the British posts.
He always reprobated the policy of inviting and urging the
Indians to hold treaties, and maintained that such a course
was founded upcn a mistaken view of their character. He
supposed they always interpreted such overtures from the go-
vernment as an evidence of the fear and conscious weakness of
the whites. Hence, he avoided every intimation that he de-
*3ee Butler's History of Kentucky, p. 490.
13
1
m
(
■ ■■ '■ - "f"
202
Conquest of Illinois.
1778.
sired peace, and assumed a line of conduct that would appear
that he meant to exterminate them at once. He always
waited for them to apply and beg for a treaty.
These and other measures, which displayed great penetra-
tion into Indian character, were completely successful. No
commander ever subjugated as many warlike tribes, in so
short a time, and at so little expense of life.
His management of the Indians presents a wide field of
historical research which the limits of these Annals compel us
to leave unexplored.]
His meetings with them were opened at Cahokia, in Sep-
tember, and his principles of action being never to court them,
never to load them with presents, never to seem to fear them,
though always to show respect to courage and ability, and to
speals in the most direct manner possible, — he waited for the
natives to make the first advances and offer peace. When
they had done so, and thrown away the bloody wampum sent
them by the Biitish, Clark coldly told them he would answer
them the next day, and, meanwhile, cautioned them against
shaking hands with the Americans, as peace was not yet con-
cluded ; it will be time to give hands, when the heart can be
given too, he said. The next day the Indians' came to hear
the answer of the Big Knife, which we give entire, as taken
by Mr. Butler and Mr. Dillon, from Clark's own notes.
"Men and warriors : pay attention to my words. You in-
formed me yesterday, that the Great Spirit had brought us to-
gether, and that you hope, that as he was good, it would be for
good. I have also the same hope, and expect that each party
will strictly adhere to whatever may be agreed upon, whether
it shall be peace or war, and henceforward, prove ourselves
worthy of the attention of the Great Spirit. I am a man and
a warrior, not acounsellorfl carry \rarin my right hand, and
in my left, peace. I am sent by the Great Council of the Big
Knife, and their friends, to take possession of al) the towns
possessed by the English in this country, and to watch the
motions of the Red people : to bloody the paths oi" those who
attempt to stop the course of the river; but to clear the roads
for us to those that desire to be in peace; that the women
and children may walk in them without meeting any thing to
strike their feet against. I am ordered to call upon the Great
Fire for warriors enough to darken the land, and that the Red
people may hear no sound, but of birds who live on blood. I
know there is a mist before your eyes ; I will dispel the clouds,
that you may clearly see the causes of the war between the
Hi
fl
1778.
at woulJ appear
ICC. He always
d great penctra-
successful. No
like tribes, in so
a wide field of
Innals compel us
Cahokia, in Sep-
er to court them,
iem to fear them,
nd ability, and to
le waited for the
r peace. When
Jy wampum sent
he would answer
ed them against
was not yet con-
the heart can be
ms' came to hear
entire, as taken
,vn notes.
words. You in-
ad brought us to-
)d, it would be for
t that each party
»d upon, whether
I, prove ourselves
I am a man and
>r right hand, and
ouncil of the Big
of al) the towns
nd to watch the
iths oi those who
[) clear the roads
that the women
ting any thing to
11 upon the Great
and thr^t the Red
live on blood. I
Jispel the clouds,
var between the
n78.
Conquest of Illinois.
203
B'g Kniiie and the English; then you may judge for yourselves,
Whi:'h party is in the right; and if ycu are warriors, as you
profess yourselves to be, prove it by adiiering faithfully to the
party, which you shall believe to be entitled to your friend-
ship, and not show yourselves to be squaws.
"The Big Knife is very much like the Red people, tl.cy don't
know how to make blankets, and powder, and cloth ; they buy
these things from the English, from whom they are sprung.
They live by making corn, hunting and trade, as you and your
neighbors, the French, do. But the Big Knife, daily getting
more numerous, like the trees in the woods, the land became
poor, and the hunting scarce ; and having but little to trade
with, the women began to cry at seeing their children naked,
and tried to learn how to make clothes for themselves ; some
made blankets for their husbands and children ; and the men
learned to make guns and powder. In this way we did not want
to buy so much from the English; they then got mad with us, and
sent strong garrisons through our country, (as you see they have
done among you on the lakes, and among the French,) they
would not let our women spin, nor our men make powder, nor
let us trade with any body else. '' The English said, we should
buy every thing from them, and since we had got saucy, we
should give two bucks for a blanket, which we used to get for
one ; we should do as they pleased, and they killed some of our
people, to make the rest fear them. This is the truth, and the
real cause of the war between the English and us ; which did
not take place for some time after this treatment. But our
women become cold and hungry, and continued to cry ; our
young men got lost for want of counsel to put them in the
right path. The whole land was dark, the old men held down
the., heads for shame, because they could not see the sun, and
thus there was mourning for many years over the land. At last
the Great Spirit took pity on us, and kindfed a great council
fire, that never goes out, at a place called Philadelphia ; he
then stuck down a post, and put a war tomahawk by it, and
went away. The sun immediately -broke out, the sky was
blue again, and the old men held up their heads, and assem-
bled at the fire ; they took up the hatchet, sharpened it, and
put it into the hands of our young men, ordering them to
strike the English as long as they could find one on this side
of the great waters. The young men immediately struck the
war post, and blood was shed : in this way the war began,
and the English were driven from one place to another, until
they got weak, and then they hired you'red people to fight for
them. The Great Spirit got angry at this, and caused your
old Father, the French king, and other great nations, to join'
the Big Knife, and fight with them against all their enemies.
So the English have become like a deer in the woods; and you
may see that it is the Great Spirit, that has caused your waters
204
Conquest of Illinois.
1778.
to be troubled ; because you have fought for the people he
was mad with. If your women and children should now cry,
you must blame yourselves for it, and not the Big Knife. You
can now judge who is in the right ; I have already told you
who I am ; here is a bloiidy belt, and a white one, take which
you please. Behave like men, and don't let your being sur-
rounded by the Big Knife, cause you to take up the one belt
with your hands, while your hearts take up the other. If you
take the bloody path, you shall leave the town in safety, and
may go and join your friends, the English ; we will then try
like warriors, who can put the most stumbling blocks in each
other's way, and keep our clothes longest stained with blood.
If, on the other hand, you should take the path of peace, and
be received as brothers to the Big Knife, with their friends,
the French, should you then listen to bad birds, that may be
flying through the land, you will no longer deserve to be
counted as men; but as creatures with two tongues, that
ought to be destroyed without listening to any thing you
might say. As I am convinced you never heard the truth be-
fore, I do not wish you to answer before you have taken time
to counsel. We will, therefore, part this evening, and when
the Great Spirit shall bring us together again, let us speak
and think like men, with one heart and one tongue."*
This speech produced the desired effect, and upon the fol-
lowing day, the "Red people" and the "Big Knife," united
hearts and hands both. In all these proceedings, there is no
question that, directly and indirectly, the alliance of the United
States with France was very instrumental in producing a
friendly feeling among the Indians, who had never lost their
old regard toward their first Great Father.
But, though it was Clark's general rule not to court the
savages, there were some particular chiefkains so powerful as
to induce him to invite them to meet him, and learn the merits
of the quarrel between the colonies and England. Among
these was Black Bird, one of the lake chiefs; he came at the
invitation of the American leader, and, dispensing with the
..usual formulas of the Indian negotiation, sat down with Col.
'iClark in a common sense way, and talked and listened, ques-
tioned and considered, until he was satisfied that the rebels
had the right of the matter ; after which he became, and re-
mained a firm friend of the Big Knives.
While the negotiations between the conqueror^f Kaskas-
kia and the natives were going forward, an incident occurred,
II
1778.
Conquest of I/Iiiwis.
205
>r the people he
I should now ery,
Big Knife. You
already told you
one, take which
; your being sur-
! up the one belt
le other. If you
vn in safety, and
we will then try
ig blocks in each
lined with blood,
.th of peace, and
ith their friends,
rds, that may be
er deserve to be
vo tongues, that
) any thing you
ard the truth be-
have taken time
ening, and when
ain, let us speak
tongue."*
ind upon the fol-
j Knife," united
dings, there is no
nee of the United
in producing a
I never lost their
not to court the
is so powerful as
learn the merits
ngland. Among
; he came at the
>ensing with the
t down with Col.
d listened, ques-
l that the rebels
became, and re-
leror^f Kaskas-
ticident occurred,
so characteristic of Col. Clark, that we cannot omit its men-
tion, as follows: A party of Indians, known as Meadow In-
dians,* had come to attend the council with 'their neighbors.
These, by some means, were induced to attempt the murder of
the invaders, and tried to obtain an opportunity to commit
the c ime proposed, by surprising Clark and his officers in
their quarters. In this plan they failed, and their purpose was
discovered by the sagacity of the French in attendance ; when
this was done, Clark gave them to the French to deal with as
they pleased, but with a hint that some of the leaders would
be as well in irons. Thus fettered and foiled, the chiefs were
brought daily to the council house, where he whom they pro-
posed to kill, was engaged daily in forming friendly relations
with their red brethren. At length, when by these means the
futility of their project had been sufficiently impressed upon
them, the American commander ordered their irons to be
struck off, and in his quiet way, full of scorn, said, "Every
body thinks you ought to die for your treachery upon my life,
amidst the sacred deliberations of a council. I had determin-
ed to inflict death upon you for your base attempt, and you
yourselves must be sensible that you have justly forfeited your
lives; but on considering the meanness of watching a bear
and catching him asleep, I have found out that you are not
warriors, only old women, and too mean to be killed by the
Big Knife. But," continued he, "as you ought to be punished
for putting on breech cloths like men, they shall be taken
away from you, plenty of provisions shall be given for your
Journey home, as women don't know how to hunt, and during
your stay you shall be treated in every respect as squaws.f"
These few cutting words concluded, the Colonel turned
away to converse with others. The children of the prairie,
who had looked for anger, not contempt— punishment, not
freedom— were unaccountably stirred by this treatment.
They took counsel together, and presently a chief came for-
ward with a belt and pipe of peace, which, with proper
words, he laid upon the table. The interpreter stood ready
to translate the words of friendship, but, with curling lip, the
• These were n remnant of the Mascoutin tribe, or Prairie Tribe, as the name signi-
fies.— Ed.
t This was a mode of punishment used by the Indians a« a mark of disgrace. An In-
dian thus degraded, never after could be a man. He must do the drudgery of a Squaw.
—Ed.
,i>^
206
Con(/uest of Illinois
1778.
mi
*V!P- ^
iiSff-
American said he did not wish to hear them, and lifting a
sword which lay before him, he shattered the ofTercd pipe,
with the cutting expression that "he did not treat with wo-
men." The bewildered, overwhelmed Meadow Indians, next
asked the intercession of other red men, already fidmittcd to
friendship, but the only reply was, "The Big Knife has made
no war upon these people ; they are of a kind that we shoot
like wolves when we meet them in the woods, lest they eat
the deer." All this wrought more and more upon the oflend-
ing tribe ; again they took counsel, and then two young men
came forward, and, covering their heads with their blankets,
sat down before the impenetrable commander ; then two
chiefs arose, and stating that these young warriors oflered their
lives as an atonement for the misdoings of their relatives,
again they presented the pipe of peace. Silence reigned in
the assembly, while the fate of the proffered victims hung
in suspense ; all watched the countenance of the American
leader, who could scarce master the emotion which the inci-
dent excited. Still, all sat noiseless, nothing heard but the
deep breathing of those whose lives thus hung by a thread.
Presently, he upon whom all depended, arose, and, approach-
ing the young men, he bade them be uncovered and stand up.
They sprang to their feet. "I am glad to find," said Clark,
warmly, "that there arc men among all nations. With you,
■who alone are fit to be chiefs of your tribe, I am willing to
treat; through you lam ready to grant peace to your broth-
ers; I take you by the hands as chiefs, worthy of being such."
Here again the fearless generosity, the generous fearlessness
of Clark, proved perfectly successful, and \vhile the tribe in
question became the allies of America, the fame of the occur-
rence, which spread far and wide througk the north-west,
made the name of the white negotiator everywhere respected.
Before the act of the legislature was carried into effect,
Vincennes was recaptured by Henry Hamilton, the British
Lieutejiant Governor of Detroit. Having collected an army of
about thirty regulars, fifty French volunteers, and four hundred
Indians", he went from Detroit, to the Wabash, thence down
that liver, and appeared before the fort on the 16th of Decem-
ber, 1778. The people made no effort to defend the place.
Captain Helm and a man by the name of Henry, were the
only Americans in the fort. The latter had a cannon well
a;]
1778.
m, and lirting a
the ofTcrcd pipe,
t treat with wo-
ow Indians, next
indy fidmittcd to
Knife has made
nd that we shoot
ods, lest they eat
upon the oflend-
1 two young men
th their blankets,
nder ; then two
riors offered their
if their relatives,
ilence reigned in
■ed victims hung
of the American
1 which the inci-
ng heard but the
ung by a thread,
e, and, approach-
red "and stand up.
ind," said Clark,
ions. With you,
I am willing to
ee to your broth-
,y of being such."
jrous fearlessness
vhile the tribe in
ime of the occur-
i the north-west,
where respected,
rried into effect,
ilton, the British
ilected an army of
and four hundred
sh, thence down
e 16th of Decem-
lefend the place.
Henry, were the
I a cannon well
1778.
Conquest of Illinois.
207
charged, placed in the open gate-way, while the Command-
ant, Helm, stood by it with the lighted match. When Col.
Hamilton and his troops approached within hailing distance,
the American officer called out, with aloud voice, •'Halt!"
This show of resistance caused Hamilton to stop, and demand
a surrender of the garrison.
Helm exclaimed, "No man shall enter here until I know the
terms." Hamilton responded, "You shall have the honors of ,
war;" and the fort was surrendered, and the one olhcer, and j
the one private, received the customary mark of respect for '
their brave defence.*
A portion of Hamilton's force was dispatched with the In- ^
dians to attack the settlements on the Ohio and Mississippi "
rivers. Capt Helm was detained in the fort as a prisoner,
and the French inhabitants were disarmed. Col. Clark's posi- \
tion became perilous. Detached parties of hostile Indians, I
sent out by Col. Hamilton, began to appear in Illinois. He
ordered Maj. Bowman to evacuate the fort at Cahokia, and
meet him at Kaskaskia. "I could see," says Clark, "but little
probability of keeping po.ssession of the country, as my num-
.ber of men was too small to stand a siege, and my situation
too remote to call for assistance. I made all the preparation
I possibly could for the attack, and was necessitated to set fire
to some of the houses in town, to clear them out of the way."
At this crisis, the bold and hazardous project of capturing (
Col. Hamilton, and retaking Post Vincennes, became the)
theme of his daily and nightly meditations. ,.,.
He employed Col. Francis Vigo, then a resident of St.
Louis, to make an exploration of the circumstances and
strength of the enemy at Post Vinccpnes. Col. Vigo, though
a Spanish subject, possessed an innate love of liberty; an at-
tachment to republican principles, and an ardent sympathy
for an oppressed people, struggling for their rights. He dis-
regarded personal consequences, for as soon as he heard of the
arrival of Col. Clark at Kaskaskia, and the possession of Illi- |
noisby the Americans, he went there and tendered his wealth
and influence to sustain the cause of liberty.
At the request of Col. Clark, Col. Vigo, with a single ser- ,
vant, proceeded to Vincennes. At the Embarrass he was
' Butlcr'a Kentucky, note, p. 80.
¥1
)
208
Conquest of Illinois
1779.
.*:'«»!!*
m
taken prisoner by a party of Indians, plundored and hrou>,'ht
before Col. Hamilton. Being a Spani.sh subject, though sus-
pected of being a spy for ihe Americans, the CSovernor had no
power to hold liim as a prisoner of war, but forbid him to leave
the fort. Entreated by the French inhabitants to allow him
to depart, and threatened with the refusal of all supplies for
the garrison, the Governor reluctantly yielded, on condition
that Col. Vigo would sign an article "not to do any act dur-
ing the war, injurious to the British interests." This ho re-
fused, but consented to a pledge not to do any thing injurious
on his wiytu St. Jjouis. Tiiis was accepted, and Col. Vigo was
permitted to depart in a pirogue down the Wabash and Ohio,
and up the Mi-ssissippi to St. Louis. He kept his pledge
most sacredly. On his way to St. Louis, he abstained from
all intercourse with the Americans — but he only staid at home
long enough to change his dress, when he r^'turned to Kas-
kaskia, and gave Col. Clark full and explicit information oi'
the condition of the British force at Vincennes, the projected
movements of Hamilton, and the friendly feelings of the
French towards the Americans. From him Col. Clark learn-
ed that a portion ofthe British troops were absent on maraud--
ing parties with the Indians, that the garri.son consisted of
about eighty regular soldiers, three brass field pieces, and
some swivels, and that Governor Hamilton meditated the re-
capture of Kaskaskia early in the spring. Col. Clark deter-
mined on the bold project of an expedition to Vincennes, of
which he wrote to Gov. Henry, and sent an express to Vir-
ginia. As a reason for this hazardous project, Col. Clark
urged the force and designs of Hamilton, saying to Governor
Henry in his letter, "/ knew if I did not take fiim, he would take
me."
A boat fitted up as a g'alley, carrying two four pounders
and four swivels, and commanded by Capt John Rogers, w ith
forty-six men, and provisions, was dispatched from Kaskaskia
to the' Ohio, with orders to proceed up the Wabash as secretly
'as possible to a place near the mouth of the Embarrass. Two
companies of men ware raised from Cahokia, and Kaskaskia,
commanded by Captains McCarty and Charleville, which, with
the Americans, amounted to one hundred and seventy men.
' The winter was unusually wet and the streams all high, but
on the 7th of February, 1779, this fragment of an army com-
)
1779.
■red and brought
•jcct, tliuugh sus-
(lovernor had no
rhid him to leavo
nts to allow him
f all supplies for
led, on condition
do any act dur-
ts." This he rc-
ly thing injurious
id Col. Vigo was
'aba.sh and Ohio,
kept his pledge
) abstained from
ily staid at home
r^'turned to Kas-
t information of
es, the projected
feelings of the
Col. Clark learn-
►sent on maraud- ■
i.son consisted of
Held pieces, and
Tieditated the re-
Col. Clark deter-
to Vincennes, of
1 express to Vir-
TJect, Col. Clark
'ing to Governor
lim, he would take
four pounders
ohn Rogers, w ith
1 from K ask ask i a
iibash as secretly
Imbarrass. Two
, and Kaskaskia,
ville, which, with
1 seventy men.
ams all high, but
>f an army com-
1779.
Conr/ncsl of Illinnh.
209
mcncrd it« march from Kuhkaskia to Post Vinrcnt. Their route
iny through l\w pruirics and points of tiinbtit east of the Kas-
kaskiii river, a north-ciisteriily course, through Wiishington and
Marion counties, into ('lay county, wh«MC \.\\v trail visible thirty
years since, would strike the route of the present road from
St. Louis to Vincennes/' This was one of the most dreary
and fatiguing expeditions of the llevolutionnry war. After
incredible hard.ships, they reached the Little Wabash, the low
bottoms of which, for 8(!veral miles, were covertal witii water,
as Col. Clark's report aflirms, "generally three feet deep, never
under two, and fre(iuently over four feet."'^ They arrived at
the "two Wabashes," as Uowman in his journal culls the two
branches, (now known as the "Little Wabash" and "Muddy"
rivers,) on the 13th. '' Here they made a canoe, and on the
16th, ferried over their baggage, which they placed on a scaf-
fold on the opposite bank. Uains fell nearly every day, but
the weather was not cold. Hitherto they hud borne their ex-
treme privations and difficulties with incredible patience, but
now the spirits of many seemed exhausted. ^There was an
Irish drummer in the party who possessed an uncommon talent
in singing comic, Irish songs.
' While the men were wading to the waist, and sometimes to
the arm-pits in mud and water, the fertile ingenuity of Col.
Clark, who never failed in resources, placed the Irishman on
his drum which readily floated, while he entertained the ex-
haustecd troops with his comic and musical powers.
On the 18th day of February, eleven days after their depar- ■
turc from Kaskaskia, they heard the morning gun of the fort,
and at evening of the same day, they were on the Great Wa-
bash, below the mouth of the Embarrass. The party were ,
now in the most exhausted, destitute and starving condition,
and no signs of their boat with supplies. The river was out
of its banks, all the low grounds covered with water, and
canoes could not be constructed to carry them over before the
British garrison would discover and capture, or massacre the
whole party. February 20th, they hailed and brought to a
boat from Post Vincent, and, from the crew, whom they de-
tained, they learned that the French population were friendly
to the Americans, and that no suspicion of the expedition had
reached the British garrison. <= ^ •* * ' ' <
Here we shall let Col. Clark tell the story in his journal :
II
il
210
Cont/ucsl of Illinois.
1770,
* ^ f'
h!
im
"Tliis Inst (liiy's nmroh, [l''fl»rimry 21st,] tliroii^'h tlio water,
was far siipnidr to any tliiii;i( tlii! I'VfUclinun hud any iilcii of:
tlicy wc'H! backward in spcakins^ — said tlwit llm nearest land
to UM was ft small league, called iIk* Hiii;;np eaiiip, on the
hank of the slouch. A canoe was sent oil', and returned with-
out finding that we could pass. I went in her myself, and
sounded the water: found it dei'p as to my nock. I returned
with a desij.'n to have the men transported on hoard the ca-
noes to the su;<ar camp, which I knew would spend the whole
dfty and ensuin<r night, as the vessels would pass slowly
throujLjIi the hushes. The loss of so much time, to men half
Htarved, was a matter of conscfiuence. 1 would havis niven
now a fjrcat deal for a day's provision, or for one of our
liorses. I returned but slowly to the troops — giving? myself
time to think. On our arrival, all ran to hear what was tlie
report. Mvory eye was fixed on me. I unfortunately spoke
in a serious manner to one of the ofiieers ; the whole were
alarmed without knowing what 1 said. I viewed their con-
fusion for about one minute — whispered to those near me to
do as I did — immediately put some water in my hand, poured
on powder, blackened my face, gave the war-whoop, marched
into the water, without saying a word. The party gazed, fell
in, one after another, without saying a word, like a tlonk of
sheep. I ordered those near me to give a favorite song of
theirs : It soon passed through the line, and the whole went
on cheerfully. I now intended to have them transported
across the deepest part of the water; but when about waist
deep, one of the men informed me that he thought he felt a
Eath. We examined, and found itso; and concluded that it
ept on the highest ground, which it did ; and by taking pains
to follow it, we got to the sugar camp, without the least dif-
ficulty, where there was about half an acre of dry ground, at
least not under water, where we took up our lodgings. The
Frenchmen that we had taken on the river, appeared to be
uneasy at our situation. They begged that they might bo
permitted to go in the two canoes to town in the night: they
said they would bring from their own houses provisions, with-
out the possibility of any person knowing it; that some of our
men should go with them, as a surety of their good conduct —
that it was impossible we could march from that place till the
water fell, for the plain was too deep to march. Some of the
[olRcers?] believed that it might be done. I would not suffer
It. I never could well account for this piece of obstinacy, and
give satisfactory reasons to myself, or any body else, why I
denied a proposition apparently so easy to execute, and of so
much advantage : but something seemed to tell me that it
should not be done ; and it was not done.
"The most of the weather that we had on this march, was
moist and warm, for the season. This was the coldest night
■■■mil
■i'i.a..
1770.
riiii;,'h tlio water,
linl iiiiy idea of:
llif iicuiTst land
ir ciiiiip, on tlio
I rctiirnod witli-
icr mysfir, and
cck. I returned
a hoard the ea-
spend the whole
iild pass nIowIv
Mie, to men half
Aiiild have >;iven
for «)ne of our
i — jjiving myself
ar what was tho
i;rtunately .spoko
the whole were
lowed their eon-
thosi; nitar mc to
my hand, poured
-whoop, marehed
party gazed, fell
d, like a tloek of
favorite song of
tho wiiole went
jefn transported
hen about waist
thou«?ht he felt a
concluded that it
d by taking pains
out the least dif-
}f dry ground, at
r lodgings. The
', appeared to he
it they might bo
n the night: they
I provisions, with-
that Home of our
r good conduct —
that place till the
ch. Some of the
would not suffer
[)f obstinacy, and
body else, why I
xecute, and of so
tell me that it
1 this march, was
the coldest night
1779.
Conf/uexl of lllinnh.
211
we Imd. Tlie ice in the morning was from one half to three
(juarters of an inch thick, near the shores, and in still wiit<'r.
The morning was the finest we had on our march. A little
after sunrise I lectured the wludc. What I said to them 1 for-
get ; but it may be easily imagined by a person that could
no.ssess my alfections ft)r them at that liuie : I concluded by
informing them, that passing the |)laiu that was then in full
view, and reaching the opposite woods, would put an end to
their fatigue — that in a few hours they would have a sight of
their long wished for object — and immediately stepped into the
water withnut waiting for any reply. A hu/.za t(»ok plac(\
As we generjilly nmrched through the wafer in a line, before
the third entered 1 halted and called to Major Mowmnn, order-
ed him to fall in the rear with twentv-five men, and to jnit to
death any man who refused to march ; as we wished to have
no such p«'rson among us. Tiie wh(de gave a cry of approba-
tion, and on we went. This was tho mo •, trying of all the dif-
ficulties we had experienced. I gem ally kept fifteen or
twenty of the strongest men next mysi If; and judged from
my own feelings what must be that of o 'lers. (letting about
the middle of the plain, the water ai«ii mid-deep, I found
myself .sensil)ly failing; and as there were no trees nor bushes
for the men to support themselves by, I feared that many of
the most wea'v would be drowned. I ordered tlu; canoes to
make the land, discharge their loading, and play backwards
and forwards with all diligence, and pick up the men ; and to
encourage the party, sent some of the strongest men forward,
with orders, when they got to a certain distance, to pass the
word back that the water was getting .shallow ; and when
getting near the woods to cry out 'Land!' This stratagem had
its desired effect. The men, encouraged by it, exerted them-
selves almost beyond their abilities — the weak holding by tho
stronger. * * • The water never got shallower, but con-
tinued deepening. Getting to the woods where the men ex-
pected land, the water was up to my shoulders: but gaining
the woods was of great consequenco : all the low men and
weakly, hung to the trees, and floated on the old logs, until
they were taken off by the canoes. The strong and tall got
a.shore and built fires. Many would reach the .shore, and fall
with their bodies half in the water, not being able to support
themselves without it.
"This was a delightful dry spot of ground, of about ten acres.
We soon found that fires answered no purpose ; but that two
strong men taking a weaker one by the arms was the only
way to recover him— and, being a delightful day, it soon did.
But, fortunately, as if designed by Providence, a canoe of Indian
squaws and children were coming up to town, and took thro'
part of this plain as a nigh way. It was discovered by our ca-
noes as they were out after the men. They gave chase and took
fl
'l f« lM ' '
212
Conquest of Illinois.
1779.
\f •
.V' V
1 '.;^
*.« ■'
the Indian canoe, on board of which was near half a quarter
of buffalo, some corn, tallow, kettles, tfec. This was a grand
prize, and was invaluable. Broth was immediately made and
served out to the most weakly, with great care : most of the
whole got a little ; but a great many gave their part to the
weakly, jocosely saying something cheering to their comrades.
This little refreshment and fine weather, by the afternoon,
gavelife to the whole. Crossing a narrow deep lake in the
canoes, and marching some distance, we came to a copse
of timber called the Warrior's Island. We were now in full
view of the fort and town, not a shrub between us, at about
two miles distance. Every man now feasted his eyes, and
forgot that he had suffered any thing—saying, that all that had
passed was owing to good policy, and nothing but what a man
could bear ; and that a soldier had no right to think, (fee-
passing from one extreme to another, which is common in
such cases. It was now we had to display our abilities. The
plain between us and the town was not a perfect level. The
sunken grounds were covered with water full of ducks. We
observed several men out on horseback, shooting them, within
half a mile of us ; and sent out as many of our active young
Frenchmen to decoy and take one of these men prisoner, in
such a manner as not to alarm the others ; which they did.
The information we got from this person was similar to that
which we got from those we took on the river ;. except that of
the British having that evening completed the wall of the fort,
and that there were a good many Indians in town.
Our situation was now truly critical — no possibility of re-
treating in case of defeat — and in full view of a town that had
at this time upwards of six hundred men in it, troons, inhab-
itants, and Indians. The crew of the galley, though not fifty
men, would now have been a reinforcement of immense mag-
nitude to our little army, (if I may so call it,) but we would
not think of them. We were now in the situation that I had
labored to get ourselves in. The idea of being made prisoner
was foreign to almost every man, as they expected nothing
but torture from the savages, if they fell into their hands. Our
fate was now to be determined, probably in a few hours. We
knew that nothing bat the most daring conduct would ensure
success. I knew that a number of the inhabitants wished us
well — that many were lukewarm to the interest of either — and
I also learned that the Grand Chief, the Tobacco's son, had,
but a few days before, openly declared in council with the
British, that he was a brother and a friend to the Big Knives.
These were favorable circumstances ; and as there was but
little probability of our remaining until dark undiscovered, I
determined to begin the career immediately, and wrote the
following placard to the inhabitants :
1779.
ear half a quarter
This was a grand
ediately made and
care : most of the
3 their part to the
to their comrades,
by the afternoon,
V deep lake in the
came to a copse
were now in full
ween us, at about
,sted his eyes, and
J, that all that had
ig but what a man
ht to think, &c. —
lich is common in
our abilities. The
)erfect level. The
ull of ducks. We
otinw them, within
t' our active young
3 men prisoner, in
1 ; which they did.
iras similar to that
v^er;. except that of
he wall of the fort,
n town.
possibility of re-
of a town that had
n it, troons, inhab-
!y, though not fifty
t of immense mag-
it,) but we would
iituation that 1 had
eing made prisoner
r expected nothing
;o their hands. Our
1 a few hours. We
iduct would ensure
abitants wished us
irest of either — and
robacco's son, had,
n council with the
to the Big Knives.
1 as there was but
irk undiscovered, I
ely, and wrote the
1779.
Conquest of Illinois.
213
To the inhabitants of Post Vinccnncs.
-Gentlemen : Being now within two miles of your village,
■with my army, determined to take your fort this night, and not
being wilHng to surprise you, 1 take this method to request
such of you as are true citizens and willing to enjoy the lib-
erty 1 bring you, to remain still in your houses. And those, if
any there be, that are friends to the king, will instantly repair
to the fort and join the hair-buyer General, and fight like men.
And if any such as do not go to the fort shall be discovered
afterwards, they may depend on severe punishment. On the
contrary, those who are true friends to liberty may depend on
being well treated ; and 1 once more request them to keep out
of the streets. For every one 1 find in arms on my arrival, I
shall treat him as an enemy.
[Signed,] G. 11. CLARK.
[This singular epistle, as Clark designed, had a two-fold ef-
fect, and displayed his astonishing insight into human nature.
Its imposing character inspired the inhabitants who were friend-
ly with confidence, and filled the enemy with terror and dis-
may. As no one imagined an expedition, at that season,
could cross the waters from Illinois, the impression was made
that the town was about to be invaded by a large army from
Kentucky. This impression was confirmed by several messa-
ges being sent in under assumed names of gentlemen known
in Kentucky, to their acquaintances in Vincennes.
The same day about sunset, (Feb. 23,) the American forces
set off" to attack the Fort. To confirm the impression that the
invaders consisted of a large army. Col. Clark divided his
men into platoons, each displaying a dilferent flag, and after
marching and countermarching around some mounds, within
Bight of the fort, and making other demonstrations of numbers
and strength, till after dark, when Lieut. Bayley with founscn
men, was sent to attack the Fort. This party lay within thirty
yards of the Fort, defended by a bank and safe from the ene-
my's guns. No sooner was a port hole opened than a dozen
rifles were directed to the aperture — one soldier was killed and
the rest could not be prevailed upon to stand to the guns.
On the morning of the 24th, at 9 o'clock, Col. Clark sent a
flag of truce with the following letter, while his men, for the
first time in six days, were provided with breakfast. The
letter of Col. Clark is characteristic of the man :
" Sir — In order to save yourself from the impending storm
that now threatens you, I order you immediately to surrender
'■f
)
S14
Conrpicst of Illinois.
1779.
t fi
i f * 4
yourself, with all your garrison, stores, &c. &;c. For if I am
< obliged to storm, you may depend upon such treatment as
j is justly due to a murderer. Beware of destroying stores of
any kind, or any papers or letters that are in your possession,
or hurting one house in town. For, by Heavens, if you do,
there shall be no mercy shown you. G. R. CLARK.
" To Gov. Hamilton."
The reply of Gov; Hamilton shows that this daring course
of Col. Clark had its intended effect. He replies :
" Governor Hamilton begs leave to acquaint Col, Clark, that
he and his garrison are not disposed to be awed into any action
unworthy British subjects."
The attack was renewed with vigor and soon produced an-
other message :
" Gov. Hamilton proposes to Col. Clark a truce for three
days, during which time he promises, that there should be no
defensive works carried on in the garrison, on condition that
Col. Clark will observe, on his part, a like cessation of offen-
sive work : that is, he wishes to confer with Col. Clark, as
soon as can be, and promises that whatever may pass between
them two, and another person, mutually agreed on to be pres-
ent, shall remain secret till matters be finished; as he wishes,
that V hatever the result of the conference may be, it may tend
to the honor and credit of each party. If Col. Clark makes a
difficulty of coming into the Fort, Lieut. Gov. Hamilton will
' speak with him by the gate. HENRY HAMILTON."
February 24th, '79.
To which tiie following reply was sent :
"Col. Clark's compliments to Governor Hamilton, and begs
' leave to say, that he will not agree to any terms, other than
i Mr. Hamillon surrender ing himself and garrison prisoners at dis-
cretion.^^
" If Mr. Hamilton wants to talk with Col. Clark, he will
meet him at the Church with Capt. Helm."
A conference was held as proposed, when Col. Clark de-
manded a surrender, and threatened to massacre the leading
men in the Fort for supplying the Indians with the means of
annoyance, and purchasing scalps, if his terms were not ac-
cepted. In one hour after. Col. Clark dictated the following
terms, which were accepted :
'<4Mhk>;v.
1779.
&.C. For if I am
such treatment as
?.stroying stores of
in your possession,
iaven-', if you do,
G. R. CLARK.
this daring course
replies :
ntCol. Clark, that
wd into any action
soon produced an-
a truce for three
there should be no
I, on condition that
cessation of offen-
'ith Col. Clark, as
may pass between
•eed on to be pres-
sed ; as he wishes,
lay be, it may tend
!ol. Clark makes a
[)v. Hamilton will
HAMILTON."
[amilton, and begs
terms, other than
sow prisoners at dis-
Jol. Clark, he will
en Col. Clark de-
ssacre the leading
with the means of
erms were not ac-
ated the following
1779.
Conquest of Illinois.
216
"1st. Lieutenant Governor Hamilton agrees to dcilivor up to
Cglonel Clark, 'Fort Sackville,' as it is at present, with its
stores, &LC,
"2d. The garrison arc to deliver themselves as prisoners of
war, and march out with their arms and accoutrements.
"3d. The garrison to be delivered up to-morrow, at ten
o'clock.
"4th. Three days' time to be allowed the garrison to settle
their accounts with the inhabitants and traders.
"5th. The officers of the garrison to be allowed fheii neces-
sary baggage, &c.
"Signed at Post St. Vincennes, this 24th day of February,
1779 ; agreed to for the following reason : 1st. Remoteness from
succor: 2d. the state and quantity of provisions : ad. The
unanimity o{ i\\G officers and men in its expediency: 4th. The
honorable terms allowed : and, lastly, the confidence in a
generous enemy. HENRY HAMILTON,
Lieutenant Governor and Siqwriuttndcnt.^^
On the 26th of February, Fort Sackville was surrendered to
the American troops, and the garrison treated as prisoners of
war. The American flag waved on its battlements, and thir-
teen guns celebrated the victory.
Seventy-nine prisoners, and stores to the value of 60,000
dollars, were obtained by this bold and desperate enterprise,
and the whole country along the Mississippi and Wabash, re-
mained ever after in the peaceable possession of the Ameri-
cans. Gov. Hamilton was sent to Richmond, and his men
permitted to return to Detroit on parole of honor.
Six were badly, and one man mortally wounded on tlie part
of the British, and only one man wounded on the part of the
Americans.]
The Governor and some others were sent prisoners to Vir-
j?;inia, where the council ordered their confinement in jail, fet-
tered and alone, in punishment for their abominable policy of
urging barbarians to ultra barbarism, as they surely had done
by offering rewards for scalps but none for prisoners, a course
which naturally resulted in wholesale and cold-blooded mur-^
der; the Indians driving captives within si^ht of the Britisli,
iorts and then butchering them. As this rigid confinement,
however just, was not in accordance with the terms of Ham-
ilton's surrender, General Phillips protested in regard to it,
and Jefferson having referred the matter to the Commander-in-
chief, Washington gave his opinion decidedly against it, in
tf-
,}
iil
216
Conquest of Illinois.
1778.
consequence of which the Council of Virginia released the
Detroit " hair-buyer" from his irons. *
Clark returned to Kaskaskia, where, in consequence of the
competition of the traders, he found himself more embarrassed
from the depreciation of the paper money which had been ad-
vanced him by Virginia, than he had been by the movements
of the British ; and where he wa? forced to pledge his own
credit to procure what he needed, to an extent that influenced
vitally his own fortune and life thenceforward.
After the taking of Vincennes, Detroit was undoubtedly
within the reach of the enterprising Virginian, had he been
but able to raise as many soldiers as were starving and idling
at Forts Laurens and Mcintosh. [Col. Clark, in his letter to
2»xr. Jefferson, says, that with five hundred men, when he
reached Illinois, or with three hundred after the conquest of
Post Vincennes, he could have taken Detroit. The people of
Detroit rejoiced greatly when they heard of Hamilton's cap-
ture.] Gov. Henry having promised him a reinforcement, he
concluded to wait for that, as his force was too small to both
conquer and garrison the British forts. But the results of what
was done were not unimportant ; indeed we cannot estimate
those results. Hamilton had made arrangements to enlist the
f Southern and Western Indiansf for the next spring's cam-
\ paign ; and, if Mr. Stone be correct in his suppositions, Brant
\ and his Iroquois were to act in concert with him.J Had
Clark, therefore, failed to conquer the Governor, there is too
( much reason to fear, that the West would have been, indeed,
swept, from the Mississippi to the mountains, and the great
blow struck, which had been contemplated, fron:. the outset,
by Britain. But for his small army of dripping, but fearless
'; Virginians, the union of all the tribes from Georgia to Maine,
\ against the colonies, might have been effected, and the whole
current of our history changed.
[The conquest of Clark chan>?ed the face of affairs in rela-
/' tion to the whole countij north of the Ohio river, which, in all
( probability, would have been the boundary between Canada
'^ and the U. States. This conquest was urged by the American
Commissioners in negotiating the definite treaty of 1793.]
• Sparka' Wnshingtoo, ri. 315. — Almon'd Remembrancer for 1779, pp. 337. 340.— Jef-
ferson's Writings, i. 461 to 458.
-|- Butler, p. 80. % Stone's Brandt, i. 400. Notes, Boston Edition.
1778.
:inia released the
onscquence of the
more embarrassed
hich had been ad-
jy the movements
pledge his own
!nt that induenced
,rd.
was undoubtedly
nian, had he been
:arving and idling
rk, in his letter to
id men, when he
r the conquest of
it. The people of
f Hamilton's cap-
reinforcement, he
too small to both
the results of what
'Q cannot estimate
nents to enlist the
ext spring's cam-
uppositions, Brant
with him.J Had
;rnor, there is too
lave been, indeed,
tins, and the great
[, frorr, the outset,
iping, but fearless
Georgia to Maine,
ed, and the whole
of affairs in rela-
river, which, in all
f between Canada
i by the American
•eaty of 1793.]
im, pp. 337. 340.-Jef-
!8, Boaton Edition.
CHAPTER VIII.
SKETCHES OF KENTUCKY,
C»ptivity of Boone — Siege of Boonesborough— Id vasion of the Six Notions— Treatywith tbc
DelawarcB — Virginia land laws— Claims of Franco and Spain — Invasion of Kcntuoby
— Civil organitation of the same — Invasion of St Louis — Events in Ohio.
[We now return to bring forward the annals of Kentucky.
The people had suffered much for salt, and the labor and ri.sk
of packing it over the mountains on horseback were too great ;
for only by that mode of transportation could they obtain the
necessaries of life which the wilderness did not furnish. It
was arranged that thirty men, under the guidance of Captain
Boone, should proceed to the Lower Blue Licks, on Licking
river, and manufacture salt, The enterprise was commenced
on new year's day, 1778.]
Boone was to be guide, hunter, and scout; the rest cut wood
and attend to the manufacturing department. January pa.ssed
quietly, and before the 7th of February, enough of the pre-
cious condiment had accumulated to lead to the return of
three of the party to the stations, with the treasure. The rest
still labored on, and Boone enjoyed the winter weather in the
forest after his own fashion. But, alas for him, there was
more than mere game about him in those woods along the
rugged Licking. On the 7th of February, as he was hunting,
he came upo.i a party of one hundred and two foes, two
Canadians, the remainder Indians, Shawanese apparently.
Boone fled ; but their swiftest runners were on his trail, and
he was soon their prisoner. Finding it impossible to give his
companions at the Licks due notice so as to secure their es-
cape, he proceeded to make terms on their behalf with his
captors, and then persuaded his men by gestures, at a dis-
tance, to surrender without oOering battle. Thus, without a
blow, the invaders found themselves possessed of twenty-
eight prisoners, and among them the greatest, in an Indian's
eyes, of all the Long Knives. This band was on its way to
Boonesborough, to attack or to reconnoitre ; but such good luck
as they had met with changed their minds, and, turning upon
14
11
fii
" '^
218
Boone a Captive.
1778.
their track, they took up their march for old ChiUicothe, an
Indian town oix the Little Miami.
It was no part ol' the plan of the ShawanejSc, however, to
retain those men in captivity, nor yet to scalp, slay, or eat
them. Under the inlluence and rewards of Go\ crnor Hamil-
ton, the British Commander in the Northwest, the Indians had
taken up the business of speculating in human beings, both
dead and alive ; and the Shawancse meant to take Boone and
his comrades to the Detroit market. On the 10th of March,
accordinglv, eleven of the party, including Daniel himself,
were dispatched for the North, and, after twenty days of jour-
neying, were presented to the English Governor, who treated
them, Boone says, with great humanity. To Boone himself,
Hamilton and several other gentlemen seem to have taken an
especial fancy, and offered considerable sums for his release ;
but the Shawanese had also become enamored of the veteran
hunter and would not part with him. He must go home with
them, they said, and be one of them, and become a great
chief.' So the pioneer found his very virtues becoming the
cause of a prolonged captivity. In April, the red men, with
their one white captive, about to be converted into a genuine
son of nature, returned from the flats of Michigan, covered
with brush-choked foiests, to the rolling valley of the Miamis,
with its hill-sides clothed in their rich open woods of maple
and beech, then just bursting into bloom. And now the white
blood was washed out of the Kentucky ranger, and he was
made a son in the family of Blackfish, a Shawanese Chief,
and was loved and caressed by father and mother, brothers
and sisters, till he was thoroughly sick of them. But disgust,
he could not show ; so he was kind, and affable, and knew
how to allay ary suspicions they might harbor lest he should
runaway. He took his part in their games and romps ; shot
as near the centre of a target as a good hunter ought to, and
vet left the savage marksmen a chance to excel him, and smil-
ed in his quiet eye when he witnessed their joy at havmg
done better than the best of the Long Knives. He grew into
favor with the chief, was tru.sted, treated with respect, and
listened to with attention. No man could have been better
calculated than Boone to disarm the suspicions of the red
men Some have called him a white Indian, except that he
never showed the Indian's blood thirstiness, when excited.
1778.
old Clullicothc, an
ineSc, however, to
calp, slay, or eat
r Go\ crnor Ilamil-
st, the Indians had
uman beings, both
to take Boone and
;he 10th of March,
ig Daniel himself,
wenty days of jour-
ernor, who treated
To Boone himself,
n to have taken an
ims for his release ;
ored of the veteran
must go home with
d become a great
rtues becoming the
, the red men, with
rted into a genuine
Michigan, covered
alley of the Miamis,
len woods of maple
And now the white
ranger, and he was
I Shawanese Chief,
id mother, brothers
them. But disgust,
I affable, and knew
arbor Jest he should
les and romps ; shot
lunter ought to, and
excel him, and smil-
their joy at having
lives. He grew into
;d with respect, and
lid have been better
ispicions of the red
dian, except that he
iness, when excited.
1778.
His Fortunate Escape.
219
Scarce any other white ever possessed in an equal deproe the
true Indian gravity, which comes neither from thought, feeling,
or vacuity, but from a bump peculiar to their own craniums.
And so in hunting, shooting, swimming, and other Sha\\ anese
amusements, the newly made Indian Boone spent the month
of May, necessity making all the little inconveniences of his
lot quite endurable.
On the 1st of June, his aid was required in the business v-f
salt making, and for that purpose he and a party of his brethren
started for the valley of the Scioto, where he stayed ten days,
hunting, boiling brine, and cooking ; then the homeward path
was taken again. But when Chillicothe was once more reach-
ed, a sad sight met our friend Daniel's eyes ; four hundred and
fifty of the choice warriors of the West, painted in the most
exquisite war style, and armed for the battle. He scarce need-
ed to ask whither they were bound ; his heart told him
Boonesborough ; and already in imagination he saw the blaz-
ing roofs of the little borough he had founded, and he saw
the bleeding forms of his friends. Could he do nothing? He
M'ould see ; meanwhile be a good Indian and look all ease and
joy. He was a long way from his own white homestead ; one
hundred and fifty miles at least, and a rough and inhospitable
country much of the way between him and it. But he had
traveled fast and far, and might again. So, without a word
to his fellow prisoners, early in the morning of June the 16th,
without his breakfast, in the most secret manner, unseei., un-
heard, he departed. He left his red relatives to mourn his
loss, and over hill and valley sped, forty miles a day, for four
successive days, and ate but one meal by the way. He found
the station wholly unprepared to resisit so formidable a body as
that which threatened it, and it was a matter of life and death
that every muscle should be exerted to get all in readiness for
the expected visiters. Rapidly the white men toiled in the
summer sun, and through the summer night, to repair and
complete the fortifications, and to have all as experience had
shown it should be. But still the foe came not, and in a few
days another escaped captive brought information of the delay
of the expedition in consequence of Boone's flight. The sav-
ages had relicd.on surprising the stations, and their plans be-
ing foiled by their adopted son Daniel, all their determinations
were unsettled. Thus it proved the salvation of Boonesbo-
2S0
B<x)nesbotovgU Attacked.
1778.
rough, and probably of all the frontier forts, that the founder
of Kentucky was taken captive andremained a captive as long
as he did. So often do seeming misfortunes prove, in God's
hand, our truest good.
Boone, finding his late relatives so backwart' in their pro-
posed call, determined to anticipate them by a visit to the
Scioto valley, where he had been at salt-making ; and early
in August, with nineteen men, started for the town on Paint
Creek. He knew, of course, that he was trying a somewhat
hazardous experiment, as Boonesborough might be attacked
in his absence ; but he had his wits about him, and his scouts
examined the country far and wide. Without interruption, he
crossed the Ohio, and had reached within a few miles of the
place he meant to attack, when his advanced guard, consist-
ing of one man, Simon Kenton, discovered two natives riding
one horse, and enjoying some joke as they rode. Not consid-
ering that these two might be, like himself, the van ot a small
army, Simon, one of the most impetuous of men, shot and run
forward to scalp them, — but found himself at once in the
midst of a dozen or more of his red enemies, from whom he
escaped only by the coming up of Boone and the remainder.
The commander, upon considering the circumstances, and
learning from spies whom he sent forward, that the town he in-
tended to attack was deserted, came to the opinion that the
band just met was on its way to join a larger body for the in-
vasion of Kentucky, and advised an immediate return.
Ilia advico was taken, and the result proved its wisdom ; for
in order to reach Boonesborough, they were actually obliged
to coast along, go round, and outstrip a -body of nearly five
hundred savages, led by Canadians, who were marching
against his doomed borough, and after all, got there only the
day before them.
[Shortly after their return, on the 7th of September,* the
whole Indian army, four hundred and forty-four in number,
commanded by Blackfish, with eleven Canadians under Capt.
Du Quesne, with British and French colors flying, appeared
*Filsen from Boone'a dictRtion, says it wu the 8th of August, and Maisball, Flint,
ltatl«T, ud othtn follow thia date. This U cettainly a mistalto, as at that time, Buone
and hii patty were on this expedition at Paint Creeli. Col. Bowman'a letter to Col. G. B.
Claik, is the date we follow, and this accords with the recollection of tbo late Flander*
Gallaw»y of Minwait See W "/ Boone in Sparks' Biography, p 18— Ed.
1778.
;s, that the founder
!(1 a captive as long
es prove, in God's
:wart' in their pro-
1 by a visit to the
naking ; and early
the town on Paint
trying a somewhat
might be attacked
him, and his scouts
out interruption, he
a few miles of the
iced guard, consist-
i two natives riding
y rode. Not consid-
r, the van ot a small
f men, shot and run
self at once in the
ies, from whom he
and the remainder,
circumstances, and
, that the town he in-
iie opinion that the
rger body for the in-
idiate return,
ived its wisdom ; for
ere actually obliged
body of nearly five
ho were marching
1, got there only the
of September,* the
rty-four in number,
ladians under Capt.
rs flying, appeared
Auguft, and Maisball, Flint,
stake, as at that time, Buone
iowman'a letter to Col. G. B.
dlection of tbo late Flanders
phy, p 18— Ed.
1778.
Indian Treachery.
221
before Booncsborough. The summons was to" surrender the
fort in the name of his Britannic Majesty," with promises
of liberal treatment.]
It was, as Daniel says, a critical period for him and his
friends. Should they yield, what mercy could they look for?
and he, especially, after his unkind flight from his Shawanese
parents? They had almost stifled him with their caresses
before ; they would literally hug him to death, if again within
their grasp. Should fhey refuse to yield, what hope of suc-
cessful resistance ? And they had so much need of all their
cattle, to aid them in sustaining a siege, and yet their cows
were abroad in the woods. Daniel pondered the matter, and
concluded it would be safe, at any rate, to ask two days for
consideration. It was granted, and he drove in his cows ! The
evening of the 9th soon arrived, however, and he must say
one thing or another ; so he politely thanked the represent-
ative of his gracious Majesty for giving the garrison time to
prepare for their defence, and announced their determination
to fight. Capt. Du c|uesne was much grieved at this ; Gov-
ernor Hamilton was anxious to save bloodshed, and wished the
Kentuckians taken alive ; and rather than proceed to extremi-
ties, the worthy Canadian offered to withdraw his troops, if the
garrison would make a treaty, though to what point the treaty
was to aim, is unknown. Boone was determined not to yield ;
but then he had no wish to starve in his fort, or have it taken by
storm, and be scalped, and he thought, remembering Hamilton's
kindness to him when in Detroit, that there might be something
in what the Captain said, and at any rate, to enter upon a treaty
was to gain time, and something might turn up. So he agreed
to treat ; but where ? Could nine of the garrison, as desired,
safely venture into the open field ? It might be all a trick to
get possession of some of the leading whites. Upon the whole,
however, as the leading Indians and their Canadian allies must
come under the rifles of the garrison, who might with certainty
and safety pick them off" if treachery were attempted, it was
thought best to run the risk ; and Boone, with eight others,
went out to meet the leaders of the enemy, sixty yards from
the fort, within which the sharpest shooters stood with leveled
rifles, ready to protect their comrades. The treaty was made
and signed, and then the Indians, saying it was their custom
wo of them to shake hands with everv white man
1
i
migmm
S2!2
Hnstilily of the Mohawkit,
1778.
treaty was made, expressed a wish to press the pnliiis of their
new allies. JJoonc and his friends JiiUKt have looked rather
queer at this proposal ; hut it was safer to accede than to re-
fuse and he shot insta.itly ; so they presented eiieh liis hand.
As anticipated the warriors seized them with roua;h and fierce
eagerness, the whites drew back strugjjlinj,', the treachery was
apparent, the riilo balln from the garrison struck down the
foremost assailants oi the litlle hand, and, anud a fire from
friends and foes, Boone and his fellow deputies hounded back
into the station, with the exception of one, unhurt.
[Of the nine men, we can give the names of five ; from
four of whom, we have heard the story : They were Daniel
Boone, Flanders Callaway, Stephen Hancock and William
Hancock, all of whom were living in Missouri in 1818. Sijuire
Boone, the brother of Daniel, was the fifth. Neither party wa»
amed. In rushing to the fort, Sejuire Bocmc was slightly
wounded in the shouUer.]
The treaty trick having thus failed, Capt. Du Quesne had
to look to more ordinary mt)des of warfare, and opened a fire
which lasted during ten days, though to no purpose, for the
woodsmen were determined not to yield. On the 20th of Au-
gust, the Indians were forced unwillingly to retire, having lost
thirty-seven of their number, and wasted a vast amount of
powder and lead. The garrison picked up from the ground,
after their departure, one hundred and twenty-five pounds of
their bullets.*
[In the "Pioneer History," by Dr. Hildreth, we learn that in
January, 1778, provisions became very scarce in the region
about Pittsburgh. Flour was $8 per hundred pounds.]
, Meanwhile the United States had not lost sight entirely of
western affairs. A fort was built early in the summer of this
year, upon the banks of the Ohio, a little below Pittsburgh, near
the spot where Beaver now stands. It Mas built by General
Mcintosh, who had been appointed in May to succeed General
Handf in the West and was named with his name.J It was
the first fort built by the whites north of the Ohio. From this
point it was intended to operate in reducing Detroit, where
mischief was still brewing. Indeed the natives were now
•See Butler, 634.— Mamhall i. Boone's Narrative, Ac
tSi>atk»' Waahiogton, v. 301, 382.
JDoddridge, p. 243.— SiUiman'a Journal, vol. xjxi. Art. 1. p. 18.
1778.
the pnlms of their
lavo looked rsither
accedo than to re-
itcd each iiis hand,
th rough and fierce
the treachery was
1 struck down the
I, amid a fire from
Lities bounded back
unhurt,
imes of five ; from
They were Daniel
cock and William
uri in 1818. Scjuire
Neither party was
loc»nc was slightly
t. Du Quesne had
;, and opened a fire
no purpose, for the
On the 20th of Au-
) retire, having lost
, a vast amount of
p from the ground,
cnty-fivc pounds of
Ih, we learn that in
arce in the region
fed pounds.]
)st sight entirely of
the summer of this
ow Pittsburgh, near
as built by General
to succeed General
his name. J It was
he Ohio. From this
sing Detroit, where
natives were now
p. 18.
1778.
OjHralion.1 in Ohio.
mon< united than ever against the colonies. In .Iiu.e we find
CongresH in posse.ssion of information, that led them to think
a universal frontier war close at hand.' The Senccas, Cayu-
gas, Mingoes, (by which, we presume, wer." meant the Ohio
Iro.iuois,or possibly the Mohawks,) Wyandots, ().M)ndagas,
Ottuwas, Chippeways, Shawanese and Delawares, were all
said to 1)0 more or less united in opposition to America. Con-
gress, learning the danger to be so immcdiati! and great,
determined to push on the Detroit expedition, and ordered
another to be undertaken by the Mohawk valley ag.nnst the
Scuecas, who might otherwise very much annoy and unpedc
the march from Fort Pitt. For the capture of Detroit, three
thousand continental troops and two thousand five hundred
militia were voted ; an appropriation was made of neaily a
million of dollars; and General Mcintosh was to carry for-
ward the needful operations.
[Washington mentions Mcintosh as anolRcer of great worth
and merit, possessing firmness, love of justice, assiduity, and a
good understanding.f] r, ■ \
All the flourish which was made about taking Detroit, how-
ever, and conquering the Senccas, ended in the Resolves of
Congress, it being- finally thought too late in the season lor
advantageous action, and also too great an undertaking lor
the weak-handed colonies.
This having been settled, it was resolved, that the forces
in the West should move up and attack the Wyandots and
other Indians about the Sandusky ,t and a body of troops was
accordingly marched forward to prepare a half-way house, or
post by which the necessary connexion might be kept up. This
was built upon the Tuscarawas, a few miles south of the pres-
ent town of Bolivar. In these quiet, commercial days the
Ohio canal passes through its midst. It was named Fort Lau-
rens, in honor of the President of Congress.J
While these warlike measures were pursued on the one
hand, the Confederacy, on the other, by its Commissioners, An-
drew and Thomas Lewis of Virginia, formed at Fort Pitt, on
the 17th of September, a treaty of peace and alliance with the
Chiefs ol the Delawares, White-Eyes, Kill-Buck, and Pipe.
•Journali of the Old Congreis, vol. ii. p. 686.
tJournaU of to Old Congrees, vol ii. p. 933. . . . j
tSiUiman'a Journal, xxxi. 67; where the name as in many treaties, &o. u migprmted.
Lawreoco.
11
f
■(■MWiMP
221
UoslilUy nf the Iroffiioi.i,
1779.
We Imvo already noticed tlir erection of Fort Laurens. At
that point, seventy miles from Fort McIntoMli, and ex|)ONe(l to
nil the fler.'e nortli-western tribes, Col. .Ino. CJibson had l»een lell
with oiw hundred and fUly men to ){et through tho winter of
1778-9, as hv. best could, while Mcintosh himself returned to
Pittsburgh, disappointiMi and dispirited. \or was Congress
in a very good humor with him, for already hud siv months
passed to no purpose. Washington was consulted, but could
give no deHnito advice, knowing nothing of those details
which must determine the course of things for the winter.
Alclntosh, at length, in February asked leave to retire from
his unsatisfactory command, and was allowed to do .so. No
blame, however, appears to have fairly attached to him, as ho
did all in his power; among other things leading a party with
provisions to the relief of Colonel CJibson's starving garrison.
Unhappily the guns fired as a .salute by those about to be re-
lieved, scared the pack-horses and much of the provision was
scattered and lost in the woods. The force at Fort Laurens,
meantime, had been, as we have intimated, suil'ering cruelly,
both from the Indians md famine, and, though finally rq.scued
from starvation, had done, and could do, nothing. Tho post
was at Insl abandoned in August, 1779.
Turning from the west to the north, we find a new cause of
trouble arising there. Of the six tribes of the Iroquois, the
Senecas, Mohawks, Cayugas, and Onondagas, had been, from
the outset, inclining >) Britain, though all of these, but the
Mohawks, had now u, .. vhcn tried to persuade tho Americans
to the contrary. During the winter of 1778-9, the Onondagas,
who had been for a while nearly neutral, were suspected, by
the Americans, of deception ; and, this suspicion having be-
come nearly knowledge, a band was sent, early in April, to
destroy their towos, and take such of them, as could be taken,
prisoners. The work appointed was done, and the villages
and wealth of the poor savages were annihilated. This sud-
den act of severity startled all. The Oneidos, hitherto faith-
ful to their neutrality, were alarmed, lest the next blow should
fall on them, and it was only af\er a full explaiiation that their
fears were quieted. As for the Onondagas, it was not to be
hoped that they would sit down under such treatment ; and
we find, accordingly, that some hundred of their warriors
were at once in the field, ant! from that time forward, a per-
mmm
1779.
>rt LuurruH. At
iittd ex|)OM(Ml to
)S(>n hml l»(>cii l('t\
ijh tlio wiritrr of
iscir returiu'cl to
r wfts Conjjrcss
Imd HIV inuiiths
suited, but (3uuld
it tho.so details
for the winter,
v^o to retire I'roin
?d to do so. No
jcd to hitn, iw he
ing a party with
tnrving garrison.
about to be re-
ic provision was
it Fort Laurens,
iutlcring cruelly,
h finally rq.scued
hing. The post
1 a new cau.se of
he Iroquois, the
I, had been, from
tf these, but the
e the Americans
I, the Onondagos,
re suspected, by
icion having be-
i.rly in April, to
s could be taken,
and the villages
ated. This sud-
pS, hitherto faith-
lext blow should
nation that their
it was not to be
treatment; and
f their warriors
forward, a por-
1779.
General Sullivan's Exiteilitinn.
2*J5
tion of their nation remainid, and, we think, justly, hostile to
\\w I'MitL-d C(»IonicH.*
The Cuiitinnitul t'ongrcHs, infanwhilr, had Ixcornc con-
vinced, from the inassacr*! at Wyoming and Cherry N'lilley,
that it was advisiil)le to arlopt some meatts of securing the
north-western and wcst«irn IVonticrs against the recurrence of
such catastrophes; and, the hostile tribes of lln' Six Nations
being the most numerous and deadly foef, it was concluded to
begin by strong action against them. Washington hml al-
ways said, that the only proper modi; of defence ngni'ist the
Indians was to attack them, and this mode lie determined to
adopt on this occasion. Some dillerenee of opinion existed,
however, as to the best path into the country of the inimical
Irocjuois. General Schuyler was in favor of a movement up
the Mohawk river; the objectiim to which route was, that it
carried the invaders too near to Lake Ontario, and within
reach of the Uritish. The other course proposed, was up the
Susquehanna, which heads, as all know, in the region that
was to be reached. The latte. route was the one determined
on by Washington for the main body of troops, which was to
bo joined by anotlier body moving up the Mohawk, and also
by detachments coming from the western army, by the way
of the Allegheny and French Creek. Upon further thought,
however, the movement from the West was countermandod.f
All the arrangements for this invasion were made in March
and April, but it was the la.st of July before General Sullivan
could get his men on their march from Wyoming, where they
had gathered ; and, of course, information of the proposed
movements had been given to the Indians and Tories, so that
Brant, the Ji.hnsons, and their followers stood ready to receive
the invaders.
They were not, however, strong enough to withstand the
Americans ; and, having been defeated at the battle of New-
ton, were driven from village to village, and their whole coun-
try was laid waste. Houses were burned, crops and orchards
destroyed, and every thing done that could be thought of, to
render the country uninhabitable. Of all these steps Mr. Stone
speaks fully. Forty towns, he tells us, were burnt, and more
than one hundred and sixty thousand bushels of corn desttoy-
» stone, vol. i. p. 205.
t Sparks' WuhiogtoD, vol. vi. pp. 183 d. leq. '
Tl
ii
s.
11 f
226
Attack on Dciroit Projected.
1778.
ed. Well did the Scnccas name Washington, whose armies
did all this, "the Town Destroyer." Having performed this
portion of his work, Sullivan turned homeward from the
beautiful valley of the Genessee ; leaving Niagara, whither
the Indians lied, as to the strong hold of British power in that
neighbo.-hood, untouched. This conduct, I\Ir. Stone thinks,
"diilicult of solution,"* as he supposes the destruction of that
post to have been one of the main objects of the expedition.
Such, however, was not the fact. Originally, it had been part
of the proposed plan to attack Niagara ; but,early in January,
Washington was led to doubt, and then to abandon that part
of the plan, thinking it wiser to carry on, merely, some opera-
tions on a smaller scale against the savages."
One of the smaller operations was from the West. On the
22d of March, 1779, Washington wrote to Colonel Daniel
Brodhead, who had succeeded Mcintosh at Fort Pitt, that an
incursion into the country of tiie Six Nations was in prepara-
tion, and that in connection therewith, it might be advisable
for a force to ascend the Allegheny to Kittaning, and thence
to Vf'nango, and having fortified both points, to strike the Min-
goes and Munceys upon French Creek and elsewhere in that
neighboihood, and thus aid Gen. Sullivan in the great blow he
was to give by his march up the Susquehanna. Brodhead
was also direc 'ed to say to the Western Indians, that if they
made any trouble, the whole force of the United States would
be turned against them, and they should be cut off from the
face of the earth. But, on the 21st of April, these orders
werr countermanded, and the western commander was direct-
ed to prepare a rod for the Indians of the Ohio and Western
Lakes; and especially to l^arn the besf time for attacking
Detroit. Whether this last advice came too late, or was with-
drawn again, we have no means of learning; but Brodhead
proceeded as originally directed ; marched up the Allegheny,
burned the towns of the Indians, and destroyed tlieir crops.f
The immediate results of this and other equally prompt and
severe measures, was to bring the Delawares, Shawanese, and
even Wyandots, to Fort Pitt, on a treaty of peace. There
Brodhead met them, on his return in September, and a long
conference was held, to the satisfaction of both parties.
•Life of Brant, voL ii. p. 30.
t Sparks' Woshington, vol. vi. pp. 120, 146, 162, 205, 224, 384, 387.
/.
1778.
1779.
Contests icilh the Indians.
227
;ton, whose armies
mg performed this
meward from the
; Niagara, whither
itish power in that
]\Ir. Stone thinks,
destruction of that
of the expedition,
ly, it had been part
t, early in January,
abandon that part
nerely,some operu-
3S."
the West. On the
to Colonel Daniel
It Fort Pitt, that an
)ns was in prepara-
might be advisable
taning, and thence
ts, to strike the Min-
id elsewhere in that
\n the great blow he
ehanna. Brodhead
Indians, that if they
Jnited States would
be cut off from the
April, these orders
mmander was direct-
Ohio and Western
time for attacking
n late, or was with-
ling; but Brodhead
id up the Allegheny,
oyed tlieir crops-f
equally prompt and
,res, Shawanese, and
;y of peace. There
)tember, and a long
f both parties.
, 384, 387.
Fa'tther west, during this summer and autumn, the Indians
%vcre more successful. In July, the stations being still trou-
bled. Colonel Bowman undertook an expedition into the
country of the Shawanese, acting upon the principle, that to
defend yourself against Indians, you must assail them. He
marched undiscovered into the immediate vicinity of the
towns upon the Little Miami, and so divided and arranged
his forces, as to ensure apparent success, one portion of the
troops being commanded by himself, another by Colonel Ben-
jamin Logan; but from some unexpected ca^se, his division
of the; whites did not co-operate fully with that led by Logan,
and the whole body was forced to retreat, after having taken
some booty, including one hundred and sixty horses, and
leaving the town of the savages in cinders, but also leaving
the fierce warriors themselves in no degree daunted or
crippled.*
Nor was it long before they showed themselves south of the
Ohio again, and unexpectedly won a victory over the Ameri-
cans of no slight importance. The facts, so far as we can
gather them, are these :
An expedition which had been in the neighborhood of Lex-
ington, where the first permanent improvements were made
in April of this year,t upon its return came to the Ohio near
the Licking, at the very time that Colonel Rogers and Cap-
tain Benham reached the same point on their way up the
river in boats. A few of the Indians were seen by the com-
mander of the little American squadron, near the mouth of
the Licking ; and .supposing himself to be far superior in
numbers, he caused seventy of his men to land, intending to
surround the savages ; in a few moments, however, he found
he was himself surrounded, and after a hard fought battle,
only twenty or twenty-five, or perhaps even fewer, of the party
were left alive. J It was in connection with this .skirmish that
an incident occurred which seems to belong rather to a fan-
ciful story than to sober history, and which yet appears to be
well authenticated. In the party of whites was Captain
•Marshall i. 91. See General Kay'a opinion, note to Butler, 110.
tHolmcs' Annals, ii. 304; note. American Pioneer, ii. 340. Butler, 101. Marshall,
i. 198.
JButler, 2(1 edition, 102. (In this account there is confusion; the Inaians are re-
presented as coming, on theu: return from Kentucky, down tho Little Miami.) McClung,
148.
228
Singular Co-partnership,
1779
Robert Benham. lie was one of those that fell, being* shot
through both iiips, so as to be powerless in his lower limbs;
he dragged himself, however, to a tree-top, and there lay
concealed from the savages after the contest was over. On
the evening of the second day, seeing a raccoon, he shot it,
but no soiiner was the crack of his rifle heard than he distin-
guished a human voice not far distant ; supposing it to be
some Indian, he relo9.ded his gun and prepared for defence;
but a few moments undeceived him, and he discovered that
the person whose voice he had heard was a fellow sufferer,
with this difference, however, that both his arms were broken!
Here then, were the only two survivors of i-he combat, (ex-
cept thoge who had entirely escaped,) with one pair of legs
and one pair of arms between them. It will be easily be-
lieved that they formed a co-partnership for mutual aid and
defence. Benham shot the game which his friend drove to-
wards him, and the man with sound legs then kicked it to the
spot where he with sound arms sat ready to cook it. To pro-
cure water, the one with legs took a hat by the brim in his
teeth, and 'valked into the Licking up to his neck, while the
man with arms was to make signals if any boat appeared in
sight. In this way, they spent about six weeks, when, upon
the 27th of November, they were rescued. Benham after-
wards bought and lived upon the land where the battle took
place ; his companion, Mr. Butler tells us, was, a few years
since, still living at Brownsville, Pennsylvania.
But the military operations of 1779 were not those which
were of the most vital importance to the West. The peissage
of the Land Laws by Virginia was of more consequence than
the losing or gaining of many battles, to the hardy pioneers
of Kentucky and to their descendants. Of these laws we can
give at best but a vague outline, but it may be enough to
render the subject in seme degree intelligible.
In 1779 there existed claims of very various kinds to the
western lands :
1. Those of the Ohio, Walpole, and other companies,
who had a title more or less perfect, from the British Gov-
ernment: none of these had been perfected by patents, how-
ever.
2. Claims founded on the military bounty warrants of 1763;
some of these were patentedj
1779
t fell, being* shot
his lower limbs;
p, and there lay
st was over. On
Lccoor, he shot it,
■d than he distin-
ipposing it to be
ared for defence ;
3 discovered that
a fellov; sufferer,
irms were broken!
the combat, (ex-
one pair of legs
will be easily be-
1 mutual aid and
5 friend drove to-
rn kicked it to the
cook it. To pro-
Y the brim in his
s neck, while the
boat appeared in
eeks, when, upon
. Benham after-
re the battle took
.vas, a few years
lia.
not those which
jst. The passage
consequence than
he hardy pioneers
these laws we can
lay be enough to
lie.
ious kinds to the
other companies,
I the British Gov-
I by patents, how-
warrants of 1763;
1779.
Clairns for Lands.
229
3. • Henderson's claim by purchase from the Indians.
• 4. Those based on mere selection and occupancy.
6. Others resting on selection and survey, without occu-
pancy-
6. Claims of persons who had imported settlers ; for each
such settler, under an old law, fifty acres were to be allowed.
7. Claims of persons who had paid money into the old co-
lonial treasury for land.
8. The claims of officers and soldiers of the Revolution,
to whom Virginia was indebted.
These various claims were, in the first place, to be provided
for, and then the residue of the rich valiies beyond the
mountains might be sold to pay the debts of the parent State.
In May,* the chief laws relative to this most important and
complicated subject were passed, and commissioners were ap-
pointed to examine ♦he various claims which might be pre-
sented, and give judgment according to the evidence brought
forward ; their proceedings, however, to remain open to revi-
sion until December 1, 1780. And as the subject was a per-
plexed one, the following principles were laid down for their
guidance :
I. All surveys (without patents,) made before January 1,
1778, by any county surveyor commissioned by William and
Mary College, and founded upon charter ; upon importation
rights duly proved ; upon treasury rights, (money paid into
the colonial treasury ;) upon entries not exceeding four hun-
dred acres, made before October 26, 1763; upon acts of the
Virginia Assembly resulting from orders in council, &;c.;
upon any warrant from a colonial governor, for military
services, «&c. were to be good ; all other surveys null and
void,
II. Those who had not made surveys, if claiming under im-
portation rights; under treasury rights; under warrants for
military services, were to be admitted to survey and entry.
III. Those who had actually settLd, or caused at their
cost others to settle, on unappropriated lands, before Jcmiary
1, 1778, were to have four hundred acres, or less, as they
pleased, for every family so settled ; paying $2 25 for each
hundred acres.
•Morehead, 166.
230
Claims for Lands,
1779.
IV. Those who had settled in villages before January 1,
1778, were to receive for each familj- four hundred acres, ad-
jacent to the village, at $2 25 per hundred acres ; and the
village property was to remain unsurveyed until the Gene-
ral Assembly could examine the titles to it, and do fall justice.
V. To all having settlement rights, as above described,
was given also a right of pre-emption to one thousand acres
adjoining the settlement, at State prices — forty cents an acre.
VI. To those who had settled since January 1, 1778, was
given a pre-emption right to four hundred acres, adjoining and
including the settlement made by them.
VII. All the region between Green river, the Cumberland
mountains, Tennessee, the river Tennessee, and the Ohio,
was reserved, to be used for military claims.
VIII. The two hundred thousand acres granted Henderson
and his associates, October, 1778, along the Ohio, below the
mouth of Green river, remained still appropriated to them.
Having thus provided for the various classes of claimants,
the Legislature offered the remainder of the public lands at
forty cents an acre : the money was to be paid into the Trea-
sury and a warrant for the quantity wished taken by the
purchaser ; this warrant he was to take to the surveyor of the
county in which he wished to locate, and an entry was to be
made of every location, so special and distinct, that the ad-
joining lands might be known with certainty. To persons
unable to pay cash, four hundred acres were to be sold on
credit, and an order of the county court was to be substituted
for the warrant of the Treasury.
To carry these laws into effect, four Virginians were sent
westward to attend to claims ; these gentlemen opened their
court on the 13th of October, at St. Asaphs, and continued
their sessions at various points, until April 26, 1780, when
they adjourned to meet no more, after having given judgment
in favor of about three thousand claims. The labors of the
com. ^isflioners being ended, those of the surveyor commenced;
and Ml. ^"-r-.. r.r^y, who had been appointed to that office,
assumed its duties u^)on the 10th day of that month, the name
of which he bore.* ^ . . , . .4
* Marshall, i. 82, 97. "■ oe also Statutes of Virginia, by B. W. Leigh, ii. 34T, 348, 350,
353,388.
1779.
cforc January 1,
ndred acres, ad-
acres ; and the
until the Gcne-
l do fall justice,
ibove described,
3 thousand acres
ty cents an acre.
iry 1, 1778, was
!s, adjoining and
the Cumberland
, and tlie Ohio,
inted Henderson
Ohio, below the
iated to them,
les of claimants,
public lands at
d into the Trea-
jd taken by the
i surveyor of the
entry was to be
ict, that the ad-
ty. To persons
! to be sold on
;o be substituted
nians were sent
3n opened their
, and continued
26, 1780, when
given judgment
le labors of the
yor commenced;
;d to that office,
nonthjthe name
icigh, ii. 347, 318, 350,
1779.
Virginia Land Laws.
231
[The Governor of Virginia appointed and commissioned
William Fleming, Edmund Lync, James Barbour and Stephen
Trigg as Commissioners ibr Kentucky ; but it was not until
sonrc'timc in October, 1779, they arrived in the country and
opened court. The law itself was vague, and the pruC( ed-
ings of the court, and the certificates granted to claimants
under the law, were more indefinite and uncertain. The de-
scription of tracts were general, the boundaries not well
defined, and consequently the claims, when located, inter-
fered with each other. Every family that settled on waste or
unappropriated lands belonging to Virginia, upon the wot-tern
waters, was entitled to a pre-emption right to any qunntity of
land not exceeding four hundred acres ; and, upon the pay-
ment of two dollars and twenty-five cents on each one hun-
dred acres, a certificate was granted, and a title in fee simple
confirmed.
Each settler could select and survey for pre-emption any
quantity of waste or unappropriated lands, not exceeding one
thousand acres to each claimant, for which forty dollars for
each hundred acres were required. Payments could be made
in the paper currency of Virginia, which had depreciated
greatly.*
We give the following specimen from the record of the
Commissioners' Court, to illustrate the vague manner in
which tracts of land were described in the entry:
" Michael Stoner this day appeared, and claimed a right of
settlement and pre-emption to a tract of land lying on Sto-
ner's Fork, a branch of the south fork of the Licking, about
twelve miles above Licking Station, by making corn in the
countrv in the year 1775, and improving said land in 1776.
Satisfactory proof being made to the court, they are of opin-
ion that said Stoner has a right to a settlement of four hun-
dred acres of land, including the above mentioned iniprove-
ment, and a pre-emption of one thousand acres adjoining the
same, and that a certificate issue accordingly."
" Joseph Combs, this day claimed a right to a pre-emption
of one thousand acres of land lying on Comb's, since called
Howard's creek, about eight miles above Boonesborough, on
both sides of the creek, and about three or four miles from
the mouth of it, by improving- the said 'rnd,by building a
cabin on the premises, in the month of May, 1775 Satislac-
tory proof being made to tho. court, they are of opinion that
*Life of Boone, in Sparks' Biogrspby, p. 95.
wmmm''^''^
232
Commissioner's Court.
1779.
the said Combs has a right to a pre-emption of one thousand
acres, including the said improvement and that a ccrtiiicate
issue accordingly,"
The sessions of this court were held at diflerent places in
Kentucky, to accc^modate the claimants, for ♦he period of
one year, during which, about three thousand certificates
were granted. The foregoing extracts illustrate the vague
and undefined descriptions of localities. Many of the claims
were rendered null from more specific and definite surveys
covering the same land ; and many of the old pioneers,
amongst whom was Daniel Boone, lost the lands they had
entered and surveyed, by subsequent law suits.*
The winter of 1779-80, was uncommonly severe through-
out the United States, and has been distinguished as "t/w Itard
winter." The eflect on the new settlements in the West was
great distress and suffering. In Kentucky, the rivers, creeks
and branches were frozen to an uncommon thickness where
the water was deep, and became exhausted in shallow places.
Horses and cattle dl^d from thirst and starvation. The snow,
^rrom continuous storms, became of unusual depth and con-
tinued a long time. Men could not hunt. Families were
overtaken in the wilderness on their journey, and their pro-
gress arrested, and there was great suffering. The supplies
of the settlements were exhausted, and corn became extremely
scarce.
When the snow melted, and the ice broken up in the rivers,
the low grounds and river bottoms were submerged, and much
of the stock that had survived the severity of the winter, per-
ished in the waters. The game cf the forest furnished meat,
which was the only solid food to be obtained until the corn
was grown. The summer brought large accessions to the
population by emigration.]
With the year 1780, commences the history of those troubles
relative to the navigation of the Mississippi, which, for so long
a time, produced the deepest discontent in the West. Spain
had taken the American part so far as to go to war with
Britain, but no treaty had yet been concluded between Con-
gress and the powers at Madrid. Mr. Jay, however, had been
appointed Minister from the United States, at the Spanish
court, where he arrived in the spring of this year, and where
• MarahaU's Kentucky, toI. i. pp. 99, 100.
1779.
ion of one thousand
tid that a ccrtilicnte
; difTerent j.iaces in
ts, for ♦he period of
lousand certificates
illustrate the vague
Many of the claims
.nd definite surveys
f the old pioneers,
the lands they had
suits.*
aly severe through-
^uished as *Hhc hard
its in the West was
f, the rivers, creeks
)n thickness where
1 in shallow places,
vation. The snow,
lual depth and con-
it. Families were
ney, and their pro-
ing. The supplies
1 became extremely
:en up in the rivers,
bmerged, and much
of the winter, per-
rest furnished meat,
ned until the corn
! accessions to the
ry of those troubles
i, which, for so long
the West. Spain
to go to war with
ded between Con-
however, had been
es, at the Spanish
lis year, and where
1778.
Claims of France and f^paht.
233
he soon learned the grasping plans of the Southern Bourbons.
These plans, indeed, were in no degree concealed, the French
Minister being instructed to inform Congress, —
That his most Christian Majesty [of France,] being informed
of the appointment of a 31inister Plenipotentiary to treat of
an alliance between the United States and his Catholic Ma-
jesty, [of Spain,] has signified to his Minister Plenipotentiary
to the United States, that he wishes most earnestly ibr such
an alliance ; and in order to makp the way more easy, has com-
manded him to communicate to the Congress, certain articles,
which his Catholic Majesty deems of great importance to the
interests of his crown, and on which it is highly necessary that
the United States explain themselv(!s \v\i\i precision, and with
such moderation as may consist with their essential rights.
That the articles are,
1. A precise and invariable western boundary to the Uni-
ted States.
2. The exclusive navigation of the river Missis;iippi.
3. The possession of the Floridas; and,
4. The land on the lett or eastern side of the river Missis-
sippi.
That on the first article, it is the idea of the Cabinet of
Madrid, that the United States extend to the westward no far-
ther than settlements were permitted by the Royal Proclama-
tion, bearing date the 7t;h day of October, 1763, (that is to say,
not west of the AUeghenies.)
On the second, that the United States do not consider them-
selves as having any right to navigate the river Mississippi, no
territory belonging to them being situated thereon.
On the third, that it is probable the King of Spain will con-
quer the Floridas, during the course of the present war ; and
in such an event, every cause of dispute relative thereto, be-
tween Spain and these United States, ought to be removed.
On the fourth, that the lands lying on the east side of the
Mississippi, whereon the settlement's were prohibited by the
albresaid proclamation, are possessions of the crown of Great
Britain, and proper o/jjects against which the arms of Spain
may bo employed, for the purpose of making & jxrmancnt con-
(/nest for the 'Spanish crown. That such conquest may, pro-
bably, be made during the present war. That, therefore, it
would be advisable to restrain the southern States from making
any settlements or conquests in these territories. That the
Council of Madrid consider the United States, as having no
claim to those territories, either as not having had possession
of them, before the present war, or not having any foundation
for a claim in the right of the sovereignty of Great Britain,
whose dominion they have abjured.*
* See Pitkin's History of the Unitjd Stole*, ii. p. 92.
15
t84
Increase of Immigralion.
1779.
These extraordinary v^laims of his Catholic Majesty wore in
no respect admitted during this year, cither by Mr. Jay or
Congress, and in October a full statement of the views ot the
United States, as to their territorial rights, was drawn up,
probably by Mr. Madison, and sent to the An.bassador at
Madrid. t Meantime, as Virginia considered the use of the
Great Western river very necessary to her children, Governor
Jefferson had ordered a fort to be constructed upon ihe Mis-
sissippi below the mouth of the Ohio. This was done m the
spring of the year 1780, by General G. R. Clark, who was
stationed at the Falls ; and was named by him after the wri-
ter of the Declaration of Independence. This fort, for some
purposes, may have been well placed, but it was a great mis-
take to erect it, without notice, in the country of the CI -cka-
saws, who had thus far been true friends to the American
cause. They regarded this unauthorized intrusion upon then-
lands as the first step in a career of conquest, and as such re-
sented it; while the settlers of Kentucky looked upon the
measure with but little favor, as it tended to diminish the
available force in their stations, which were still exposed to
the ceaseless hostility of the Shawanese and Wyandots.
The inhabitants of these stations, meanwhile, were increas-
ing with wonderful rapidity under the inducements presented
by" the land laws. Emigrants crowded over the mountains as
soon as spring opened. Three hundred large family boats
arrived early in the year at the Falls ; and on Beargrass
creek was a population containing six hundred serviceable
men * Nor did the swarming stop with the old settlements ;
in the southwest part of the State the hunter Maulding, and
his four sons, built their outpost upon the Red river which
empties into the Cumberland ; f ^^^ile, sometime in the
spring of this same year, Dr. Walker, and Colonel Henderson,
the first visitor and first colonist of Kentucky, tried to run the
line which should divide Virginia from Carolina, (or, as things
are now named, Kentucky from Tennessee,) westward as far
as the Mississippi ; an attempt in which they failed.^ Nor
was it to westei . laads and territorial boundaries alone that
t Pitkin, ii. 612, 91. Life of John Jay, i. 108, &o.
» Butler, second edition, 99.
•f Moreheod, p. 83.
X Marshall, i. 113. Holmes' Annab, ii. note 8d.
NHm
1779.
c Majesty were in
er by Mr. Jay or
f the views of the
3, was drawn up,
10 Aniljassador at
ed the use of the
;hildren, Governor
jted upon the Mis-
is was done in the
I. Clark, who was
him after the wri-
This fort, for some
t was a great mis-
itry of the CI vcka-'
i to the American
itrusion upon their
;st, and us such re-
f looked upon the
cd to diminish the
ere still exposed to
56 and Wyandots.
hil«5, were increas-
ucements presented
jr the mountains as
large family boats
and on Beargrass
lundred serviceable
the old settlements ;
nter Maulding, and
he Red river which
, sometime in the
Colonel Henderson,
cky, tried to run the
.rolina, (or, as things
se,) westward as far
they failed. J Nor
(undaries alone that
1780.
Provision for Education.
235
Virginia directed her attention at this time ; in May we find
her Legislature saying that, " Whereas, it is represented to
this General Assembly that there are certain lands within the
county of Kentucky, formerly belonging to British subjects,
not yet sold under the law of escheats and forfeitures, which
might at a future day be a valuable fund for the maintenance
and education of youth, and it being the ifitcrcst oj this Com'
monwcaltli alwnifs /j promote and encourage every design which
mail tend to the improvement of the mind and the diffusion of use-
ful knowledge even among its remote citizens, whose situation, in a
harlxirous neighborhood and a savage intercourse, might otherwise
render unfriendly to science : be it therefor enacted, that eight
thousand acres of land, within the said county of Kentucky,
late the property of those British subjects, (Robert McKenzie,
Henry Collins, and Alexander McKee,)- should be vested in
trustees, ' as a free donation from this Commonwealth, for the
purpose of a pubUc school, or seminary of learning, to be
erected within the said county, as soon as its circumstances
and the state of its funds will permit.' "
Thus was early laid the foundation of the first western
Seminary of Literature, just five years after the forts of
Boonesborough and Harrodsburg rose amidst the woods.
Thus was the foundation laid for the establishment o^ Tran-
sylvania University at Lexington.
In the summer of 1780, just before the return of Boone to
the West, the most formidable invasion of Kentucky took
place of which her annals contain any notice. A body of six
hundred men, Canadians and Indians, commanded by Colonel
Byrd, a British officer, wit'i two field-pieces, marched up the
valley of Licking. It first appeared, on the 22d of June, be-
fore Ruddle's station, on the south fork of that river, and re-
quired instant surrender. The demand could not be resisted,
as the Kentucky stockades were powerless against cannon.
Martin's station on the same stream was next taken ; — and
then, from some unexplained cause, the whole body of in-
vaders — whose number was double that of all the fighting
men east of the Kentucky river — turned right about face and
hurried out of the country with jail speed. The only reasona-
ble explanation of the natter is, that the British commander,
horror-stricken and terrified at the excesses and cruelties of
his savage allies, dared not go forward in the task — by no
mtm
236
Clark's Invasion of the Indian Conntnj.
1780.
tliP \voo(1h of Ken-
means a hopeless one— of dcpopulntinj
tucky.*
This incursion by Byrd and his red friends, little as it had
effected, was enough to cause Clark, who had Just irturnod
from his labors on Fort .lefferson, and who found it the Falls
a letter from the CJovernor of Virginia, recommending an
attack upon the Indian villages north of the Ohio, to take
immediate steps for the chastisement of the savages, and
especially for the destruction of the store which furnished
goods to the natives. This was situated where the post de-
stroyed by the French in 1752 had been, and was known in
later days as Loramie's store. When, however, in accordance
with his determination, Clark, in July, went to Ilarrodsburg
to enlist recruits, he found the whole population crazy about
land entries, Mr. May, the Surveyor, having opened his office
but two months previous. The General proposed to him to
shut up for a time while the Indians were attended to ; the
Surveyor in reply expressed a perfect willingness to do so in
case General Clark would order it, but said that otherwise he
had no authority to take such a step. The order was accord-
ingly given, accompanied by a full statement of the reasons
for the proceeding. The result proved, as usual, Clark's
sagacity; volunteers flocked to his standard, and soon, with a
thousand men, he was ai the mouth of the Licking. Silently
and swiftly from that point he proceeded to attack the town,
known as Chillicothe, on the Little Miami, and then the
Pickaway towns on Mad river. In both attacks he succeeded ;
destroying the towns, burning the crops, and thus broke down
the influence of the British in that quarter. This expedition,
the first eflicient one ever undertaken against the Miami In-
dians, for a time relieved Kentucky from the attack of any
body of Indians sufliciently numerous to produce serious
alarm.f During this period of comparative quiet, those mea-
sures which led to the cession of the western lands to the
United States began to assume a definite form.
Upon the 26th of June, 1778, when the articles of con-
federation were under discussion in Congress, the objections
* Butler, 100. Marehall, i. 106, 107. Life of Boone in Sparkj, 101.
t For a particular account of thia expedition, aee Stipp'a Miiccllany, 63 to 70. — Butler
llt.—Harshall i. 109.— American Pioneer, i. 316.— Boone's Life, 102.
mtm
ntnj. 1780.
woods of Ivcn-
little as it had
\d JuHt irturnod
uiul nt the Falls
commending an
Ohio, to take
:ic savages, and
which furnished
ero the post de-
d was known in
er, in accordance
to Ilarrodsburg
Ltion crazy about
opened his office
posed to him to
attended to ; the
gness to do so in
that otherwise he
irder was accort'-
it of the reasons
IS usual, Clark's
and soon, with a
Licking. Silently
attack the town,
li, and then the
cks he succeeded ;
thus broke down
This expedition,
ist the Miami In-
he attack of any
produce serious
quiet, those mca-
tern lands to the
rm.
3 articles of con-
ess, the objections
rkj, 101. ■
sccUany, 63 to 70.— Butler
e, 102.
1778.
Cimlt'iivcrsy about Idinih.
237
of New Jersey to the proposed plan of union were brought
' forward, and among them was this :
It was ever the condd nt expectation of this State, that the
benefits derived from a sucteeH^ful contest were ti) be general
and proportionate; and that the property of the common
enemy, falling in con,se(iuencc of a prosperous issue of the
war, would belong to the United States, and bo appropriated
to their use. We are therefore greatly disappointed in find-
ing no provision mad«i in the confederation lor empowering
the Congress to dispose of such property, but especially the
vacant and imputented lands, commonly called the crown
lands, for defraying the expenses of the war, and for such
other public and general purposes. The jurisdiction ought in
every instance to belong to the respective states, within the
charter or determined limits of which such lands may be
seated ; but reason and justice must decide, that the property
which existcJ in the Crown of Great IJritain, previous to the
pres«nt revolution, ought now to belong to the Congress, in
trust for the use and benefit of the United States. They have
fought and bled for it in proportion to their respective abili-
ties ; and therefore the reward ought not to be predilec-
tionally distributed. Shall such States as are shut out by
situation from availing themselves of the least advantage
from this quarter, be left to sink under an enormous debt,
whilst others arc enabled, in a short period, to replace all
their expenditures from the hard earnings of the whole con-
federacy.*
Nor was New Jersey alone in her views. In January,
1779, the Council and Assembly of Delaware, while they
authorized their Delegates to ratify the Articles of Confedera-
tion, also passed certain resolutions, and one of them was in
these words :
Resolved also, That this state consider th^.nselves justly en-
titled to a right, in common with the members of the Union,
to that extensive tract of country which lies to the westward
of the frontiers of the United States, the property of which
was not vested in, or granted to, individuals at the commence-
ment of the present war. That the same hath been, or may
be, gained from the king of Great Britain, or the native In-
dians, by the blood and treasure of all, and ought therefore
to be a common estate, to be granted out on terms beneficial
to the United States.f
But this protest, however positive, was not enough for
Maryland, the representatives of which, in Congress, present-
• See Secret Jonmol, i. p. 877. *
t See Secret Jorrnal, i. p. 429.
1
S3H
Contrnvrrsy almnl Itfint/.s.
17H0.
ed upon the 21«t of May, 1779, tlicir instructions relntivp to
..conni'iiiiiig tlir^ nuicli-tnlkptl-ot' bond tliiit was to niiikc llti.'
colonics one. From those instructions we select the follow-
ing pftssagos:
Virginia, l>y scllini,' on the ipost modernte terms n smnll
portion of the lands in ({uestion, would draw into her trea-
sury vast sums of money ; and, • . proportion to the snms
arising from such sales, would be enabled to lessen her taxes.
Lands comparatively cheap, and tftxes comparatively low,
with the lands and tax(<s of an adjacent State, would ((uickly
drain the State thus disadvantageously circumstanced of its
mo.st useful inhabitants; its wealth and its consecjuence in
the scale of the confederated States would sink of course. A
claim so injurious to more than one-half, if not the whole of
the United States, ought to be supported by the clearest evi-
dence of the right. Yet what evidences of that right have
been produced ? What arguments alleged in support either
of the evidence or the right ? None that we have heard of
deserving a serious refutation. # # »
We are convinced, policy and justice require, that a coun-
try unsettled at the commencement of this war, claimed by
the British crown, and ceded to it by the treaty of Pari.-., if
wrested from the common enemy by the blood and treasure
of the thirteen States, should be considered as a common pro-
perty, subject to be parceled out by Congress, into free, con-
venient, and independent governments, in such manner, and
at such times as the wisdom of that assembly shall hereafter
direct.
Thus convinced, we should betray the trust reposed in us
by our constituents, were we to authorize you to ratify on
their behalf the confederation, unless it be further explained.
We have coolly and dispassionately considered the subject ;
we have weighed probable inconveniences and hardships
against the sacrifice of just and es.sential rights ; and do in-
struct you not to agree to the confederation, unless an article,
or articles be added thereto in conformity with our declara-
tion. Should we succeed in obtaining such article or articles,
then you are hereby fully empowered to accede to the con-
federation.*
These difficulties towards perfecting the Union were in-
creased by the passage of the laws in Virginia, for disposing
of the public lands ; thi^, as we have stated, was done in
May, 1779. Apprehensive of the consequences. Congress,
upon the 30th of October, in that year, resolved that Virginia
be recommended to reconsider her Act opening a land office,
*Se« Secret Journab, i. p. 43S.
«•»•
I7S0.
:i(ins relfttivo to
as to ninkc tite-
t'W'ct the follow-
;(' tcriiiH a stnnll
\v into hor tron-
ion to the snms
lessen her taxes,
iparntivcly low,
c, would (luiokly
umstanced of its
conse(iuencc in
nk of course. A
lot the whole of
the clearest cvi-
r that right have
in support either
c have heard of
# *
iire, that a coun-
war, claimed by
Tcaty of I'ari.^, if
ood and treaHurc
IS a common pro-
ss, into free, con-
uch manner, and
ly shall hereafter
ist reposed in us
you to ratify on
urther explained,
cred the subject ;
!S and hardships
ights ; and do in-
unless an article,
with our declara-
article or articles,
jcede to the con-
Union were in-
inia, for disposing
;ed, was done in
lences, Congress,
Ived that Virginia
ling a land office,
1780.
Controvcrxy almul Lunds.
239
and that she, and all other States clainung wild lands, be re-
quested to Krant no warrants durinK the continuiinre of the
w,ir Th<« troubles whi. li ilius threatened to arise Irom the
claims of Virginia, New York, Mussachusett-. and Connecticut,
to the lands which other colonics regarded as common proper-
ty caused New Y..rk, on the 19th ..f F.'bruary, 1780, to pass
an act which gavo to the Delegates of that State power t(»
cede the western binds dnimed by her for the benefit of the
United States. This law was laid before Congress on the 7th
of March, 1780, Imt no step seems to have been taken until
Scntenibcr Gth, 1780, when a resolution passed that body
pressing up..n the States claiming western lands the wisdom
of giving up their claims in favor of the whole country; and
to aid this recommendation, upon the lOth of October, was
passed the following resolution -which formed the basis of
all after action, and was the first of those legislative meas-
ures which have thus far resulted in the creation of the States
of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois and Michigan*—
No 9 lis. red,— That iho. unappropriated lands that may
be ceded or relinquished to the United States, by ^"Y P«;t;«"-
lar State, pursuant to the recommendation ol Congress ot
he 6th day of September last, shall be disposed of for the
^mmon lenefit of the United States, and be settled and
IbrZd into distinct republican States, which shall become
members of the Federal Union, and have the sanrie rights of
sovereignty, freedom and independence, as the other States ,
that each State which shall be so formed shall contain a suit-
able extent of territory, not less than 100 nor more than 150
miles square, or as near thereto as circumstances will admit .
that the necessary and reasonable expenses which any par-
ticular State shall have incurred since the commencement ot
the present war, in subduing any British posts, or in maintain-
ing forts or garrisons within and for the defence, or in acqui-
ring any part of the territory that may be ceded or relinquished
to the United States, shall be reimbursed.
That the said lands shall be granted or settled at such times,
and under such regulations, as shall hereafter be agreed on by
the United States in Congress assembled, or m any nine or
more of them.f
Such were the steps taken in relation to the great western
wilderness during the year of which we are treating.
[Kentucky was divided into three counties, by the Legisla-
•Old Journals, Ui. 384 385, 616, 635, 682.— Und Law», 338.
-^e Land Lawi, p. 338.
1
mm
240
Projected Attack on Detroit.
1780.
ture of Virginia, in November, and a civil and military organi-
zation provided in each. These were .Tefierson, Fayette, and
Lincoln. John Todd, an estimable man, was made Colonel,
and Daniel Boone, Lieut. Colonel of Fayette courty; John
Floyd was appointed Colonel, and William Pope, Lieut. Co-
lonel of Jefferson county ; Benjamin Logan was Colonel, and
Stephen Trigg, Lieut. Colonel of Lincoln county. The three
regiments were formed into a brigade, and placed under the
command of Gen. G. R. Clark.
Every county had a court of qualified civil and criminal
jurisdiction ; but there was no court competent to try capital
offences nearer than Richmond, Virginia.*]
In December of that year, the plan of conquering Detroit
was renewed again. In 1779 that conquest might have been
effected by Clark h-d he been supported by any spirit; in Janua-
ry 1780, the project was discussed between Vashington and
Brodhead, and given up or deferred, as too great for the means
of the Continental establishment ; in the following October so
weak was that establishment that Fort Pitt itself was threatened
by the savages and British, while its garrison, destitute of bread,
although there was an abundance in the country, were half dis-
posed to mutiny. Under these circumstances, .Congress being
powerless for action, Virginia proposed to carry out the origi-
nal plan of her western General, and extend her operations
to the Lakes; we find, in consequence, that an application
was made by Jefferson to the Commander-in chief for aid, and
that on the 29th of December, an order was given by him on
Brodhead for artillery, tools, stores and men.f How far the
preparations for this enterprise were carried, and (why they
were abandon'^d, we have not been able to discover; but upon
the 26th of April, 1781, Washington wrote to General Clark,
warning him that Connolly, who had just been exchanged,
was expected to go from Canada to Venango, (Franklin,
mouth of French creek,^ with a force of refugees, and thence
to Fort Pitt, with blank commissions for some hundreds of dis-
satisfied men believed to be in that vicinity .J From this it
would seem probable that the Detroit expedition was not
abandoned at that time.
*Mar8h»ll, 1. p. 111.— BuUer, 114.
tSparks' WashiDgton, vl. 43.S, ..i. 270, 343.
X Sparks' Washington, viii. 26.— This letter is not in the Indtx to Mi. Sparks' work.
f.
1780.
1780.
Condition of St. Louis.
211
id military organi-
reon, Fayette, and
I'as made Colonel,
i?tte courty ; John
ft Pope, Lieut. Co-
i was Colonel, and
ounty. The three
placed under the
civil and criminal
stent to try capital
onquering Detroit
it might have been
ny spirit; in Janua-
n Vashington and
great for the means
llowing October so
self was threatened
I, destitute of bread,
intry, were half dis-
jes, -Congress being
carry out the origi-
end her operations
tiat an application
in chief for aid, and
IS given by him on
sn.f How far the
ed, and [why they
i discover; but upon
J to General Clark,
it been exchanged,
enango, (Franklin,
sfugees, and thence
me hundreds of dis-
ity.J From this it
xpedition was not
I lodtx to Mi. Sparks' wotk.
It was in May, 1780, that an Act was passed for establishing
-the town of Louisville. We have mentioned the survey of
the lands at the Falls by Bullitt, in 1773, on account of John
Connolly, and also the advertisement of that gentleman and
John Campbell, dated April 3, 1774. Connolly, however, as
a tory, had forfeited his title, and in the present year, Virginia
proceeded to dispose of his share in the one thousand acres
at the Falls of the Ohio. But as Campbell, the apparent
joint owner, was in captivity in 1780, final action was delayed
until his return. This having taken place, successive acts in
May and October, '83, and '84, were passed protecting and
securing his interests while the share of his refugee partner
was disposed of.*
[We now return to the condition of St. Louis. The troubles
which followed the attempt of Spain to take possession of
Lower Louisiana, left the upper settlements for son.e years in
the hands of the French, in whose possession it remained until
1770. According to the archives, M. St. Ange continued to
officiate as commandant until that year.
On the 29th of November, 1770, Piernas, the Spanish Com-
mandant, arrived at St. Louis, but there is no official docu-
ment or record to show that he exercised the functions of his
office until February, 1771. Of his administration we give
the language of Wilson Primm, Esq., in his oration at the
"Celebration of the Anniversary" in 1847.
The inhabitants were soon reconciled to the change of do-
minion, for Piernas tempered all his official acts with a spirit
of mildness, which characterized the course of nearly all his
successors. Such measures, were, indeed, imperatively re-
quired towards men who had come with ill humor under the
Spanish power, and who would ngt, otherwise, have hesitated
to follow the example before set, by their brethren at IScw
Orleans.
The policy thus pursued, brought about the strongest at-
tachment to Spain ; and when, in 1800, the retrocession to
France took place, the people manifested the deepest regret
and dissatisfaction. , ,., i • •♦
The mildness of the form of government, the liberal spirit
with which grants of valuable lands were made, in connection
with the advantages which the trade of the country presented,
soon attracted immigration from the Canadas, and Lower
Louisiana. ■ Settlements were formed along the Missouri and
•Collection of Acts, 4c., reUtive to LouisvilU, 1837, pp. 3-6.
242
Condition of St. Limis.
1780.
aiississippi rivers ; and as earl^ as 1767, Vulc pochr, after-
wards culled Caronddcl, in honor of the Baron dc Caronde-
let. was founded by Dclor de Tregette. In 1776, F/yrisant,^
after .vards called St. Ferdinand, in honor of the King of
Spain, was founded by Beaurosier Dunegant; and in 1769,
Lis Petite Cotes, now St. Charles, was established by Blan-
chctte Chasseur ; and numerous other small settlements sprang
up, on the borders of the two rivers before named, and in the
interior of the country.
Piernas was succeeded in his ofHce of Lieutenant Governor,
by Don Francisco Cruzat, in 1775, and he in his turn was sup-
planted by Don Fernando de Leyba, in the year 1778.
At this time a material change had taken place in the po-
litical relations which had previously existed between the
European powers which claimed the northern portion of the
American continc nt.
The provinces had declared their independence of England,
had published to the world, in language which even an un-
willing memory could not forget, the principles of self-govern-
ment and of untrammelled freedom which belong to man
wherever born, and wherever might be his home. England
had called them traitors, and had treated them as rebels ; she
had no*; hesitated, in her proud resentment, to use. the most un-
usual and barbarous means to enforce a blind and servile
obedience to her power. But the American people remained
unappalled in the direful conflict that ensued. Trusting in
the justice and holiness of their cause, they eventually remain-
ed unconqu'^red, because they willed to be free.
At the same time, in France, the faint glin^.merings of man's
rights to freedom from vassalage, began to be perceived, and
the elements were at work, which, at a later period, led to the
horrors of the Revolution, but eventually enabled the French
people to establish, through a baptism of blood, a limited and
constitutional monarchy.
It must not be supposed thai such a commotion in the po-
litical world would be unfelt or unnoticed upon th ■ western
shores of the Mississippi. On the contrary, the feelings of
aversion to England which had prompted the people of St.
Louis to escape from the jurisdiction of the eastern shore, still
lingered in their hearts; and although Spain had exercised
the most paternal rule over them, still they could not view
unmoved, the conflict which was raging almost within their
hearing, between the spirit of tyranny on the one hand, and
the spirit of freedom on the other.
The history of the invasion of St. Louis by the British and
im' is in 1780, is involved in perplexity, owing to the state-
ments made, and repeated by respectable authorities, concern-
ing the proffered aid of Gen. G. R. Clark from the Illinois
wmrifm^**
1780.
, V'dc Fochr, after-
Baron (le C.ironde-
In 1776, Flitrisant,
lor of the King of
igant; and in 1769,
istabli.shed by Blan-
1 settlements .sprang
3 named, and in the
ieutenant Governor,
in his turn was sup-
le year 1778.
cen place in the po-
xisted between the
Lhern portion of the
endence of England,
which even an un-
nples of self-govern-
ich belong to man
lis home. England
them as rebels ; she
t, to us«*. the most un-
a blind and servile
;an people remained
nsued. Trusting in
y eventually reraain-
>e free.
lin-.merings of man's
to be perceived, and
,ter period, led to the
enabled the French
biood, a limited and
jmmotion in the po-
}d upon 111'' western
•ary, the fcolings of
ed the people of St.
[le eastern shore, still
jpain had exercised
they could not view
almost within their
n the one hand, and
is by the British and
■, owing to the state-
authorities, concern-
irk from the Illinois
1780.
Clark's Assistance to St. Louis.
243
countrv, and the denial by others equally entitled to credit.
The Editor to this edition, has spared no pains to decide this
question, and has been obliged to leave it in some doubt,
though he is satisfied there is some truth in the statement.
To give the reader a full view of the subject, he will give the
somewhat contradictory statement of different authors, and
the rtsult of his own reflections.
W Primm, Esq., an intelligent citizen of the place, and
who has had access to every existing record, civil and eccle-
siastical, gives the following :*
In February, 1779, Col. George Rogers Clark, under au-
thority of Virginia, after having struck many severe blows
a'Sst the British power on the Ohio and Missi.ss>ppi rivers,
was in the neighborhood of St. Louis raising men from
among"t the French inhabitants of Cahokm and Kankask.a,
foTthe purpose of capturing St. Vincent's, now called ^ n-
cennes, Ld which was then in possession of the English under
''TTrrstaS'Som some source, that an attack w,. med-
itated upon St. Louis, by a large force unde-" P''»'^h^:"?«''S
.at too at a time when Spain was contending with England
t the nossel on of the Floridas, Clark, with that chivalrous
spir t vvhich hasearned for him one of the brightest pages lu
African history, at once offered to the Lieutenant Governor
U ba "ll the assistance in his power to repe the contem-
plated' attack. Ihe offer of assistance was rejected, on the
ground that no danger was really apprehended.
In mv former sketch of the history of St. Louis, 1 had placeU
the time of this offer by Clark in 1780.* Satisfied that it was
nadranterior to that /ear, and whilst he was raising troops
for the re-capture of Vincennes, I am not, however, perm.Ued
o withdraw the statement that such an ofler was ««^de JThe
tesUmony of witnesses then Mving, upon whose authoritj it
wa Ten made, leaves in my mind no room to doubt the cor-
rectness of the fact. In this, too, I am borne out by the au-
thority of Stoddard in his Historical Sketches of Louisiana.
The territory on which St. Louis stood, that on which sev-
eral other towns hadbeen located, and the surrounding country
were claimed by the Illinois Indians, but they had acquiesced
Tthe intrusion of the whites, and had never molested them.
But when the rumor of an attack upon the tow" ^.;.|- ^«
fpread abroad, the people became alarmed f«Vheir ^^'^^^Jy., ^
*^The town was almost destitute of works «f '^'^f "^J;J*"^J f
inhabitants amounting to a little niore than a hundred r«..
immediately proceeded to enclose it w)th a species of wall,
* Celebration, Februsiy, 184T.
-^•«imf0miiii't^
214
Attack made on St. Louis.
1780.
I .r':
formecl of the trunks of small trees, planted in the ground,
the interstices being filled up with earth. The wall was some
live or six feet high. It started from the half moon, a kind of
fort in that form, sit''.ated on the river, near the present F/of/-
in^ Jhck, and ran from thence a little above the brow of the
hill, in a semi-circle, until it reached the Mississippi, some-
what above the bridge, now on Second street. Three gates
were formed in it, one near the bridge, and two others on
the hill, at the points where the roads from the north-western
and south-western parts of the common fields came in. At
each of these gates was placed a heavy piece of ordnance,
kept continually charged, and in good order. Having com-
pleted this work, and hearing no more of the Indians, it was
supposed that the attack hal been abandoned. Winter
passed away, and spring came ; still, nothing was heard of
the Indians. The inhabitants were 'led to believe that their
apprehensions were groundless, from the representations of
the commandant Leyba, who did everything in his power to
dissipate their anxiety, assuring them that there was no dan-
ger, and that the rumor of the proposed attack was false. The
month of May came, the labors of planting were over, and
the peaceful and happy villagers gave themselves up to such
pursuits and pleasures as suited their taste.
A few days before the attack, an old man named Quenelle,
being on the opposite side of the river, saw another Frenchman
by the name cif Ducharme, who had formerly absconded from
St. Louis, who told him of the projected attack. The Govern-
or called him "an old do^„rd," and ordered him to prison.
In the meantime, numerous bands of the Indians living on
the lakes and the Mississippi — the Ojibeways, Menomenies,
Winncbagoes, Sioux, Sacs, &c., together with a large number
of Canadians, amounting, in all, to upwards of fourteen hun-
dred — had assembled on the eastern shdre of the Mississippi,
a little above St. Louis, awaiting the 26th of May, the day
fixed for the attack. The 25th of May was the feast of Corpzts
C/irisli, a day highly venerated by the inhabitants, who were
all Catholics. Had the a.ssault taken place then, it would
have been fatal to them; for, after divine service, all, men,
women and children, had flocked to the prairie to gather
strawberries, which were that season very abundant and fine.
The town, being left perfectly unguarded, could have been
taken with ease, and the unsuspecting inhabitants, who were
roaming about in search of fruit, could have been massacred
without resistance. Fort'inately, however, a few only of the
enemy had crossed the river, and ambushed themselves in the
prairie. The villagers frequently came so near them, in the
course of the day, that the Indians, from their places of conceal-
UlS.
1780.
anted in the ground,
The wall was sorno
3 half moon, a kind of
ear the present F/of/-
ove the brow of the
le Mississippi, some-
street. Three gates
;, and two others on
>m the north-western
fields came in. At
ry piece of ordnance,
>rder. Having com-
f the Indians, it was
ibandoncd. Winter
athing was heard of
to believe that their
le representations of
ling in his power to
at there was no dan-
ttack was false. The
iting were over, and
emselves up to such
ite.
lan named Quenelle,
V another Frenchman
nerly absconded from
ittack. The Govern-
•ed him to prison.
;he Indians living on
eways, Menomenies,
with a large number
irds of fourteen hun-
re of the Mississippi,
6th of 3'Iay, the day
IS the feast of Corpus
ihabitants, who were
)lace then, it would
le service, all, men,
le prairie to gather
y abundant and fine.
id, could have been
habitants, who were
ave been massacred
er, a few only of the
led themselves in the
so near them, in the
eir places of conceal-
Attack made on St. Louis.
'215
1780.
ment could have reached them with their hands. But they
nelv not how many of the M-hites were still remaining m tic
iC,and in tl'abLnce of their coadjutors, eared to attack,
le«t their preconcerted plan might Le deieatcil.
On the -^eth, the body of the Indians crossed, and marched
directly totvar Is the fields, expecting to find the greater part
of the vUagcrs there; but in this they were disappointed a
?evv only liaving gone out to view their cr ps. These perceiv-
ed the approach of the savage foe, and ^'"'n^diately con-
menced a retreat towards the town, the most of them takuig
Teroad that led to the upper gate, nearly thrcnigh t e mass
of Indians, and followed by a shower of bullets 1 e lung
^ armed those who were in town, and the cry, "To aims ! to
arm^" ^vas heard in every direction. They rushed towards
a e works, and thre.v open the gates to their brethren. 1 he
liSians advanced slowli but steadily, t-vards^ he town, and
the inhabitants, though almost deprived of hope, by the -vast
supe?iiri^1a numbers of the assailants, determined to defend
'rS^^^tation^oftn attack, Silvio Francisco Cartabona, a
governmental officer, had gone to Ste. Genevieve ^r a com-
nanv of militia, to aid in defending the town, in case ot neces-
S;ranThad.'atthe beginning of the m«nth. retui-ned with
sixtv men, who were quartered on the citizens. As soon as
Kac": commenced! however, neither Cartabona nor us
men could be seen. Either through fear ««• /''^^^^f ^^' \' ^ll^.
greater part concealed themselves in a garret, and theie re-
fnarned vm il the Indians had retired. The assailed being de-
prived of a considerable force by this shameful defection, were
S resolute and determined. About fifteen men were^^^^^^^^^^
at each gate ; the rest were scattered along the line ot dttencc,
iu the most advantageous manner. . ^
When within proper distance, the Indians began an u legu
lar fire, which was answered with showers of S^ape shot from
the artillerv The firing, for a while, was warm; but the in-
i Ls pe'^ei-ving that alTtheir elforts would be ineflectual, on
account of the entrenchments, and' deterred by the cannon to
which thev were unaccustomed, l'0'"/«,^^\"g '''".^'''^r. !?,'
proach, sull-ered their zeal to abate, and ^'^l^^erately retired.
At this stage of afi-airs, the Lieutenant Governor ">ade h « ap
pearance. ^ The first intimation that he received of ^vhat was
going on, was by the discharge of artillery, on the pa»t ot the
hihabitants. He immediately ordered several Pieces of can-
non, which were posted in front of the government house to
be spiked and filled with sand, and went or ^'ather i^a. , o' ed
in a wheelbarrow, to the scene of action. In a ver> P?'«;npto-
ry tone, he commanded the inhabitants to cease firing, an
return to their houses. Those posted at the lower gate, did
not hear the order, and consequently kept their stations. 1 he
asR
fl46
Massacre near St. Louis.
1780.
commandant perceived this, and ordered a cannon to be fired
at them. They had barely time to throw themselves on the
ground, when the volley passed over them, and struck tlie
wall, tearing a great part of it down. These proceedings, as
well as the whole tenor of his conduct, after the first rumor of
an attack, gave rise to suspicions, very unfavorable to the
Lieutenant Governor. It was freely said, that he was the
cause of the attack, that he was connected with the British,
and that he had been bribed into a dereliction of duty, which,
had not Providence averted, M'ould have doomed them to de-
struction. Under the pretext of proving to them that there
was no danger of an attack, he had, a few days before it oc-
curred, sold to the traders all the ammunition belonging to
the government; and they would have been left perfectly des-
titute and defenceless, had they not found, in a private house,
eight barrels of powder, belonging to a trader, which they
seized in the name of the king, upon the first alarm. These
circumstances gave birth to a strong aversion to the Comman-
dant, which evinces itself, even at this day, in execrations of
his ch aracter, whenever his name is mentioned to those who
have known him. Representations of his conduct, together
with a detailed account ot the attack, were sent to New Or-
leans by a special messenger, and the result was, that the
Governor General reappointed Francisco Cruzat to the office
of Lieutenant Governor.
As soon as it was ascertained that the Indians had retired
from the neighborhood, the inhabitants proceeded to gather
and bury the dead, that lay scattered in all parts of the prai-
rie. Seven were at first found, and buried in one grave. Ten
or twelve others, in the course of a fortnight, were discovered
in the long grass that bordered the marshes. The acts of the
Indians were accompanied by their characteristic ferocity.
Some of their victims were horribly mai^gled. With the ex-
ception of one individual, the whites who accompanied the
Indiana, did not take part in the butcheries that were commit-
ted. A young man, named Calve, was found dead, his skull
split open, and a tomahawk, on the blade of which was writ-
ten the word, "Calve," sticking in his brain. He was sup-
posed to have fallen by the hand of his uncle. Had those
who discovered the Indians in the prairie, fled to the lower
gate, they would have escaped ; but the greater part of them
took the road that led to the upper gate, through the very
ranks of the enemy, and were thus exposed to the whole of
their fire. About twenty persons, it is computed, met their
death in endeavoring to get within the entrenchments. None
of those within them were injured, and none of the Indians
were killed ; at least, none of them were found. Their ob-
ject was not plunder, for they did not attempt, in their retreat,
to take with them any of the cattle or horses that were in the
tt^iptiiMt^'l'» .' U"
IS.
1780.
Traitorous Conduct of Lcyha.
247
a cannon to be fired
w themselves on the
hem, and struck the
I'hese proceedings, as
fter the first rumor cl"
T unfavorable to the
lid, that he was the
;ted with the British,
lictionof duty, which,
doomed them to de-
ig to them that there
ew days belbre it oc-
lunition belonging to
•een left perfectly des-
d, in a private house,
a trader, which they
le first alarm. These
rsion to the Comman-
day, in execrations of
ntioned to those who
his conduct, together
were sent to New Or-
result was, that the
CO Cruzat to the office
le Indians had retired
i proceeded to gather
1 all parts of the prai-
cd in one grave. Ten
night, were discovered
shes. The acts of the
;haracteristic ferocity,
mgled. With the ex-
ivho accompanied the
ries that were commit-
1 found dead, his skull
ide of which was writ-
brain. He was sup-
his uncle. Had those
lirie, fled to the lower
e greater part of them
gate, through the very
posed to the whole of
s computed, met their
entrenchments. None
d none of the Indians
ere found. Their ob-
ttempt, in their retreat,
horses that were in the
1780.
1 ,.,i,-.pK tlipv misrht have taken ; nor did they at-
SaAy o' h n^ithb'oHntLwns, where the danger wcu. d
■bTve been S, and the prospect of success greater. Ihe
hii\e »f.^" •^?;' , . ^: y was the destruction ol St.
t"'^- '2 this woufdeem to 'fair the idea that they were
S'aedbyleTgi^^^^^^^ ground, when con-
S'il with ot' - circumstances, to believe that Leyba ^.as
government until the following y'^"''' ^y^^^" ^/"Jr^^^^^^'Tov!
to St. Louis, and assumed the command as Lieutenant uo%
ernor a second time. t u n « .,K,r.tlinr Arnold.
There can be no doubt that Le>-ba, like another Arnold,
was seduced into defection from his duty, and that 't- as only
the unflinching daring of the people of St. Louis, that
this infant outpost from utter destruction.
The population of St. Louis at the period of this attack
was about eight or nine hundred, of all ages and c asses^
Hutchins* says (r,71) "At Ste. Genevieve there were t„o
hundred and eight whites and eighty negroes, capab e of
1 „♦ «4f T niiis four hundred and niieen
hparin"' arms ; and at ot. Ijouis, luui
wl^^andforly blacks. He fuHher states there w^^^^^
hundred and twenty houses in St. Louis, some of which were
of stone, large and'commodious." The whole --h. e popula
tion he makes eight hundred, and of negroes, one hundr d
and fifty. ^
Stoddard, in his "Sketches of Louisiana," (p. ^ 9) says .
" The commandant of Michilimackinac in 1780 assembled
about fifteen hundred Indians, and one hundred an<ij^;ty
English, and attempted the reduction of St. Louis, the capuai
•Hintorical and Topographical Dcxwiption of Louisiana.
248
Sketches of Major Stoddard.
1780.
of Uppiir Lnuisi.'imi. Daring the short time they wore he-
fore that town, sixty of the inhahitants were killed, ami thirty
taken prisoners. Fortunately, General Clark was on tlie (jp-
)osite side of the Mississippi with a considerable force. On
lis appearance hi JSt. Louis with a strong detachment, tlic
i;
Indians were amazed. They had no disposition to (juarrei
with any other than Louisianians. and charged the English with
deception. In fine, as the jealousy of the Indians was ex-
cited, the English trembled for their safety, and therefore
.secretly abandoned their auxiliaries, and made the best of
their way into Canada. The Indians then returned to their
homes in peace.
This expedition, as appears, was not sanctioned by the Eng-
lish court, and the private property of the commandant was
seized to pay the expenses of it — most likely becau.se it proved
, unfortunate."
Major Amos Stoddard, author of the " Sketches, li'istormd
and Descriptive, of Louisiana,'^ was an oflicer of the United
States, and constituted the agent of France to receive Upper
Louisiana from the Spanish authorities and make the transfer
to the United States. He was an accomplished scholar in
science and general literature, read French, and was in the
country in the discharge of his official duties from March,
1804 to 1809. A part of the time his head quarters were in
St. Louis. lie was personally acquainted and intimate with
the more intelligent inhabitants of the place, had access to
public archives, which he carefully examiued, and made ex-
tensive excursions throughout the country. Respectable men
in most of the districts, and especially at St. Louis, furnished
him with such local information as they possessed. And in
careftilly comparing his statements in general with the pub-
lished authorities and other documents from whence he
derived many facts in his Sketches, we find him accurate.
Yet, in this statement of the attack he is certainly inaccurate,
though, doubtless, he wrote as he was informed from the re-
collections of the people. The number of British officers and
troops is much overrated. And, certainly. General Clark at
the time of the invasion was not "on the opposite side of the
Mississippi," nor did he Tiake "his appearance at St. L„uis
with a strong detachment," for at that eventful crisis, he was
below the mouth of the Ohio establishing Fort Jefferson, From
thence he proceeded by land to Ilarrodsburg in Kentucky, in
the month of June ; was at the Falls (Louisville) the 14th of
•nn"
;*;^kA
an
1780.
1780.
Do ument of Mr. Nicol/ct.
219
time thoy wrrc bc-
vrv. killed, ami tliirty
Slark was on the (jp-
siderablo liuco. On
)ng detach mo lit, the
isposition to (juaiTri
rged the Englisih with
the Indians was ex-
afety, and therefore
id made the best ol'
en returned to their
nctioned by the Eng-
le commandant was
ely because it proved
" Sketches, Historical
jfliccr of the United
nee to receive Upper
ind make the transfer
ompllshed scholar in
mch, and was in the
duties from March,
lead quarters were in
ed and intimate with
place, had access to
uiued, and made cx-
y. Respectable men
t St. Louis, furnished
possessed. And in
3neral with the pub-
is from whence he
e find him accurate.
certainly inaccurate,
nformed from the re-
of British officers and
ily, General Clark at
e opposite side of the
jarance at St. L„uis
eventful crisis, he was
Fort Jejferson. From
sburg in Kentucky, In
ouisville) the 14th of
July, and by the 2nd of August had an army of one thousand
■ men raised to march against the Indians in Ohio. Hesides,
Colonel John Todd, was "County Lieutenant," or command-
ant at Kaskaskia, in May, 1780.
As subsequent historians have followed mainly the state-
ment of Major Stoddard, we have no occasion to examine
their testimony.
Mr. Nicollet, in a documentary report of an exploration of
the Upper Mississippi, published by the United States' Senate,
February, 1841, containing a "Sketch of the Early History of
St. Louis," and who examined the papers of the late Col. Au-
gustc Chouteau, denies the offer or the interference of Gen.
Clark, alleging that, "with his men, he then occupied the impor-
tant post of Kaskaskia, which is more than rift3'^-six miles S.
E. of St. Louis; and that, consequently, this gallant officer could
not have had time, even if it had fell within the line of his
duty, to aid in an affair that concerned the Spaniards and the
British, which was planned as a surprise, and lasted but a few
hours."
Mr. Nicollet was mistaken in the datc,orelse a typographi-
cal error crept into the printed copy, for it was not the 6th,
but the 26th, of May the assault was made. This is evident
from the records of the church, concerning the burial of the
slain, and is sustained by Mr. Primm in the document already
given. He was also mistaken in supposing General Clark to
have been at Kaskaskia at that time. Judge Martin* says :
" In the fall, [1780] the British commanding officer at Mich-
illimackinac, with about one hundred and forty men from
his garrison, and near fourteen hundred Indians, attacked the
Spanish post at St. Louis ; but Col. Clark, who was still at
Kaskaskia, came to its relief. The Indians, who came from
Michillimackinac, having no idea of fighting any but Span-
iards, refused to act against Ameiicans, and complained of
being deceived. Ciark released about fifty prisoners that had
been made, and the enemy made the best of his way home."
Judge Martin refers to Stoddard. Judge Hall has given a
graphic description of the assault, the substP.nce of which he
had from the Address of W. Primm, Esq., before the St. Louis
Lyceum, in 1831, and subsequently published in the Illinois
Magazine, of which Judge Hall was Editor. He says nothing
about the interference of General Clark. f
^' History of Louisiana, vol. iL, p. 63. ,,. . ..'„.,,
t Sketches of the West, vol. 1 : 171, 172.
16
260
The Explanation.
1780.
II
•! W
Amidst this conflicting testimony, tlio reader naturally in-
quires, wha* is the truth?
We siihjoin the following facts and sugges-tionfl :
There was constant intercourse between th» inhabitants of
^t. Louis and those of Cahokia and Kaskaskia, and each
party felt interested in the welfare of the other.
In the spring rtf 1779, when Clark was at Cahokia and
Kai<kaskia, St. Louis was threatened by a Uritish and Indian
force from the North. This the gallant General learned from
the Indians of Illinois, who were friendly, and he communi-
cated the intelligence to the inhabitants, and, through them,
to Governor Leyba, by the ntodium of his French associates of
Illinois. It was then he prortered aid, should the town be at-
tacked. When the attack was made, u year after, he had
left the Illinois country, and was at the Chickasaw IJlutl's,
establishing Fort Jcfferton, to which point he went early in
1780, by the Missit;sippi river.
This proffered aid, in case of on invasion, made in 1779,
was not without its effect. It produced a friendly feeling in
St. Louis, and the contiguous settlements, to the Americans,
which was subsequently manifested in the encouragement
given by the commandants to emigration acro.ss the Missis-
sippi. We conceive the statement of Mr. Primm, heretofore
given, to be the correct one.
There is one fact that must remain unexplained. Taking
the lowest statement of the invading force, f.nd, with an im-
becile commander, as Leyba unquestionably was, they could
have destroyed St. Louis, and massacred all its inhabitants.
It appears, from all accounts, the Indians, after killing and
scalping about twenty persons, who were out of the town in
the fields, and making an attack on the g. ' '.s, suddenly re-
tired, refusing to co-operate any longer witl\ . nr British al-
lies.
Tradition says, they were instigated to mal ' -s attack by
a renegade French trader, in revenge for some injury he had
received at St. Louis, and that finding persons they knew, and
with whom they had formerly associated, and whom they
recognized as friends, they withdrew of their own accord.
Be this as it may, we regard their relinquishment of the at-
tack as a merciful interposition of Providence.
1780.
reader naturally in-
ges'tions :
.n th« inlinbitants of
vaskaskia, and each
! other.
ms at Cahokia and
a IJritish and Indian
General learned from
y, and ho communi-
s, and, through thein,
s French associates of
hould the town be at-
u year after, he had
;he Chickasaw IJlufls,
aint he went early in
vasion, made in 1779,
\ a friendly feeling in
nts, to the Americans,
n the encouragement
ion across the Missis-
Mr. Primn., heretofore
unexplained. Taking
brce, f.nd, with an im-
onably was, they could
•ed all its inhabitants,
lians, after killing and
vcre out of the town in
the g. ' 'f^, suddenly rc-
er witlv nr British al-
i to mal '■■"' attack by
; for some injury he had
J persons they knew, and
dated, and whom they
tv of their own accord,
ilinquishment of the at-
•ovidence.
1780.
Pro/mition Made hy Virginia.
Ml
"In the autumn of 1780, La Kalme, a nati\o of Fr.iner,
made an attempt to carry an expedition from Kaskaskia
against Detroit. With twenty or thirty men, ho marched
from Kaskaskia to I'ost Vincennes, where he was joined by a
small reinforcement. lie then moved up the Wabash, and
reached the Hritish trading post, Ke-ki-ong-a, at the head of
the Maurnee. Aller plundering the traders, and some of tho
Indians, ho marched from tho post, and encamped near tho
river Aboite. A party of the Miami Indians attacked the
encampment in the night. La Halmo and sev« lal of his fol-
lowers were slain, and the expedition was defeated." *J
We now enter on the Annals of 1781.
Virginia, in accordance with tho recommendation of Con-
gress already noticed, upon the 2d of January of this ye..r,
agreed to yield her western lands to the United States, upon
certain conditions ; among which were the.se : 1st, no person
holding ground under a purchase from the natives to him or
his grantors, individually, and no one claiming under a grant
or charter from the British crown, inconsistent wlch the char-
ter or customs of Virginia, was to be regarded as having a
valid title; and 2d, the United States were to guarantee to
Virginia all the Territory south-east of the Ohio to the Atlan-
tic, as Air as the bounds of Carolina. These conditions Con-
gress would not accede to, and the Act of Cession, on the
part of th3 Old Dominion, failed, nor was any thing farther
done until 1783.t
Early in the same month in which Virginia made her first
Act of Cession, a Spahish captain, with sixty-five men, left
St. Louis, for the purpose of attacking some one of the Brit-
ish posts of the north-west. Whether this attempt originated
in a desire to revenge the English and Indian siego of St.
Louis, in the previous year, or whether it was a mere pre-
tence to cover the claims about that time set up by Spain to
the western country, in opposition to the colonie.s, which she
claimed to be aiding, it is perhaps impossible to .say. But
these facts— that the point aimed at, St. Joseph's, was far in
the interior, and that this crusade was afterwards looked to
by the court of Spain as giving a ground of territorial right-
make it probable that the enterprise was rather a legal one
against the Americans, than a military one against the Eng-
* Dillon's Indiana, toI. 1, p. 190.
t Old Journals, It. 265 to 267.
H
362
Birth of Mary Hcckcwcldir.
1781.
Ill,
i^T
HhIi : and this conclusion is made stronger by the fm:t, that
the Spaninrdn, having taken the utterly unimportant post of
St. Joseph, and having claimed the country as belonging to the
King of Spain, by right of conquest, turned back to the quiet
west bank of the Mississippi again, and h^fl the Long Knives
to prosecute the capture of Detroit, as tliey best could.*
In the spring of this year, an army of eight hundred men,
under command of Colonel Urodhead, marched from Wheel-
ing, the place of rendezvous, to destroy some Indian settle-
ments at Coshocton, near the forks of the Muskingum river.
This army reached the principal village, on the east side of
the river, and took a number of prisoners, of which sixteen
were killed with the tomahawk, and scalped. Their march
further, was arrested by the river, which was unusually high,
and the villages on the west side escaped destruction, and the
army retired. f
Upon the 16th of April in this year, was born at Salem,
upon the Mu.skingum river, Mary llecke welder, daughter of
the widely-known Moravian missionary — tlio earliest born of
white American children, who first saw the light north of the
Ohio; and in her language, rather than our own, we now
give some incidents relative to the Christian Delawares and
their teachers.
Soon after my birth, times becoming very troublesome, the
settlements were olten in danger from war parties ; and finally,
in the beginning of September, of the same year, we were all
made pri.soners. First, four of the missionaries were seized
by tt party of Huron warriors, and declared prisoners of war;
they were then led into the camp of the Delawares, where
the death-song was sung over them. Soon after they had
secured them, a number of warriors marched off for Salem
and Shoenbrun. About thirty savages arrived at the former
place in the dusk of the evening, and broke open the mission
house. Here they took my mother and myself prisoners, and
having led her into the street, and placed guards over her, they
plundered the house of every thing they could take with them
and destroyed what was left. T^en, going to take my mother
along with them, the savages vvere prevailed upon, through
the intercession of the Indian females, to let her remain at
Salem till the next morning — the night being dark and rainy,
and almost impossible for her to travel so far—they, at last,
* Diplomatic Correspondenoe, iii. 339 ; riiL 160.— Secret Joani»I<; ir. 64, 74.
t Dillon's Indiana, i. 190.
1781.
r by the fact, that
important post of
[VH belonging to th«
I back to tho quiet
\ the Long Knives
f best could.*
ight hundred men,
•chcd from Whcel-
ome Indian settle-
Muskingum river.
an the east side of
s, of which sixteen
ped. Their march
,vas unusually high,
destruction, and the
was born at Salem,
welder, daughter of
-tlio earliest born of
he light north of the
[» our own, we now
stian Delawares and
cry troublesome, the
r parties ; and finally,
me year, we were all
sionaries were seized
ired prisoners of war;
he Delawares, where
Soon after they had
larched olf for Salem
arrived at the former
iroke opeu the mission
myself prisoners, and
tl guards over her, they
could take with them
ing to take my mother
evailed upon, through
), to let her remain at
; being dark and rainy,
el so far— they, at last,
etJo«rn»l», iT. 64, 74.
1781.
Siijfi-rini^.t of the yforavians.
253
consented on condition that she should be broiiKht into the
camp th» next morninjf, which was afoordingly done, and she
was safely conducted by our Indians to (Inadenhutten.
After experiencing the cruel treatment of the savages for
some time, they were set at Hberty again ; but were obliged
to leave their nourishing settlcMnents, and forctid to march
through n dreary wilderness to Upper Sandusky. We went
by land through (loHeiicliguenU to the Walholding, and then
partly by water and partly along the banks of tlio river, to
Sandusky Creek. All the way I was carried by an Indian
woman, carefully wrapt in a blanket, on her back. Our
journey was exceedingly tedious and dangerous ; some of the
canoes sunk, and those that were in them lost all their provi-
sions and everything they had saved. Those that went by
land drove the cattle, a pretty largo herd. The savages now
drove us along, the missionaries with their families usually in
their midst, surrounded bv their Indian converts. The roads
were exceedingly bad, leading through a continuation of
swamps. II u *
Having arrived at Upper Sandusky, they built small huts
of logs and bark to screen them from the cold, having neither
beds nor blankets, and being reduced to the greatest poverty
and want ; fo'- the savages had by degrees stolen almost every
thin", both from the missionaries and Indians, on the journev.
We lived here extremely poor, oftcn-times very little or noth-
ing to satisfy the cravings of hunger ; and the poorest o' Jne
Indians were obliged to live upon their dead cattle, which
died for want of pasture.*
To this account, by one who is, from her age at the time,
but a second-hand witness, we may add the following particu-
lars. Wc have already mentioned the rise of the Christian-
Indian towns upon the Muskingum. During the wars between
the north- west savages and the Pennsylvania and Virginia
frontier-men, the quiet converts of Post, Zeisberger, and
Hecke welder, had any other than a pleasant position.
The Wyandots thought they betrayed the red men's in-
terests to their religious white kinsfolk ; the pale-faced In-
dian-haters of the Kenawha, doubted as little that the
"praying" Delawares played them false, and favored the
fierce warriors of the lakes.f Little by little these suspicions
and jealousies assumed form, and the missionaries having
actually been guilty of the crime of interpreting to the Dela-
» American Pioneer, ii. 224. .
* la October, 1777, a party of Ametlosm orojied the Ohio to attack tho MoraTian
towns.— Heokewelder'i Narrative, 161),
m
■ 3 "!?•«!» fc'-
(I
liii
I
u
t
I
h Ml
J 111
. < ;> i I
J
lit'
11 \\
i' i!.^
SkKLISj^i
254
The Missionaries on Trial.
1781.
ware chiefs, certain letters received from Pittsburgh, measures
were taken by the English, as early, it seems, as 1779, to re-
move them from the American borders, and thus prevent their
interference. No result followed at that time from the steps
alluded to ; but in 1780 or '81, the Iroquois were asked at a
council, held at Niagara, to remove the Muskingum Chris-
tians, as the settlements were in the country claimed by the
Five Nations. The New York savages were perfectly will-
ing the thing should be done, but were not willing to do it
themselves, so they sent to the Ottawas and Chippeways* a
message to the effect that they might have the Moravian con-
gregations to make soup of. The Ottawas, in their turn, de-
clined the treat, and sent the message to the Hurons, or, as
they are most commonly called, the Wyandots. These,
tOi'^ether with Captain Pipe, the war chief of the Delawares,
who was the enemy of the missionaries because they taught
peace, carried the wish of the English into execution, in the
manner narrated by the daughter of the Moravian leader.
At Detroit, whither four of the Europeans were taken in Oc-
tober, Heckfc welder and his co-laborers were tried; but as
even Captain Pipe could find no other charge against them
than that of interpreting the American letters above referred
to, they were discharged and returned to their families at
Sandusky, toward the close of November.f
While the English and their red allies were thus persecut-
ing the poor Moravians and their disciples on the one hand,
the Americans were preparing to do the same thing, only, as
the event proved, in a much more effectual style. In the
spring of 1781, Colonel Brodhead led a body of troops against
•some of the hostile Delawares, upon the Muskingum. This,
a portion of his followers thought, would be an excellent op-
portunity to destroy the Moravian towns, and it was with dif-
ficulty he could withhold them. He sent word to Hecke welder,
and tried to prevent any attack upon the members of his
flock. In this attempt he appears to have SL<^ceeded ; but he
did not, perhaps could not, prevent the slaughter of the troops
taken from the hostile Delawares. First, sixteen were killed,
and then nearly twenty. A chief, who came under assurances
• The Ojibewaya or Odjibwa-ii, u it ii lately wrltteo in confurmity with the true sonnd
and old writing. — Schoolcraft's Algic Reaeurches. — American State Papers^ t. 707, 718.
-j- See a fall aoooant in IleckeNolder's Narratire, 230—299.
1781.
.tsburgh, measures
ns, as 1779, to re-
thus prevent their
me from the steps
J were asked at a
Vluskingum Chris-
ry claimed by the
ere perfectly will-
ot willing to do it
id Chippeways* a
the Moravian con-
i, in their turn, de-
the Hurons, or, as
'^yandots. These,
of the Delawares,
icause they taught
i execution, in the
Moravian leader,
were taken in Oc-
tvere tried; but as
arge against them
ters above referred
) their families at
\
were thus persecut-
} on the one hand,
ame thing, only, as
tual style. In the
ly of troops against
Muskingum. This,
)e an excellent op-
ind it was with dif-
rd to Heckewelder,
le members of his
I succeeded ; but he
lighter of the troops
sixteen were killed,
le under assurances
ifurmity with the true sonnd
State Papers, t. 707. 718.
1781.
An Ambuscade.
255
of safety to Brodhead's camp, was also murdered by a noted
partisan, named Wetzel.* From that time, the Virginians
rested, until autumn, when the froatier-men, led by Colonel
David Williamson, marched out expressly against the towns
of the christian Delawares ; but they found that the Ilurons
had preceded them, and the huts and fields of the friends of
peace were deserted.f . e t\,^
The particular cause of this attempt, on the part of the
Americans, was the series of attacks made during this year by
small bands of Indians, along the whole range of stations,
from Laurel Hill to Green river. The details of these incur-
sions may be f6und in Withers' Border Warfare, 22., and
Marshall's Kentucky, I. 115. i^niong these details the mass
of which we, of necessity, o^lc, is the following, which seems
worthy of especial r..cicc. Squire Boone's station, near
Shelbyville, being very much exposed, those within it deter- ,
mined to seek a place of greater security : while on their way
to the Beargrass settlements, they were attacked by the In-
dians. Colonel Floyd, hearing of this, hastened with twenty-
five men against the enemy, but fell into .n ambuscade of
two hundred savages, and lost half his men. Among those in
his party was Captain Samuel Wells, with whom ' loyd had
been for some time at feud. This gentleman, as he retreated,
saw his superior officer, but personal foe. on foot nearly ex-
hausted, and hard pressed by the invaders, on the point of
falling a sacrifice to their fury; instantly dismounting, he
forced Colonel Floyd to take his place in the saddle, and
being himself fresh, ran by the side of the horse, supporting ,
the fainting rider, and saved the lives of both. It will readily
be believed their enmity closed with that day.J
Colonel Wells removed to Missouri in 1817, settled in St.
Charles county, where he died, beloved and respected by his
"^if addttion to the incursions by the northern Indians, this
we presume wrongly. —lSo"«' W»nare, /i» niiu«» Wntjeli the rery embodi-
161, 169, 177. ' ■
t Border Warfare, 229. Doddridge, 262.
X Butler, 2d edition, U9.-Mer.hall. i. I15.-Mar,hall. «.ys thi, took place ia April.
Butler in September, and refers to Colonel F'b. MS. letters.
266
Officers Appointed in Kentucky.
1781.
■.i\ I
Mi!)
\m\
year witnessed the rising of the Chicltasaws against Fort Jef-
ferson, which, as we have said, had been unwisely built in
their country without leave asked. Ti^e attack was made
under the direction of Colbert, a Scotchman, who had ac-
quired great influence with the tribe, and whose descendants
have since been among the influential chiefs. The garrison
were few in number, sickly, and half-starved; but some
among them were fool-hardy and wicked enough to fire at
Colbert, when under a flag of truce, which provoked the sav-
ages beyond all control, and had not Clark arrived with rein-
forcements, the Chickasaws would probably have had all the
scalps of the intruders. As it was, the fort was relieved, but
was soon after abandoned, as being too far from the settle-
ments, and of very little use at any rate.*
Meantime the internal organization of Kentucky was pro-
ceeding rapidly. Floyd, Logan, and Todd were made county
Lieutenants of Jeflerson, Lincoln, and Fayette, with the rank
of Colonel ; while William Pope, Stephen Trigg, and Daniel
Boone, were made Lieutenant Colonels, to act for the others
in case of need. Clark was made Brigadier General, and
placed at the head of military affairs, his head quarters being
at the Falls, between which point and the Licking he kept a
row galley going, to intercept parties of Indians, though to
very little purpose. George May, who had been surveyor for
the whole county of Kentucky, after the division, had Jefferson
assigned him ; while Thomas Marshall was appointed to the
same post in Fayette, and James Thompson in Lincoln. Of the
three, however, only the last opened his otfice during the year,
and great was the discontent of those waiting to enter the
fertile lands of the two counties which were thus kept out of
their reach; a discontent ten-fold the greater in consequence
of the laws of Virginia in relation to her depreciated curren-
cy, the effect of which was to make land cost in specie only
half a cent an acre.
[Towards the autumn of 1781, marauding parties of In-
dians again visited the frontiers of Kentucky. Boonesborough
being now an interior station remained unmolested. The
people at a station in the vicinity of Shelbyville became
alarmed at Indian signs and attempted to remove to Fort Nel-
•Butler, 2d edition, 119.
UCi
ky.
1781.
1781.
Attack on the McAJ'cc Station.
:67
Avs against Fort Jef-
en unwisely built in
e attack was made
hrnan, who had ac-
l whose descendants
liefiS. The garrison
'starved; but some
d enough to fire at
;h provoked the sav-
pk arrived with rein-
ibly have had all the
brt was relieved, but
» far from the settle-
*
■ Kentucky was pro-
d were made county
ftyette, with the rank
n Trigg, and Daniel
, to act for the others
gadier General, and
I head quarters being
he Licking he kept a
)f Indians, though to
lad been surveyor for
livision, had Jefferson
was appointed to the
on in Lincoln. Of the
jtRce during the year,
waiting to enter the
vere thus kept out of
eater in consequence
r depreciated curren-
id cost in specie only
son. They were attacked by a large body of Indians, defeated
and dispersed.
Amongst the resolute and active men among the piont-ers
of Kentucky were the McAffces, three brothers, Samuel,
.Tames and Robert McAffec, who made a station in the vicinity
of Harrodsburgh. They were vigorous, athletic men, of
honorable principles, and members of the Presbyterian church.
Like the other pioneers, they were frequently brought into
deadly conflict with the Indians.
It was in the month of May, 1781, that Samuel McAffee
nnd anjther man were fired on by Indians and the man fell.
McAftee turned and ran towards the fort, but in a few yards
met another Indian in the path. Each attempted to fire at
the same instant, but the Indian's gun missed fire, while
McAffee shot him through the heart. The two other brothers,
hearing the guns, came to the rescue, but had a most peri-
lous escape to the fort.
In a few moments the fort was assailed by a large party,
and while the men used their rifles, the women cast the
bullets, and provided refreshments. The firing was heard at
other stations, and Major McGary and forty men wf-e soon
on the trail of the Indians, whom they overtook and routed.*
One other event will close the western annals of 1781, and
no more important event has yet been chronicled : it was the
largo emigration of young unmarri, d women, into a region
abounding in young unmarried men ; its natural result was
the rapid increase of population.j
•Marshall's Kentucky, i. tl7.
auding parties of In-
icky. Boonesborough
d unmolested. The
Shelbyville became
3 remove to Fort Nel-
;*♦
►^•■H!*!^"
CHAPTER IX.
"Ui'l
m
THRILLING INCIDENTS.
MaBBfwroof the Moravian IndianB-Capture and burning of C.loncl Crowford-Defoat of
Colonel Laughery-AtUck on Biyanfn Btation-Battlo of tho Blue Lieks-Expedition
agaiDBlthe Indians -in Ohio by Ofeneral Clark-Peace with Great Britain-Instructions
to Indian Cjuimiasioners— Difficulties abjut carrying out certain conditions of tho
treaty.
1 [We have already noticed the establishment of Fort JeflTer-
' son, on the Mississippi, a few miles below the mouth of
the Ohio, by General Clark. The country was claimed by
the Chickasaw Indians, and they remonstrated at this intrusion
on their territory. The remonstrance being disregarded, they
prepared to repel the invaders by force. Early in the sum-
mer of 1781, when the garrison was reduced to about thirty
men, many of whom were invalids, the Indians attacked the
fort with a large force. These Chickasaws were led by Col-
; bert, a half breed chief, whose father , as a Scotch trader.
The siege was pressed with vigor six days, and several assaults
made by the invaders, who were driven back by the artillery,
loaded with grape and musket balls. The garrison was re-
lieved by the timely appearance of General G. II. Clark, with
a reinforcement and a supply of provisions. Shortly after-
wards, the Governor of Virginia ordered it to be dismantled
and abandoned. The order being executed, the Chickasaws
were at peace.*
This year the crops of wheat, corn, and provisions of all
kinds were abundant in the West, and the autumn brought
great numbers of emigrants to Kentucky.
We have already noticed the sufferings of the Moravians
on the Muskingum, in 1781. These people were religiously
opposed to war in every form, and taught their Indian con-
verts this lesson. Hence the savage Indians despised and
persecuted them, and were notorious for charging the depre-
dations committed by themselves, on the " praying Indians,"
as the Moravian converts were called.
/ As early as 1769, the praying Indians upon the Delaware
Stiver had removed westward, and commenced three settle-
•Mariball'g Kentucky, i. 112 ; Butler, 519; Monette, U. 132.
1781.
The Moravian Indians.
259
I.
NTS.
ig of Ci lonel Crawford— Defeat of
tie of tho Blue Licks— Expedition
I with Great Britain— Instructions
g out cortftin conditions of tho
ishment of Fort JeflTer-
} below the mouth of
)untry was claimed by
strated at this intrusion
being disregarded, they
ce. Early in the sum-
reduced to about thirty
le Indians attacked tho
asaws were led by Col-
sr . as a Scotch trader,
ays, and several assaults
sn back by the artillery,
The garrison was re-
neral G. R. Clark, with
visions. Shortly after-
jred it to be dismantled
:ecuted, the Chickasaws
1, and provisions of all
,nd the autumn brought
icky.
jrings of the Moravians
people were religiously
taught their Indian con-
e Indians despised and
for charging the depre-
the '• praying Indians,"
ans upon the Delaware
sommenced three settle-
, U. 132,
ments upon the Muskingum river, which were called Gnaden-
hutten, Schccnbrun, and Salem. They were situated in the
south part of Tuscarawas county. The Missionaries, through
whose benevolent labors I'ley were converted, were David
Zeisbergcr, Michael Jung, Christian Frederic Post, (au'oady
mentioned, page 105,) and John Heckewelder. Here they
intended to live in peace, and extend their truly christian
labors to the tribes of the north-west. ^
The converted Indians had adopted civiliied habits, wer(^)
able to read, and had cleared and cultivated farms in common
fields. They had several hundred acres of corn on the rich j
bottom lands of the river— had two hundred cattle, and four
hundred hogs. These Indians were chiefly Delawares, and
as a portion of the uncivilized Delaware nation were un-
friendly to the United States, the frontier people entertained
strong prejudices against the praying Delawares.
Many persons thought, or pretended to think, that, although
these christian Indians had renounced war and theft, they
gave in?*ormation to the savage tribes. They treated all
Indians ihat passed through their towns with christian hospi-
tality, and, therefore, were accused of furnishing supplies to
war parties.
Nor did ibey fare any better from the other side. Tho
Wyandots were mortal enemies to the United States, and at
war with them, and they accused the Moravian Indians of
being in communication with the Americans, and even with
the military of the United States.
The British officers, at Detroit, in the year 1781, made ap-
plication to the Six Nations, to have the praying Indians re-
moved, and the subject was considered in a council at Niaga-
ra, where the Iroquois, in their figurative language, authorized
the Ottawas and Ojibeways to kill them. " We herewith
make you a present of the Christian Indians, to make soup
of," was the form of address ; to which both the Ojibeways
and Ottawas returned for answer, " We have no cause for
doing this."
The same year, the Wyandots, led by a noted chief, calleJ
the Half-King, arrived at the Moravian towns, with two hun
dred warriors,'on their way to the settlements in Western Vir-
ginia, and threatened these peaceable Indians with destruction.
I
i i
m»>^
2G0
Colonel Williamson's Volunteers,
1781.
mm
M
/ T!iP ffict has long since been established beyond all dispute,
that these praying Indians lived according to their profession
— that they did all they could to prevail on the Ohio Indians
I to live in peace, and that when they knew of any hostile
1 parties intending an attack on the settlements, they sent run-
ners and :?fave them timely warning.
( Those renegadoes, Girty, McKee and Elliott, who held
commissions in the British service, did what they could to ex-
cite hostilities against them. The Half-King and Captain Pipe
were their enemies. Finally, British officers employed the
Wyandots to remove them and their teachers from their own
\ towns and country, to Sandusky. Their corn was left in the
field and their cat'le in the woods.
During the following winter, their missionaries were sepa-
rated from them, and sent as priso::ers to Detroit. Not only
the missionaries, but the people, were treated with great
severity. The British finally released them, and suffered
them to return.
In the autumn of 1781, Colonel Davie' Williamson raised a
corps of volunteers in Western Pensylvania, and marched to
th:! Moravian towns, with the design of removing the inhabi-
tants to Pittsburgh, but he had been anticipated by the Wyan-
dots and British.
' A few persons were still at the towns, whom he took pri-
soners, and removed them to Pittsburgh.
It is supposed that Colonel Williamson thought that the re-
moval of the praying Indians to Sandusky was proof enough
of their treachery. During the winter, several persons and
. families were killed along the Ohio river, probably by Wyan-
j dots, and these massacres were laid to the Christian Dela-
wares. Unfortunately', about one hundred and fifty, men,
women, and children. ' ^turned to their towns in February, of
1 which fact Colonel Williamson learned, and early in March,
K with an irregular force collected from the regions of the Ohio
/ and Motiongahela rivers, of about one hundred men, without
s authority from any civil or military power, he made a rapid
march to the Muskingum, where the party arrived on the 7th
of March, • ■, i
/ Their professed object was to capture and remove the
Christian Delav.-ares, and destroy their houses and fields. A
r.
luntccrs.
1781.
shed beyond all dispute,
'ding to their profession
lil on the Ohio Indians
y knew of any hostile
tlcmrnts, they sent run-
and Elliott, who held
I what they could to ex-
f-king and Captain Tipc
h officers employed the
teachers from their own
leir corn was left in the
missionaries were sepa-
ls to Detroit. Not only
ere treated with great
sed them, and suffered
ivic' Williamson raised a
ylvania, and marched to
of removing the inhabi-
anticipated by the Wyan-
owns, whom he took pri-
irgh.
mson thought that the re-
tidusky was proof enough
Iter, several persons and
river, probably by Wyan-
d to the Christian Dela-
hundred and fifty, men,
leir towns in February, of
rned, and early in March,
m the regions of the Ohio
one hundred men, without
T power, he made a rapid
e party arrived on the 7th
capture and remove the
heir houses and fields. A
1782. Massacre of the Moravian Indians. 261
f fhP nponle were at work in their corn fields, when
, ..,„ Srvoralmnii and ono woman M-cro killed, inij «ti^
S . ;v^t .0 inllion to take .hem .o l'U.*urgh, who™ .hoy
t!.i:rbT*oto».ea, and wore direCod .o en.or .w„ ho„»,
and remain for the night.
The commander of the party then proposed to leave .t to
Ihe «o"^"*"" ' .J i fate and orders were given
^.To, °wt woX tplg their Uve, .h„u,d ».o,. o„, |n
that those w ^^^ ^^^^^^ ^__|y ,„^.^„,,„„ „g|,. ,
front. U """o ' , ,phi, scntcnoe was then an-
*"" ::d o th?p ol T oy .pen. .he nigh, in prayer and
nounood 1° *'' f°I'''=, J^^^ the terrible slaughter cora-
r :er t "e'sisunt «" m^e. Guns, .omahawUs, and
mencea. i>" Two onlv escaped; one, a young man
, „ho.s ''"l-'f^lJZ::X::nili.Uo.iins and scalped,
""t il ,^e Vults andVved; another crawled under the
Z!:ilti;un.iHUe W»«d °f "- -'•"««' -'""""»
noured in streams upon him.
' The buildings were set on fire, and the bodies partially con-
sumed Colonel Williamsom and his men returned o receive
he execrations of their countrymen. Both the cml and mil-
itary authorities of the State and nation reprobated the dire-
^"^Fortt'men, twenty-two women, and thirty-two children '
were thus destroyed • .u f wi
It would seem, from all the testimony in the case, that \\ i -
Uamrn was inclined to mercy. Such was his plea in justifi-
catTon of the part he acted, but he was the commander and
outt to have'known his duty The only palliation that can
be offered, is the infatuation under which they abored, that
these Indikns were concerned in the murder of the frontier
^'u wif in March of 1782, that this great murder was com- j
mitted And as the tiger, having once tasted blood, longs for !
blo"d,softwaswiththe frontier-men; and another expedi-
Browa'3 HUtory of- M'.. on.; H.st^O f M^ -^ ^^ ,,^,,,p,,, ,,. ,. ,p a29-13l ;
Si ^.^^^^y^- '^' Borde. Wa^fure, pp. 232-230, and va.c«. ^.„
documents. — [Ed.
.lit
262
Crawford Taken.
1782.
'^M^^
lii-;!-
tion was at once orguniznd, to make a dash at tlic towns of
the Moravian Dclawares and Wyandots, upon tl»(! Sandusky.
. No Indian was to be spared; friend or foe, every red man
' was to die. The commander of the expedition was Colonel
William Crawford, Washington's old agent in the West. He
did not want to go, but fouwd it could not be avoided. The
troops, numbering nearly five hundred men, marched, in June,
.;o the Sandusky uninterrupted. There they found the towns
deserted, and the savages on the alert. A battle ensued, and
the whites were forced to retreat. In their retreat, many left
he main body, and nearly all who did so perished. Of
Crawford's own fate, we have the following account by Dr.
Knight, his companion :
Monday morning, the tenth of June, we were paraded fo
march to Sandusky, about ihirty-three miles distant ; they huj
eleven prisoners of ui<, and four scalps, the Indians being sev-
enteen in number.
Colonel Crawford was very desirous to see a certain Simon
Girty, who lived with the Indians, and was on this account
permitted to go to town the same night, with two warriors to
guard him, having orders at the same time to pass by the
place where the Colonel had turned out his horse, that they
might, if possible, find him. The rest of us were taken as
far as the old town, which was within eight miles of the new.
Tuesday morning, the eleventh, Colonel Crawford was
brought out to us on purpose to be marched in with the other
prisoners. I asked the Colonel if he had seen Mr. Girty ?
lie told me he had, and that Girty had promised to do every
thing in his power for him, but that the Indians were very
imich enraged against the prisoners; particularly Captain
Pipe, one of the chiefs ; he likewise told me that Girty had
informed him that his son-in-law, Colonel Harrison, and his
nephew, William Crawford, were made prisoners by the Shaw-
anese, but hud been pardoned. This Captain Pipe had come
from the town about an hour before Colonel Crawford, and
had painted all the prisonera' faces black. As he was paint-
ing me he told me I should go to the Shawanesc towns and
see my friends. When the Colonel arrived, he painted him
black also, told him he was glad to see him, and that he
would have him shaved when he came to see his friends at
the Wyandot town. When we marched, the Colonel and I
were kept back between Pipe and Wyngenim, the two Dela-
ware chiefs ; the other nine prisoners were sent forward with
another party of Indians. As we went along we saw four
of the prisoners lying by the path, tomahawked and scalped ;
some of them were at the distance of half a mile from each
'L...
1782.
Crauforits Death.
2ti3
dash at the towns of
ts, upon tln! Sandusky,
or foe, every red man
jxpedition was Colonel
gent in the West. He
not be avoided. The
men, marched, in June,
3 they found the towns
A battle ensued, and
their retreat, many left
did so perished. Of
lowing account by Dr.
, we were paraded to
niles distant ; they huj
the Indians being scv-
to .see a certain Simon
was on this account
, with two warriors to
p time to pass by the
It his horse, that they
t of us were taken as
jight miles of the new.
Jolonel Crawford was
ched in with the other
had seen Mr. Girty ?
promised to do every
;he Indians were very
particularly Captain
Id me that Girty bad
tiel Harrison, and his
prisoners by the Shaw-
aptain Pipe had come
/olonel Crawford, and
k. As he was paint-
havvanese towns and
■ived, he painted him
3e him, and that he
to see his friends at
J, the Colonel and I
renim, the two Dela-
!re sent forward with
along we saw four
lawked and scalped ;
df a mile from each
other. When we arrived within half a mile of the place
where the Colonel was executed, we overtook the, five pi itioii- '
ers that remained alive ; the Indiann had caused them to sit
down on the ground, as they did also the Colonel and mr ,
at some distance from them, i was there given in charge to
an Indian fellow to be taken to the Shawanese towns.
In the place where we were now made to sit dow;i, there
was a numbfT of squaws and boys, who fell on the live pris-
oners and tomahawked them. There was a certain .lolui
McKinly amongst the prisoners, formerly an ollicer in the 13th
Virginia regiment, whose head an old stjuaw cut olf, and the
Indians kicked it about upon the ground. The young Indian
fellows came often where the Colonel and I were, and dashed
the scalps in our faces. We were then conducted along to-
ward the place where the Colonel was afterwa executed ;
wh^n we came within about half a mile of k ISii, . a Girty
met us, with several Indians on horseback : he sp ■ tj the
Colonel, but as I was about one hundred a). '!f*j rds be-
hind, could not hear what passed between >'' ai.
Almost every Indian we met, struck us ei*'i.', with sticks
or their fists. Girty waited till I was brought p, ..nd asked,
was that the Doctor? I told him yes, ^d went towards
him, reaching out my hand, but he bid mt j juo, and called
me a damned rascal, upon which the fellows who had me in
charge pulled me along. Girty rode up after me and told me
I was to go to the Shawanese towns.
When we went to the fire the Colonel was stripped naked, ,,,
ordered to sii down by the fire, and then they beat hita with
sticks and theii rists. Presently after 1 was treated in the
same manner. They then tied a rope to the foot of a post
about fifteen feet high, bound the Colonel's hands behind his
back and fastened the rope to the ligature between his wrists.
The rope was long enough for him to sit down or walk round
the post once or twice, and return the same way. The Colo-
nel then called to Girty, and asked if they intended to burn
him? Girty answered, yes. The Colonel said he would take
it all patiently. Upon this, Captain Pipe, a Delaware chief,
made a speech to the indians, viz : about thirty or forty me n,
sixty or seventy squaws and boys.
When the speech was finished they all yelled a hideous and
hearty assent to what had been said. The Indian men then'
took up their guns, and shot powder into the Colonel's body,\
from his feet as far up as his neck. I think that not loss than '
seventy loads were discharged upon his naked body. They
then crowded about him, and to the best of my observation,
cut off" his ears ; when the throng had dispersed a little, I
saw the blood running from both sides of his head in con-
sequence thereof
The fire was about six or seven yards from the post to which
^
Tr5=
S64
Crawfunl'x Dcat/i.
1782.
'M
tlie Coloni'l was tied ; it was mailo of smnll hickory poles,
burnt quiti! tlirouf,'li iit tlio iiiiddie, each end of tin; poles rc-
inuining aWout six ft^et in Icnj^tli. Tlirre or four Indians by
turns would take up, individually, one of these bornin^,' pieces
of wood and apply it to his naked body, already burnt black
with the powder. These tormentors presented themselves on
every side, of him with the burning faggots and poles. {Some
of the s(;uaws took broad boards, upon which they wouM
curry a quantity of burning coals and hot embers and throw
on him, so that iii n short time he had nothing but coals of
fire and hot ashes to walk upon.
In the midst of these extreme tortures, he called to 8imon
Girty and begged of him to shoot him ; but Girty making no
answer, he called to him again. Girty, then, by way of de-
ri.sion, tvild the Colonel he had no gun, at the same time turn-
ing al)i»utto an Indian who was behind him, laughed heartily,
and by all his gestures seemed delighted at the horrid scene.
Girty then came up to me and bade me prepare for death.
Ho said, however, I was not to die at that place, but to be
burnt at the ShawaucHe towns. lie swore by G — d I need not
expect to escape death, but should suffer it in all its enormities.
He then observed that some prisoners had given him to
understand, that if our people had him they would not hurt
him ; for his part, he said, he did not believe it, but desired to
know my opinion of the matter, but being at the time in great
anguish ami distress for the torments the Colonel was suffer-
ing before my eyes, as well as the expectation of undergoing
the same fate in two days, 1 made little or no answer, lie
expressed a great deal of ill-will for Colonel Gibson, and said
he was one of his greatest enemies, and more to the same
purpose, to all which 1 paid very little attention.
Colonel Crawford, at this period of his suffering, besought
\ the Almighty to have mercy on his soul, spoke very low, and
(bore his torments with the most manly fortitude. He con-
tinued in all the extremities of pain for an hour and three
\ quarters or two hours longer, as near as I can judge, when at
ila.st, being almost exhausted, he lay down on his belly ; they
then scalped him, and repeatedly threw the scalp in my face,
telling me, «'that was my great captain." An old squaw
(whose appearance every way answered the ideas people en-
^ tertain of the Devil,) got a board, took a parcel of coals and
<; ashes and laid th.^m on his back and head, after he had been
scalped; he then raised himself upon his feet and began to
walk round the post ; they next put a burning stick to him as
usual, but he seemed more insensible of pain than before.
The Indian fellow who had me in charge, now took me
away to Captain Pipe's house, about three quarters of a mile
from the place of the Colonel's exe;.ution. I was bound all
night, and thus prevented from seeing the last of the horrid
1782.
small hickory poles,
end of the poles rc-
'c or four Indians bj'
f ttiese bnrnitij; pieecs
, already burnt black
sent( J ihenisclves ou
ots and poles. Some
n which they wouhl
ot embers and throw
nothing but coals of
s, he called to Simon
but Girty making no
, then, by way of de-
Lt the same time turn-
um, laughed heartily,
d at the horrid scene,
me prepare for death,
that place, but to bo
•re by G — d I need not
it in all its enormities.
vs had given him to
1 they would not hurt
licve it, but desired to
ng at the time in great
le Colonel was suli'er-
ctation of undergoing
le or no answer, lie
onel Gibson, and said
nd more to the same
Lttention.
lis suffering, besought
I, spoke very low, and
y fortitude. He Con-
or an hour and three
3 1 can judge, when at
wn on his belly ; they
the scalp in my face,
ain." An old squaw
d the ideas people en-
a parcel of coals and
;ad, after he had been
his feet and began to
urning stick to him as
pain than before,
charge, now took me
ree quarters of a mile
ion. I was bound all
the last of the horrid
1782. Treatment of the Moravians l>!/ the lirHish. iJ65
m,oclacl.^ N.'Xt morning, bring .June 12th, the Indian untied
,,, ,„,i„,,a „,.. black, and w.- set olf for the NhaAanese town,
w ,iJh he told me was somewhat Irss than l-rty m. rs d.stan
nomthat pla.r. We soon oa.ne to the spot wljerr the lolonel
,,a b,en burnt, as it was partly in our way ; I saw his bones
ivin- amongst the remains of the lire, almost burnt to ashes,
/"Appose alt,-r he was .lead they laid his body on the
li,i,. The Indian told me that was my big ( aptain, and gave
the .scalp halloo.
In strange, but pleasant contrast to the tri'atment of the
Christian Indians upon the Muskingum, wc have to record
,„.xt the conduct oi' the liiitish toward their religious leaders
during this same spring. Curty, who early i'» tl'«' ^<-'^«"» ''»'[
led a band of VVyandots a«ainst the American Irontiers, had
h.ft ord<-rs to have lleckewelder and his comrades driv.Mi like
beasts from Sandu.sky, where they had wintei'ed, to Detroit ;
specially enjoining brutality toward them. Uut his agents, or
rather those of the English commandant in the West, together
with the traders who were called upon to aid in their rcmova ,
distinguished themselves by kindness and consideration, aid-
ing the missionaries on their march, defending the captives
from the outrageous brutality of Girty, who overtook them at
Lower Sandusky, and who swore lu^ wouhl have their lives,
and at length re-uniling them to their surviving disciples, at a
settlement upo'> ♦*.:. river Huron.*
It was in March that Williamson's campaign took place,
and during the same month the ]Moravians were taken to
Michigan. It was in that month, also.t that an event took
place in Kentucky, near the present town of Mt. Sterling, in
Montgomery county, whhdi has been dwelt upon with more
interest, by her historians, than almost any other of cqua un-
importance ; we refer to Estiirs -defeat by a party of Wyan-
dots. The interest of this skirmish arose from the equality of
numbers on the two sides ; the supposed cowardice of Miller
Estill's lieutenant, who was sent to outdank the savages ; and
the consequent death of the leader, a brave and popular man-
Its elfect upon the settlers was merely to excite a deeper hos-
tility towar 1 the Indian races.
»Ucc1<ewolder'3Narrativo, 308, 329-349. « ., wtw
t Marshal, (i. 126) says May ; .e foUo, Chief J-'f- .^-"[^^UU^ a 1^^^^^^^^^^^
Boto) who says March 22. See al« CUf. CinoimiaU Mu«>eUany, L 3. Tlv« ^ a dolaiiea
account.
17
206
Defeat of Colonel Lnufr/ury.
1782.
Nor did the red men, on their pnrt, show nny signs of losing
their animosity. Elliot, McKoc nnd CJirty urged them on,
with a fury that is not easy to account for.
Again the woods teeinrd with savages, and no one was
safe from attack beyond the walls ol a station. The inll.icnco
of the Uritish, and the constant pressure of the Long Knives
upon the red-men, had produced a union of the various tribes
of the north-west, who seemed to bo gathering again to strike
a fatal blow at the frontier settlements, and had they l)(>en led
by a IMiilip, a Pontiac, or a Tecumthc, it is impossible to esti-
mate the injury they might have inllicted.
[ It was the same spring, that the calamitous defeat of Col-
onel Archibald Laughery occurred. This gentleman had been
requested, by Colonel Clark, to raise one hundred volunteers
in the county of Westmoreland, Pa., to aid him against the
Ohio Indians. The company was raised principally at his
own expense, and he also provided the outfit and munitions
for the expedition. In this he was aided by the late Robert
Orr, by birth an Irishman, but who manifested a deep and
generous interest in his adopted country. Mr. Orr was one of
the ollicers, and next in command under Colonel Laugh-
ery.
There were one hundred and seven men in the expedition,
who proceeded in boats down the Ohio, to meet (leneral
Clark, at the Falls. At the mouth of a creek in the south-
eastern part of Indiana, that bears the name of the com-
mander, the boats were attacked by the Indians. Of the
whole detachment, not one escaped. Colonel Laughery
was killed, and most of his oflicers. Captain Orr, who com-
manded a company, had his arm broken with a ball. The
wounded, who were unable to travel, were dispatched with
the tomahawk, and the few who escaped with their lives,
were driven through the wilderness to Sandusky. Captain
Orr was taken to Detroit, where he lay in the hospital for
several months, and, with the remnant who lived, was ex-
changed, in the spring of 1783. On the 13th of July, while
Mr. Orr was in captivity, Ilannahstown, in Westmoreland
county, where his wife and children resided, was attacked and
burnt by the Indians, and his house an'i all his property de-
stroyed. Captain Orr, subsequently, was one of the associate
Judges of the county, maintained a highly respectable char-
I Wl ^ii
1782.
Attack on Bryants Station,
867
^itrm^m
aoter, and died in 1833, in the eighty-ninth ynnr of hi»
age* j
June and July passed, however, and August was half gone,
and still tiic anticipated storm had not hurst upon the pioneers
in its full force, when, upon th(i night of the 14th of the latter
month, the main body of the Indians, live or six hundred in
number, gathered, silent as the shadows, round Bryant's sta- '
tion, a post on the bank of the MIkhorn. about five miles from
Lexington. The garrison of this post had heard, on the even-
ing of the 14th, of the defeat of a party of whites not far dis-
tant, and during that night were busy in preparations to
march, with day-break, to the assistance of their neighbors.
All night long their preparations continued, and what littlo
sound the savages made as they approached, was unheard
amid the comparative tumult within. Day stole through the
forest; the woodsmen rose from their brief slumbers, took ■
their arms, and were on the point of opening their gates to*
march, when the crack of riiles, mingled with yells and howls, ,
told them, in an instant, how narrowly they had escaped cap-
tivity or death. Rushing to the loop-holes and crannies, they
saw about a hundred red-men, firing and gesticulating in full
view of the fort. The young bloods, full of rage at Estill's
sad defeat, wished instantly to rush forth upon the attackers,
but there was something in the manner of the Indians .so pe- ,
culiar, that the older heads at once suspected a trick, and
looked anxiously to the opposite side of the fort, where they
Judged the main body of the enemy were probably concealed.
Nor were they deceived. The savages were led by Simon )
Girty. This white savage had proposed, by an attack upon
one side of the station with a small part of his force, to draw
out the garrison, and then intended, with the main body, to
fall upon the other side, and secure the fort ; but his plan was
defeated by the over-acting of his red allies, and the sagacity
of his pponents. The.se opponents, however, had still a sad
difficult, to encounter; the fort was not supplied with water,
and the spring was at some distance, and in the immediate
vicinity ol the thicket in which it was supposed the main
force of the Indians lay concealed. The danger of going or
sending for water was plain, the absolute necessity of having
* Day'B Hitlorical ColUctiont of Penn*i/lvania, p. 97 ; — MS. Lelten of Robert Orr, Ej(,.,
of Pittsburgh.— Bd.
I
268
Attack on BryanVs Station.
1782.
it was equally so ; and how it could be procured, was a ques-
tion which made many a head shake, many a heart sink. At
length a plan, equally sagacious and bold, was hit upon, and
carried into execution by as great an exertion of womanlj
presence of mind as can, perhaps, be found on record. K the
savages were, as was supposed, concealed near the spring, it
was believed they would not show themselves until they had
reason to believe their trick had succeeded, and the garrison
had left the fort on the other side. It was, therefore, proposed
to all the females to go with theii' buckets to the spring, fill
them, and return to the fort, before any sally was made
against the attacking party. The danger to which they must
be exposed was not to be concealed, but it was urged upon
them that this must be done, or all perish ; and that if they
were steady, the Indians would not molest them ; and to the
honor of their sex be it said, they went forth in a body, and
(Jirectly under five hundred rifles, filled their buckets, and re-
turned in such a manner as not to suggest to the quick-sighted
savages that their presence in the thicket was suspected.
This done, a small number of the garrison were sent forth
against the attackers, with orders to multiply their numbers
to the ear by constant firing, w^hile the main body of the
whites took their places to repel the anticipated rush of those
in concealment. The plan succeeded perfectly. The whole
body of Indians rushed from their ambuscade as they heard
the firing upon the opposite side of the fort, and were received
by a fair, well-directed discharge of all the rifles loft within
the station. Astonished and horror-stricken, the assailants
turned to the forest again as quickly as they had left it, having
lost many of their number.
In the morning, as soon as the presence of the Indians was
ascertained, and before their numbers were suspected, two
messengers had broken through their line, bearing to Lexing-
ton tidings of the seige of Bryant's station, and asking suc-
cors. These succors came about two in the afternoon j sixteen
men being mounted, and thirty or more on foot. The savages
expected their arrival, and prepared to destroy them, but the
horsemen, by rapiTi riding, and enveloped in dust, reached the
, fort unharmed, and of the footmen, after an hour's hard fight-
ing, only two were killed and four wounded. The Indian's
courage rarely supports him through long-continued exertion ;
mmUm
^amm
■pf
1782.
a ques-
nk. At
)on, and
iTomanlj
. Kthe
ipring, it
;hey had
garrison
proposed
)ring, fill
IS made
ley must
;ed upon
it if they
lid to the
ody, and
, and re-
k-sighted
ispected.
Bnt forth
numbers
ly of the
of those
lie whole
ley heard
! received
;ft within
assailants
it, having
lians was
cted, two
Lexing-
siting suc-
i J sixteen
le savages
1, but the
ached the
lard fight-
e Indian's
exertion ;
Attack on BrynnVs Station..
269
and Girty found his men so far disheartened by their failures-
thai of the morning in the attempt to take the fort, and that
in the afternoon to destroy the troops from Lexington— that
before night they talked of abandoning the seige. This
their leader was very unwilling to do : and thinking he
might scare the garrison into surrender, he managed to get
within speaking distance, and there, from behind a large
stump, commenced a parley. He told the white men who he
was ; assured thcra of his great desire that they should not
suffer; and informing them that he looked hourly for rein-
forcements with cannon, against which they could not hope
to hold out, begged them to surrender at once ; if they did so,
no one should be hurt, but if they waited till the cannon came
up, he feared they would all fall victims. The garrison look-
ed at one another with uncertainty and fear ; against cannon
they could do nothing, and cannon had been used in 1780.
Seeing ihe effect of Girty's speech, and disbelieving every
word of it, a young man, named Reynolds, took it upon him-
self to answer the renegade. " You need not be so particu-,
lar," he cried, '' to tell us your name ; we know your name,^
and you too. I've had a villanous, untrustworthy cur-dog,
this long while, named Simon Girty, in compliment to you ;
he's so like you— just as ugly and just as wicked. As to the -
cannon, let them come on; the country's roused, and the
scalps of your red cut-throats, and your own too, will be dry- ,
ing on our cabins in twenty-four hours. And if by any
chance, you or your allies do get into the fort, we've a big
.store of rods laid in on purpose to scourge you out again."
The method taken by Reynolds was much more effectual
than any argument with his comrades would have been, and
Girty had to return to the Indian council-fire unsuccessful.
But he and the chiefs well knew that though their reinforce-
ments and cannon were all imaginary, the expected aid of the
whites was not. Boone, Todd, and Logan would soon be
upon them ; the ablest and boldest of the pioneers would cut
them off from a retreat to the Ohio, and their destruction
would be insured. On the other hand, if they now began to
retire, and were pursued, as they surely would be, they could
choose their own ground, and always fight with their way home
clear behind them. All night they lay still, their fires burning,
but when day broke, the whole body of savages was gone.
■M
270
Bailie of the Blue Licks.
1782.
; By noon of the 18th of August, about one hundred and
eighty men had gathered at Bryants station; among them
were Boone and his son. After 'counting the fires, and notic-
ing other signs, they determine on immediate pursuit, with-
out waiting for the arrival of iJolonel Logan and his pa rty ;
accordingly, on the 18th, tbi; whole body set forward under the
command of Colonel Joan Todd. The trail of the savages
was as plain ^s could be Vished ; indeed, to Boone and the
more reflecting, it w is clear that the retiring army had taken
pains to make it p.), and our sagacious woodsmen at once
concluded that a surprise at some point was intended, and
that point Boone was confident was the Lower Blue Licks,
where the na>.ure of the ground eminently favored such a plan.
With great caution the little army proceeded until, upon the
following day, they reached the Licking river, at the point de-
signated by Boone as the one where an attack might be ex-
pected ; and as they came in sight of the opposite bank, they
disco v'ered upon its bare ridge a few Indians, who gazed at
them a moment and then passed into the ravine beyond. The
hills about the Blue Licks are even now almost wholly with-
out wood, and the scattered cedars which at present lend
them soiiie green, did not exist in 1782. As you ascefid the
ridgu of the hill above the spring, you at last reach f, point
where two ravines, thickly wooded, run down from the bare
ground to the right and left, affording a place of concealment
for a very large body of men, who could thence attack on
front and flank and rear, any who were pursuing the main
trace along the higher ground : in these ravines, Boone, who
was looked to by the commanders for counsel, s:»:d ibat the
Indians were probably hidden. He proposed, therefore, that
they should send a part of their men to cross the Licking far-
ther up, and fall upon the Indians in the rear, while the re-
maining troops attacked them in front. While Boone's plan
was under discussion by the officers of the pursuing party,
Major Hugh McGary, according to the common account,
" broke from the council, and called upon the troops who
were not cowards to follow him, and thus collecting a band,
went without order, and against orders, into the action, and
in consequence of this act a general pursuit of officers and
men took place, more to save the desperate men that follow-
ed McGary, than from a hope of a successful fight with the
mmmm
»w4Ui
■ > l^r' l-L U irt-
1782.
red and
ng them
id notic-
lit, with-
s party ;
inder tlie
savages
and the
ad taken
at once
ded, and
le Licks,
;h a plan,
apon the
point de-
ht be ex-
ank, they
gazed at
nd. The
)lly with-
[sent lend
fceftd the
p. point
the bare
cealment
.ttack on
he main
one, who
ihat the
bre, that
iing far-
the re-
ne's plan
g party,
account,
ops who
a band,
tion, and
cers and
,t follow-
with the
)
Battle of the Blue Licks.
271
Indians." [The late Col. Benj. Cooper, of Missouri, who was
in the action, makes this statement. Col. Boone, in a letter
to the Governor of Virginia, dated August 30th, 1782, gives
the following particulars.] " We formed our columns into
one single line, and marched up in their front within about
forty yards before there was a gun fired. Colonel Trigg com-
manded on the right, myself on the left. Major McGary in the ,
centre, and Major Harlan the advance party in the front.
From the manner in which we had formed, it fell to my lot to
bring on the attack. This was done with a very heavy fire
on both sides, and extended back of the line to Col. Trigg,
where the enemy was so strong that they rushed up and broke
the right wing at the first fire. Thus the enemy got in our
rear, and we were compelled to retreat, with the loss of
seventy-seven of our men and twelve wounded." Nor is the
impression of this passage altered by the statement of the
same keen pioneer, as given in his account of his adventures.
There he says : " The savages observing us, gave way, and
we, being ignorant of their numbers, passed the river. When
the enemy saw our proceedings, having greatly the advantage
of us in situation, they formed the line of battle, from one
bend of Lickin^ to the other, about a mile from the Blur Licks.
An exceeding fierce battle immediately began, for about fif-
teen miiiutes, when we, being overpowered by numbers, were
obliged to retreat, with the loss of sixty-seven men, seven of
whom were taken prisoners." Governor Morehead, however,
has derived frcu^ the accounts of eye-witnesses, received
through R. Wickliffe, some particulars, which, if correct, will
reconcile most of the common story with Boone's statement,
and these we ^ ive in the words of his address ; leaving our
readers to judg^, first, as to the probability that Boone would
entirely omit all reference to the coriuuK^L of McGary ; and,
second, as to the likelihood of McGary and his followers paus-
ing when once under way. It is also to be noticed that Col.
Cooper, Marshal and Stipp, say nothing of the pause alluded
to.
Scarcely had Boone submitted his opinions, when Mi\jor
McGary "raised the war-whoop," and spurring his horse into
the river, called vehemently upon all who were not cowards
to follow him, and he would show tnem the enemy. Presently
the army was in motion. The greater part suflered them-
selves to be led by McGary— the remainder, perhaps a third
I
mim
I
272
Battle of the Blue U^ks.
1782
of the whole number, lingered a while with Todd and Boone
in council. All at length passed over, and at Boone's sugges-
tion, the commanding officer ordered another halt. The pio-
neer then proposed, a second time, that the army should
remain where it was, until an opportunity was afTordcd to re-
connoitre the suspected region. So reasonable a proposal
was acceded to, and two bold but experienced men were
selected, to proceed from the Lick along the Buffalo to a point
half a mile beyond the ravines, where the road branched olF
in different directions. They were instructed to examine the
country with the utmost care on each side of the road, espe-
cially the spot where it passed between the ravines, and upon
the first appearance of the enemy to repair in haste to the
army. The spies discharged the dangerous and r? t-jonsible
task. They crossed over the ridge — proceeded to the place
designated beyond it, and returned in safety, without having
made any discovery. No trace of the enemy was to be seen.
The little army of one hundred and eighty two men now
marched forward — Colonel Trigg was in comir.inr} of the
right wing, Boone of the left, McGary in the cenUe, and
Major Harlan with the party in front.''
[After this disastrous defeat, the sorest calamity 'as.: ever
befel Kentucky, those who escaped, on tV>ot, pkmged into the
thickets, and made their way to Bryant's stat.icu, thirty-six
miles distant, and the nearest plar j of shelter.
Colonel Logan, and his party, was • v'. by tl'o ugitives,
within six miles of the station, to w' ich ha returned until the
most had arriv'.. Of the one huniired ard eighty-two per-
sons who went .j;;- to *' battle, about one-uird were killed,
twelve wounded, ar a wnf. carried off prisoners, who wfre
put to the I >rture vitrn iht>:- reached the Indifia towTiS.]
In this short, but severe action, Todd, Trigg, Harlan, and
Boone's son, all fell. It was a sad day for Kentucky. The
feelings and fears of the Fayette county settlers may be
guessed from the following extract from Boone's letter to Vir-
ginia : when he felt anxiety, what must they have suflered !
By the signs, we thought the Indians had exceeded four
hundred; while the whole of the militia of this county does
not amount to more than one hundred and thirty. From these
facts, your Excellency may form an idea of our situation. I
know that your own circumstances are critical, but are we to
be wholly forgotten? I hope not. I trust about five hundred
men may be sent to our assistance imirediately. If these
shall be stationed as our county lieutenants shall dee.n ne-
• Morf'aad'B Address, p. 99.
"*mm
'mmmmm§.
jp
Hi
1782
id Boone
s sugges-
The pio-
y should
led to rR-
proposal
len were
o a point
iched oir
.mine the
tad, espe-
and upon
te to the
t-ponsible
[he place
it having
) be seen,
nen now
ir} of the
riire, and
\av..~ ever
I into the
thirty-six
ugitives,
until the
-two per-
jre killed,
vho wf-re
ns.]
irlan, and
ky. The
may be
cr to Vir-
ufiered !
sded four
unty does
rom these
lation. I
are we to
; hundred
If these
dee.n ne-
1782.
Treaty of Peace.
<73
ccssary, it may be the means of saving our part of the coun-
try ;-but if they are placed under the direction of General
Clark, they will be of little or no service to our settlement.
The Falls lie one hundred miles west of us, and the Indians
north-east; while our men are frequently called to pio;"ct
them. I have encouraged the people in this county all that
I could, but I can no longer justify them or myself to risli our
lives here under such extraordinary hazards. The inhabitants
of this county are very much alarmed at the tiioughts of the
Indians bringing another campaign into our country this fall.
If this should be the case, it will break up these settlements.
I hope, therefore, your Excellency will take the matter into
your consideration, and send us some relief as quick as possi-
ble.*
Clark, of course, soon learned how severe a blow had been
struck by the northern savages, and determined, as soon as
possible, again to lead an expedition into the Miami valleys.
It was the last of September, however, before a thousand men
could be gathered at the mouth of the Licking, whence they
marched northward. But their coming, though expeditious
and secret, was discovered by the natives, and the towns on the
Miamies and Mad River abandoned to their fate. The crops
were again destroyed, the towns burned, the British store,
(Loramie's) with its goods annihilated, and a few prisoners
taken, but no engagement of any consequence took place.f
Such, however, appears to have been the impression made
by Clark upon the Shawanese, that no large body of Indians,
thenceforward, invaded the territory south of the Ohio,
In November, after the return of the Kentucky trocps,
Messrs. May and Marshall opened their land offices, and the
way
art-
!ia,and
.elimi-
scramble for choice locations began again, and in
which laid the foundation lor infinite litigation ani
burning.
[The defeat of the British army at Yorktown, Virg
the capture of Lord Cornwallis, pieparedthe wayfo
ni^ries of peace with Great Britain, and put a cht ck upon
their Indian allies.]
Upon the 30th of November, 1782, provisional articles of
peace had been arranged at Paris, between the Commissioners
of England and her unconquerable colonies. Upon the 20th
*See Morebcad's Addres!, p. 173.
t Clark's lett.r in Butler, 2d edition, 536; also in Almon'a Romembranoor, for 1783,
part ii. p. 93.
i
Iw!',
:!>■'■ < ■
n
S74
Land Speculation Stronger than Law.
1783-
of the January following, hostilities ceased ; on the 19th of
April — the anniversary of the battle of Lexington — peace
was proclaimed to the army of the United States, and on the
3d of the next September, the definite treaty which ended oui-
revolutionary struggle was concluded. Of that treaty wc
give so much as relates to the boundaries of the West.
" The line on the 7io}-l/i was to pass along the middle of
Lake Ontario, to the Niagara river ; thence along the middle
of said communication into Lake Erie, through the middle of
said lake, until it arrives at the water communication between
that lake and Lake Superior; thence through Lake Superior,
northward to the isles Royal and Philipeaux, to the Long
Lake; thence through the middle of the said Long Lake, and
the water communication between it and the Lake of the
Woods, to the said Lake of the Woods ; thence through the
said lake, to the most north-western point thereof; and, from
thence, on a due west course, to the river Mississippi ; thence,
by a line to be drawn along the middle of the said river Mis-
sissippi, until it shall intersect the northernmost part of the
thirty-first degree of north 1 Hude. South by a line to be
drawn due east from tl'^ detennination of the line last men-
tioned, in the latitude oi thirty-one degrees north of the equa-
tor, to the middle of the river Apalachicola or Chatahouche ;
thence along the middle thereof, to its junction with the Flint
river ; thence straight to the head of St. Mary's river ; and
thence, down along the middle of St. Marys river, to the At-
laHtic Ocean."
But the cessation of hostilities with England, was not,
necessarily, the cessation of warfare with the native tribes;
and while all hoped that the horrors of the border contests in
the West, were at an end, none competent to judge, failed to
see the probability of a continued and violent struggle. Vir-
ginia, at an early period, (in October, 1779,) had, by law, dis-
couraged all settlements on the part of her citizens, northwest
of the Ohio ;* but the spirit of land speculation was stronger
than law, and the prospect of peace gave new energy to that
spirit ; and how to throw open the immense region beyond the
mountains, without driving the natives to despere.tion, was a
problem which engaged the ablest minds. Washington, upon
the 7th of September, 1783, writing to James Duane, in Con-
* Revised Statutes of Virginia, by B. Watltins Leigh, U. 3?8.
m^ggHjggg
"•P^"
1783-
le 19th of
on — peace
md on the
ended oui-
treaty we
est.
middle of
the middle
! middle of
n between
Superior,
the Long
Lake, and
ake of the
hrough the
and, from
)i ; thence,
river Mis-
)art of the
line to be
last men-
rthc equa-
itahouche ;
h the Flint
river; and
to the At-
was not,
ive tribes;
contests in
e, failed to
fgle. Vir-
y law, dis-
northwest
IS stronger
•gy to that
jeyond the
ion, was a
gton, upon
le, in Con-
■••■^■■WWPIiPPW
1783.
Scltlemcnls Restricted.
m
gress, enlarged upon the difficulties whinh lay before that body
in relation to public lands. He pointed out the necessity
which existed for making the settlements compact ; and pro-
posed that it should be made even felony to settle or survey
lands v.'c&t of a line to be designated by Congress ; which line,
he added, might extend from the mouth of the Great Miami to
Mad river, thence to Fort Miami on the Maumee, and thence
northward so as to include Detroit ; or, perhaps, from the Fort
down the river to Lake Erie. lie noticed the propriety of ex-
cluding the Indian Agents from all share in the trade with the
red men, and showed the wisdom of forbidding all purchases
of land from the Indians, except by the sovereign power,~-Con-
gress, or the State Legislature, as the case might be. — Unless
some such stringent measures were adopted, he prophecicd re-
newed border wars, which would end only after great expendi-
ture of money and of life.* But before the Congress of the
Colonies could take any efficient st«ps to secure the West, it
was necessary that those measures of cession which commen-
ced in 1780-81, should be completed. New I'ork had, condi
tionally, given up her claims on the 1st of M a\i,, 1781,t and
Congress had accepted her deed, but Virginia, as we have
said, had required from the United States, a guarantee of the
territories retained by her, which they were not willing to
give, and no acceptance of her provision to cede had taken
place. Under the.se circumstances, Congress, upon the l8th
of April, again pressed the necessity of cessions, and, upon
the 1 3th of September, six days after Washington's letter
above referred to, stated the terms upon which they would re-
ceive the proposals of the Ancient Dominion.^ To these terms
the Virginians acceded, and, upon the 20th of December, au-
thorized their delegates to make a deed to the United States
of all their right in the territory northwest of the river Ohio, —
Upon condition, that the territory so ceded shall be laid out
and formed into States, containing a suitable extent of terri-
tory, not. less than one hundred, nor more than one hundred
and fifty miles square, or as near thereto as circumstances will
admit : and that the States so formed shall be distinct repub-
lican States, a«d admitted members of the Federal Union,
having tht> nnma rights of sovereignty, freedom, and indepen-
dence, us the other States.
• Sparks' Washington, viii. 477. f Land Laws, 95. J Old Journal', ir. 189-267.
I
wm
276
Terms of Cession by Virf^inia.
1778.
That tlu! reasonable and neccssarj' expenses incurred by
this State in subduing any British posts, or in maintaining
forts and garrisons within, and for the defence, or in acquiring
any part of tli(j territory so ceded or rclincjuished, shall be
fully reimbursed by the I .States; and that one Commissioner
shall be appointed by Contrress, one by this Commonivealth,
and another by those two Commissioners, who, or a majority
of them, shall be authorized and empowered to adjust and
liquidate the account of the necessary and reasonable expen-
s".s incurred by this State, which they shall judge to be com-
piised within the intent and meaning of the act of Con-
gress of the tenth of October, one thousand seven hundred
and eighty, respecting such expenses. That the French and
Canadian inhabitants, and other settlers of the KusUaskies, St.
Vincents, and the neighboring villages, who have professed
themselves citizens of Virginia, shall have their possessions
and titles confirmed to them, and be protected in the enjoy-
ment of their rights an 1 liberties. That a quantity not ex-
ceeding one hundred and fifty thousand acres of land, promised
by this State, shall be allowed and granted to the then Colo-
nel, now General George Rogers Clark, and to the officers and
soldiers of his regiment, who marched with him when the
posts of Kaskaskies, and St. Vincents were reduced, and to
the officers and soldiers that have since been incorporated into
the f;aid regiment, to be laid off in one tract, the length of
which not to exceed double the breadth, in such place, on the
northwest side of the Ohio, as a ma,jority of the officers shall
choose, and to be afterwards divided among the said officers
and soldiers in due proportion, according to the laws of Vir-
ginia. That in case the quantity of good land on the south-
east side of the Ohio, upon the waters of the Cumberland
river, and between the Green river and Tennessee river, which
have been reserved by law for the Virginia troops upon conti-
nental establishment, should, from the North Carolina line, bear-
ing in further upon the Cumberland lands than was expected,
prove insufficient for their legal bounties, the deficiency should
be made up to the said troops, in good lands, to be laid off be-
tween the rivers Scioto and Little Miami, on the north-west
side of the river Ohio, in such proportions as have been enga-
ged to them by the laws of Virginia. That all the lands with-
in the territory so ceded to the United States, and not reserved
for, or appropriated to, any of the before mentioned purposes,
or disposed of in bounties to the officers and soldiers of the
American army, shall be considered a common fund for the
use and benefit of such of the United States as have become,
or shall become, members of the confederation or federal al-
liance of the said States, Virginia inclusive, according to their
usual respective proportions in the general charge and ex-
L
mm
1778.
Lirred by
iitaining
icfjuiring
shall be
iiissloncr
n\< faith,
majority
IJust and
e cxpen-
I be com-
of Con-
hundred
ench and
iskies, St.
professed
)ssessions
:ie enjoy-
y not ex-
promised
len Colo-
[icers and
when the
d, and to
rated into
length of
3e,on the
cers shall
d oflicers
rs of Vir-
le south-
mberland
er, which
ion conti-
ine, bear-
xpected,
cy should
id off be-
n-th-west
■on enga-
ndswith-
reserved
purposes,
•s of the
for the
become,
jderal al-
g to their
and ex-
1784.
huiructlons to Indian Connnissioncrs,
277
pendituro, and shall bo faithfully and bona fide disposed of for
that purpose, and for no other use or purpose whatsoever.*
And, in agreement with thtiv. _..nuions, a deed w.-is made
March 1, 1784. IJut it was not possible to wait the final ac-
tion of Virginia, before taking some steps to soothe the In-
dians, and extinguish their title. On the 22d of September,
therefore, Congress forbade all purchases of, or settlements on,
Indian lands,-)- and on the 15th of October, th«^ Commissioners
to treat with tlij natives were instructed,
1st. To require the delivery of ail pri-soners :
2d. To inform the Indians of the boundaries between the
British possessions and the United States :
3d. To dwell upon the fact that the red men had not been
faithful to their agreements :
4. To negotiate for all the land east of the line proposed
by Washington, namely, from the mouth of the Great Miami
to Mad river, thence to Fort Miami on the Maumee, and thence
down the Maumee to the Lake :
5th. To hold, if possible, one convention with all the tribes:
#*»#**■*.
7th. To learn all they could respecting the French of Kas-
kaskia, tfcc.
8th. To confirm no grants by the natives to individuals;
and,
9th. To look after American stragglers beyond the Ohio, to
signify the displeasure of Congress at the invasion of the In-
dian lands, and to prevent all further intrusions. Upon the
19th of the following March, the 4th and 5th of these instruc-
tions were entirely changed, at the suggestion of a committee
headed by Mr. Jefl'erson ; the western boundary line being
made to run due north from the lowest point of the Falls of
the Ohio, to the northern limits of the United States, and the
Commissioners being told to treat with the nations at various
places and different times. J
Meanwhile steps had been taken by the Americans to ob-
tain possession of Detroit and the other western posts, but in
vain. Upon the 12th of July, Washington had sent Baron
*S«o Land Laws, p. 93.
t Old Journals, iv. 275.
t S««ret JouroftU, i. 225, 261, 264.
r
iPM
^78
EJbrls to obtain the Western Posts.
1784.
Steuben to Canada for that purpose, with orders, if he found
it advisable, to embody the French of Michigan into a militia
and place the fort at Detroit in their hands. But when the
Uaron |)rcsentcd himself near Quebec, tJencral Ilaldimand,
while he received him very politely, refust-d the neces-ary
passports, saying that he had received no orders to deliver up
the posts along the Lakes. This measure failing, one Cassaty,
a native of Detroit, was sent thither in August to learn the
feelings of the people, and to do what he might to make the
American side popular.* About the same time, Virginia,
having no longer any occasion for a western army, and being
sadly pressed for money, withdrew her commission from
George Rogers Clark, with thanks, however, "for his very
great and singular services."t
[This dismission was on the 2d July, 1783, and Benjamin
Harrison, the Governor of Virginia, wrote to General Clark
a letter from which we give the following extract.
"The conclusion of the war, and the distressed situation of
the State, with respect to its finances, call on us to adopt the
most ))rudent economy. It is for this reason alone, I have
come to a c'etermination to give over all thoughts for the
present of carrying on offensive war against the Indians,
which you will easily perceive will render the services of a
general olilccr in that quarter unnecessary, and will, there-
fore, consider yourself out of command. But, before I take
leave of you, 1 feel myself called upon, in the most forcible
manner, to return you my thanks, and those of my Council,
for the very great and singular services you have rendered
your country, in wresting so great and valuable a territory
out of the hands of the British enemy, repelling the attacks
of their savage allies, and carrying on successful war in the
heart of their country. This tribute of praise and thanks, so
justly due, I am happy to communicate to you as the united
voice of the executive."JJ
Clark, and his soldiers, in the distribution of lands were
not forgotten either, and, in October, a tract of one hundred
and fifty thousand acres of land was granted them north of
the Ohio, to be located where they pleasnd ; they chose the
region opposite the Falls, and the town of Clarksville was
then founded.^
» Secret .lournn's, i, 225. 261, 284.
t FparkH' Wa-hington, viii. 403, 470.— Marghall (i. 175.) gives the letters of Steuben
and Ilaldimand.
X Butlor, 2J edition, 490. Dillon's Indiana, i. 196.
g Revised Statutes of Virginia, by Q. W. Leigh, li. 405.
1
1784.
1784. Ihjficullks between Britain und the United Stairs. 279
While these various steps, benring upon the interost of the
whol» West, were tnken by Congress, VVnNhington mid the As-
sembly of Virginin, Kentucky herself was organizing upon a
newbasis— Virginia liaving united the three counties, with their
separate courts, into one district, having a court of connnon
law and chancery for the whole territory that now forms the
State, and to this district lestored the for-a-time-discarded
name, Kentucky. The sessions of the court thus organized
resulted in the foundation of Danville, which in conse«iuence
for a season became the centre and capital of the District.*
It might have been reasonably hoped that peace with the
jnother country would have led to comparative prosperity
within the newly formed nation. But such was not the case.
Congress had no power to compel the States to fulfil the pro-
vision of the treaty which had been concluded, and Britain
was not willing to comply on her side with all its terms, until
evidence was given by the other party that no infraction of
tliem was to be feared from the rashness of democratic lead-
ers. Among the provisions of that treaty were the follow-
ing:—
Art. 4. It is agreed that creditors on either side shall meet
with no lawful impediment to the recovery of the full value,
in sterling money, of all bona fide deljts heretofore contracted.
Art. 5. It is agreed that the Congress shall earnestly re-
commend it to the Legislatures of the respective States, to
provide for the restitution of all estates, rights, and proper-
ties, which have been confiscated, belonging to real British
subjects, and also of the estates, rights, and properties of per-
.sons resident in districts in the pos.session of his Majesty's
arms, and who .ave not borne arms against the said United
States. And that persons of any other description shall have
free liberty to go to any part or parts of tfny of the thirleen
United States, and therein to remain twelve months, unmo-
lested in their endeavors to obtain the re.stitution of such of
th(Mr estates, rights and properties, as may have been confis-
cated ; and that Congress shall also earnestly recommend to
the several States a reconsideration and revision of all acts or
laws regarding the premises, so as to render the said laws or
acts perfectly consistent, not only with justice and equity, but
with that spirit of conciliation which, on the return of the
blessings of peace, should universally prevail. And that Con-
gress shall also earnestly recommend to the several States,
that the estates, rights and properties, of such last mentioned
•Manhall, p. 159.
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280
Provisions of Treaty of Peace.
1784.
persons, shall be restored to them, they refunding to any per-
sons who may now be in possession, the bona fide price
(where any has been given) which such persons may have
paid on purchasing any of the said lands, rights or propertie;j,
since the confiscation. And it is agreed that all persons who
have any interest in confiscated lands, either by debts, nia/riage
settlements, or otherwise, shall meet with no lawful impedi-
ment in the prosecution of their just rights.
Art. 6. That there shall be no future confiscations made,
nor any prosecutions commenced against any person or per-
sons for, or by reason of, the part which he or they may have
taken in the present war; and that no person shall, on that
account, suffer any future loss or damage, either in his person,
liberty or property ; and that those who may be in confine-
ment on such charges, at the time of the ratification of the
treaty in America, shall be immediately set at liberty, and the
prosecutions so commenced be discontinued.
Art. 7. There shall be a firm and perpetual peace between
his Britannic Majesty and the said States, and between the
subjects of the one and the citizens of the other, wherefore,
all hostilities, both by sea and land, shall from hencefortlj
cease : all prisoners, on both sides, shall be set at liberty ;
and his Britannic Majesty shall, with all convenient speed,
and without causing any destruction, or carrying awiy
any negroes or other property of the American inhabitants,
withdraw all his armies, garrisons, and fleets, from the said
United States, and from every post, place, and harbor, within
the same ; leaving in all fortifications the American artillery
that may be therein ; and shall also order and cause all
archives, records, deeds, and papers, belonging to any of the
said States, or their citizens, which in the course of the war,
may have fallen into the hands of his officers, to be forthwith
restored and delivered to the proper States and persons to
whom they belong.*
That these stipulations were wise and just, none, perhaps
doubted ; but they opened a door for disputes, through which
troubles enough swarmed in ; and we may now, with as
much propriety as at any time, say the little that our limits
will allow us to say, in reference to those disagreements be-
tween England and America, which, for so Lng a time kept
alive the hopes and enmities of the Indians, contending, as
they were, for their native lands and the burial places of their
fathers. The origin of the difficulty was an alleged infraction
of the provisional treaty, signed November 30th, 1782, on the
part of the British, who .showed an intention to take away
•3ce Land Laws, p. 11. , .
I
1784.
1784.
Provisio.is of Treaty of Peace.
281
to any per-
fidc price
may have
propertiej,
tersons who
ts, nia/riage
ful impedi-
tions made,
rson or per-
y may have
all, on that
I his person,
in confine-
ation of the
rty, and the
ice between
)etween the
wherefore,
hencefortlj
at liberty ;
nient speed,
rying awiy
inhabitants,
)m the said
rbor, within
jan artillery
d cause all
3 any of the
of the war,
3e forthwith
[1 persons to
sne, perhaps
•ough w^hich
)w, with as
it our limits
cements be-
a time kept
ntending, as
aces of their
3d infra,ction
1782, on the
> take away
with them from New York certain negroes claimed as the
propert}'^ of the American inhabitants," none of which, by
the terms both of that and the definitive treaty, was to be re-
moved. Against this intention, Wasl.ington had remonstrat-
ed, and Congress resolved in vain : in reply to all remon-
strances, it was said that the slaves were either booty taken
in war, and as such, by the laws of war, belonged to the cap-
tors, and could not come within the meaning of the treaty ;
or, were freemen and coul.i not be enslaved.* It was un-
doubtedly true in regard to many of the negroes, that they
were taken in war, and as such, (if property at all,) the booty
of the captors; but it was equally certain that another por-
tion of them consisted of runaways, and by the terms of the
treaty, as the Americans all thought, should have been restor-
ed or paid for. [This case was argued by the Hon. John Jay,
and its facts and principles clearly set forth. Washington
thought the British unfair and di.shonest in their retention of
the western posts, and considered the non-payment of their
debts, by the Americans, as a mere pretext.f] It v/as
in April, 1783, that the purposes of England, in relation
to the negroes, became apparent ; in May, the Commander-
in-chief and Congress tried, as we have said, ineffectually,
to bring about a different course of .action. Upon the third
of September, the definitive treaty was signed at Paris ; on
the twenty-fifth of November, the British left New York,
carrying the negroes claimed by the Americans with them ;
while upon the fourth of the following January, 1784, the
treaty was ratified by the United States, and on the 9th of
April by England. Under these circumstances Virginia and
several other States saw fit to decline- compliance with the
article respecting the recovery of debts; refused to repeal the
laws previously existing against British creditors ; and upon,
the twenty-second of next June, after the ratification of peace
by both parties, the Old Dominion expressly declined to fulfil
the treaty in its completeness. This refusal, or neglect, which
was equivalent to a refusal, on the part of the States to abide
strictly by the treaty, caused England, on the other hand, to
retain possession of the western posts, and threatened to in-
volve the two countries again in open warfare. : .^i, . j.^
* Morshall, i, 173.
t Secret Journals, iv. 275.
Sparks' Washingtoii, ir. 163. 179,
i
282
Provisions of Treaty of Peace.
The dispute, therefore, originated in a difference of opinion
between the parties as to the meaning of that part of the
seventh article, which relates to the "carrying away ne-
groes :" this was followed by a plain infraction of the fourth
article on the part of the States ; and that by an equally plain
violation of the provision in regard to evacuating the posts,
(article 7) on the side of Great Britain.
[The posts, or forts, were situated at Oswego, Niagara,
Presque Isle, (Erie,) Sandusky, Detroit, Michillimackinac, and
Prairie du Chein.]
In March, 1785, John Adams was sent to England to " re-
quire" the withdrawal of his Majesty's armies from the posts
still held by them. This requisition he made on the 8th of
the following December ; and was told in reply that when the
fourth article was respected by the States, the seventh would
be by England. These facts having been laid before Con-
gress, that body, in March, 1787, pressed upon the States the
necessity of repealing all laws violating the treaty ; but Vir-
ginia, in substance, refused to comply with the requisition re-
specting British creditors, until the western forts were evac-
uated, and the slaves that had been taken, returned or paid
for.*
From what has been said, it will be easily surmised that, to
the request of Governor Clinton of New York, relative to the
abandonment of the posts within that state, as well as to the
demand of Congress in the following July, for the possession
of all the strongholds along the lakes. General Ilaldimand
replied, as he had done to Baron Steuben, " I have received
no orders from his Majesty to deliver them up."t
^ While the condition of the western frontier remained thus
uncertain, settlers were rapidly gathering about the inland
forts. In the spring of this year, Pittsburgh, which had been
long settled, and once before surveyed, was regularly laid out
under the direction of Tench Francis, agent for the Messrs.
Penn, who, as adherents to England in the revolutionary
struggle, had forfeited a large part of their possessions in
America. The lots were soon sold, and improvements im-
mediately began; though, as would appear from the follow-
ing extract from Arthur Lee's Journal, who passed through
>
• Secret JournaU, iv. 185 to 287.— Pitkin, ii. 192 to 200.— Marshall, i. 107 to 1S8.
t Marshall, 1. 177, &c.
1784
1784.
of opinion
part of the
away ne-
thc fourth
lualiy plain
; the posts,
>, Niagara,
ckinac, and
md to " te-
■n the posts
the 8th of
^t when the
enth would
»efore Con-
; States the
y ; but Vir-
[uisition re-
were evac-
led or paid
ised that, to
ative to the
ell as to the
! possession
Ilaldimand
ve received
iained thus
the inland
h had been
irly laid out
the Messrs.
volutionary
.sscssions in
eme:>ts im-
the follow-
sed through
107 to 188.
Settlements in Kentucky. 283
Pittsburgh on his way to the Indian council at Fort Mcintosh,
it was not, late in its first year, very prepossessing or promis-
ing in its appearance :
" Pittsburgh is inhabited almost entirely by Scots and Irish,
who live in paltry log-houses, and are as dirty as if in the
north of Ireland, or even Scotland. There is a great deal of
trade carried on ; the goods being brought, at the vast expense
of forty-five shillings per hundred, from Philadelphia and Bal-
timore. They take, in the shops, money, wheat. Hour and
skins. There are in the town four attorneys, two doctors, and
not a priest of any persuasion, nor church, nor chapel. The
rivers encroach fast on the town ; and to such a degree, that
as a gentleman told me, the Allegheny had, within thirty
years of his memory, carried away one hundred yards. The
place, I believe, will never be very considerable."*
The detention of the western fortresses, however, though'
of little moment to Pennsylvania, was a very serious evil to
the more distant settlers of Kentucky. The northern savages
again prepared their scalping knives, and the traders from
Canada, if not the agents ©f the British government, urged
them to harrass the frontiers.
[During this year of comparative peace and quiet, new set-
tlements were made in Kentucky, and a large increase added
to the population. Simon Kenton returned to the improve-
ment he made in 1776, where Washington now stands in Ma-
son county, which soon became the nucleus of an extensive
settlement. Here a block house was erected.
At the Lower Blue Licks, the Messrs. Tanner had a small
settlement the preceding year. Liracstope (now Maysville)
became the place of landing for immigrants, and the route by
the Blue Licks to Bryant's station and Lexington a thorough-
fare. An immense accession to the population was made by
immigration in autumn, and consequently settlements were
much extended the ensuing winter and spring.f
The population of all the settlements up to 1783, exceeded
twelve thousand persons, and this number was augmented by
the arrivals of the succeeding summer, to more than twenty
thousand.
i
*Americu) Pioneer, i. 301.
tManball,i. 188, igs.
;fc:
284
Virginia Military Lands Surveyed.
1784.
Merchandize, from Philadelphia, was transported in wag-
ons across the mountains to Pittsburgh, and from thence, on
keel-boats and flats, floated down the Ohio to Limestone and
Louisville. A dry goods store was opened at Louisville, by
Daniel Brodhead, and the next year, another store was
opened, in Lexington, by Colonel James Wilkinson. In 1784,
Louisville contained sixty-three houses, flnished; thirty-seven
partly finished ; twenty-two, raised, but not covered ; and
more than one hundred log cabins.*
In the autumn of 1784, Colonel Beiyamin Logan, appre-
hending the Cherokees meditated an invasion of Kentucky,
made a call for a convention of the citizens at Danville, to
take measures for the defence of the country.]
At this meeting the whole subject of the position and dan-
ger of Kentucky was examined and discussed, and it was
agreed that a convention should meet in December, to adopt
some measures for the security of the settlements in the wil-
derness. Upon the 27th of that month it met, nor was it long
before the idea became prominent that Kentucky must ask to
be severed from Virginia, and lef\ to her own guidance and
control. But as no such conception was general, vyhen the
delegates to this first convention were chosen, they deemed it
best to appoint a second, to meet during the next May, at
which was specially to be considered the topic most inter-
esting to those who were called on to think and vote — a
complete separation from the parent state — political indepen-
dcnee.f
It was duriug 1784, also, that the military claimants of
land, under the laws of Virginia, began their locations. All
the territory between the Green and Cumberland rivers, ex-
cepting that granted to Henderson & Co., was to be appro-
priated to soldiers of the parent state ; and when that was
exhausted, the lands north of the Ohio, between the Scioto
and Little Miami rivers. In 1783, the Continental Line had
chosen Colonel Richard C. Anderson principal surveyor on
their behalf, and on the 17th of December in that year, con-
cluded with him a contract, under which, upon the 20th of
the following July, he opened his office near Louisville ; and
* Monet.te, ii, 143
Uuahall, i. 161.
fManhall,!. 190tol95
Letters of an American Planter, from 1770 to 1780, vol. iii. p. 422.
1784.
;ed in wag-
1 thence, on
nestone and
ouisville, by
' store was
ti. In 1784,
thirty-seven
jvered ; and
>gan, appre-
if Kentucky,
Danville, to
9n and dan-
and it was
ber, to adopt
s in the wil-
r was it long
must ask to
guidance and
al, when the
ey deemed it
ext May, at
most inter-
and vote — a
ical indepeu-
claimants of
cations. All
id rivers, ex-
to be appro-
len that was
n the Scioto
tal Line had
surveyor on
lat year, con-
i the 20th of
uisville ; and
780, vol. iii. p. 422.
1784.
Virginia Land Claims Surveyed.
286
1^
entries at once began. The first entry north of the Ohio,
however, was not made until August 1, 1787.*
Two subjects, which in order of time belong to this year,
we defer, the one to 1787, the other to 1786 ; the former is the
measure adopted by Congress for the government of the new
territory ; the latter, the first treaty with the Indians relative
to the West.
* MoDonald'a SketohM, 22 to 24. Ue givea the oontraot. Aim Utter of W. M. Ander<
Mn. (American Pioneer, i. 438.) The number of loldiera in the Virginia Continental
Line proved to be 1124. (American State Papore, xviiL Mi.)
%i!
,• I
"•€♦»;
m * ■ — I'lMffiwwwwi
f ^ mpm\*mmm^mitm!im
CHAPTER X.
WESTERN PROGRESS.
Cewion of tho North-WMtem Territory by Virginia— Treaties witli tho IndiaDS—Proola-
mation of Coogreta against settlers on Indian Lands— Ordinance for Surveying tho
Public ''lands — ConTontion in Kentucky— Negotiation with the Shawanese— Cooneil at
tho Mouth of the Orcat Miami — Negotiations with Spain — Orcat Uisaatiifaction in
the West — Company formed to settle Ohio.
[One of the most important events to the North-western
States that occurred in 1784, was the cession by Virginia to
the United States, of all claims to the country to the northwest
of the Ohio river. The names of the Comm'ssioners, and an
outline of the conditions of the cession, we copy from Dillon's
" Historical Notes" on Indiana, volume first, page 197.
On the first day of March, 1784, Thomas Jefferson, Samuel
Hardy, Arthur Lee, and James Monroe, delegates in Congress
on the part of Virginia, executed a deed of cession, by which
they transferred to the United States, on certain conditions,
all right, title, and claim of Virginia to the country northwest
of the river Ohio. The deed of cession contained the follow-
ing conditions, viz : " That the territory so ceded shall be laid
out and formed into states, containing a suitable extent of ter-
ritory, not less than one hundred, nor more than one hundred
and fifty miles square ; or as near thereto as circumstances
will admit : and that the states so formed shall be distinct
republican states, and admitted members of the federal union ;
having the same rights of sovereignty, freedom, and indepen-
dence, as the other states. That the necessary and reasona-
ble expenses incurred by Virginia, in subduing «^ny British
posts, or in maintaining forts and garrisons within, and for the
defence, or in acquiring any part of, the territory so ceded or
relinquished, shall be fully reimbursed by the United States.
That the French and Canadian inhabitants, and other settlers
of the Kaskaskias, Post Vincennes, and the neighboring villa-
ges, who have professed themselves citizens of Virginia, shall
have their possessions and titles confi' id to them, and be
protected in the enjoyment of their rights and liberties. That
a quantity not exceeding one hundred and fifty thousand acres
of land, promised by Virginia, shall be allowed and granted
to the then Colonel, now General George Rogers Clark, and
to the officers and soldiers of his regiment, who marched with
him when the posts of Kaskaskia and Vincennes were reduc-
ed, and to the ofiicers and soldiers that have been since
hm . m>< n» >< iw m . i ijmm i wm
1784.
Cession of Virginia,
287
[odiaos — Proola-
r Surveying the
lese— Cooneil at
luaatufaction in
•th-western
Virginia to
5 northwest
ers, and an
am Dillon's
197.
on, Samuel
n Congress
I, by which
conditions,
■ northwest
the follow-
hall be laid
:tent of ter-
ne hundred
;umstances
be distinct
eral union ;
id indepen-
d reasona-
E^ny British
and for the
!o ceded or
ited States,
her settlers
oring villa-
ginia, shall
ivn, and be
ties. That
isand acres
tid granted
Clark, and
xched with
fere reduc-
been since
incorporated in the said regiment, to be laid off in one tract,
the lenjjth of which not to exceed double the breadth, in such
place on the northwest side of the Ohio, as a mjyority of the
officers shall choose, and to be afterwards divided among the
ollicers and soldiers in due proportion, according to the laws
of Virginia. That in case the quantity of good lands on the
southeast side of the Ohio, upon the waters of Cumberland
river, and between the Green river and Tennessee river,
which have been reserved by law for the Virginia troops upon
continental establishment, should, from the North Carolina line
bearing in further upon the Cumberland lands than was ex-
pected, prove insufficient for their legal bounties, the defi-
ciency shall be made up to the said troops, in good lands to be
laid off between the rivers Scioto and Little Miami, on the
northwest side of the river Ohio, in such proportions as have
been engaged to them by the laws of Virginia. That all the
lands within the territory so ceded to the United States,
and not reserved for, or appropriated to any of the before-
mentioned purposes, or disposed of in bounties to the officers
and soldiers o( the American army, shall be considered as a
common fund for the use and benefit of such of the United
States as have become, or shall become, members of the con-
federation or federal alliance of the said states, Virginia in-
clusive, according to their usual respective proportion in the
general charge and expenditure, and shall be faithfully and
bona fide disposed offer that purpose, and for no other use or
purpose whatsoever."]
In speaking of Pittsburgh, we referred to the passage of
Arthur Lee through that place late in 1784, to attend a council
with the Indians at Port Mcintosh. Upon the 22d of the pre-
vious October, this gentleman, in connection with Richard
Butler and Oliver Wolcott, had met the hostile tribes of the
Iroquois,* at Fort Stanwix, and had there concluded a treaty
of peace, among the articles of which was the following :
Art. 3. A line shall be drawn, beginmng at the mouth of a
creek, about four miles east of Niagara, called Oyonwayea,
or Johnson's Landing Place, upon the lake, named by the In-
dians Oswego, and by us Ontario ; from thence southerly, in
a direction always four miles east of the carrying path, be-
tween Lake Erie and Ontario, to the mouth of Tehoseroron,
or Buffalo Creek, or Lake Erie ; thence south, to the north
boundary of the State of Pennsylvania ; thence west, to the
end of the said north boundary ; thence south, along the west
boundary of the said State, to the river Ohio ; the said line,
from the mouth of the Oyonwayea to the Ohio, shall be
the western boundary of the lands of the Six Nations ; so that
* Sea Land L»w», p. 132.
I
^i?i"
i
I
.288 Provisions of the Treaty of Fort Mcintosh. 1786.
the Six Nations shnll, and do, yield to the United States, all
claims to the country west of the said boundary ; and then
they ahaJl be secured in the peaceful possession ot the lands
they inhabit, east and north of the same, reserving only six.
miles square, round the Fort of Oswego, to the United States,
for the support of the same.
[The "hostile tribes" referred to were the Mohawks, Onon-
dagas, Cayugas, and Senacas, who had joined the British ;
while the Oneidas and Tuscaroras were on the American
side.]
The old indefinite claim of the great northern confederacy
to the West, being thus extinguished, Mr. Lee, together with
Richard Butler and George Rogers Clark, proceeded to treat
with the Western Indians themselves at Fort Mcintosh, upon
the 21st of January, 1786. The nations represented were the
Wyandots, Delawares, Chippeways, and Ottowas ; and among
the representatives, it is said, was the celebrated war chief of
the Delawares, Buckongahelas : the most important provi-
sions of the treaty agreed upon, were the seven following: —
Art. 3. The boundary line between the United States p,nd
the Wyandot and Delaware nations, shall begin at the mouth
of the river Cayahoga, and run thence, up the said river, to the
portage between that and the Tuscarawas branch of the Mus-
kingum ; then, down the said branch, to the forks at the cross-
ing place above Fort Lawrence, [Laurens;] then westwardly,
to the portage of the Big Miami, which runs into the Ohio, at
the mouth of which branch the fort stood which was taken by
the French in one thousand seven hundred and fifty-two ; then,
along the said portage, to the Great Miami or Omc river, and
down the south-east side of the same to its mouth ; thence,
along the south shore of Lake Erie, to the mouth of the Cay-
ahoga, where it began.
Art. 4. The United States allot all the lands contained
within the said lines to the Wyandot and Delaware nations,
to live and to hunt on, and to such of the Ottowa nation as
now live thereon ; saving and reserving, for the establishment
of trading posts, six miles square at the mouth of Miami or
Ome river, and the same at the portage on that b^*anch of the
Big Miami which runs into the Ohio, and the same on the
Lake of Sandusky, where the fort formerly stood, and also
two miles square on each side of the lower rapids of Sandusky
river; which posts, and the lands annexed to them, shall he to
the use, and under the government of the United States.
Art. 5. If any citizen of the United States, or other person,
not being an Indian, shall attempt to settle on any of the
1785.
States, all
mid then
the landH
ig only sir.
ted States,
ks, Onon-
16 British ;
American
) n fed c racy
Jther with
id to treat
tosh, upon
1 were the
md among
\r chief of
int provi-
llowing: —
Jtates p,nd
the mouth
iver, to the
if the Mus-
the cross-
estwardly,
le Ohio, at
3 tal^cn by
;vvo ; then,
river, and
1 ; thence,
f the Cay-
contained
•e nations,
nation as
tblishment
Miami or
(ich of the
ne on the
, and also
Sandusky
shall he to
tates.
er person,
,ny of the
1785. Setlhments Prohibited North of the Ofiio.
289
lands allotted to the Wyandot and Delaware nations, in this
treaty, except on the lands reserved to the United Sl!it«s in
the preceding article, such person shall forfeit tlic protection
of the United States, and the Indians may punibli him as they
please.
Art. G. The Indians who sign this treaty, as well in behalf
of all their tribes as of themselves, do acknowledge the lands
east, south and west, of the lines described in the third article,
so far as the said Indians formerly claimed the same, to belong
to the United States; and none of their tribes shall presume
to settle upon the same, or any part of it.
Art. 7. The post of Detroit, with a district beginning at
the mouth of the river Uosine, on the west side of Lake Erie,
and running west six miles up the southern bank of the said
river, thence, northerly, and always six miles west of the strult,
till it strikes the Lake St. Clair, shall also be reserved to the
sole use of the United States.
Art. 8. In the same manner, the post of Michillimackinac,
with its dependencies, and twelve miles square about the
same, shall be reserved to the use of the United States.
Art. 9. If any Indian or Indians shall commit a robbery or
murder on any citizen of the United States, the tribe to which
such offender may belong, shall be bound to deliver them up
at the nearest post, to be punished according to the ordinances
of the United States.
[To prevent intrusion on the Indian lands, and consequently
collision with the aborigines, the Continental Congress, on the
15th of June, 1785, sent forth the following ^proclamation,
whieh was circulated in the Western country.
"Whereas, it has been represented to the United States, in
Congress assembled, that several disorderly persons have cross-
ed the Ohio and settled upon their unappropriated lands; and,
whereas, it is their intention, as soon as it shall be surveyed,
to open offices for the sale of a considerable part thereof, in
such proportions and under such other regulations as may suit
the convenience of all the citizens of the said States and others
who may wish to become purchasers of the same : — and as
such conduct tends to defeat the object they have in view ; is
in direct opposition to the ordinances and resolutions of Con-
gress, and highly disrespectful to the federal authority ; they
have, therefore, thought fit, and do hereby issue this, their
proclamation, strictly forbidding all such unwarrantable intru-
sions, and enjoining all tho.se who have settled thereon to de-
part with their families and effects, without loss of time, as
they shall answer the same at their peril.*]
* Dillon's Indiana, i. 199. >
290
Ordinance Hdalivc to Western Idinds.
1786.
Thus were the first steps taken for sfc.uring to the United
States the Indian titles to the vtist reahn beyond the Ohio;
and a lew months later the legiMlation was commenced that
was to determine the mode ol'itH di.spo»al, and the plan of its
Mettlcmcnts.
In April of tlic previous year Congress had adopted certain
resolutions in relation to the number and size of the States to
be formed from the Western Territory, and sketched ihe great
features of an Ordinance for its organization, but us all these
things were afti^rwaids modified in 1787, we have deferred
the subject of that organization to the last named year. But
though the details of the government of the West were not
as yet settled, Congress, upon the 20th of May, 1785,* passed
an ordinance relative to surveys, which determined a plan for
the division of the ceded lands, and the main principles of
whicli still remain in force. This was not done, however, un-
til Massachusett?, as well as New York and Virginia, had
ceded her claims to the Union; which she did upon the 19th
of April in this year, the Act authorizing the cession having
been passed upon the l3lh of the previous November. f
By the ordinance above referred to, the territory purchased
of the Indians was to be divided into townships, srx miles
square,^ by north and south lines, cros.sed at right angles by
others: the first north and south line to begin on the Ohio, at
a point due north of the western termination of the southern
boundary of Pennsylvania, and the first east and west line to
begin at the same point, and extend throughout the territory.
The ranges of tbwn^hips thus formed were to be numbered
from the Pennsylvania line westward ; the townships them-
selves from the Ohio northward. Each township was to be
subdivided into thirty-six parts or sections, each, of course,
one mile square. When seven ranges of townships had been
thus surveyed, the Geographer was to make a return of them
to the Board of Treasury, who were to take therefrom one-
seventh part, by lot, for the use of the late Continental army ;
and so of every seven ranges as surveyed and returned : the
<
* There was on ordioftnce reported May 28, 1784, (Old Jouroals, ir. 416 j) a aeoond,
April 26th, ilib, (014 Jouroals, iv. 507 ;) that of May 20th differed io several reapeots.
1 0!d JouraaU, iv. 500 to S04. Landi Lawa, 102. ,
X By the first ordinance these were to have been ten miles, and by the teeend seven nilei
square. — See Journals.
MMi
1785.
Onlinancc Rdalivc to Wextcrn iMndx.
fl91
the United
, the Ohio ;
lenci'd that
plan of its
)ted certain
e States to
id ihe great
us all these
v'c deferred
year. But
t were not
85,* passed
I a plan for
rinciples of
)\vever, un-
rgiriia, had
on the 19th
ion having
ber.f
' purchased
>s, srx miles
. angles by
the Ohio, at
le southern
vest line to
le territory,
numbered
ships them-
was to be
, of course,
IS had been
irn of them
efrom one-
;ntal army ;
:urncd: the
416 i) a aeoond,
'era! reapeots.
I -
eend aeTMi mnei
remaining six-sevenths wore to bo drawn for by the several
States, in the proportion of the hwt reciuisilion nuule on theuj ;
and they were to nmke public sale thereof in the following
manner: range 1st, town.ship 1st, was to be sold entire, town-
ship 2d in sections, and so on alterimtely; while in range 2d,
township 1st was to be sold in sections, and township 2(1 en-
tire, retaining throughout, both as to the ranges and town-
ships, the princi|)le of alternation. The price was t, he at
least one dollar per acre in specie, " loan ollicc certilicatrs re-
duced to specie value," or " certilicates of licjuidated debts of
the United States." Five sections in each township were to
be reserved, four for the United States, and one for schools.
All sales thus made by the States were to be returned to tho
Board of Treasury. This ordinance also gave the mode
for dividing, among the continental soldiers, tho lands set
apart to them ; reserved three townships for Canadian refu-
gees ; secured to the Moravian Indians their rights ; and ex-
cluded from sale the territory between the Little Miunii and
Scioto, in accordance with the provisions made by Virginia,
in her deed of cession, in favor of her own troops. Many
points in this law were afterwards changed, but its great
features remained.*
It had been anticipated, that so soon as the treaty of Fort
Mcintosh was known, settlers and speculators would cross the
Ohio, and to prevent the evil which it was foreseen would
follow any general movement of the kind, the Indian Com-
missioners were authorized in June, to issue a Proclamation
commanding all persons northwest of the river to leave with-
out loss of time, or stay at their peril, announcing the inten-
tion of government as soon as possible to sell the soil as fast
as surveyed.f The peril to be apprehended from the weak
hands of the confederacy might not have deterred fearless
men from filling the forbidden land, but theie were those near
by who executed the laws they made in a manner which was
by no means to be disregarded ; and, as we learn from tho
Honorable George Corwin, of Portsn^outh, when four families
from Redstone attempted a settlement at the mouth of the
Scioto, in April, 1786, they received such a notice to quit, from
the natives, in the shape of rifle-balls, that the survivors (for
• Land Laws, 349 to 854 — Old Journala, ir. 820 to 622.
t Land Laws, 354.— Old Jonroala, ir. 533.
292
Third Convention in Kentucky.
1786.
two men were killed) were glad enough to abandon their en-
terprise, and take refuge at Limestone or Maysville.* Fur-
ther West the experiment succeeded better, and some years
before the time of which we are writing, in 1781, a settlement
was made in the neighborhood of the old French forts, by
emigrants from Western Virginia, who were joined during the
present year by several other families from the same region.
[A sketch of the early American settlements in Illinois will
be found among the Annals of that State; in the Appendix.]
In Kentucky during 1785, events were of a different charac-
ter from any yet witnessed in the West. Hitherto, to live and
resist the savages had been the problem, but now the more
complicated questions of .self-rule and political power pre-
sented themselves for discussion and answer. The Conven-
tion which met late in 1784, finding a strong feeling prevalent
in favor of separation from Virginia, and unwilling to assume
too much responsibility, had proposed, as we have stated, a
second Convention to meet in the following May. It met upon
the 23rd of that month, and the same spirit of self dependence
being dominant, an address to the Assembly of Virginia and
one to the people of Kentucky, together with five resolutions,
all relative to separation, and in favor of it, were an-
imously carried. Two of these resolutions deserve especial
notice ; one of them recognized, what the Constitution of
Virginia did not, the princi[)le of equal representation, or a
representation of the people living in a certain territory, and not
the square miles contained in it : the other referred the whole
matter again, to a third Convention, which was to meet in
August, and continue its sessions by adjournment until April,
1786. As the members of the body which passed this resolve
had been chosen, it is believed, on the basis of equal re-
presentation, and for the very purpose oi considering the
question of independence, it is by no means clear why this re-
ference to a third assembly was made. It may have been
from great precaution, or it may have been through the
influence of James Wilkinson, who, though not a member of
the second Convention, exercised great power in it ; and who
being chosen a member of the third, became its leader and
controller, by the combined influence of his manners, elo-
quence, intellect, and character. This gentleman, there ap-
*Ainericaa Pioneer, i. 56.
iMMii
■Wli l i JJUip
ii>>.m |pi
■-i m ii ii ^ W « »iinm" ii
1786.
an their en-
ille.* Fur-
some years
I settlement
ch forts, by
I during the
me region.
Illinois will
ippendix.]
rent charac-
to live and
w the more
power pre-
he Conven-
ig prevalent
g to assume
ve stated, a
It met upon
dependence
/^irginia and
resolutions,
, were an-
rve especial
istitution of
itation, or a
lory, and not
id the whole
I to meet in
until April,
[ this resolve
)f equal re-
iidering the
why this re-
y have been
through the
t member of
it ; and who
s leader and
anners, elo-
m, there ap-
1785.
Third Convention in Kentucky.
293
pears to be reason to think, deemed the tone of the petition to
Virginia too humble, and wished another meeting, to speak
both to the Parent State and the people of the District in more
rousing and exciting words. And his wish, if such was his
wish, was fulfilled. Upon the 8th of August, a third Conven-
tion met, adopted a new form of address to the Old Dominion,
and called upon the people of Kentucky to " arm, associate,
and embody," " to hold in detestation and abhorrence, and
treat as enemies to the community, every person wL'j shall
withhold his countenance and support, of ^uch measures as
may be recommended for [the] common defence ;" and to
prepare for offensive movements against the Indians, without
waiting to be attacked.*
That Wilkinson, in this address to the people of Kentucky,
somewhat exaggerated the danger of Indian invasion is pro-
bable ; and the propriety of his call upon his countrymen to
invade the lands beyond the Ohio, at the time that Congress
was treating with the natives owning them, and seeking to
put a stop to warfare, is more than questionable : but still his
expressions of anxiety lest the whites should be found unpre-
pared, were not wholly without cause.
[At this period hostile feelings and movements were again
manifested, as appears from the following extract from Dil-
lon's "Historical Notes."
" A large Indian council, composed of deputies from dif-
ferent tribes, was held at Ouiatenon, on the river Wabash, in
the month of August, 1786. About the same time an Indian
killed one of the French inhabitants of Post Vinceniies. A
party of the friends of this man then fell upon the Indians,
killed four and wounded some more.. Soon afterwards an
Indian chief waited on the French inhabitants, and told them
that they must remove at a fixed time — that the Indians v\'ere
determined to make war on the American settlers — and that
if the French remained at Post Vincennes, they would share
the fate of the Americans."!
In October the Southern Indians became hostile, made in-
cursions into Kentucky, attacked the family of Mr. McClure,
massacred three children, and took his wife and one child
prisoners. They were rescued by a party under the command
* M.'irsball, i. 105, 196 to 220; where all the original paper!) at length,
t Correspondence of Captain John Armstrong, in Dillon's Indiana, i. 201.
"W1P
294
Virginia offers Kentucky Terms.
1786.
of Captain William Whitley. Other families and stations
were attacked.*]
But the proper source of action in the matter at this time
was the confederation, and Wilkinsot md his associates in
proposing to invade the north-west territory, should have
sought to act under its sanction, and not as leaders of a
sovereign power. Nor was the confederation at this very
time unmindful of the [.West; in the autumn of '86, Major
Doughty descended the Ohio to the mouth of the Muskingum,
and upon the point north of the former, and west of the lat-
ter river, began Fort Harmar.f
The address or petition, though the last name seems scarcely
applicable, which the Third Kentucky Convention had sent to
iho Assembly of the the parent State, was by that body duly
received and listened to, and the reasons for an early separation
appearing cogent, Virginia, in January, 1786, passed a law by
which Kentucky might claim independence, provided she
were willing to accept of the following conditions, as ex-
plained in a letter from Mr. Madi-son, to Gen. Washington,
dated December 9th, 1786.+
" Kentucky made a formal application for independence.
Her memorial has been considered, and the terms of separation
fixed by a Committee of the Whole. The substance of them
is tliat all private rights and interests, derived from the laws
of Virginia, shall be secured ; that the unlocated lands shall
be applied to the objects to which the laws of Virginia havo
appropriated them ; that the Ohio shall be a common high-
way for the citizens of the United States, and the jurisdiction
of Kentucky and Virginia, as far as the remaining territory of
the latter will be thereon, be concurrent only with the new
States on the opposite shore ; that the proposed State shall
take its due share of our State debts ; and that the separation
shall not take place unless these terms shall be approved by a
convention to be held to decide the question, nor^until Congress
shall as.sent thereto, and fix the terms of their admission into
the Union. The limits ot the proposed State are to be the
same with the present limits of the district. The apparent
coolness of the representatives of Kentucky, as to a separa-
tion, since these terms have been defined, indicates that they
had some views, which will not be favored by them. They
dislike much to be hung upon the will of Congress."
i
♦MBKhall, i. 221
tAracrlean PioDoor, i. 25-30 and frontispiece.
JSparkB* Washington, ix. 610.
Monette, iL 222.
1786.
1(1 stations
; this time
sociates in
ould have
,ders of a
this very
'86, Major
[uskingum,
of the lat-
ns scarcely
lad sent to
body duly
separation
d a law by
jvided she
»ns, as ex-
ashington,
pendence.
separation
3e of them
n the laws
lands shall
finia have;
imon high-
urisdiction
territory of
h the new
^tate shall
separation
poved by a
1 Congress
ission into
to be the
apparent
a separa-
I that they
m. They
1786. Convention with Western Tribes Proposed,
295
These conditions were to be submitted to a Fourth conven-
tion ^o be held in the following September. If those were
agreed to, the convention was to select a day posterior to Sep-
tember 1st, 1787, after which the laws of Virginia wore to
cease forever to be force within the western district; for
which, meanwhile, a constitution and laws were to be pre-
pared by a Fifth convention to be called for that purpose : it
being provided, that this act was to be effective only when in
substance approved by the United States.* This ret was not
however, altogether pleasant to the more zealous of the advo-
cates of self-rule, and an attempt was made by Wilkinson
and his friends to induce the people of the d'strict to declare
themselves independent of Virginia before the comparatively
distant period fixed by the law in question. The attempt,
however, was opposed and defeated ; the election of members
for the Fourth convention took place without disturbance
and in September it would undoubtedly have met to attend to
the business confided to it, had not the Indian incursions led
to a movement against the tribes on the Wabash, at the very
time appointed for the assembly at Danville.
Before we come to this movement beyond the Ohio, howev-
er, it is necessary to mention the steps taken by ConTess du-
ring the early part of this year to secure and perpetuate peace
with the north-western tribes. The treaty of Fort Stanwix
with the Iroquois, was upon the 22d of October, 1784; that
of Fort Mcintosh, with the Delawares, Wyandots, &c., upon
the 21st of January, 1786; upon the 18th of March followin"-,
it was resolved that a treaty be held with the Wabash Indi-
ans at Post Vincent on the 20th of June, 1785, or at such other
time and place as might seem best to the commissioners.f
Various circumstances caused the time to be changed to the
31st of January, 1786, and the place to the mouth of the
Great Miami, where, upon that day a treaty was made by G.
R. Clark, Richard Butler and Sam'l. H. Parsons, not, however,
with the Piankishaws and others named in the original reso-
lution, but with the Delawares, Wyandots and Shawanese.J
■ *MQrsh»ll, i. 222.
tow Journal*, iv. 48r, '
JThoee first named were the Potawatama, Xwigtwees, Piankajhaw and other west-
ern nations. See Old Journals, iv. 628, 533, 638, 612. The resolution on the page
last cited (June 29, 1785,) obaoges the place to tho mouth of the Great Miami or
the Falls.
296
Letter of General Parsons.
1786.
That treaty, in addition to the usual articles, contained
the following.*
Art. 2. The Shawanee nation do acknowledge the United
States to be the sole and absolute sovereigns of all the terri-
tory ceded to them by a treaty of peace made between them
and the king of Great Britain, the fourteenth day of January,
one thousand seven hundred and eighty-four.
Art. 6. The United States do allpttothe Shawanee nation,
lands within their territory, to live and hunt upon, beginning
at the south line of the lands allotted to the Wyandots and
Delaware nations, at the place where the main branch of the
Great Miami, which fails into the Ohio, intersects said line ;
then, down the River Miami, to the fork of that river, next be-
low the old fort which was taken by the French in one thous-
and seven hundred and fifty-two; tlience, due west, to the
River De La Pause ; then, down that river, to the river Wa-
bash; beyond which lines none of the citizens of the United
States shall settle, nor disturb the Shawanees in their settle-
ment and possessions. And the Shawanees do relinquish to
the United States, all title, or pretence of title, they ever had
to the lands east, west, and south of the east, west, and south
lines before described. f
The absence of the Wabash Indians from this council was
not the result of any change of plans on the part of the Ameri-
cans, but solely of a growing spirit of hostility among the sav-
ages, fostered, there is too much reason to think, by the sub-
agents of England. The temper of the Indians who first met
the commissioners, is thus referred to by General Parsons, in
a letter to Captain Hart, at Fort Harmar, dated " Fort Fin-
ney."
[Major Finney was a witness to the treaty. " Fort Finney"
was at the mouth of the Great Miami .]J
Since we have been here, every measure has been taken to
bring in the Indians. The Wyandots and Delawares are here ;
the other nations were coming, and were turned back by the
Shawanese. These, at last, sent two of their tribe to exam-
ine our situation and satisfy themselves of our designs. With
these men we were very open and explicit. We told them
we were fully convinced of their designs in coming ; that we
were fully satidfied with it ; that they were at liberty to take
their own way and time to answer the purj, ses they came
*01d J'urnatB, iv. 627. Land Laws, 299.
t See Land Laws, 299.
]:CUt'd Cincinnati Miscellany, ii. 33.
1786.
s, contained
the United
1,11 the tcrii-
tween them
of Jnnuary,
ance nation,
1, beginning
yandots and
ranch of the
ts said line ;
ver, n»'xt be-
n one thous-
west, to the
e river Wa-
' the United
their settle-
relinquish to
ley ever had
St, and south
council was
f the Ameri-
ong the sav-
by the sub-
vho first met
1 Parsons, in
1 " Fort Fin-
^'ort Finney"
;en taken to
res are here ;
back by the
ibe to exam-
ligns. With
e told them
ng ; that we
»erty to take
!s they came
1786.
Clark's Treatment of the Indians.
297
I
for; that we were desirous of living in peace with tlicm ; and
for that purpose had come with offers of peace to them, which
they would judge of, and whether pence or war was most for
their interest; that we very well knew the measures the Brit-
ish agents had taken to deceive them. That if they came to
the treaty, any mjin who had filled their ears with those stories
was at libci'ty to come with them, and return in safety. But
if they refused to treat with us, we should consider it as a
declaration of war on their part, *fec. These men stayed
about us eight days, and then told us they were fully con-
vinced our designs were good ; that they had been deceived;
that they would return home, and use their influence to bring
in their nation, and send out to the other nations. Last night
we received a belt of Wampum and a twist of tobacco, with
a message that they would be in when we had smoked the
tobacco. From our information, we are led to believe these
people will very generally come in, and heartily concur with
us in peace. I think it not probable the treaty will be^in
sooner than January.
^ The British agents, our own traders, and the inhabitants of
Kentucky, I am convinced, are all opposed to a treaty, and
are using every measure to prevent it. Strange as this may
seem, I have very convincing proofs of its reality. The causes
I can assign, but they are too many for the compass of a let-
ter. Notwithstanding all treaties we can make, I am con-
vinced we shall not be in safety until we have posts estab-
lished in the upper country.*
The various tribes of the north-west, therefore, had been
invited to the mouth of the Miami, but, owing to counter in-
fluence, neither attended, nor took any notice of the messages
sent them ;t and those who did finally attend, came, if tradi-
tion tells truly, in no amicable spirit, and but for the profound
knowledge possessed by Clark of the Indian character, and
the high rank he held in the estimation of the natives, the
meeting of January 31st might very probably have terminated
in the murder of the commissioners.
[Of this treaty the following account is given, out of which,
probably, the graphic sketch was drawn by a western writer,
and may be found in the first edition of these annals.]
The Indians came in to a treaty at, Fort Washington in the
most friendly manner, except the Shawanese, the most con-
ceited and warlike of the aborigines, the first in at a battle,
and the last at a treaty. Three hundred of their finest war-
•See North American Review, October, 1841, p. 330.
fold Journals, iv. 667.
19
?■■ ■ * '
298
Clark^s Treatment of the Indians.
1786.
riors set off in all their paint and feathers, and filed into the
council-house. Their number and detreanor,so unusual at an
ocoasion of this sort, was altogether unexpected and suspi-
cious. The United States' stockade mustered seventy men.
In the centre of the hall, at a little table, sat the commissary
general, Clark, the indefatigable scourge of these very ma'-au-
ders; General Richard Butler and Mr. Parsons. There was
also present a Captain Denny, who, I believe, is still alive,
and can attest this story. On the part of the Indians, an old
council-sachem and a war chief took the lead. The latter, a
tall, raw-boned fellow, with an impudent andvillanous look,
made a boisterous and threatening speech, which operated
effectually on the passions of the Indians, who set up a pro-
digious whoop at every pause. He concluded by presenting
a black and white wampum, to signify they were prepared for
either event, peace or war. Clark exhibited the same unalter-
ed and careless countenance he had shown during the whole
scene, his head leaning on his left, hand, and his elbow resting
upon the table. He raised his little cane, and pushed the
sacred wampum off the table, with very little ceremony.
E\ery Indian at the same time started from his seat with one
of *hose sudden, simultaneous, and peculiar savage sounds,
which startle and disconcert the stoutest heart, and can neither
be described nor forgotten. At this juncture Clark rose. The
scrutinizing eye cowered at his glance. He stamped his foot
on the prostrate and insulted symbol, and ordered them to
leave the hall. They did so, apparently involuntarily. They
were heard all that night, debating in the bushes near the fort.
The ravz-boned chief was for war, the old sachem for peace.
The latter prevailed, and the next morning they came back
and sueo for peace. (Notes of an old officer. See Encyclo-
paedia Americana, iii. 232.)
But the tribes more distant than the Shawancsc were in no
way disposed to cease their incursions, and upon the 16th of
May, the Governor of Virginia was forced to write upon the
subject to Congress, which at once sent two companies down
the Ohio to the Falls, and upon the 30th of June authorized the
raising of militia in Kentucky, and the invasion of the country
of the mischief-makers, under the command of the lea ling Unit-
ed States' officer.* We do not learn that it was nominally
under this resolution that General Clark's ».xpedition of the en-
suing fall was undertaken ; but at any rate this act on the part
of Congress justified offensive measures on the part of the Ken-
tuckians when they became necessary ; and it being thought
necessary to act upon the Wabash before winter, a body of a
• Old Journals, iv. 657 to 660.
i
1786.
3d into the
isual at an
and suspi-
enty men.
ominissar;/
ry mai-au-
Thcre was
still alive,
,ns, an old
le latter, a
mous look,
operated
up a pro-
presenting
•epared for
ne unalter-
the whole
ow resting
pushed the
ceremony,
it with one
»ge sounds,
can neither
rose. The
»cd his foot
d them to
rily. They
:ar the fort.
for peace,
came back
e Encyclo-
were in no
the 16th of
e upon the
mies down
horized the
the country
a iingUnit-
; nominally
11 of the cn-
on the part
of the Ken-
ng thought
i body of a
1786. Clark's abortive ExpcJilion up the Wabas/i. 299
thousand men, or more, gathered at the Falls, and marched
thence toward Vincennes, which place they reached some
time in September, 1786.
Here the army remained inactive during nine days, waiting
the arrival of their provisions and ammunition, which had
been sent down to the mouth of the Wabash in boats, and
were delayed by the low water. This stay, so different from
Clark's old mode of proceeding, was in opposition to his ad-
vice,* and proved fatal to the expedition. The soldiers be-
came restive, and their confidence in the General being de-
stroyed, by discovering the fact, that his clear mind wa.s too
commonly confused and darkened by the influence of ardent
spirits, they at last refused obedience ; a body of three hundred
turned their faces homeward, and the rest soon followed in
their track.
An expedition conducted by Colonel Logan against the
Shawanf se, who, in spite of their treaty, had resumed hostili-
ties, terminated very differently from that under the conqueror
of Illinois ; their towns were burned and their crops wasted.
It was the gathering of the men of Kentucky for these ex-
peditions, which prevented the meeting of the convention that
was to have come together in September. So many were
absent on military duty that a quorum could not be had, and
those who came to the point of assembly, were forced, as a
committee merely, to prepare a memorial for the Virginia
legislature, setting forth the causes which made a convention
at that time impossible, and asking certain changes in the Act
of Separation.! This done, they continued their meetings by
adjournment during the remainder of the year, hoping a
quorum might still be gathered ; which was not done, how-
ever, until the ensuing January. J
Meanwhile, beyond the Alleghenies, events were taking
place which produced more excitement in Kentucky than In-
dian wars, or Acts of Separation even : we refer to the
Spanish negotiations, involving the navigation of the Missis-
sippi. In 1780, as we have stated, Spain expressed her de-
. termination to claim the control of the great western river : ia
January, 1781, she attacked the fort. of St. Joseph's, and took
possession of the northwest in the nasne of his Catholic Majes-
* Marshall, i. 250.— Butter, 153.
t Manhall, i. 251.
t Ibid, 253.
300
Negotiations vnth Spain.
1786.
ty : on the IBth of the next month, Congress, at the instance
of the Virginia Delegates, instructed Mr. Jay, then at Madrid,
not to insist on the use of the Mississippi by the Americans, if
a treaty could not be effected without giving it up. Through
1782, the court of Madrid labored, not only to inducn the
United States to give up the stream of the West, but a great
part of the West itself, and France backed her pretensions ;*
and thus matters rested. In July, 1785, Don Diego Gardoqui,
appeared before Congress as the representative of Spain ;t on
the 20th of the same month, Mr. Jay, the Secretary of foreign
affairs, was authorised to negotiate with him ; and in May, of
the year of which we are writing, negotiations begun between
them, were brought to the notice of Congress. This was done
in consequence of the fact, that in these transactions Mr. Jay
asked the special guidance of that body, and explained his
reasons for doing so at length.J He pointed out the import-
ance of a commercial treaty with Spain, and dwelt upon the
two difficulties of making such a treaty ; one of which was,
the unwillingness of Spain to permit the navigation of the
Mississippi, the other, the question of boundaries. Upon ihe
first point Mr. Jay was, and always had been, opposed to
yielding to the Spanish claim; but that claim was- still as
strenuously urged as in 1780 ; and the court of Madrid, their
ambassador said, would never abandon it. Under these cir-
cumstances, the interests of the whole Union demanding the
conclusion of the Spanish commercial treaty, while that
treaty could apparently be secured only by giving up the
right to navigate the Mississippi, which was in a manner
sacrificing the West, Mr. Jay proposed, as a sort of compro-
mise, to form a treaty with Spain for twenty-five or thirty
years, and during that time to yield the right of using the Mis-
sissippi below the boundaries of the United States. To this
proposition, the Southern members in Congress were vehe-
mently opposed, and an attempt was made by them to take
the whole matter out of Mr. Jay's hands, the delegates from
Virginia ofi'ering a long and able argument in opposition to
his scheme ; but the members of the eastern and middle states
out-voted the south, and the Secretary was authorised to con-
tinue his negotiations, without being bound to insist, at all
* Secret Journals, iv. 63 to 80. Diplomatic Correppondence.
t Old Journals, iv. 544. % Secret Jouroals, iv. 43. 46.
1786.
1786.
Dissatisfaction in the West.
301
tie instance
at Madrid,
mericans, if
Through
inducn the
but a great
etensions ;*
) Gardoqui,
Spain ;t on
r of foreign
[ in May, of
an between
is was done
)ns Mr. Jay
plained his
the import-
It upon the
which was,
ition of the
Upon ihe
opposed to
A^as- still as
[adrid, their
ir these cir-
landing the
while that
ing up the
a manner
of compro-
ire or thirty
ing the Mis-
!S. To this
were vehe-
em to take
egates from
^position to
liddle states
■ised to con-
nsist, at all
hazards, upon the immediate Me of the river.* The discus-
sion' in Congress relative to the Spanish claims, took place
during August, and the rumor of them, and of the Secretary's
proposal, in due time reached the West ; but, as is common,
the tale .spread by report, dilFcred from the truth, by represent-
ing the proposition as much more positivte than it really was,
and as being made by John Jay, without any sanction of
Congress. This story, which circulated during the winter of
1786-7, produced among those who dwelt upon the western
waters great indignation ; and prepared the people to antici-
pate a contest with Spain, or a union with her, and in either
case, action independent of the old Atlantic colonies. And
the conduct of Clark, after the failure of the Wabash expedi-
tion, was well calculated to cause many to think that the lead-
ing minds were already prepared for action. On the 8th of
October, a board o( field officers at Vincennes, determined to
garrison that point, to raise supplies by impressment, and to
enlist new troops. Under this determination, Spanish pro-
perty was seized, soldiers were embodied, and steps were
taken to hold a peace council with the natives; all under the
direction of General Clark. Soon after this, in December,
Thomas Green wrote from Louisville to the Governor, Council
and Legislature of Georgia — which State was involved in the
boundary quarrel with Spain— that Spanish property had been
seized in the north-west as a hostile measure, and not merely
to procure necessaries for the troops, which Clark afterward
declared was the case; and added, that the General was
ready to go down the river with " troops sufficient" to take
possession of the lands in dispute, if Georgia would counte-
nance him. This letter Clark said he never saw, but as he paid
equally with Green towards the expenses of the messenger
who was to take it to the south, it was natural enough to
think him privy to all the plans relative to the disputed terri-
tory, whatever they may have been. And what they were, in
some minds at least, may perhaps, be judged by the following
extract frofu a letter, also written from Louisville, professedly
« to som^ one in New England, and very probably by Green ;
and which was circulated widely in Frankland, Tennessee.
It is dated December 4, 1786.
Our situation is as bad as it possibly can be, therefore every
* Secret Journals, iv. 81 to 132.
3oa
Erpedition a:,^aiti!it SjHiin projioscff .
1787.
exertion to retrieve our circuinstanccH must be manly, eligible
and juMt.
We can raise twenty thousand troops this side the Alle-
gheny and Apalachinn Mountains; and the annual increas'-
of them by emigration, Irom other parts, Is from two to four
thousand.
We have taken all the goods belonging to the Spanish mer-
chants of Post Vincennes and the Illinois, and arc determined
they shall not trade up the river, provided they will not let us
trade down it. Preparation?} are now making here (if neces-
sary) to drive the Spaniards from their settlements, at tho
mouth of the Mississippi. In case we are not countenanced
and succored by the United States ^if we need it) our alle-
giance will be thrown off, and some other power applied to.
Great Britain stands ready with open arms to receive and
support us. They have already oMered to open their resour-
ces for our supplies. When once re-unitetl to them, "fare-
well, a long farewell to all your boasted greatness." Tho
province of Canada and the inhabitants of these waters, of
themselves, in time, will be able to conquer you. You are as
ignorant of this country as (Jrcat Britain was of America.
These are hints, if rightly improved, may be of some service ;
if not, blame yourselves for the neglect.*
Wells, Green's messenger, on his way to Georgia, showed
his papers to various persons at Danville ; copies were at
once taken of them, and enclosed in a letter written on the
22d of December to the Executive of Virginia, by fifteen of
the leading citizens of Kentucky, among whom was James
Wilkinson. In February, 1787, the Council of Virginia acted
upon the subject; condemned Gen. Clark's conduct, disavowed
the powers assumed by him, ordered the prosecution of the per-
.sons concerned in the seizure of property, and laid the matter
before Congress. It was presented in detail to that body upon
the 13th of April.t and upon the 24th of that month, it was
resolved that the troops of the United States be employed to
dispossess the unauthorized intruders who had taken possession
of St. Vincents.J
All these things naturally tended to excite speculation, in^
quiry and fear throughout the West ; and though no action
was had in reference to the Mississippi question beyond thu
mountains, until the next spring, we may be sure there was
talking and feeling enough in the interval.
•Secret Journal!, iv. 323.
t Secret Journals, iv. 301 to 323.
X Old Journals, It. 740.
MS
■HMMBSei
1787.
ily,eIigiblo
c the Alle-
fil increus'-
wo to four
anish mer-
letcrrnincd
1 not let. us
(if ncccs-
tits, at tlio
intenanccd
t) our allc-
applied to.
cc(!ivc and
luir rcsoiir-
ein, "fare-
ess." The
waters, of
You are as
f America,
nc service ;
ia, showed
!S were at
:ten on the
y fifteen of
was Jamca
ginia acted
disavowed
of the per-
the matter
body upon
nth, it was
mployed to
i possession
ulation, ino
. no action
beyond thu
! there waa
1786. Putnam and Tup/wr propose to move Wcfit.
30S
But in Riving the history of 1786, we must not omit those
stojfs whicii resulted in the formation of the New Kngland
Ohio Company, and the founding of the first colony, author-
ized by government, north-west of the Belle Riviere.
Congress, by the resolutions of September 16, 1776, and
August 12, 1780, had promised land bounties to the ofiicers
and soldiers of the Revolutionary army, who should continue in
the service till the close of the war, or until discharged by
Congress; and to the representatives of those who should bo
slain by the enemy.* In Juno, 1783, peace having been pro-
claimed, CJeneral Rufus Putnam forwarded to Washington a
memorial from certain of those having claims under these
i-esolutions; which Washington transmitted to Congress, to-
gether with General Putnam's letter.f But as the States
claiming the western territory had not made their final ces-
sions. Congress was forced, on the 29th of October, 1783, to
announce their inability to make any appropriation of land.J
From that time, nothing further was done until, upon the 18th
of July, 1786, Benjamin Tupper, a Revolutionary officer be-
longing to Massachusetts, w^as appointed a surveyor of western
lands, in the place of General Putnam, whohad been before
chosen, but was otherwise engaged. He, in the course of
that year, visited the West, going, however, no farther than
Pittsburgh, as the Indian troubles prevented surveys.^ On his
return home, he conferred with his friend, Putnam, as to a re-
newal of their memorial of 1783, and a removal westward;
which conference resulted in a publication, dated January 10,
1786, in which was proposed the formation of a company to
settle the Ohio lands; and those taking an interest in the
plan, were invited to meet in February,, and choose, for each
county of Massachusetts, one or more delegates ; these dele-
gates were to assemble on the 1st of March, at the Bunch of
Grapes tavern in Boston, there to agree upon a system of as-
sociation. On the day named, eleven persons appeared at
the place agreed upon ; and by the 3d of March, the outline
of the company was drawn up, and subscriptions under it at
once commenced. The leading features of that outline were
OLaod Laws, ZZJ.
flbe letters relating to tliU petition were soot by Mr. Sparks to the Committee for tb«
CelebrntioQ of the Settlement of Ohio, 1835; and were publithed by them.
JLand Law*, 339.
g Nye's Ad dress, Transactions Ohio Uiftoiical Socicly, p. 317.
304 Ohio Com/Hint/ formed. —Cession bjf Conncclitut. 1786.
these : a fund of a million dolliirs, iiininly in continental cor
tincntcs, was to bo raisod for the purposo of pur(•llaMin^,' lands
in the wcHtern territory ; tlicro v>vn- to he a thousand vharen
of one thousand dollars each, and upon each share ten dollars
in specie were to bo paid, for continfjent expenses. One
year's interest watt to be appropriated to the charges of mak-
ing a settlement and a.ssisting those unablo to remove without
aid. The owners of every twenty shares were to choose an
agent to represent them, and attend to their interests ; and the
agents were to choose the Directors.* The plan was approv-
ed, and in a year from that time the company was organized ;
and, before its organization, the last obstacle to the purposed
grant from the United States, was done away by the cession of
most of her territorial claims on the part of Connecticut. In
October, 1780, soon after the first action of Congress relative
to the western lands, that State hud passed an act respecting
the cession of her claim to the United States. This, on the
3l8t of January, 1781, was reterred, together with the reso-
lutions of New York and Virginia, to a committee.f Various
reports were made, and discussions had, relative to the mat-
ter, but it was not till May 20, 1786, that the views of the
State and the Union could be brought to a coincidence; This
being done by a resolution of Congress, dated upon that day,
the Delegates of Connecticut, upon the 14th of September,
made the deed of cession by which all her claims to the coun-
try west of a line one hundred and twenty miles beyond the
western boundary of Pennsylvania and parallel thereto, were
given up to the confederation. J
We have mentioned that a minority of the Convention called
in Kentucky, to meet in September, 1786, was adjourned from
,time to time until January of this year ; when, at length a
quorum attended. Upon a vote being then taken relative to
separation, the feeling was still, as before, strongly in favor of
it. But scarce had this been ascertained when a second act
*Se» Nyo'8 Addrofs in Tranaactlons of Ohio Historical S.icicty, Part 2d. Alio, tn article
on Olii), in North American KoTiew, for October, 1841; Tol. liii. 320 to 359: this article is
full of original matter.
■fOldJoumali, iii.671.
X'Bj this transfer, Cmnecticut rotiined both tho mil and jurisdiction of what ia now
known as the Connecticut or Western Be^erve. The crmpromise with her was disspprovod
by Wajhinglxin and others. Bee Sparks' Washington, \x. 178 and note. Virginia, in her
cession, (ree p. 26S) hod resigned her jurisdiction, and her "reserve" woa merely of tbo
lands necessary to reoompense hoi soldiers. .
,
ut. 1786.
1786.
Nitvi^dlion III' thi: Miii.^is.sip/)i,
305
iirntal ccr
ttHin^ liiiids
and xlinreH
ten dollars
nsi's. One
C8 of nmk-
ivc without
cliuosc an
ts ; and thu
as approv-
organi-/.(>d ;
c purpu.sud
a cession of
icticut. In
*S8 relative
iT.spccting
luH, on the
I the reso-
f Variou.s
to the mat-
ew.s of the
nee; This
n that day,
September,
D the coun-
beyond the
ireto, were
ition called
irned from
t length a
relative to
in favor of
liccond act
Alto, an article
i; tbU artiole is
if wbst ia noir
T«s diaapprovod
I'^irginia, in her
merely of tho
upon tho Huhjcct, parsed by Virn:iiiia in October, 178(5, •
roacfu'd the West, and the wholo qin'stioii wiiN again post-
poned, to be laid before njifl/i eofiveiition, which was tn meet
in »S<'pteiui)er ; while the time when tliu lilv^^ of \'ir;{iiiiu
Hhoiild cease to h(^ of force, wiw chani;eil to lite clo^e of thu
year 1778. There were many, beyond dcnbt, to whom
thiM delfiy was a source of vt^xation and anger, but (he people
of the district generally evinced no such fcelin;;s; Uie elec"
lions took place in August, atul the (lonvenlion u.sMeuibled upon
the 17th of September, all in perfect harmony and (juietness.
The vote was again unanimous in fuvor of separation, and
the act of Virginia was agreed to; to forn> u constitution, a
sixth convention was to be chosen in the ensuing April, aiul to
complete the work of independence, Congress was to assent
to a formation of Kentucky into a State befor«! July 1, l78S.f
Nor vvas the spirit of moderation shown this year by the
Kentuckians in relation to self-government, conliiied to that
subject; in regard to the vexatious all'air of the S[)anish claims,
there was a like temper manifested. Mr. .fay, as already re-
lated, had been authoi-ized by Congress to abaiulon the right
of using tho Mississippi for a term of years, but not to yield
the pretensions of the United States to its navigation, til'ter
that period closed. In October, 1786, under these instructions,
he resumed his negotiations with Don Oai'doqui, but without
success, as Spain required an entire relinqui.shmcnt of the
American elaim.J In November of that year, also, Virginia
had passed several Resolutions against giving up the use of
the river, even for a day, and had instructed her delegates to
oppose every attempt of the kind. When, therefore, the peo-
ple of Kentucky met at Danville, early jn May, 1787, to act
in relation to the subject, — having been called together by
Messrs. Muter, Innis. Brown and Sebastian, for that purpose
— they found that little or nothing was to be done ; the plan
of the Secretary was not likely to succeed, and had been
fully protested against :— the a.s.sembly at Danville, hi^ving
been informed of these things, quietly adjourned.
What connection, if any, existed between this calmer
•MorclieaJ, 124.
tMnniliall, i. 253-256. 574-258. The "date July 4, 1788," ia jniapriated "1787" ia
Marthall, 256.
JSccrct Journals, iv. 297-301.
f
806
Growing Dissathfaclion in the West.
1787.
spirit in Kentucky and General Wilkinson's absence, during a
part of the year, it is impossible to say ; but it is probable
that had not his attention at that time been drawn to the f J-
vantages of a trade with New Orleans, he would have exerted
during 1787, a much greater influence upon his fellow citizens
than he seems to have done. In June, we find him on his
way to the South ; nor did he appear in Kentucky again until
the following February ; and then it was that he commenced
those connections with the Spanish government of Louisiana,
which were afterwards brought in question, and by means of
which his character became involved in doubts that have
never entirely been done away.*
At that period, the feeling expressed in the extract from
a letter, which we have already quoted, that the West
would separate from the East, seems to have been grow-
ing even among those who, in December, 1786, denounced
Green and Clark to the Governor of Virginia. Harry Innis,
Attorney-General of the district, and one of those who gave
information of the Vincennes proceedings, in July, 1787, writes
to the executive of the State (Virginia), that he cannot pros-
ecute those guilty of aggressions on the Indians, ami adds :
" I am decidedly of opiuion that this Western country will, in
a few years, act for itself, and erect an independent govern-
ment."! This opinion was based partially upon the failure,
on the part of Virginia and the confederation, to protect the
frontier.s, which, during this whole year, suffered both from the
northern and southern Indians; and partly on the uncertain
state of the navigation question, in respect to which the
western men had reason, perhaps, to think that some of the
leaders in the Old Dominion were leagued against them.
We find, for example, Washington expressing his willingness
that the Mississippi should be closed for a time, because, as he
thought, its closure would knit the new colonies of the West
more closely to the Atlantic States, and lead to the realization
of one of his favorite projects, the opening of lines of inter-
nal navigation, connecting the Ohio with the Potomac and
James River.J In these sentiments both Henry Lee and Rich-
•Marshall, i. 259, 261, 267. .1,4;
t Marshall, I. 270.
X Sparks' WasbiDgton, ix. 119, 172, 281. For \Vr..-liington'i views on Intomtl improve-
mints sec 30, 291, -171, 001, 326, 80, &o.
■ * ■ -jsakiJiii.
1787.
nee, during a
t is probable
kvn to the f J-
have exerted
bIIow citizens
d him on his
y again until
e commenced
of Louisiana,
I by means of
its that have
extract from
at the West
! been grow-
6, denounced
Harry Innis,
se who gave
, 1787, writes
cannot pros-
is, and adds :
untry will, in
dent govern-
1 the failure,
) protect the
both from the
he uncertain
which the
some of the
gainst them.
s willingness
ecause, as he
of the West
be realization
ines of inter-
Potomac and
iCe and Rich-
a Internal improTe-
1787.
First Papers in the West,
S07
ard Ilenry Lee agreed.* How far these views of the great
Virginians were known, we cannot discover; but more or
less distinct rumors respecting them, we m.ay presume, were
prevalent, so that it was by no means strange that the very
foremost men of the West wavered in their attachment to th^,
powerless, almost worthless confederation. Nor did the pros-
pect of a new government at first help the matter. The view
which Patrick Henry and others took of the proposed fede-
ral constitution, was the favorite view of the Western Virgin-
ians ; so that of fourteen representatives from the District of
Kentucky, in the convention called in 1788, to deliberate upon
that constitution, but three voted in favor of it : one of these
three was Humphrey Marshall, the historian. f And this re-
jection of the instrument under which our Union has since so
greatly prospered, was not the result of hasty action, or strong
party influence, The first point is proved by the fact that it
was made kiiown through the press to the people of the West,
upon the 27th of October, 1789, having been on that day
printed in the Kentucky Gazotte.| That mere party influ-
ence did not govern the opponents of the constitution of tho
United Slates, is proved, both by the character of the men,
and the debates in the convention.
[The Kentucky Gazette, commenced in Lexington, in AU'
gust of this year, by Mr. John Bradford, was the second news-
paper established west of the Allegheny mountains. The first
was the Pittsburgh Gazette, established by John Scull and
Joseph Hall, two poor, but enterprizing young men. The first
number was issued July 29, 1786. These papers contributed
much to the growth and prosperity of this central valley .§]
•For Henry Lee's views, see SpAr^a, ix, 1T3, note, 205, note; Riohwd Hesiy Lh^
views, WasliiDgtoD'd letter to him. Sparks, ix. 201.
t Marshall, i. 287,
\ Butler, 166, note.
g Marshall, I. 2?!.— Butler, 103,— Amerioftn Pioneei, i, 305,
CHAPTER XI.
NORTH WESTERN TERRITORY.
The Ohio Company Negotiate for Lind — Their Purchase of ConKTCSs— Mr. .TefTsrson '»
Pr.'ject ..f Ten States— Oi-dinanco of 17H7 — Settlements on the Muskingum— Syinmes'
Pui'chiuo RU'l Settlements mnde on 'tho Miami — Cincinnati Founded — 'fiade opened
with Now Orlcann — Gc-ncr&l Wilkinson's Muvcuients— AdUirs in Kentucky.
While, south of Ohio, dissatisfaction with the federal union
was spreac'ing, not secretly and in spirit of treason, but openly
and as the necessary consequences of free and unfettered
choice, the New England associates for settling the northwest,
were by degrees reducing their theories to practice. In
March, 1786, it will be remembered, they began their sub-
scription : on the 8th of that month, 1787, a meeting of Agents
chose General Parsons, General Putnam, and the Rev. Ma-
nasseh Cutler, Directors for the Company ; and these Direc-
tors appointed Dr. Cutler to go to New York and negotiate
with Congress for the desired tract of country. On the 5th of
July, that gentleman reached the temporary Capital of the
Union, and then began a scene of management worthy of
more degenerate days. Full extracts from Dr. Cutler's Jour-
nal, showing how things went, may be found in the North
American Review for October, 1841.* Of these we can give
but a few paragraphs. The first relates to the choice of the
Muskingum valley as the spot for settlement.
July 7. Paid my respects to Dr. Ilolton and several other
gentlemen. Was introduced, by Dr. Ewings and Mr. Ritten-
house, to Mr. Hutchins, Geographer of the United States.
Consulted with him where to make our location.
Monday, Jaly 9. Waited this morning, very early, on Mr.
Hutchins. lie gave me the fullest information of the western
country, from Pennsylvania to the Illinois, and advised me
by all means to make our location on the Muskingum, which
was decidedly, in his opinion, the best part of the whole west-
ern country Atter.dcd the committee before Congress opened,
and then spent the remainder of the forenoon with Mr.
Hutchins.
Attended the committee at Congress chamber ; debated on
terms, but were so wide apart, there appears little prospect of
closing a contract.
• Vol. liii. 334 to 343.
—Mr. JefTsnon's
nguin — Sy inmcs'
d — 'fiade opened
tiicky.
deral union
, but openly
unfettered
! northwest,
actice. In
their sub-
g of Agents
B Rev. Ma-
lese Direc-
d negotiate
n the 5th of
)ital of the
t worthy of
itier's Jour-
the North
fd can give
loice of the
veral other
Mr. Ritten-
ited States.
irly, on Mr.
the western
advised me
gum, which
vhole west-
•ess opened,
I with Mr.
debated on
prospect of
1787. Dr. Cutler negotiates vnth Congress f(,r Lamh. 309
Called again on Mr. Hutchlnf. Consulted him further
about the place of location.
The opinion thus giver by Ilutchins, who had been long
and familiarly acquainted with the West, agreed with tluit
formed by General Parsons, who had visited the Ohio valley,
once at least, if not twice ; the result of his observations will
be found in the letter given at length in the article of the
North American Review, of October, 1841, already quoted.
The other extracts which we take from the Doctor's .Journal,
refer to the " manoeuvres," as he terms them, by which was
efl'ected a contract at least as favorable to the Union as it was
to tlie Company.
Colonel Duer came to me with proposals from a number of
the principal characters in the city, to extend our contract, and
take in another comjkiny ; but that it should be kept a profound
secret. He explained the plan they had concerted and oflered
me generous conditions if I would accomplish the business for
them. The plan struck me sigreeabiy ; Sargent insisted on
my undertaking ; and both urged me not to think of giving
the matter up so soon.
I was convinced it was best for me to hold up the idea of
giving up a contract with Congress, and making a contract
with some of the States, which I did in the strongest terms,
and represented to the committee and to Duer an(' Sar^ont
the dilficulti s I saw in the way, and the improbability, of
closing a ba gain when we were so far separated ; and told
them 1 conceived it not worth while to say anything further
to Congress on the subject. This appeared to have the effect
I wished. The committee were mortified and did not seem to
know what to say ; but still urged another attempt. I left
them in this state, but afterwards explained my views to Duer
and Sargent, who fully approved my plan. Promised Duer to
consider his proposals.
I spent the evening (closeted) with Colonel Duer, and
agreed to purchase more land, if terms could be obtained, for
another company, which will probably forward the negotiation.
Saturday, July 21. Several members of Congress called
on me early this morning. They discovered much anxiety
about a contract, and assured me that Congress, on finding I
was determined not to accept their terms, and had proposed
leaving the city, had discovered a much more favorable dis-
position ; and believed, if I renewed my request I might ob-
tain conditions as reasonable as I desired. I was very indif-
ferent and talked' much of the advantages of a contract with
one of the »States. This 1 found had the desired elFect. At
length I told him that if Congress would accede to the terms
310 Dr
Culler negotiates with. Congress
for Lands. 1787.
<^^
I proposed, I would extend the purchase to the tenth town-
ship IVom the Oliio to the Scioto inclusively ; by which Con-
gress would pay more than lour millions of the public debt ;
that our intention was, an actual, large, and immediate settle-
ment of tlic most robust and industrious people in America,
and that it would be made systematically, which would in-
stantly advance the price of the Federal lands, and prove an
important acquisition to Congress. On these terms, I would
renew the negotiation, if Congress was disposed to take the
matter up again.
I spent the evening with Mr. Dane and Mr. Millikcn. They
informed me that Congress had taken up my business again.
July 23. My friends had made every exertion, in private
conversation, to bring over my opponents in Congress. In
order to get at some of them so as to work more powerfully on
their minds, were oliiiiged to engage three or four persons be-
fore we could get at them. In some instances we engaged
one person who engaged a second, and he a third, before we
could effect our purpose. In these manojuvres I am much be-
holden to Colonel Duer and Major Sargent.
* * » * « *
Having found it impossible to support General Parsons, as
a candidate for Governor, after the interest that General Ar-
thur St. Clair had secured, I embraced this opportunity to
declare that if General Parsons could have the appointment
of first Judge, and Sargent Secretary, we should be satisfied ;
and that I heartily wished his Excellency General St. Clair
might be the Governor ; and that I would solicit ihe Eastern
members in his favor. This I found rather pleasing to south-
ern members.
* * » * » #
1 am fully convinced that it was good policy to give up
Parsons and openly appear solicitous that St. Clair might be
appointed Governor. Several gentlemen have told me that
our matters went on much better since St. Clair and his
friends had been informed that we had given up Parsons, and
that I had solicited the Eastefn members in favor of his ap-
pointment. I immediately went to Sargent and Duer, and we
now entered into the true spirit of negotiation with great
bodies. Every machine in the city that '" was possible to
work we now put in motion. Few, Bingham, and Kearney
are our principal oppo.sers. Of Few and Bingham there is
hope ; but to bring over that stubborn mule of a Kearney, I
think is beyond our power.
Friday, July 27. I rose very early this morning, and, after
adjusting my baggage for my return, for I was determined to
leave New York this day, I set out on a general morning
visit, and paid my respects to all the members of Congress in
MM
nds. 1787.
tenth town-
which Con-
public debt ;
cdiiile settle-
in America,
I would in-
id prove an
■ms, I would
to take the
liken. They
iness again.
., in private
jngre.ss. In
)werfully on
persons be-
we engaged
J, before we
m much be-
Parsons, as
jeneral Ar-
portunity to
ippaintment
be satisfied ;
al St. Clair
ihe Eastern
ng to south-
to give up
lir might be
old me that
lair and his
?arsons, and
r of his ap-
)uer, and we
with great
possible to
nil Kearney
am there is
I Kearney, 1
g, and, after
termined to
ral morning
Congress in
1787.
Purchase by Ohio Cotnpany.
311
the city, and informed tliem of my intention to leave tlie city
that -day. My expectations of obtaining a contract, I told
them, were nearly at an end. 1 should, however, wait the
decision of Congress ; and if the terms I had stated— and
which I conceived to be very advantageous to Congress, con-
sidering the circumstances of that country — were not acceded
to, we must turn our attention to some other part of the coun-
try. New York, Connecticut, arid Massachusetts would sell us
lands at half a dollar, and give us exclusive privileges beyond
what we have asked of Congress. The speculating plan con-
certed 1)( tween the British of Canada, was now well known.
The uneasiness of the Kentucky people, with respect to the
Mississippi, was notorious. A revolt of that country from the
Union, if a war with Spain took place, was universally
acknowledged to be highly probable ; and most certainly a
systematic settlement in that country, conducted by men
thoroughly attached to the federal government, and composed
of young, robust and hardy laborers, who had no idea of any
other than the Federal Government, I conceived to be an ob-
ject worthy of some attention.
[This business was now managed, carried through Congress
and brought to a conclusion in great haste. At that time the
fiscal concerns of government were deplorable ; the treasury
of the nation was exhausted, money could not be raised on
loan, as the whole revolutionary debt was a terrible incubus
on the national credit, and the only alternative was to sell
lands. Dr. Cutler's own journal shows he managed the ne-
gotiation shrvvedly, but we will not say, quite honorably.
On the 23rd of July, Congress authorized the Board of
Treasury to make the contract ; on the 26th, Messrs. Cutler
and Sargent stated, in writing their conditions ; and on the
27th Congress referred their letter to the Board, and an order
of the same date was obtained. Of this, his Journal says :
By this ordinance we obtained the grant of near five mil-
lion of acres of land, amounting to three million and a half
of dollars ; one million and a half of acres for the Ohio
Company, and the remainder for a private speculation, in
whi^h many of the principal characters of Amerii a are con-
cerned. Without connecting this speculation, similar terms
and advantages could not have been obtained for the Ohio
Company.
Messrs. Cutler and Sargent, the latter of whom the Doctor
had associated with himself some days before, at once closed
a verbal contract with the Board of Treasury, which was exe-
312
Purchase by the Ohio Company.
1786.
cuUd in form on the 27th of the following Octobor.* By this
contract, tlie vast region bounded south by the Ohio, west by
Scioto, cast by the; seventh range of townships then survey-
ing, and north by a due west line drawn from the north boun-
dary of the tenth townsiiip from tiic Ohio di'-ect to the 3cioto,
was sokl to the Ohio associates and their secret co-partners,
for one doHar per acre, subject to a deduction of onc-tliird for
bad lands and other contingencies. The whole tract, how-
ever, was not paid for, or taken by tlie company — even their
own portion of a million and a half of acres, and extending
west to the eig!iteenth range of townships.f was not taken ;
and in 1792, the boundaries of the purchase proper were fixed
as follows: the Ohio on the south, the seventh range of town-
ships on the east, the sixteenth range on the west, and a line
on the north so drawn as to make the grant seven hundred
and lilty thousand (750,00'J) acres, besides reservations; this
grant being the portion which it was originally agreed the
Company might enter into possession of at once. In addition
to this, two hundred and fourteen thousand, two hundred aud
eighty-live (214,28.>) acres of land were granted as army
bounties, under the resolutions of 1779, and 1780; and one
hundred thousand (100,000) as bounties to actual settlers ; both
of the latter tracts beinj within the original grant of 1787,
and adjoining the purchase as above defined. J
While Dr. Cutler was preparing to press his suit with Con-
gress, that body was bringing into form an ordinance for the
political and social organization of the Territory beyond the
Ohio. A'irginia made her cession March 1, 1784, and durinjr
the month following, a plan for the temporary government of
the newly acquired territory, came under discussion.^ On the
19th of April, Mr. Spaight, of North Carolina, moved to strike
from that plan, which had been reported by Mr. Jefferson, a
provision for prohibiting slavery north-west of the Ohio, after
the year 1800,— and this motion preyailed.|| From that day
till the 23J, the plan was debated anil altered, atid then pass-
*Sco Land Laws 262, to 20 1— Old Journals, iv. Appendix, 17, 18.
tXorth American UeTiew, vol. liii, 343, ,344.
I Land Laws, 3ft I to 308 —North American Review, liii. 344.
'i See in Old Journals, iv, 283, a pr iposition ta organiie a weatern D strict, made Octo-
ber 14, 1783. .
ii Old Journals, iv. 373.
m
^P"
1786.
ler.* By this
Dhio, west by
then snrvey-
e north boun-
to the 3cioto,
t co-pnrtners,
'onc-lliird for
e tract, how-
>■ — even their
nd extending
IS not taken ;
er were fixed
ange of town-
st, and a lino
;ven hundred
rvations; this
y agreed the
In addition
hundred aud
ted as army
'80 ; and one
settlers ; both
:rant of 1787,
uit with Con-
nance for the
y beyond the
4, and during
oyernment of
ion.§ On the
:)ved to strike
■. Jefferson, a
le Ohio, after
•om that day
nd ihen pass-
striot, mn'le Ooto>
1787.
Project of ten new States.
313
ed unanimously, with the exception of South Carolina.* By
this proposition the territory was to have been divided into
States by parallels of latitude and meridian lines ;t this, it
was thought, would have made ten States, which were to
have been named as follows, beginning at the north-west cor-
ner and going southwardly ;— Sylvania, Michigania, Cherso-
nisus, Assenispia, Metropotamia, lllinoia, Saratoga, Wash-
ington, Polypotamia, and Pelisipia.J Surely the hero of
Mount Vernon must have shuddered to find himself in such
company.
[We shall refer to this subject in the Appendix, Annals of
Illinois, and give the facts and references concerning the
prohibition of slavery in the Western Territory.]
But a more serious difficulty existed to this plan than its
catalogue of names— namely, the number of States which it
was proposed to form, and their boundaries. The root of this
evil was in the resolution passed by Congress, October 10th,
1780, which fixed the size of the States to be formed from the
ceded lands, at one hundred to one hundred and fifty miles
square; and the terms of that resolution had been referred to,
both by Virginia and Massachusetts in their grants, so as to
make further legislation, at least by the former, needful to
change them. Upon the 7th of July, 1786, this subject was
taken up in Congress, and a resolution passed in favor of a
division of not less than three nor more than five States,
to which resolution, Virginia, at the close of 1788, assented.^
On the 29th of Sept. 1786, Congress, having thus changed the
plan for dividing the north-western territory into ten States,
proceeded again to consider the terms of -an ordinance for the
government of that region ; and this was taken up from time
to time, until July 13th of the year of which we are writing,
when it was finally passed, having been somewhat changed
just before its passage, at the suggestion of Dr. Cutler.|| We
give it entire as it is the corner-stone of the Constitutions of
our north-western States.
* Old Journals, iv, 380. . ■ '
tOld Jottrnali, ir. 379 ; Land Lam, 347.
JSparka' Washington, U. "48. • * > ,
i Land Lawa, 338, 100, 101.
II Old Journals, iv, 701, ie., 746, 4o., 751, 4o, North American rUrioif, liii, J36.
20
X
iiiii ii i Pi
314
Ordinance of 1787.
1787.
An Ordinance fo)' the Government of the Territory of the United
States Northwest of the River Ohio.
He it ordained by the United States in Congress asscmbleii,
That the said territory, for tlie purposes of temporary govern-
ment, be one district, subject, however, to be divided inio two
districts, as future circumstances may, in the opinion of Con-
gress, make it expedient.
Be it ordained by the authority aforesaid. That tlie estates,
both of resident, and non-resident proprietors in said territory,
dying intestate, shall descend to, and be distributed among,
their children, and the descendants of a deceased child, in
equal parts; the descendants of a deceased child, or grand child,
to take the share of their deceased parent in etpial parts
among them : And where there shall be no children or de-
scendants, then in equal parts to the next of kin in equal de-
gree ; and, among collaterals, the children of a deceased
brother or sister of the intestate shall have, in equal parts
among them, their deceased parents' share ; and there shall,
in no case, be a distinction between kindred of the whole and
half-blood ; saving, in all cases, to the widow of the intestate,
her third part of the real estate for life, and one-third part of
the personal estate ; and this law, relative to descents and
dower, shall remain in full force until altered by the legisla-
ture of the district. And, until the governor and judges shall
adopt laws as hereinafter mentioned, estates in the said terri-
tory may be devised or bequeathed by wills in writing, signed
and sealed by him or her, in whom the estate may be, (being
of full age,) and attested by three witnesses : and real estates
may be conveyed by lease and release, or bargain and sale,
signed, scaled, and delivered, by the person, being of full age,
in whom the estate may be, and attested by two witnesses,
provided such wills be duly proved, and such conveyances be
acknowledged, or the execution thereof duly proved, and be
recorded within one year after proper magistrates, courts, and
registeis, shall be appointed for that purpose ; and personal
property may be transferred by delivery; saving, however, to
the French and Canadian inhabitants, and other settlers of the
Kaskaskias, St. Vincents, and the neighboring villages who
have heretofore professed themselves citizens of Virginia,
their laws and customs now in force among them, relative to
the descent and conveyance of property.
Be it ordained by the authority aforesaid, That there shall
be appointed, from time to time, by Congress, a governor,
•whose commission shall continue in force for three years, un-
less sooner revoked by Congress ; he shall reside in the dis-
trict, and have a freehold estate therein in 1000 acres of land,
'while in the exercise of his office.
There shall be appointed, from time to time, by Congress,
wai
1787.
if the Vnikil
i assombleii,
•ary govern-
ded inio two
lion oi' Con-
t tlie estates,
aid territory,
itcd among,
it'd child, in
' grand child,
i'(iiial parts
Idren or de-
in equal de-
a deceased
eijiial parts
tiierc shall,
ic whole and
the intestate,
■third part oi'
lescents and
\{ the legisla-
i judges shall
he said terri-
riting, signed
ay be, (being
[1 real estates
x\\\ and sale,
ig of lull age,
vo witnesses,
iveyances be
oveu, and be
s, courts, and
and personal
, however, to
settlers of the
villages who
of Virginia,
[n, relative to
it there shall
, a governor,
ee years, un-
c in the dis-
acres of land,
by Congress,
1787.
Ordinance nf 1787.
315
a secretary, whose commission shall continue in force for four
years, unless sooner revoked; he shall reside in the district,
and have a freehold estate therein in 500 acres of land, while
in the exercise of his oHico ; it shall be his duty to keep and
preserve the acts and laws passed by the legislature, and the
public records of the district, and the proceedings of the gov-
ernor in his Executive department ; and transmit authentic
copies of such acts and proceedings, every six months, to the
Secretary of Congress : There shall also be appointed a court
to consist of three judges, any two oi' whom to form a court,
who shall have a common law jurisdiction, and reside in the
district, and have each therein a freehold estate in 600 acres
of land while in the exercise of their offices ; and their com-
missions shall continue in force during good behavior.
The governor and judges, or a majority of them, shall adopt
and publish in the district such laws of the original States,
criminal and civil, as may be necessary, and best suited to the
circumstances of the district, and report them to Congress
from time to time ; which laws shall be in force in the district
until the organization of the General Assembly therein, unless
disapproved of by Congress ; but, afterwards, the legislature
shall have authority to alter them as they shall think fit.
The governor, for the time being, shall be commander-in-
chief of the militia, appoint and commission all officers in the
same below the rank of general officers ; all general officers
shall be appointed and commissioned by Congress.
Previous to the organization of the General Assembly, the
governor shall appoint such magistrates and other civil offi-
cers, in each county or township, as he shall find necessary
for the preservation of the peace and good order in the same :
After the General Assembly shall be organized, the powers
and duties of magistrates and other civil officers, shall be reg-
ulated and defined by the said assembly ; but all magistrates
and other civil officers, not herein otherwise directed, shall,
during the continuance of this temporary government, be ap-
pointed by the governor.
For the prevention of crimes and injuries, the laws to be
adopted or made shall have force in all parts of the district,
and for the execution of pfocess, criminal and civil, the gov-
ernor shall make proper divisions thereof; and he shall pro-
ceed, from time to time, as circumstances may require, to lay
out the parts of the district in which the Indian titles shall
have been extinguished, into counties and townships, subject,
however, to such alterations as iiiay thereafter be made by
the legislature.
So soon as there shall be 5000 free male inhabitants
of full age in the district, upon giving proof thereof to
the Governor, they shall receive authority, with time and
place, to elect representatives from their counties or townships
T
316
Ordinance, of 1787.
1787.
to represent them in the General Assembly : Provided, That,
for every 600 free male inhahitantH, there shall be one repiti-
sentative, and so on progressively with the number of free
male inhabitants, shall the right of repr'^sentation increaco,
until the number of representatives shall amount to twenty-
five ; after which, the number and proportion of representa-
tives shall be regulated by the Legislature : Provided, That
no person be eligible or qualified to act as a representative
unless he shall have been a citizen ol one of the United
States three years, and be a resident in the district, or unless
he shall have resided in the district three years : and, in ei-
ther case, shall likewise hold in his own right, in fee simple,
two hundred acres of land within the came : Provided, also,
That a freehold in fifty acres of land in the district, having
been a citizen of one of the States, and being resident in
the district, or the like freehold and two years' residence in
the district, shall be necessary to qualify a man as an elector
of a representative.
The representatives thus elected, shall serve for the term of
two years : and, in case of the death of a representative, or
removal from office, the Governor shall issue a writ to the
county or township for which he was a member, to elect
another in his stead, to serve for the residue of the term.
The General Assembly, or Legislature, shall consist of the
jovernor, Legislative Council, and a House of Representa-
tives. The Legislative Council shall consist of five members,
to continue in office five years, unless sooner removed by
Congress ; any three of whom to be a quorum : and the mem-
bers of the Council shall be nominated and appointed in the
following manner, to wit : As soon as Representatives shall
be elected, the Governor shall appoint a time and place for
them to meet together ; and when met they shall nominate
ten persons, residents in the district, and each possessed of a
freehold in five hundred acres of land, and return their names
to Con, less; fi\e of whom Congress shall appoint and com-
mission to serve as aforesaid ; and, whenever a vacancy shall
happen in the Council, by death or removal from office, the
House of Representatives shall nominate two persons, quali-
fied as aforesaid, for each vacancy, and return their names to
Congress ; one of whom Congress shall appoint and commis-
sion for the residue of the term. And every five years, four
months at least before the expiration of the time of service of
the members of the Council, the said House shall nominate
ten peisons, qualified as aforesaid, and return their names to
Congress ; five of whom Congress shall appoint and commis-
sion to serve as members of the Council five years, unless
sooner removed. And the Governor, Legislative Council,
and House of Represcitatives, shall have authority to make
laws in all cases, for the good government of the district, not
1787.
1787.
Ordinance of 1787.
317
^ided, That,
Q one repie-
iber of i'ree
tn increase,
to twenty-
rcprt.senta-
ovided, That
prescntative
the United
ct, or unless
: and, in ei-
fee simple,
rovidcd, also,
trict, having
resident in
residence in
IS an elector
r the term of
lentative, or
writ to the
)er, to elect
te term,
onsist of the
Representa-
/e members,
•emoved by
lid the mem-
tinted in the
tatives shall
id place for
ill nominate
ssessed of a
their names
it and com-
acancy shall
n office, the
trsons, quali-
eir names to
and commis-
! years, four
of service of
all nominate
sir names to
ind commis-
rears, unless
ve Council,
ity to make
district, not
I
repugnant to the principles and articles in this ordinance es-
tuntishcd and declared. And all bills, having pa.ssed by a ma-
jority in the House, and by a majority in the Council, shall be
referred to the Governor for his assent ; but no bill, or legisla-
tive act whatever, shall be of any force without his assent.
The IJovernor shall have power to convene, prorogue, and
dissolve the General Assembly, when, in his opinion, it shall
be expedient.
The Governor, Judges, Legislative Council, Secretary, and
Kuch other officers as Congress shall appoint in the district,
shall take an oath or affirmation of fidelity and of office ; the
Governor before the President of Congress, and all other offi-
cers hcfbre the Governor. As soon as a Legislature shall
be formed in the district, the Council and House assembled in
one room, shall have authority, by joint ballot, to elect a del-
egate to Congress, who shall have a seat in Congress, with a
right of debating, but not of voting, during this temporary
government.
And, for extending the fundamental principles of civil and
religious liberty, which form the basis whereon these republics,
their laws and constitutions are erected ; to fix and establish
those principles as the basis of all laws, constitutions, and
governments, which forever hereafter shall be formed in the
said territory; to provide also for the establishment of States,
and permanent government therein, and for their admission
to a share in the federal councils on an equal footing with the
original States, at as early periods as may be consistent with
the general interest :
It is hereby ordained and declared by the authority afore-
said, That the following articles shall be considered as ar-
ticles of compact between the original States and the people
and States in the said territory, and forever remain unaltera-
ble, unless by common consent, to wit :
Art. 1. No person, demeaning himself in a peaceable and
orderly manner, shall ever be molested on account of his
mode of worship or religious sentiments, in the said territory.
Art. 2. The inhabitants of the &aid territory shall always
be entitled to the benefits of the writ of habeas corpus, and of
the trial by jury, of a proportionate representation of the peo-
ple in the Legislature ; and of judicial proceedings according
to the course of common law. All persons shall be bailable,
unless for capital offences, where the proof shall be evident
or the presumption great. All fines shall be moderate ; and
no cruel or unusual punishments shall be inflicted. No man
shall be deprived of his liberty or property, but by the judg-
ment of his peers or the law of the land ; and, should the
public exigencies make it necessary, for the common preserva-
tion, to take any person's property, or to demand his particular
m$mm
318
Orilinaiiic of 1787.
1787.
I
services, full coiiipcuHatiun nIiiiII Im- iniuir for tin? suiiic And,
in the just prt'servution dI' ri^litN and |)roj)erty, it is undcrstoocl
and decdaml, that no law ought ever to ho made, or have
Ibrce in tiie said territory, that Mhall, in any nuinner whatever,
interfere with or alfeet private contraeLs or engageuicuts, bona
fide, and without Iraud, previously fornied.
Art. 3. llcligion, morality and knowledge, being neees.sa-
ry to good government and the hap|)ini'.ss of mankind, hcIiooIs
and the means of education shall forever he encouraged.
The utmost good faith kIuiII always be observed towards the
Indiann; their lands and property shall never be taken from
them without their consent; and, in their properly, rights and
liberty, they shall never be invaded or disturbed, unless in
just and lawful wars authorized by Congress; but laws founded
injustice and humanity, shall, from tinx; to time, be made for
preventing wrongs being done to them, and for preserving
peace and friendship with them.
Art. 4. The said territory, and the States which may be
formed therein, shall forever remain a part of this confedera-
cy of the United States of America, subject to the Articles of
Confederation, and to such alterations therein as shall be con-
stitutionally made; and to all the acts and ordinances of the
United States in Congress assembled, conformable thereto.
The inhabitants and settlers in the said territory shall be
subje"^ to pay a part of tiw federal debts contracted, or to be
contracted, and a proportional part of the expenses of gov-
ernment, to be apportioned on them by Congress according to
the same common rule and measure by which apportionments
thereof shall be made on the other States; and the taxes, for
paying their proportion, shall be laic and levied by the au-
thority and direction of the Legislal. i^..s of the district or
districts, or new States, as in the ordinal States, within the
time agreed upon by the United States in Congress assembled.
The Legislatures of those districts or new States, shall never
interfere with the primary disposal of the soil by the United
States in Congress assembled, nor with any regulations Con-
gress may find necessary for securing the title in such soil to
the bona fide purcha.sers.* No tax shall be imposed on lands
the property of the United States ; and, in no case, shall non-
resident proprietors be taxed higher than residents. The
navigable waters leading into the Mississippi and St. Law-
rence, and the carrying places between the same, shall be
common highways, and forever free, as well to the inhabi-
tants of the said territory as to the citizens of the United
States, and those of any other States that may be admitted
*Aot of 25th February, 1811, provide! the same in Louisiana; and, »l.«o, that lands sold
by Congress shall not be taxed for five years after solej— in Mississippi, by act of Isl
March, 1817, and to of all others.
1787.
Maine. AikI,
is uiuliM'stood
lulc, or have
If r wliulcvei',
uinciits, buiiu
liuK lu'ct's.sa-
ikiiid, Ncliuols
cncouraKPil.
towards the
i taken rrom
ty, riKlits and
ed, unless in
laws founded
, be made for
•r preserving
hich may be
is confede ra-
le Articles of
shall bo con-
ances of the
able thereto,
ory shall be
3ted, or to be
;nses of gov-
according to
portiontnents
the taxes, for
d by the au-
e district or
s, within the
ss assembled.
I, shall never
y the United
ilations Con-
such soil to
ised on lands
se, shall non-
lents. The
ind St. T.aw-
tne, shall be
the inhabi-
the United
be admitted
ro, that lands anid
ipi, by Mt of Isi
1787.
Ordinance of 1787.
319
'
into the Confederacy, without any tax, impost or duty, there-
for.
Aiir. 0. There shall be (ortn(Hl in the saitl territory, not
less tliiiri three nor more than live Slates; and the bounda-
ries (»r liu' Stall's, as soon as Virginia shall alter her act of
cession, and consent to the same, shall b«'come fixed and ca-
tablislied .is follows, to wit : The western State in the said
t«!rritory, shall be bounded by the Mississi|>pi, the Ohio, and
VVabush rivers; n direct lint; drawn from the Wabash and
Tost St. V'iiKM-nt's due north, to the territorial line between
the United States and Canada; and, by the said territorial
line, to the l.uUe of tlie Woods and Mississippi. The middle
vState slmll be bounded by the said direct line, the Wabash from
I'ost St. N'incent's, to the Ohio; by the Ohio, by a direct lino
(Irawu due north from the; mouth of the CJreat Miami, to the
said territorial liiu;. The eastern State shall be bounded by the
last mentioned direct liar-, the Ohio, Pennsylvania, and the said
territorial line : J'rovi(l<<l,/iairiV(r, and it is further understood
and declared, that the boundaries of these three States shall
be subject so far to be altered, that if Congress shall here-
after (liid it (!xpedient, they shall have authoritv to form one
or two States in that part of the said territory which lies
north of an east and west line drawn through the southerly
bend or extreme of Lake Micihigan. And, whenever any of
the said States shall have 60,000 free inhabitants therein, such
State shall bp admitted, by its delegates, into the Congress of
the United States on an equal footing with the original
States ui all respects whatever, and shall be at liberty to form
a permanent constitution and State government: Froviderf,
the constitution and government so to be formed, shall be re-
publican, and in conformity to the principles contained in
these articles ; and so far as it can be consistent with the gen-
eral interest of the confederacy, such admission shall be
allowed at an earlier period, and when there may be a less
number of free inhabitants in the State than sixty thousand.
Art. 6. There shall be neither sla\^ery or involuntary ser-
vitude in the said territory, otherwise than in the punishment
of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted :
Provided, atwoys, That any person escaping into the same,
from whom labor or service is lawfully claimed in any one of
the original States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed
and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor or ser-
vice as aforesaid.
Be it ordained by the authority aforesaid, That the resolu-
tions of the 23d of" April, 1784, relative to the subject of this
ordinance, be, and the same are hereby repealed and declared
null and void. Done, &c.*
*Land Laws, p. 356.
y
m^\.'&sz
j^...--.„.. ■■"'-^-'-'■-'-^■■ i rTi'"'"''''ir i Vr^M7 i i i r i ' ii i' 11 "'^
320
Symtnes Applies for Land.
1788.
The passage of this ordinance, and the grant to the New
England associates, was soon followed by an sipplication to
government by John Cleve Symmes, of New Jersey, for the
country between the Miamis.* This gentleman had been led
to visit that region by the representations of Benjamin Stites,
of Red Stone, (Brownsville,) who had examined the vallies
of the Shawanese soon after the treaty of January, 1786.t
Symmes found them all, and more than all they had been rep-
resented to be, and upon t"he 29th of August, 1787, wrote to
the President of Congress, asking that the Treasury Board
might be empowered to contract with him for the district
above named. This petition, on the 2d of October, was re-
ferred to the Board, with power to act, and a contract was
concluded the next year. Upon the 18th of the month last
named, another application was made by Royal Flint and Jo-
seph Parker, for lands upon the Wabash and Mississippi ;J
this was also referred to the Board of Treasury.
During this autumn the directors of the company organized
in New England, were preparing for an actual settlement in
the ensuing spring, and upon the 23d of November, made ar-
rangements for a party of forty-seven men, under the superin-
tendence of General Rufus Putnam, to set forward. Six boat-
builders were to leave the next week ; on the 1st of January,
1788, the surveyors and their assistants, twenty-six in number,
were to meet at Hartford, and go westward ; and the remain-
der to follow as soon as possible. Congress, meantime, upon
the 3d of October, had ordered seven hundred troops for the
defence of the western settlers, and to prevent unauthorized
intrusions ; and two days later appointed St. Clair governor
of the North-western Territory.||
The two leading causes of disquiet to the western people
through 1787, the Indian incursions, and the Spanish posses-
sion of the Mississippi, did not cease to irritate them during
the next year also. ' ...
* Laad Laws, 372. See also Burnet's Letter* in the Ohio Hiitorieal Tmncnctions. p. 335
to 347. '^ ^
t Cinclrnati Directoiy, 1819, p. 16. The Historiotl sketch in thU rolnme was compiled
fiom the statementa of the earliest settlers. The Miami country hod been entered in
1785, and some "improTements" made. Cist's Cincinnati Migeellany, ii. 33.
X Old Joomals, iv. Appendix 19.
I North American Review, liil. 344. Old Journals, iv. 785, 786. "
wm
1788.
it to the New
iipplication to
fersey, for the
had been led
i\jamin Stites,
ed the vallies
muary, 1786.t
had been rep-
787, wrote to
•easury Board
or the district
tober, was re-
i. contract was
lie month last
Flint and Jo-
Mississippi ;|
iny organized
settlement in
ber, made ar-
r the superin-
ird. Six boat-
3t of January,
ixin number,
d the remain-
antime, upon
troops for the
unauthorized
lair governor
jstern people
anish posses-
them during
'rancactions, p. 33S
nme was eompiled
d been entered in
33.
1788.
Measures to preserve Peace.
321
When Clark took his unauthorized possession of Vincennes,
in October, 1786, he had asked the savages of the north- west
to meet him in council in November; they replied that it was
too late in the year, and the proposed meeting was postponed
till April. Of this meeting Messrs. Marshall, Muter, and oth-
ers, when writing to Virginia, gave information, and suggested
that the government should take Clark's place in it. The
Council of Virginia coincided with the suggestion, aad recom-
mended to Congress James Wilkinson, Richard C. Anderson
and Isaac Shelby,* as commissioners on behalf of the United
States. Congress, however, received notice of Clark's move-
ments too latef for the proposed treaty, and nothing seems to
have been done until July 21st, when the superintendant of
Indian affairs in the north, or, if he could not go, Colonel Har-
mar, was instructed to proceed to Vincennes, or some other
convenient place, and there hold a council with the Wabash
Indians and Shawanese, for the purpose of putting an end to
warfare.! Favorable notice was also taken of a council
which had been held at the mouth of Detroit river, in Decem-
ber, 1786, by the Iroquois, Wyandots and others, the purpose
of which was pacific, and from which an address relative to
the Indian troubles had been sent to Congress. This was
considered, and upon the 6th of October it was resolved, that
a treaty should be held early in the year 1788, with these
tribes, by the governor of the new territory, who was instruct-
ed on the subject, on the 26th of the month last mentioned.||
At the same time, however, that measures were thus taken to
preserve peace, troops were placed at Venango, Fort Pitt, Fort
Mcintosh, the Muskingum, the Miami, Vincennes, and Louis-
ville, and the governor of Virginia was requested to have the
militia of Kentucky in readiness for any emergency.^ All these
measures, however, produced no results during 1788 ; the Indi-
_ ans were neither overawed, conquered, nor satisfied ; from May
until the middle of July they were expected to meet the
whites upon the Muskingum, but the point which had been
m • Secret Journals, iv. 313,314, 309, 306.
■f April 12th. Secret Journals, It. 301. ^' ' •
J Old Journals, iv. 761.
II Lanman's History of-Michigon, 149. Old Journal^ iv. 702, 703, 786. Secret Jour-
nals, i. 276.
JOldJournals, It. 762. < ; - t i
I
322
Emigrants Land at Muskingum.
1788.
selected, and where goods had been placed, being at last at-
tacked by the Chippevvays, it was thought best to adjourn the
meeting and hold it at Fort llarmar, where it was at length
held, but not until January, 1789.
These Indian uncertainties, however, did not prevent the
New England associates from going forward with their opera-
tions. During the winter of 1787-8, their men were press-
ing on over the Alleghenies by the old Indian path which had
been opened into Braddock's road, and which has since been
followed by the national turnpike from Cumberland westward.
Through the dreary winter days they trudged on, and by April
were all gathered on the Yohiogany,* where boats had been
built, and started for the Muskingum. On the 7th of April
they landed at the spot chosen, and became the founders of
Ohio, unless we regard as such the Morav'ri.i Missionaries.
As St. Ulair, who had been appointed governor the preced-
ing October, had not yet arrived, it became necessary to erect
a temporary government for their internal security ; for which
purpose a set of laws was passed, and published by being
nailed to a tree in the village, and Return Jonathan IVleigs
was appointed to administer them. It is a strong evidence of
the good habits of the people of the colony, that during three
months, but one difference occurred, and that was compro-
mised.! Indeed, a better set of men altogether, could scarce
have been selected for the purpose, than Putnam's little band.
Washington might well say, " no colony in America was ever
settled under such favorable auspices as that which has first
commei "ed at the Muskingum. Information, property, and
strength will be its characteristics. I know many of the set-
tlers personally, and there never were men better calculated
to promote the welfare of such a community."!
On the 2d of July, a meeting of the directors and agents
was held on the banks of the Muskingum, for the purpose of
naming the new born city and its public squares.^ As yet the
settlement had been merely "The Muskingum,"|| but the name
* A Ibtof th« furty-cight is given, North American Review, liii. 346.
t Western Monthly Magazine, 1833, vol. i. p. 395.
} Sparks' Washington, ix. 384. , < ,: •
ji American Pioneer, i. 83. - -' ' =';.;;
II Some of the settlers called it the city of Adelphi : See a letter dated May 16th, 1788,
to the Mae'jachusctts Spy in Imlay (EJ. 1797) p. Mb.
*•
1788.
ig at last at-
) adjourn the
vas at length
prevent the
1 their opcra-
i were press-
ith which had
IS since been
nd westward.
, and by April
ats had been
7th of April
le founders of
ssionaries.
•r the preced-
ssary to erect
ty ; for which
led by being
athan IVleigs
Ig evidence of
t during three
was compro-
could scarce
I's little band,
rica was ever
lich has first
property, and
ny of the set-
er calculated
i and agents
le purpose of
.§ As yet the
but the name
id M»y letb, 1788,
1788.
Marietta Founded.
323
Marietta was now formally given it, in honor of Marie Antoi-
nette ; the square upon which the block-houses tlood was
christened Campus Marllus ; the square No. 19, CopiloHum ;
the square No. 61, Cecilia; and the great road through the
covert way. Sacra Via.*
On the 4th of July an oration was delivered by James jNI.
Varnum,t who, with II. S. Parsons and John Armstrong.Jhad
been appelated to the judicial bench of the territory, on the
16th of October, 1787. Five days after the Governor arrived,
and the colony began to assume form. The ordinance of 1787
provided two distinct grades of government for the north-
west territory, under the first of which the whole power was
in the hands of the governor and the three judges, and this
form was at once organized upon the governor's arrival. The
fir3t law, which was "for regulating and establishing the mili-
tia," was published upon the 25th of July; and the next day,
appeared the governor's proclamation, erecting all the coun-
try that had been ceded by the Indians east of the Scioto river
into the county of Washington. 6
From that time forward, notwithstanding the doubt yet ex-
isting as to the Indians, all at Marietta went on prosperously
and pleasantly. On the 2d of September the first court was
held, with becoming ceremonies.
'^he procession was formed at the Point, (where most of the
settlers resided,) in the following order ; — 1st, the high Sheriff,
with his drawn sword ; 2d, the citizens ; 3d, the officers at the
garrison at Fort Harmar ; 4th, the members of the bar; 6th,
the Supreme Judges ; 6th, the Governor and Clergyman ; 7th,
the newly appointed Judges of the Court of Common Pleas,
Generals Rufus Putnam and Benjamin Tupper.
They marched up a path that had' been cut and cleared
through the forest to Campus Martins Hall, (stockade,) where
the "'hole counter-marched, and the Judges, (Putnam and
Tupper) took their seats. The Clergyman, Rev. Dr. Cutler,
then invoked the divine blessing. The Shekiff, Col. Ebenezer
*Carey'8 Huieum, vol. ir. p. 390. In the fifth Tolume (March, 1789) of thit modical,
page 284, is an account of the city of Atheni, whict tho Spaniards at this time proposed to
build at the mouth of the Missouri. "On the very point" whore the rivers joined, nas to
be Fort Solon ; not for defence, however, "but for the retirement of the Governor from iLe
busy scenes of public employment."
t See this oration in C^y's Museum fur May, 1789, 453 to 455.
X Mr. Armstrong declined serving. John Cleve Symmes was chosen in his stead, Feb.
19tb, 1788.
••Chaso, vol. L p. 92, Carey's Museum, iv, 433.
IHIP^"BHr!^^^
titiAmAiim^'^
324
Gnat Emigration Westioard.
1788.
Sproat, (one of nature's nobles,) proclaimed with his solemn
'O yes, that a court is opened for the administration of even-
haiidod justice, to the poor and the rich, to the guilty and the
innocent, without respect to persons; none to be punisheJ
without a trial by their peers, and then in pursuance of the
laws and evidence in the case.' Although this scene wtis ex-
hibited thus early in the settlement of the State, few ever
equalled it in the dignity and exalted character of its princi-
pal participators. Many of them belonged to the history of
our country, in the darkest as well as the most splendid peri-
ods of the Revolutionary war. To witness this spectacle, a
large body ol Indians was collected, from the most powerful
tribes then occupying the almost entire West. They hfid as-
sembled for the pr .,o.se of making a treaty. Whether any of
them entered the hall of justice, or what were their impres-
sions, we are not told. (American Pioneer, i. p. 165.)
The progress of the settlement, says a letter from Muskin-
gum, "is sufRcientry rapid for the first year. We are con-
tinually erecting hou.ses, but arrivals are faster than we can
possibly provide convenient covering. Our first ball was
opened about the middle of December, at which were fifteen
ladies, as well accomplished in the manners cf polite circles
as any I have ever seen in the old States. I mention this to
show the progress of society in this new world ; where I be-
lieve we shall vie with, if not excel, the old States, in every
accomplishment necessary to render life agreeable ahd hap-
py"
The emigration westward, even at this time, was very great;
the commandant at Fort H.nrmar reporting four thousand five
hundred persons as having passed that post between Februa-
ry and June, 1788; many of ^A'hom would have stopped on
the purchase of the Associates, had they been ready to re-
ceive them.
During the following year, and indeed until the Indians,
who, in spite of treaties, had been committing small depreda-
tions all the time, stealing horses and sinking boats, went
fairly and openly to war, the settlement on the Muskingum
grew slowly, but steadily, and to good purpose ; the first at-
tack made by Indians on the Muskingum settlements, began
January 2d, 1791.
Nor were Symmes f.nd his New Jersey friends idle during
this year, though his purchase was far more open to Indian
depredations than that of the Massachusetts men. His first
proposition had been referred, as we have said, to the Board
of Treasury, with power to contract, upon the 2d of Oct. 1787.
1788.
his solemn
on of even-
ilty and the
>e punishel
ance of the
sne wfis ex-
B, few ever
f its princi-
e history of
endid peri-
ipectacle, a
St powerful
hey had as-
Bther any of
leir iinpres-
65.)
)m Muskin-
7e are con-
han we can
t ball was
A'ere fifteen
olite circles
tion this to
where I be-
es, in every
le ahd hap-
3 very great;
lousand five
;en Februa-
stopped on
;adv to re-
he Indians,
ill depreda-
boats, went
Muskingum
the first at-
lents, began
idle during
n to Indian
. His first
the Board
f Oct. 1787.
1788.
Symrncs^ Purchase.
325
Upon the 26th of the next month, Symmes issued a pamph-
let, 'addressed "to the respectable public," stating the terms of
his contract, and the scheme of sale which he proposed to
adopt. This was, to issue his warrants for not less than a
quarter section, (a hundred and sixty acres,) which might be
located any where, except, of course, on reservations, and
spots previously chosen. No section was to be divided, if the
warrant held by the locator would cover the whole. The
price was to be sixty cents and two-thirds per acre, till May,
1788 ; then one dollar till November ; and, after that time,
was to be regulated by the demand for land. Every locator
was bound to begin improvements within two years, or forfeit
one-sixth of his purchase to whoever would settle thereon and
remain seven years. Military bounties might be taken in this
as in the purchase oft he associates. For himself. Symmes re-
tained one township at the mouth of the Great Miami, at the
junction of which stream with the Ohio, he proposed to build
his great city ; to help the growth of which he offered each
alternate lot to any one that would build a house and live
therein three years.
As Continental certificates were rising, in consequence of
the great land purchases then making with them, and as diffi-
culty was apprehended in procuring enough to make his first
payment, Symmes was anxious to send forward settlers early,
that the true value of his purchase might become known at
the east. lie had, however, some difficulty in arranging with
the Board of Treasury' the boundaries of the first portion he
was to occupy.*
In January, 1788, Mathias Denman, of New Jersey, took an
interest inSymmes' purchase, and located, among other tracts,
the sectional and fractional section upon which Cincinnati
has been built.f Retaining one-third of this particular lo-
cality, he sold another third to Robert Patterson, and the re-
mainder to John Filson ; and the three, about August, 1788,
agreed to lay out a town on the spot, which was designated
as being opposite Licking river, to the mouth of which they
proposed to have a road cut from Lexington, Kentucky, to be
* Manuscript Lettcn of Symmes. See Burnet's Letters, 136.
t Many facto relative to the settlement of Cinoinnati, we take from the depoeitions of
Denman, Patterson, Ludlow, and others, contained in the report of the chancery trial of
City of Cincinnati vs. Joel Williams, in 180T. .,,
4
ri«i i r W i ilff i j i r
mm
326
Cincinnati laid out.
1788.
connected with the northern shore bj' a ferry. Mr. Filson,
\vlio had been a schoohnaster, was appointed to name the
town ; and, in respect to it^' situation, and as if with a pro-
phetic j)urception of the niixt'd race that were in nl'tcrdays io
inhabit ihire, he named it Lo.santiville, vvhich, being int^^rprc-
ted, irieans ville, the town ; unti, opposite to; os, the mouth ; L,
of Licking. J This may well put to the blush the Campus
Martins of the Marietta scholars, and the Fort Solon of the
Spaniards.
Meanwhile, in .July, Symmes got thirty people and eight
four-horse wagons under way for the West. These reached
Limestone (now Maysville) in September, where they found Mr.
Stitcs with several persons from Red Stone. But the mind of
the chief purchaser was full of trouble. lie had not only
been obliged to relinquish his first contract, which was ex-
pected to embrace two millions of acres, but had failed to
conclude one for the single million which he now proposed
taking. This arose from a dilference between him and the gov-
ernment, he wishing to have the whole Ohio from between the
Miamies, while the Board of Treasury wished to confine him
to twenty miles upon the Ohio. This proposition, however,
he would not for a long time agree to, as he had made sales
along nearly the whole Ohio shore. Leaving the bargain in
this unsettled state, Congress considered itself released from
its obligation to sell ; and, but for the representations of some
of his friends, our adventurer would have lost his bargain, his
labor, and his money. Nor was this all. In February, 1788,
he had been appointed one of the judges of the North-west
Territory, in the place of Mr. Armstrong, who declined serv-
ing. This appointment gave ofl'ence to some ; and others
were envious of the great fortune which it was thought he
would make. Some of his as.«ociates complained of him, also,
probably of his endangering the contract to which they had
become parties. With these murmurs and reproaches behind
him, he saw before him danger, delay, suffering, and, perhaps,
ultimate failure and ruin, and, although hopeful by nature,
apparently he felt discouraged and sad. However, a visit to
his purchase, where he 'anded upon the 22d of September,
revive'd bis spirits, and upon his return to Maysville, he wrote
to Jonathan Dayton, of New Jersey, who had become in-
t Cincinnati Directory (for 1810, p. 18.
1788.
Mr. Filson,
lo name the
with a pro-
nl'tcr (lays io
ing intfTpre-
e mouth ; L,
the Campus
Solon of the
le and eight
I esc reached
cy found Mr.
I the mind of
ad not only
lich was ex-
lad failed to
ow proposed
and the gov-
between the
confine him
3n, however,
\ made sales
c bargain in
?leased from
ions of some
bargain, his
iruary, 1788,
North-west
Bclined serv-
and others
thought he
of him, also,
ch they had
iches behind
ind, perhaps,
1 by nature,
;r, a visit to
' September,
lie, he wrote
become in-
■•*•
1788,
Troubles of Symmes.
327
tcrested with him, that he thought some of the land near the
Great Miami •' positively worth a silver dollar tlu^ acre in its
present state."
It may be as well to give here a sketch of the chan{,'os
made in Symmes' contract. His first application was for all
the country between the Miamies, running up to the north line
of the Ohio Company's purchase, extending due west. On
the 22d of October, 1787, Congress resolved, that tlie Board
of Treasury be authorized to contract with any one lor tracts
of not less than a million acres of western lands, the front of
which, on the Ohio, Wabash and other rivers, should not ex-
ceed one-third the depth. On the 16th of May, 1788, Dayton
and Marsh, as Synunes' agents, concluded a contract with the
Commissioners of the Treasury for two millions of acres in
two e(iual tracts. In July, Symmes concluded to taUe only
one tract, but ditlered with the Commissioners on the grounds
stated in the text. Aftcrmuch negotiation, upon the 16th of
October, 1788, Dayton and Marsh concluded a contract with
government, bearing date May 15th, for one million of acres,
beginning twenty miles up the Ohio from the mouth of the
Great Miami, and to run back for quantity between the Miami
and a line drawn from the Ohio parallel to tho general cour.se
of that river. In 1791, Symmes found this would throw his
purchase too far hack from the Ohio, and applied to Congress
to let him have all between the Miamies, running back so as
to include a million acres, which that body, on the 12th of
April, 1792, agreed to do. When the lands between the
Miamies were surveyed, however, it was found that the tr.act
south of a line drawn from the head of the Little, due west to
the Great Miami, would include less than six hundred thou-
sand acres ; but even this Symmes could not pay for, and,
when his patent issued upon the 30th September, 1794, it
gave him and his associates but two hundred and forty-eight
thousand five hundred and forty acres, exclusive of reserva-
tions, which amounted to sixty-three thousand one hundred
and forty-two acres. This tract was 'bounded by the Ohio,
the two Miamies, and a due east and west line, run so as to
comprehend the desired quantity. As Symmes made no far-
ther payments after this tir^e, the rest of his purchase revert-
ed to the United States, who gave those that had bought
under Symmes ample pre-emption rights. See Land Laics,
pp. 272-^382, et scq and post.
About this time the Indians were threatening .; in Kentucky,
he says, " they are perpetually doing mischief; a man a week,
I believe, falls by. their hands ; but still government gave him
little help toward defending himself; for, while three hundred
men were stationed at Muskingum, he had ' but one ensign
mmm
mitimm^^
328
Troubles of Sijmmcs.
1788.
and seventeen men for the protection and defence of • the
/ .Inughter-house,'" as the Miami valley was called by the
dwtllcrH upon the "dark and bloody ground" of "Kentucke."
And when Captain Kearny and forty-five soldiers came to
Maysville in December, they came without provisions, ai.d but
■ made bad worse. Nor did their coming answer any purpose ;
for when a little band of settlers were ready to go, under their
protection, to the mouth. of the Miami, the grand city of
Symmf;s that was to be, the ice stove their boats, their cattle
were drowned, and their provisions lost, and so the settlement
M'as prevented. But the fertile mind of a man like our ad-
venturer could, even under these circumstances, find comfort
in the anticipation of what was to come. In the words of
Return Jonathan Meigs, the first Ohio poet with whom we
have any acquaintance,
" To hira glad Fancy brightest prospects sliows,
Rejoicing Nature all around him glows ;
Wlierc late the savage, hid in ambush, lay,
Or roamed tlie uncultured valleys for his prey,-
Her hardy gifts rough Industry extends,
The groves b«iw down, the lofty forest bends ;
And sue the spires Of towns and cities rise,
And domes and temples swell unto the skies."*
But alas ! so far as his pet city was concerned, " glad Fancy"
proved but a gay deceiver ; for there came " an amazing high
freshet," and " the Point," as it was, and still is called, was
fifteen feet under water.
But, before Symmes left Maysville, which was upon the
29th of January, 1789, two settlements had been made within
his purchase. The first was by Mr. Stites, the original pro-
jector of the whole plan ; who, with other Redstone people,
had located themselves at the mouth of the Little Miami,
where the Indians had been led by the great fertility of the
soil to make a partial clearing. To this point, on the 18th of
November, 1788, came twenty-six persons, who built a block-
house, named their town Columbia, and prepared for a winter
of want and hard fighting.f The la d pt this point was so
fertile, that from nine acres were ra sed nine hundred and
sixty-three bushels of Indian corn. But they were agreeably
* Poem delivered at Marietta, July 4tb, glightly altered.
t CiQcioDati Directory fur IS 19, and SymmeV Letters. '^ • :r •.
"V
1788.
nee of ' the
lied by the
'Kentucke."
\irn came to
ons, ai.d but
,ny purpose ;
, under their
•and city of
I their cattle
e settlement
like our ad-
find comfort
he words of
h whom we
1788.
Columbia Settled.
329
j!ad Fancy"
nnzing high
called, was
s upon the
nade within
riginal pro-
one people,
ttle Miami,
tility of the
the 18th of
.lilt a block-
for a winter
oint was so
andred and
e agreeably
disappointed : the Indians came to thnm, and though the
whHcs answered, as Symmes says, " in a blackguarding man-
ner," the savages sued for peace. One, at whom a rille was
presented, took ofl' his cap, trailed his gun, and held out his
right hand, by which pacific gestures he induced the Ameri-
cans to consent to their entrance into the block-houses. In a
few days this good understanding ripened into intimacy, the
" hunters frequently taking shelter for the night at the Indian
camps;" and the red-men and squaws •' spending whole days
and nights" at Columbia, " regaling themselves with whis-
ky." This friendly demeanor on the part of the Indians was
owing to the kind and just conduct of Symmes himself; who,
during the preceding September, when examining the coun--
try about the Great Miami, had prevented some Kentuckinns,
who were in his company, from injuring a band of the sav-
ages that came within their power ; which proceeding, he ^
says, " the Kentuckians thought unpardonable."
The Columbia settlement was, however, like that proposed
at the Point, upon land that was under water during the high
rise in January, 1789. " But one house escaped the deluge."
The soldiers were driven from the ground-floor of the block-
house into the lofk, and from the lo(t into the .solitary boat
which the ice had spared them.
This flood deserves to be commemorated in an epic; for,'
while it demonstrated the dangers to which the three chosen
spots of all Ohio, Marietta, Columbia, and the Point, must be '.
ever exposed, it also proved the safety, and led to the rapid I
settlement of Losantiville. The great recommendation of the
spot upon which Denman and his comrades proposed to build
their " Mosaic" town, as it has been cajled, appears to have
been the fact, that it lay opposite the Licking ; the terms of
Denman's purchase having been, that his warrants were to be
located, as nearly as pos.sible, over against the mouth of that
river; though the advantage of the noble and high plain at
that point could not have escaped any eye. But the freshet
of 1789 placed its superiority over other points more strongly
in view than anything else could have done.
[John Filson was killed by the Indians in the Miami valley
in the autumn of J78S.] As nothing had been paid upon his
third of the plat of Losantiville, his heirs made no claim upon
it, and it was transferred to Israel Ludlow, who had been
21
)
Cincinnati SetlUd.
1788.
Symrncs' surveyor. This gentleman, with Colonel Patterson,
one of the other proprietors, and well known in the Indian
wars, with about fourteen others, left IMaysville upon the
24lh of December, 1788, '• to form a station and lay of u
town opposite Licking." The river was filled with ice " from
shore to shore ;" but, says Symmes, in May, 1789, " persever-
ance triumphing over dilUcuIty, they landed safe on a most
delightful high bank of the Ohio, where they founded the
town of Losantiville, \\\\k\\ jmpulates considerably."
It is a curious fact, and one of many in western history,
that may well tend to shake our faith in the learned discus-
sions as to dates and localities with which scholars now and
then amuse the world, that the date of the settlement of Cin-
cinnati is unknown, even though we have the tpstimony of
the very men that made the settlement. Judge Symmes says
in one of his letters, " On the 24th of December, 1788, Colo-
nel Patterson, of Lexington, who is concerned with Mr. Den-
man in the section at the mouth of Licking river, sailed from
Limestone," &c. Some, supposing it would take about two
days to make the voyage, have dated the being of the Queen
City of the West from December 26th. This is but guess-
work, however ; for, as the river was full of ice, it might have
taken ten days to have gone the sixty-five miles from Mays-
ville to Licking. But, in the case in chai.oery, to which we
have referred, we have the evidence of Patterson and Ludlow,
that they landed opposite the Licking " in the month of Jan-
uary, 1789;" while William McMillan testifies that he " was
one of those who formed the settlement of Cincinnati on the
28th day of December, 1788." As we know of nothing more
conclusive on the subject than these statements, we mu.st
leave this question in the same darkness that we find it.
The settlers of Losantiville built a few log huts and block-
houses, and proceeded to lay out the town ; though they
placed their dwellings in the most exposed situation, yet, says
Symmes they " sutlered nothing from the freshet."
South of the Ohio, during this year, matters were in scarce
as good a train as upon the " Indian" side of the river. The
savages continued to annoy the settlers, and the settlers to re-
tail? te upon the savages, as Judge Symmes' letters have
already shown. But a more formidable source of trouble to
the district than any attack the red men were capable of
m
1788.
1788.
Genernl Wilkinson\s Plans.
c;l I'atttTson,
1 the IruUuii
lu II pun the
iiul lay of u
th ice " from
, " persever-
fc on a most
founded the
y."
torn history,
arni'd discus-
Itirs now and
mcnt of Cin-
tpstimony of
Symines says
, 1788, Colo-
ilh Mr. Den-
•, sailed from
:e about two
if the Queen
is but guess-
t might have
i from Mays-
to which we
and Ludlow,
lonth of Jan-
hat he " was
innati on the
nothing more
Its, we must
find it.
ts and block-
though they
tion, yet, says
.-ere in scarce
e river. The
settlers to re-
letters have
of trouble to
e capable of
making, was the growing disposition to cut loose from the
Atlantic colonies, and either by treaty or warfare obtain the
use of the Mississippi from Spain. V*''o have already men-
tioned Will.'nson's trip to New Orleans, in June, 1787 ; but
as that voyage was the beginning of that long and mysterious
Spanish intrigue with the citizens of the West, it seems worth
while to ([uote part of a paper, believed to be by Daniel
Clark, the younger, whose uncle of the .same name was the
agent and partner* of Wilkin.son, in New Orleans, and who
was fully acquainted with the government officers of Louis-
iana.!
About the period of which we are now speaking, in the
middle of the year 1787, the foundation of an intercourse
with Kentucky and the settlements on the Ohio was laid,
which daily increased. Pre»:ous to that time, all those who
ventured on the Mississippi had their property seized by the
first commanding officer they met, and little or no communi-
cation was kept up between the two countries. Now and
then, an emigrant who wished to settle in Natchez, by dint of
entreaty, and solicitation of friends who had interests in New
Orleans, procured permission to remove there with his family,
slaves, cattle, furniture and farming utensils ; but was allowed
to bring no other property, except cash. An unexpected in-
cident, however, changed the face of things, and was produc-
tive of a new line of conduct. The arrival of a boat, belong-
ing to General Wilkinson, loaded with tobacco and other pro-
ductions of Kentucky, was announced in town, and a guard
was immediately sent on board of it. The general's name
had hindered this being done at Natchez, as the commandant
was fearful that such a step might be displeasing to his supe-
riors, who might wish to show .some re.spect to the property of
a general officer; at any rate, the boat was proceeding to Or-
leans, and they would then resolve on what measures they
ought to pursue, and put into execution. The government,
not much disposed to show any mark of respect or forbear-
ance towards the general's property, he not having at that
time arrived, was about proceeding in the usual way of con-
fiscation, when a merchant in Orleans, who had considerable
* Wilkinso:. says tbe> partnenhip was formed without )\\i icDowledge or content (Me-
moir?, U. 113.) r-
t American State Papew, xx. 704,
333
Trade O/tencd with New Orleans.
1788.
M
influence there, and who wa« formerly acquainted with the
general, represented to the governor that the measures taken
by the Intendant M'ould very probably ii^ive rise to disagrfiea-
ble events ; that the people of Kentucky were already exas-
perated at the conduct of the Spaniards in seizing on the prop-
erty of all those who navigated the Mississippi ; and if this
system was pursued, they would very probably, in .pite of
Congress and the Executive of the United States, take upon
themselves to obtain the navigation of the river by force,
which thoy were well able to do ; a measure for some time
before much dreaded by this government, which had no force
to resist them, if such a plan was put in execution. Hints
were likewise given that Wilkinson was a very popular man,
who could influence the whole of that country ; and probably
that his sending a boat before him, with a wish that she might
be seized, was but a snare at his return to influence the minds
of the people, and, having brought them to the point ho wished,
induce them to appoint him their leader, and then like a tor-
rent, spread over the country, and carry fire and desolation
from one end of the province to the other.
Governor Miro, a weak man, unacquainted with the Ameri-
can Government, ignorant even of the position of Kentucky
with respect to his own province, but alarmed at the very idea
of an irruption of Kentucky men, whom he feared without
knowing their strength, communicated his wishes to the In-
tendant that the guard might be removed from the boat, which
was accordingly done ; and a Mr. Patterson, who was the
agent of the general, was permitted to take charge of the
property on board, and to sell it, free of duty. The general,
on his arrival in Orleans, some time after, was informed of
the obligation he lay under to the merchant who had im-
pressed the government with such an idea of his importance
and influence at home, waited on him, and, in concert with
him, formed a plan for their future operations. In his inter-
view with the governor, that he might not seem to derogate
from the character given of him, by appearing concerned in
so trifling a business as a boat-load of tobacco, hams, and but-
ter, he gave him to understand that the property belonged to
many citizens of Kentucky, who, availing themselves of his
return to the Atlantic States, by way of Orleans, wished to
vofike a trial of the temper of this government, as he, on his
1788.
h\ with tlio
HurcB taken
diNagr<!ca-
rcndy exas-
)n the prop-
and if this
in .pite of
I taiio upon
r by force,
some time
ad no force
ion. Hints
ipular man,
id prol)ably
It she might
c the minds
the wished,
like a tor-
desolation
the Ameri-
f Kentucky
le very idea
red without
to the In-
boat, which
lo was the
urge of the
'he general,
nformed of
10 had im-
importance
oncert with
1 his inter-
to derogate
}ncerned in
as, and but-
belonged to
jlves of his
), wished to
s he, on his
1788.
Trade O/triicd with Ntw ()rlmn.<t.
333
arrival, might inform his own what steps hpl been pursued
under his eye, that adequate measures might be afterwards ta-
ken to procure satisfaction, lie acknowledged with gratitude
tht attention and respect manifested by the governor towards
hims<'lf in the favor shown to his agent; but at the same time
mentioned that he would not wish the governor to expose
himself to the anger of his court by refraining from seizing on
the boat and cargo, as it was but a trifle, if such were the
positive orders from the court, and he had not the power to
relax them according to circumstances. Convinced by this
discourse that the general rather wished for an opportunity of
rmbroiliiig affairs, than sought to avoid it, the governor be-
came more alarmed. For two or three years before, particu-
larly since the arrival of the commissioners from (Jeorgia, who
had come to Natchez to claim that country, he had been fear-
ful of an invasion at every annual rise of the waters, and the
news of a few boats being sc u was enough to alarm the
whole province. lie revolved in his mind what measures he
ought to pursue (consistent wi»h the orders he had I'rom home
to permit the free navigation of the river) in order to keep
the Kentucky people quiet ; and, in his succeeding interviews
with Wilkinson, having procured more knowledge than ho
had hitherto acquired of their character, population, strength,
and disposition, he thought he could do nothing better than
hold out a bait to Wilkinson to use his influence in restraining
the people from an invasion of this province till he could give
advice to his court, and require further instructions. This
was the point to which the parties wished to bring him ; and,
being informed that in Kentucky two or three crops were on
hand, for which, if an immediate vent%vas not to be found,
the people could not be kept within bounds, he made Wilkin-
son the offer of a permission to import, on his own account,
to New Orleans, free of duty, all the productions of Kentucky,
thinking by this means to conciliate the good-will of the peo-
ple, without yielding the point of navigation, as the com-
merce carried on would appear the effect of an indulgence to
an individual, which could be withdrawn at pleasure. On
consultation with his friends, who well knew what further
concessions Wilkinson would extort from the fears of ^
Spaniards, by the promise of his good offices in preachm|
peace, harmony, and good understanding with his govern-
884
Kentucky not Made a State.
1788.
ment, until arrangements were made between Spain and
Arucrica, he was advised to insist that the governor should
insure him a market for all the flour and tobacco he micrbt
send, as in '-he event of an unfortunate shipment, he would be
ruined whilst endeavoring to do a service to Louisiana This
was accepted. Flour was always wanted in New Orleans,
and the king of Spain had given orders to purchase more to-
bacco for the supply of his manufactories at home than Louis-
iana at that time produced, and which was paid for at about
$9.50 per cwt. In Kentucky it cost but $2, and the profit
was immense. In consequence, the general had appointed
his friend, Daniel Clark, his agent here, returned by way of
Charleston in a vessel, with a particular permission to go to
the United States, even at the very moment of Gardoqui's in-
formation; and, on his arrival in Kentucky, bought up all the
produce he could collect, which he shipped and disposed of
as before mentioned ; and for some time all the trade for the
Ohio was carried on in his name, a line from him sufficing to
ensure the owner of the boat every privilege and protection.*
[This Daniel Clark, we suppose, was the father of Mrs.
Gaines ]
Whatever Wilkinson's views may have been, (and we
should never forget that there was no treachery or treason
against the United States in leaving the old colonies and
forming an alliance with Spain at that period) — such a recep-
tion as he had met with at New Orleans, was surely calculat-
ed to make him and his friends feel that by either intimida-
tion, or alliance, the free trade they wished might be had from
Spain, could the act of Independence but be finally made
binding by the consent of Congr 3S, which was to be given
before July 5th, 1788. It is not to be doubted that this agree-
ment on the part of the Union was looked for as a matter of
course almost; — Kentucky had spoken her wishes over and
over again, and Virginia had acquiesced in them. When John
Brown, therefore, who in December, 1787, had been sent as
the first Western representative to Congress, brought the sub-
ject of admitting Kentucky as a Federal State before that
body upon the 29th February,! it was hoped the matter
would soon be disposed of. But such was not the case ; from
plPee American State Papers, xx. p. 707.— Clark's Memoi ' said by WUkinsan to b«
niMUntially correct. (Mvmoira, ii. 110.)
t Old Joumali, iv. 811, 819, 828, 829, 830.
' i
i^i.
■,i(
1788.
I Spain and
ernor should
CO he micrht
,he would be
isiana This
few Orleans,
lase more to-
3 than Louis-
for at about
tid the profit
Eld appointed
ed by way of
3sion to go to
5ardoqui's in-
rht up all the
i disposed of
trade for the
m sufficing to
\ protection.*
Either of Mrs.
ien, (and we
ry or treason
colonies and
such a reccp-
irely calculat-
ther intimida-
it be had from
finally made
,s to be given
lat this agree-
is a matter of
;hes over and
1. When John
been sent as
aught the sub-
te before that
id the matter
he case ; from
by WUkiuBOD to b«
1788.
Offers of S]}ain to Kentucky.
336
'*^'^P".-
^
P^ebruary to May, from May to June, from June to July, the
admission of the District was debated, and at length the
whole subject, on the 3d of July, was referred to the new gov-
ernment about to be organized, and once more the Pioneers
found themselves thwarted, and self-direction withheld.
On the 28th of July the sixth Convention met at Danville,
to proceed with the business of making a Constitution, when
news reached them* that their coming together was all to no
purpose, as the Legislature of the Union had not given the
necessary sanction to the act of Virginia. This news amazed
and shocked them, and being accompanied or followed by in-
timations from Mr. Brown that Spain would make easy terms
with the West, were the West once her own mistress, we
surely cannot wonder that the leaders of the "Independence"
party were disposed to act with decision and show a spirit of
self-reliance. Wilkinson, on the one hand, could speak of
his vast profits and the friendly temper of the south-western
rulers, while Brown wrote home such sentiments as these : —
" The eastern States would not, nor do I think they ever
will assent to the admission of the district in the Union, as an
independent State, unless Vermont, or the province of Maine,
is brought forward at the same time. The change which has
taken place in the general government is made the ostensible
objection to the measure ; but, the jealousy of the growing im-
portance of the western country, and an unwillingness to add
a vote to the southern interest, are the real causes of opposi-
tion. The question which the district will now have to de-
termine upon, will be — whether, or not, it will be more expe-
dient to continue the connexion with the State of Virginia,
or to declare their independence and proceed to frame a con-
stitution of government?
In private conferences which I have had with Mr. Gardo-
qui, the Spanish minister, at this place, I have been assured
by him in the most explicit terms, that i| Kentucky will de-
*The difficulty of commuDicating'newi to the West may be judged of by the following
extract from a letter by John Brown to Judge Muter.
"An answer to your favor of the 16th of March was, together with several other letters,
put into the bands of one of Oeneral Harmar's officers, who set out in May last for the
Ohio, and who promised to forward them to the district; but I fear they have miscarried,
as I wa£ a few days ago informed that his orders had been countermanded, and that he
bad been sent to the garrison at West Point Indeed I have found it almost impracticable
to tmosmit a letter to I(^entucky, at there is scarce any communication between this plaee
and that country. A post is now established from this place to Fort Pitt, to set ouJMM
in two weeks, after the 20th instant; this will render the commnnioation ea<y aiHi^i^-
Uin."- (Marshall, i. 30i.)
336
A Seventh Convention Called.
1788.
clare her independence, and empower some proper pvfson to
negotiate with him, that he has authority, and will engage to
open the navigation of the Mississippi, for the exportation of
their produce, on terms of mutual advantage. But that this
privilege never can be extended to them while part of the
United States, by reason of commercial treaties existiFig be-
tween that court and other powers of Europe.
As there is no reason to doubt the sincerity of this declara-
tion, I have thought proper to communicate it to a few confi-
dential friends in the district, with his permission, not doubting
but that they will make a prudent use of the information —
which is in part confirmed by despatches yesterday received
by Congress, from Mr. Carmichal, our minister at that court,
the contents of which I am not at liberty to disclose.*
But even under the excitement produced by such prospects
offered from abroad, and such treatment at the hands of their
fellQvv-citizens, the members of the July Convention took no
hasty or mischievous steps. Finding their own powers legally
at an end in consequence of the course pursued by Congress,
they determined to adjourn, and in doing so advised the call-
ing of a seventh Conventiop. to meet in the following Novem-
ber, and continue in existence until January, 1790, with full
power
To take such measures for obtaining admission of the dis-
trict, as a separate and independent member of the United
States of America, and the navi ation of the Mississippi, as
may appear most conducive to those important purposes: and
also to form a constitution of government for the district,
and organize the same when they shall judge it necessary ; or
to do and accomplish whatsoever, on a consideration of the
state of the district, may in their opinion promote its interests-f
These terms, although they contain nothing neceyiurily im-
plying a separation from Virginia against her wish, or direct-
ly authorizing the coming Convention to treat with Spain,
were still supposed to have been used for the purpose of ena-
bling or even invituig that body to take any steps, however
much against the letter of the law ; and as Mr. Brown's let-
ters showed that strong temptations were held out to the peo-
ple of the District to declare themselves independent and then
enter into negotiations with Spain, George Muter, Chief Jus-
tice of the District, on the l5th of October, published a letter
in the Kentucky Gazette, ; lling attention to the fact that a
0lt Manhall's Hutorj of Keotuoky, i. p. 305.
iSee Manhall'a Hiitoiy of Kentncky, i. p. 200.
1788.
er pvfson to
11 engage to
:portation of
$ut that this
part of the
existing be-
this declara-
a few confi-
not doubting
formation —
lay received
that court,
3se.*
;h prospects
.nds of their
tion took no
wers legally
y Congress,
sed the call-
ing Novem-
0, with full
1 of the dis-
the United
ississippi, as
irposes: and
the district,
ecessary ; or
ition of the
;s interests.!
jessarily im-
h, or direct-
with Spain,
>ose of ena-
»s, however
Jiown's let-
t to the peo-
;nt and then
, Chief Jus-
ihed a letter
fact that a
i^
^■-mimm^ ?'
1788.
Connolly in Kentucky.
337
separation without legal leave from the parent State, would
be treason against that State, and a violation of the Federal
Constitution then just formed.
This letter, and the efforts of the party who favored strict
adherence to legal proceedings, were not in vain. The elec-
tions took place, and on the 4th of November the Convention
met; the contest at once began, but the two parties being
happily balanced, both in and out of the Convention, the
greatest caution was observed by both, and all excess prevent-
ed. An address to the people of the District was proposed
by Wilkinson, the purpose of which was, doubtless, to procure
instructions as to the conte.sted points of illegal independence
and negotiation with Spain; — but the plan of issuing such a
paper was afterwards dropped, Congress was memorialized
respecting the Mississippi, Virginia was again asked for an
act of separation, and the Convention quietly adjourned until
the 1st Monday of the following August.* It is not improba-
ble that one tranquilizing influence was, the contradiction by
members of Congress, of the report that the navigation of
the Mississippi was to be relinquished by the United States.
This contradiction had been authorized on the 16th of Sep-
tember-t It was during the autumn of this same year of
trouble and intrigue, that there appeared again in Kentucky,
John Connolly, formerly of Pittsburgh, of whom we last heard
as organizing an expedition to attack the frontiers in 1781. Of
his purposes and movements nothing of consequence can be
added, we believe, to the following statement sent by Colonel
Thomas Marshall, to General Washington, in the month of
February, 1789.
About this time, (November, 178S,) .arrived from Canada
the famous Doctor (now Colonel) Connolly ; his ostensible
business was to enquire after, and repossess himself of, some
lands he formerly held at the Falls of the#hio ; but I believe
his real business was to sound the dispomion of the leading
men of this district respecting this Spanish business. He knew
that both Colonel Muter and myself had given it all the op-
position in Convention we were able to do, and before he left
the district paid us a visit, though neither of us had the honor
of the least acquaintance with him..
He was introduced by Colonel John Campbell, his old co-
•See Marshall, i. 288 to341.— Monhall givc< all the papers.— Bntler 162 to 181-&17 to
fi23.— Carey'a Miuenm, April 1789, p. 331 to 333. >%
t Seorct Journals, IT. 449 to 454. ^ ,, ,. ,,, ■ . _ .
7\<ji''',^''^p:^^y<y^»^ '
^7-iT?i'^- ^'^'Ai
I iiiBli>'lT''ilV*f Wp !»■ 6'w'i jig
II iHj ii^i Vii ii i il iWjf i -
33S
Connolly in Kentucky.
1788
purchaser of the land at the Falls, formerly a prisoner taken
by the Indians, and confined in Canada, who previously in-
formed us of the proposition he was about to make. He
(Connolly) presently entered upon his subj.>,ct, urged the groat
importance the navigation of the Mississippi must be to the
inhabitants of the western waters, showed the absolutf> neces-
sity of our possessing it, and concluded with assurances that
\yere we disposed to assert our right respecting that naviga-
tion, Lord Dorchester, (formerly Sir Guy Carlton,) was cor-
dially disposed to give us- powerful assistance, that his Lord-
ship had (I think he said) four thousand British troops in
Canada, besides two regiments at Detroit, and could furnish us
with arms, ammunition, clothing, and money ; that, with this
assistance, we might possess ourselves of New Orleans, fortify
the I3alize at the mouth of the river, and keep possession in
spite of the utmost efforts of Spain to the contraiy. He made
very confident professions of Lord Dorchester's wishes to cul-
tivate the most friendly intercourse with the people of this
country, and of his own desire to become serviceable to us,
and with so much seeming sincerity, that had I not before
been acquainted with his character as a man of intrigue and
artful address, I should in all probability have given him my
confidence.
I told him that the minds of the people of this country were
so strongly prejudiced against the British, not only from cir-
cumstances attending the late war, but from a persuasion that
the Indians were at this time stimulated by them against us,
and that so long as those savages continued to commit such
horrid cruelties' on our defenceless frontiers, an ' A'ere received
as friends and allies by the British at Detroit, it would be im-
Sossible for them to be convinced of the sincerity of Lord
>orchester's offers, let his professions be ever so strong ; and
that, if his Lordship would have us believe him really dis-
posed to be our friend, he must begin by showing his disap-
probation of the ravages of the Indians.
He admitted the justice of my observation, and said he
had urged the same to his Lordship before he left Canada.
He denied that the Indians are stimulated against us by the
British, and says, Lord Dorchester observed, that the Indians
are free and independent nations, and have a right to make
peace or war as they think fit, and that he could not with
propriety interfere. He promised, however, on his return to
Canada to repeat his arguments to his Lorlship on the sub-
ject, and hopes, he says, to succeed. At taking his leave he
begged very politely the favor of our correspondence ; we
both promised him, providing he would begin i*, and devise a
means of carrying it on. He did not tell me that he was au-
dkirized by Lord Dorchester to make us these offers in his
name, nor did I ask him : but General Scott informs me that
1788
risoner taken
previously in-
) make. He
■ged the griat
lUst be to the
bsolutf> neces-
isurances that
f that naviga-
on,) was cor-
that his Lord-
;ish troops in
uld furnish us
hat, with this
Irleans, fortify
possession in
ry. He made
wishes to cul-
)eople of this
iceable to us,
I not before
intrigue and
iven him ray
country were
•nly from cir-
ersuasion that
m against us,
commit such
A'ere received
would be im-
erity of Lord
• strong ; and
m really dis-
ing his disap-
and said he
left Canada,
nst us by the
it the Indians
ight to make
uld not w^ith
his return to
» on the sub-
his leave he
ondence ; we
and devise a
it he was au-
offers in his
brms me that
1788.
ConnoUy in Kentucky.
339
he told him that his Lordship had authorized him to use his
name in this business.*
Colonel George. Morgan, during this yea.-, was induced to
remove for a time to the Spanish territories west of the Mis-
sissippi, and remained at New Madrid between one and two
months ; thence he went to New Orleans.f
[The projected city and settlement of New Madrid by Col.
Morgan, may be found in the Appendix, Annals of Mis-
souri.]
Preparations, as we have stated, had been made early in 1788,
for a treaty with the Indians, and during the whole autumn, the
representatives of the Indian tribes were lingering about the
Muskingum settlement : but it was not till Jan. 9th of this year,
that the natives were brought to agree to distinct terms. On
that day, one treaty was made with the Iroquois.J confirming
the previous one of October, 1784, at Fort Stanwix ; and
another with the Wyandots, Delawares, Ottawas, Chippewas,
Pottawatamies and Sacs, confirming and extending the treaty
of Fort Mcintosh, made in January, 1785.§ Of the additions
we quote the following :
Art. 4. It is agreed betvireen the United States and the said
nations, that the individuals of said nations shall be at liberty
to hunt within the territory ceded to the United States, with-
out hindrance or molestation, so long as they demean them-
selves peaceably, and offer no injury or annoyance to any of
the subjects or citizens of th-- said United States.
Art. 7. Trade shall be opened with the said nations, and
they do hereby respectively engage to afford protection to the
persons and property of such as may be duly licensed to re-
side among them for the purpose of trade, and to their
agents, factors, and servants ; but no person shall be permit-
ted to reside at their towns, or at their hunting camps, as a
trader, who is not furnished with a license for that purpose,
under the hand and seal of the Governor of the territory of
the United States northwest of the Ohio, for the time being,
or under the hand and seal of one of his deputies for the
management of Indian Affairs ; to the end that they may not
be imposed upon in their traffic. And if any person or per-
sons shall intrude themselves without such license, they prom-
• Sec Butler, 620.
t American State Faflera, xz. 504.
% Collection of Indian treaties. Land Lawa, 1 23.
2 Land Laws, 149.— See also Carey's Miueum for April, 1789, p. 415.
840
Treaties of Fort Harmar.
1789
ise to apprehend him or them, and to bring them to the said
Governor or one of his deputies, for the purpose beforemen-
tioncd, to be dealt with according to law; and that they may
he defended against persons who might attempt to forge such
icenses, they further engage to give information to the said
Uoyernor, or one of his deputies, of the names of all traders
residing among them, from time to time , and at least once every
year. ^
AuT. 8. Should any nation of Indians meditate a war against
the Lnited States, or either of them, and the same shall come
to the knowledge of the beforcmentioned nations, or either of
them, they do hereby engage to give immediate notice thereof
to the Governor, or, in his absence, to the officer commanding
the troops ol the United States at the nearest post. And
should any nation, with hostile intentions against the United
^tates, or either of them, attempt to pass through their coun-
try, they will endeavor to prevent the same, and, in like man-
ner, give information of such attempt to the said Governor or
commanding officer, as soon r.s possible, that all causes of
mistrust and suspicion may be avoided between them and the
united States: in like manner, the United Statos shall give
notice to the said Indian nations, of any harm that may be
meditated against them, or either of them, that shall come to
their knowledge ; and do all in their power to hinder and pre-
vent the same, that the friendship between them may be
uninterrupted.*
But these treaties,if meant in good faith by those who made
them, were not respected, and the year of which we now
write, saw renewed the old frontier troubles in all their bar-
oarism and variety. The Wabash Indians especially, who had
not been bound by any treaty as yet, kept up constant incursions
against the Kentucky settlers, and the emigrants down the
Ohio,t and the Kentuckian-' retaliated, striking foes and
friends, even "the peaceable Piankeshaws who prided them-
selves on their attachment to the United States.''^ Nor could
the President take any effectual steps to put an end to this
constant partisan warfare. In the first place, it was by no
means clear that an attack by the forces of the government
upon the Wabash tribes, could be justified. Says Wash-
ington :
I would have it observed forcibly, that a war with the Wa-
oash Indians ought to be avoided by all means consistently
• Sea Land Laws, p. 152.
t. Marshall, i, .143, 351.— American State Papers, vol. v. 84, 85.— Carey's Museum,
Ap«B 1789, p. 416, and May, pp. 504, 608.
J Gen. Knox. American State Papers, v. 13. , .
wrnm
1789
m to the said
le befbremen-
hrtt they may
to forge such
n to the said
of all traders
1st once every
a war against
le shall come
s, or either of
lotice thereof
commanding
t post. And
Jt the United
h their coun-
,itilil{e man-
Governor or
all causes of
them and the
id shall give
that may be
ihall come to
der and pre-
lem may be
le who made
ich we now
11 their bar-
lly, who had
tit incursions
ts down the
^g foes and
)rided them-
! Nor could
end to this
t was by no
government
5ays Wash-
ith the Wa-
consistently
Canj's Museum,
1789.
Troubles with the Indians.
341
with the security of the frontier inhabitants, the .security of the
troops, and the national dignity. In the exercise of the
present indiscriminate hostilities, it is extremely difficult, if
not impossible, to say that a war without further measures
would be just on the part of the United States. Bat, if, after
manifesting clearly to the Indian^' *hc disposition of the Gene-
ral Government for the preservati .i of peace, and the exten-
sion of a just protection to the said Indians, they should con-
tinue their incursions, the United States will be constrained to »
punish them with severity.*
But how to punish them was a difficult question, again,
even supposing punishment necessary. Says Gen. Knox :
By the best and latest information it appears that, on the
Wabash and its communications, there are from fifteen hun-
dred to two thousand warriors. An expedition against them,
with a view of extirpating them, or destroying their towns,
could not be undertaken with a probability of success, with
less than an army of two thousand five hundred men. The
regular troops of the United States on the frontiers, are les.
than six hundred: of that number, not more than four hundred
could be collected from the posts for the purpose of the expe-
dition. To raise, pay, feed, arm, and equip one thousand nine
hundred additional men, with the necessary officers, for six
months, and to provide every thing in the hospital and quarter-
master's line, would require the sum of two hundred thousand
dollars, a sum far exceeding the ability of the United States
to advance, consistently with a due regard to other indispen-
sable objects.
Such, however, were the representations of the Governor
of the new territory, and of the people of Kentucky, that
Congress, upon the 29th of September, empowered the Presi-
dent to call out the militia to protect the frontiers, and he, on \
the 6th of October, authorized Governor St. Clair to draw \
1500 men from the western counties of Virginia and Penn-
sylvania, if absolutely necessary ; ordering him, however, to
ascertain, if possible, the real disposition of the Wabash
and Illinois Indians. f In order to do this, speeches to them
were prepared, and messengers sent among them, of whose
observations we shall have occasion to take notice under the
year 1790.
Kentucky, especially, felt aggrieved this year by the with- i
drawal of the Virginia scouts and rangers, who had hitherto )
* American State Pap«n, t. 13, 07, pp. 84 to 93. ;;
t American State Papers, 97, 101, 102.
84t
Muskingum Settlements Spread.
1789.
/
helped to protect her. This was done in July, by the Govern-
or, in consequence of a letter from the federal executive,
statin;? that national troops would thenceforward be stationed
upon the western streanjs. The Governor communicated this
letter to the Kentucky convention held in July, and ttiit body
at once authorized a remonstrance against the measure, repre-
senting the inade.(uacy of the federal troops, few and scattered
as they were, to protect the country, and stating the amount
of injury received from the savages since the first of May.*
[We have the authority of Judge Innis, ol I'-^ntucky (Amer.
State I'apers, v. p. 88,) that in seven years, 1600 persons, 20,-
000 horses, and £15,000 worth of property had been destroy-
ed or taken away from that district, by the savages.]
Nor was the old "-oparation sore healed yet. Upon the 29th
of December, 1" \i, Virginia had passed her third act to make
Kentucky ind jicndent; but as ihis law made the District lia-
ble for a part of the State debt, and also reserved a certain
control over the lands set apart as army bounties, to the Old
Dominion, — it was by no means popular; and when, upon
the 20th of July, the eighth Convention came together at Dan-
ville, it was only to resolve upon a memorial requesting that
the obnoxious clauses of the late, law might be repealed.
This, in December, was agreed to by the present State, but
new proceedings throughout were at the same time ordered,
and a ninth Convention directed to meet in the following
July.f
North of the Ohio, during this year, there was less trouble
from the Indians than south of it, especially in the Muskingum
country. There all prospered : the Rev. Dan'l. Story, under a
resolution of the Directors of the Ohio Company, passed in
March, 1788, in the spring of this year came westward as a
teacher of youth and a preacher of the Gospel.§ By November,
nine associations, comprising two hundred and fifty persons,
had been formed for the purpose of settling diflerent points
within the purchase ; and by the close of 1790, eight settlements
had been made ; two at Belpre, (belle prairie,) one at New-
bury, one at Wolf Creek,|| one at Duck Creek, one at the
• Marshnll, i. 362.— American State Papers, v. 84, Ao.
tlWd, 342, 350.— BuUe^ 187. . ' ' ' ' ' ^' ' 1 ' /
X American Pioneer, i. 86.
11 Here wa^ built the first mill in OMo. (American Pioneer, iu 99, and plate.;
1789.
jy the Govern-
ral executive,
d be stationed
nunicatcd this
and ttiat body
leasure, repre-
and scattered
g the amount
•St of May.*
ntucky (Amer.
I) persons, 20,-
been destroy-
igcs.]
Upon the 29th
d act to make
le District lia-
ved a certain
ies, to the Old
d when, upon
jether at Dan-
Dquesting that
be repealed,
ent State, but
time ordered,
the following
as less trouble
le Muskingum
Story, under a
iny, passed in
vestward as a
By November,
fifty persons,
iflerent points
fht settlements
I one at New-
!k, one at the
ind plat*.;
1789.
Fart Washington Founded.
343
iVPiiPPilNP
mouth of Meigs' Creek, one at Anderson's Bottom, and one at '.
Big-Bottom.*
Between the Miamies, there was more alarm at this period,
but no great amount of actual danger. Upon the 15th of
June, news reached Judge Symmes that the, Wabash Indians
threatened his settlements, and as yet he had received no
troops for their defence, except nineteen from the Falls.f
Before July, however, Major Doughty arrived at the "Slaugh- ,
ter House," and commenced the building of Fort Washington
on the site of Losantiville. In relation to the choice of that
spot, rathe' than the one where Symmes proposed to found
his great city. Judge Burnet tells the following story:
"Through the influence of the Judge (Symmes,) the de-
tachment sent by General Harmar, to erect a fort between
the Miami rivers, for the protection of the settlers, landed at
North Bend. This circumstance induced many of the first
emigrants to repair to that place, on account of the expected
protection, which the garrison would afford. While the offi-
cer commanding the detachment was examining the neigh-
boihood, to select the most eligible spot for a garrison, he
became enamored with a beautiful black-eyed female, who
happened to be a married woman. The vigilant husband saw
his danger, and immediately determined to remove, with his
family, to Cincinnati, where he supposed they would be safe
from intrusion. As soon as the gallant officer discovered
that the object of his admiration had been removed beyond
his reach, he began to think that the Bend was not an advan-
tageous situation for a military work. This opinion he com-
municated to Judge Symmes, who contended, very strenu-
ously, that it was the most suitable spot in the Miami country;
ind protested against the removal. The arguments of the
judge, however, were not as influential as the sparkling eyes
of the fair female, who was then at Cincinnati. To preserve
the appearance of consistency, the officer agreed, that he )
would defer a decision till he had explored the ground, at and
near Cincinnati ; and that, if he found it to be less eligible
than the Bend, he would return and erect the garrison at the
latter place. The visit was quickly made, and resulted in a
conviction, that the Bend was not to be compared with Cin-^
cinnati. The troops were accordingly removed to that pla.ce,
and the building of«Fort Washington was commenced. This
movement, apparency trivial in itself, and certainly produced
by a whimsical cause, was attended by results of incalculable ^
importance. It settled the question at once whether Symmes >
•HartiiTour, 191,192.
tSymmea' Letters in Cist's Cincianati, 231, 229, 219.
.%
344 Rffisnn for placing tlir Fort at Cincinnati. 1789.
m
or Cincinnati was to be the great commpicial town on the
Miumi purcliase. This anecdote was communicated by
Judge Symmes, and Is unquestionably uulhontic. As soon as
the troops removed to Cincinnati, and established the garrixjn,
ihe s(!tllers at the Bend, the »\ more numerous than those at
Cincinnati, begaB to remove; and in twi or three yej.rs, the
Hend wai literally deserted, and the idea of establishing a
town at that point was entirely abandoned.
Thus, wo see, what great results are sometimes produced
by trivial circunstances. The beauty of a female, transferred
the commercial emporium of Ohio from the place where it
was commenced, to the place where it now is. Had the black-
e;yed beauty remair.cd at the Bend, the garrison would have
been erected there, population, capital, and business would
have centered there, and our city must have been now of
comparatively small importance.*"
We suspect the influence of this bright-eyed beauty upon
the fate of Cincinnati, is over estimated, however. Upon the
14lh of June, before Fort Washington was commenced, and
when the only soldiers in the purchase were ot North Bend,
Symmes writes to Dayton :
"It is expected, tha* on the arrival of Governor St. Clair,
this purchase will be organized into a county ; it is therefore
of some moment which town shall be made the county town.
Losantiville, at present, bids the iairest ; it is a most excellent
site for a large town, and is at present the most central of any
of the inhabited towns ; but if Soutl. Bend might be finished
and occupied, thatw^ould be exactly in the centre, and proba-
bly w^ould take the lead of the present villages until the city
an be made somewhat considerable. This is really a matter
of importance to the proprietors, but can only be achieved by
their exertions and encouragement. The lands back of South
Bend are not very much broken, after you ascend the first
hill, and will afford rich supplies for a county town. A few
troops stationed at South Bend will effect the settlement of
this new village in a very short time.f"
The truth is, that neither the proposed city on the Miami,
North Bend or South Bend, could compete, in point of natu-
ral advantages, with the plain on which Cincinnati has since
arisen ; and had Fort Washington been built elsewhere, after
the close of the Indian war, nature would have ensured the
rapid growth of that point where even the ancient and mys-
terious dwellers al )ng the Ohio had reared the earthen walls
of one of their vastest temples.J
•Transactions Historical Society, Oliio, p. 17. fCist's Cincinnati, p. 230.
JSea Transactions of Ohio Historical Society, part ii. toI. i. 35.— Drake's Picture of
Cincinnati, 202.
lit.
1789.
town on the
lunicated by
As Huon an
tlio garri>!jn,
ban those at
^e ypj.rs, the
4iablishing a
es produced
!, transi'erred
ce where it
ad the black-
would have
siness wouhl
been now of
beauty upon
'. Upon the
ncnced, and
North Bend,
or St. Clair,
; is therefore
Dunty town.
3st excellent
'ntral of any
t be flnished
, and proba-
ntil the city
illy a matter
achieved by
ick of South
md the first
wn. A few
3ttlement of
the Miami,
iut of natu-
iti has since
where, after
ensured the
int and mys-
irthen walls
ti, p. 230.
Take's Picture of
1789.
Contest with the Sjxiniariln.
315
We have referred to Wilkinson's voyage to New Or-
leans, in 1787 ; in January of this year, (1789,) h.'. fitted
out twenty-live largo boats, some of them carrying H'rec
jiouiuliTs, and nil of them swivels, manned by 150 men, and
loaded with tobacco, flour, and provisions, with which he set
sail for the south ; and his load was sooa followed by others.'
Among the adventurers wa.s Colonel Armstrong of the Cum-
berland settlements, who sent down six boats manned by
thirty men ; these were stopped at Natchez, and the goods
being there sold without permission, an ofllcer and fifty .soldiers
were sent by the Spanish commander to arrest the tran.sgres-
sors. They, meanwhile, had returned within the lines of the
United States and refused to be arrested ; this led to a con-
test, in which, as a cotemporary letter states, five Spaniards
were killed and twelve wounded. f
•Lcttor in Corey's Miuoum for February, 178tf, pp. 209, 313.-WlllilD«on'» Mtmoir., ii.
113.
tCarey'i Museum, April, 1789, p. 417.
22
CHAPTER XII.
THE INDIAN WAR OF 1700— HOft.
••4
OrganlxAtlon of th« Nurth woMcrn Torritory— Sketch of (lovcrnor St. anir— TIio Ki-
nirtion to tlio Illinuia Country— CUlmi of tlio TnlteJ Btutoa on IiiJiiin Uudi— iJiffloul-
U»i with tho ludiam— Oamelin'i Mlwioii— Anency of Britiili Oinecrl and Tradori—
Httrinur'i Cttinimign— Kipcdiliun of tlcncral Cliarlea Siolt— CamiiaJgu of Ht. Clulr—
VuMirvM iKifuat.
[The ordinance of Congress, as already shown, passed in
August, 1787, but tho government was not organized until
the following year. In tho month of July, General Arthur
St. Cl.iir, who had been appointed Governor by the Old Con-
gress, appeared at Marietta, and put the machinery of the
new government in motion. This was on the 15th of July,
1788, when the governor, who had arrived on the 9th, pub-
luhed the ordinance of Congress for the government of the
Territory, and the commissions of the ollicers.* The organ-
ization was what has been called, the first grade ; consisting
of a Governor, Secretary, and three Judges, who, conjointly,
constituted the law-making power.
Winthrop Sargent, one of the Ohio immigrants of the pre-
ceding year, was appointed S(>crctary, and Samuel II. Par-
sons, James M. Varnum and John Armstrong, Judges. The
latter not accepting the oflice, John Cleves Symmes was ap-
pointed in his stead. On the 26th of July, by proclamation
of the governor, the county of Washington was organized.
This was the first organized county in the North-western Ter-
ritory. It contained within its limits about one- half of the
present State of Ohio.
In September the Governor and Judges prepared and adopt-
ed a code of laws, which have been perpetuated, with few
alterations, in all the North-western States.
As the executive authority of Governor St. Clair extended
over the vast territory out of which five states haa been
organized, a brief sketcli of his life will be read with interest.
He was a native of Scotland, from which country he came
to the British Colonies of North America in 1755; having
• Atwatet's HiMtory of Ohio, p. 129 ;— Dillon's Indiana, 232.
1788.
Sketch of Governor Si. Clair.
347
t. anir— TIio F.x-
il liRUdi— iJiffiuul-
uri and Trwlart—
lign of Hi. Cluir—
11, passed in
;;aiiiz(>d until
lerul Arthur
the Old Con-
lincry of the
15th of July,
the 9th, pub-
imeiit of the
The organ-
? ; consisting
0, conjointly,
;s of the pre-
nuel II. l*ar-
jdgcs. The
imt's was ap-
pi'oclanuition
13 organized,
western Ter-
ehalf of the
d and adopt-
id, with few
air extended
E?s had been
vith interest,
itry he came
755 ; having
joined the Roynl American or GOth British regiment, and
served under CJencral Andierst at the taking i.f Louisburg, in
1758. lie carried a standard at the storming and capture of
(iuebco, under Cenerul Wolfe, in 17'j9.
Soon after the peace of 1763, he settled in Ligonier valley,
in Western Pennsylvania, where he continued to reside until
tlie r«'volutionary war. IJeing a firm friend of liberty and the
rights of tlie colonies, he received from ('ongress the commis-
sion of Colonel, and joined the American army with a regi-
ment of seven hundred and fifty men. Having been promot-
ed to the rank of Major-CJenerai, he was tried by a court
martial, in 1778, I'or evacuating Ticonderoga and Mount In-
dependence, and unanimously acquitted with the highest
honors.* The late CJoneral James Wilkinson, who was a Ma-
jor under St. Clair, at the time, states in the •' Memoir of his
own Times," that the General said to him, " I know 1 can
save my character by sacrificing the army, but were I to do
so, I should forfeit that which the world cannot restore, and
which the world cannot take away— my own conscience."t
Ho continued in the service with honor until peace. He
was rigid, some thought arbitrary, in his government, and,
therefore unpopular, but he was scrupulously honest— had no
talent for speculation, and died poor. In a letter to the Hon.
W. B. Giles, of Virginia, he wrote as follows :
In the year 1786, I entered into the public service in civil
life, and was a member of Congress, and President of that
body, when it was determined to erect a government in the
country to the west, that had been ceded by Virginia to the
United States ; and in the year 1788, the oflice of Governor
was in a great measure forced on me. The losses I had sus-
tained in the revolutionary war, from the depreciation of the
money and other causes, had bedn very great ; and my friends
saw in this new government means that might be in my power
to compensate myself,, and to provide handsomely for my
numerous family. They did not know how little I was quali-
fied to avail myself of those advantages, if they had existed,
I had neither taste nor genius for speculation in land, neither
did I think it very consistent with the oflice. J
On entering upon the responsible office of Governor of
this new Territory, instructions were received by him. from
Congress. He was authorized and required :
» Dillon's Indiana, 231. ,' , ,^ , .
I Wilkinson's Memoiri, i. 85. ;
J Dillon's Indiana, 231.
348
Instructions to Governor St. Clair.
1788.
hm
1. To examine carefully into the real temper of the Indians.
2. To remove, if possible, all causes of controversy with
them, so that peace and harmony might exist between them
and the United States.
3. To regulate the trade with thera.
4. To use his best efforts to extinguish the rights of the In-
dians to lands westward to the Mississippi, and northward to
the forty-first degree of latitude.
5. To ascertain, as far as possible, the names of the real
head men and leading warriors of each tribe, and to attach
these men to the United States.
6. To defeat all combinations among the tribes by concilia-
tory means.*
About the first of January, 1790, the Governor and Judges,
with Winthrop Sargent, the Secretary, proceeded down the
river from Marietta to Fort Washington, (now Cincinnati,)
and the Governor laid off* the county of Hamilton, and ap-
pointed magistrates and other civil officers for the administra-
tion of justice. At this time Losantiville received the name
of Cincinnati. On the 6th of January, a law was enacted by
the Governor and Judges, requiring courts to be held four
times in a year.
The Governor and Secretary continued down the river, and
on the 8th of January, they were at Clarksville, near the foot of
the r'alls, where magistrates were appointed for that portion of
the North-western Territory, now included within the State of
Indiana. From this point, the Governor and Secretary pro-
ceeded by land to Vincennes. Here Major Hamt"amck was in
command. At that period corn was very scarce, aad the peo-
ple were suffering, and the Governor profl^ered to have corn
transported from the Falls, where it was plenty and cheap,
provided the citizens could pay for it. And although he had
no authority from the government, he offered to provide for
the starving who had not means to pay, and trust to the
liberality of Congress.f Such was also the condition of the
inhabitants In the Illinois country.
Governor St. Clair and the Secretary reached Kaskaskia in
February, and soon after organized the county of St. Clair,
• Dillon's Indiana, 1. 232.
t DUlon's Indiana, i. 212.
1788.
1790.
County of St. Clair Organized.
349
appointed magistrates and other civil officers, and directed the
citizens to exhibit to him their titles and claims to the lands
which they held, that they might be confirmed in their
possessions.
As many of the events of Illinois will appear more in de-
tail, in the Appendix, we pass to the annals of the Indian
wars of this period.
The most important and interesting events connected with
the West, from the commencement of 1790 to the close of
1796, were those growing out of these wars. In order to
present them in one unbroken and intelligible story, we shall
abandon for a time our division by single years, and relate the
events of the six referred to as composing one period. But to
render the events of that period distinct, we must recall to
our readers some matters that happened long before.
And in the first place, we would remind them that the
French made no large purchases from the western Indians ; so
that the treaty of Paris, in 1763, transferred to England only
small grants about the various forts, Detroit, Vincennes, Kas-
kaskia, &c. Then followed Pontiac's war and defeat; and
then the grant by the Iroquois at Fort Stanwix, in 1768, of
the land south of the Ohio ; and even this grant, it will be re-
membered, was not respected by those who actually hunted
on the grounds transferred. Next ca.xr.9 the war of 1774, Dun-
more's war, which terminated without any transfer of the
Indian possessions to the whites; and when, at the close of
the Revolution, in 1783, Britain made over her western claims
to the United States, she made over nothing more than she
had received from France, save the title of the Six Nations and
the southern savages to a portion of the territory south of the
Ohio ; as against the Miamies, western Delawares, Shawa-
nese, Wyandots or Hurons, and the tribes still farther north
and west, she transferred nothing. [Mr. Perkins has over-
looked the cession by the Iroquois to Great Britain, of a large
portion of the North- Western Territory in 1701, which they
claimed by right of conquest.] But this, apparently, was
not the view taken by the Congress of the time ; and they,
conceiving that they had, under the treaty with England, a
full right to-all the lands thereby ceded, and regarding the In-
dian title as forfeited by the hostilities of the Revolution, pro-
ceeded, not to buy the lands of the savages, but to grant them
WMi
360
Mode of acquiring Indian lands.
1790-95.
peace, and dictate their own terms as to boundaries.* In
October, 1784, the United States acquired in this way what-
ever title the Iroquois possessed to the western country, both
north and south of the Ohio, by the second treaty of Fort
Stanwi : a treaty openly and fairly made, but one, the va-
lidity 01 vhich, many of the Iroquois always disputed. The
ground of their objection appears to have been, that the treaty
was with a part only of the Indian nations, whereas the wish
of the natives was, that every act of the States with them,
should be as with a confederacy, embracing all the tribes bor-
dering upon the great lakes. Our readers may remember that
the instructions given the Indian Commissioners in October,
1783, provided for one convention with all the tribes ; and
that this provision was changed in the following March for
one, by which as many separate conventions were to be had,
if possible, as there were separate tribes. In pursuance of
this last plan, the Commissioners, in October, 1784, refused to
listen to the proposal which is said then to have been made
for one general congress of the northern tribes, and in oppo-
sition to Brant, Red Jacket and other influential chiefs of the
Iroquois, concluded the treaty of Fort Stanwix. Then came
the treaty of Fort Mcintosh, in January, 1785, with the " Wy-
andot, Delaware, Chippewa and Ottawa nations " — open to
the objections above recited, but the validity of which, so far
as we know, was never disputed, at least by the Wyandots
and Delawares ; although the general council of north-west-
ern Indians, representing sixteen tribes, asserted in 1793, that
the treaties of Fort Stanwix, Fort Mcintosh and Fort Finney,
(mouth of the Great Miami,) were not only held with separate
tribes, but were obtained by intimidation, the red-men having
been asked to make treaties of peace, and forced to make
cessions of territory. The third treaty made by the United
States was with the Shawanese at Fort Finney, in January,
1786 ; which, it will be remembered, the Wabash tribes re-
fused to attend. The fourth and fifth, which were acts of con-
firmation, were made at Fort Harmar, in 1789, one with the
Six Nations, and the other with the Wyandots and their asso-
• See in proof, the Report to Congress of October 15, 1783, (Old Journals, ir. 294;) the
inrttuotions to the Indian Commissioners, October 15th, 1733, (Secret Journals, i. 257;) the
various treaties of 1784, '85, and '86 {ante); General Knox's Report of June 15, 1789,
(American State Papers, v. .3); and the distinct acknowledgment of the oo-^missioneri in
1793, (American State Papers, v. 353.)
1790-95.
Trealy of Fort Harmar.
851
and
ciatcs, namely, the Delawares, Ottawas, Chippewas, Pota-
^Vatamies, and Sacs. This last, fifth treaty, the confederated .
nations of the lake especially, refused to acknowledge as \^
binding : their council using in relation to it, in 1793, these i,
words :
Brothers : A general council of all the Indian confederacy \
was held, as you well know, in the fall of the year 1788, at
this place ; and that general council was invited by your com-
missioner, Governor St. Clair, to meet- him for the purpose ot
holding a treaty, with regard to the lands mentioned by you
to have been ceded by the treaties of Fort Stanwix and Fort
Mcintosh.
Brothers: We are in possession of the speeches and letters
which passed on that occasion, between those deputed by the
confederate Indian. , and Governor St. Clair, the commissioner
of the United States. These papers prove that your said
commissioner, in the beginning of the year 1789, afteThavine;
been informed by the general council, of the preceding tail,
that no bargain or sale of any part of these Indian landa
would be considered as valid or binding, unless agreed to by^^
a general counc'l, nevertheless persisted in collecting together .
a few chiefs of two or three nations only, and with them held S
a treaty for the cession of an immense country, in which they j
were no more interested, than as a branch of the general con-
federacy, and who were in no manner authorized to make any
grant or cession whatever.
Brothers: How then was it possible for you to expect to en-
ioy peace, and quietly to hold these lands, when >;ur <5om-
missioner was informed, long before he held the treaty of Fort |
Harmar, that the consent of a general council v. is absolutely ^
necessary to convey any part of these lands to the Lnited
States.* .
And in 1796, at Greenville, Massas, a Chippewa chieftain,
who signed the treaty at Fort Harmar, said :
Elder Brother: When you yesterday read to us the treaty
of Muskingum, I understood you clearly: at that treaty we
had not good interpreters, and we were left partly unac-
quainted with many particulars of it. I was surprised when
1 heard your voice, through a good interpreter, say that we
had received presents and compensation for those lands which ,
were thereby ceded. I tell you, now, that we. the three fires, ,
never were informed of it. If our uncles, the Wyandots, and
grandfathers, the Delawares, haVe received such presents, they
have kept them to themselves. I always thought that we, ,
the Ottawas, Chippewas, and Potawatamies, were the true ^
» American State Papers, t. p. 358, 36T.
362
Indian relations in 1789.
1789.
owners of those lands, but now I find that new masters have
"" undertaken to dispose of them ; so that, at this day, we do
■ not know to whom they, of right, belong. We never received
any compensation for them. I don't know how it is, but ev».!r
since that treaty we have become objects of pity, and our
fires have been retiring from this country. Now, elder biother,
you see, we are objects of compassion ; and have pity on our
weakness and misfortunes; and, since you ha\e purchased
these lands, we cede them to you : they are yours.
The Wyandots, however, acknowledged even the transfer
made on the Muskingum, to be binding : " Brother,'" said
Tarke, who signed foremost among the representatives of that
tribe at Greenville, and who had also signed at FortHarmar —
You have proposed to us to build our good work on the
treaty of Muskingum : that treaty I have always considered
as formed upon the fairest principles. You took pity on us
Indians. You did not do as our fathers the British agreed
you should. You might by that agreement have taken all our
lands; but you pitied us, and let us hold part. I always
looked upon that treaty to be binding upon the United States
and us Indians.*
The truth in reference to this treaty of Fort Harmar seems
to have been, that the confederated nation, as a whole, did
noi sanction it, and in their council of 1778 could not agree
one with another in relation to it. " I have still my doubts,"
says Brant, before the council met —
I have still my doubts whether we will join or not, some
being no ways inclined for peaceable methods. The Hurons,
Chippewas, Ottawas, Potawatomies, and Delawares, will join
with "IS in trying lenient steps, and having a boundary line
fixed ; and, rather than enter headlong into a destructive war,
will give up a small part of their country. On the other hand,
( the Shawanese, Miamies and Kickapoos, who are now so much
addicted to horse-stealing, that it will be a difficult task to
break them of it, as that kind of business is their best harvest,
will of course declare for war, and not giving up any of their
country, w?..ich, I am afraid, will be the means of our sepa-
rating. They are, I believe, determined not to attend the
'Ttrflftty with the Americans. Still I hope for the best. As the
ra{yor part of the nations are of our opinions, the rest may bo
brought to, as nothing shall be wanting on my part to con-
vince them of their error.f ,
•Americon state Papers, V. p. 570, 671.
tBtone,il.278. - - ,
-w
1789.
msters have
day, we do
i^er received
is, but ev>.!r
;y, and our
der biother,
pity on our
purchased
the transfer
ather,'" said
tives of that
tHarmar —
'ork on the
considered
c pity on us
tish agreed
iken all our
I always
nited States
,rmar seems
whole, did
d not agree
;ny doubts,"
ir not, some
^he Hurons,
es, will join
undary line
Uctive war,
other hand,
ovv so much
cult task to
est harvest,
my of their
f our sepa-
attend the
St. 7\s the
rest may be
lart to con-
1790-95,
Grounds of United States claims.
353
Le Gris, the great chief of the Miamies, in April, 1790, said to
Gamclin, that the Mu.skingum treaty was not made by chiefs
or delegates,* but by young men acting- without authority,
although Tarke, the head of the Wyandots, signed and sanc-
tioned it, as well as Captain Pipe of the Delawares, while
Brant himself was present.f
Thus then stood the relations of the Indians and the United
States in 1789. Transfers of territoiy had been made by the
Iroquois, the Wyandots, the Delawares and the Shawanest,
which were open to scarce any objection ; but the Chippcwas,
Ottawas, Kickapoos, Weas, Piankeshaws, Potawatomies, Eel
River Indians, Kaskaskias, and above all th Miamies, were
not bound by any existing agreement to yield the lands north
of the Ohio. [ If the story of a confederacy being in reality
formed between these nations, and their statement is correct,
which we doubt, then, as they afterwards said, they had for-
bidden the treaty at Fort Harmar, and warned Governor St.
Clair that it would not be binding.] They wished the Ohio
to be a perpetual boundary between the white and red men
of the West, and would not sell a rod of the region north of
it. So strong was this feeling that their young men, they said,
could not be restrained from warfare upon the invading Long
Knives, and thence resulted ^he unceasing attacks upon the
frontier stations and the emigrants. [ Probably they had been
put up to take this ground by the British traders. They were
interested in keeping the Americans from the north side of
the Ohio river, and did much to disaffect these Indians.]
Washington expressed doubts as to the justness of an offen-
sive war upon the tribes of the Wabash and Maumee , ni:!
had the treaty of Fort Harmar been the sole ground whereon
the United States could have claimed of the Indians the
North-wesiern Territory, it may be doubted whether right
would have justified the steps taken in 1790, '91, and '94 ; but
the truth was, that before that treaty, the Iroquois, Delawares,
Wyandots, and Shawanese had yielded the south of Ohio, the
ground on which they had long dwelt ; and neither the sale to^
Putnam and his associates, nor that to Symmes, was intended
to reach beyond the lands ceded. Of this we have proof in
the third article of the ordinance of 1787, passed the day
* American State Papers, v. 91.
tStme, ii. 281.
•*
354
Gamdin's Mission.
1790.
/
before the prnno::t!on to sell to the Ohio Company was for
the first time debated ; which article declares that the lands
of the Indians shall never be taken from them without their
consent. It appears to us, therefore, that the United States
were fully justified in taking possession of the noith-west
shore of the Belle Riviere, and thut without reference to the
treaty at Fort Harmar, which wq will allow to have been, if
the Indians spoke truly, (and they were not contradicted by
the United States commissioners,) morally worthless. But it
also appears to us, that in taking those steps in 1790 and
1791, which we have presently to relate, the federal govern-
ment acted unwisely ; and that it should then, at the outset,
have done what it did in 1793, after St. Clair's terrible defeat,
—namely, it should have sent commissioners of the highest
^ character to the lake tribes, and in the presence of the Britii.'.,
learnt their causes of complaint, and offered fair terms of
compromise. That such a step was wise and just, the govern-
ment acknowledged by its after-action ; and surely none can
question the position that it was more likely to have been
effective before the savages had twice defeated the armies of
the confederacy than afterward. The full bearing of these
remarks will be best seen, however, when the whole tale is
pld, «^nd to that we now proceed.
In June, 1789, Major Doughty, with a hundred and forty
men, began the building of Fort Washington at Cincinnati.
Upon the 29th of December, General Harmar himself came
4ipwn with three hundred additional troops.*
[Having learned from Major Hamtramck, coqimanding at
Vincennes, the hostile feelings of the Wabash ad Maumee
tribes, he left Kaskaskia, on the 11th of June, started for
Fort Washington, and reached that point upon the 13th day
of July.]
The feelings alluded to had been obtained in the following
manner. Washington having desired that great pains should
be taken to learn the real sentiments of the north-western In-
dians, Governor St. Clair instructed Major Hamtramck at
Vincennes, (Fort Knox,) to send some experienced persons to
ascertain the views and feelings of the Miamis and their con-
federates. The person chosen was Anthony Gamelin, an in-
• Cist's Cincinnati Miscellany, ii. 124.
»;
fH
"TT-
— "t
1790.
pany was for
lat the lands
without their
United States
e noith-west
ercnce to the
have been, if
ntradicted by
hless. But it
in 1790 and
deral govern-
at the outset,
errible defeat,
jf the highest
of the BritisU,
fair terms of
it, the govern-
rely none can
to have been
the armies of
iring of these
whole tale is
red and forty
at Cincinnati,
himself came
inmanding at
iid Maumee
le, started for
I the 13th day
1 the following
,t pains should
th-western In-
Jamtramck at
iced persons to
and their con-
amelin, an in-
1790.
Gameliri's Mission.
355
telligent French trader, of Vincennes, who, on the fifth of
April, proceeded upon his mission. The Piankeshaws, Kicka-
poos, and Ouiatenons, (Onias or Weas,) all referred him to
their elder brethren, the Miamis, so that he had to journey on
to the point where the Miamis, Chaouanons,* (Shavvanesc) and '
Dolawares resided ; upon the 23d of April he reached that
point, and upon the 24th assembled the savages.
I gave to each nation, he says, two branches of wampum,
and began the speeches, before the French and English tra-
ders, being invited by the chiefs to be present, having told
them myself I would be glad to have them present, having
nothing to say against any body. After the speech, I showed
them the treaty concluded at Muskingum, (Fort Harmar,) be-
tween his excellency Governor St. Clair and sundry nations,
which displeased them. I told them that the purpose of this
present time was not to submit them to any condition, but to
offer them the peace, which made disappear their pleasure. The
great chief told me that he was pleased with the speech ; that
he would give me an answer. In a private discourse with the
great chief, he told me not to mind what the Shawanese
\vculd tell me, having a bad heai't, and being the perturbators
of all the nations. He said the Miamies had a bad name, on
account of mischief done on the River Ohio ; but he told me
it was not occasioned by his young men, but by the Sha-
wanese ; his young men going out only for to hunt.
The 25lh of April, Blue Jacket, chief warrior of the Sha-
wanese, invited me to go to his house, and told me, " My
friend, by the name and consent of the Shawanese and Dela-
wares I will speak to you. We are all sensible of your
speech, and pleased with Jt : but, after consultation, we can-
not give an answer without hearing from our father at De-
troit ; and we are determined to give you back the two
branches of wampum, and to send you to Detroit to see and
hear the chief, or to stay here twenty nights for to receive his
answer. From all quarters we receive speeches from Ameri-
cans, and not one is alike. We suppose that they intend to
deceive us. Then take back your branches of wampum."
The 26th, five Potawatomies arrived here with two negro '
men, which they sold to English traders. The next day I
went to the great chief of the Miamies, called Les Gris. His
chief warrior was present. I told him how I had been served
by the Shawanese. He answered me that he had hewd of it :
that the said nations had behaved contrary to his intentions.
He desired me not to mind those strangers, and that he would
soon give me a positive answer. . .
• The old French orthography used by CharleTsix and all othei«. ' * ' • i
i.j,iiiiiiii;w>lillirl
356
Gamdiii's Journal.
1790.
The 28th April, tlie great chief desired me to call at the
French trader's and receive his answer. " Don't take bad,"
said he, "of what I am to tell you. You may go back when
you please. vVc cannot give you a positive answer. We
must send your speeches to all our neighbors, and to the lake
nations. We cannot give a definitive answer without con-
sulting the r >mn andant at Detroit." And he desired me to
re r'p hi 'le i.'.vo branches of wampum refused by the
Sh; v:n.. a' CQpy of speeches in writing. Ilepromised
me ;i:>l, i « ; U-. y nights, he would send an answer to Tost
Vinc^ ! •. ly a young man of each tiation. lie was well
pleaseu a ith tl; '»ecches, and said to be worthy of attention,
and should be couhj unicated to all their confederates, having
resolved among them not to do anything without an unani
mous consent. I agreed to his requisitions, and rendered him
the two branches of wampum, and a copy of the speech.
Afterwards, he told me that the Five Nations, so called, or
Iroquois, were training something ; that five of them, and
three Wyandots, were in this village with branches of wam-
pum. He could not tell me presently their purpose ; but he
said I would know of it very soon.
The same day. Blue Jacket, chief of the Shawanese, invited
me to his house for supper ; and, before the other chiefs, told
me that, after another deliberation, they thought necessary
that I should go myself to Detroit, for to see the .commandant,
who would get all his children assembled for to hear my
speech. I told them I would not answer them in the night :
that I was not ashamed to speak before the sun.
The 29th April I got them all assembled. I told them that
T was not to go to Detroit : that the speeches were directed to
the nations of the river Wabash and the Miami ; and that, for
to prove the sincerity of the speech, and the heart of Governor
St. Clair, I have willingly given a copy of the speeches, to be
shown to the commandant of Detroit : and, according to a
letter wrote by the commandant of Detroit to the Miamies,
Shawanese, and Delawares, mentioning to you to be peacea-
ble with the Americans, I would go to him very willingly, if it
was in my directions, being sensible of his sentiments. I told
them I had nothing to say to the commandant ; neither him to
me. You must immediately resolve, if you intend to take
me to Detroit, or else I am to go back as soon as possible.
Blue Jacket got up and told me, " My friend*, we are well
pleased with what you say. Our intention is not to force you
to go to Detroit : it is only a proposal, thinking it for the best.
Our answer is the same as the Miamies. \Ve will send, in
thirty nights, a full and positive answer, by a young rnan of
each nation, by writing, to Post Vincennes." In the evening.
Blue Jacket, chief of the Shawanese, having taken me to sup-
per with him, told me, in a private manner, that the Sha-
1790.
ne to call at the
■ Don't take bad,"
lay go back when
ive answer. We
.s, and to the lake
vver uithout con-
he desired me to
n refused by the
ing. He promised
I answer to I'ost
m. lie Avas well
)rthy of attention,
ifederatcs, having
without an unani
and rendered him
y of the speech,
ions, so called, or
ive of them, and
)ranches of wam-
purpose ; but he
lawanese, invited
other chiefs, told
bought necessary
the .commandant,
for to hear my
lem in the night :
sun.
I told them that
s were directed to
imi ; and that, for
heart of Governor
tie speeches, to be
I, according to a
t to the Miamies,
you to be peacea-
^ery willingly, if it
entiments. I told
it ; neither him to
lU intend to take
soon as possible,
end*, we are well
Is not to force you
ing it for the best.
We will send, in
a young man of
' In the evening,
f taken me to sup-
er, that the Sha-
ll 90.
GamcHn's Journal.
357
wanese nation was in doubt of the sincerity of the Big Knives,
so called, having been already deceived by them. That they
had first destroyed their lands, put out their lire, and .sent
away their young men, being a hunting, without a mouthful
of meat : also, had taken away their women ; wherefore,
many of them would, with a great deal of pain, forget these
affronts. Moreover, that some other nations were apprehend-
ing that otlers of peace would, may be, tend to take away,
by degrees, their lands ; and would serve them as they did be-
fore : a certain proof that they intend to encroach on our
lands, is their new settlement on the Ohio. If they don't keep
this side (of the Ohio) clear, it will never be a proper recon-
cilement with the nations Shawanese, Iroquois, Wyandots,
and, perhaps many others. Le Oris, chief of the Miamies,
asked me, in a private discourse, what chief had made a
treaty with the Americans at Muskingum, (Fort Harmar.) I
answe'-ed him, that their names were mentioned in the treaty.
lie told me he had heard of it some time ago ; but they are
not chiefs, neither delegates, who made that treaty : they are
only young men, wlfio without authority and instructions from
their chiefs, have concluded that treaty, which will not be ap-
proved. They went to the treaty clandestinely, and they in-
tend to make uention of it in the next council to be held.*
On the 8th of May, Gamelin returned to Fort Knox, and
on the 11th, some traders from the Upper Wabash arrived,
bringing ;?ews ihat parties from the north had joined the
Wabash sav.-^c""*; that the whole together had already gone
to war upon the Americans ; and that three days after Game-
lin left the Miamis, an American captive had been burned in
their village :t all which things so plainly foretold trouble on
the frontier, that St. Clair, as we have stated, hastened to
Fort Washington to concert with General Harmar a campaign
into the country of the hostile tribes.
Before we proceed with the history of Harmar's campaign,
however, it seems proper to give in one view all that we
know relative to the agency of the British in keeping up In-
dian hostility after the peace of 1783.
Most of the tribes, as our readers have seen, adhered to
England during the Revolutionary struggle. When the war
ceased, however, Fngland made no provision for them, and
transferred the Northwest to the United States, without any
stipulation as to the rights of the natives. The United States,
* American State Papers, v. p. 93.
t American State Papers, v. 87. ■ _
Ill I*-
' »
368
Agency of Britain.
1790.
^1
rogiirding the lands of the hostile tribes as comiucred nnd for-
feited, proceeded to give peace to the savnges, and to ^rant
thcin portions of their own lands. This produced discontent,
and led to the formation of the confclerncy headed by lirant.*
To assist the purposes of this union, it was very (hsiralile that
the British should still hold the posts along the lakes, and sup-
ply the red men with all needful things. The forts they
claimed a right to hold, because the Americans disregarded
the treaty of 1783 ; the trade with the Indians, even though
the latter might be at war with the United States, they
regarded as perfectly fair and just. Having thus a sort of
Icgul right to the position they occupied, the JJritish did, lui-
doubtedly and purposely, aid and abet the Indians hostile to
tlie United States. In 1785, after the formation of his confed-
eracy, Urantwcnt to i^ngland, and his arrival was thus an-
nounced in the London prints :
This extraordinary personage is said to have presided at
the late grand Congress of confederate chiefs of the Indian
nations in America, and to be by them appointed to the con-
duct ard chief command in the war which they now meditate
against the United States of America. lie took his departure
for Enjjland immediately as that assembly broke up ; and it
is conjectured that his embassy to the British Courtis of great
,, importance. This country owes much to the services of
" Colonel Brant during the late war in America. He was edu-
/ cated at IMiiladelphia ; is a very shrewd, intelligent person,
possesses great courage and abilities as a warrior, and is in-
violably attached to the British nation.f
On the 4th of January, I78G, he visited Lord Sidney, the
Colonial Secretary, and after plainly and boldly stating the
trouble of the Indians at the forgetfulness of Britain — the en-
croachments of the Americans — and their fear of serious
consequences, i. e. war, he closed with these words :
This w^e shall avoid to the utmost of our power, as dearly
as we love our lands. But should it, contrary to our wishes,
happen, we desire to know whether we are to be considered
as His Majesty's faithful allies, and have that support and
countenance such as old and true frienJs expect.J
The English minister returned a perfectly non-committal
\ answer; and when the Mohawk chieftain, upon his return,
'met the confederated natives in November, 1786, he could
» Ileekowelder'a Narrative, 379. Stone's Life of Brant, u. 247. 210.
t St'ono, ii. 249. % IbW, 254. -;- .
1790.
oiKjuored and for-
ages, nnd to f^raiit
)duccd discontent,
hpfuU'd by lirant.*
ery drHirable that
he lakes, and sup-
, The forts they
ricnns disregarded
ians, even though
litcd States, they
ng tlius a sort <jf
he JJritisli did, iin-
Iiidians hostile to
tion of his confed-
ival was thus an-
have presided at
icfs of the Indian
lointcd to the eon-
;hey now meditate
took his departure
broke up ; and it
sh Courtis of great
o the services of
ica. He was edu-
intelligent person,
.varrior, and is in-
Lord Sidney, the
boldly stating the
if Britain — the en-
ir fear of serious
le words :
• power, as dearly
rary to our wishes,
'e to be considered
that support and
cpect.J
itly non-committal
1, upon his return,
er, 1786, he could
247. 240.
1790.
Brant's Movements.
359
give them no distinct assurances of aid frnm I'-iiKJand. lUit
while all definite promises were avoided, men situJited as
John .l(dinson, the Indian superintendent, did not hesitate to
write to him —
Do not suffer an idea to hold a place in your mind, that
it will be for your interest to sit still and see the Ameri-
cans attempt the posts. It is for your sakes cijielly, if not
entirely, that we hold them. If you become indilferent
about them, they may perhaps be given up; what security
would you then have ? You would be left at the mercy
of a people whose blood calls aloud for revenge ; whereas,
by sup|)orting them, you encourage us to hold them, and en-
courage the new sctllements, already considerable, and every
day increasing by numbers coming in, who tind they can't
live in tlie States. Many thousands arc preparing to come
\ii. This increase of his Alajesty's .subjects will serve as a
protection for you, should the subjects of the States, by en-
deavoring to make furtlier encroachments on you, disturb
your (juiet.*
This letter was written in March, 1787 ; and two months
afterwards. Major Matthews, who had been in the suite of
the Government of Canada, Lord Dorcluister, after being ap-
pointed to command at Detroit, speaks still more explicitly,
and in the Governor's name also : " Ufa Lordship was sorry to
learn," he says —
That while the Indians were soliciting his assistance in their
preparations for war, some of the Six Nations had sent depu-
ties to Albany to treat with the Americans, who, it is said,
have made a treaty with them, granting permission to nuike
roads lor the purpose of coming to Niagara ; but that, not-
withstanding these things, the Indians should have their
presents, as they are marks of the King's approbation of their
former conduct. In future his lordship wishes them to act as
is best for their interest; he cannot begin a war with the
Americans, because some of their people encroach and make
depredations upon parts of the Indian country; but they must
see it is his lordship's intention to defend the po.sts ; and that
while these are preserved, the Indians must find great secur-
ity therefrom, and consequently the Americans greater diffi-
culty in taking possession of their lands; but should they once
become masters of the posts, .hey will surround the Indians,
and accomplish their purpose with little trouble. From a
consideration of all which, it therefore remains with the In-
dians to decide what is most for their own interest, and to let
his lordship know their determination, that he may take his
• Btone, ii, 268,
HaiN*iiM
360
liritish Vines,
1790.
nu>nsurps nccordinRly ; but, whatever their rcHolutioii i«, it
sJioiild Uv taken us by otw unci the same pt'oplc, by wliich
inoims they will 1)(' rosprctcd uiul Ijocuiiio stroiiy ; but if they
ilividf, hih'I ait one pint iigainst thi; otlicr, tht-y will become^
weak, aiul lnl|) to destroy each other. This is n substaiico of
what his lordship desired ine to tell you, and 1 reciuest you
will Kive his sentiments that mature consideration which their
justice, Kfi»'>'"«'ty. «ii>'l desire to promote the welfare and
happiness of the Indians, must appear to nil the world to
merit. , . 1 1 11
In your letter to me, you seem apprehensive that tlie Eng-
lish are not very anxious about the defence of the posts. You
will soon be satisfied that they have nothing more at heart,
provided that it continues to be the wish of the Indians, and
that they remain firm in doing their part of the business, by
pnnenting the Americans from coming into their country,
and conseiiuently from marching to the posts. On the other
hand, if the Indians think it more for their interest that the
Americans should have Po.-«session of the posts, and be estab-
lished in their country, they ought to declare it, that the Eng-
lish need no longer be put to the vast and unnecessary expense
and inconvenience of keeping posts, the chief object of which
is to protect their Indian allies, and the loyalists who have
sutl'cred with them. It is well known that no encroachments
ever have or ever will be made by the English upon the lands
or property of the Indians in consetiucnce of possessing the
posts; how far that will be the case if ever the Americans get
into them, may very easily be imas;incd, li-om their hostile
perseverance, even without that advantage, in driving the
'ndians off their lands and taking possession of them.*
These assurances on the part of the British, and the delay of
Con'Tcss in replying to the address of the confederated na-
tions, dated December, 1786, led to the general council of
1788 ; but the divisions in that body, added to the uncertain
support of the English government, at length caused Brant
for a time to give up his interest in the efTorts of the western
natives, among whom the Miamies thenceforth took the lead ;
although, as our extracts from Gamelin's journal show, a true
spirit of union did not, even in 1790, prevail among the
various tribes. [Some of the Delawares and Miamies so far
quarrelled, that the former left the Miami country, and settled
in Upper Louisiana.] At that time, however, the British in-
fluence over the Miamies and their fellows, war, 'n no degree
lessened, as is plain from the entire reference of their affairs,
* Seo Stune, Ui. 271.
r.>jj^.M^Pi
mm
«i
-'"ir'i'r**' — ""-nrn
1790.
solutidii is, it
pic, by wliich
,' ; l)Ut if thi'y
,' will become
i substfiiico of
1 rccjuest you
>n wliich tlicir
! wcllarc and
the world to
that the Kng-
le posts. You
iiore at heart,
B Indians, and
ic business, by
their country,
On the other
lereat that the
and be cstab-
that the Eng-
Bssary expense
•bject of which
lists who have
Encroachments
apon the lands
possessing the
Americans get
n their hostile
in driving the
■ them.*
id the delay of
ifederated na-
sral council of
the uncertain
caused Brant
of the western
took the lead ;
al show, a true
nil among the
Miamies so far
try, and settled
the British in-
ir, *n no degree
}f iheir affairs,
1790.
Ihilinh Aiitnts urge Itulians to W'nr
lun
when (Jamrlin went to tlirni, to the commandant at Detroit.
Nnr can we wonder at the hold possessed ijver the red men by
the English, when such wretches n,s McKro, Elliott anddirty,*
were the go-betweens, the channels of intercourse.
In 1773, the Uev. 1). Jones found Alexander iMitKce living
about three miles from I'aint Oei^k, Ohio, among the Shaw-
aiiese. (See his .loumal in (list's Cincinnati Miscellany, i. '2&2.)
On tlie jJ9th of February, 177G,Col. Butler, the refugee hero
of Wyoming and Indian ag«'nt for England, wrote to AlcKee,
then residing as Indian agent at Eortl'itt, to come to Niagara;
in consequence of which the committee of Western Augusta,
obliged him to bind himself to have nothing to do with the
Indians on account of (ireat Britain ; and this parole t'on-
gre.ss accepted. (American Archives, fourth series, v. 818,
820, 1C92.— Old Journals, ii. G7.) In 1778, however, he left
I'ittsburgh with Simon Ciirty, Matthew Elliott and others, to
join the British. (lleeUewelder's Narrative, 170.) He l)e-
came a Colonel, and was a leader among the north-west In-
dians from that time till his death. lie had stores at the
Falls of the Maumee. (See American State papers, v. "243.
351.) Some of his letters were taken at Proctor's defeat in
1813. (See Armstrong's Notices, i. appendix No. 2 , 188. —
Brown's History of War of 1812, ii. appendix.) Matthew
Elliott had been a trader ; in 1770 he was taken by the Brit-
ish and joined them, for which he received a Captain's com-
mi.ssion. In 1790-96 he lived at the mouth of Detroit river,
and carried on trade and farming. (See lleckewelder's Nar-
rative, 147, 170.)
It is hard to say how far the British agents aided the savages
in 1790 and 1791. The following is from a certificate by
Thomas Rhea, taken by the Indians in May, 1781, and who
escaped in June. He is stated to have been untrustworthy,
(American State Papers, v. 196,) but his account is in part
confirmed by otlicj; evidence.
At this jilace, the Miami, were Colonels Brant and McKee,
with his son Thomas ; and Captains Bunbury and Silvie, of
the British troops. These oflicers, &;c., were all encamped on
the south side of the Miami, or Ottawa river, at the rapids
above Lake Ei , about eighteen miles; they had clever
houses, built elm lly by the Potawatomies and other Indians;
in these they had stores of goods, with arms, ammunition, and
provision, which tli"y issued to the Indians in great abun-
dance, viz : corn, pork, peas, &c. The Indians came to this
place in parties of one, two, three, four, and five hundred at
a time, from different quarters, and received from Mr. McKee
and the Indian officers, clothing, arms, ammunition, provisions,
* Girty we liave already spoken of. Alexander McKce, (sometimes written MeKay and
McOce) WM an Indian agent before the Revolution.
23
;»
362
British Supply Indians.
1790.
Mt
1^^
&c., and set out immediately for the upper Miami towns,
where they understood the forces of the United States were
bending their course, and in order to supply the Indians
from other quarters collected there, pirogues, loaded wiih the
above mentioned articles, were sent up the Miami river,
wrought by French Canadians. About the last of May, Cap-
tain 8ilvie purchased me from the Indians, and I staid with
him at this place till the 4th of June, (the King's birth day.)
when I was sent to Detroit. Previous to leaving the Miami
river, I saw one Mr. Dick, who, with his wife, was taken
' prisoner near Pittsburgh, in the Spring — I believe, by the
Wyandots. Mr. McKee was about to purchase Mr. Dick from
the Indians, but found it difficult. Mrs. Dick w as separated
from him, and left at a village at some distance from this
place. 1 also saw a young boy, named Brittle, (Brickell, pro-
bably, see his narrative, American Pioneer, i. 43,) who was
taken in the spring, from near a mill, (Capt. O'Hara's,) near
Pittsburgh, his hair was cut, and he was dressed and armed
for war ; could not get .speaking to him. About the 5th of June,
in the Detroit river, I met from sixty to one hundred canoes,
in three parties, containing a large party of Indian.s, who ap-
peared to be very wild and uncivilized ; they wer ' dressed
chiefly in buffalo and other skin blankets, with otter skin and
other fur breech cloths, armed with bows and arrows, and
spears ; they had no guns, and seemed to set no store by them,
or know little of their use, nor had they any inclination to re-
ceive them, though ofl'ered to them. They said they were
three moons on their way. The other Indians called them
Manitocs. About this time there was a field day of the troops
at Detroit, which I think is from five to six hundred in num-
ber; the next day a field day of the French militia tock
place, and one hundred and fifty of the Canadians, with some
others, turned out volunteers to join the Indian.*;, and were to
set off the 8th for the Miami village, with thdr own horses,
after being plentifully supplied with arms and ammunition,
clothing, and provisions, &c., to fit them for the march. While
I was at the Miami or Ottawa river, as they call it, 1 had
mentioned to Col. McKee, and other cfficers, that 1 had seen
Col. Procter on his way to Fort Franklin ; that I understood
that he was on his way to the Miami, or tiandu^ky, with some
of the Senecas, and that he expected the Cornplantcr would
accompany him, in order to settle matters with the hostile
nations; and that he expected to get shipping at Fort Erie, to
bring him and those people to the Miami, or Sandusky, &:c.
That the officers, in their conversation with each other, said,
if they were atFort Erie, he should get no shipping there &c.-
That the Mohawks and other Indians, that could speak English,
declare that if he (meaning Col. Procter,) or any other Yan-
kee messenger, came there, they should never carry messages
1790.
r Miami towns,
ted kStates were
plj- the Indians
loaded wiih the
le Miami river,
;ist of May, Cap-
in d I staid with
ing's birth day.)
Lving the Miami
vife, was taken
believe, by the
;e Mr. Dick from
: was separated
stance from this
e, (Brickell, pro-
i. 43,) who was
O'Hara's,) near
;ssed and armed
; the 5th of June,
hundred canoes,
ndian8, who ap-
;y wer ^ dressed
;h otter skin and
ind arrows, and
lo store by them,
inclination to re-
said they were
ma called them
day of the troops
hundred in nuni-
nch militia tock
dians, with some
ans, and were to
lidr own horses,
nd ammunition,
le march. While
ley call it, 1 had
, that 1 had seen
hat I understood
dusky, with some
jrnplanter would
with the hostile
g at Fort Erie, to
jr Sandusky, &c.
each other, said,
lipping there &e.-
lid speak English.
? any other Yan-
r carry messages
1790.
Views of the Indians.
363
back. This was frequently expressed by the Indians ; and
Simon Girty, and a certain Patt Hill, declared Procter should
not return, if he had a hundred Senecas with him; and many
other such threats were used, and every movement, appear-
ance, and declaration, seemed hostile to the United States.
And I understood that Col. McKec, and the other officers, in-
tended only to stay at the Miami till they had furnished the
war parties of Indians with the necessaries mentioned above,
to fit them for war, and then would return to Detroit. That
Elliott had returned to Detroit, and Simon Girty, and that
Girty declared he would go and join the Indians, and that
Capt. Elliott told him he was going the next day, with a boat
load of goods for the Indians, and that Girty might have a
passage with him. That on the 7th of June, the ship Dun-
more sailed for Fort Erie . in which I got a passage. We ar-
rived there in four days. About the 12th of .Tune I saw taken
into this vessel, a number of cannon, eighteen pounders, with
other military stores, and better ihan two companies of artil-
lery troops, destined, as I understood, for Detroit and the up-
per posts; some of the artillery-men had to remain behind,
for want of room in the vessel. I have just recollected that,
while I was at the Ottawa river, I saw a party of warriors
come in M'ith the arms, accoutrements, clothing, &c., of a
sergeant, corporal, and, they said, twelve men, whom they had
killed in some ~f the lower posts on the Ohio ; that a man of
the Indian department offered me a coat, which had a number
of bullet and other holes in it, and was all bloody, which I re-
fused to take, and Col. McKee then ordered me clothes out of
the Indian store." (Amer. State papers, v. 196.) ; :'
"You invite us," said one of the war-chiefs to Gamclin, "to
stop our young men. It is impossible to do it, being con-
stantly encouraged by the British."
"We confess," said another Indian, "that we accepted the
axe, but it is by the reproach we continually receive fi-om the
English and other nations, which received the axe fir.st, calling
us women ; at the present time, they invite our young men to
war; as to the old people, they are wishing for peace."*
Every peaceful message from the officers of the crown
was stopped on its way to the excited children of the forest; but
every word of a hostile character, exaggerated and added to.
At the time of Gamelin's mission, the spring of 1790, before
any act of hostility on the part of the United States had made
reconciliation impossible, before th(j success of the savages
had made their demands such as could not be granted, we can-
not but think it would have been true wisdom to have .sent to
the northern tribes, not an Indian trader, but such a represen-
* American State Papers, v. 9."!.
mmmm
Slate of the Kentucky Troops.
1790.
tation as was sent three years later. Such, howuver, was not
the course pursued. Governor St. Clair, unrier the acts of
Congress passed the previous year, on the *5th of July, called
upon Virginia for one thousand, and uj'jn Pennsylvan'ii for
five hundred militia. Of these, three aundred were to meet
at Fort Steub-ii (Jeffersonville) to pld the troops from Fort
Knox (Vincennes) against the Weas and Kickapoos of the
Wabash; seven hundred .were lo gather at Fort Washington,
(Cincinnati) ; and five hundrer. just below Wheeling ; the two
latter bodies being iiiteni'ed l.o march with the federal troops,
from Fort Washinrjio.i, under General Harmai, against the
towns at the junction of the St. Mary and St. Joseph.* The
Kentucky militia men began to come in at Fort Washington
about the middle of September, the 15th beingtheday named.
Of their fitness foi' service, we may judge by Major Ferguson's
t\idcncei
They were very illy equipped, being almost destitute of
camp kettles and axes; nor could a supply of these -issential
articles be procured. Their arms were, generally, very bad,
and unfit for service ; as 1 was the commanding officer of ar-
tillery, they came under my inspection, in making what repairs
the time would permit; and as a specimen of their badness,
I would inform the court, that a rifle was brought to be re-
paired witho>..t a lock, and another without a stock. I often
asked the owners what induced tnem to think thiit those guns
could be repaired at that time ? And they gave me for an-
swer, that they vreie told in Kentucky that all repairs would
be made at Fort Washington. Many of the officers told me,
that they had no idea of there being half the number of bad
arms in the whole district of Kentucky, as was then in the
hands of their men. As soon as the principal part of the
Kentucky militia arrived, the General began to organize thern ;
in this he had many difficulties to encounter. 'Colonel Trotter
aspired to the command, although Colonel Hardin was the
eldest officer, and in this he was encouraged both by men and
officers, who openly declared, unless Colonel Trotter com-
manded them, they would return home. After two or three
dsys the business was settled, and they [i. «3. the Kentucky
n\en] were formed into three battalions, under the command
of Colonel Trotter, and Colonel Hardin had the command of
all the militia, [both Pennsylvania and Virginia.] As soon as
they were arranged, they were mustered , crossed the Ohio,
and, on the 26th, marched, and encamped about ten miles
from Fort Washington. The last of the Pennsylvania militia
• American State Papers, r. 94, 92.
1790.
•jver, was not
3r the acts of
)f July, called
insylvan'it for
were to meet
)ps from Fort
kapoos of the
t Washington,
iling ; the two
federal troops,
,1, against the
oseph. * The
•t Washington
he day named,
jor Ferguson's
3t destitute of
these •essential
ally, very bad,
J officer of ar-
gwhat repairs
their badness,
ught to be re-
stock. I often
hilt those guns
ve me for an-
repairs would
Hcers told me,
mmbcr of bad
as then in the
al part of the
)rganize them ;
lolonel Trotter
[ardin was the
th by men and
Trotter corn-
two or three
the Kentucky
the command
>e command of
.] As soon as
issed the Ohio,
lout ten miles
rlvania militia
1790.
Expedition against the Miami Villages.
365
arrived on the 25th September. They were equipped nearly
as the Kentucky militia, but were worse armed ; several were
without any. The General ordered all the arms in store to
be delivered to those who had none, and to those .whose guns
could not be repaired. Amongst the militia were a great
many hardly able to bear arms, such as old, infirm men, and
young boys ; they were not such as might be expected from a
frontier country, that is, the smart active woodsman, well ac-
customed to arms, eager and alert to revenge the injuries done
them and their connexions. No, there were a great number
of them substitutes, who probably had never fired a gun.
Major Paul, of Pennsylvania, told me, that many of his men
ware so awkward, that they could not take their gun locks oflf
to oil them, and put them on again, nor could they put in their
flints so as to be useful; and even of such materials, the num-
Lers came far short of what was ordered, as may be seen by
the returns.*
Trouble had been anticipated from the aversion of the
frontier men to act with regular troops ; General Harmar had
been warned on the subject by the Secretary of War — and
every pains had been taken to avoid the evils apprehended.
Notice had also been given to the British that the troops col-
lected were to be used against the Indians alone, so that no
excuse might be given McKee & Co., for co-operation ;t and
when upon the 30th Sept^hiber Harmar left Fort Washing-
ton every step seemed to have been taken which experience
or judgment could suggest to secure the success of the expedi-
tion. The same seems to have been true of the march, the
Court of Inquiry held in 1791, having approved every ar-
largement. On the 13th of October, the army being then \
I flirty or thirty-five miles from the Miami villages, it was de- \
vermined, in consequence of information given by a captured
Indian, to send forward Colonel John Hardin with a detach-
ment of six hundred militii. men, and one company of regu-
lars, to surprise the enemy, and keep them in their ions until
the main body could come up with the artillery.
The troops were organized and moved forward, as follows :
" The Kentuckians composed three battalions, under the
the Majors Hall,McMullen and Bay, with Lieutenant Colonel
Commandant Trotter at their head. The Pennsylvanians
were formed into one battalion, under Lieutenant Colonel
Trubley and Majbr Paul, the whole to be commanded by
* American State Papers, xii. 20.
t American State Papers, v. 96. 100.
.! ;,
■MMMIMbM
•MMiMMiMWIittU
ini #i ir > rj i
866
Expedition against the Miami Villa^^.s.
1790.
Colonel John Hardin, subject to the orders of General Ilar-
mar. The 30th, the General having got forward all the sup-
plies that he expected, he moved out with the federal troops,
formed into two small battalions, under the immediate com-
mand of Major Wyllys and Major Doughty, together with
Captain Ferguson's company of artillery, and three pieces of
ordnance. On the 3d of October, General Harmar joined
the advanced troops early in the morning ; the remaining
part of the day was spent in forming the line of march, the
order of encampment and battle, and explaining the same to
the militia field officers. General Harmar's orders will show
the several formations. On the 4th, the army took up the
order of march as is described in the orders. On the 6th, a
reinforcement of horsemen and mounted infantry joined from;
Kentucky. The dragoons were formed into two troops ; the
mounted riflemen made a company, and this small battalion
of light troops were put under the command of Major
Fontaine.
The whole of General Harmar's command then may b.,
stated thus :
3 battalions of Kentucky militia, ^
1 do. Pennsylvania do. V 113;^
1 do. Light troops mounted do. )
2 do. Federal troops, - - - . 3i;,0
Total, - - - - • - - - 453
(American State Papers, xii. 24. 30. to 33 )
On the 14th this party riP.-ched forward, and upon the next
day about three o'clock reuvluu lio villages, but thev were
deserted. On the .. irning . ; the 17 ', the main army arriv-
ed, and the work of destrucu.;* omuienced ; by the 21st, the
chief town, five other villages, and nearly twenty thousand
bushels of corn in ears, had been destroyed. When Harmar
reached the Maumee towns and found no enemy, he thought
of pushing forward to attack the Wea and other Indian set-
tlements upon the Wabash, but was prevented by the loss both
of pack horses and cavalry horses, which the Indians seem to
have stolen in quantities to suit themselves, in consequence of
the wilful carelessness of the owners, who made the United
States pay first for the use of their nags, then for the nags
themselves. The Wabash plan being dropped, Colonel Trot-
er was dispatched with three hundred men to scour the
woods in search of an enemy, as the tracks of women and
*ibildren had be. n seen near by ; and we cannot give a better
'
.s. 1790.
General Ilar-
d all the sup-
ederal troops,
nediate rom-
together with
iree pieces of
armar joined
le remaining
of march, the
g the same to
ers will show
took up the
On the 6th, a
y joined from
troops ; the
nail battalion
nd of Major
then may h:,
V 113a
)
- . 3i;,0
453
. 30. to 33 )
upon the next
lut thev were
n army arriv-
f the 21st, the
;nty thousand
V^hen Harmar
ly, he thought
ler Indian set-
f the loss both
dians seem to
onsequence of
le the United
1 for the nags
Colonel Trot-
to scour the
f women and
t give a better
1790. Deslruclion nf Villages and other Property. 367
idea of the utter want of discipline in the army, than by some
extracts from the evidence ol Lieutenant (afterwards Captain)
Armstrong ; this gentleman was with Trotter during the 18th
of October, and also with Hardin, who, on the 19th, took the
command, General Harmar being much dissatisfied with
Trotter's ineffective Indian chase of the previous day.*
After we had proceeded about a mile, says Armstrong, the
cavalry gave chase to an Indian, who was mounted, him they
overtook and killed. Before they returned to the column a ,
second appeared, on which the four field officers left then- \
commands and pursued, leaving the troops near half an hour
without any directions whatever. The cavalry came across
the second Indian, and, afl or he had wounded one of their
party, killed him also. When the infantry came up to this
place they immediately fell into confusion, upon which I
•'■ained permission to leave them some distance on the road,
where I fcirmed an ambuscade. After I had been some time at
my station, a fellow on horseback came to me, who had lost
the party in pursuit of the first Indian ; he was much frighten-
ed, and said he had been pursued by fifty mounted Indians.
On my telling this story to Colonel Trotter, notwithstanding
my observations to him, he changed his route, and marched in
various directions until night, when he returned to camp.
On our arrival in camp. General Harmar sent for me, and
after asking me many questions, ordered one subaltern and
twenty militia to join my command. With these I reached the
river St. Joseph about ten at night, and with a guide proceed-
ed to an Indian town, about two miles distant, where I con-
tinued with my party until the morning of the nineteenth.
About nine o'clock I joined the remainder of the detachment
under Colonel Hardin. We marched on the route Colonel
Trotter had pursued the day before", and after passing a.
morass about five miles distant, we came to where the eneniy
had encamped the day before. Here we made a short halt,
and the commanding officer disposed. of the parties at a dis-
tance from each other ; after a halt of half an hour, we were
ordered to move on, and Captain Faulkner's company was
left on the ground ; the Colonel having neglected giving him
orders to move on. After we had proceeded about three
miles, we fell in with two Indians on foot, who threw off their
packs, and the brush being thick, made their escape. I th
asked Colonel Hardin whei.- Captain Faulkner was? i
■ said he was lost, and then sent Major Fontaine with part of
the cavalry in search of him, and moved on with the remain-
der of the troops. Some time after, I informed Colonel Har-
din a gun had ffred in our front, which might be considered as
* See the statements of Miyor Fergu«on and Lieutenant Denny, in American Bute
Papery xii. 21, 25; also, Cist's MiscellaDy, i. 195, 196.— Erf.
j i O i i i ii m ii - «.> .■ <i Jtj i «M i w ii«>Wi
ijglll'rt-""-'^"^"
aMi*MfiaMM<
■*•>*«■ '«lii^NM«lt*i*'
-"•"^fp'owiir-
l» '.
nti
til
368 Ferguson's Account of llarmai's First Action. 1790.
an alarm gun, ami that I saw where a horse had come down
the road, and return 'd again; but the Colonel still moved on,
giving no orders, nor making any arrangements for an attack.
Some time after, I discovered the enemy s fires at a distance,
and informed the Colonel, who replied; that they would not
fight, and rode in front of the advance, until fired on from
behind the fires ; when he, the Colonel, retreat* d, and with
him all the militia except nine, who continued with me, and
were instantly killed, with twenty-four of the federal troops ;
seeing my last man fall, and being surrounded by the savages,
I threw myself into a thicket, and remained there three hours
in day-light ; during that time I had an opportunity of seeing
the enemy pass and re-pass, and c>jnceived their numbers did
not amount to one hundred men ; some were mounted, others
armed with rifies, and the advance with tomahawks only. I
am of opinion that had Colonel Trotter proceeded, on the
18th, agreeably to his orders, having killed the enemy's sen-
tinel's, he would have burprised their camp, and with ease de-
feated them; or had Colonel Hardin arranged his troops, or
made any military disposition, on the 19th, that he would
have gained a victory. Our defeat I, therefore, ascribe to
, two causes; the unofficer-like conduct of Colonel Hardin,
Xvvbo, I believe, was a brave man,) and the cowardly be-
havior of the militia ; many of them tl ^w down their arms
loaded, and I believe that none, e':?ept ihe party under my
command, fired a gun.*
At this time, probably, the jealousy between the regulars
and militia which had been anticipated, and which had
threatened trouble at Fort Washington, began effectually to
work mischief; the regular troops disliked to be commanded
by Trotte"' and Hardin, the army officers despised the militia,
and the militia hating them, were impatient under the con-
trol of Harmar and his staff". Again, the rivalry between
Trotter and Hardin was calculated to make the elements of
discord cind disobedience yet more wide-spread ; so that all
true confidence between the officers and men was destroyed,
and with it, of necessity, all true strength.
But though tho troops had been disappointed and defeated,
the houses and crops had been burned and wasted, and upon
the 21st of October, the army commenced its homeward
march. But Hardin was not easy under his defeat, and the
night of the 21st being favorable, he proposed to Hartnar to
p«";\d back a detachment to the site of the villages just de-
stroyed, supposing the savages would have already returned
* Amerioan State Fapeti, xii. p. 26.
mmm
mm-
Acliun. 1790.
Jtl come down
■ilill moved on,
for an attack.
at a distance,
ley would not
fired on from
ut<:d, and with
with me, and
federal troops ;
ly the savages,
:re three hours
nity of seeing
ir numbers did
ounted, others
awks only. I
eeded, on the
; enemy's sen-
with ease de-
1 his troops, or
hat he would
re, ascribe to
lonel Hardin,
cowardly be-
wn their arms
rty under my
I the regulars
:l which had
eflectually to
e commanded
:d the militia,
nder the con-
airy between
e elements of
1 ; so that all
vas destroyed,
and defeated,
ted, and upon
its homeward
jfeat, and the
o Harmar to
ages just de-
;ady returned
^m
1790.
Jealousy between ific Regulars and M'dilia.
369
thither. The Cfncral was not very willing to try farther ex-
periments, but Hardin urged him, and at last obtained an
order for tliree hundred and forty militia, of which forty
were mounted, and sixty regular troops ; the former under
Hardin himself, the latter under Major Wyllys. How they
fared shall be told by Captain Asheton, an actor in the affray.
The detachment marched in three columns, the federal
troops in the centi-e, at the head of which I was posted, with
Major Wyliys and Colonel Hardin in my front; the militia
formed the columns to tlxj right and left. From delays, oc-
casioned by the militia's halting, we did not reach the banks
of the Omee [Maumee] till some time after sunrise. The ,
spies then discovered the enemy, and reported to Major '
Wyllys, who halted the federal troops, and moved the militia
on some distance in front, where he gave his orders and plan
of attack to the several commanding officers of corps. Those
orders were not communicated to me. Major Wyllys reserv-
ed the command of the federal troops to himself. Major
Hall, with his battalion, was directed to tuke a circuitous
route round the bend of the Omee lliver, cross the Pickaway
Fork, (or St. Mary's) which brought him directly in the rear
of the enemy, and there wait until the attack shoulil .i-n-
mence with Major McMullen's battalion. Major Fon ure's
cavalry, and Major Wyllys with the federal troops, who all
crossed the Omee at, and near, the common fording place.
After the attack commenced, the troops were by no means to
separate, but were to embody, or the battalions to support
each other, as circumstances required. From this disposition
it appeared evident, that it was the intention of Major W^yllys
to surround the enemy, and that if Colonel Hall, who had
gained his ground undiscovered, had not wantonly disobeyed
his orders, by firing on a single Indian, the surprise must have
been complete. The Indians then fled with precipitation, the
battalions of militia pursuing in different directions. Major *'.
Fontaine made a charge upon a small party of savages — he
fell the first fire, and his troops dispersed. The federal troops,
who were then left unsupported, became an easy sacrifice to
much the largest party of Indians that had been seen that
day. It was my opinion that the misfortunes of that day.
were owing to the separation of troops, and disobedience of >
orders. After th^ federal troops were defeated, and the firings
in all quarters nearly ceased, Colonel Hall and Major Mc->
Mullen, with their battalions, met in the town, and .ifter dis-
charging, cleaning, and fjfsh loading their arms, which took
up about half Mt ii'nir, proceeded to join the army unmolest-
ed. I am convihct/< fhut the detachment, if it had been kept
embodied, was sufficient to have answered the fullest expecta-
tions of the General, and needed no support; but I was in-
III III III! "iirrBfifl — '■---'''■•^■''•'
370
Hitrmar's Second Action.
1790.
I n
formed fi battalion under Major Ray was ordered out for that
purpose.*
WIkmi Ilardiu returned to camp after this skirmish, he
wished the General either to send another party, or take the
whole army to the battle ground, but ilarmar would not favor
either plan. lie did not wish, he .said, to 'Hvidc his troops ;
he had little food for his horses; and he tliought the Indians
had received " a very good scourging ;" upon the next morn-
ing, accordingly, the army took up its line of march for Fort
Washington, in a regular, soldier-like way. Two men, says
Ilardia, wished to have another tussle with the Miamis ; — of
the whole army, only two \f Before reaching Fort Washing-
ton, however, new trouble occurred.
At old Chillicothe, on Little Miami, says Colonel Hardin, a
number of the militia, contrary to orders, iired off tlieir guns.
I endeavored to put a stop to such disorderly behavior, and
commanded that those otfcnders that couk be taken should
be punLshed agreeably to general orders ; ;«nd having caught
a soldier myself in the very act of tiring his gun, ordered a file of
men to take him immediately and carry him to the six poun-
der, and for the drummer to tie him up and give him six lashes ;
I was shortly after met by Colonel Trotter and Mnjor McMul-
len, a"d a number of militia soldiers, who in an abrupt man-
ner as. ed me by what authority I ordered that soldier whipped ;
] replied in support of general orders; on which a very warm
dispute ensued between Colonel Trotter, Major McMullen, and
iiyself. The General being informed of what had happened,
c.^me forward, and gave Colonel Trotter and Major McMullen
a very .severe reprimand, ordered the federal troops to j>arade,
and the drummer to do his duty, swearing he would risk his
life in support of his orders : the man received the number of
lashes ordered, and several that were confined were set at
liberty; numbers of the militia seemed much pleased with
what was done. This intended mutiny being soon quashed,
the army proceeded in good order to Fort Washington. When
the army arrived at the mouth of Licking, the General in-
formed me he had determined to arrest some of the militia
ofticers for their bad conduct, and send them home with dis-
grace ; but I opposed his intention, alleging that it would be a
disgrace to the whole militia; that he would perhaps stand in
* See American State Papers, xii. 28. — Se« account in Cist's Cincinnati Miscellany, i.
133; — also, MeClung's Sketches of Western Adventure, p. 211, and others. We prefer
that of an eyc-witnes-s. — We have verbally changed A.'-heton's statement, which is given
in the third person. See also Hardin's deposition, American State Papers, xii. .34.
t See in Cist's Cincinnat.i Miscellany, i. 105, on acoount of Hormar'a Campaign, by one
present.
mm
1790.
out for that
skirmish, he
, or take ihe
J Id not I'avor
his troops ;
the Indians
^ next morn-
irch for Fort
ro men, says
Miamis ; — of
rt Washing-
el Hardin, a
f their guns,
havior, and
aken should
iving caught
Jered a file of
he six poun-
m six lashes ;
njor McMul-
abrupt inan-
ier whipped ;
a very warm
^Mullen, and
id happened,
or McMuUen
ps to ]>arade,
ould risk his
le number of
were set at
)leased with
oon quashed,
gton. When
General in-
)f the militia
ne with dis-
it would be a
laps stand in
inati MiecoIIftny, i.
)ther9. We prefer
nt, which ig given
irs, xii. .34.
Campaign, by one
1790-95. Indian vkr of llnnmr'n Cumpaii^n. Wl
need of their assistance on some future occasion, and it would
sour their minds and cause them t.. turn out with reluctance ,
and that his discharging them generally wit . honor, perhaps
would answer a bett^^r purpose: the General readily n.dulgcd
my request.*
To this last act, which caused much discontent among the
frontier men ; to the two defeats of the 19th and 22d of Oc-
tober (for such they were;) and to the want of any eiriciency
on the part oK Ilarmar, who, though guilty of np breach ol
military care or common skill, acted like an old woman, com-
pared with such men as Clark, and " Mad Anthony," must ,■
be ascribed the great unpopularity of this campaign. The
army, as a whole, ellecled all that the popular exp.Nlitions ol
Clark in 178i, and of Scott and Wilkinson in 17!)l, «lid : we
mean the annihilation of towns and corn, and wns by Ilarmar
and St. Clair considered very successful ;t but in reality, ?« the,
view of the Indians, it was an utter failui-c and defeat. Then-
account of it was this :
There have been two fngagements about the Miami towns,
between the Americans and the Indians, in which it is said,
the former had about tive hundred men killed, and that the ,
rest have retreated. The loss was only fifteen or twenty on
the side of the Indians. The Shawanese, Miamies, and i ota-
watomies were, I understand, the principal tribes who were
engaged; but I do not learn that any of the nations have re-
fused their alliance or assistance, and it is confidently re-
ported that they are now marching against the frontiers on
the Ohio.J
Nor was the report of the inva.sion of the settlements on (
the Ohio shore far from the truth, as may be seen from the
following letter :
On the evening of the 2d [Jan.-'91] says Rufus Putnam,')
writing to the President, between sunset and daylight- in,
the Indians surprised a new settlement of our people, at a.,
place on the Muskingum, called the Big Bottom, nearly forty
miles up the river, in which disaster eleven men, one woman,
and two children, were killed : three men are missing, and ,^
four others made their escape. Thus, sir, the war, which was
partial before the campaign of last year, is, in all probability,
* Amcriean State P*pers, xii. 3».
t This is clear, a? we kaow, from Hvmar'a gsner*! orders, uiwi October 21, wten ho
took up hi- mavch for Fort Washington, and frira his report to the Secretary of War.
(American State Papers, v. 105, 104.) ;.
J See SU<De, ii. 294.
rnrm immit} ii r i l l ittiltf i 1iiti"il i >»ftlNi»iiiiiW»
372
Letter from Ritfus Putnam,
1791.
I
bocotnc general. 1 think tljcre is no ronson to suppose timt
\V(! arc the only people on whom the .savu^^es will wrealt
their vengeance, or that the number of hostile Indians have
n')t increased since the lute expedition. Our situation is truly
critical; the CJovernor and Secretary botli being absent, no
assistance Irom Virginia or Pennsylvania can be had. The
garrison at Fort llurumr, consisting at this time of little more
than twenty men, can nd'ord no protection to our settlements,
and the whole number of men, in all our settlements, capable
of bearing ^rms, including all civil and military olliccrs, do
not exceed two hundred and eighty-seven, and these, many of
them, b.adly armed. We arc in the utinost danger of being
.swallowed up, should the enemy pu.sii the war with vigor du-
ring the winter ; this I believe will fully appear, by taking a
short view of our several .settlements, and 1 hope justify the
extraordinary measures we have adopted, for want of a legal
authority in the territory to apply for aid in the business. The
jsituation of our people is nearly as follows :
^, At Marietta arc about eighty houses, in the distance of one
'mile, with scattering houses about three miles up the Ohio.
A set of mills at Duck Creek, four miles distant, and another
mill two miles up tlie Muskingum. Twenty-two miles up
this river is a settlement, consisting of about twenty families;
about two miles from them on Wolf Creek, are five families
and a set of mills. Down the Ohio, and opposite the Little
' Kana'" dm, commences the settlement called Belle Prairie,
,' which extends down the river, with little interruption, about
twelve miles, and contains between thirty and forty houses.
IJeforc the late disaster, we had several other settlements,
which are already broken up. 1 have taken the liberty to en-
close the proceedings of the Oliio company and justices of
the sessions on this occasion, and beg leave, with the greatest
deference, to ol)serve, that, unless Government speedily send
a body of troops for our protection, we are a ruined people.
The removal of the women and children, etc., will reduce
many of the poorer sort to the greatest straits ; but if we add
to this the destruction of their corn, forage and cattle, by the
enemy, which is very probable to ensue, I know of no way
they can be supported; but, if this should not happen, where
these people are to rai.se bread another year, is not easy to
conjecture, and most of them have nothing left to buy with.
But my fears do not stop here ; we are a people so fur de-
tached from all others, in point of situation, that we can hope
for no timely relief, in case of emergency, from any of our
neigbors; and among the number that compose our present
military strength, almost one-half are young men, hired into
the country, intending to settle by and by ; these, under pre-
sent circumstances, will probably leave us soon, unless pros-
pects should brighten ; and, as to new settlers, we can expect
1791.
1791.
Plan of another Campnijfn.
373
suppose timt
; will wreak
Indians liavo
rition is truly
'^ nli.seiit, no
f had. The
;)f little more
settlements,
?nts, capable
oflicers, do
ese, many of
fer of being
th vi^jfor du-
by taking a
e Justify the
it of a legal
isiness. The
'ance of one
ip the Ohio,
and another
vo miles up
ity families;
ive families
c the Little
die Prairie,
ition, about
urty houses,
settlements,
berty to en-
justices of
the greatest
leedily send
ned people,
will reduce
It if we add
ttle, by the
of no M'ay
ipen, where
lot easy to
o buy with,
so fur de-
e can hope
any of our
our present
, hired into
under pre-
inless pros-
can expect
none in our present situation; so that, instead of increasing
iti strength, we are likely to diminish daily; and, if we do
not fall a prey to the savages, we shall be so reduced and dis-
couraged as to give up the settlement, unless (Jovernment
shall give us timely protection, it has been a mystery with
some, why the troops have been withdrawn from this ([uarter,
and collected at the Miami ; that settlement is, I believe,
within three or four days' march of a very populous part of
Kentucky, from whence, in a few days, they might be rein-i
forced with several thousand men, whereas, wo are not with-
in two hundred miles of any settlement, that can probably
more than protect themselves.*
The spirit thua manifested by the tribes which had just
been attacked, and the general feelings along the frontier in
. relation to llarmar's expedition, made the United States Gov-
ernment sensible that their first step in the conduct of back-
woods warfare, had been a failure, and that prompt and
strong measures, calculated either to win, or force a state of
peace, must be adopted. f The plan which was resorted to
was a three-fold one :
1st. To send a messenger to the western Indians with of-
fers of peace, to be accompanied by some of the Iroquois
chieftains favorable to America.
2d. At the same time to organize expeditions in the West,
to strike the Wea, Miami and Shawanee towns, in case it
should be clear the peace messenger would fail in his mis-
sion ; and
3d. To prepare a grand and overwhelming force with
which to take possession of the country of the enemies and
build forts in their micr.i;. ■
[The act for protecting the frontier w^as signed March 3d,
1791, and Governor St. Clair was appointed to the command
on the 4th. American State Papers, xii. 36.]
The person selected to convey messages of peace was Col.
Thomas Procter, who received his commission upon the lOtli
or 11th of March, 1791, and upon the 12th left Philadelphia
for the settlement of Cornplanter, or Captain O'Beel or Abeel,
the chief warrior of the Senecas, and the firm friend of Wash-
ington and the Union. This chifcf, with others of similar sen-
*Soe American State Papers, t. 121.— See a full account of the tettlement on Big Cot-
torn, and tbe attack upon it, by Dr. Hildreth, American Pioneer, ii. 101.
tSeo Knox's Keport, American State Papers, V. 112.
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374
Views of tlu British in 1791.
1791.
timcnts, had been in Philadelphia in the previous December,
and had promised to use all their influence to secure peace.*
To them Procter was sent, in the hope that they would go
with him westward, and be the means of preventing further
bloodshed. In this hope, however, Washington and ivnox
were disappointed ; fur, when, with great difficulty, the Amer-
ican messenger had prevailed upon certain of the Iroquois to
accompany him, provided a. water passage could be had, the
British commandant at Niagara would not allow an English
vessel to be hired to convey the ambassadors up Lake Erie ;
and as no other could be obtained, the whole enterprise
failed.
But in order to understand the difficulties which Procter met
with, we must look at the views of the British, and of those
Indians who remained firm to the British at this period. Af-
ter Harmar's campaign, the tribes of the north-west sent a dep-
utation to Lord Dorches'er to learn what aid England would
give them in the contest now fairly opened. What answer
precisely was given by the Governor we do not know, but his
wishes seem to have been that peace might be restored and
preserved. Colonel Gordon, the British commandant at
Niagara, who afterwards stopped Procter, was also an advo-
cate of peace ; and on the 4th of March wrote to Brant in
these words :
I hope you will embrace the present opportunity of the
meeting of the chiefs of the Five Nations in your neighbor-
hood, to use your endeavors to heal the wounds between the
Indians and Ameacans. I dare say the States wish to make
peace on terms which will secure to the Indians their present
possessions in the Miami country, provided the young men
are restrained from committing depredations in future. f
[It is evident from their whole course of procedure that
the British authorities did their utmost to prevent American
settlements from being made in the North-western Territory.
They wished to have their Indian allies continue in possession.
This was their chief motive for retaining the western posts.].
Brant himself, on the 7th of March, writing to McKee, (the
agent among the Miamies,) says :
*American State Papers, v. 110-145. Cornplnnter, like Brant, was a half-breed; his
father's name was O'Beel : See a particular account of him in Day's Historical Collec-
tions of PenosylvaBia, 655; also Stone's Life of Red Jacket.
tStone, ii. 296, 297, 298.
mm
IM
X
1791.
December,
ure peace.*
!y would go
ting further
and Knox
T, the Amer-
Iroquois to
be had, the
an English
Lake Erie ;
enterprise
I'rocter met ,
nd of those
eriod. Af-
sent a dep-
land would
bat answer
ow, but his
istored and
landant at
io an advo-
,0 Brant in
nity of the
' neighbor-
etween the
sh to make
leir present
^ung men
;ure.f
edure that
t American
Territory,
possession,
tern posts.].
IcKee, (the
half-breed; big
[Utorical CoUeo-
1791. Reasons of Indian and BrUish Dissatisfaction. 376
I have received two letters from the States, from gentlemen
Vvho have lately been in Philadelphia : by which it appears
the Americans secretly wish to accommodate the matter —
which 1 should by all means advise, if it could be efiected
upon honorable and liberal terms, and a peace become
general.*
With these views prevailing, why did Brant, Gordon and
the other officers of Britain do so little afterwards to preserve
par" fie relations? First, it would seem that the Mohawk
chieftain was offended by the favor shown Cornplanter, his
deadly foe,t and by the attempt of the Americans to divide
the Iroquois; and in regard to the latter point, at least.,
the British sympathized with him. Secondly, it is clear that
the representatives of England, in Canada, were offended,
and we think naturally, at the entire disregard shown by the
American government of their influence over the savages
of the north-west. Those tribes were closely connected
with the British agents, and under their control, and Lord
Dorchester, Colonel Gordon and Brant looked for an appeal
to them as mediators in the quarrel about to burst forth ; or
at any rate, for an acceptance by the Americans of their me-
diation, if asked by the Indians; — an acceptance of the kind
given in 1793, after St. Clair's defeat ; and which was not, of
course, dishonorable or degrading. Thirdly, both the In-
dians and English were puzzled and excited by the seeming
(though our readers will know, in no degree, actual) want of
good faith on the part of the States; which, at the same
moment almost, commissioned Scott to war upon the Miamies,
Procter to treat of peace with them, St. Clair to invade and
take possession of their lands, and Pickering to hold a council
with their brethren for burying the fatal hatchet, and quench-
ing the destructive brand.
From the inconsistent proceedings of the Americans — says
Colonel Gordon to Brant, upon the 11th of June — I am per-
fectly at a loss to understand their full intentions. Whilst
they are assembling councils at different quarters with the
avowed purpose of bringing about a peace, the Six Nations
have received a speech from General St. Clair, dated at Pitts-
burgh, 23d April, inviting them to take up the hatchet agamst
their brothers^ the western nations.
«See stone, ii. 298.
■HAmeiican State Papers, v. ICT; stated by General Knox.
i «> i — -ari l ii in nM ,-~'
■ I W" itil^MirtjggWti" *
..mii6^
376
BranVs Movements in 1791.
1791.
Can any thing be more inconsistent ? or can they possibly
believe the 'ndians are to be duped by such shallow artifices?
This, far from being the case ; the Indians at Bulfalo Creek
saw the business in its proper light and treated the invitation
with the contempt it deserved. It must strike you very
forcibly, that in all the proceedings of the dili'erent Conunis-
sionersfrom the American States, they have cautiously avoided
applying for our interference, as a measure they affect to think
perfectly unnecessary : wishing to impress the Indians with the
ideas of their own consequence, and of the little inlluence,they
would willingly believe we are possessed of. This, my good
friend, is not the way to proceed. Had they, before matters
were pushed to extremity, requested the assistance of the British
government to bring about a peace on equitable terms, I am
convinced the measure would have been fully accomplished
long before this time.
I would, however, willingly hope they will yet see the pro-
priety of adopting this mode of proceeding; and that peace,
an object so much to be desired, will at length be perma-
nently settled.
1 am the more sanguine in the attainment of my wishes, by
your being on the spot, and that you will call forth the exer-
tion of your influence and abilities on the occasion.*
The Americans also were desirous to enlist Brant as a
peace-maker, and Governor Clinton, of New York, was writ-
ten to by Ceneral Knox, in the hope that he might influence
the Moliawk leader ; but the chieftain was beyond his reach,
in the far west, among the tribes who were likely to be fore-
most in the contest; nor could any learn whether he went
thither as a peace-maker or promoter of war. Early in May
the United States Government was informed that he had re-
vived his plan of a great Indian confederacy; and about the
19th of that month Procter, at Buffalo, heard from the West
that Brant was there not to pacify, but to inflame the Miamies
and their allies ; but yet, as the chiefs of the Six Nations re-
presented his purpose to be that of a messenger sent to learn
the feelings of the western tribes, and asked Procter again
and again to wait his return; the impression produced upon
the American Government was that he had nothing in view
but the cessation of ho.stilities.t
Before Procter, (his ii)ission proving in vain,) left BufTalo
creek, which he did upon the 2l3t of May, measures had been
• Stone, ii, 300.
t American State Papers, V, 117 J also, 101, 103, andlSl. •
1791.
y possibly
artifices?
falo Creek
invitation
you very
t Conufiis-
ly avoided
ct to think
IS with the
ience,they
, my good
'e matters
the British
jrms, I am
omplished
e the pro-
tiat peace,
be perma-
wishes, by
I the exer-
*
•ant as a
was writ-
i influence
his reach,
to be fore-
' he went
ly in May
he had re-
about the
the West
B Miamies
ations re-
it to learn
ter again
iced upon
ift Buffalo
had been
l ua ii ,i;iii »i»pww>iiwB<i«w>
Expedition of General Scott.
377
taken to secure a council of the Six Nations on the 16th of
June, at the Painted Post, near the junction of the Coshocton
and Tioga rivers The purpose of this council was to secure
the neutrality of the Iroquois by presents and fine words; and
the plan appears to have succeeded. " Treaty," says Knox,
writing to St. Clair on the 4th of August, " closed on the 15th
(of July,) and the Indians returned satisfied. Colonel Picker-
ing did not attempt to persuade any of them to join our army,
as he found such a proposal would be very disagreeable to
them."*
It had been calculated when Procter left Philadelphia upon
the 12th of March, that he would either succeed or distinctly
fail in his enterprise, in time to reach Fort Washington by
the 5th of May. This expectation, as we have seen, was en-
tirely defeated, as he was so delayed that he did not reach
Buffalo creek until the 27tli of April, and did not make his
first application for a vessel to cross Lake Erie until May 6lh.
But upon the above calculation, mistaken as it proved, were
based the arrangements of the United States for carrying into
effect the second part of the plan for the campaign, — " the
desultory operations" (as they were termed) for annoying the
enemy in case Procter failed. These operations were to be
carried out by the backwoodsmen under their own comman-
ders.
The inhabitants of Kentucky, in December, 1790, after
Ilarmar's return, had petitioned Congress for permission to \
fight the Indians in their own way, and upon the 9th of March, I
1791, orders were issued to Brigadier General Charles Scott, }^
authorizing him, in conjunction with Harry Innis, John Brown,
Benjamin Logan, and Isaac Shelby, to organize an expedition •;
of mounted volunteers against the nations upon the Wabash, )
to start upon May 10th, unless countermanded.f These or-
ders in substance were obeyed. The troops were, however,
delayed for news from the north ; but by the 23d of May, no
news of peace arriving, the detachment took up its line of)
march from the Ohio ; Colonel John Hardin, who burned to '
retrieve his fame, acting as a volunteer, without commission,
and having the post of commander of the advanced party and
• American State PSpers, t. 181.
t American State Papers, v. 129. St. Clair was empowered to postpone the expedition,,
ftnd did lo. See his Narratire, p. 7.
24
•f-
I r
.1 .
mmm
378
Expedition of General Scotf.
1791.
i
director of the guides. On the 1st of June, the towns of the
enemy were discovered ; of the after-movements no fairer
view can probably be given than i)y General Scott hiniseF.
Having noticed the villages, —
I immediately detached Colonel John Hardin, says he, with
fiixty mounted infantry, and a troop of light-horse under Cap-
tain McCoy, to attack the villages to the left, and moved on
briskly with my main body, in order of battle, towards the
town, the smoke of which was discernible. My guides were
deceived with respect to the situation of the town ; for, in-
stead of standing at the edge of the plain through which I
marched, 1 found it on the low ground bordering on the Wa-
bash : on turning the point of woods, one house presented in
my 'front. Captain Price was ordered to assault that with forty
men. He executed the command with great gallantry, and
killed two warriors.
When I gained the summit of the eminence which over-
looks the villages on the banks of the Wabash, I discovered
the enemy in great confusion, endeavoring to make their es-
cape over the river in canoes. 1 instantly ordered Lieutenant
Colonel-commandant Wilkinson to rush forward with the first
battalion. The order was executed with promptitude, and
this detachment gained the bank of the river just as the rear
of the enemy had embarked ; and, regardless of a brisk fire
kept up from a Kickapoo town on the opposite bank, they,
in a few minutes, by a well directed fire from their rifles, de-
stroyed all the savages with which five canoes were crowded.
To my great mortification, the Wabash was many feet beyond
fording at this place: I therefore detached Col. Wilkinson to a
ford two miles above, which my guides informed me was more
practicable. [Wilkinson moved the first battalion up to the
fording place, found the river impassable, and returned to
Ouiatenon.]
The enemy still kept possession of Kickapoo town : I de-
termined to dislodge them ; and for that purpose ordered
Captain King's and Logsdone's companies to m.irch down the
river below the town, and cross, under the conduct of Major
Barboe. Several of the men swam the river, and others pass-
ed in a small canoe. This movement was unobserved ; and
my men had taken post on the bank before they were discover-
ed by the enemy, who immediately abandoned the village.
About this time word was brought to me that Colonel Hardin
was encumbered with prisoners, and had discovered a stronger
village further to my left than those I had observed, which he
was proceeding to attack. I immediately detached Captain
Brown with his company, to support the Colonel : but the
distance being six miles, before the Captain arrived the busi-
ness was done, and Colonel Hardin joined me a little before
1791.
1791.
Expedition of Wilkinson.
379
owns of the
ts no fiiircr
cctt hinise)*".
nys he, with
under Cap-
d moved on
towards the
guides were
wn ; for, in-
ugh -which I
on the Wa-
prof-ented in
at with forty
lUantry, and
vhich over-
I discovered
ike their es-
l Lieutenant
vith the first
ptitude, and
as the rear
a brisk fire
bank, they,
;ir rifles, de-
re crowded,
feet beyond
ilkinson to a
le was more
)a up to the
returned to
town : I de-
ose ordered
ch down the
ict of Major
others pass-
icrved ; and
\Yc discover-
tlie village,
onel Hardin
d a stronger
d, which he
led Captain
lel : but the
ed the busi-
ittle before
■
sun-set, having killed six warriors, and aken fifty-two
prisoners. Captain Bull, the warrior who discovered me tn
the morning, had gained the main town, and /,'iven the alarm,
a short time before me ; but the villages to 'ny left were un-
informed of my approach, and had no retre-tt.
The next moraing I determined to detach my Lieutenant
Colonel-commandant, with five hundred men, to destroy the
important town of Kcth-tip-e-ca-nunk,* eighteen, miles from
my camp, on the west side of the Wabash ; but, on examina-
tion, I discovered my men and horses to be so crippled and
worn down by a long, laborious march, and the active exer-
tions of the preceding day, that three hundred and sixty men
only could be found in a capacity to undertake the enterprise,
and they prepared to march on foot. Col. Wilkinson marched
with this detachment at half after five in the evening, and
returned to my camp the next day at one o'clock, having
marched thirty-six miles in twelve hours, and destroyed the
most important settlement of the enemy in that quarter of the
federal territory.
Many of the inhabitants of the village [Ouiatenon] were
French, and lived in a state of civilization. By the books,
letters, and other documents found there, it is evident that
place was in close connection with, and dependent on, Detroit.
A large quantity of corn, a variety of household goods, pel-
try, and other articles, were burned with this village, which
consisted of about seventy houses, many of them well fin-
ished.f
As the expedition under Scott, although successful, had not
reached the higher towns upon the Waba.sh, Governor St.
Clair thought it best to send another, (the Secretary of War
having authorized such a step,) against the villages of Eel
river; and Wilkinson was appointed to command. lie march-
ed from near fort Washington, upon the first of August, and
on the 7th reached the Wabash, just above the mouth of the
river he was in search of. While reconnoitering, however, in
the hope of surprising the natives, word was brought him that
they were alarmed and Hying ; a general charge was imme-
diately ordered. * 'v • "'''■■'
The men, says Wilkiniion, forcing their way over every ob-
stacle, plunged through the river with vast intrepidity. The
enemy was unable to make the smallest resistance. Six war-
riors, and (in the hurry and confusion of the charge) two
squaws and a child were killed, thirty-four prisoners were ta-
ken, and an un4brtunate captive released, with the loss of two
men killed and one wounded.
\
\
* This, in modern orthography, has heen corrupted into Tlppecanoc-
t American Slate Paper', v. 131.
-Ed.
t
V
n
i
:
„
''.r!
380
WHkinsun's Expedition.
1791.
I found this town scattered along Eel river for full three
miles, on an uneven, scrubby oak barren, intersected alter-
nately by bogs almost impassable, and impervious thickets of
plum, hazel, and blackjacks. Notwithstanding these diffic 1-
ties, if 1 may credit the report of the prisoners, very few wh(
were in town escaped. Expecting a second expeditioi , their
goods were generally packed up and buried. Sixty warriors
had crossed the Wabash to watch the paths leading from the
Ohio. The head chief, with all the prisoners, and a number ol
families, were out digging a root which they substitute in the
place of the potato ; and about one hour before my arrival,
all the warriors, except eight, had mounted their horses, and
rode up the river to a French store to purchase ammunition.
This ammunition had arrived from the Miami village that very
day and the squaws informed me was stored about two miles
from the town. I detached Major Caldwell in quest of it ;
but he failed to make any discovery, although he scoured the
country for seven or eight miles up the river.
I encamped in the town that night, and the next morning I
cut up the corn, scarcely in the milk, burnt the cabins, mounted
the young warriors, squaws, and children, in the best manner
in my power, and leaving two infirm squaws and a child, with
a short talk, I commenced my march for the Kickapoo town in
the prairie.*
The Kickapoo prairie metropolis was not reached ; the
horses were too sore, and the bogs too deep ; but as General
> Wilkinson said, lour hundred acres of corn were destroyed,
N and a Kickapoo town given to the flames ; for which the
General was duly thanked by his country. Meantime, while
Procter was attempting to hurry the slow-moving Iroquois,
who told him it took them a great while to think ; and Wil-
kinson was floundering up to his arm-pits in mud and water,
among the morasses of the Wabash; the needful preparations
were constantly going forward for the great expedition of St.
Clair, which, by founding posts throughout the western coun-
try, from the Ohio to Lake Erie, and especially at the head of
the Maumee, was to give the United States a sure means of
control over the savages. At a very early period (1786) the
admirable position of the Miami village at the junction of the
St. Mary and St. Joseph, had struck Washington's sagacious
mind, as we know from his correspondence ;t and when Har-
mar's expedition was undertaken, one purpose of it would,
doubtlc , have been the founding of a military post at the
• American State Paper?, v. Vai.
tSpark*' Washington, is. 109.
mm
mm
1791.
or full three
lected alter-
s thickets of
hese difllc' 1-
cry few whd
editioi , their
xty warriors
ing from the
a number of
jtitute in the
my arrival,
' horses, and
ammunition,
age that very
lut two miles
I quest of it ;
e scoured the
xt morning I
)ins, mounted
best manner
a child, with
apoo town in
reached ; the
it as General
ire destroyed,
or which tho
intime, while
ring Iroquois,
nk ; and Wil-
id and water,
t preparations
edition of St.
vestern coun-
%t the head of
sure means of
od (1786) the
inction of the
m's sagacious
id when Har-
! of it would,
y post at the
1791.
Instructions to St. Clair.
381
Miami town, had it been compatible with the public finances.*
But Ilarmar's defeat having proved tho necessity of some
strong check upon the northern savages, it became tho main
purpose of the effort of 1791, to build a fort at a point desig-
nated, which was to be connected by other intermediate sta-
tions, with Fort Washington and the Ohio. Of this we have
proof in the language of the government after St. Clair's de-
feat: "the great object of the late campaign," says General
Knox, in his official report, dated December 20, 1791, "was
to establish a strong military post at the Miami village ;"
and this language is used more than once.f This object, too,
was to be attained, if possible, even at the expense of a con-
test which might be otherwise avoided ; [for the posts were to
be established, whether the Indians remained hostile or mad*;
peace,] but the instructions to St. Clair upon this and other
points, we prefer to give in the clear and condensed lan-
guage of Knox himself, omitting such portions only, as have
not a bearing upon the general subject, and treat of details
merely.
The President of the United States having, by and with the
advice and consent of the Senate, appointed you a Major
General in the service of the United States, and of conse-
quence invested you with the chief command of the troops
to be employed upon the frontiers during the ensuing cam-
paign, it is proper that you should be possessed of the views of
the government respecting the objects of your command. I
am, therefore, authorized and commanded, by the President of
the United States, to deliver you the following instructions, in
order to serve as the general principles of your conduct.
But, it is only general principles which can be pointed out.
In the execution of the duties of your station, circumstances
which cannot now be foreseen may arise to render materia'
deviations necessary. Such circumstam es will require ti.^
exercise of your talents. The Government possesses the se-
curity of your character and mature experience, that your
judgment will be proper on all occasions. You are well in-
formed of the unfavorable impressions which the issue of the
last expedition has made on the public mind, and you are
also aware of the expectations which are formed of the suc-
cess of the ensuing campaign.
An Indian war, under any circumstances, is regarded by the
great mass of the people of the United States as an event
which ought, if possible, to be avoided. Ii is considered that
• Eoe Kooz'd letter to St. Clair, September 12, 1700.
t Amerioane Stat Papers, t. 197, 198.
American State Papers, v. 100.
;
i •
! ■'■ i
■»!«
1 'i
]
4'^
v*'
382
Instructions to St. Clair.
1791.
the sacrifice of blood and treasure in such a war exceed any
advantages which can possibly be reaped by U. Ihe great
policy, therefore, of the General Government is to establish
a just and liberal peace with all the Indian tribes wi Inn the
limits and in the vicinity of the territory ol the United btates.
Your intimations to the hostile Indians, imtnediately alter the
late expedition, through the Wyandnts and Delawares; the
arrangements with the Senecas who were lately in his city,
that part of the Six Nations should repair to the said hostile
Indians, to influence theinto pacific measures; together with
the recent mission of Colonel Procter to them for the same
purpos-e, will strongly evince the desire of the General Gov-
ernment to prevent the effusion of blood, and to quiet all dis-
turbances. And when you shall arrive upon the frontiers, i
any other or further measures to effect the same object should
present, you ^vill eagerly embrace them, and the '-J^^onf «
Expenses thereof shall be defrayed by the public. But, if all
the lenient measures taken, or which maybe taKen, should
fail to bring the hostile Indians to a just sense of their situa-
tion, it will be necessary that you should use such coercive
means as you shall possess, for that purpose You are in-
formed th'at, by an act of Congress, passed the 2d inst.,
another regiment is to be raised, and added to the military es-
tablishment, and provision made for raising two thousand
levies, for the term of six months, for the service of the fron-
tiers. It is contemplated that the mass of the iTgulars and
levies may be recruited and rendezvous at Fort Washington.
%v the 10th of July. In this case, you will have assembled a
force of three thousand effectives at least, besides leaving
small garrisons on the Ohio, in order to perform your main
expedition, hereinafter mentioned. But, in the mean time if
the Indians refuse to listen to the messengers of peace sent to
them, it is most probable they will, unless prevented, spread
themselves along the line of frontiers, for the purpose of com-
mitting all the depredations in their power In order to avoid
S calamitous an event. Brigadier General Charles Scott of
Kentucky, has been authorized by me. on the part oi the
President of the United States, to make an expedition against
the Wea, or Ouiatenon towns, with mounted volunteers, or
militia from Kentucky, not exceeding the number of seven
hundred and fifty, officers included. You will Perceive by
?he instructions to Brigadier General Scott, that it is confided
to vour discr°,tion, whether there should be more than one ol
the said expeditions of mounted volunteers or militia Your
nearer view of the objects to be effected, by a .second desul-
tory expedition, will enable you to form a better judgment
than can at present be formed, at this distance. The pro-
priety of a second operation would, in some degree, depend
on the alacrity and good composition of the troops of which
■■^p-
1791.
rxcccd any
Tlie f,'reat
to t>Ktiibli»h
I within the
nitcd States,
ely al'lfr the
awares; the
• in this city,
said hostile
Dgc'ther with
for the same
Irntral Gov-
qviiet all dis-
e frontiers, if
object should
e reasonable
!. But, if all
nken, should
if their situa-
such coercive
You are in-
the 2d inst.,
le military cs-
:wo thousand
e of the fron-
regulars and
Washington,
e assembled a
;sides leaving
•m your main
mean time, if
'peace sent to
vented, spread
irpose of corn-
order to avoid
arles Scott, of
:ie part of the
edition against
[ volunteers, or
imber of seven
II perceive, by
at it is confided
ire than one of
militia. Your
1 second desul-
Btter judgment
(ice. The pro-
degree, depend
roops of which
1791.
Instructions tu St. Clair.
383
the lirst may have been formed ; of its success; of the proba-
ble elFects a second siruil.ir blow would have upon llie Indians,
with respect to its iulluencing IIkmu to peace ; or, if they
should be still hostilely disposed, of jjrevenling them from
desolatiiitj the frontiers by their parties.
You will obs(!rve, in the instructions to Ilrigadier General
Scott, which are to serve as u basis for the instructions of the
commanders who may su<;ceeil him, that all captives are to be
treated with great humanity. It will be sound policy to at-
tract the Indians by kindness, after dcMuonstrating to them our
power to punish them, on all occasions. While you are
maliing such use of desultory operations as in your judgment
the occasioi^may require, you will proceed vigorously, in every
operation in your power, Ibr the j)urpose of the main (ixpedi-
tion ; and having assembled your force, and all things being in
readiness, if no decisive indications of peace should have been
produced, either by the messenger, or by the desultory opera-
tions, you will commence your march ibr the Miami village,
in order to establish a strong and permanent military post at
that pi ce. In your advance, you will establish such posts of
communication with Fort Washington, on the Ohio, as you
may judge proper. The post at the Miami village is intended
for the purpose of awing and curbing the Indians in that
quarter, and as the only preventive of future hostilities. It
ought, therefore, to be rendered secure against all attempts
and insults of the Indians. The garrison which should be sta-
tioned there ought not only to be sullicient for the defence of
the place, but always to allbrd a detachment of five or si»
hundred men, either to chastise any of the Wabash, or other
hostile Indians, or to secure any convoy of provisions. The
establishment of such a post is considered as an important
object of the campaign, and is to take place in all events. In
case of a previous treaty, the Indians are to be conciliated
upon this point, if possible ; and it is presumed, good argu-
ments may be oll'ered, to induce their accyiiescence. The
situation, nature, and construction of the works you may di-
rect, will depend upon your own judgment. Major Ferguson,
of the artillery, will be fully capable of the execution. He
will be furnished with three five and a half inch howitzers,
three six pounders, and three three-pounders, all brass, with a
sufficient quantity of shot and shells, for the purpose of the
expedition. The appropriation of these pieces will depend
upon your orders.
Having commenced your march, upon the main expedition,
and the Indians continuing hostile, you will use every possible
exertion to make them feel the effects of your superiority ;
and after having arrived at the Miami village, and put your
works in a defensible state, you will seek the enemy with the
whole of your remaining force, and endeavor, by all possible
;i..
•.
i.
tn
384
Inxtruclionn to St. Clair,
1891.
menris, to strike thorn with ^rrnt srvority. It will he Ifft to
your (liscrrtioii whctln-r to employ, if iittiiiimbh', any liidianK
ol' the Six NnlioiiH, nnd the Chiekiisavvs or other Moulln'rn Na-
tions. Most probably the eniployiueiit of ab( ut lil'ry of each,
under the direction of koujc discreet and able ehief, would l»e
advantajjeouH, but these ought not to b(! assembled before the
line of nmrch is taken u|), because they are soon tired and
will not be detained. The force contemplated I'or tlio ^nrvi-
sons of the Miami villn),'e, and the con munications, has been
from a thousand to twelve, hundred non-commissioned olhcers
and privates. TMs is mentioned as a general idea, to which
you will adhere, or from which you will deviate, ns circum-
stances may r'.quire. The >;nrrison stationed at the Miami
villa>,'e, and its communications, must have in store at len.st
six months f,'ood salted meat, and Hour in proportion.
It is hardly possible, il the Indians continue hostih\ that yon
will be suffered quietly to establish a post at the Miami vil-
lage ; conllicts, therefore, may be expected; and it is to be
presumed that disciplined vah)r will triumph over the undisci-
plined Indians. In this event it is probable that the Indians
will sue for peace ; if this should be the case, the dignity of
the United States will require that the terms shouM be liberal.
In order to avoid future wars, it might be proper to make the
Wabash, and thence over to tlie Miami, and down the same
to its mouth at Lake Erie, the boundary, excepting so far a;;
the same should relate to the Wyandots and l)ela\\'ares, on
the supposition of their continuing faithful to the treaties.
But, if they should join in the war against the United States,
and your army be victorious, the said tribes ought to be re-
moved without the boundary mentioned. You will also judge
whether it would be proper to extend the boundary, from the
mouth of the lUver au Pause of the Wabash, in a due west
line to the Mississippi. Few Indians, besides the Kickapoos,
would be affected by such a line ; this ought to be tenderly
managed. The modification of the boundary miist be confid-
ed to your discretion, with this single observatio.i, that the
policy and interest of the United States dictate their being at
peace with the Indians. This is of more value than millions
of uncultivated acres, the right to which may be conceded by-
some, and disputed by others. The establishment of a post
at the Miami village will probably be regarded, by the British
officers on the frontiers, as a circumstance of jealousy : it may,
therefore, be necessary that you should, at a proper time,
make such intimations as may remove all such dispositions.
This intimation had better follow than precede the possession
of the post, unless circumstances dictate otherwise. As it is
not the inclination or interest«of the United States to enter
into a contest with Great Britain, every measure tending to
any discussion or altercation must be prevented. The delicate
.M
n.u.!..iuii-i.ia.i
m
3sr
1^"
1891.
ill l)r Ifl't to
(iiiy liHliaiiK
oiillicrn i\a-
lifty nf «MU'li,
j'f, would !)»'
•il hcloiT ilir
)n \\rvd uiid
DP tlio (,'nrri-
tlM, liiis IXTII
oiied oliiiMTs
Ctt, to which
', ns circutn-
t tho Miami
lore at lenst
tioi).
tilt% that yon
p Miami vil-
I it h to he
■ tho imdisci-
; tlio Indians
h<» dijifnity of
Id be liberal,
to make the
kvn the same
inj,' so far as
elav\'are.s, on
the treaties,
nitod States,
ht to he re-
II also judge
Lry, from the
a due west
3 Kickapoos,
he tenderly
1st be confid-
o:i, that the
heir being at
han millions
conceded by
nt of a post
ly the British
)usy : it may,
proper time,
dispositions,
le possession
se. As it is
ites to enter
3 tending to
The delicate
1791.
Instrucliina to Si. Clair,
385
Httuation of afl'uirs may, tliercfiire, roiulcr it imprnprr. nt pre-
sent, to iiiake any naval arran(;i'ment upon l.aUc Kiic. .Vficr
you shall have «'irfCted all the injury to the ho^tilt• Ihdi.-iiis of
which your force may he ciipahlc, and alter ha\ in;; otuhii^hul
the posts iind garrisons at tin- .Miami village and its couunuiii-
eations, and placing tli(( same under (he orders of iin (liicer
worthy of such high trust, you will return to Fort Wiuhingtou
on the Ohio.
It is proper to observe, that certain Jealousies !ia\e ev ste<l
among the neople of the frontiers, relative to a .'>u|)po.Md in-
terference between their interest, and those «)f the marine
States; that these jenlousies are ill-founded, with respect to
the present (Jovernun'iit, is obvious. The I'nited Stiil( s t in-
brnce, with equal care, all parts of the I'nion ; mid. in the
present cas(!,are making expensive arrangements for the pro-
tection of the frontiers, ami partly in tin; modes, loo, w hich
appear to he highly favored by the Kentucky peo|(Ic.
The high stations you lill, of commander of the troops, and
Governor of the Western Territory, will allord you fre(iuent
opportunities to impress the frontier citizens of tlie c ntirc
good disposition of the Cleneral (jovernment towards them in
all rea.sonable things, and you will render acceptable service,
by cordially embracing all such opportunities.*
Under these instructions St. Clair proceeded to organize his ,
army. At the clo.sc of April he was in Pittsburgh, toward
which point troops from all quarters, horses, stores and am-
munition, were going forward. The forces, it was thought,
would be assembled by the last of .luly or first of August. )
By the middle of July, however, it was clear that the early
part of September would be as soon as the expedition could
get under way; but the commander was urged to press every
thing, and act with the utmost promptness and decision. But
this was more easily urged than accomplished. On the 15th oO
May, St. Clair had reached Fort Washington, and at that time,?
the United States' troops in the West amounted to but two,
hundred and sixty-four non-commissioned oflicers and privates /
fit for c'.'.ty ; [of these seventy-five were at Fort Washington,
forty-five at Fort Harmar, sixty-one at Fort Steuben, and
eighty-three at Fort Knox.] On the 16th of July this number
was more than doubled, however, as the first regimen^, con- j
taining two hundred and ninety-nine men, on that day reached
Fort Washington. General Butler, who had been appointed
second in comm?^nd, was employed through part of April and
May in obtaining recruits; but when obtained, there was no
* AmericttD State Papen, t. 171.
386
St. Clair marches into the Interior.
1791.
money to pay them, nor to provide stores for them. In the
quarter-master's department, meantime, everything went on
Klowly and badly ; tents, pack-saddles, kettles, knapsacks,and
cartridge boxes were all "deficient in quantity and quality."
Worse than this, the powder was poor or injured, the arms
and accoutrements out of repair, and not even proper tools
to mend them.* [Of six hundred and seventy five stand
of arms at Fort Washington, (designed by St. Clair for the
militia) scarcely any were in ordei- ; and with two travel-
ing furges furnished by the quarter- master, there were
no anvils. See American State Papers, xii. 36, 37.] And
as the troops gathered slowly at Fort Washington, after
wearisome detentions at Pittsburgh and upon the river,
,1 new source of troubles arose, in the habits of intemperance
indulged and acquired by the idlers; to withdraw them from
tempUition, St. Clair Mas forced to remove his men, now
numbering two thousand, to Ludlow's station, about six miles
from the Fort : by which, however, he more than doubled his
cost of providing for the troops.f Here the army continued
until September 17th, when, being two thousand three hun-
dred strong, (including the garrisons of Forts Washington and
Hamilton) exclusive of militia, it moved forward .to a point
upon the Great Miami, where Fort Hamilton was built, the
first in the proposed chain of fortresses. This being completed,
the troops moved on forty-four miles farther, and on the 12th
of October commenced Fort Jefferson, about six miles south
of the town of Greenville, Darke county. On the 24th the
toilsome march through the wilderness began again. At
this time the commander-in-chief, whose duties through the
summer had been very severe, was suffering from an indispo-
sition which was by turns in his stomach, lungs and limbs ;
provisions were scarce, the roads wet and heavy, the troops
going wi.il "nmch difficulty," seven miles a day; the militia
deserting sixty at a time.J Thus toiling along, the army,
rapidly lessening by desertion, sickness, and troops sent to
arrest deserters, on the SJ of November reached a stream
.-twelve yards wide, which St. Clair supposed to be the
♦Proofa of all these facts are found in tho American State Piipers, vol. v. 28, 37, 42
171,176, 179, 180.-[Ed.
fAiucrican State Papers, xii. 37.
JSt. Clair's Journal. (American State Paper.', t. 138-7-)
iMrfMNHMMIMMiH
1791.
icm. In the
ing went on
mpsacks,and
and qualify."
bd, the arms
: proper tools
ty five stand
Clair for the
two travel-
there were
6, 37.] And
lington, after
•n the river,
intemperance
,v them from
lis men, now
30Ut six miles
,n doubled his
my continued
nd three hun-
ishington and
ird .to a point
I'as built, the
ng completed,
d on the 12th
c miles south
the 24th the
I again. At
s through the
(m an indispo-
gs and limbs ;
,vy, the troops
ly; the militia
ig, the army,
troops sent to
hed a stream
led to be the
rs, vol. V. 26, 37, 42
1791.
Defeat of St. Clair.
387
St, Mary of the Maumee, but which was in reality a bruiuh
af,the Wabash, just south of the head waters of the stream
for which the commander mistook it. Upon the banks of
this creek, the army, now about fourteen hundred strong, en-
camped in two lines.
The right wing, says St. Clair, in his letter to the Secretary
of War, after the battle, composed of Butler's, Clark's and
Patterson's battalions, commanded by Major General Biith-r,
formed the first line ; and the left wing, consisting of liedin-
ger's and Gaither's battalions, and the second regiment, com-
manded by Lieutenant Colonel Darke, formed the second line,
with an interval between them of about seventy yards,
which was all the ground would allow. The right ilank was
pretty well secured by the creek; a steep bank, and Faulk-
ner's corps, some of the cavalry, and their pic(iuets, covered
the left flank. The militia were thrown over the creek, and
advanced about a quarter of a mile, and encamped in the
same order. There were a few Indians who appeared on
the opposite side of the creek, but Hed with the utmost pre-
cipitation, on the advance of the militia. At this place,
which I judged to be about fifteen miles from the Miami vil-
lagi!, I determined to throw up a slight work, the plan of
which was concerted that evening with Major Ferguson,
wherein to have deposited the men's knapsacks, and every
thing else that was not of absolute necessity, and to have
moved on to attack the enemy as soon as the first regiment was
come up. But they did not permit me to execute either ; for,
on the 4th, about half an hour before sunrise, and when the
men had just been dismissed from parade, (for it was a con-
stant practice to have ihem all under arms a considerable,
time before day-light,) an attack was made upon the militia.
Those gave way in a very little time and rushed into camp
through Major Butler's battalion, (which, together with a part
of Clark's they threw into considerable disorder, and which,
notwithstanding the exertions of both those officers, was
never altogether remedied,) the" Indians following close at
their heels. The fire, however, of the front line checked
thtm ; but almost instantly a very heavy attack began upon
that line ; and in a few minutes it was extended to the second
likewise. The great weight of it was directed against the
centre of each, where the artillery was placed, and from
which the men were repeatedly driven with great slaughter.
Finding no great effect from our fire, and confusion beginning
to spread from the great number of men who were falling in
all quarters, it became necessary to try what could be done by
the bayonet. Lieutenant Colonel Darke was accordingly or-
dered to make a charge with a part of the second line, and to
i ,
* Vl
i;
f
5f
S88
Defeat of St. Clair.
1791.
(
turn the left flank < f the enemy. This was executed with
great spnit. The Indians instantly gave way, and were
driven back three or four hundred yards ; but for want of a
sufficient number of riflemen to pursue this advantage, they
soon returned, and the troops were obliged to give back in
thci, n-n. At this moment they had entered our camp by
the lelt flank, having pushed back the troops that were posted
there. Another charge was made here by the second regi-
)ment, Butler's and Clark's battalions, with equal effect, and
it was repeated several times and always with success; but
, \i\ all of them many men were lost, and particularly the offi-
iCers, which, with so raw troops, was a loss altogether irreme-
diable. In that I just spoke of, made by the second regiment
and Butler's battalion. Major Butler was dangerously wound-
ed, and evc-y oflicer of the second regintent lell except
three, one of which, Mr. Greaton, was shot through the body.
Our artillery being now silenced, and all the officers killed
except Captain Ford, who was very badly woimded, and more
than half of the army fallen, being cat off from the road, it
became necessary to attempt the regaining it, and to make a
■■■ retreat if possible. To this purpose the remains of the arniy
was formed as well as circumstances would admit, towards
the right of the encampment, from which, by the way of
the second line, another charge was raade upon the enemy,
as if with the design to turn their right flank, but in fact, to
"■ain the road. This was effected, and as soon as it was open,
The militia took along it, followed by the troops; Maj. Clark,
with his battalion, covering the rear.
The retreat, in those circumstances, was, as you may be
sure, a very precipitate one. It was, in fact, a flight. The
'camp and the artillery were abandoned; but that was una-
Toidabie ; for not a horse was left alive to have drawn it off,
had it otherwise been practicable. But the most disgraceful
part of the business is, that the greatest part of the men threw
away their arms and accoutrements, even af\er the pursuit,
which continued about four miles, had ceased. I lound the
road strewed with them for many miles, but was not able to
remedy it ; for, having had all my horses killed, and being
mounied upon one that could not be pricked out of a walk, I
could not get forward myself; and the orders I sent forward
cither to halt the front, or to prevent the men from parting
with their arms, were unattended to. The rout continued
. quite to Fort Jeflerson, twenty-nine miles, which was reached
■\ a little after sun-setting. The action began about hall an
hour before sunrise, and the retreat was attempted at half an
hour after nine o'clock. I have not yet been able to get re-
turns of the killed and wounded ; but Major General Butler,
Lieutenant Colonel Oldham, of the militia, Major Ferguson,
Major l^art, and Major Clark, are among the former : Colo-
•MHMiMMl
wm
wmm
»"^
1791.
cecuted with
y, and were
r want of a
•antagc, they
he baclv in
our citnp by
; were posted
second regi-
al effect, and
success; but
arly the offi-
ether irreme-
ond regiment
ously wound-
t fell except
ugh the body,
officers killed
led, and more
n the road, it
nd to make a
s of the army
Jmit, towards
r the way of
»n the enemy,
»ut in fact, to
s it was open,
i; Maj. Clark,
you may be
I flight. The
that was una-
D drawn it off,
ast disgraceful
he men threw
r the pursuit,
I Ibund the
as not able to
d, and being
it of a walk, I
sent forward
1 from parting
out continued
li was reached
about half an
ted at half an
iblo to get re-
leneral Butler,
ajor Ferguson,
former : Colo-
1791.
Defeat of St. Clair.
nel Sargent, my Adjutant General, Lieutenan. Colonel Darke,
Lieutenant Colonel Gibson, Major Butler, and the Viscount
Malartie, who served me as Aid-de-camp, are among the lat-
ter; and a great number of captains and subalterns in both.
1 have now, sir, finished my melancholy tale — a tale that
will be felt sensibly by every one that has sympathy for pri-
vate distress, or for public misfortune. I have nothing, sir, to
lay to the charge of the troops, but their want of discipline, ;
which, from the short time they had been in service, it was
impossible they should have acquired, and which rendered it
very difiicult, wheri they were thrown into confusion, to reduce
them again to ort'er, and is one reason why the loss has fallen ^
so heavy on the officers, who did every thing in their power to i
effect it. Neither were my own exertions wanting : but, worn
down with illn jss, and suffering under a painful disease, un-
able either to mount or dismount a horse without assistance,
they were not so great as they otherwise would, and perhaps
ought to have been. We were overpowered by numbers ; but
it is no more than justice to observe, that, though composed
of so many different species of troops, the utmost harmony '
prevailed through the whole army during the campaign. At
Fort Jeffer.«on I found the first regiment, which had returned
from the service they had been sent upon, without either over-
taking the deserters, or meeting the convoy of provisions. I
am not certain, sir, whether I ought to consider the absence of
this regiment from the field of action, as fortunate or other-
wise. I incline to think it was fortunate : for, 1 very much
doubt whether, had it been in the action, the fortune of the
day had been turned; and, if it had not, the triumph of lUe
enemy would have been more complete, and the country
would have been destitute of every means of defence. Taking *
a view of the situation of our broken troops at Fort Jefferson,
and that there was no provisions in the Fort, I called upon the
field officers, viz : Lieutenant Colonel Darke, Major Ham-
tramck. Major Zeigler, and Majc- Gaither, together with the
Adjutant General, [Winthrop Sargent,] for their advice what
would be proper further to be done ; and it was their unani- \
mous opinion, that the addition of the first regiment, un-
broken as it was, did not put the army on so respectable a
foot as it was in the morning, because a great part of it was now
unarmed ; that it had been found unequal to the enemy, and/
should they come on, which was possible, would bO" found so
again ; that the troops could not be thrown into the fort, both
because it was too small, and that there were no provisions in
it ; that provisions were known to be on the road, at the dis-
tance of one, or at most two marches; that, therefbre.it would
be more proper'to move without loss of time, to meet the pro-j
visions, when the men might have the sooner an opportunity^
of some refreshment, and that a proper detachment might be
I '-
390
Defeat of St. Clair.
1791.
sent back with it, to have it sfift-ly deposited in the fort. This
advice was accepted, and the army was put in motion at ten
o'clock, and marched all night, and the succeeding day met
with a quantity of flour. Part of it was distributed immedi-
\ atfly, part tal^en back to supply the army on the march to
/ Fort Hamilton, and the remainder, about fifty horie loads,
, sent forward to Fort Jetterson. The next day a drove of
cattle was met with for the same place, and 1 have informa-
tion that both got in. The wounded, who had been left at
that place, were ordered to be brought to Fort Washington
by the return horses.
I have said, sir, in a former part of this letter, that we were
overpowered by numbers. Of that, however, I have no other
evidence but the weight of the fire, which was always a most
deadly one, and generally delivered from the ground— few of
tho enemy showing themselves afoot, except when they were
charged ; and that, in a few minutes our whole camp, which
extended above three hundred and fifty yards in length, was
entirely surrounded and attacked on all quarters. The loss,
sir, the public has sustained by the fall of so many ofiicers,
particularly General Butler and Major Ferguson, cannot be
too much regretted ; but it is a circumstance that will alle-
viate the misfortune in some measure, that all of them fell
most gallantly doing their duty. 1 have had very particular
obligations to many of them, as well as to the survivors,
but to none more than Colonel Sargent. He has- discharged
the various duties of his office with zeal, with exactness, and
with intelligence, and on all occasions afforded me every as-
sistance in his power, which I have also experienced from my
■ Aid de-camp. Lieutenant Denny, and the Viscount Malartie,
"'who .served with me in the station as a volunteer.*
[ To this ofTioial account of the commander, we add the fol-
lowing sketch by Benjamin Van Cleve, who was in the Quar-
ter-master General's service on the occasion; so that he
/ fought as a volunteer. Mr. Van Cleve was^a resident of Cin-
) ciuuati, early in 1790; removed to Dayton in 1797, and during
the principal part of his life, kept a journal or memoranda of
the events that transpired. This sketch vividly portrays the
confusion of the battle and flight f]
On the fourth [of November] at daybreak, I began to pre-
pare for returning, [to Fort Washington] and had got about
* half my luggage on my horse, when the firing commenced.
We were encamped just within the lines, on the right. The
attack was made on the Kentucky militia. Almost instanta-
» American State Papew, v. 187. ^:
t American Pioneer, ii. 148— 163. •*■' '
mmmm
1791.
he fort. This
motion at ten
ding (lay met
uted imrredi-
the march to
y hor^e loads,
ly a drove of
have informa-
id been left at
't Washington
, that we were
have no other
always a most
round — few of
iien they were
! camp, which
in length, was
;rs. The loss,
many officers,
on, cannot be
that will alle-
dl of them fell
irery particular
the survivors,
las- discharged
exactness, and
i me every as-
enced from my
!ount Malar tie,
er.*
ve add the foi-
ls in the Quar-
1 ; so that he
esident of Cin-
r97, and during
memoranda of
ly portrays the
L began to pre-
had got about
ig commenced.
he right. The
Imost instanta-
1791.
Defeat of St. Clair.
391
minutes had
had his arm swinging
and accoutrements, as
necusly the small remnant of them that escaped broke ^
through the line near us, and this line gave way. Followed
by a tremendous fire from the enemy, they pn.«sf(l me. 1 i
threw my bridle over a stump, from which a tent polo hud \
been cut, and followed a short distance, when finding the
troops had halted, I returned and brouglit my horse a
little farther. I was now between the fires, and finding the
troops giving way again, was obliged to leave him a second
time. As I quitted him he was shot down, and 1 felt rather
glad of it, as I concluded that now I should be at liberty to
share in the engagement. My inexperience prompted me to
calculate on our forces being far superior to any that the i<av- ^
ages could assemble, and that we should soon have the
pleasure of driving them. Not more than iiye
yet elapsed, when a soldier near me
with a wound. 1 requested his arms
he was unable to use them, promising to return them to him,
and commenced firing. The smoke was settled down to
about within three feet of the ground, but I generally put one
knee on the ground, and with a rest from behind a tree,
waited the appearance of an Indian's head from behind his
cover, or for one to run and change his position. Before I
was convinced of my mistaken calculations, the battle was
half over, and I had become familiarized to the scene. Hear-
ing the firing at one time unusually brisk near the rear of the
left wing, I crossed the encampment. Two levy ofllcers were
just ordering a charge. I had fired away my ammunition, and
some of the bands of my musket had flown ofi". 1 picked up
another, and a cartridge box nearly full, and pushed forward
with about thirty others. The Indians ran to the right, where
there was a small ravine filled with logs. I bent iry course
after them,' and on looking round, 1 found I was with only
seven or eight men, the others having kept straight forward,
and halted about thirty yards off". We halted also, and being
so near where the savages lay concealed, the second fire from
them, 'left me standing alone. My cover was a small sugar (
tree or beech, scarcely large enough to hide me. I fired aw ay
all my ammunition ; I am uncertain whether with any eflect or
not. I then looked for the party near me, and saw them re-
treating and half way back to the lines. I followed them,
running my best, and was soon in. By this time our artillery
had been taken, 1 do not know whether the first or second
time, and our troops had just retaken it, and were charging
the enemy across the creek in front; and some person told me
to look at an Indian running with one of our kegs of pow-
der, but I did not see him. There were about thirty of our
men and ofiicerS lying scalped 'around the pieces of artillery.
It appeared that the Indians had not been in a hurry, for
their hair was all skinned off. , b-
;!
:l ♦
t
■jy
.^ Ail
Defeat of St. Clair.
1791.
Daniel Bonliam, a young man raised by my uncle, and
brought up with me, and whom 1 regarded as a brother, had
by this time received a shot through his hips, and was unable
to walk. I procured a horse and got him on. My uncle had
received a ball near his wrist that lodged near his elbow.
The ground was literally covered with dead and dying men,
the commander gave orders to take the way — perhaps
they had been given more explicitly. Happening to see
my uncle, he told me that a retreat had been ordered, and
that 1 must do the best I could, and take care of myself,
lionham insisted that he had a better chance of escaping
than I had, and urged me to look to my own safety alone. 1
found the troops pressing like a drove of bullocks to the
right. 1 saw an ollicer whom I took to be Lieutenant Mor-
gan, an aid to General Butler, with six or eight men, start
on a run a little to the left of where I was. I immediately
ran and fell in with them. In a short distance we were bo
suddenly among the Indians, who were not apprised of our
object, that they opened to us, and ran to the right and left
without firing. I think about two hundred of our men f assed
through them before they fired, except a chance shot. When
we had proceeded about two miles, most of those mounted
had passed me. A boy had been thrown or fell oil" a horse,
and begged my assistance. I ran, pulled him along about two
miles further, until I had become nearly exhausted. Of the
last two horses in the rear, one carried two men, and the
other three. I made an exertion and threw him on behind
the two men. The Indians followed but about half a mile fur-
ther. The boy was thrown off some time after, but escaped
and got in safely. My friend Bonham I did not see on the
retreat, but understood he was thrown off about this place,
and lay on the left of the trace, where he was found in
the winter and was buried. I took the cramp violently in
my thighs, and could scarcely walk until I got within a
hundred yards of the rear, where the Indians were toma-
hawking the old and wounded men ; and I stopped here
to tie my pocket handkerchief round a wounded man's knee.
1 saw the Indians close in pursuit at this time, and for a mo-
ment my spirit sunk, and I felt in despair for my safety. 1
considered whether I should leave the road, or whether I was
capable of any further exertion. If I left the road, the In-
dians were in plain sight and could easily overtake me. I
threw the shoes off my feet, and the coolness of the ground
seemed to revive me. I again began a trot, and recollect
that when a bend in the road offered, and I got before half a
dozen persons, I thought it would occupy some time for the
enemy to massacre them, before my turn would come. By
the time I had got to Stillwater, about eleven miles, I had
gained the centre of the flying troops, and, like them came to
»'. .
1791.
y uncle, and
a brother, had
d was unable
My uncle had
HP his elbow,
nd dying men,
way — perhaps
)ening to see
ordered, and
arc of myself,
e of escaping
cty alone. I
uUocks to the
;utenant Mor-
!;ht men, start
I immediately
e we were so
jprised of our
right and left
ur men f assed
shot. When
hose mounted
II olf a horse,
ong about two
Listed. Of the
men, and the
lim on behind
lalf a mile fur-
r, but escaped
not see on the
tout this place,
was found in
ip violently in
got within a
s were toma-
stopped here
d man's knee,
and for a mo-
my safety. I
whether I was
road, the In-
ertakc me. I
of the ground
and recollect
t before half a
B time for the
Id come. By
I miles, I had
them came to
1791.
Defeat of Sf. Clair.
393
^
a walk. I fell in with Lieutenant Shaumburg, who, I think,
was the only ollicer of artillery that got away unhurt, with 7
corporal Mott, and a woman who was called red-headed ,^
Nance. The latter two were both crying. Mott was lament-
ing the loss of a wife, and Nance that of an infant child.
Shaumburg was nearly exhausted, and hung on Mott's arm.
I carried his fusil and accoutrements, and led Nance ; and in
this sociable way we arrived at Fort Jetferson a little after
.sunset.
The commander-in-chief had ordered Colonel Darke to
press forward to the convoys of provisions, and hurry thom on
to the army. Maji . Truman, Captain Sedan and my uncle
were setting forward with him. A number of soldiers, and
pack-hor.semeu on foot, and myself among them, joined them.
We came on a few miles, when all, overcome with fatigue,
agreed to halt. Darius Curtius Orcutt, a pack-horse master,
had stolen, at Jefferson, one pocket full of flour and the other
full of beef. One of the men had a kettle, and one Jacob
Fowler and r.ijaelf groped about in the dark, until we found
some water, where a tree had been blown out of root. We
made a kettle of soup, of which I got a small portion among
the many. It was then concluded, as there was a bend in the
road a few miles farther on, that the Indians might undertake
to intercept us there, and we decamped and travelled about
four or five miles further. I had got a rifle and ammunition
at Jefferson, from a wounded militia-man, an old acquaint-
ance, to bring in. A sentinel was set, and we lay down and
slept, until the governor came up a iaw hours afterward. I
think I never slept so profoundly. I could hardly get awake,
after I was on my feet. On the day before the defeat, the
ground was covered with snow. The flats were now filled
with water fro«en over, the ice as thick as a knife-blade. I
was worn out with fatigue, with my feet knocked to pieces
against the roots in the night, and splashing through the ice-
without shoes. In the morning, we got to a camp of pack-
horsemen, and amongst them I got a doughboy or water-
dumpling, and proceeded. We got within seven miles of
Hamilton on this day, and arrived there soon on the morning
of the sixth.
Thus were all the plans, hopes, and labors of Washington,
Knox and St. Clair, in reference to the Indian campaign, in
one day, overthrown. The savages, again victorious, could
neither be expected to make terms or exercise forbearance ;
and along the whole line of the froitier there were but few
that did not feel anxiety, terror, or despair.
We give in illustration the following. — Representation from
the inhabitants of the town of Pittsburg, dated, Pittsburg, De-
25
r •
394
Effect of St. Clair's Defeat.
1790.
cember Wth, 1791— Sir : In consequence of the late intelli-
gence of the fate of the campaign to the Westward, the
inhabitants of the town of Pittsburg have convened, and
appointed us u committee for the purpose of addressing your
Excellency. The late disaster of the army must greatly cllect
the safety of this place. There can be no doubt but that the
enemy will now come forward, and with more spirit, and
greater numbers, than they ever did before, for success will
give confidence and secure allies.
We seriously apprehend that the Six Nations, heretofore
wavering, will now avow themselves ; at least, their young
men will come to war. Be that as it may, the Indians at
present hostile, are well acquainted with the defenceless
situation of this town. During the late war there was a gar-
rison at this place, though, even then, there was not such a
combination of the savage nations, nor so much to be dreaded
from them. At present, we have neither garrison, arms, nor
ammunition to defend the place. If the enemy should be dis-
posed to pursue the blow they have given, which it is morally
certain they will, they would, in our situation, find it easy to
destroy us ; and, should this place be lost, the whole country
is open to them, and must be abandoned.— (A. Tannehill and
others, to the Governor of Pennsylvania.)
Memorial ft cm the inhabitants of the counties uf Westmoreland,
Washington, Fayette, and Allegheny, to the Governor of Penn-
sylvania ;— To his Excellency Thomas Mifilin, Esq., Governor
of the State of Pennsylvania :— Your Excellency is well aware
of the great extent of our frontier ; and, when you consider
the high degree of spirit which the savages, animated by two
successive victories, entertain, you may more easily conceive,
than we can describe, the fears which pervade the breasts of
those m«n, women and children, who are more immediately
subject to their barbarities and depredations. Had the peo-
ple a sufiieiency of arms in their hands, they inight, in some
measure, defend themselves until the General Government, to
whose care the common defence is entrusted, should adopt
efficient steps for that purpose. At the same time, we beg
leave to state to your Excellency, what occurs to us as the
most speedy and effectual mode. When the extent of coun-
try to be protected is taken into view, we conceive that eight
hundred effective men will not be deemed more than suf-
ficient. They should be active partisans, under experienced
officers, and provided with good rifles, to suit the grand object
of meeting the enemy upon equal terms ; of scouti.g, and
giving the alarm when needful. Such a body should have
encouragement proportioned to the price of common labor in
this country, which averages fifty shillings per month, as the
pay allowed to the troops of the United States would not be a
liiaiHiiiMiiiiillMiliM
1790
n late intelli-
ii^estwnrd, the
onvcned, and
(dressing your
t greatly ell'ect
>t but that the
re spirit, and
r success will
ns, heretofore
their young
he Indians at
le defenceless
Kre was a gar-
as not such a
to be dreaded
son, arms, nor
should be dis-
:h it is morally
find it easy to
whole country
Tannehill and
' Westmoreland,
vernor of Pcnn-
Esq., Governor
y is well aware
ti you consider
limated by two
jasily conceive,
B the breasts of
re immediately
Had the peo-
might, in some
GJovernment, to
1, should adopt
e time, vi'e beg
rs to us as the
3xtent of coun-
sel ve that eight
more than suf-
ler experienced
he grand object
f scouti.ig, and
dy should have
jmmon labor in
r month, as the
would not be a
1790
J'lff'ect of St. Clair's Defeat.
395
stifliclcnt inducement to able-bodied men, possessing the requi-
site qualifications. We suggest these general ideas from our
knowledge of local circumstances, which they who are at a
distance, unacquainted with the actual situation of the wes-
tern country, cannot sc well perceive. It is not our wish to
enter into a minute detail, being convinced that your Excel-
lency is not only fully acquainted with, but feelingly alive to,
those impressions, which a state, such as ours, must give rise
to ; nor can we apply to any person more proper than your-
self to procure that assistance which it requires.
i'^/'ow the Representatives of the County of Ohio to the
Governor of Virginia : — Sir : "The alarming intelligence lately
received, of the defeat of the army in the western country,
fills our minds with dreadful fears and apprehensions, con-
cerning the safety of our fellow-citizens in the country we re-
present, and we confidently hope will be an excuse to your
Excellency, whose zeal has been so frequently evinced in be-
half of the distressed frontier counties, for the request we are
now compelled to make. In the course of last year, upwards
of fifty of our people were killed, and a great part of our
country plundered, notwithstanding the aid afforded by the
Pennaylvanians, who joined the Virginians in our defence.
The success of the Indians in their late engagement with Gen-
eral St. Clair, will, no doubt, render them more daring and
bold in their future incursions and attacks upon our defence-
less inhabitants; those adjoining the county of Harrison, ex-
tending a hundred miles ; covering the county of Monongalia ;
and we conceive that not less than sixty or seventy men will
be sufficient to defend them. Through you, sir, we beg leave
to request this assistance. (American btate Papers, v, 216.
216. 222.)
[In Braddock's defeat, of one thousand two hundred men,/
there were seven hundred and fourteen killed and wounded. \
In St. Clair's defeat, put of fourteen hundred men, eight hun-"
dred and ninety were killed and wounded. Braddock's
officers were eighty-six in number, of which sixty-tnit 3 were
killed and wounded. St. Clair had from eighty-six to ninety
officers, of which sixteen were killed and wounded. In its
effects, this was like a second Braddock's defeat. How was it
in its causes ?] General Knox assigned as the chief reasons of
St. Clair's overthrow — first, the deficiency of good troops :
second, the want of appropriate training among those he (St.
Clair) had : third, the lateness of the season.* The committee
of the House of Representatives which examined the matter,
« Amerieui State Papen, t. 198.
/
I •
( ■■■
396
Eject of St. Clair's Defeat.
1791.
upon the 8th of May, 1792, reported the ciuises of the catas-
trophe of tho previous November to hnvc been, in their opin-
ion — first, the delay in preparing estimates, »fec., for tlie de-
fence of tlie frontiers, and the late passage of the Act (March
3d,) for that purpose : second, the delay caused by thp neglect
in the Huartermaster's department : third, the lateness of tho
season when the expedition was commenced : and, fourth, the
want of discipline and experience in the troops. This Com-
mittee, also, expressly declared General St. Clair free of all
blame in relation to everything, both before and during the
action.* Will the causes thus assigned fully explain the de-
feat? In answer it may be observed, even by one wholly
ignorant of military matters, that the late passage of an act
of Congress— the want of proper measures by the Quarter-
master, and the lateness of the season, were obviously not
among the Icadins:: causes of the rout of November 4th,
1791 ; these things might have prevented the accomplishment
of the plan for erecting a fort at the Miami village, even had
St. Clair been victorious on that day, but they did not cause
his defeat. Was it, then, the want of good troops ? We think
a re-perusal of the General's letter will show that his troops
were not worthless by any means. The action began about
half an hour before sun-ri.sc, on the fourth of November, and
lasted until half-past nine in the morning. This could not
have been the case with undisciplined troops, unless they had
possessed, at least, the raw material of soldiers, and had been
men who, well situated, would have done well. However
much, then, the troops may have been wanting in a proper
training, it seems clear to us that this alone would not explain
the fortune of the day unless the enemy had been present in
overwhelming numbers ; and such was not probably the case,
the best evidence we have going to show that the Indians
were but about one thousand in number,! while the Americans
were fourteen hundred. Leaving then the reasons officially
assigned, we suggest that, to the reader ignorant of military
science, it seems that two striking causes of the melancholy
result are unnoticed by the Secretary of War and the Com-
* Ametican State Papers, xu. 38, 39.
+ American State Papen, xU. 37.-The Secretary of War in December, 1791, estimated
the IndiaM at tliree thouiand, but the Committee of tho following May, having his and
other eTidenee,cut the number down to lOiO.-American State Paper., v. 193.-Amencan
State Papers, xii, il.
iMiiiiHIi
■liMiflHMii
1791.
s of the catas-
, in their opin-
ic, for the (lo-
lie Act (March
by thp noglect
latcncHs of tho
and, fourth', the
38. This Com-
Jlair free of all
ind during the
explain the de-
by one wholly
jsage of an act
y the Quarter-
obviously not
November 4th,
iccomplishment
llage, even had
r did not cause
ops ? We think
that his troops
on began about
November, and
This could not
unless they had
s, and had been
veil. However
ng in a proper
luld not explain
been present in
)bably the case,
lat the Indians
! the Americans
::asons officially
•ant of military
the melancholy
r and the Com-
cmber, 1 701, estimated
g May, baving hia aod
[)ers,v. 193.— American
1701.
Cnnsps of St. Clair's Defeat.
wt
mittoe of CongrcHw, viz. : the surprise by the Indians, who
\^rcre in no degree expected by tho army ; and tlie confusion
introduced at the outset by tlie flying militia. Had tho
attack been expected, the troops prepared, all chance of con-
fusion avoided, and had the very able officers who command-
ed lieen obeyed — with all the disadvantages of raw troops,
the event might have been, probably would have been, wholly
dilferent. We are, then, led to ask, how it happened that the
troops were surprised — were proper measures taken to guard
against surprise ? The militia, as St. Clair says, were a quar-
ter of a mile in advance of the main army, and beyond the
creek ; still farther in advance was Captain Slough, who,
with a volunteer party of regulars, went out to reconnoitre ;
and orders had been given Colonel Oldham, who commanded
the militia, to have the woods thoroughly examined by the
scouts and patrols, as Indians were known to bo hanging
about the outskirts of the army. In all this St. Clair seems to
have done his entire duty, as far as sickness would permit him ;
could he have seen in person to the essential steps it would
have been better. During the night Captain Slough, who
was a mile beyond the militia, found so large a body of sava-
ges gathering about him, that he fell back and reported his
observations to General Butler. But the General, for reasons
unexplained, made no dispositions in consequence of this in-
formation, and did not report it to the Commander-in-chief.
Colonel Oldham also obeyed his orders, the woods were
searched, and the presence of the enemy detected, but he, too,
reported, through Captain Slough, to General Butler, beyond
whom the information did not go.
[There is evidence in the various decuments that there was
a misunderstanding between Generals St. Clair and Butler
during the campaign. The latter was killed in the battle, or
that part of his conduct which is involved in mystery might
have been explained. Various stories have obtained circu-
lation about the manner and circumstances of his death.
A paper from John Johnson, published in Cist's Miscellany,
(ii. 299,) states that he was killed by his own son, a half-breed
Shawanee chief, which we think is more than improbable.
Mr. Stone, in his life of Brant, (ii. 310,) says he was badly
wounded, and being left on the field, implored Simon Girty to
kill him, but he refused, and an Indian put him out of pain;
i^
mmm
r— rr-*
398
Cauiet of the Dffeal of St. Claii
taking his Hcalp and hoart as trophioN. Munu HutU-r, Kmi,
HtuteH (IliHtory of Kentucky, 204,) on what uutlioiily wv d.>
not exactly perceive, that an Indian "at the Naoiillce of hin
own life, darted into the camp and tomahawked and scalped
Miyor General Uutler while \m wounds were .Iressing, though
the Indian was instantly put to death." Another statt^n.-nt
in Cist's Miscellany (ii. 31) hy .1. Matson. is, that he helonged.
to a party sent back by General Wilkinson the lollowing win-
ter to the battle Held, where they lound, as they thought,
Butler's body "in the thickest of the carnage."
In the "xNarrative" by St. Clair (p. 221) Colonel Scmple de-
poses, that he saw four soldiers putting General Uutler m a
blanket after he fell.
When such conflicting statements exist concerning the cir-
cumstances of the death of the distinguished ollicer who wa»
second in command, we cannot expect accuracy in tracing the
causes of the disastrous defeat. General Uutler had been an
Indian trader at an early day. It appears from the documeu-
tary testimony, that he did not report to the Commander-in-
chief (St. Cloir) the information he received from the recon-
noisance of Colonel Oldham and Captain Slough during the
preceding night. Oldham, too, appears to have been dihgent
iH making his repor!, but he also was among the slam. St
Clair said, had he received the reports of Colonel Oldham and
Captain Slough, he would have attacked the Indians in the
night. (Narrative, p. 136.) r i. n i
To all these circumstances we repeat the fact, that General
St Clair was suffering from severe indisposition, and for
a portion of the march had to be carried in a litter. And in
the morning of the attack the army was taken by surprise and
unprepared. Even under these disadvantages there was a
great chance of victory for the American army, had the troops
not been unexpectedly attacked and thrown into disorder at
the onset. It could not have been the single fact, (as many
have supposed) that they were militia or volunteers, for in too
many instances have this class of troops from this western
valley, stood their ground in severe and deadly conflicts with
Indians, British and Mexicans. Proofs enough of firmness and
self government have been given by this class of men, to put
an end to the prejudices heretofore existing against volunteer
troops. '
11/'
1791.
nn ButU'r, Kwq.,
iulliority Nve d«)
B Nucrillco t)t' Imh
kt^il uiid Mculpi'ii
<lr«!SsiiiK, thougli
lothcr Htutmncnt
lliut lit' bi'loiiKtil-
ic lullowing will-
is ihty thought,
i>
lonol StMnplc dc-
iieral Uutlir in a
ncprning the cir-
l officer who was
ic.y in tracing the
itlcr had hcun aii
uin the documeu-
s Commander-in-
\ from the rccon-
tlough during the
luve been diligent
ig the slnin. St.
lunel Oldham and
he Indians in the
fact, that General
.position, and for
, a litter. And in
;n by surprise and
ages there was a
my , had the troops
m into disorder at
igle fact, (us many
luntecrs, for in too
from this western
adly conflicts with
igh of firmness and
lass of men, to put
against volunteer
1791.
CauMs of thf Defeat of Si. Clair.
W9
Th«; following cuinmuniciition from Colonel John Armstrong,
np cxpericurt'd warrior with Indie nm, and tho hero of Kittan-
ning, deservos attention.*
"Itsnems prohahli', that too much attachment to regular or
military rule, or a ton groat conlidcnce in tho artillery (which
it Nceined fortned part of the lines, and hud a tendency to ren-
der the troops stationary,) must huvu been the iiiotives, which
led to the adopted ord(!r of action. 1 call it adopt(!(l, because
tht) CJeueral does not spt-ali of havin;^ intended any other,
whereby ho presented a large and visible object, perhaps in
elose ord(!rs too, to an enemy near enough to destroy, but from
their known modes of action comparatively invisible ; where-
by W(! may rcmdily infer, that five hundred Indians were fully
sulliuient to do us all the injury we liavu sustained, nor can I
conc(uve them to have been many more. Hut tragical as tho
event has lieen, we have this consolation, that during tho ac-
tion our ollicers and troops discovered great bravery, and that
the loss of a battle is not always the loss of the cause. In'
vain, however, may we expect success against our present ad- .
versarics, without taking a few lessons from them, which I )
thought Americans had learned long ago. The principles of
their military action are rational, and therefore often success-
ful. We must, in a degree, take a similar method in order to
counteract them."
If these views are sound, there was no such neglect on tho
part of St. Clair as on the part of Urnddock in his defeat ; no
overwhelming sell-confidence, or disregard of sound advice ;
there was nothing, absolutely nothing, to excuse the abuse and
persecution to which he was afterwards subjected ; but there
was, 1st, apparent neglect on the part of General Butler and|
Colonel Oldham, leading to a surprise ; 2J, a mistaken position .
assigned the militia by St. Clair, in accordance with the max- )
ims of most officers of the day: and, 3d, a needless adher-
ence to military rules on the part of the Commander-in-chief,
which made his force a target for the Indians to shoot at.
One circumstance connected with this battle, and one of no
inconsiderable interest, has been but lately brought to light,
and may even now, perhaps, be doubted ; it is the presence
of Joseph Brant, Thayendanegea, — the great captain of the /
Mohawks. Until this was announced in 1838, by Col. Stone,
in his life of that chieftain, the Little Turtle, Mechecunaqua,
Chief of the Miamies, had been universally regarded as a
* Armitroog'!! letter to Wosbington, December 23cl, 1791, in Sparks' Waabingtoii; x.
223.— Note.
/
HI
'>
1
400
Causes of the Defeat of St. Clair.
1791.
leader at St. Clair's, as he had been at Harmar's defeat. Mr.
Stone's information was derived from Brant's family ; but as
there might have been error in the tradition,— as it is very
improbable that he should have been there, and no whisper
from any source have got abroad in all the time since elapsed,
—as he had been before and was afterwards a messenger and
advocate of peace,— and as to believe him at St. Clair's defeat,
would be to believe him guilty of needless disguise and de-
ception,— we cannot but doubt the correctness of the tale told
by Mr. Stone. But whoever led the savage forces, led them
with ability and valor, and in no recorded battle did the sons
of the forest ever show themselves better warriors.
CHAPTER XIII.
INDIAN WAR CONTINUED.
Project of General Knoi for further notion against *\xe Indians— Spies tent among them
—General Wayno chosen commander— Mission of Putnam— Correcpondcnoe with Gov.
Simcoe—Council at the Maumee— Grand Council at Sandusky— Its failure— Inter-
ference of the British— March of General Wayne— The Battle and Conquest of the In-
dians—The Treaty at Greenville and Peace Concluded— Appendix.
It was on the 4th of November that the battle causing the
defeat of St. Clair and his army took place.
On the 8th the remains of the army reached Fort Washing-
ton ; on the 9th, St. Clair wrote to the Secretary of War ; on
the 12th of December the information was communicated to
Congress ; and on the 26th of December General Knox laid
before the President two reports, the second of which contained
suggestions as to future operations. After noticing the policy
of the Government toward the native tribes, the futility of all
attempts to preserve peace, and the justice of the United
States claim, the Secretary proceeds—
1791.
1791.
Plans of General Knox.
401
s defeat. Mr.
family ; but as
—as it is very
d no whisper
since elapsed,
nessunger and
Clair's defeat,
iguise and de-
)f the tale told
rces, led them
le did the sons
iors.
pies tent among them
ippondcnoe with Got.
—Its failure — Inter-
d Conquest of the In-
:tle causing the
Fort Washing-
ry of War ; on
tnmunicated to
eral Knox laid
hich contained
cing the policy
e futility of all
of the United
Hence it would appear, that the principles of justice as
Yi^ell as policy, and it may be added, the principles of economy,
all combine to dictate, that an adequate military force should
be raised as soon as possible, placed upon the frontiers,
and disciplined according to the nature of the service, and in
order to meet, with the prospect of success, the greatest pro-
bable combination of the Indian enemy.
Although the precise manner in which the force to be raised
be employed, cannot be pointed out with propriety at this time,
as it will depend on the circumstances of the moment, yet it
may not be improper to observe, that upon a review of the
merits of the main object of the late campaign, to wit: the
establishment of a strong military post at the Miami village,
with the necessary posts of communication, the necessity and
propriety thereof remain the same; that this necessity will
probably continue until we shall be possessed of the posts
upon Lake Michigan, of Detroit, and Niagara, withheld from
us by Great Britain, contrary to treaty. Without remarking
upon the principles of this conduct, it may be observed gen-
erally, that every arrangement in the power of the United
States, for establishing the tranquility of the frontiers, will be
inferior to the possession of said posts. That it is, however,
considered, that, if the said posts were in our possession, we
ought also to have a strong post at the Miami village, in or-
der to render the protection effectual, and that the posts
above mentioned will require garrisons whensoever they shall
be given up.
The subscriber having deliberately contemplated the pres-
ent state of affairs upon the frontiers, from the south to the
north, having recurred to the past in order to estimate the
probable future events, finds himself constrained by his pub-
lic duty, although with great reluctance, to stale, as the re-
sult of his judgment, that the public service requires an
increase of the military force, according to the following ar-
rangement :
That the military establishment of the United States, shall,
during the pleasure of Congress, consist of five thousand one
hundred and sixty eight non-commissioned otficers, privates
and musicians.
That the said non-commissioned officers and privates shall
be enlisted to serve three years, unless sooner discharged.
That the said troops be organized as follows :
One squadron of cavalry, of four troops, each of
seventy-six non-commissioned otKcers and privates
It should be astipulation in the engagements of these
men, that they-should serve on foot whenever the ser-
vice requires the measure.
One battalion of artillery, of four companies each, to
>■■;.'
r:
f>--
"^
408
Plans of General Knox.
1791.
' ■
304
consist of seventy-six non-commissioned officers and
privates, ..-..---
Each company of artillery to have, as part of its
composition, ten artificers each, including the pay of
artillerists to have ten dollars per month.
Five regiments of infantry, one of which to be riPe-
men entirely, each of three battalions ; each battalion
of four companies ; each company of seventy-six non-
commissioned ofiicers and privates, amounting, for each
regiment, to nine hundred and twelve, - - - 4,660
5,168
That, in addition to the foregoing arrangement, it would be
proper that the President of the United States should be au-
thorized, besides the employment of militia, to take such
measures for the defensive protection of the exposed parts of
the frontiers, by calling into service expert woodsmen, as pa-
trols or scouts, upon such terms as he may judge proper.
That he be further authorized, in case he should deem the
measure expedient, to engage mounted militia for defensive
operations, for such time, and on such terms, as he may judge
equitable. That he be further authorized, in case he should
deem the measure expedient, to employ a body of Indians
belonging to tribes in alliance with the United States, to act
against the hostile Indians ; and that he be authorized to
stipulate such terms as he shall judge right.
That it does not seem essential, at this time, that there
should be any special appropriations for the defensive protec-
tion, the mounted militia, or the employment of Indiai.s,
although the actual expenses for those objects may amount lo
considerable sums, because the estimates, before mentioned,
comprehend the entire expense, for one year, of the proposed
establishment as complete. But, let the exertions to complete
it be ever so great, yet it is probable a deficiency will exist,
which will of course occasion a less expense- The moneys,
therefore, which may be appropriated to the establishment,
and not expended, may be applied to the extra objects above
mentioned. If, however, there should be a deficiency, it may
hereafter be provided for. That the nett pay of the private
soldier, at present, free of all deductions, is two dollars per
month. But, as the experience of the recruiting ser\'ice, of the
present year, evinces that the inducement is insufficient, it seems
necessary to raise the pay to three dollars per month, free of all
deductions ; and the non-commissioned officers in proportion.
The rifle corps will require more. But whether, under pres-
ent circumstances, even the additional pay, and an extension
of bounty to eight dollars, would give such an impulse to the
recruiting service, as to fill the battalions immediately, re-
mains to be tried. Nothing has been said upon an increased
1791.
304
irs and
•t of its
pay of
)e rife-
attalion
six non-
for each
- 4,560
5,168
nt, it would be
should be au-
to take such
cposed parts of
odsmcn, as pa-
judge proper.
)uid deem the
I for defensive
s he may judge
case he should
ody of Indians
1 States, to act
authorized to
me, that there
;l^nsive protec-
;nt of Indians,
may amount to
ore mentioned,
f the proposed
}ns to complete
incy will exist,
The moneys,
establishment,
I objects above
ficiency, it may
of the private
wo dollars per
2; service, of the
iiicient, it seems
onth, free of all
i in proportion.
!r, under pres-
d an extension
impulse to the
imediately, re-
in an increased
1791.
Plans of General Knox.
403
pay to the commissioned officers, because a memorial upon
that subject has been presented to Congress. But it cannot
Ce doubted that a small increase would be highly grateful to
the officers, and probably beneficial to the service. The
mounted miUtia is suggested to be used during the prepara-
tion for the main expedition, (and afterwards, if circum-
stances should render it indispensable.) The elii'ct of such
desultory operations upon the Indians will, by occupying them
for their own safety, and that of their families, prevent their
spreading terror and destruction along the frontiers. Those
sort of expeditions had that precise ell'ect during the last sea-
son, and Kentucky enjoyed roore repose, and sustained less
injury, than for any year since the war with Great Britain.
This single elfect, independent of the injury done to the force
of the Indians, is worth greatly more than the actual expense
of such expeditions. But, while it is acknowledged that
mounted militia may be very proper for sudden enterprises, of
short duration, it is conceived that militia are utterly unsuit-
able to carry on and terminate the war in which we are en-
gaged, with honor and success. And besides, it would be
ruinous to the purposes of husbandry, to keep them out long,
if it were practicable to accomplish it. Good troops, enlisted
for a considerable period, armed and well disciphned in a
suitable manner, for the nature of the service, will be equal,
individually, to the best mihtia ; but, when it is considered to
these qualities are added the obedience, the patience, the
promptness, the economy of discipline, and the inestimable
value of good ofl^cers, possessing a proper pride of reputation,
the comparison no longer holds, and disciplined troops attain
in the mind, and in actual execution, that ascendancy over
the militia, which is the result of a just comparative view of
their relative force, and the experience of all nations and
ages. The expediency of employing the Indians in alliance
with us, against the hostile Indians, cannot be doubted. It
has been shown before, how difficult, and even impracticable,
it will probably be, to restrain the young men of the friendly
tribes from action, and that, if we do not employ them, they
•will be employed against us. The justice of engaging them
would depend upon the justice of the war. If the war be
just on our part, it will certainly bear the test of examination,
to use the same sort of means in our defence, as are used
against us. The subscriber, therefore, submits it as his opin-
ion, that it would be proper to employ judiciously, as to time
and circumstances, as many of the friendly Indians as may be
obtained, not exceeding one thousand in number.*
In the necessity for a competent army all seem to have
agreed, but it w;is the wish of Washington that before this
*Am«rican State Papen, ▼. 193—199.
• hi
'.'li:*'
404
Pacific offers to the Iroquois.
1791.
army was organized, every effort should be again made to pre-
vent bloodshed. Colonel Pickering, in his meeting of June
and July 1791, with the Iroquois at the Painted Post, had,
among other things, proposed that certain chiefs shoulu, in
the following January, go to Philadelphia while Cong-ess was
in session* and shake hands with their newly adopted father.
The importance of the proposed visit became more evident
after the news of St. Clair's discomfiture, for the fidelity of
the New York Indians even was doubted. On the 20th of
December, 1791, accordingly, we find Knox writing to the
Rev. Samuel Kirkland, the Iroquois missionary, pressing
through him the invitation given by the commissioner, and
especially urging the presence of Brant. To aid the proposed
peace-meiisures, a respectful and kind message was sent to
the Senecas on the 7th of January, 1792 ; while, to guard
against surprise, means were adopted to learn the purpose of
a great council called at Buffalo creek, and also to ascertain
the intentions of the tribes on the Wabash and Miami. This
was done in part through the agency of the Reverend Mr.
Kirkland, and partly by the mission of Captain Peter Pond
and William Stedman, who, on the 9th of January, two days
before Knox's two plans above referred to, were laid before
Congress, received their instructions as secret messengers or
spies among the western Indians; from those instructions we
quote a few paragraphs.
Repair io Niagara and Detroit, without suffering your busi-
ness to escape you, until the proper time. When at Detroit,
assume the character of traders with the Indians — a business
Mr. Pond is well acquainted with. Mix with the Miami and
Wabash Indians. Find their views and intentions, through
such channels as your discretion shall direct. Learn the
opinions of the more distant Indians. Insinuate upon all fa-
vorable occasions, the humane disposition of the United States;
and, if you can by any means ripen their judgment, so as to
break forth openly, and declare the readiness of the United
States tv eceive, with open arms, the Indians, notwithstand-
ing all that is passed, do it. If such declaration should be
made, at the Miami or Wabash, and be well received, you
might persuade some of the most influential chiefs to repair to
our posts on the Ohio, and so, from post to post, to this
place.
But, if you should be so fortunate as to succeed in persuad-
ing the Chiefs of the Miami, and hostile, and any other neigh-
1791.
1 made to pre-
:eting of June
;ed Post, had,
efs should! , in
Cong'css was
dopted father.
I more evident
the fidelity of
n the 20th of
writing to the
ary, pressing
nissioner, and
d the proposed
! was sent to
hile, to guard
the purpose of
)o to ascertain
Miami. This
lleverend Mr.
in Peter Pond
jary, two days
ere laid before
messengers or
nstructions we
ring yourbusi-
en at Detroit,
ns — a business
the Miami and
itions, through
it. Learn the
te upon all fa-
United States;
rment, so as to
of the United
notwithstand-
,tion should be
received, you
efs to repair to
post, to this
;ed in persuad-
ny other neigh-
1791.
Instructions to Fond and Stcdinan,
406
boring tribns, to repair here, every possible precaution must
be taken by you, and by the commanding officer of tlie troops,
who is hereby required to adbrd the necessary escorts, in or-
der to guard the Indians from being injured by the whites.
While among the Indians, or at Niagara, or Detroit, endea-
vor to find out the numbers and tribes of the Indians who
were in the attack of (Jeneral St. Clair, and their loss, killed
and wounded; what number of prisoners they took; and what
they did with them; what disposition they made of the can-
non taken, arms, tents, and other plunder; what are their in-
tentions for the next year; the numbers of the association;
how they arc supplied with arms, ammunition, and provis
ions.
You will readily perceive, that the information required
must be given me at the earliest period possible. You will,
therefore, let me know, by some means which you must do-
vise, your arrival at Niagara, Detroit, and the Miami village ;
and, if possible, from thence, what are your prospects.*
Pond and his companion, however, could get no fart' '•
than Niagara. While by the northern route this was attempt-
ed, Wilkinson, commanding at Fort Washington, on the 10th
of February, was instructed to send word to Maj. Ilamtramck,
at Vincennes, that the Government wished to secure the
agency of the French colonists and friendly Indians in quell-
ing the war-spirit. In February also, further iiiendly messa-
ges were sent to the Senecas, and an invitcation forwarded to
Brant from the Secretary of War himself, asking him to ccme
to Philadelphia. In March fifty Iroquois chiefs reached the
city of brotherly love, and in the spirit of love transacted
their business with the American rulers; and during April and
May, Captain Trueman and others were sent from the Ohio to
the hostile tribes, bearing messages of friendship. But before
we relate the unhappy issue of Trueman's expedition, we
must notice the steps taken by the Federal Government in
reference to military preparations, which were to be looked to
in case all else should fail. St. Clair had requested a court
of Inquiry to examine the reasons of his defeat, and had ex-
pressed his wish to surrender his post as commander of the
western forces so soon as the examination had taken place ;
but this proposition to retain his commission until after his
trial, was rendered nugatory by the fact, that under the exis'-
ing system no qpurt of inquiry could be constituted to adjudge
* Am«rican Stote Papers, v. 227.
^
r »■
I
406
Wayne Selected to the Command.
1792.
his case, and Washington accordingly informed him that it
was neither possible to grant him the trial he desired, nor al-
low him to retain his position. St. Clair having withdrawn,
it became a very dilRcult question for the Executive U hit
upon a person in all respects suited for such a charge. Gen.
Morgan, Gen. Scott, Gen. Wayne, Col. Darke, and General
Henry Lee were all thought of and talked of. Of these,
) Wayne was the one selected, although his appointment caused,
/' as Gen. Lee, then Governor of Virginia, v/rote Washington,
( "extreme disgust" among all orders in the Old Dominion.*
But the President had selected Wayne not hastily nor through
'partiality or influence," and no idle words affected him. In
June, Gen. Wayne moved westward to Pittsburgh, and pro-
ceeded to organize the army which was to be the ultimate ar-
gument of the American with the Indian confederation.
. Through the summer of 1792, the preparation of the soldiers
, was steadily attended to; "train and discipline them for the
' service they are meant for," said Washington, "and do not
spare powder and lead, so the men be made marksmen." In
December, 1792, the forces now recruited and trained, were
gathered at a point about twenty-two miles below Pittsburgh,
on the Ohio, called Legionville ; the army itself having been
denominated the Legion of the United States, divided into
four sub-legions, and provided with legionary and sub-legion-
ary officers. Meantime, at Fort Washington, Wilkinson had
•succeeded St. Clair as commandant, and in January had or-
dered an expedition to examine the field of the late disastrous
conflict. This body reached the point designated, on February
1st, and from the letter of Capt. Buntin to St. Clair, relative
to what was found there, we take the following passage :t
"In my opinion, those unfortunate men who fell in the ene-
my's hands, with life, were used with the greatest torture —
having their limbs torn off; and the women have been treated
with tlie most indecent cruelty, having stakes as thick as a
person's arm drove through the'ir bodies. The first, I observed
when burying the dead; and the latter was discovered by
Colonel Sargent and Doctor Brown. We found three whole
carriages ; the other five were so much damaged that they
were rendered useless. By the General's orders, pits were
*Sce Amer. State Paper*, v. 228, 229, 235. Sparks' Washington, x, 240, 2U, Not*.
t SpMkB* WaBhington, x. 218, 257. American Pioneer, i. 293. American State Papers,
zU. 40.
k
m
1792.
cd him that it
lesireil, nor al-
ng withdrawn,
icecutive tr hit
charge. Gen.
B, and General
of. Of these,
iitinent caused,
te Washington,
)ld Dominion.*
tiiy nor through
Fected him. In
(urgh, and pro-
he ultimate ar-
confederation.
of the soldiers
ne them for the
1, "and do not
larksmen." In
d trained, were
ilow Pittsburgh,
elf having been
es, divided into
and sub-legion-
Wilkinson had
fanuary had or-
3 late disastrous
ted, on February
;. Clftir, relative
1g passage :t
( fell in the ene-
•eatest torture —
ive been treated
es as thick as a
first, I observed
s discovered by
ind three whole
laged that they
rders, pits were
1, X, 210, 244, Xo»«.
American State Pspen,
1792.
Speech to Indians sent by Trucinan.
407
dug in difTercnt places, and all the dead bodies that were ex-
posed to view, or could be conveniently found (the snow being
Ytn-y deep) were buried. During thid time, there was sundry
parties detached, some for our safety, and others in examining
the course of the creek ; and some distance in advance of the
ground occupied by the militia, they found a large camp, not
less than three quarters of a mile long, which was supposed
to be that of the Indians the night before the action. We re-
mained on the field that night, and next morning fixed geared
horses to the carriages and moved for Fort Jefierson.
********
As there is little reason to believe that the enemy have car-
ried off the cannon, it is the received opinion that they arc
either buried or thrown into the creek, and I think the latter
the most probable ; but as it was frozen over with a thick ice,
and that covered with a deep snow, it was impossible to make
a .search with any prospect of success. In a former part of
this letter, I have mentioned the camp occupied by the enemy
the night before the action : had Colonel Oldham been able to
have complied with your orders on that evening, things at this
day might have worn a difierent aspect."*
While Wayne's army were gathering and target-shooting,
the peace measures of the United States were pressed with
equal perseverance. In the first place, the Iroquois, through
their chiefs who came to Philadelphia, were led to act as
peace-makers : in addition to them, on the 3d of April, Col.
Trueman received his instructions to repair to the Miami vil-
lage with friendly messages, offering all reasonable terms:
Brothers : — The President of the United States entertains
the opinion, that the war which exists is founded in error and
mistake on your parts. That you believe the United States
want to deprive you of your lands, and drive you out of the
country. Be assured this is not so : on the contrary, that we
should be greatly gratified with the opportunity of imparting
to you all the blessings of civilized life ; of teaching you to
cultivate the earth, and raise corn ; to raise oKen, sheep, and
other domestic animals; to build comfortable houses, and to
educate your children, so as ever to dwell upon the land.
Brothers: — The President of the United States requests you
to take this subject into your serious consideration, and to re-
flect how abundantly more it will be for your interest to be at
peace with the United States, and to receive all the benefit
thereof, than to continue a war, which, however flattering it
may be to you for a moment, must, in the end, prove ruinous.
This desire of peace has not arisen in consequence of the
late defeat of \he troops under Major General St. Clair ;
* Dillon, i. 308. See liso Ciit'i Cincinnati Miscellany, ii. 30.
';'■ J'' ':'
■i.)
f
t
1
i
i
i
4
i
T
„f A
1
%ii
1
408
Instructions to Rufus Putnam.
1792.
because, in the beginning of the last year, a similar message
was s.nt y..u l)y Colonel I'roctcr, but who was prevented Irom
reaching you by some insurmountable dilhculties. All the
Senecus, at IJullulo Creek, can witness lor the truth of this as-
sertion, as he held, during the month -f April last, long con-
ferences with them, to devise the means ot getting to you in
War, at all times, is a dreadful evil to those who are en-
gaged therein, and more particularly so where a few people
engage to act against so great numbers as the people ot the
United States. ... v. „„!„«,!
Brothers :— Do not sufler the advantages you have gained
to mislead your judgment, and to influence you to continue
the war ; but retiect upon the destructive consequences which
must attend such a measure. . , . , , , . e
The President of the United States is highly desirous of
seeing a number of vour principal chiefs, and convincing you,
in person, how much he wishes to avoid the evils of war for
Your sake, and the sake of humanity. ,
Consult, therefore, upon the great object of peace ; call m
your parlies, and enjoin a cessation of a 1 other depredations .
ind as many of the principal chiefs as shall choose, repair to
Philadelphia, the scat of the General Government, and there
make a peace, founded upon the principles of jus ice and
Lumanitv^ Remember that no additional lands vnll be re-
auired of you, or any other tribe, to those that have been
Sed by former treaties, particularly by the tribes who had a
lic^ht to make the treaty of Muskingum in the year 1789.
Hut if any of your tribes can prove that you have a fair
ric^ht to any'lands, comprehended by the said treaty, and have
not been compensated therefor, you shall receive full satisfac-
tion upon that head. , . ^i ■ •..„ .
The chiefs you send shall be safely escorted to this city ,
and shall be weU fed and provided with all things for their
foi noy and the faith of the United States is hereby pledged
io vou for the true and liberal performance of everything
herein contnined and suggested: and all this is confirmed, m
your manner, by the great white belt, hereunto attached.
To assist farther in attaining the desired objects. Captain
Hendrick, chief of the Stockbridge Indians, on the 8th of
May, was dispatched to urge the views of Washington at the
approaching council of the north-western confederacy ; and
on the 22d of the same month, instructions were also issued
to General Rufus Putnam, to go in company %yith the Mora-
vian missionary. John Heckewelder, into the Indian country,
and strive to secure peace and a permanent treaty.f Some
. American Slate Papers r. 230. t American SUte Papers, v. 233.
^^
1792.
1792.
Instructions to Rufus Putnam.
400
similar message
i prevented from
cuities. All the
I truth of this as-
il lust, long con-
ettin^' to you in
,ose who are en-
sre a few people
lie people of the
you have gained
you to continue
isequences which
ghly desirous of
1 convincing you,
evils of war for
>f peace ; call in
ler depredations :
choose, repair to
nment, and there
;s of justice and
lands will be re-
3 that have been
tribes who had a
le year 1789.
t you have a fair
1 treaty, and have
ceive full satisfac-
rted to this city ;
1 things for their
is hereby pledged
ice of everything
lis is confirmed, in
anto attached.*
d objects, Captain
US, on the 8th of
Washington at the
confederacy ; and
5 were also issued
ny \yith the Mora-
he Indian country,
int treaty-t Some
State Papen, v. 233.
parts of those orders are deserving of perpetuation in every
form, and, therefore, wc extract them :
The chiefn of the Five Nations of Indians, who were so
long in this city, lately, were astonished at the moderation of
our claim of land, it being very different from what they had
been taught, by designing people to believe.
It would seem that the Indians have been misled with re-
spect to our claims, by a certain map, published in Connecti-
cut, wherein are laid out ten new States, agreeably to a re-
port of a Committee of Congress.
The United States are desirous, in any treaty which shall
bj formed in future, to avoid all causes of war, relative to
boundaries, by fixing the same in such a manner as not to
be mistaken by the meanest capacity. As the basis, there-
fore, of your negotiation, you will, in the strongest and most
explicit terms, renounce, on the part of the United States, all
claim to any Indian land which shall not have been ceded
by fair treaties, made with the Indian nations.
You may say — that we conceive the treaty of Fort Harmar
to have been formed by the tribes having a just right to make
the same, and that it was done with their full understanding
iv, i free consent.
That if, however, the said tribes should judge the compen-
sation to have been inadequate to the object, or tliat any
other tribes have a just claim, in both cased they shall receive
a liberal allowance, on their finally settling all disputes apon
the subject.
As the United States never made any treaties with the
Wabash Indians, although the said Indians have been repeat-
edly invited thereto, their claims to the lands east and south
of the said Wabash have not been defined.
This circumstance will be a subject of your inquiry with
the assembled Indian tribes ; and you may assure the parties
concerne I, that an equitable boundary shall be arranged with
them.
You will make it clearly understood, that we want not a
foot of their land, and that it is theirs, and theirs only ; that
they have the right to sell, and the right to refuse to .sell, and
the United States will guarantee to them the said just right.
That it is not only the sincere des're of the United States
to be lit peace with all the neighboring Indian tribes, but to
protect them in their just rights, against lawless, violent white
people. If such should commit any injury on the person or
properties of a- peaceable Indian, they will be regarded
equally as the enemies of the General Government, as the In-
dians, and will 6e punished accx)rdingly.
Your first great object, upon meeting the Indians, will be to
26
Innlrurlion.f to Rufux Putnam.
1792
i 'I
410
convince Ihcm that the Unit.-d States re.iime none of their
"*Thc second, that wo shall guaranty all that remain, an.l
take the Indians under our protection.
Th dlv • they must agree to the truce, and immediately to
nnll in all 'their war parfics. It will he in vain to l.o ..ego a-
S'.S lhem\".!Ic they shall be murdering the frontier
'""ilawiig happily eflected a truce, founded on the "bove n«-
snranccs it will then be your primary endeavor to obtain
buried forever.
You will eivc the chiefs every assurance of personal pro-
1. Jinn vvil! on their journey to Philadelphia, and, should
rer-^'uporit!hostiges o? oflicers (or ^^ ^^^ ^^^^
t n rhiefs and in case of their compliance, you win laiu
Itry pre'cauUon by the troops for the protection of the said
rhieik which the nature of the case may require.
?„t' if after bavin- used vour utmost exert.on.s, the chlef^
„b uTd'^de'Sine the" ournc/to l>hiladelphia then you will
agree with them on a plan for a general treaty.*
Wc have mentioned the invitation given in February by
the Secretary of War to Brant to visit riuladelph.a:-Somc
o his English friends urged tlie Mohawk by no means to
comply with the request, but he had the indrpeudence to think
and act for himself, and on the 20,h of June appeared at
the then Federal capital, lie remained there ten or twelve
• day . and was treated by all with marked attention ; grea
pan were taken to .r.ake him understand the posture ot
Es and the wishes of the United States; and in Uie
hope that he would prove a powerful pacificator, on the 27 h
0? June a letter was addressed to him by General Knox, lav -
?1 before him the wishes of the Goverment, and making h.m
another meCnger of peace. The fact that five in.lependent
rlss eTaiking peac'e, were sent to the inimical tribes ; and
Te tone of the papers from whicli we have extracted so fully,
^illtmonstrate, we think, the wish of the United States to
I Vie aborigines entire justice. Cut the victories they had
gained anT the favorable whispers of the British agents,
closed tbe ears of the red men-; and all propositions for peace
• AmeriMB BUU Papen, t. 234. 23P.
1792
ono of their
remain, uinl
mcdintciy to
n be urgotiu-
; tlic frontier
he above na-
,'or to obtain
;s two of the
r the liovorn-
>sidont of the
jcc sIjouUI be
personal pro-
1, and, should
«afe return of
you will tako
un ot the said
re.
ions, the chiels
then you will
I February by
olphia -.—Some
no means to
lulence to think
lie appeared at
c ten or twelve
ittention ; great
the posture of
and, in the
lor, on the 27th
icrnl Knox, lay-
nnd making him
ive independent
lical tribes ; and
ctracted so fully,
Jnitcd States to
;tories they had
British agents,
l)gitions for peace
1792.
Rciiilt of Puf nam's Mis-^ion.
were rejected in one form or anotlur. Freeman, who left
Fort Washington, April 7th ; Tnu man, who left it May 82d
for the Maumee, and Colonel Hardin, who on the same day
started for Sandusky, were all murdered; Trueman, it would
seem, however, not by a body of Indians, but by a man and
boy whom he met in hunting.* Brant, from sickness or eau-
ti(m, did not attend the western council, as had been evpected.
Hendricks gave his message int.) the hands of Colonel McKee,
and kept away from the gathering of the nations ; and of the
four individual messengers, Trueman, Ilrant, Hendricks, and
Putnam, Putnam alone reached his goal. That gentleman
left Marietta, upon the 26th of June, and on the 2d of July
was at Fort Washington ; here he heard of Indian ho.stilitieH
at Fort Jefferson, and of the probability of Trueman's murder.
He found also that it would be in vain to ask the chiefs, under
any circumstances, to go to Philadelphia, and that it was ex-
tremely doubtful if they could be prevailed on to visit even
Fort Washington. Under these circumstances, conceiving it
desirable that some step should be taken at once, he deter-
mined to proceed to Fort Knox, (Post St. Vincent,) and there
meet such of the Wabash leaders as could be got together, in
the hope that they might at least be detached from the gen-
eral league. This determination he carried into efTcet on the
17th of August, when, with several Indian prisoners to be re-
stored to their friends, and presents for them beside, he left
Cincinnati, and reached Vincennes in due time. Upon the
27th of September he formed a treaty with the Eel river tribe,
the Wcas, Illinois, Potawatomics.Mu.squitoes, Wabash Kicka-
poos, Piankeshaws, Kaskaskias, and Peorias. This treaty,
however, was never ratilied by the Senate, and proved prac-
tically of little or no use, although sixteen chiefs of the Wa-
bash tribe were prevailed on to go to Philadelphia. f
[The council hold at the mouth of the Auglaize, through
the efforts of the Six TS'ation.s, did not produce the intended
result. This council was one of the largest ever held by In-
dians. Besides the New York, Western, and Canadian In-
dians, there were present twenty-seven other nations ; some
from a great distance from the north-west.] On the 16th of
• May's depoaition. ^rsnl'ii letten, (Amerioon State Papers, v. 244. 245;) alsoMoKM's
aeoonnt aent Brant, (Stona'i Brant, ii. 333.) ■<
t Stone, H. 334. AmerioM SUte Papem, t. 238, 239, 240 ; 319. 322. 338. . .
r a
r:
I I
It
4ia
>/fi/'o/- i4</"iV Altnchrd.
1793.
Novembrr ihr rmiMsari.'M of tho IroquoiN gnvc nn account ol
their doings to the ugrnt for the United StutfM and ollicr.s, at
IJuHiilo Crt'ok, and the mode in which the iniornmtion was coin-
municnted in ho peculiar that Nve should transcribe the speech
entire if our limits would permit.
Hy this council, it appeared, everything waB referred to
another council, to he held ia the spring, but with the clear
intimation that the Ohio must be the boundary of the Ameri-
can lands, and that the treaties of Fort Mcintosh and Fort
llarmar, must be regarded as null. Soon alter this council
broke up, on the 6th of November, Major Adair, commander
of the mounted Kentucky infantry, was attacked by a body ol
Havagcs in the neighborhood of St. Clair, twenty miles north
of Fort Hamilton. The attack was sudden and viclcnt, and
with dirticulty repelled. The ollicer in charge of the sti-.tioii,
took no part in tho conflict, as he had been strictly ordered by
General Wilkinson to act only on the defensive, but Adair's
men received ammunition from the fortress, and returned
thither with their wounded. This action, however, together
with other evidences of continued hoblilities, did not prevent
the United States from taking measures to meet, the hostile
tribes " at the rapids of the Miami (Maumee) when the Icavej
were fully out." For this purpose the President, at first,
selected Charles Carroll and Charles Thompson, but as they
dec -ned the nomination, Benjamin Lincoln, Beverly Ran-
dolpu, and Timothy Pickering were, on the first of March,
1793, appointed to attend the proposed meeting, which it was
concluded should be held at Sandusky. On the 26th of
April the Commissioners received their instructions ; on the
27th General Lincoln left Philadelphia for Niagara, by the
way of New York ; and on the 30th the other two started by
the route through Pennsylvania, which led up the vallies of
the Schuylkill, Susquehanna Lycoming and Coshocton, and
across to Genesee. These, traveling more rapidly, for Lin-
coln, had the stores and baggage, reached Niagara on the
17th of May, and were at owce invited by Lieutenant-G.neral
Simcoe to take up their residence at his seat, Navy Hall ; with
this invitation they complied and remained there uutil the
28th of June. The cause of this delay was the belief express-
ed bv McKee and others, that the Indians would not be ready
to meet the Commissioners before the last of June, as private
1793.
in account of
md olhcr.s, at
;ion wns com-
be the speech
iH referred to
vith the clear
of the Anieri-
toi*h and Fort
r thin council
ir, comniandcr
il by a body of
ty miles north
d vldcnt, and
of the Hti'.tion,
tly ordered by
vc, but Adair's
and returned
ever, together
lid not prevent
lect. the hostile
•hen the Icavej
udent, at first,
>n, hut as they
Beverly llan-
first of March,
ig, which it was
In the 26th of
ictions ; on the
Niagara, by the
r two started by
ip the vallies of
Coshocton, and
•apidly, for Lin-
Niagara on the
itenant-G'ineral
Vavy Hall ; with
there uutil the
e belief express-
ild not be ready
June, as private
1793.
lA'llcr In (iovernor Siiiuot!.
413
conncih had first to be held among the various tribe.".* While
.resting in his Majesty's dominion, the ambassadors were no-
wiH<' idle, and among other interesting documents, on the 7th
of .lune, presented the following note to Governor Simcoo :
The cnminissicmers of the I'nited States, f«»r making peace
with the westi'rn Indians, beg leave to suggest to (iovernor
Siin<'oe : that the very high importance of the. negotiation
committed to their management, makes them desirous of using
every proper means that may contribute to its success. Thnt
they have observed, with pleasure, the dispotiition manifested
by the Governor to nflbrd e\ery recjuisite assistance in the pre-
paratory arrangements for holding the treaty with the hostile
Indians. Hut, all the facilities thus afibrdcd, and all the ex-
penses incurred by the ikitish government, on this occasion,
will, perhaps, be fruitless, unless some means are used to
counteract the deep-rooted prejudices, and unfounded reports
among the Indian tribes : for, the acts of a few bad men,
dwelling airong them, or having a familiar intercourse with
them, by cherishing those prejudices, or raising and spreading
those reports, may be suflicient to defeat every attempt to ac-
complish »i peace. AfJ an instance of such unfounded reports,
the commissioners have noticed the declaration of a Mohawk,
fronj Grand River, thai Governor Simcoe advised the Indians to
make peace^ hut not to give up any of their lands. The commis-
sioners further observe, that if any transactions at former
treaties were exceptionable, the principles of the present
treaty are calculated to remove the causes of complaint ; for
the views of government are perfectly fair. And. although it
is impossible to retrace all the steps then taken, vhe ITnited
States are disposed to recede, as far as shall be indispensable,
and the existing state of things will admit ; and, for the lands
retained, to make ample compensation. The views of the
United States being thus fair and liberal, the commissioners
wish to embrace every means to make them appear so to the
Indians, against any contrary si^ggestions. Among these
means, the commissioners consider the presence of some gen-
tlemen of the army to be of consequence : for, although the
Indians naturally look up to their superintejuients as their
patrons, yet the presence of some oflicers oiWi^ army will
probably induce them to negotiate with greaterconfidence on
the terms of peace. Indepenv^ently of these considerations,
the commissioners, for their own sakes, request the pleasure of
their company. The commissioners, feeling the greatest
solicitude to accomplish the object of their mission, will be
* Araericin Stata, Papers, t. Z-,3, nhero tho Journal of the CommiBiioncrs Is given ;
also, Mauiobaretts Historical Collections, third sorier, vol. v. 190 — 196, where General
Lincoln's Journal is given, together with a drawing of the conference at Niagara, July 7tb,
made by Colonel Pilkiogton, of the British army : this is also given in Stone's Brant, ii.
, ^1
10
:-M
m
414
Governor Simcoe's Reply.
1793
11
li
happy to receive from the Governor every information relat-
ing to it, which his situation enahles him to communicate.
He must be aware that the sales and settlements of the lands
over the Ohio, founded on the treaties of Forts Mcintosh and
Harmar, render it impossible now to make that river the
boundary. The expression of his opinion, on this point in
particular, will give them great satisfaction.*
To this note the following answer was sent :
l^olonel Simcoe, commanding the King's forces in Upper
Canada, has the honor, in answer to the paper deUvered to him
this morning by the Commissioners of the U. States for mak-
ing peace with the western Indians, to state to those gentlemen,
that he is duly impressed with the serious importance of the
negotiation committed to their charge, and shall be happy to
contribute by every proper means that may tend to its suc-
cess. He is much obliged to them for the polite manner m
which they have expressed their sense of his readiness to af-
ford them such facilities as may have been in his power, to
assist in the preparatory arrangements for holding the treaty.
He is perfectly aware that unfounded reports and deep-rooted
prejudices have arisen among the Indian tribes: but whether
from the acts of a few bad men living among them, he cannot
pretend to say. But, he must observe, upon the instance given
by the Commissioners, of one of "those unfounded reports,
that a Mohawk from the Grand river should say, that Gov. Sim-
coe advised the Indians to make peace, but not to give up
thtT lands," it is of that nature that cannot be true; the In-
dians, as yet, not having applied for his advice on the subject :
and it being a point, of all others, on which they are the least
likely to consult the British officers commanding m Upper
Canada. Colonel Simcoe considers himself perfectly justihed
in admitting, on the requisition of the Commissioners, some
officers to attend the treaty ; and, therefore, in addition, to the
gentlemen appointed to control the delivery of the British
provisions, &c., he will desire Captain Bunbury, of the litth
regiment, and Lieutenant Givens, who has some knowledge
of one of the Indian languages, to accompany the Commis^
sioners. Colonel Simcoe can give the Commissioners no fur-
ther information than what is afforded by the speeches of the
confederate nations, of which General Hull has authentic
copies. But, as it has been, ever since the conquest of Cana-
da, the principle of the British Government to unite the Ameri-
can Indians, that, all petty jealousies being extinguished, the
real wishes of the several tribes may be fully expressed, and
in consequence of all the treaties made with them, may have
the most complete ratification and universal concurrence, so,
• Amarioan State Papera, v. 347. '
tm
1793.
lation relat-
)mmunicate.
of the lands
Iclntosh and
at river the
his point in
es in Upper
ivered to him
ites for mak-
;e gentlemen,
'tance of the
be happy to
nd to its suc-
;e manner in
idiness to af-
tiis power, to
ig the treaty,
d deep-rooted
but whether
;m, he cannot
iistance given
iided reports,
hatGov.Sim-
)t to give up
true ; the In-
n the subject :
' are the least
ng in Upper
fectly justified
ssioners, some
ddition, to the
of the British
•y, of the fifth
10 knowledge
the Commis-
sioners no fur-
peeches of the
has authentic
juest of Cana-
lite the Ameri-
.inguished, the
expressed, and
»em, may have
jDcurrence, so,
1793-95.
Brant tmcls the Commissioners.
416
he feels it proper to state to the Commissioners, that a jeal-
ousy of a contrary conduct in the agents of the United States,
appears to him to have been deeply impressed upon the minds
of the confederacy.*
On the day before this correspondence, the six Quakers,
who, both by their own request, and that of the Indians, had
accompanied the deputation, together with Heckewelder and
others, sailed for Detroit to learn how matters stood; and on
the 26th of the month the Commissioners themselves, receiv-
ing no news from Sandusky, prepared to embark for the mouth
of Detroit river. On the 16th of July, while still detained by
head winds, Colonel Butler.f Brant and some fifty natives, ar-
rived from the Maumee, and two days after, in the presence of
the Governor, Brant thus addressed the Americans : —
Brothers : We have met to-day our brothers, the Bostonians
and English ; we are glad to have the meeting, and think it is
by the appointment of the Great Spirit. Brothers of the Uni-
ted States : We told you the other day, at Fort Erie, that, at
another time, we would inform you why we had not assembled
at the time and place appointed for holding the treaty with
you. We now inform you that it is because there is so much
of the appearance of war in that quarter. Brothers: We
have given the reason for our not meeting you; and now we
request an explanation of those warlike appearances. Broth-
ers : The people you see here are sent to represent the Indian
nations who own the lands north of the Ohio, as their com-
mon property, and who are all of one mind — one heart. Bro-
thers : We have come to speak to you for two reasons : one,
because your warriors being in our neighborhood, have pre-
vented our meeting at tho appointed place : the other, to know
if you are properly authorized to run and establish a new boun-
dary line between the lands of the U. States, and the Indian
nations. We are still desirous of meeting you at the appointed
place. Brothers : We wish you to deliberate well on this busi-
ness. We have spoken our sentiments in sincerity, consider-
ing ourselves in the presence of the Great Spirit, from whom,
in time of danger, we expect assistance. t ; ::• • '~
On the following day the Commissioners replied :
Brothers: You have mentioned two objects of your coming
to meet us at this place. One, to obtain an explanation of
the war-like appearances on the part of the United States on
the north-western side of the Ohio
* American State Papers, v. 347.
t The commsnder of the Tories at Wyoming, afterwarda Indian AgenL
X Americftn State Paperi>, v. 344.
'r- ^
416
Answer to Captain BraiiCs Speech.
1793.
er we have authority to run and estabhsh a new boundary line
between your lands and ours. Brothers: On the first point
we cannot but express our extreme regret, that any reports ot
warlike appearances, on the part of the United States, should
have delayed our meeting at Sandusky. The nature of the
case irresistibly forbids all apprehensions of hostile incursions
into the Indian country north of the Ohio, during the treaty
at Sandusky. Brothers: We are deputed by the Great Chief
and the Great Council of the United States to treat with yo i
of peace; and is it possible that the same Great Chief and his
Great Council could order their warriors to make fresh war,
while we were sitting round the same fire with you, in order
to make peace ? Is it possible that our Great Chief and his
Council could act so deceitfully towards us, their Commis-
sioners, as well as towards you? Brothers: We think it not pos-
sible ; but we will quit arguments and come to facts. Brothers :
We assure you, that our Great Chief, Genral Washington, has
'.trictly forK^dJen all hostilities against you, until the event of
the proposed treaty at Sandusky shall be known. Kere is the
E reclamation of his head warrior, Gen. Wayne, to that eflect.
lut, brothers, our Great Chief is so sincere in his professions
for peace, and so desirous of preventing evei > thing which could
obstruct the treaty and prolong the war, that, besides giving the
above orders to his head warrior, he has informed the Govern-
ors of the several States adjoining the Ohio, of the treaty propos-
ed to be held at Sandusky, and desired them to unite their power
with his to prevent any hostile attempts against the Indians
north of the Ohio, until the result of the treaty is made known.
Those Governors have accordingly issued their orders, strictly
forbidding all such hostilities. The proclamations of ♦he Gov-
ernors of Pennsylvania and Virginia we have here m our
hands. Brothers : If, after all these precautions of our Great
Chief, any hostilities .should be committed north of the Ohio,
they must proceed from a few disorderly people, whom no
considerations of justice or public good can restrain. But we
hope and believe that none such can be found.
Brothers : After these explanations, we hope you will pos-
sess your minds in peace, relying on the good faith of the
United States that no injury is to be apprehended by you dur-
ing the treaty. Brothers : We now come to the second point :
whether we are properly authoriKed to run and establish a new
boundary line between your lands and ours. Brothers : \ye an-
swer explicitly that we have that authority. Where this line
should run, will be the great subject of discussion at the treaty
between you and us ; and we sincerely hope and expert that
it may then be fixed to the satisfaction of both parties. Doubt-
less some concessions must be made on both sides. In all dis-
putes and quarrels, both parties usually take some wrong
steps ; so that it is only by mutual concessions that a true
gastaiaa.^teavfe^"«!»:feaja
l-l
1793.
oundary line
e first point
ny reports of
States, should
lature of the
le incursions
g the treaty
Great Chief
eat with yo i
Chief and hid
ce fresh war,
you, in order
;hief and his
leir Commis-
nkitnot pos-
ts. Brothers:
shington, has
1 the event of
Kere is the
to that effect,
is professions
g which could
des giving the
i the Govern-
treatypropos-
te their power
St the Indians
made known,
rders, strictly
ts of ♦he Gov-
; here in our
of our Great
I of the Ohio,
lie, whom no
■ain. But we
you will pos-
1 faith of the
d by you dur-
second point :
litablish a new
)thers ; we an-
here this line
1 at the treaty
d expect that
irties. Doubt-
s. In all dis-
some wrong
that a true
1793.
Tribes present at the Maumcc Council.
417
reconciliation can be eflected. Brothers: We wish you to
understand us clearly on this head; for we mean that all our
proceedings should be made with candor. Wo therefore re-
peat and say explicitly that, some concession will be necessary
on your part, as well as on ours, in order to establish a just
and permanent peace. Brothers: After this great point of
the boundary shall be fully considered at the treaty, we shall
know what concessions and stipulations it will be proper to
make on the part of the United States ; and we trust they will
be such as the world will pronounce reasonable and just.
Brothers; You told us that you represent the nations of Indians
who own the lands north of the Ohio, and w'.ose Chiefs are
now assembled at the Rapids ot the Maumee. Brothers: It
wouid be a satisfaction to us to be informed of the names of
those nations, and of the numbers of the Chiefs of each so as-
sembled. Brothers : We once more turn ou^ eyes to your rep-
resentation of warlike appearances in your country , to give
you complete satisfaction on this point, we now assure you as
soon as our council at this place is ended, we will send a mes-
senger on horseback to the Great Chief of the United States,
to desire him to renew and strongly repeat his ordei's to his
head warrior, not only to abstain from all hostilities against
you ; but to remain quietly at his posts until the event of the
treaty shall be known.*
To the inquiry made by the Agents of the United States as
to tribes, Brant said, —
Yesterday you expressed a wish to be informed of the names
of the nations, and numbers of Chiefs assembled at the Mau-
mee; but, as they were daily coming in, we cannot give you
exact information. You will see for yourselves ia a few days.
When we left it the following nations were there, \o wit : Five
Nations, Wyandots, Shawanese, Delawares, Munsees, Mia-
mies, Chippewas, Ottawas, Pottawatamies. Nantikokies, Min-
goes, Cherokees, — the principal men of the.se were there.
The jealousy of the Indians as to the hostile movements
was owing to the fact, that Wayne was at this time gathering
horses and cattle, and cutting roads in the heart of the con-
tested country, beyond Fort Jefferson, within three days jour-
ney of the Indian head quarters. f
His " Legion" had pa. led the winter of 1792-3 at Legion-
ville, and there remained until the last of \pril, 1793, when it
was taken down the river to Cinci-nnati, where it encamped
near Fort Washington, and there it continued until October,
* American Str'e Pafierj, v. 3-19.
t American Stat« Papers, v. 350. 351.
■; -'^■»
418
Meeting of the Council at Sandusky.
1793.
I 'I
f 1
>•
engaged merely in drilling and preparations, the Commander-
in-Chief having been directed by the Executive to issue a
proclamation, forbidding all hostile movements north of the
Ohio until the northern Commissionera were heard fom.
This proclamation was issued, and the country remained tran-
quil, although, as we have said, preparations were made for
action in case it should finally become needful.
General Wayne, after encountering many obstacle's, was
perfecting the discipline of his soldiers at " Ilobson's choice
FThis place was in the vicinity of Cincinnati, and so called
because, from extreme high water, the Legion was prevented
from landing elsewhere.] Here he made ettbrts to get forward
mounted volunteers from Kentucky, who, after the experience
of 1790 and 1791, could not be had, so strong was their repug-
nance to serve with regulars-the Commissioners had crossed
Lake Erie, and on the 21st of July took up their quarters at
the house of the famous or infamous Captain Matthew
Elliott, at the mouth of the Detroit river.* On the day ot
their arrival, they wrote to Colonel McKee, asking him to
hasten the proposed meeting at Sandusky, which he promised
to do. On the 29th of July, twenty Indians arrived from the
Rapids to see the Commissioners ; and on the three following
! days the white and red men met in Council-Simon Girty
', acting as interpreter. It seemed the confederacy were not
/ satisfied with the meeting between Brant and the Commis-
' sioners at Niagara, and now wished to know distinctly, and
merely, if the United States would or would not make the
Ohio the boundary. To this inquiry, the Commissioners re-
plied, (Ja\y 31,) in writing, setting forth the American claims,
the grounds of them, and the impossibility of taking the Ohio
the line of settlement. The answers to this communication,
one of which was delivered orally on the spot, and the other
on the 16lh of August, in writing, are so characteristic and
able, that on this account, as well as because they were the
ullimula of the Indians in this negotiation, we give entire.
Brothers : We are all brothers you see here now. Brothers :
It is now three years since you desired to speak with us. We
heard >^u yesterday, and understood you well-perfectly well.
We hVve a few words to say to you. Brothers: You "lentjoned
the treaties of Fort Stanwix, Beaver Creek.t and other places.
. American St.te Papers, v. 312. 359. 360.-Amerio.n Pioneer, i. 293.-Butter, 221.
■f Fort Mcintosh.
t
y-
1793.
e Commander-
ive to issue a
s north of the
e heard from,
remained tran-
were made for
obstacles, was
•bson's choice."
and so called,
was prevented
J to get forward
the experience
fas their repug-
ers had crossed
tieir quarters at
ptain Matthew
On the day of
, asking him to
ich he promised
arrived from the
three following
il— Simon Girty
dcracy were not
md the Commis-
ir distinctly, and
d not make the
ommissioners re-
^.merican claims,
making the Ohio
1 communication,
ot, and the other
haracteristic and
se they were the
e give entire,
e now. Brothers :
iak with us. We
1 — perfectly well.
: You mentioned
and other places.
p, i. 293.— Butter, 221.
1793. Speech of the Chief of the Wyandots in Council. 419
Those treaties were not complete. There were but a few
chi/jfs who treated with you. You have not bought our
lands. They belong to us. You tried to draw off some of us.
/"Brothers: Many years ago, we all know that the Ohio was
made the boundary. It was settled by Sir William Johnston.
This side is ours. We look upon it as our property. Brothers :
You mentioned General Washington. He and you know you
have your houses and your people on our land. You say you
cannot move them otf: and we cannot give up our land.
Brothers: We are sorry we cannot come to an agreement.
The line has been fixed long ago. Brothers : We don't say
much. There has been much mischief on both sides. Wc
came here upon peace, and thought you did the same. We
shall talk to our head warriors. You may return whence you
came, and tell Washington. ^.
The council here breaking up, Captain Elliott went to the
Shawanese chief Ka-kia-pilathy, and told him that the last
part of the speech was wrong. The chief came back and
said it was wrong. Girty said that he had interpreted truly
what the Wyandot chief spoke. An explanation took place ;
and Girty added as follows: "Brothers: Instead of going
home, we wish you to remain here for an answer from us.
We have your speech in our breasts, and shall consult our
head warriors."*
The head warriors having been consulted, the final message
came in these words —
" To the Commissioners of the United States. — Brothers :
We have received your speech, dated the 31st of last month,
and it has been interpreted to all the different nations. We
have been long in sending you an answer, because of the
great importance of the subject. But we now answer it fully ;
having given it all the consideration in our power.
" Brothers : You tell us that, after' you hpd made peace
with the King, Our father, about ten years ago, ' it remained
to make peace between the United States and the Indian na-
tions, who had taken part with the King. For this purpose
Commissioners were appointed, who sent messages to all
those Indian nations, inviting them lo come and make peace ;'
and, after reciting the periods at which you say treaties were
held, at Fort Stanwix, Fort Mcintosh and Miami, all whicli
treaties, according to your own acknowledgment, were for the
sole purpose of making peace, yon then say, • Brothers, the
Commissioners ■v\iho conducted these treaties, in behali of the
United States, sent the papers containing them to the general
* American State Papen, v. 340.
I,"
Wj
420
Final action of the General Council.
1703.
l. m
council of the States, who, supposing them satisfactory to the
nations treated with, proceeded to dispose of the lands there-
by ceded.'
■ •' Hrothers : This is telling us plainly, what we always un-
derstood to be the ca.se, and it agrees with the declarations of
the-" few who attended those treaties, viz: That they went to
your Commi.ssioners to make peace ; but, through iear, wore
obliged to sign any paper that was laid before them ; """ >*
has since appeared that deeds of cession were signed by
them, instead of treaties of peace.
«' Brothers : You then say, ' after some time it appears that
a number of people in your nations were dissatisfied with the
treaties of Fort Mcintosh and Miami, therefore, the council
of the United States appointed Governor St. Clair their Com-
missioner, with full power, for the purpose of removing all
causes of controversy, relating to trade, and settling bounda-
ries, between the Indian nations in the northern department,
and the United States. He accordingly sent messages, invit-
\n" all the nations concerned to meet him at a council fire he
kindled at the Falls of the Muskingum. While he was waiting
for them, some mischief happened at that place, and the fire
wa.^ put out : so he kindled a council fire at Fort Harmar,
where near six hundred Indians, of different nations, attend-
ed. The Six Nations then renewed and confirmed the treaty
of Fort Stanwix ; and the VVyandots and Delawares renewed
and confirmed the treaty of Fort Mcintosh : some Ottawas,
Chippewas, Pottawatamies, and Sacs, were also parties to
The treaty of Fort Harmar.' Now, brothers, these are your
words ; and it is necessary for us tc n:ake a short reply to
them.
" Brothers : A general council of all the Indian confederacy
was held, as you well know, in the fall of the year 1788, at
this place ; and that general council was invited by your Com-
missioner, Governor St. Clair, to meet him for the purpose of
holding a treaty, with regard to the lands raientioned by you
to have been ceded by the treaties of Fort Stanwix and Fort
Mcintosh.
" Brothers : We are in possession of the speeches and let-
ters which passed on that occasion, between those deputed by
the confederated Indians, and Governor St. Clair, the Com-
missioner of the United States. These papers prove that
your said Commissioner, in the beginning of the yf ar 1789,
and after having been informed by the general council of the
preceding fall, that no bargain or sale of any part of these In-
dian lands would be considered as valid or binding unless
agreed to by a general council, nevertheless, persisted in col-
lecting together a few chiefs of two or three nations only, and
with Them held a treaty for the cession of an immense coun-
try, in which they were no more interested, than as a branch
cil.
1703.
tisfactory to the
the lands there-
we always un-
5 declarations of
lat they went to
ough iicar, wore
e them ; and it
ivere signed by
it appears that
atistled with the
"ore, the council
Clair their Com-
of removing all
settling bounda-
ern department,
messages, invit-
a council fire he
B he was waiting
ice, and the fire
It Fort Harmar,
nations, attend-
irmed the treaty
awares renewed
; some Ottawas,
also parties to
, these are your
a short reply to
lian confederacy
le year 1788, at
ted by your Com-
r the purpose of
entioned by you
tanwix and Fort
peeches and let-
those deputed by
Clair, the Com-
ipers prove that
r the yrar 1789,
al council of the
part of these In-
r binding unless
persisted in col-
lations only, and
I immense coun-
than as a branch
1793.
Proceedings of the General Council.
421
of the general confederacy, and who were in no ninnncr nu-
ihorizr J to make any grant or concession whatever.
" Brothers : ilow then was it possible for you to expect to
enjoy peace, and quietly to hold these lands, wlien your Com-
missioner was informed, long before he had the treaty ol' Fort
Harmar, that the consent of a general council was absolutely
necessary to convey any part of these lands to the I'nited
States. The part of these lands which the United States now
wish us to relin(]uish, and which you say are settled, have
been sold by the United States since that time.
" Brothers : You say • the United States wish to have con-
firmed all the lands ceded to them by the treaty of Fort liar-
mar, and also a small tract at the rapids of the Ohio, claimed
by General Clark, for the use of himself and his warriors.
And, in consideration thereof, tlie United Slates would givo
such a large sum of money or goods, as was never given, at
any one time, for any quantity of Indian lands, since the
white people first set their feet on this island. And, because
these lands did every year furnish you with skins and furs,
with which you bought clothing and other necessaries, the
United States will now furnish the like constant supplies.
And, therefore, besides the great sum to be delivered al once,
they will every year deliver you a large quantity of .such goods
as are best fitted to the wants of yourselves, your women, and
children.'
" Brothers : Money to us, is of no value ; and to most of us
unknown ; and, as no consideration whatever cap induce us
to sell the lands on which we get sustenance for our women
and children, we hope we may be allowed to point out a mode
by which your settlers may be easily removed, and peace
thereby obtained.
"Brothers: We know that these settlers are poor, or they
would never have ventured to live in a country which has
been in continual trouble ever since tljcy crossed the Ohio.
Divide, therefore, this large sum of money, which you have
offered to us, among these people. (Jive to each, also, a pro-
portion of what you say you would give to us, annually, over
and above this very large sum of money ; and, as we are per-
suaded, they would most readily accept of it in lieu of the
land you sold them. If you add, also, the great sums you
must expend in raising and paying armies, vvith a view to
force us to yield you our country, you will certainly have
more than suflicient for the purpose of repaying these settlers
for all their labor and their improvements.
'•Brothers: You have talked to us about concessions. It
appears strange that you should expect any from us who have
only been defending our just rights against your invasion.s.
We want peace. Restore to us our country, and we shall be
enemies no longer.
; J
V ,
■ I
';'».;
422
Proceedings of the General Council.
1793.
\
" Brt ihi'.fs : You nriHkc one concession to us by offering us
your money ; and another by having agreed to do us justice,
at\cr having long and injuriously withheld it ; we mean in
the acknowledgment you now have made, that the King of
England never did, nor never had a right to give you our
country, by the treaty of peace. And you want to make this
act of common justice a great part of your concessions ; and
seem to expect that, because you have at last acknowledged
our independence, we should for such a favor, surrender to you
our country.
" Brothers : You have talked, also, a great deal about pre-
emption, and your exclusive right to purchase Indian lands,
as ceded to you by the king, at the treaty of peace.
" Brothers: We never made any agreement with the king,
nor with any other nation, that we would give to either the
exclusive right of purchasing our lands; and we declare to
you, that we consider ourselves free to make any bargain or
cession of lands, whenever and to whomsoever we please. If
the white people, as you say, made a treaty that none of them
but the king should purchase of us, and that he has given that
right to the United States, it is an affair which concerns you
and him, and not us; we have never parted with such a
power.
" Brothers: At our general council, held at the Glaize last
fall, we agreed to meet commissioners from the United States,
for the purpose of restoring peace, provided theyconsented to
acknowledge and confirm our boundary line to be the Ohio,
and we determined not to meet you, until you gave us satis-
faction on that point; that is the reason we have never met.
We desire you to consider, brothers, that our only demand
is the peaceable possession of a small part of our once great
country. Look back and review the lands from whence we
have been driven to this spot. We can retreat no farther;
because the country behind hardly affords food for its inhabi-
tants : and we have, therefore, resolved to leave our bones in
this small space to which we are now confined.
*" Brothers : We shall be persuaded that you mean to do us
justice, if you agree that the Ohio shall remain the boundary
line between us."^ If you will notconsent thereto, our meeting
will be altogether unnecessary. This is the great point which
we hoped would have been explained before you left your
homes, as our message, last fall, was principally directed to
obtain that information.
D.,nc in general council, at the foot of the Maumee Rapids,
I \e iSth day of August, 1793.
Nations.
f Wy an dots,
V Seven Natic
of Canada,
Miamies,
Ottawas,
Mohicans,
Connoys,
mR
II.
1793.
by offering U8
> do U8 justice,
t ; we mean in
lat tlie King of
> give you our
int to Tiake this
mcessions ; and
; acknowledged
surrender to you
deal about pra-
se Indian lands,
eace.
t with the king,
ve to either the
we declare to
any bargain or
5r we please. If
at none of thenti
le has given that
;h concerns you
ted with such a
.t the Glaize last
le United States,
[ley-consented to
! to be the Ohio,
lU gave us satis-
lave never met.
»ur only demand
f our once great
Tom whence we
•eat no farther;
od for its inhabi-
ave our bones in
d.
)U mean to do us
lin the boundary
•eto, our meeting
freat point which
re you left your
pally directed to
Maumee Rapids,
Mohicans,
Connoys,
17'*3. Reasons which kcjpl the Indians at Wnr.
4^3
Potawatomies,
Senccas of the Glaize,
Shawanese,
Cherokecs.*
Messasagoes,
Chippewas,
Munsees,
Delawnre.s,
Nantukokics,
Creeks,
This, of necessity, closed the attempts of the United States
to make peace ; sotiie few further efforts were made to secure
the Iroquois to the cause of America, but they ended in no-
thing ; and from tiie month of August, the preparations for a
decision by arms of the questions pending between the white
and red men went forward constantly.
But it is natural to ask what causes led the north-western
savages thus to stake their very existence upon the contest,
when terms so liberal were offered by their opponents. We
answer— first, their previous success did much ; and secondly,
they hoped for the aid of Britain, and at length of Spain also,
on their side.
For several years, said Brant, we were engaged in getting
a confederacy formed, and the unanimity occasioned by these
endeavors among our western brethren, enabled them to de-
feat two American armies. The war continued without our
brothers, the English, giving any assistance, except a little
ammunition ; and they seeming to desire that a peace might
be concluded, we tried to bring it about at a time that the
United States desired it very much, so that they sent commis-
sioners from among their first people, to endeavor to make
peace with the hostile Indians. We assembled also for that
purpose at the Miami river in the summer of 1793, intending
to act as mediators in bringing about an honorable peace ; and
if that could not be obtained, we resolved to join our western
brethren in trying the fortune of war. But to our surprise,
when upon the point of entering upon a treaty with the com-
missioners, we found that it was opposed by those acting
under the British government, and hopes of farther assistance
were given to our western brethren, to encourage them to
insist on the Ohio as a boundary between them and the United
States.f
Through Elliott, McKee and Butler, this confidence in Eng-
lish aid was thus excited among the savages, before their final
refusal of the generous terms offered by Washington ; and
soon after, the higher functionaries endorsed the representa-
•American State Papen, > 356.
tStone, it. 358. 1,
wmm
■■rr%^r::mm^W.<'m%^>'^*^''^^^'''^--'''
■m
4i4
Jjurd Doirlicxti'i's Sjicech.
1793.
tions of tlirir subordinates. In IVIji-unry, 1794, I.onl Dor-
elit'stt-r, aililiTssing tlic drpmirs from Uio council of 1793,
siiiil ;
Chilili-pn:-— I wa» in ('X|)ccl!ition of lic.iring from \w people
of the L'nitcil Statcvs what was rtMiuiriMl by thcni ; I h.n\H\i that
1 sliouhl have bccMi aibU', to bring you together, and make you
(jjjiiiiien:—! have waited long, and listened with great at-
tention, but iiave not heard one word Ironi them.
Children;— I IhUtcred myself with the hope that the line
proposed in tlie year eighty-three, to separate us from the
United Stales, wltirh was hninidinlr/i/ broken by thcmsdvrs as
suuit as Ike peace wun sit^ned, would have been mended, or a
new one drawn, in an amicable manner. Here, also, 1 have
been disappointed.
Children :— Since my return, I find no appearance of a line
remains ; and from the manner in which the people of the
United States rush on, and act, and talk on this side ; and
from what I learn of their conduct toward the sea, 1 shall not
be surprised if we arc at war with them in the course ol the
present year; and if so, a line must then be drawn by the
warriors.
Children:— Vou talk of selling your lands to the State ol
New York. 1 have told you that there is no line between
tliom and us. 1 shall acknowledge no lands to be. theirs which
have been encroached on by them since the year 17S3. lliey
then bn 'ce the peace, as they kept it not on their part, it dotU
not bind on ours.
Children :— Thev then destroyed their right of pre-emption.
Therefore, all their approaches towards us since that time,
and all the purchases made by them, 1 consider as an infringe-
inent on the King's rights. And when a line is drawn be-
tween us, be it in peace or war, they must lo.se all their un-
nrovements and houses on our side of it. Those people must
nil be "one who do not obtain leave to become the King s
subjects. What belongs to the Indians will, ot course, be
secured and confirmed to them.
Children -.—What farther can I say to you ? You are wit-
nesses that on our parts we have acted in the mo.st peaceable,
manner, and borne the language and conduct of the people
of the United States with patience. But I believe our pa-
tience is almost. exhausted.*
". • Tho ftuthenticity of of this spoach has been ciuostioncd; it wm doubted nt the time
even Oonrjre Clinton of New York sent the proof of its Benuinocsj tj George Wa?hington,
March 20tli, 1794, and bath he and the rrcident thought it authentic. Judge Mardhall
(Life of Waiilington, v. 535) states it as not nuthintie, and Sparks (Washington Papers, x.
394, no'e) seems to agree with him; but Mr. Stone found among Brant's papers a certl-
1793.
31, I.onl Dor-
uncil of 1793,
•om tiio people
11 ; 1 liopcil that
und make you
with great nt-
tn.
I that the line
:c us from the
y thcmsdvcs as
1 mended, or a
re, also, 1 have
ranee of a line
B people of the
1 this side ; and
sea, 1 shall not
e course of the
3 drawn by the
to the State of
) line between
be. theirs which
lar 17S3. They
eir part, it dotU
af pre-emption,
since that time,
r as an infringe-
ne is drawn be-
)se all their im-
ose people must
:ome the King's
I, of course, be
You are wit-
most peaceable
;t of the people
believe our pa-
ru doubted al the time
I tj tioorgo Washington,
~ntic. Judge Mardhall
(Washington Papers, s.
; Brant's papers a ccrtl-
m
1700-95.
British and Sjxinisn aid hoj>edfur.
425
And when, during the summer of 1794, there was a contest
between the United States and the Six Nations, rtdativc to
the erection of a fort by the former at IVesqu'ile (Hrio) on
Lake Erie, Urant, in writing to the Uritish authorities, on the
19th of July, says —
In regard to the Prcscprile business, should we not get an
answer at the time limited, it is our business to j)un1i those
fellows hard, and therefore it is my intention to form my camp
at Point!', Ap|)ineau; and I would esteem it a favor if his Ex-
cellency the Lieutenant Governor would lend me four or live
batteuux. Should it so turn out, and should those fellows not
go off, and O'Bail continue in the same opinion, an expedition
against those Yankees must of con.sequence take place.
His Excellency has been so good as to furnish us with a
hundred weight of powder, and ball in proportion, which is
now at Fort Erie ; but iu the event of an attack upon Le
BoBuf people, 1 could wish, if consistent, that his Excellency
would order a like quantity in addition to be at Fort Erie, in
order to be in readiness ; likewise I would hope for a little
as.sistance in provision.
But the conduct of England, in sending, as she did. Govern-
or Simcoe in the month of April, 1794, to the rap*ids of the
Maumee, there, within the acknowledged territories of the
United States, to erect a fort, was the strongest assurance that
could have been given to the north-western tribes, that she
would espouse their quarrel. In May of 1794, a messenger
from the Mississippi provinces of Spain also appeared in the
north-west, offering assistance.!
Children ! (he said) you see me on my feet, grasping the
tomahawk to strike them. We will strike together. I do not
desire you to go before me, ■•. the front, but to follow me.
Children :— I present you with a war-pipe, which has been
sent in all our names to the Musquakies, and all those nations
who live towards the setting sun, to get upon their feet and
take hold of our tomahawk : and as soon as they smoked it,
they sent it back with a promise to get immediately on their
feet, and joM us, and strike this enemy.
Chihlren— You hear what these distant nations have said
to us, so that we have nothing farther to do but put our de-
signs into immediate execution, and to forward this pipe to
fied MS. cop". from which the above oxtraota are taken, (Stone'i" Brant, il. 3fl8, note); and
Mr. Hammonil, the Briiish Minister, in May, 1794, acknowl ;dged it to bo gcnoin*.
(American State Papers, i. 462. See also r. 480.)
t American State Papers, v. 603 to 524, and 484, 437. Stone'* Brant, ii. 380
27
/^'!
■..' .-4
*]■ >i
4'j6
Otu.icn nfthf ndinn of England.
1793.
the three wftiliko nations who hnvc ho long been '^•["ifK '"«
tor their e..untry, unil who now nit at the tJlaize. lell them
to M...oUc thin pipe, and forward it to all the ake IiulmuH ami
their northern brethren. Then nothing will he wanting to
fomnlete our general union from the rising to the setting ol
the sun, and all nations will he ready to add strength to the
blow we arc going to make.*
The explanation of the conduct above related on the part
of England, is not difilcult. In March, 1793, Great IJritain
and Russia had united for the purpose of cutting ..If all the
commerce of revolutionary Franco, in the hope thereby ot
concjuering her. In June, the court of St. James, in accord-
anco with this agreement, issued orders—
To stop and detain all vessels loaded wholly or in part with
corn, iluur, or meal, bound to any port of France, or any port
occupied by the armies of France, and to send them to such
norts as should be most convenient, in order that such corn,
ncal. or Hour might be purchased on behall ol his mf^iesty s
irovernment, and the ships to be released after such purchase
and after a due allowance for freight ; )r that the masters ot
such ships, on giving du « security, to be approved by the court
of admiralty, be permitted to dispose of their cargoes of corn,
meal. Hour, in the ports of any country in amity with his
majesty.!
Against this proceeding the United States protested, while
England justified the measure as a very mild application of
international law. On both sides great irritation prevailed,
and during this period it was that the various acts of Govern-
or Simcoe and others took place.
As for Spain, she had long been fearful and jealous of the
western colonists; she had done all in her power to sow dis-
sensions between the Americans and the southern Indians,
and now hoped to cripple her Anglo-Saxon antagonist by
movements at the north.
But the Americans were in nowise disposed to yield even
to this " Hydra," as General Wayne called it, of Indian, Brit-
ish, and Spanish enmity. On the 16th of August, 1793, the
final messages took place between the American commis-
sioners and the Indians, at the mouth of Detroit river ; on the
17th, the commissioners left Captain Elliott's ; on the 23d,
• MS. among the Brant Papers. Stone, ii. 376.
t Pitkin'* U. S., ii. 390.
1793.
1793.
Wai/nr's Froxpnts and KJ'urts
427
/n. T«^ll tlirm
k<i IiuliiiiiH nnd
\n\ wiinfmg to
o tlic setting of
strength to tlio
itcd on the part
, Great IJritaiii
tting oir all the
lopc thereby of
iinca, in accord-
r or in part with
nee, or any port
nd them to such
that such corn,
of liis nif^jesty's
ir such purchase,
at the masters of
)v«d by the court
cargoes of corn,
amity with his
protested, while
ild application of
itation prevailed,
s acts of Govern-
nd jealous of the
)wor to sow dis-
iouthern Indians,
>ti antagonist by
)scd to yield even
t, of Indian, Brit-
Uigust, 1793, the
merican commis-
:roit river ; on the
tt's ; on the 23d,
reached Fort Krie, near Niagara; upon the same day they
sciit three ii'tters to CJeneral Wayne, by three distinct chan-
nels, advising him of the issue of the negotiations.* Wayne^
eneamped at his " llobson's choice," and contending with the
unwillingness of Kentuckians to v(duntecr in connection with
regular troops, — with fever, influenza and desertion, — was \
struggling hard to bring his army to such form and consist-
ency as would enable him to meet the enemy with confidence.
On the .'ith of October, he writes that he cannot hope to have,
deducting the sick and those left in garrison, more than 2,600
regular troops, 360 mounted volunteers, and 36 guides and
spies, to go with him beyond Fort Jefferson ; but he adds —
This is not a pleasant picture, but something must be done
immediately, to savo the frontiers from impending savage
fury.
1 will, therefore, advance to-morrow with the force I have,
in order to gain a strong position about six miles in front of
I'ort Jefferson, so as to keep the enemy in check (by exciting
a jealousy and apprehension for the safety of their own wo-
men and children) until some favorable circumstance or op-
portunity may present to strike with effect.
The present apparent tranquility on the frontiers, and at
the head of the line, is a convincing proof to me, that" the
enemy are collected or collecting in force, to oppope the logion,
either on its march, or in some unfavorable position for the
cavalry to act in. Disappoint them in this favorite plan or
inancEuvre, they may probably be tempted to att^ick our lines.
In this case 1 trust they will not have much reason to triumph
from the encounter.
They cannot continue long embodied for want of provision
and at their breaking up they will most certainly make some
desperate effort upon some (|uarter or other ; should the
mounted volunteers advance in force, we might yet compel
those haughty savages to sue for peace, before the next open-
ing of the leaves. Be that as it may, I pray you not to permit
present appearances to cause too much anxiety either in the
mind of the President, or yourself, on account of this army.
Knowing the critical situation of our infant nation, and feeling
for the honor and reputation of Government, (which I will
support with my latest breath) you may rest assured that I
will not commit the legion uimecessarily ; and unless more
rowcrfully supported than 1 at present have reason to expect,
will content niyself by taking a strong position in advance of
;
J
md
•American State Papers, t. 304, 308, 325, 357, 360.
423
Wayne builds Fort Greenville.
1793.
Jefferson, and by exerting every power, endeavor to protect
the frontiers, and to £-5cure the posts and army during the
winter, or until I am honored with your further orders.
On the 7th the legion left Cincinnati, and upon the 13th,
without any accident, encamped upon the -'strong position"
above referred to.f Here, upon the 24th of October, he was
joined by one thousand mounted Kentucky volunteers under
Gen. Scott, to whom he had written pressing requests to
hasten forward with all the men he could muster. This re-
, quest Scott hastened to comply with, and the Governor upon
. the 28th of September, had ordered, in addition, a draft of
militia. The Kentucky troops, however, were soon dismissed
again, until spring; but their march had not been in vain, for
they had seen enough of Wayne's army to give them confi-
denr- in it and in him; and upon their return home, spread
that confidence abroad, so tha he full number of volunteers,
was easily procured in the spring.J
One attack had been made upon the troops previous to the
23d of October, and only one ; a body of two commissioned
and ninety non-commissioned officers and soldiers, conveying
twenty wagons of supplies, was assaulted on the 17th, seven
miles beyond Fort St. Clair, and Lieutenant Lowry and Ensign
Boyd, with thirteen others, were killed. Although so little
opposition had thus far been encountered, however, Wayne
determined to stay where he was, for the winter, and having
70,000 rations on hand in October, with the prospect of 120.-
000 more, while the Indians were sure to be short of pro-
visions, he proceeded to fortify his position ; which he named
Fort Greenville, and which was situated upon the spot now
t 3cupied by the town of that name.§ This being done on the
23d or 24th of December, a detachment was sent forward to
' take possession of the field of St. Clair's defeat. They arrived
upon the spot upon Christmas day. "Six hundred skulls,
says one present, "were gathered up and buried; when we
went to lay down in our tents at night, we had to scrape the
• Amerioan State Pnpors, v. 360.
tSee in Americttn F.oneer, ii. 290, plate ai>d account of Wayne's m*de of enc.mp-
m«nt. AlsoinCUfBCincinnatiMiscelUny, ii.65,ajounialof thomaToh.
tMarsh-iU, ii. 83, 84.
gAmorioan State PM>or«, v. 361.
1793.
or to protect
ly during the
orders.*
ipon the 13th,
ong position"
itober, he was
lunteers under
ig requests to
ster. This re-
jlovernor upon
on, a draft of
soon dismissed
!en in vain, for
ire them confi-
home, spread
■ of volunteers,
previous to the
> commissioned
ers, conveying
the 17th, seven
wTy and Ensign
hough so little
nvevcr, Wayne
;er, and having
rospect of 120,-
e short of pro-
diich he named
in the spot now
iing done on the
sent forward to
:. They arrived
lundred skulls,''
iricd; when we
id to scrape the
yne's m*de of encamp -
I march.
1794.
Indians rely on the British.
429
bones together and carry them out, to make our beds."* Here
was built Fort Recovery, which was properly garrisoned, and
placed under the charge of Captain Alexander Gibson. Dur-
ing the early months of 1794, Wayne was steadily engaged
in preparing everything for a sure blow when the time came,
and by means of Captain Gibson and his various spies, kept
himself informed of the plans and movements of the savages.
Ail his information showed the faith in British assistance
which still animated the doomed race of red men ; thus, two
Pottawatomies, taken by Captain Gibson, June 5th, in reply to
various questions, answered as follows :
Q,. — When did your nation receive the invitation from the
British to join them, and go to war with the Americans ?
A. — On the first of the last mcon; the message was sent
by three chiefs, a Delaware, a Shawanee, and a Miami.
Q, — What was the message brought by those Indians
chiefs, and what number of British troops were at Roche
de Bout, (foot of rapids of the Maumee,) on the 1st of May ?
A. — That the British sent them to invite the Pottawatomies
to go to war against the United States ; that they, the British,
were then at Roche de Bout, on their way to war against the
Americans ; that the number of British troops then there were
about four hundred, with two pieces of artillery, exclusive of
the Detroit militia, and had made a fortification round Colonel
McKee's house and stores at that place, in which they had de-
posited all their stores of ammunition, arms, clothing and pro-
vision with which they promised to supply all the hostile Indi-
ans in abundance, provided they would join and go with them
t") war.
Q,. — What tribes of Indians, and what were their numbers,
at Roche de Bout on the 1st of May?
A. — The Chippewas, Wyandots, Shawanese, Tawas, Dela- \
wares and Miamies. There were tlien collected about one n
thousand warriors, and were daily coming in and collecting j
trom all those nations.
Q. — What number of warriors do you suppose actually col-
lected at that place at this time, and what number of British
troops and militia have promised to join the Indians to fight
this army ?
A. — By the latest and best information, and from our own
knowledge of the number of warriors belonging to those nations,
there cannot be less than two thousand warriors now assem-
•American Pioneer, i. 294. Letter of George Will,— Dillon's Ini^iana, i. 360— American
State PaperB, i. 458. gives Wayne's statement.
r •
'*.' i*
='--n.."tWfr**''=
wm ' m
, ' i
'■h
■
430
Evidence of British Intentions.
1794
bled ; and were the Pottawatomi'i:. to join, agreeably to invi-
tation, the whole would amount lo upwards ol three thousand
hostile Indians. But we do not think that more than filty ol
the Pottawatomies will go to war. , i ,- ♦
The British troops and militia that will join the Indians to
go to war against the Americans, will amount to fifteen hun-
dred, agi-eeably to the promise of Gov. Simcoe.
•Q,.— At what time and at what place do the British and In-
dians mean to advance against this army ?
A.— About the last of this moon, or the beginning of the
next, they intend to attack the legion of this place. Governor
Simcoe, the great man who lives at or near Niagara, sent lor
the Pottawatomies, and promised them arms, ammunition,
provisions, and clothing, and every thing they wanted, on con-
dition that they would join him, and go to war against the
Americans ; and that he would command the whole.
He sent us the lame message last winter; and again, on the
first of the last moon, from lloche de Bout; he also said he
was much obliged to us for our past services; and that he
would now help us to fight, and render us all the services jn
his power, against the Americans.
All the speeches that we have received from him, were as
red as blood; all the wampum and feathers were painted red ;
the war pipes and hatchets were red, and even the tobacco
was painted red. „.
We received four different invitations from Governor fc m-
coe, inviting the Pottawatomies to join in the war ; the last
was on the first of last moon, when he promised to join us
with 1600 of his warriors, as before mentioned. But we >yishea
for peace ; except a few of our foolish young men.
Examined, and carefully reduced to writing, at Greenville,
this 7th of June, 1794.*
A couple of Shawanese warriors, captured June 22d, were
less sanguine as iu their while allies, but still say that which
proves the dependence of Indian action upon English pro-
mises. As their evidence gives some data relative to the In-
dian forces, as well as the temper of the western tribes, we
extract nearly the whole of it.
They say that they left Grand Glaize five moons since, i. e.
about the time that the Indians sent in [i. e to Wayne ; the
provisions could not be accepted] a flag, with propositions of
peace. , . u
That they belonged to a party of twenty, who have been
hunting all this spring on tlie waters of the Wabash, nearly
* American State Papen, v. 433.
1794.
cably to invi-
iree thousand
e than fifty of
;he Indians to
;o fifteen hun-
British and In-
jinning of the
ee. Governor
igara, sent for
, ammunition,
anted, on con-
ar against the
/hole.
d again, on the
te also said he
s ; and that he
the services Jn
a him, were as
re painted red ;
en the tobacco
Governor Sim-.
i war ; the last
lised to join us
But we >yished
ten.
;, at Greenville,
June 22d, were
say that which
n English pro-
itive to the In-
tern tribes, we
loons since, i. e.
to Wayne; the
I propositions of
who have been
Wabash, nearly
1794.
Forces of the Indians.
431
opposite the mouth of the Kentucky river, and were o? their
return when taken. That, on their way in, they met with a
pal-ty consisting of four Indians, i. e. three Delawares and one
Pottawatomie, who were then on their way to the Big-bone
Lick, to steal horses ; that this party infornied them that all
the Indians on White river were sent for to come immediately
to Grand Glaize, where the warriors of several nations were
now assembled ; that the chiefs are yet in council, and would
not let their warriors go out ; that they could not depend upon
ihe British for eflectual support; that they were always set-
ting the Indians on like dogs after game, pressing them to go
to war, and kill the Americans, but did not help them ; that
unless the British would turn out and help them, they were
determined to make peace ; that they would not be any longer
amused by promises only.
That the Shawanese have 389 warriors at, and in the vi-
cinity of Grand Glaize ; and generally can, and do, bring into
action, about 300. Their great men, or sachems, are the Black
Wolf, and Kakia-pi-la-thy, or Tame Hawk ; their principi I
warriors are Blue Jacket, and Captain Johnny ; that the Dela-
wares have in and about Grand Glaize, 480 warriors ; that
they actually had four hundred in the action against St. Clair ;
that the Miamies are at present but about one hundred war-
riors, who live near Grand Glaize, several of them having re-
moved towards Post Vincennes, and by the Mississippi ; that
the Wyandots never send into action more than about one
hundred and fifty warriors ; they live along the lake, towards
Sandusky ; they don't know the number of the Pottawato-
mies, nor the number of the other Indians or nations that
would actually join in war, should they determine to continue
it; that the Chippewas would be the most numerous, and were
generally on their way to the council ; but that war or peace
depended on the conduct of the British ; if they would help
them, it would probably be war, but if they would not, it
would be peace ; that the Indians would no longer be set on
like dogs, by themselves, unless the British would help them
to fight ; that the British were at the foot of the rapids, and
had fortified at Roche de Bout ; that there were a great num-
ber of British soldiers at that place; that they told the Indians
they were now, come to help them to fight ; and if the Indians
would generally turn out and join them, they would advance
0il
mmummmmmmf^l^^
432
Fort Recovery Attacked ,
and fight the American army ; that Blue Jacket had been sent
by the British to the Chippewas, and northern Indians, a con-
siderable time since, to invite them, and bring them to Roche
de Bout, there to join the British and other hostile Indians
order to go to war.*
And the conduct of the savages proved these tales not to be
fables: on the 30th of June, Fort Recovery, the advanced
American post, was assaulted by the Little Turtle, at the
head of one thousand to one thousand five hundred warriors ;
and although repelled, the assailants rallied and returned to
the charge, and kept up the attack through the whole of that
day, and a part of the following. Nor was this assailing force
entirely composed of natives; General Wayne, in his de-
spatch, says, his spies " report a great number of white men
with the Indians ;" and again they insist-
There were a considerable number of armed white men in
the rear, who they frequently heard talking in our language,
and encouraging the savages to persevere in the assault ; that
their faces were generally blacked, except three British
oflicers, who were dressed in sc^'-let, and appeared to be mtn
of great distinction, from being surrounded by a large body ot
white men and Indians, who were very attentive to them.
These kept a distance in the rear of those that were engaged.
Another strong corroborating fact, says General Wayne,
that there were British, or British militia, in the assault, is,
that a nxxmhr- of ounce balls and buck shot were lodged in
the block houses and stockades of the fort. Some were de-
livered at so great a distance as not to penetrate, and were
picked up at the foot of the stockades.
It would also appear that the British and savages expected
to find the artillery that were lost on the 4th of November,
1791, and hid by the Indians in the beds of old fallen timber, or
logs which they turned over and laid the cannon in, and then
turned the logs back into their former berth. It was in this
artful manner that we generally found them deposited. Ihe
hostile Indians turned over a great number of logs, during the
assault, in search of those cannon, and other plunder, which
they had probably hid in this manner, after the action of the
fourth of November, 1791. , „ . . , j i
I, therefore, have reason to believe that the British and In-
dians depended much upon this artillery to assist in the reduc-
tion of that post ; fortunately, they served in its defence.f
On the 26*h of July, Scott, with some sixteen hundred
* American State Papers, V. 489. ^ . ^ , ^, . i^ . , ,
t Amerioan State Papers, v. 488.
1794.
had been sent
ndians, aeon-
hem to lloche
ile Indianr, in
tales not to be
the advanced
rurtle, at the
dred warriors ;
id returned to
whole of that
assailing force
le, in his de-
of white men
white men in
our language,
e assault ; that
three British
ired to be mtn
I large body of
ntive to them,
were engaged,
iineral Wayne,
the assault, is,
A'ere lodged in
Some were de-
[rate, and were
vages expected
I of November,
iallen timber, or
on in, and then
It was in this
eposited. The
logs, during the
plunder, which
le action of the
British and In-
st in the reduc-
ts defence.!
Lxteen hundred
1794.
Waj/ne's last nffcr nf Peace.
433
mounted men from Kentucky, joined Wayne at GrconvilU',* )
and on the 28th the legion moved forward.f On the 8th ol
August, the army was near the junction of Auglaize and Mau-
mee, at Grand Giaize, and proceeded at once to build Fort
Defiance, where the rivers mect-J The Indians had hastily
abandoned their towns upon hearing of the approach of tho >
army from a runaway r>ember of the Quarter master's corps,
who was afterwards taken at Pittsburgh. 'X had been Wayne's
plan to reach the head-quarters of the savages, Grand Giaize,
undiscovered ; and in order to do this, he had caused two roads
to be cut, one towards the foot of the rapids, (Roche de Bout,)
the other to the junction of the St. Mary and St. Joseph, while
he pressed forward between the two; and this stratagem, he j
thinks would have been successful but for the deserter refer-id
to.§ While engaged upon Fort Defiance, the A-nerican com-
mander received full and accurate accounts of the Indians,
and the aid they wculd receive from the volunteers of Detroit
and elsewhere; he learned the nature of the ground, and the
circumstances favorable and unfavorable; and upon the whole,
considering the spirit of his troops, officers and men, regulars
and volunteers, he determined to march forward and settle
matters at once. But yet, true to the last, to the spirit of com-
promise and peace, so forcibly taught by Washington, on the
13th of August he sent Christopher Miller, who had been nat-
uralized among the Shawanese, and had been taken prisoner
on the nth, by Wayne's spies, as a special messenger, oflering
terms of friendship in these words :
To the Dclawares, Shawanese, Miamies, and Wyandots, and to
each and every of them, and to all other nations of Indians,
north-west of the Ohio, whom it may concern :
I, Anthony Wayne, Major General and Commander-in- .
chief of the federal army now at Grand Giaize, and commis- I
sioner plenipotentiary of the United States of America, for j
settling the terms upon which a permanent and lastmg peace
shall be made with each and every of the hostile tribes, or
nations of Indians north-west of the Ohio, and of the said
United States, actuated by the purest principles of humanity,
and urged by pity for the errors into which bad and designmg
• Marshall, ii. 136.
t American Pioneer, i. 315, Daily Journol of Wayne's army.
t See American PioBeer, ii. 387, for plan and account of Fort Defiance.
i Wayne's letter of August 14th. (American State Papers, v. 490.)
434
Wayne Marches down the Maumcc.
men have led you, from the head of my army, now in pos-
session of your abandoned villages and settlements, do here-
by once more extend the friendly hand of peace towards you,
and invite each and every of the hostile tribe of Indians to
appoint deputies to meet me and my army, without d- lay,
between this place and Roche de Bout, in order to settle the
preliminaries of a lasting peace,, which may eventually and
soon restore to you, the Delawares, Miamies, Shawanese, and
all other tribes and nations lately settled at this place, and on
the margins of the Miami and Auglaize rivers, your late
grounds and possessions, and to preserve you and your dis-
tressed and hapless women and children from danger anu
famine, during the present fall and ensuing winter.
The arm of the United States is strong and powerful, but
they love mercy and kindness more than war and desolation.
And, to remove any doubts or apprehensions of danger to
the persons of the deputies whom you may appoint to^meet
this army, I hereby pledge my sacred honor for their salety
and return, and send Christopher Miller, an adopted bhawa-
nce, and a Shavvanee warrior, whom 1 took prisoner two days
aero, as a fla-T, who will advance in their front to meet me.
°Mr. Miller°was taken prisoner by a party of my warriors,
six moons since, and can testify to you the kindness which 1
have shown to your people, my prisoners, that is, five war-
riors and two women, who are now all safe and well at
Greenville. , • n -yr
But, should this invitation be disregarded, and my flag, Mr.
Miller, be detained, or injured, I will immediately order al
those prisoners to be put to death, without distinction, and
some of them are known to belong to the first families ot
your nation.
Brothers :— Be no longer deceived or led astray by the false
promises and language of the bad white men at the foot of
the Rapids ; they have neither power nor inclination to pro-
tect you. No longer shut your eyes to your true interest and
happiness, nor your ears to this overture of peace. But, in
pity to your innocent womeri and children, come and prevent
the further eff'usion of your blood ; let them experience tne
kindness and friendship of the United States of America, and
the invaluable blessings of peace and tranquility.
ANTHONY WAYNE.
Grand Glaize, August 13th, 1794.
Unwilling to waste time, the troops moved forward on the
16th, and on the 16th met Miller returning, with the message,
that if the Americans would wait ten days at Grand Glaize,
•American State Paper.", v. 490.
1794.
y, now in pos-
lents, do here-
3 towards you,
of Indians to
vithout d' lay,
er to settle the
jventiially and
lawanese, and
< place, and on
rers, your late
1 and your dis-
m danger and
nter.
1 powerful, but
ind desolation.
s of danger to
ipoint to^meet
for their safety
dopted Shavva-
soner two days
to meet me.
f my warriors,
idness which I
at is, five war-
e and well at
nd "my flag, Mr.
lately order all
distinction, and
irst families of
.ray by the false
in at the foot of
iination to pro-
rue interest and
peace. But, in
>me and prevent
experience the
af America, and
ility.*
^Y WAYNE.
1 forward on the
nt\\ the message,
at Grand Glaize,
1794.
Wayne's Baltic.
436
they (the Indians) would decide for peace or war ;* which
Wayne replied to only by marching straight on. On the 18th,
the legion had advanced forty-one miles from Grand Glm/e,
and being near the long-looked for foe, began to throw up
some light works called Fort Depositc, wherein to place the ^
heavy baggage during the expected battle. On that day,
five of Wayne's spies, among whom was May, the man who
had been sent jifter Trueman and had pretended to desert to
the Indians, rode into the very camp of the enemy ; in at-
tempting to retreat again, May's horse fell and he was ta-
ken The next day, the day before the battle, he was tied to
a tree and shot at as a target-t During the 19th, the army
still labored on their works : on the 20th, at seven or eight
o'clock, all baggage having been left behind, the white forces
moved down the north bank of the Maumce—
The legion on the right, its flank covered by the Maumee; ^
one brigade of mounted volunteers on the let t, under Briga- ,
dier General Todd, and the other in the rear under Brigadier
General Barbee. A select battalion of mounted volunteers
moved in front of the Legion, commanded by Major Irice,
who was directed to keep sufficiently advanced, so as to give
timely notice for the troops to form in case ol action, it
being yet undetermined whether the Indians would decide
for neace or war. ,, ,% . ,
Af^-r advancing about five miles. Major Price's corps re-
ceived so severe a fire from the enemy, who were secreted
in the woods and high grass, as to compel them to retreat.
The legion was immediately formed in two lines, principally
in a close thick wood, which extended for niiles im our lelt,
and for a very considerable distance in front ; the ground being
covered with old fallen timber, probably occasioned by a tor-
nado, which rendered it impracticable for the cavalry to act
with effect, and afl-orded the enemy the most favorable covert
for their mode of warfare. The savages were formed in three <
lines, within supporting distance of each other, and ex- .
tending for near two miles at right angles with ^he river I
soon discovered, from the weight of the fire and ex ent o.
their lines, that the enemy were in full force in front, in pos
session of their favorite ground, and endeavoring to turn our
left flank. I therefore gave orders for the second line to aU-
vance and support the first ; and directed Major General
Scott to gain and turn the right flank of the savages, with the
whole of the mounted volunteers, by a circuitous route; at
• American Pioneer, i. 317.
tAmerioan Pioneer, L 52, 318.-Amerioan State Pap.ra, v. 243.
M
436
Wayne's Buttle.
1794.
the same time I ordered the front line to ndvnnre and charge
with trailed arms, and rouse the Indians from their coverts at
the point of the bayonet, and when up to deliver a close and
well-directed (ire on their bucks, followed by u brisk charge,
so as not to give them time to load again.
. also ordered Captain Campbell, who commanded the le-
gionary cavalry, to turn the left flank of the enemy next the
river, and which afforded a favorable field for that corps to
act in. All these orders were obeyed with spirit and prompti-
tude ; but such was the. impetuosity of the charge by the iirst
line of infantry, that the Indians and Canadian militia and
volunteers, were drove from all their coverts in so short a
time, that aulough every possible exertion was used by the
officers of the second line of the legion, and by Generals
Scott, Todd, and Barbee, of the mounted volunteers, to gain
their proper positions, but pait of each could get up in sea-
son to participate in the action ; the enemy being drove in
the cour.se of one hour, more than two miles, through the thick
woods already mentioned, by less than one half their number.
From every account the enemy amounted to two thousand
combatants. The troops actually engaged against them were
short of nine hundred. This horde of savages, with their al-
! lies, abandoned themselves to flight, and dispersed with terror
and dismay, leaving our victorious army in full and quiet
; possession of the field of battle, which terminated under the
I infiuence of the gans of the British garrison, as you will ob-
j serve by the enclosed correspondence between Major Camp-
) bell, the commandant, and myself, upon the occasion.
'^ The bravery and conduct of every officer belonging to the
, army, from the Generals down to the Ensigns, merit my high-
est approbation. There were, however, some whose rank
and situation placed their conduct in a very conspicuous
point of view, and which I observed with pleasure, and the
most lively gratitude. Among whom, I must beg leave to
mention Brigadier General Wilkinson, and .Colonel Ham-
tr.'imck, the commandants of the right and left wings of the
legion, whose brave example in.spired the troops. To those I
must add the names of my faithful and gallant aids-de-camp.
Captains De Butt and T. Lewis, and Lieutenant Harrison,
who, with the Adjutant General, Major Mills, rendered the
most essential service by communicating my orders in every
direction, and by their conduct and bravery exciting the troops
to press for victory. # * #
Enclosed ia a particular return of the killd and wounded.
The loss of the enemy was more than that of the Federal
army. The woods were strewed for a considerable distance
with the dead bodies of Indians, and their white auxiliaries,
the latter armed with British muskets and bayonets.
We remained three days and nights on the banks of the
1794.
pe and charge
heir coverts at
i'cr a close and
a brisk charge,
nando.d the Ic-
nem> next the
• that corps to
t and prompti-
rge by the lirst
an militia and
in so short a
as used by the
d by Generals
nteers, to gain
jet up in sea-
jcing drove in
rough the thick
f their number.
two thousand
inst them were
, with their al-
rsed with terror
full and quiet
ited under the
s you will ob-
Major Camp-
casion.
longing to the
merit my high-
e whose rank
ry conspicuous
lasure, and the
t beg leave to
Colonel Ham-
t wings of the
ps. To those I
t aids-de-camp,
nant Harrison,
i, rendered the
irders in every
iting the troops
and wounded.
)f the Federal
:rable distance
ite auxiliaries,
onefs.
e banks of the
I
1794.
Wayne's Battle.
437
Maumee, in front of the fleld of battle, during which time
all the houses and cornfields were consumed and destroyed
foi' a considerable distance both above and below Fort Miami,
as well as within pistol shot of the garrison, who were com-
pelled to remuin tacit spectators to this general devastation
and conflagration, among which were the houses, stores and
property of Col. McKee, the British Indian agent, and jjrinci-
pal stimulator of the war now existing between the United
•States and the savages.
The army returned to this place (Fort Defiance) on the
27th, by easy marches, laying waste the villages and corn-
fields for about fifty miles on each side of the Maumee.
There remains yet a great number of villages and a great
quantity of corn, to be consumed or destroyed, upon the Au-
glaize and the Maumee above this place, which will be effected
in the course of a few days.*
The loss of the Americans in this action was thirty-three
killed and one hundred wounded, including twenty-oa- offi-
cers, of whom, however, but five were killed.
The army remained at Fort Defiance, busily engaged in
strengthening the works, until September 14th, when it
marched for the Miami villages at the junction of the St. Jo-
seph and the St. Mary, to build the fortress called Fort Wayne,
which, when completed on the 22d of October, was named by
Colonel Hamtramck, who was placed in command.' During
this time the troops suffered much from sickness, and also from
Avant of fiour and salt ; the latter article sold on the 24th of
September, for six dollars a pint.* On the 28th of October',
the Legion began its return march to Greenville, the volun-',
teers, who had become dissatisfied and troublesome, having
been dispatched to that post for dismissal on the 12th of that
month. During this time, (on the 11th or 13th) a brother of
the Canadian taken in the action of August 20th, came to
General Wayne with three Americans whom he had bought
from the Indians, to exchange for his captive relation : the
exchange was agreed to, and the messenger induced to make
the following statement :
Governor Simcoe, Colonel M'Kee, and Captain Brant, ar-
rived at Fort Miami, at the foot of the Rapids, on the 30th
ultimo, (September;) Brant had with him one hundred Indians,
Mohawks and Messasagoes.
*Amerioan State P^n, y. 491.— S«e the Engluh account of the battle In Weld'a Tra-
vels, ii. 211.
t American Pioneer, L 354.
!|
Hi I
438
Comhict of the British after the Battle,
1794.
tiovcriior Siincoc sent for the chiefs of tho (lin'croiit hostile
Indians, and invited them to mrct him nt the mouth of De-
troit river, cij^htef n miles below Detroit, to hold a treaty ;
Simcoc, C'>lonel McKee, and Captain Brant, togethrr with
liliic Jnckel, Uuckongelcs, the Little Turtle, Captain Johnny,
and othf'.- chiefs of the Dclawares, Miamies, Sha'vanese, Ta-
was, and I'ottawatomies, set out accordingly, for the place
assigned for the treaty, about the 1st instant : the Indians are
well and regularly supplied with provisions from the British
magazines, at u place called Swan Creek, near Lake Erie.
Previously to the arrival of Ciovernor Simcoe, Blue Jack-
et, the iShawanese chiefs, two of the principal chief of the Ta-
was, and the principal chiefs of the Pottawatomlcs, had
agreed to accompany him, the said , with a flag to this
place.
Blue Jacket Informed him, after the arrival of Simcoe, he
would not now go with him, until after the intended
treaty ; but that his wishes, at present, were for peace ; that
he did not know what propositions Governor Simcoe had to
make them,^ut that he and all the chiefs would go and hear;
and, in the interim, desired him, the said , to inquire of
General Wayne in what manner the chiefs should come to
him, and whether they would be safe, in case they should de-
termine on the measure, after the treaty with oimcoe, and
after the said should return to Detroit : had it not
been for the arrival of Governor Simcoe, Colonel McKee, and
'^^nptain Brant, with his Indians, he is confident the chiefs,
already mentioned, would have accon panled him to this
place, at this time, as before related.*
This communication was further confirmed by statements
from the Wyandots, some of whom were In the American in-
terest.f Indeed it appeared afterwards that en the 10th of
October the Indians met the British at the Big Rock, and
were advised that their griefs would be laid before the King ;
and in connection with this, as General Wayne learned from
the friendly Wyandots, —
Governor Simcoe insisted, that le Indians should not listen
to any terms of peace from the nericans, but to propose a
truce, or suspension of hostllit; ^tii the spring, when a
grand council and assemblage of all the warriors and tribes
of Indians should take place, for the purpose of compelling
the Americans to cross to the east side of the Ohio ; and in
advised every nation to sign a deed or convey-
* American State Papers, v. 620.
t Americin State Papers, v. 548, 527.
i
tile.
1794.
1791.
Comlurt of the Itritisfi nftnr tht li'i-'fr.
439
e (lin'crciit hostile
ic mouth of De-
to Iiold a treaty ;
U, togethrr with
Captain Johnny,
Shn'vanese, Ta-
y, for the place
the Indians are
from the British
3ar Lake Erie.
mcoe, Blue Jack-
al chief of thcTa-
ttavvatomics, had
with a ilag to this
val of Simcoe, he
ler the intended
•e for peace ; that
nor Simcoe had to
rould go and hear ;
-, to inquire of
fs should come to
ise they should de-
with oimcoe, and
)etroit : had it not
olonel McKee, and
nfident the chiefs,
anied him to this
ned by statements
1 the American in-
hat en the 10th of
the Big Rock, and
1 before the King ;
ayne learned from
tis should not listen
I, but to propose a
he spring, when a
/arriors and tribes
)ose of compelling
r the Ohio ; and in
a deed or convey-
m§
ance of all their lands, on the west side of tlic Ohio, to the
Kinj?, in trust for tlie Indians, so as to fjive th<' Mrilisli a pre-
text Of color for assisting tlinn, in case the Anieiiciuis refused
to abandon all their posts and possessions on the west side of
that river ; and which tlie Indians should warn ihf'm to do,
immediately after they, llie Indians, were assembled in force
in the spring, and to call upon the British to guaranty the
lands thus ceded in trust, and to make a general attack upon
the frontiers at the same time : that the British would be pre-
pared to attack the Americans, al.so, in every quarter, and
would compel them to cross the Ohio, and to give up the lajids
to the Indians.
Captain Brant also told them, to keep a good heart, and be
strong; to do as their father advised ; that he would return home,
for the present, with his warriors, and come again early in the
spring, with an additional number, so as to have the whole
summer before them, to fight, kill, and pursue the Americans,
who could not possibly stand against the force aiid numbers
that would be opposed to them ; that he had been always
succcs.sful, and would insure them victory. But that ho would
not attack the Americans at this time, as it would only put
them upon their guard, and brin'j them upon the Indians in
this quarter, durin;; the winter ; therefore he advised them to
amuse the Americans with a prospect of peace, until they
should collect in force to fall upon them early in the spring,
and when least expected.
That, agreeably to this plan or advice, the real hostile tribes
will be sending flags frequently during the winter, with pro-
positions of peace, but this is all fraud and art, to put the
Americans off their guard.
The British made large presents to the Indians at the late
council, and continued to furnish them with provision from
Colonel McKee's new stores, near the mouth of the Miumies
of Lake Erie, where all the Indians are hutted or in tents,
whose towns and property were destroyed last sum - and
who will sign away their lands, and'du exactly what th^ "tish
request them ; this was the general prevailing opinion at the
breaking up of the council ; since which period, the message
and propositions of the 5th November, addressed to the differ-
ent tribes of Indians proposing the treaty of the 9th of Janu-
ary, 1789, held at the mouth of Muskingum, as a preliminary
upon which a permanent peace should be est iblished, has
been communicated to them ; upon which, a considerable num-
ber of the chiefs of several of the tribes assembled again, and
were determined to come forward to treat, say about the first of
this moon. JJut Colonel McKee was informed of it, and
advised them against the measure, and to be faithful to their
father, as they had promised. He then made them additional
410
The Indians svrk Peace.
1794
pn'HPiits, far boyoinl any thinx that they had ever horctofore
roccivi'tl, wliich inclinud a majority to adhen; to (Jovornor
Simcoc'H |)r()|>(>NitioiiM, and thry n'turtuul home accord in|i(ly.
That, notwithstanding tliiN, thu chiefs and nations an; much
divid(*d, some lor poace, and Homi; for war ; the Wyandots ot
Sanduf^ky arc for pcaco ; those near Detroit for war ; the J)ela-
wares are e(|ually divichid, so are the Miamies, hut are de-
pendent upon the British for provision ; the Shawanese and
I'awas are for war; the I'ottawatomies and Chippewas are
gone home, sore from the late action.
H'hat such of the chiefs and warriors as are inclined fur
peace, will cull a council, and endeavor to bring it about,
upon the terms proposed, as they wish to hold thtur lands un-
der the Americans, and not under the British, whose title they
do not like/
News also came from the West that the Indians were cross-
ing the Mississippi ; in New York, on the 11th of November,
I*ickering made a new treaty with the Iroquois; while in the
north fewer and fewer of the savages lurked about Forts I)e-
liance and Wayne. Nor was it long before the wish of the
'^■natives to make peace became still more apparent; on the
28th and 29th of December, the Chiefs of the Chippewas,
Ottowas, Sacs, Pottawatomies, and Miamies, came with peace
messages to Col. IIamtramck,f at Fort Wayne, and on the
24th of January, 1796, at Greenville, entered, together with
the Dclawarcs, Wyandots, and Shawanese, into preliminary
articles with the Comtnandor-in-chicf. The truth was, the
<>,^ red men had been entirely disappointed in the conduct of
their white allies after the action of the 20th of August ; as
Brant said, "a fort hud been built in their country under pre-
tence of giving refuge in case of necessity,, but when that
time came, the gates were shut against them as enemies."^
During the winter, Wayne having utterly laid wa.ste their fer-
tile fields, the poor savages were wholly dependent on the
English who did not half supply them; their cattle and dogs
died, and they were themselves nearly starved. Under these
circumstances, losing faith in the English, and at last impress-
ed with a respect i( i American power after the carnage ex-
• American State Paperi, v. 548, 860, 569, 588, 667.
I See his letters to Wayne.— American Pioneer, ii. 389 to 392.
\ Stone's Brant, ii. 390. Several Mohawks were proKo'^iy engaged in the battle of
August 20tb, and Brant would have been with them but for tickneti. — [Stone ii. 390
note.]
i
1794
IT heretofore
to IJovcrnor
LcconliiiKly.
ioMH ar<; iimch
VVyjiiulots ol
ar ; the J)ela-
hut nrc de-
nvvanese and
lippewaH are
inclined for
iring it about,
heir hind.s un-
liosc title they
ns were cross-
of November,
; while in the
)out Forts De-
he wish of the
)arent; on the
le Chippewas,
me with peace
ie, and on the
, together with
ito preliminary
truth was, the
the conduct of
of August ; as
itry under pre-
but when that
as enemies."!
A'aste their fer-
endent on the
attle and dogs
Under these
at last impress-
le carnage ex-
^ged in the battle of
Dset.— [Stone U. 390
1791,
The J ml inns .Vrvi
Pence.
441
perienerd lit the hniids of the "Black Snake," the various trll)«'M,
by (leKrees, tiiiult* up their niiiidM to ask for peace ; during the
wintiT and Mpriiig they exclmnyed prisoners, and made reatly
to meet (!en. NVayiie at (Ireeiivillo, in June, for the |iiipose of
forming a definite tr<'aty, us it had been agreed should be
done by the preliminaries of .laiiiiary 21th. One scene among
the many of that tinje seems deserving of a transfer to our
pages; it is from the narrative of John Hiickell, who had been
a captive for four years among the Delawarcs, and adopted
into the family of Wliingwy I'ooshies, or Hig Cat, a noted war-
rior of that tribe.*
On the breaking up of spring, Hriekell says, we all went up
to Fort Defiance, and, on arriving on the shore opposite, we
saluted the lort with a round of rilles, and they shot a cannon
thirteen times. We then encamped on the spot. On the same
day, Whingwy I'ooshies told me I must gt) over to -ae fort.
The children hung round me crying, and asked me it' 1 was
going to leave them? I told them I did not know. When we
got over to the fort, and were sealed with the ollieers, Whing-
wy I'ooshies told me to stand up, which I did; he then rose
and addressed me in about these words: "My son, there are
men the same color with yourself. 'I'here may be some of
your kin there, or your kin may be a great way olf from you.
You have lived along time with us. 1 call on you to sny if I
have not been a father to you? If I have not used you as a
father would use a s-on ?" 1 .said, •'Vou have used nie as well
as a father could use a sori." He said, "1 am glad you say so.
You have lived long with me; you have hunted ibi .m" ; but
our treaty says you must be free. Jfyou choose to go with
the people of your own color, I have no right to sny a word ;
but if you choose to stay with me, your people have no right
to speak. Now rcllect on it, and take your choice, and tell us
as soon as you make up your mind."
I was silent a lew minutes, in which time it seemed ns if I
almost thought of every thing. I thought of the children I
had just left crying; 1 thought of the Indians I was attached
to, and I thought of my people which I remembered; and this
latter thought predominated, and 1 said, "I will go with my
kin." The old man then said, "I have raised you — 1 have
learned you to hunt. You are a good hunter — you have been
better to me than my own sons. I am now getting old, and I
cannot hunt. I thought you would be a support to my age.
I leaned on you as a staff. Now it is broken — you are going
• Brickell's Xarrntij'e. American Pioncor. i. 63. Stono'* Brant, ii. 38',). American
Stale Papfrr, r. f>20. Ilrvkcweldcr'H Narrative, 405. American Pioneer, i. ii, Bpocol^of
Bucl(ongebeliii<. American State Fapcrr, v. DS2.
28
t J
0.
.???-■
442
Narrative of John Brickcll.
1795.
to leave me and I have no right to say a word but I am ruin-
ed " He then sank back in tears to his seat. I heartily jomed
him in his tears-parted with him, and have never seen nor
heard of him since.*
During the month of .Tune, the representatives of the north-
western tribes began to gather at Greenville, and on the 16th
of that month, Wayne met in council, the Delawares, Otto-
was, Pottawatomies, and Eel river Indians ; and the confer-
ences, which lasted till August 10th, commenced. On the 21st
of June, Buckongehelas arrived; on the 23d, the Little Turtle
and other Miamies; on the l3th of July, Tarke and other
Wyandot Chiefs reached the appointed spot ; and upon the
18th, Blue Jacket with thirteen Shawanese, and Masass
with twenty Cliippe^'as. Mostof these, as it appeared by their
statements, had been tampered with by McKce, Brant and
other English Agents,t even after they had agreed to the pre-
liminaries of January 24th, and while Mr. Jay's treaty was
still under discussion .J They had, however, all determined
to make a permanent peace with the Thirteen Fires, and al-
though some difficulty as to the ownership of the lands to be
ceded, at one time seemed likely to arise, the good sense of
Wayne and of the Chiefs prevented it, and upon the 30lh of
Jnly the treaty was agreed to which was to bury the hatchet
forever. Between that day and the 3d of August it was en-
grossed, and having been signed by the various nations upon
the day last named, on the 7th was finally acted upon, and the
presents from the United States distributed forthwith. While
the Council was in session, some mischief had been done in
Tirginia by a band of Shawanese, but on the 9th of Septem-
ber these also came to Greenville, gave up tlieir prisoners, and
.asked for forgiveness.
The basis of the treaty of Greenville was the previous one
made at Fort Harmar, and its leading provisions were as fol-
lows :
Art. 1. Hostilities were to cease.
Art. 2. All prisoners wct-e to be restored.
» See American Pioneer, i. 54.
t See jpoeches of Blue Jacket and Maseasg. [American State Papers, T. S6S,] and of
Agooshaway, an Ottawa. [American State Papers, v. 566.]
t Jay reached England June 16, 1704; hu treaty wa« concluded Nov. 19th; it was ro-
eeivedby the President March 7, 1795; was .ubmitted to tUe Senate June 8; was agreed
to by them on the 24th of that month; and ratified by the President Aug. 14th.
I !
1
, but I am ruin-
: heartily joined
never seen nor
es of the north-
and on the 16th
lelawares, Otto-
and the confer-
ed. On the 21st
the Little Turtle
rarke and other
t; and upon the
se, and Masass
ippeared by their
jKee, Brant and
greed to the pre-
Jay's treaty was
', all determined
len Fires, and al-
f the lands to be
the good sense of
upon the 30lh of
biiry the hatchet
August it was cn-
ous nations upon
!ted upon, and the
brthwith. While
lad been done in
lie 9th of Septem-
icir prisoners, and
3 the previous one
isions were as fol-
ito Papers, T. 56S,] and of
ided Nov. 19th ; it was re-
enate Juoe 3 ; ^vas agreed
ident Aug. 14th.
1795.
Treaty of Greenville.
448
Art. 3. The general boundary lines between the lands of
the United States and the lands of the said Indian tribes, shall
begin at the mouth of Cuyahoga river, and run thence up the
same to the portage between that and the Tuscarawas branch
of the Muskingum ; thence down that branch to the crossing
place above Fort Lavirrence ; thence westwardly, to a fork of
that branch of the Great Miami river, running into the Ohio,
at or near which fork stood Loramie's store, and where com-
mences the portage between the Miami of the Ohio and St.
Mary's river, which is a branch of the Miami which runs into
Lake Erie ; thence a westerly course, to Fort Recovery, which
stands on a branch of the Wabash ; thence southwesterly, in
a direct line to the Ohio, so as to intersect that ri^er oppo.site
the mouth of Kentucky or Cuttawa river. And in considera-
tion of the peace now'established ; of the goods formerly re-
ceived from the United Stales ; of those now to be delivered ;
and of the yearly delivery of goods now stipulated to be made
hereafter; and to indemnify the United States for the injuries
and expenses they have su.stained during the war ; the said
Indian tribes do hereby cede and relinquish, forever, all their
claims to the lands lying eastwardly and southwardly of the
general boundary line now described ; and the.se lands, or any
part of them, shall never hereafter be made a cause or pre-
tence, on the part of the said tribes, or any of them, of war or
injury to the United States, or any other people thereof.
And for the same consideration, and as an evidence of the
returning friendship of the said Indi n tribes, of their confi-
dence in the United States, and desire to provide for their ac-
commodation, and for that convenient intercourse which will
be beneficed to both parlies, the said Indian tribes do also
cede to the United States the following pieces of land, tovvit :
1. One piece of land six miles .square, at or near Laromie's
store, before mentioned. 2. One piece, two miles square, at
the head of the navigable water or landing, on the St. Mary's
river, near Girty's town. 3. One piece, six miles .square, at
the head of the navigable waters of the Auglaize river. 4.
One piece, six miles square, at the confluence of the Auglaize
and Miami river, where Fort Defiance now stands. 6. One
piece, six miles square, at or near the confluence of the rivers
St. Marys and St. Joseph's, where Fort Wayne now stands, or
near it. 6. One piece, two miles square, on the Wabash river,
at the end of the portage from the Miami of the lake, and
about eight miles westward from Fort Wayne. 7. One piece,
six miles square, at the Ouatanon, or old Wca towns, on the
Wabash river. 8. One piece, twelve miles square, at the
British fort on the Miami of the lake, at the foot of the rapids.
9. One piece,,six miles square, at the mouth of the said river,
where it empties into the lake. 10. One piece, .six miles
.square, upon Sandusky lake, where a fort formerly stood. 11.
444
Treaty of Greenville.
1795.
One piece, two miles square, at the lower rapids of Sandusky
Hv er 12. The post of Detroit, and all the lands to the north,
[he west, and the south of it, of which the Indian title has been
extingui;hed by gifts or gran :s to the French or English gov-
ernments: and so much more land to be annexed to the Dis-
rcHf Detroit, as shall be comprehended between the river
Rosine on the south, and lake St. Clair on the nor.h, and a
ne, the general course whereof shall be s.x miles distant
from the west end of lake Erie and Detroit river. 13. The
posTof Michillimackinac, and all the land on the Isl^-jd o"
which that post stands, and the main land adjacent, of which
The 5ndian title has been extinguished by gifts or grants to the
Fren.nor English governments ; and a piece of land on the
Main to the north of the Island, to measure six rrnles, on lake
Huron, or the Strait between lakes Huron and Michigan, and
to extend three miles back from the water on the lake or
Strait; and also, the Island de Bois Blanc, being an extra and
voluntary gift of the Chippewa nation. 14. One piece of
anS six miles square, at the mouth of Chicago river, empty-
ing into the south-west end of lake Michigan, where a for
formerly stood. 16. One piece, twelve niiles «q«?^7'j; .^
near the mouth of the Illinois river, emptying into the Misses
sippi. 16. One piece, six miles square, at the old Peorias foi
and village, near the south end of the Illinois lake, on said
Hlinols rher. And whenever the United States shall think
prober to survey .nd mark the boundaries of the l-ds herei^y
ceded to them, they shall give timely notice thereof to the said
tribes of Indians, that they may appoint some "f tlieir wise
chiefs to attend and see that the lines are run according to the
terms of this treaty. , i <• i.u„
And the said Indian tribes will allow to the people of the
United States, a free passage, by land ^nd by water, as oii«
and the other shall be found convenient, through their country,
along the chain of posts herein before mentioned; that is to
sav from the commencement of the portage aforesaid, at or
near Loramie's store, thence, along said Portage' to fe ^^J;
Mary's, and down the same to Fort Wayne, and then down
the Miami to Lake Erie; again, from the commencement ot the
portage, at or near Loramie's store, along the portage, i.om
thence to the rive;- Auglaize, and down the same to its junc-
tion with the Miami at Fort Defiance; «!»»"' ^l""" • 1 Zi
mencement of the portage aforesaid, to Sandusky rner, ana
down the same to Sandusky bay, and Lake Erie, and from
Sandusky to the post which shall be taken at or near the ioot
of the rapids of the Miami of the lake ; and from thence to
Detroit. Again, from the mouth of Chicago, to the commence-
ment of the portage between that river and the Illinois, and
down the Illinois river to the Mississippi; also, from *ort
Wayne, along the portage aforesaid, which leads to the wa-
1795.
of Sandusky
to the north,
title has been
English gov-
ed to the Dis-
een the river
norih, and a
miles distant
^er. 13. The
the Island on
ent, of which
grants to the
of land on the
miles, on lake
Michigan, and
)n the lake or
f an extra and
One piece of
) river, empty-
, where a fort
square, at or
into the Missis-
old Peorias fort
lake, on said
tes shall think
le lands hereby
reof to the said
e of their wise
ccording to the
e people of the
^ water, as one
:h their country,
»ned; that is to
iforesaid, at or
age, to the St.
and then down
jncementof the
3 portage, from
ime to its junc-
, from the com-
lusky river, and
Erie, and from
or near the foot
from thence to
the commence-
;he Illinois, and
,lso,*from Fort
sads to the Wa-
i
1795.
Treaty of Greenville.
445
bash, and then down the Wabash to the Ohio. And the said
Indian tribes will also allow to the people of the United
States, the free use of the harbors and mouths of rivers, along
the lakes adjoining the Indian lands, for sheltering vessels and
boats, and liberty to land their cargoes when necessary for their
safety.
Art. 4. In consideration of the peace now established, and
of the cessions and relinquishments of lands, made in the pre-
ceding article, by the said tribes of Indians, and to manifest
the liberality of the United States, as the great means of ren-
dering this peace strong and perpetual, the United States re-
linquish their claims to all other Indian lands, northward of
the river Ohio, eastward of the Mississippi, and westward and
southward of the Great Lakes, and the waters uniting them,
according to the boundary line agreed on by the United States
and the King of Great Britain, in the treaty of peace made
between them in the year 1783. But from this relinquishment
by the United States, the following tracts of land are explicitly
excepted. 1st. The tract of one hundred and fifty thousand
acres, near the rapids of the river Ohio, which has been as-
signed to General Clark, for the use of himself and his war-
riors. 2d. The post at St. Vincennes, on the river Wabash,
and the lands adjacent, of which the Indian title has bee* ex-
tinguished. 3d.i The lands at all other places, in possession of
the French people, and other white settlers among them, of
which the Indian title has been extin^ dished, as mentioned in
the 3d article; and 4th. The post of Fort Massac, towards the
mouth of the Ohio. To which several parcels of land, so ex-
cepted, the said tribes relinquish all the title and claim, which
they or any of them may have.
And, for the same considerations, and with the same views
as above mention id, the United States now deliver to the said
Indian tribes, a quantity of goods to the value of twenty thou-
sand dollars, the receipt whereof they do hereby acknowledge;
and henceforward, every year, for ever, the United States will
deliver, at some convenient place, ncrthward of the river Ohio,
like useful goods, suited to the circumstances of the Indians,
of the value of nine thousand five hundred dollars; reckoning
that value at the first cost of the goods in the city or place In
the United States, where they shall be procured. The tribes
to which those goods are to be annually delivered, and the pro-
portions in which they are to be delivered, are the following:
1st. To the Wyandots. the amount of one thousand dollars.
2d. To the Delawares, the amount of one thousand dollars.
3d. To the Shawanese, the amount of one thousand dollars.
4th. To the Miamies, the amount of one thousand dollars.
5th. To the Ottawas, the amount of one thousand dollars.
6th. To the Chippevi^as, the amount of one thousand dollars.
7th. To the Pottawatimas, the amount of one thousand dollars.
446 Treaty of Greenville.
8th. And to the Kickapoo, Wea, Eel river, fifnkeshaw, and
Kaskaskia tribes, the amount of Ave hundred dollars each.
Provided, that if either oi the said tribes shall hereafter, at
an annual delivery of their share of the goods aforesaid, de-
sire that a part of their annuity should be furnished in domes-
ic animaiyimplements of husbandry, and other uter.ds, con-
venteiVfor them, and in compensation to useful artificers who
may reside with or near them, and be employed for their bene-
fit, the same shall, at the subsequent annual deliveries, be fur-
nished accordingly. , ,. v * ♦!,« t«
Art. 6. To Jrevcnt any misunderstanding, about the In-
dian lands relinquished by the United States, in the fourth ar-
ticle, it is now explicitly declared, that the meaning of that
reTnquishmentistL: fhe Indian tribes ^vho have a nght to
these lands, are quietly to enjoy them, hunting, planting, and
dweUing thereon? so long as they please, without any mole^sta-
Son from the United States; but when those tnbes, or any of
them shall be disposed to sell their lands, or any part of them,
thev kre to be sold only to the United States; and until such
Bale Xe United States will protect all the said Indian tribes
fthe quierenjovment of th^eir lands, against all Citizens of
the United States, and against all other white persons who in-
rudeupon the same. And the said Indian tribes agmn ac-
knowledge themselves to be under the protection of the said
^t;' ^'^^^2::^^^^^^:^^^-^ remove and
Dunish intruders on Indian lands.
Abt 7th. Indians may hunt within ceded lands.
• Art* Sth! Trade shall be opened in substance, as by provi-
"TRT"liriinnruts" hTbe referred to law; not privately
avengJ; and all hostile plans known to either, shall be re-
vealed to the other party.
Art. 10th. All previous treaties annulled.
This Kreat and abiding peace document, was signed by the
various nations named in the 4th article, and dated August
the 3d 1795. It was laid before the Senate, December 9th,
and ratified December 22d. So closed the old Indian war. of
the West.t ,:.■,......
• • See Land Law*, p. 154. „ „ . «» ♦„ %vk
t See the treaty at-^ minute, of the oounoll, American State Paper., v. 862 to 685.
treaty olone, I«and Lawi 154 to 159.
IhQ
.. '
nkeslmw, and
(liars each.
I hereafter, at
aforesaid, de-
ihed in domes-
• uter-iils, con-
artificers who
for their bene-
iveries, be fur-
, about the In-
i the fourth ar-
eaning of that
lave a right to
, planting, and
It any molesta-
ibes, or any of
y part of them,
and until such
i Indian tribes,
t all citizens of
persons who in-
ribes again ae-
on of the said
ay l-emove and
nds.
ce, as by provi-
v; not privately
her, shall be re-
APPENDIX TO CHAPTliR XIII.
[The following documents are of sufficient importance to
require irsertion, and yet they are not exactly suited to the
body of this work. Instead of a cumbrous note running
through several pages, we place them in the form of an Ap-
I'ENDIX ««.
[number I.]
Miami (Maumee) River, August 21, 1794.
Sir • An Army of the United States of America said to
be under your command, having taken post on he banks
of the MiLi, (Maumee) for upwards o^ the last twenty-
four hours, almost within the reach of /.he guns of this
fo?t, being a post belonging to his M^e.ty the King of
G eat Britlin, occupied by His Majesty's troops and which I
have the honor to command, it becomes my duty to mform my-
self, as speedily as possible, in what ight I am to view your
makine such near approaches to this garrison. I have no
hesUaUon on my parMo say. that I know of no war existing
between Great Britain and America.
I have the honor to be, sir, with great respect, your most
obedient and very humble servant,
WILLIAM CAMPBELL, Major 24th Reg.,
Commanding a British post on the banks of the Miami.
To Major General Wayne, &c. , . ,- ,.,,-
ts signed by the
id dated August
December 9th,
1 Indian wars of
en, V. 362 to 583. Tha
[nhMB ER I I. ]
Camp on the Bank of the Miami, (Maumee,) )
^ August 21, 1794. i
Sir • I have received your letter of this date, requiring
from me the motives which have moved the army under my
command to the position they at present occupy, far within
the acknowledged jurisdiction of the United States of Ameri-
ca Without questioning the authority or the propriety, sir,
of your interrogatory, I think I may, without breach of deco-
rum, observe to you, that were you entitled to an answer, the
most full and satisfactory one was announced to you from the
muzzles of my small arms, yesterday morning, m the action
gainst the horde of savages in the v.cinity of your post,
\
i I
448
Appendix.
1794.
which terminated gloriously to the American arms , but, had
it continued until the Indians, &c. were driven under the in-
fluence of the post and guns you mention, they would not
have much impeded the progress of the victorious army updcr
my command, as no such post was established at the com-
mencement of the present war between the Indians and the
United States.
I have the honor to be, sir, with great respect, your most
obedient and very humble servant,
ANTHONY WAYNE, M£\ior General,
And Commander-in-chief of the B'ederal Army.
To Major William Campbell, &c.
[number III.]
Fort Miami, August 22d, 1794.
Sir : Although your letter of yesterday's date fully authori-
zes me to any act of hostility against the army of the United
States in this neighborhood, under your command, yet stiU
anxious to prevent that dreadful decision which, perhaps, is
not intended to be appealed to by either of our countries, i
have forborne, for these two days past, to i SGear those insults
vou have ofFered to the British flag flying at this fort, by ap-
proaching within pistol shot of my works, not only singly,
but in numbers, with arms in their hands. Neither is it my
'vish to wage war with individuals ; but, should you, alter
this, continue to approach my post in the threatening manner
YOU are at this moment doing, my indispensable duty to my
king and country, and the honor of my profession, will oblige
me to have recourse to those measures, which thousands ot
either nation may hereafter have cause to regret, and which 1
solemnly appeal to God, I have used my utmost endeavors to
Arrest
I have the honor to be, sir, with much respect, your most
obedient and very humble servant,
WILLIAM CAMPBELL, Major 24th Regiment,
Commanding at Fort Miami.
Major General Wayne, &c.
vtMUi'
[nUMBEH IV.]
t «*
Camp, Banks of the Miami, 22d August, 1794.
Sir • In your letter of the 21st instant, you declare, "I have
no hesitation, on my part, to say, that I know of no war ex-
isting between Great Britain and America." I, on my part,
declare the same, and that the only cause I have to entertain
'-i i m i f i l ii tiH i i
1794.
•ms; but, had
under the in-
;y would not
IS army ui»dcr
I at the com-
lians and the
ict, your most
jor General,
I'ederal Army.
St 22d, 1794.
! fully authori-
of the United
mand, yet still
ch, perhaps, is
ur countries, I
it those insults
his fort, by ap-
3t only singly,
either is it my
luld you, after
tening manner
ble duty to my
iion, will oblige
:h thousands of
et, and which I
St endeavors to
pect, your most
Regiment,
L Fort Miami.
August, 1794.
declare, "I have
f of no war ex-
I, on my part,
ave to entertain
1794.
Appendix.
449
a contrary idea at present, is the hostile act yo.i are now in
commission of, i. e. by recently taking post iar withn the well
known and acknowledged limits of the Lnilrc States, and
erecting a fortification in the heart of the settlements ot the
Indian tribes now at war with the United States Ihis, sir,
appears to be an act of the highest aggression, anddostructivc
to the peace and interest ot the Union. Hence it beoomcK
mv duty to desire, and I do hereby desire and demand, in the
name of the President of the United States, that you imme-
diately desist from any further act of hostility or aggression,
by forbearing to fortify, and by withdrawing the troops, aitil-
lery, and stores, under your orders and direction, fortliwitli,
and removing to the nearest post occupied by his Hntunmc
Majesty's troops at the peace of 1783, and which you will be
permitted to do unmolested, by the troops under my command.
I am, with very great respect, si"-. yo^J.^^^VwIv'vNr
very humble servant, ANTHONY WAYNL.
Major William Campbell, &c.
[number v.]
Fort Miami, 22d August, 1794.
Sir : 1 have this moment to acknowledge the receipt of your
letter of this date ; in answer to which 1 have only to say,
that being placed here in command of a British post, and
acting in a military capacity only, 1 cannot enter into any
discussion either on the right or impropriety of my occupying
my present position. Those are matters that I conceive will
be best left to the ambassadors of our different nations.
Having said this much, permit me to inform you that 1 cer-
tainly will not abandon this post, at the summons of any pow-
er whatever, until I receive orders for that purpose from those
I have the honor to serve under, or the fortune of war should
oblige me. I must still adhere, sir, to the purport of n.y
letter this morning, to desire that your army, or individuals
belonging to it, will not approach within reach ot my cannon,
without expecting the consequences attending it.
Although I have said, in the former part of my letter, that
my situation here is totally military, yet, let me add, sir, that
1 am much deceived, if His Majesty, the King of Great Bri-
tain, had not a post on this river, at and prior to the period
you mention.
I have the honor to be, sir, with the gre;itest respect, your
most obedient ai.d very humble servant. r
WILLIAM CAMPBELL, Major 24th Regiment,
"''" ' Commanding at Fort Miami.
To Major General Wayne, 6tc. «;+;;; rH v. *- ;5 ; '^> <i
S'l^ i.
Appendix..
[number vr. ]
Kilted and Wounded.
The Legion had twenty-six killed, five of them offi-^ers,
cishty-seven wounded, thirteen of them oflicers ; he Ken-
tucky volunteers had seven killed, all privates an.' thirteen
wounded, three of whom were officers ;-ol the wounded
eleven died: making in all dead and wounded one hundred
and thirty-three.— American State Papers, v. 492.
An eye-witness (American Pioneer, i. 319) thinks there
were near five hundred Canadians in the battle. A Shawa-
nese prisoner taken August 11, testifies thus— _
Question.— What number of warriors are at McKce's, and
M'hat nations do they belong to?
Answer.— There are six hundred who abandoned this place
on the approach of the Army.
Shawanese, about - - - 200, b- f not more.
Delawares, ^00
Miamies, - - - - - J"^
Warrior.s of all other tribes, - - lUU
Total, 700
Q._What number are expected to assemble, in addition to
those now at the foot of the Rapids?
A.— In all, about four hundred men, viz.
Wyandots, - ' ' ' ' fi?.
Tawas, ^
Total, 540
Q.— What number of white men are to join and when ?
A —Mr. or Captain Elliot set out for Detroit six days since,
and "was to be back yesterday, with all the militia and an ad-
ditional number of regular troops, which, with those already
there, would amount to one thousand men. This is the gene-
ral conversation among the Indians, and Captain Elliot pro-
mised to bring that number. Colonel McKee's son went with
Elliot, as also the man who deserted from the army on its
™ One of the Canadians taken in the battle gives the follow-
ing estimates : „ , i j • i..
That the Delawares have about five hundred men, inclu-
ding those who live on both rivers, the White river, and 13ean
Thkt the Miamies are about two hundred warriors, part of
them live on the St. Joseph's, eight leagues from this place ;
that the men were all in the action, but the women are yet at
that place, or Piquet's village; that a road leads from this
I
V'-
l.^ '"-\M0lfi:M
them officers,
ers ; the Ken-
s, an('. ihirtecn
' the wounded
i, one hundred
92.
) thinks there
e. A Shavva-
t McKce's, and
oned this place
), b- f not more.
3
)
3
!, in addition to
10
,0
iO
; and when ?
,t six days since,
litia, and an ad-
th those aheady
rhis is the gene-
ptain Elliot pro-
's son went with
the army on its
gives the follow-
dred men, inclu-
river, and Bean
warriors, part of
from this place ;
romen are yet at
leads from this
1794. Appendix. 4^^'
place directly to it ; that the number of warriors belonging to
that place, when altogether, amounts to about "•'ty.
That the Shawanese have about three hundred wnrr ors ,
that tlie Tavvas, on this river, are two hundred and (ilty
thattlie Wyandots are about three hundred.
That those Indians were generally in the action on the 20th
instant, except some hunting parties. Ihat a reinlorcemen
of regular troops, and two hundred mil.t.a, arrived at I'ort
Mil^a few dJy's before the army appeared th'^ t e regu ar
troops in the fort amounted to two hundred and fi(ty, exclu
sive of the militia. „ . p , ,
That akout seventy of the militia, including <^ np »>" ^»>"-
well's coTps were Si the action. That Colonel McKee, Cap-
Tain ElS and Simon Girty, were in the Held, but at a respect-
ful distance and near the river.
That the Indians have wisht lo'
but that Colonel McKee alwxNS d
and stimulated them to contin .: nio
^'Ta'lltter tf August 14th. ,V>v. says, "The n^argins of
these beautiful rivers, the Mi.mi. of he Lake and Au Glaize
appear like one continued v '-„ for a number of n>'lo^ both
above and below this pla. f-and Glaize ;) nor ha^e \
ever before beheld such immense fields of corn in any part
of America from Canada to Florida." [American btate 1 a-
pers, v. 490.]
«i
cace for some time,
jaded them from it,
r.— [American Slato
m-
CIIAI'TER XIV.
POmiC.M, KVliNTS.
Kentucky nilniiit.Ml into tliu rnion-Frciicli innumicn dufiinted — Spnnisli iriflil-
onco from Nrw Orlcniis — A |.rojc'ct to ilismomhnr llin Union— rnlitionl |)urlios
(..rniinl— Feilirnl nnil Ami Federiil viow8-Wlii»ky insiirreotion-^^oUlfmenis
in Ulilo — Jny'j troiuy.
Duriii}? the six years through wliich the Irulian wars of the
West continued, many eventH took place of local importance,
to whiclj \vc must now refer. And foremost, stands the admis-
sion of KentucUy into the Union. In 1789, she had requested
certain changes in the law authorizing separation, which had
been passed by Virginia, and these changes were made; it be-
ing requested, however, at the same time, that a ninth Ken-
tucky convention should meet, in .Tuly, 1700, to express, the
sentiments of the people of the western district, and to take
other needful s'eps. Upon the 26th of July, accordingly, the
Convention came together; the terms of Virginia were agreed
to : .Tune 1, 1792, was fixed as the date ot independence ; and
measures adopted to procure the agreement of the federal leg-
islature, it was also resolved, that in December, 1791, per-
sons should be chosen to serve seven months, who, on the first
Monday in April, 1792, should meet at Danville, to form a
constitution for the coming state, and determine what laws
should be in force. In December, 1790, the President of the
United States presented the subject of the admission of Ken-
tacky to Congress, and upon the 4th of February, 1791, that
action was taken, which terminated the long frustrated efforts
of the land of Boone, Clark, and Logan, to obtain self-govern-
ment. In the following December, the elections took place,
for persons to frame a constitution, and in April, 1792, the in-
strument which was to lie at the basis of Kentucky law, was
prepared, mainly, it would seem, by George Nicholas, of Mer-
cer county.* As this charter, however, was changed in some
important features, a few years after, we shall not at this time,
enter into any discussion of its merits and defects.
•^ M.:.hnll'g Kentucky, i. 360, 4U.-Sparks' Washington, xii. 13, 32.-EulIor'8 Ken-
tucky, 198.
r
-M
ited— Spnni>li iiiflu-
,n— I'lilitionl |)urlio»
Boiion— £?o«tlfmcnis
ian wars of the
[:al importance,
ands the admiH-
G had reciuested
tion, which had
[ivc made; it be-
at a ninth Ken-
), to express, the
,ct, and to take
accordingly, the
nia were agreed
ependence ; and
r the federal leg-
nhnr, 1791, per-
who, on the first
ville, to form a
nine what laws
President of the
mission of Ken-
■uary, 1791, that
frustrated efforts
tain self-govern-
ions took place,
iril, 1792, the in-
ntucky law, was
'Nicholas, of Mer-
jhanged in some
II not at this time,
ifects.
L 13, 32.— Bullor'8 Ken-
1790-93
Mnvnni'uts of Genet.
453
A H.Tond suhjcct to he noticed, is the attempt of the ag.M.ts
of the French ininister in the United States, to enlist the citi-
zens of K«-ntucky ,in an attack upon the dominions ol Spam,
in the southwest. Wc cannot, and need not, do m..re than
refer to the state of feeling prevalent in America, in relation
to France, from 1792 to 1795. On the 21st of .Taiumry, 1793,
the French had taken the life of their monarch, and upon the
18th of May, M. Genet was presented to Washington, as the
representative of the new republic of France. 'I'his man
brought with him open instructions, in which the I'nited Stat.;s
were spoken of as naturally neutral, in the contest between
France and united Holland, Spain and England; and nccrd
instructions, the purpose of which was to induce the gov.un-
ment and if that could not be done, the People, of the Ameri-
can republic, 1o make common cause with the founders of the
dynasty of the guillotine. In pursuance of this plan, Uenet
began a system of operations, the tendency of which was, to
involve the People of the United States in a war with the ene-
mies of Francs without any regard to the views ol the fede-
ral government : and knowing very well the old bitterness of
the frontier-men, in relation to the navigation of the Missis-
sippi he formed the plan of embodying a band of troops be-
Yond the Alleghanies, for the conquest of Louisiana. l.ariy
in v.vember, in 1793, four persons were sent westward to
raise troops and issue commissions, in the name of the French
republic They moved openly and boldly, secure in the strong
democratic feelings of the inhabitants of the region drained
by the great river which Spain controlled ; and so far succeed-
ed as to persuade even the political founder of Kentucky,
Gt'or'^e llo<rers Clark, to become a Major General in the armies
of Frmice, and Commander-in-chief of the revolutionary for-
ces on the Mississippi.* Nor did the French emissaries much
mistake the temper of the people of the West, as will be evi-
dent from the following extracts ; the first of which, is from an
address " to the inhabitants of the United States west of the
Alleghany and Appalachian mountains," dated December 13,
1793; the other, from a remonstrance to the President and
iss^:^^^^^^-^' «-'-^^' ''' ^° '''• -' "^ '° '''■ ^-
conJ edition.
*i
464
AihUrssof the Democralic Soviet i/.
1790-9.'
Congrt'Ms of tho United Stutrs of AtniTicfi, whicli in without
dtitf, but WUH prcpHred iihuut tliu hhuir time ns tlx; (Irst paper.
December 13, 1793.
Filhw-Citixrns : — The Democratic Society of Kentucky hav-
iwn; huil under CMiisideratioti, the measures necessary to obtain
tlie ex«!rci.se of your rights to the free navigation of the Mis-
sissipj)i, have determined to address you upon that important
topi(r. In so doing, they think that they only use the undoubt-
ed right of citizens to consult for their common welfare. This
measure is not dictated by party or faction ; it is the conse-
quence of unavoidable necessity, it has become so, from the
neglect sliovvn by the General (Jovernment, to obtain for those
of the citizens of the United States who arc interested therein
the navigation of that river. • » # #
Experience, fellow-citizens, has shown us that the General
(loveriunent is imwilling that we should obtain the navigation
of the river Mississippi. A local policy appears to have
an undue weight in tno councils of the Union. It seems to
be the object of that policy to prevent the population of this
country, which would draw from the eastern States their in-
dustrious citizens. This conclusion inevitably follows from a
consideration of the measures taken to prevent the purchase
and settlement of the lands bordering on the Mississippi.
Among those measures, the unconstitutional interference
which rescinded sales, by one of the States, to private indi-
viduals, makes a striking object. And perhaps the fear of a
successful rivalship, in every article of their exports, may have
its weight. Hut, if they arenot unwilling to do us justice, they
are at lea.st regardless of our rights and welfare. We have
f.)und prayers and supplications of no avail, and should we
continue to load the table of Congress with memorials, from
a part only of the western country, it is too probable that
they would meet with a late similar to those which have been
formerly presented. Let us, then, all unite our endeavors in
the common cause. Let all join in a firm and manly remon-
strance to the President and Congress of the United States,
stating our just and undoubted right to the navigation of the
Mississippi, remonstrating against the conduct of government
with regard to that right, which must have been occasioned by
local policy or neglect, and demanding of them speedy and e(
fectual exertions for its attainment. We cannot doubt that you
will cordially and unanimously join in this measure. It can
hardly be necessary to remind you that considerable quantities
of beef, pork, flour, hemp, tobacco, «&c., the produce of this coun-
try, remain on hand for want of purchasers, or are sold at in-
adequate pricf s. Much greater quantities might be raised if
the inhabitants were encouraged by the certain sale which
the free navigation of the Mississippi would afford. An addi-
1790-95.
Iltich in without
IS tli(! first pnper.
^iImt 13, 1793.
|f Kciitiicliy hnv-
;(\s.siiry to obtain
itioii of thu Mis-
tliiit iiiiportnnt
|usc tlic undouht-
in welfaro. This
it is tho conse-
bine so, from tho
) obtain for those
ntcrestt'd therein
» • •
that tho General
n the navigation
appears to have
on. It .seems to
opuhition of this
n States their in-
follows from a
ent the purchase
the Mississippi,
mal interference
to private indi-
aps the fear of a
xports, may have
lo us justice, they
?ifarc. We have
1, and should we
memorials, from
3o probable that
which have been
our endeavors in
id manly remon-
le United States,
iHvigalion of the
3t of government
en occasioned by
m speedy and ef
ot doubt that you
Tieasure. It can
enable quantities
luce of thiscoun-
or are sold at in-
ight be raised if
rtuin sole which
iflbrd. An addi-
1790-95.
Addiesx iif the Drmmratic S(kuIi/.
466
mm
tional inrrcase of those articles, and a jrreater varii'ly of pro-
duce and inaiuifactiircs, would be supplied, by iiifiiiis of tin;
oncouraKcment, which tlu^ attainment of that ^nat object
would give to emigration. Hut it is not only your own rights
which you are to regard : remember that your posterity have
a claim to your evertions to obtain and secure that right.
Let not your memory be stigmatised with a neglect of duty.
Let not history record that tin; inhabitants of this beautiful
country lost a most invaluabh; right, and half the benelits
bestowed upon it by a bountiful l*rovidenc(!, througli your neg-
lect and su|)inenes.s. The present crisis is favorable. Spain
is engaged in a war which requires all her forces. It the
present golden opportunity be siiflered to pass without advan-
tage, and she shall have concluded a neace with France, wc
must then contend against her undivided strength.
But what may be the event of the proposed application is
still uncertain. We ought, therefore, to be still upon our
guard, and watchful to scizt! the first favorable op[)nrtunity to
gain our object. In order to this, our union should be as per-
fect and lasting as possible. We propose that societies should
bo formed, in convenient districts, in every part of the
western country, who shall preserve a correspondence upon
this and every other subject of a general concern. Hy
means of these societies we shall be enabled speedily to know
what may be the result of our endeavors, to consult upon
such further measures as may be necessary to preserve union,
and, fmally, by these means, to secure success.
Remember that it is a common cause which ought to unite
us; that cause is indubitably just, that ourselves and posterity
are interested, that the crisis is favorable, and that it is only
hy union that the objeot can be achieved. The obstacles are
great, and so ought to be our efforts. Adverse fortune may
attend us, but it shall never dispirit us. We may for a while
exhaust our wealth and strength, but until the all important
object is procured, we pledge ourselves to you, and let us all
pledge ourselves to each other, that our perseverance and
our n-iendship will be incxhau-stiblc!
JOHN BRECKENRIDGE, Chairman.
Test : — Thomas Tono,
Thomas Bodlev,
Clerks.
To the President and Congress of the United Slates of America.
The remonstrance of the subscribers, citizens of the Common-
loealth of Kentucky, showeth : —
That your remonstrants, and the other inhabitants of the
United States, west of the Alleghany arrJ Apalachian moun-
tains, are entitled, by nature and ';tipulution, to tli. free and
:}u:ailiti>^-*L:fiitj3-^^'j!^>Jti^^rt,^-LjJ<-'ji^itisii>&j^^^^^i^
• Q
456
Gcncl's Plans Defeated.
1790-95.
undisturbed navigation of the river Mississippi ; and that,
from the year 1783 to this day, they have been prevented uni-
formly, by the Spanish king, from exercising that right. Your
remonstrants have observed, with concern, that the General
Government, whose duty it was to have preserved thai right,
have used no efi'ectual measures for its attainment ; that even
their tardy and ineffectual negotiations have been veiled with
the most mysterious secrecy ; that that secrecy is a violation
of the political rights of the citizens, as it declares that the
people are unfit to be entrusted with important facts relative
to their rights, and that their servants may retain from them
the knowledge of those facts. Eight years are surely suffi-
cient for ihe discussion of the most doubtful and disputable
claim. The right to the navigatioh of the Mississippi admits
neither of doubt nor di.spute. Your remonstrants, therefore,
conceive that the negotiations on that subject have been un-
necessarily lengthy, and they expect that it be demanded
categorically of the Spanish king whether he will acknow-
ledge the right of the citizens of the United States to the free
and uninterrupted navigation of the river Mississippi, and
cause all obstructions, interruption, and hindrance to the ex-
ercise of that right, in future, to b^ withdrawn and avoided;
that immediate answer be required, and that such answer be
the final period of all negotiations upon the subject.
Your remonstrants further represent, that the encroachment
of the Spaniards upon the territory of the United States, is
a striking and melancholy proof of the situation to which our
country will be reduced, if a tame policy should still continue
to direct our councils.
Your remonstrants join their voice to that of their fellow-
citizens in the Atlantic States, calling for satisfaction for the
injuries and insults offered to America; and they expect such
satisfaction shall extend tc every injury and insult done or
offered to any part of America, by Great Britain and Spain ;
and as the detention of the posts, and the interruption to the
navigation of the Mississippi, are injuries and insults of the
greatest atrocity, and of the longest duration, they require
the most particular attention to those subjects.*
But the government had taken measures to prevent tlie pro-
posed movements from being carried into effect. The Gov-
ernor of Kentucky, Isaac Shelby; Governor St. Clair, and
General Wayne, were all written to: and, by the preparation
of troops, the renewal of Fort Massac,f the dit'emination of
just views among ihe people, an I the request made of the
French government that Genet should be recalled, the plans
* American State Papers, xs. 929, 930.
t See AmericaD Pioneer, ii. 220. — Sec on the whole subject, Marshall, it. 00 to 132.
1790-96.
ipi ; and that,
prevented uni-
at right. Your
lat the General
rved thai right,
ent ; that even
een veiled with
:y is a violation
jclares that the
at facts relative
!tain from them
are surely sufli-
and disputable
ississippi admits
rants, therefore,
have been un-
t be demanded
s w^ill acknovv-
jtatcs to the free
Mississippi, and
ranee to the ex-
m and avoided ;
such answer be
ibject.
le encroachment
United States, is
ion to which our
uld still continue
of their fellow-
itisfaction for the
they expect such
id insult done or
■itain and Spain ;
terruption to the
nd insults of the
on, they require
ts.*
) prevent tlie pro-
[Tect. The Gov-
ar St. Clair, and
y the preparation
( dissemination of
[uest made of the
■xalled, the plans
irsbaU, ii. 60 to 122.
1790-95.
GcneCs Plans Defeated.
467
of that mischief-maker and his agents were effectually de-
feated: the rulers of France disowned his acts— he was
ordered back to Europe— and in May, 1794, his western emis-
sary was forced to write to the Democratic Society of Lexing-
ton in these words : —
To the Dc7nocmlic Society of LexiTtgton :
CrnziiNS :— Events, unforeseen, the effects of causes which it
is unnecessary here to develop, have stopped the march ot
two thousand brave Kentuckians, who, strong m their courage,
in the justice of their rights, their cause, the general assent ot
their fellow-citizens, and convinced of the brotherly disposi-
tion of the Louisianians, waited only for their orders to go,
by the strength of their arms, take from the Spaniards the
despotic usurpers of the empire of the Mississipiji, ensure to
their country the navigation of it, break the chains ot the
Americans, and their brethren the French, hoist up the Hag ot
liberty in the name of the French republic, and lay the foun-
dation of the prosperity and happiness of two nations situated
so, and destined by nature to be one, the most happy in the
universe. * » ,,,.,... i.
Accept, citizens, the farewell, not the last, of a brother who
is determined to sacrifice every thing in his power for the
liberty of his country, and tlie prosperity of the generous in-
habitants of Kentucky.
Salutenlapatrie, AUGUSTE LACIIAISE.*
This letter was followed by a meeting in Lexington, which
denounced Washington and all who supported him, especially
Jay. It also proposed a convention for the indefinite purpose
of deliberating on the steps expedient to secure the just rights
of the people : the proposition produced no result. [Sec
Butler's Kentucky, 234.] Up to April, 1794, there were pre-
parations still going on ; John S. Gano of Cincinnati, on the
8th or 9th of that month, passed through Lexington : he found
the Genet plan generally liked, cannon casting, ammunition
subscribed, and heard of boats building at the Falls. It had
been previously dropped for a time from want of funds.
Notwithstanding Genet's defeat, M. Adet, the minister of
France in 1796, appears to have sent emissaries into the West
in the spring of that year, to renew the process of exciting dis-
aff'ection to the Union. They, were General Collot and M.
Warin. Information of the plan having been communicated
• Amtrican State Papers, ix. 9J1.
29
4in
468
Charges against Wilkinson .
1790-95.
to the Executive, an agent was sent after the Frenchmen to
watch them, and counteract their purposes. This person
saw CoHot at Pittsburgh, and learned 'his plans; he was
to visit 1 .entucky. Fort Washington, the South-west, Vin-
cennes, ' askaskia and St. Louis ; he carried strong letters to
Wilkinson, and relied especially on Sebastian. The govern-
merit appears to have brought the whole plot to naught, in
riience. [Evidence of these facts is to be found in the letter
of the agent employed;' in the memoranda of Oliver Wolcott,
secretary of the treasury; and in the Memoirs of the Admin-
istrations of Wa'^hington and John Adams, by George Gibbs,
published in New York in 1846, vol. i. 350 to 356.]
A third topic relative to Kentucky, which we now have to
notice as connected with the period wo are treating of, is
the Spanish intrigue with Wilkinson, Sebastian, Innis, and
Nicholas.
In 1787, General Wilkinson had made his last trip to New
Orleans; in February, 1788, he returned to Kentucky, and the
following year again visited the south, with which he con-
tinued to hold regular intercourse until 1791, when he
began to take part in the Indian wars of the north-west.
During this period, his operations were to appearance, mecely
commercial, and the utmcst reach of his plans, the formation
of a kind of mercantile treaty with the Spanish provinces,
by which the navigation of the Mi,ssissippi might be secured
as a privilege, if not a right. We cannot enter into an ex-
amination of the mass of evidence brought forvv-'ird in later
times, (from 1807 to 1811,) to sustain the charge brought
againsf. Wilkinson of having received ^ pon.ncn from the
Spanish Government, in r<uu 'n for which i.e ;v:w to play the
traitor to his country and eflect a disunion of the States. In
1808, he was brought before a court of inquiry, and entirely
acquitted of the charge ; and again, in 1811, he was tried be-
fore a court martial, and cvciy particle of evidence that
could be found by his most inveterate enemies, without regard
to legal formalities, which the accused dispensed with, was
gathered, to overwhelm him ; but he was declared innocent
by the court of every charge preferred against him. Nor does
our own examination of the evidence lead us to doubt the
correctness of the decision in his favor ; the chief witnesses
who criminated liim were of the worst character, and most
1790-95.
''renchtnen to
Tins person
lans ; he was
Ith-west, Vin-
rong letters to
Thf govern-
to naught, in
in the letter
liver Wolcott,
of the Admin-
leorge Gibbs,
56.]
e now have to
treating of, is
an. Innis, and
ist trip to New
itucky, and the
which he con-
791, when he
he north-west.
!arance, mecely
s, the formation
nish provinces,
light be secured
iter into an ex-
•rvv.'iid in later
charge brought
ti.ncn from the
">v;i:i to play the
the States. In
ry, tind entirely
lie was tried be-
f evidence that
, without regard
■nsed with, was
clared innocent
him. Nor does
is to doubt the
chief witnesses
acter, and most
1790-95.
Sebastian's Intrigues.
459
vindictive tempers, and not a circumstance was fairly, clearly
proved that could not be explained by the avowed mercantile
relations which he succeeded in establishing with the Spanish
governors at New Orleans. Those governors may, very prob-
ably, have hoped to see his business connections turn into po-
liticnl ones, but there is no cause to think they ever did so.*
Among the plans of the Spanish officials in Louisiana, was
one of encouraging emigration thither from the United States,
and this had been fully disclosed to Wilkinson, who furnished
a list of probable emigrants, and interested himself generally
in the matter.f Among the persons recommended by him to
Gov. Miro, was Benjamin Sebastian, a lawyer of Kentucky,
and in September, 1789, the Governor wrote to Sebastian,
relative to the proposed measure. J In that letter, the wish of
Spain to establish friendly relations with the Ohio settlers was
named, and an offer of certain commercial privileges held out.
The communication thus opened with Sebastian, was proba-
bly continued ; and when the Baron de Carondelet succeeded
Gen. Miro, he wrote to him in July, 1795, the following
letter ; •
New Orleans, July 16, 1795.
Sip :_The confidence reposed in you by my predecessor,
Brio-adier General Miro, and your former correspondence with
him, have induced me to make a communication to you high-
ly interesting to the country in which you live, and to Louis-
iana.
Ilis Majesty, being willing to open the navigation of the
Mississippi to the people of the western country, and being
also desirous to establish certain regulations, reciprocally
beneficial to the commerce of both countries, has ordered me
• Depositinji of George Mather and William Wiekofl, jr., io Wilkinson's Memoir*, ii,
103, 104. Deposiiion of A. Ellicott, Amirican State Papero, xxi. 89 (12th interrogation.)
The evidence in riLition to Wilkinson, is in American State Papers, xx. 704 to 713, 938
to 9.19 • xxi. 79 to 127 ; in report of the committee of the Iloufe of Representatives, Wash-
ington, 1811; in " Proofs of the corruption of GencralJamcs Wilkinson, by Daniel Clark."
See also aipcnili.x to Wilkinson's Memoirs, ii. — also his argument to the Court Martial,
Memiiirs, ii. 41 to 268.
A 'itter in iJillon's Indiana, i. 412, from Wilkinson to Captain Bantin, ii worthy of no-
tioo, as a proof in favor of Wilkinson's intentions in 1797.
For charges against him, see Memoirs, ii. 35 to 40
For sentence of Court of Inquiry, do. pp. 12, 13.
For do. Court Martial, do. »., "iflS to .578.
The charges beforu the Court Marshal and its sentence, arc also inNiles' Register, i. 460,
to 474.
I Memoirs, ii. IWJ.
X American Suite Papers, xx. 706 and 928.
460
Sebastiaii's Intrigues,
1790-95.
to proceed on the business, and to efTect, in a way the most
satisfactory to the people of the western country, his benevo-
lent designs.
I have, therefore, made this communication to you, in ex-
pectation that you will procure agents to be chosen and Tully
empowered by the people of your country to npgoi'ate with
Col. Gayoso on the subject, at New Madrid, whoju 1 shall
send there in October next, properly authorized ibr that pur-
pose, with directions to continue in that place, or its vicinity,
until the arrival of your, agents.
I am, by information, well acquainted with the character of
some of the most respectable inhabitants of Kentucky, par-
ticularly of Innis, Nicholas, and Murray, to whom I wish you
to communicate the purport of this address ; and, should you
and those gentlemen think as ii.Mportant of it as I do, you will
doubtless accede, without hesitation, to the proposition I have
made of sending a delegation of your countrymen, sufficiently
authorized to treat on a subject which so deeply involves the
interest of both our countrirs.
I remain, with every es;"(i; a and regard, sir,
Ycur most obedie^i!, humble servant,
THE BARON OF CARONDELET.
Innis, Nicholas dnd Murray, were consulted, and the result
was a visit by Sebastian, first to New Madrid, where he con-
ferred with fiayoso, and t*^- i to New Orleans, where he met
with the Baron himsr!^. a- Tore, however, terms were agreed
on, news came that the Fei'siJ Government had concluded a
treaty with bpair, covering the whole subject, and the mes-
senger, in 1796, returned to Kentucky.* During the summer
uf >.:■■' next year, 1797, Thomas Power came to Kentucky
from » oulsiana, and sent Sebastian ihe following communica-
-lon, which he in turn communicated to Innis and Nicholas,
who sent to Sebastian a reply which we also give.
His Excellency, the Baron of Carondelet, Commander-in-
chief and Governor of his Catholic Majesty's provinces of
West Florida, and Louisiana, having communications of im-
portance, embracing the interests of said provinces, and at
the same time deeply affecting those of Kentucky, and the
western country in general, to make to its inhabitants
through the medium of the influential characters in this
country, and judging it, in the present uncertain and critical
attidudc of politics, highly imprudent and dangerous to lay
them on paper, has expressly commissioned and authorized
me to submit the following proposals to the consideration oi
Messrs. S., N., I., and M. [Sebastian, Nicholas, Innir, and
* Depotjition of Innii. American SUte P»pen, zx. 02& to 927.
1790-95.
way the most
y, his benevo-
to you, in ex-
osen and Tally
[ipgoi-ate with
whom I shall
d for that pur-
or its vicinity,
he character of
Kentucky, par-
om I wish you
tid, should you
3 I do, you will
poL'ivtion I have
en, sufficiently
ly involves the
ir,
rvant,
:ONDELET.
and the result
where he con-
where he met
ns were agreed
ad concluded a
t, and the mes-
ng the summer
e to Kentucky
ng communica-
5 and Nicholas,
give.
Commander-in-
s provinces of
lications of im-
ovinces, and at
itucky, and the
its inhabitants
iracters in this
ain and critical
mgerous to lay
and authorized
consideration oi
Aas, InniF, and
1790-95.
Powers Letter to Sebastian.
461
Murray,] and also of such other gentlemen as nr.ay be pointed
out by them, and to receive from them their sentiments and
determination on the subject.
1 The above named gentlemen are immediately to exert
all their influence in impressing on the minds of the 'nhf i-
tants of the western country, a convicL-on of the necessity of
tSei? withdrawing and separ'ating themselves froni the Federal
Union and forming an independent government, wholly un-
connected with that of the Atlantic States. To prepare and
Tposelhe people for such an event, it will be necessary tha^^
the most popular and eloquent writers in th:s State should, in
weluS publications, expose, in the most striking point of
viAv Xe i^iconveniences knd disadvantages, that a longer
lonP^xion with, and dependence on, the Atlantic States, must
r^^itably draw upon them, and the great and innumerable
difficulties in which they will probably be f^ntangled if they
do not speedily s.;cede from the Union ; the benefits they will
cerSy reap fro.a a secession, ought to be pointed out .a the
most forcible and powerful manner; and the danger ot per-
mit n-t'- federal troops to take possession of the posts on
Se Miss ssippi ; and thus forming a cordon of fortified places
around therS^must be particularly expatiated upon In con-
siTration of gentlemen's devoting their time and talente to
S Set, iifExcellency. the Baron of Caronde et wil^:,,-
propriate the sum of one hundred thousand dollars .o the^
S e%'hich shall be paid in drafts on the royal t.c.^u2,^;te eT-
Orlcans; or if more convenient, shall be conveyed ai fue ex
pense of his Catholic Majesty, into this .ountry,. ^»^ .held .t
?heir disposal. Moreover, should ^^^VhTT^ol' Ssty
strumenlal in promoting the views of his ^^'^^f^^^^^^
hold any public employment, and in consequence of t^kmg ar
active /art in endeavoring to effect . «^f '-•^^;«^: . ! ^f^ ^J '^
their employment— a compensation eq aI at lr,..X to ine
emolurents' of their officef shall be made to u.^m, by his
CatholTc Majesty, let their effort^ be crowned with su.ce.s. or
terminate in disappointment. j„„„.ir,.-j-
2 Immediately after the de ation of independence Fo.t
MassaHhould be taken po< ion of by the trc>ops oi the
new government, which sh,- be furnished by his Cutholic
Majesty Nvithout loss of ti- together with twenty ueid-
nieces with their carriages ,uid every necessary appendage,
fnclud ng powder, ball, &c together with a number of sma
arms and ammunition, su at to equip the troops that it
shSl be iXed expedien to raise. The whole to be trans-
pt ted a ht%xpense to the already named Fort Massac^ His
Catholic Majesty will further supply the sum of one hundred
thousand dollars for the rai. ng and '"^i^;^;,"'"? ^f ^r^'
which sum shall also be conveyed to and deUve.ed at Fort
Massac.
#!|
462 Project of Spain to dismeinler the Union. 1790-95.
3. The northern })oundary of hia Catholic Majesty's pro-
vinces of East and West Florida shall be designated by a
line commencing on the Mississippi at the mouth of the river
Yazoo, extending due east to the River Confederation, or
Tombigbee : Provided, That all his Catholic Mjyesty's lorts,
posts, and settlements on the Confederation or Tombigbee are
included in the south side of such a line, but should any of
his Majesty's forts, posts or settlements fall to the nor'.h side
of said line, then the northern boundary of his Majesty's
provinces of East and ' West Florida, shall be designated
by a line beginning at the same point on the Mississippi, and
drawn in such a direction as to meet the River Confederation
or Tombigbee, six miles to the north of the most northern
Spanish post, or settlement on the said river. All the lands
north of that line shall be considered as constituting a part
of the territory of the new government, saving that small
tract of land at the Chickasaw Blufls, on the eastern bank of
the Mississippi, ceded to his Majesty by the Chickasaw nation
in a formal treaty concluded on the spot, in the year 1795,
between His Excellency Senor Don Manuel Gayoso de Le-
mos, governor of Natchez, and Augleakabce and some other
Chickasaw chiefs ; which tract of land his Majesty reserves
for himself. The eastern boundary of the Floridas shall be
berea, ^ :" regulated.
*':. his Catholic Majesty will, in case the Indian nations
south of the Ohio should declare war or commit hostilities
against the new government, not only join and assist it in
repelling its enemies, but if said Government shall at any fu-
ture time esteem it useful to "educe said Indian nations, ex-
tend its dominion over them, and compel them to submit
themselves to its constitution and laws, his Majesty will
heartily concur and co-operate with the new govr-rnment in
the most effectual manner in obtaining this desirable end.
5. His Catholic Majesty will not either directly or indirectly
interfere in the framing of the constitution or- laws which the
new government shall think fit to adopt ; nor will he, at any
time, by any means whatever, attempt to lessen the inde-
pendence of the said government, or endeavor to acquire an
undue influence in it, but will, in the manner that shall here-
after be stipulated by treaty, defend and support it in pre-
serving its independence.
The preceding proposals, are the outlines of a provisional
treaty, which his Excellency the Baron of Carondelet, is desi-
rous of entering into with the inhabitants of the western
country, the moment they shall be in a situation to treat for
themselves. Should they not meet entirely with your appro-
bation, and should you wish to make any alterations in, or ad-
ditions to them, I shall on my return, if you think proper to
communicate them to me, lay ihem before His Excellency,
1799-95.
ajcsty's pi'o-
lignated by a
|h of the river
ederation, or
ajesty's lorts,
ombigbee are
[should any of
he nor-h side
lis Majesty's
p designated
ssissippi, and
onfcderation
nost northern
All the lands
ituting a part
ig that small
stern bank of
skasaw nation
the year 1795,
ayoso de Le-
id some other
jesty reserves
)ridas shall be
ndian nations
^mit hostilities
a.nd assist it in
hall at any fu-
in nations, ex-
lem to submit
Majesty will
jovf'rnment in
irable end.
ly or indirectly
aws which the
viU he, at any
sen the inde-
to acquire an
bat shall here-
)ort it in pre-
a provisional
idelet, is desi-
' the western
on to treat for
b your appro-
ions in, or ad-
ink proper to
s Excellency,
1790-95.
Reply of Innis and Nicholas,
463
who is animated with a sincere and ardent desire to foster
this promising and rising infant country, and at the same time,
pfomote and fortify the interests of his beneficent and royal
master, in securing by a generous and disinterested conduct,
the gratitude of a just, sensible and enlightened people.
Tlie important and unexpected events that have taken place
In Europe since the ratification of the treaty concluded on the
27th of October, 1795, between His Catholic Majesty and the
United States of America, having convulsed the general sys-
tem of politics in that quarter of the globe, and wherever its
influence is extended, causing a collision of interests between
nations formerly living in the most perfect union and harmony ,
and directing the political views of some States towards ob-
jects the most remote from their former pursuits, but none
being so completely unhinged and disjointed as the cabinet of
Spain, it may be confidently asserted, without incurring the
rep ach of presumption, that His Catholic Majesty will not
carry the above-mentioned treaty into execulion; neverthe-
less, the thorough knowledge I have of the disposition of the
Spanish Government justifies me in saying tha!;, so far from
its being His Majesty's wish to exclude the inhabitants of this
wpr^li'm country from the free navigation of the Mississippi, or
withhold from them any of the benefits stipulated for them by
the treaty, it is positivpiv -.i^ intention, so soon as they shall put
it in his power to treat ui.ti them, by declaring themselves in-
dependent of the Federal Government, and establishing one
of their own, to grant them privileges far more extensive,
give them a decided preference over the Atlantic States in his
commercial connexions with them, and place them in a situa-
tion infinitely more advantageous, in every point of view,
than that in which they would find themselves were the
treaty to be carried into effect.
_ THOMAS POWER.
REPLY.
Sir : — We have seen the communication made by you to
Mr. Sebastian. In answer thereto, we declare unequivocally,
that we will not be concerned, either directly or indirectly, in
any attempt that may be made to separate the western coun-
try from the United States. That whatever part we may at
any time be induced to take in the politics of our country, that
her welfare will be our only inducement, and that we will
never receive any pecuniary, or any other reward, for any
personal exertions made by us, to promote that welfare.
The free navigation of the Mississippi must always be the
favorite object of the inhabitants of the western pountry; they
cannot be contented without it ; and will not be deprived of
it longer than necessity shall compel them to submit to its be-
ing withheld from them.
-i • 1, *
I'i '■■' «
464
/Jfp/y o/" /nn{> and Tsichohts.
1790-95
Wo flatter ourst'lves that every thing will be set right, by
the governments ol' the two nations; but if this should not l)o
the case, it appears to us, that it must be the policy of Spain
to encourage by every possible means, the free intercourse
with the inhabitants of the western country, as this will be
the most ellicient means to conciliate their good will, and to
obtain without hazard, and at reduced prices, those supplies
which are indispensably necessary to the Spanish (.iovern-
ment and its subjects.*
Whether Sebastian sighed this reply, is not known; but upon
proof that he had, for years afterwards, received two thousand
dollars annually eis a pension from Spain for services render-
ed, it was unanimously adjudged by the House of Kepiesent-
atives, in Kentucky, on the 6th of December, 180(5, that he
had been guilty, while holding the place of Judge of the Court
of Appeals, of carrying on a criminal intercourse with the
agents of the Spanish Government, and disgracing his coun-
try for pay. Before this decision, however, Sebastian had
resigned his place, and thenceforward was lost to the councils
of the State.
[Concerning this attempt to divide the Union, and erect a
western confederacy, to be in alliance with Spain, there has
been doubt and contradictory statements ; but the referen-
ces given to the public documents, and other authorities, will
enable the reader who is disposed more fully to investigate
the whole subject, to arrive at satisfactory conclusions.
In the month of August, 1798, Spain formed an alliance
with Franco. In December, France quarreled with the United
States. At the time of the visit of Power, Spain still held the
ports east of the Mississippi, which, by the treaty of 1795,
were to be given up; and maintained a hostile attitude to-
wards the United States. These facts illustrate the intrigues
of Spain. The strongest circumstance in favor of Sebastian,
is, that no proof was given to show he had done any overt
act, in the project of disunion. f]
We have so far, said nothing of those political parties which
divided the United States during the administration of Wash-
ington; for, though it is not to be doubted that the contests of
those parties gave Genet cause to trust in his plans of con-
• Am?rican Simc Papers, x.x. 926, 929.
t S«o DucnmenU in American State Paperr, zz. 922 to 934. Marrball't Kentucky, iL
37rto384. , , ,. .,.
i) >
1790-95
set right, by
lould not ho
ii.'y of Spain
int«'rcoursc
this will be
will, and to
lose supplies
nish Ciovern-
\vn; but upon
two thousand
vices rcnder-
lu'piesent-
8(){i, that ho
e of the Court
irsc with the
ing his coun-
ebustian had
) the councils
, and erect a
ain, there has
t the referen-
uthorities, will
to investigate
lusions.
d an alliance
ith the United
n still held the
eaty of 1795,
le attitude to-
the intrijjrues
of Sebastian,
)ne any overt
[parties which
tion of Wash-
he contests of
plans of con-
rball's Kentucky, ii.
1790-95 Pulitical Parties in the United States.
465
quest, and supported the hopes of Sebastian and his Spanish
eniploycrs, yet their operations were not directly dependent
upon the factions which rent the country. We have now,
however, to speak of an event that derived its importance
from its real or supposed connection with those factions, and
which it seems proper to introduce by a brief sketch of their
origin and character; we refer to the popular movement in
western Penus\ Ivania, growing out of the excise on domestic
spirits, commonly known as the Whiskey Insurrection. When
the united colonics had won their independence, and the rule
of George 111. over them ended, the question, of course, aro.se
as to the nature of the government which was to succeed.
Two fears prevailed among the people of the freed provinces.
On the one hand, a tendency to monarchy and ultimate tyran-
ny was dreaded ; it was thought that a foreign despot had
been warred with in vain, if by the erection of a strong cen-
tral or Federal power the foundations of domestic despotis^i
were laid instead; the sovereignty of the several States, bal-
ancing one another, and each easily controlled by the voice of
the people was, with this party of thinkers, to be the security
of the f-eedora that had been achieved. In Europe, republi-
canism had been overthrown by the centralizing process, which
had substituted the great monarchies for the Federal system,
and the Italian and Flemish commonwealths; and in America,
the danger, it was thought, would be, of too great a concen-
tration of power in the hands of a central Federal sovereign-
ty. [Governor Harrison of Virginia, and one of the signers
of the Declaration of Independence, said of the Constitution,
as first adopted, that it "must, sooner or later, establish a ty-
ranny not inferior to the triumvirate or centumviri of Rome.
George Mason also said of it, that it would cause the govern-
ment to "commence a moderate aristocracy," and would final-
ly "produce a monarchy, or a corrupt aristocracy.*] While
these views prevailed among one portion of the American
people, another portion dreaded the excess of popular demo-
cratic passions, tending constantly to anarchy. To this party,
a strong central power seemed essential, not only for financial
and commercial purposes, but also to restrain the inevitable
* Sparks' Washington, ix. 267. Note, aim 647— Elliott's Debates, ii. 52, 213. Wash-
ingtou's views on tho aame subject, are fuund in the same volume, pp. 11, 167, 187, 203,
210, 211, 238. Sec also a letter to Doctor Gorton, in the North American Review, vol.zzT.
p. 254. (October, 1827.)
1
i
"•i
i
466
Federal and anti-Fcdcral Views.
1790-95
disposition of popular governments to the abandonment of nil
law, all reverence, and all social unity. History and reflec-
tion, in short, showed men on the one side, that human rulers
are readily converted into despots; on the other, that human
subjects were impatient of even wholesome control, and readi-
ly converted into licentious, selfish anarchists. When at length
the business sufTerings of the country, and the worthlessness
of the old confederacy, led to the formation of the present
constitution, the two bodies of whom we have spoken, were
forced to compromise, and while the strong executive, and
complete centralization of Hamilton, Jay and Adams, had to
be abandoned by them and their friends, the complete inde-
pendence of the States, and the corresponding nullity of Con-
gress, which Patrick Henry, Mason, and Harrison preferred,
had also to be given up, or greater evils follow. In this sam
spirit of compromise upon which our constitution rested,
Washington framed his cabinet, and directed his administra-
tion, and it seemed possible, that in time the bitterness of
feeling which had shown itself before and during the discus-
sion of the great Bond of Union, would die away. But the
difliculties of the first administration were enormous, such as
no man but Washington could have met with success, and even
he could not secure the unanimity he wished for.* Among
those difiiculties, none were greater than the payment of the
public debt, and the arrangement of a proper system of linance .
The party which dreaded anarchy, which favored a strong
central rule, an efficient Federal Government — the Federalists,
feeling that the whole country, as such, had contracted debts,
felt bound in honor and honesty to do every thing to procure
their payment; it also felt that the future stability and power
of the Federal Government depended greatly upon the estab-
lishment of its credit at the outset of its career. The anti-
* For the views of
Hamilton, tee North American Beviow, xxv. 268. Journal of ConTention at Phila-
delphia, May 14, 1787, p. 130.
Jat, " Sparks' Washington, is. 610. North Amorioan Beview, zxr. 263.
Uehrt, " Sparks' Washington, ix. 266. Note, Elliott's Debates, ii. 61, 71, 13»>
147, 4o.
Madiso!*, " Sparks' Washington, ix. 516. North American Review, xxv. 264.
Jbfferson " Sparks' Washington, x. 518 to 526. North American Beview, xxv. 267
to 269. JoOiilon's Writings, ii. 449.
Knox, " North American Beview, xxv. 264. , . ,
1
1790-96
donmrnt of nil
tory and rcflec-
it hurnnn rulers
'ler, that human
iitrol, and readi-
Whcn at length
e worthlessnesa
|n of the present
e spoken, were
executive, and
Adams, had to
complete inde-
g nullity of Con-
rrison preferred,
w. In this sam
stitution rested,
his adtninistra-
the bitterness of
luring the discus-
away. But the
normous, such as
1 success, and even
ed for.* Among
c payment of the
system of hnance.
favored a strong
— the Federalists,
contracted debts,
r thing to procure
ability and power
!y upon the estab-
areer. The anti-
of CoDTention at Fhila-
in Review, zzt. 263.
■ Debates, ii. 61, 71, 139>
LO Keriew, zxr. 26-1.
.merican Reviefr, xzt. 267
1790-96
Federal and anli- Federal Views.
467
Federalists, who dreaded ccntrnlization, »in the other hand,
favoring State sovereignty, and wishing but a sliglit nalioniil
union, neither desired the creation of a national credit, nor
felt the obligation of a national debt in the same degree as
their opponents, and feared the creation of a moneyed aristo-
cracy by speculations in the public stocks. When, therefore,
Mr. Hamilton, upon whom it devolved, as Secretary of the
Treasury, to offer a plan for liquidating the debts of the con-
federation, attempted the solution of the financial proi)lem,he
was certain to displease one party or the other. In generali-
ties, compromises had been found possible, but in details they
were not readily admitted. Hamilton, moreover, was one of
the most extreme friends of centralization, and any measure
emanating from him was sure to be resisted. When he brought
forward his celebrated series of financial measures, accordingly,
the whole strength of the two divisions of which we have
been speaking, appeared for and against his plans. And it is
to be noted, that the question was not a mere (|ucstion of Fi-
nance ; it involved the vital principles for and against which
the Federal and anti-Federal parties were struggling. The
former actually hoped by means of the Funding and Bank
systems, to found a class whose interests would so bind them
to the Government, as to give it permanency,* while their op-
ponents actually anticipated tho formation of a moneyed aris-
tocracy, which would overthrow the power and liberties of
the people ; they felt they were " .sold to stockholders," and
like the Roman debtors condemned to slavery .f
In the West, the opponents of the Central Government
were numerous. Its formation had been resisted, and its mea-
sures were almost all unpopular. The Ind"" r was a
cause of complaint, because Harmar anu St. CJiair had been
defeated ,;J the army was a cause of complaint, because it was
the beginning of a system of standing armies. The funding
system was hated because of its injustice, inasmuch as it aided
• See letter of Oliver Wolcott, dated March 27, 1790, in Qibbi, i. 43.
t Address of Democratic Club of Wythe countj, Virginia, dated July 4, 1794; It is in
the Boston Indopondent Chronicle, of August 11, 1794. Jefferson's letter to Washington.
(Sparks' Washington, z. 519-621.)
X In the Democratic newspapers of the time, the Funding system, the Excise, the Bank,
and the Indian war ajre all equally condemned. See, fur example, a series of letters on
Hamilton's financial measures in the Independent Chronicle, of Boston, July, August and
September, 1794.
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w t «<i F'yp i '^y;i ^ ;'i> ' i f j. J!J ' i* i witf^ i irj^ i lV,!tV '' jfe4J ^ '^l.HL^.-'| ' MJ^'. ' W.H^i!-ag;^ ' ■ "
468
First Steps in Opposition to the Excise. 1790-95
speculation, and because it would lead to the growth of a fa-
vored class ; the western pos^s were held by England, the Mis-
sissippi closed by Spain, and the frontier ravaged by the sava-
ges, and against all, the Federal Government did what ? No
thing. So said the leaders of popular feeling. It was not
strange, therefore, that the people of western Pennsylvania,
especially those of foreign birth and descent, should object to
the payment of the most unpopular kind of tax for the sup-
port of a Government which they disliked, and had no faith
in. Unable readily to reach a market w'ith their produce,
they concentrated it into whisky, and upon this, while all
other agricultural wealth was untouched, the hated tax-gather-
er was sent to lay his excise. [A horse could pack only four
bushels of rye, but he could carry the whisky from twenty-
four bushels, when conveited into what was called " high
wines."*] Nor was it the producer only who complained; the
consuiacrs also felt aggrieved by the duty laid upon domestic
spirits, for they were the common drink of the nation ; the star
of temperance had not then arisen. It was in December,
1790, that General Hamilton advised the excise on spirits ;
upon the 3d of the ensuing March, the law was passed ; and
instantly the spirit of opposition showed itself. At first this
opposition was confined to eflbrts to discourage persons from
holding oflices connected with the excise ; next associations
were formed of those who were ready to "forbear" compliance
with the law ; but as men talked with one another, and the
excise became more and more identified with the tyranny of
Federalism, .stronger demonstrations were inevitable, and upon
the 27th of July, 1791, a meeting was called at Brownsville,
(Redstone,) to consider the growing troubles of the western
district of Pennsylvania.f This meeting, which was attended
by influential and able men, agreed to a gathering of repre-
sentatives from the five counties included in the fourth survey
under the law in question, to be held at Washington, upon the
23d of August. [These five counties were Washington, Al-
leghany, Westmoreland, Fayette and Bedford.] The gather-
ing took place, and we extract from Hamilton's report, of Au-
gust 1794, the following sentence in relation to it :
/ i,
• American Pioacer, ii. 216.
t American State Papers, rii. 6+, 110; also xx. 107, 167, Ed.
I
"t^r*
1790-95
kth of a fa-
iid, the Mis-
)y the sava-
i^hat? No
It was not
nnsylvania,
lid object to
for the sup-
ad no faith
;ir produce,
s, while all
tax-gather-
!k only four
•cm twenty-
ailed " high
plained; the
on domestic
on ; the star
December,
e on spirits ;
passed ; and
At first this
persons from
associations
' compliance
her, and the
e tyranny of
)le, and upon
Brownsville,
the western
vas attended
ng of repre-
burth survey
ton, upon the
shington, Al-
The gather-
cport, of Au-
t :
1790-96.
Inflammatory Resolutions.
469
This meeting passed some intermediate resolutions, which
were afterwards printed in the Pittsburgii Gazette, containing a
strong censure on the law, declaring that any person who ifad
accepted or might accept an office under Congifss, in order to
carry it into efiect, should be considered as inimical to the
interests of the country; and recommending to the citizens of
Washington county to treat every person who had accepted,
or might thereafter accept, any such office, with contempt, and
absolutely refuse all kind of communication or intcrccjurse
with the officers, and to withhold from them all aid, support,
or comfort.
Not content with this vindictive proscription of those who
might esteem it their duty, in the capacity of officers, to aid
in the execution of the constitutional laws of the land, the
meeting proceeded to accumulate topics of crimination of
the Government, though foreign to each other ; authorizing
by this zeal for censure a suspicion that they were actuated,
not merely by the dislike of a particular law, but by a dispo-
sition to render the Government itself unpopular and odious.
This meeting, in further prosecution of their plan, deputed
three of their members to meet delegates from the counties of
Westmoreland, Fayette, and Alleghany, on the first Tuesday
of September following, for the purpose of expressing the
sense of the people o." those counties in an address to the Legis-
lature of the United States upon the subject of the excise law
and other grievances.
Here, for the first time, the connection of the antagonism to
the Excise, with other topics, was brought forward, and a
political character given to the movement, by a general as-
sault upon the measures of the Federal Government. This
assault assumed a yet more distinctive character at a subse-
quent meeting of delegates held at Pittsburgh, upon the 7th
of September ; at which the salaries of the Federal officers ;
the interest paid upon the national debt; the want of distinc-
tion between the original holders of that debt and those who
had bought it at a discount; and the creation of a United
States Bank, were all denounced in common with the tax on
whisky. [But they refused to give aid of any kind to the ex-
cise officers, which practically meant they refused to sustain
the laws, or protect life and property against illegal force.*]
At these meetings all was conducted with propriety ; and the
resolutions adopted gave no direct countenance to violence.
And when did the leaders of a community, its legislators,
judges and clergy, ever express, in any manner, however
* Amtrican State Papers, xx. 107.
; J
■ *,
470
Violence Commenced.
1790-99.
quiet, their utter disregard of law, without a corresponding
expression by the masses, if uneducated, in acts of violence?
It was not strange, therefore, that upon the day previous to
the meeting lasi, named, tlie collector for the counties of Alle-
ghany and Washington was attacked. One report says :
A party of men, armed and disguised, waylaid him at a
place on Pigeon creek, in Washington county, seized, tarred
and feathered him, cut off his hair, and deprived him of his
horso, obliging him to travel on foot a considerable distance
in that mortifying and painful situation.
The case was brought before the district court of Pennsyl-
vania, out of which processes were issued against John Robert-
son, John Hamilton, and Thomas McComb, three of the per-
sons concerned in the outrage.
Tiie serving of these processes was confided by the then
marshal, Clement Biddle, to his deputy, Joseph Fox, who, in
the month of October, went into Alleghany county for the
purpose of serving them.
The appearances and circumstances which Mr. Fox observ-
ed himself in the course of his journey, and learned afterwards
upon his arrival at Pittsburgh, had the effect of deterring him
from the service of the processes, and unfortunately led to
adopt the injudicious and fruitless expedient of sending them
to the parties by a private messenger, under cover.
The deputy's report to the marshal states a number of par-
ticulars, evincing a considerable fermentation in the part of
the country to which he was sent, and inducing a belief, on
his part, that he could not with safety have executed the pro-
cesses. The marshal, transmitting this report to the district
attorney, makes the following observations upon it : "I am
sorry to add that he (the deputy) found the people, in general,
in the wester.j part of the State, and particularly beyond the
Alleghany Mountains, in such a ferment on account of the
act of Congress for laying a duty on distilled spirits, and so
much opposed to the execution of the said act, and from a
variety of threats to himself personally, (although he took the
utmost precaution to conceal his errand,) that he was not
only convinced of the impo.ssibility of serving the process, but
that any attempt to eQ'ect it would have occasioned the most
violent opposition from the greater part of the inhabitants; and
he declares that, if he had attempted it, he believes he should
not have returned alive.
1 -nared no expense nor pains to have the process of the
court executed, and have not the least doubt that my deputy
would have accomplished it, if it could have been done."
The reality of the danger to the deputy was countenanced
by the opinion of Gen. Neville, the inspector of the revenue,
a man who before had given, and since has given, numerous
I
K '>.;< '» w c u i»»i|jf»^^j<ft^tyg!gK '/j^^^-ff'itTKi'""? (^fli*c-.-wS«^<p-ii
1790-99.
rresponding
)f violence?
previous to
ties of Alle-
t says :
id hirr at a
lized, tarred
I him of his
ble distance
of Pennsyl-
fohn Robert-
3 of the per-
by the then
Fox, who, in
mty for the
Fox observ-
d afterwards
eterring him
ately led to
ending them
ruber of par-
1 the part of
; a belief, on
ited the pro-
) the district
)n it : "I am
B,in general,
' beyond the
iouut of the
irits, and so
and from a
1 he took the
he was not
! process, but
tied the most
ibitants; and
res he should
rocess of the
it my deputy
n done."
ountenanced
the revenue,
m, numerous
1790-96.
Farther Outrages.
471
proofs of a steady and firm temper; and what followed is a
further confirmation of it.
The person who had been sent with the processes was
seized, whipped, tarred, and feathered ; and, after having his
horse and money taken from him, was blindfolded and tied in
the woods; in which condition he remained for five hours.
These intemperate expressions of their feelings by word and
deed, startled the government, and puzzled its executive offi-
cers: it was determined, however, to await the infiuence of
time, thought, information, and leniency, and to attempt, by a
reconsideration of the law, at the earliest possible moment,
to do away any real cause of complaint which might exist.
But popular fury once aroused is not soon allayed ; the worst
passions of the same people who sent out the murderers of
the Moravian Indians in 1782, had been excited, and excess
followed excess.*
Some time in October, 1791, an unhappy man, by the name
of Wilson, a stranger in the country, and manifestly dis-
ordered in his intellects, imagining himself to be a collector
of the revenue, or invested with some trust in relation to it,
was so unlucky as to make inquiries concerning distillers who
had entered their stills, giving out that he was to travel
through the United States, to ascertain and report to Con-
gress the number of stilis,&c. This man was pursued by a
party in disguise; taken out of his bed, carried about five
miles back, to a smith's shop ; stripped of his clothes, which
were afterwards burnt; and having been himself inhumanly
burnt in several places with a heated iron, was tarred and
feathered, and about day light dismissed, naked, wounded,
and otherwise in a very suffering condition. These particu-
lars are communicated in a letter from the inspector of the
revenue, of the 17th of November, who declares that he had
then himself seen the unfortunate maniac, the abuse of whom,
as he expressed it, exceeded description, and was sufficient to
make human nature shudder. The affair is the more extra-
ordinary, as persons of weight and consideration in that
county are understood to have been actors in it, and as the
symptoms of insanity were, during the whole time of inflict-
ing the punishment, apparent ; the unhappy sufferer displayed
the heroic fortitude of a man who conceived himself to be a
martyr to the discharge of some important duty.
Not long after, a person by the name of Roseberry under-
went the humiliating punishment of tarring and feathering"
with some aggravations, for having in conversation, hazard-
ed the very natural and just, but unpalatable remark, that
the inhabitants of that county could not reasonably expect
* American State Papers, ix. 107, 70G.
472
PitLibargh Mecling of Augunt 2lst, 1792. 1790-95.
protection from a government whose laws they so strenuously
opposed.
The and.'icity of the perpetrators of these excesses was so
great, that an armed banditti ventured to seize and carry off
two persons who were witnesses against the rioters in the
case of Wilson, in order to prevent their giving testimony of
the riot in a court then sitting, or about to sit.
Notwithstanding the course of the western people, the Fed-
eral Government, during the session of 1791 and '92, proceeded
in the discussion of the obnoxious statute ; and upon the 8th
of May, 1792, passed an amendatory act, making such changes
as were calculated to allay the angry feelings that had been
excited, except so far as they were connected with political
animosities, and which in most districts produced the intended
result. [Mr. Hamilton, Secretary of the Treasury, made a
report on the objections to the excise law, March 5, 1792.*]
But in western Pennsylvania, opposition continued una-
bated, and it was announced that the inspectors who, by the
new law, were to be appointed for all the counties, should not
be allowed to open their offices ; nor was this a mere threat;
no buildings could be obtained for the use of the United
States ; and when, at length, in Washington, one Captain
Faulkner dared to agree that a building of his should be occu-
pied by the inspector, he was waylaid by a mob, a knife
drawn upon him, and was threatened with scalping, loss of
property by fire, and other injuries, if he did not revoke his
agreement ; so that upon the 20th of August, under the influ-
ence of fear, he did actually break his contract, and upon the
next day advertised what he had done in the Pittsburgh
paper. t
On the day of this advertisement, in the same town in
which it appeared, a meeting was held, headed by members
of the State Legislature,! judges, clergymen, and other lead-
ing characters. [Of these, the late Albert Gallatin was
Secretary to the meeting. The Chairman of the Committee
was Daniel Bradford, who acted as a leader in many of the
violent proceedings. For his views on the subject, the reader
is rderred to a letter from him in the United States Gazette,
•Araericaa State Paper?, xi. 108.
I American State Papers, vii. 150.
itAmericika State Papers, xx. 108.
I. 1790-95.
( strenuously
>sses was so
md carry olF
ioters in the
testimony ot'
pie, the Fed-
2, proceeded
ipon the 8th
uch changes
at had been
ith political
the intended
ury, made a
ch 5, 1792.*]
itinued una-
who, by the
s, should not
mere threat;
the United
one Captain
uld be occu-
nob, a knife
Iping, loss of
t revoke his
ler the influ-
ind upon the
e Pittsburgh
ime town in
by members
1 other lead-
tallatin was
3 Committee
many of the
t, the reader
ates Gazette,
1790-95.
Measures adojjtcd by Government.
473
of September 9th, 1794; and to Clymer's letter in Gibba'
Memoirs, i. ^48.]
This meeting entered into resolutions not less exceptionable
than those of its predecessors. The preamble suggests that a
tax on spirituous liquors is unjust in itself and oppressive upon
the poor ; that internal taxes upon consumption must, in the
end, destroy the libcties of every country in which they are
introduced ; that the law in question, from certain local cir-
cumstances, which are specified, would bring immediate dis-
tress and ruin upon the western country j and concludes with
the sentiment, that they think it their duty to persist in remon-
strance to Congress, and in every other legal measure that
may obstruct the operation of the law.
The resolutions then proceed, first, to appoint a committee
to prepare and cause to be presented to Congress, an address,
stating objections to the law, and praying for its repeal ; sec-
ondly, to appoint committees of correspondence for Washing-
ton, Fayette and Alleghany, charged to correspond together,
and with such committees as should be appointed for the same
purpose in the county of Westmoreland, or with any commit-
tees of a similar nature that might be appointed in other
parts of the United States ; and, also, if found necessary, to
call together either general meetings of the people in their
respective counties, or conferences of the several committees;
and lastly, to declare that they will in future consider those
who hold oflices for the collection of the duty as unworthy of
their friendship ; that they will have no intercoursj nor deal-
ings with them, will withdraw from them every assistance,
withhold all the comforts of life which depend upon those du-
ties that as men and fellow-citizens we owe to each other,
and will upon all occasions treat them with contempt ; earn-
estly recommending it to the people at large to follow the
same line of conduct towards them.
When notice of this meeting, and of the means used to in-
timidate Faulkner, was given to the government, Washing-
ton issued a proclamation, dated September 15th; the super-
visor of the district was sent to the seat of trouble to learn
the true state of facts and to collect evidence ; while the At-
torney General was instructed to inquire into the legality of
the proceedings of the Pittsburgh meeting, with v'ew to the
indictment of the leaders. Mr. Randolph, however, felt so
much doubt as to the character of the meeting of August 21,
that no prosecutions on that score were instituted ; and in
serving process upon two persons said to have been among,
the assailants of Faulkner, either an error was made, or the
30
^f')'
i'-^
- } -
■>
f§^ .
u
474 Action of the Democratic Societies. 1790-95.
accusation proved to be fulse, which caused that matter also
to be dropped by the government. [Mr. Finley, in his History
of the Insurrection, (p. 71,) says the accusation was false, and
the evidence perjured.*] It was then proposed to attempt a
gradual suppression of the resistance to the law, by adopting
these measures :
1st. The prosecution of all distillers who were not li-
censed, when it could be done with certainty of success, and
without exciting violence.
2d. The seizure of all illegal spirits on their way to mar-
ket, when it could be done without leading to outbreaks.
3d. By care that only spirits which had paid duty were
bought for the use of the army.
The influence of these measures was in part lost in conse-
quence of the introduction of the whisky that paid no tax
into the North-western Territory, over which some of the
laws relative to the matter did not extend ; but still their ef-
fect was decided : in November, 1792,Wolcott wrote that the
opposition was confined to a small part of Pennsylvania, and
would soon cease ;t and through the whole of 1793— although
the Collector for Fayette county was obliged by force to give
up his books and papers, and to promise a resignation ;• while
the Inspector of Allegheny was burnt in efF.gy before the
magistrates, and no notice of the act taken by them ; and al-
though when warrants were issued for the rioters in the for-
mer case, the Sherifl" of the county refused to execute them,
yet obedience to the excise became more general, and many
of the leading distillers, yielding to the suggestions of pecu-
niary interest, for the first time entered their stills, and aban-
doned the party of Bradford and his coadjutors. J This
abandonment, the political antagonists of the law by no
means relished ; still even they might have been subdued b ut
for the introduction at that very juncture, of j\[r. Genet's fa-
mous system of Democratic Societies, which, like the .Jacobin
clubs of Paris, were to be a power above the government.
Genet reached the United States, April 8th ; on the l8th of
• American State Papers, x.\. 103, 109.— Sparks' Wiipliirgton,"x. 201, ."05— 52C to tC".
Gibbs' Memoirs, i. 14S.— Marshall's Washington, v. 365.
-fGibbs, i. 83.
X American State Papers, ki. 40
w wa'g jf - i WJi.' ? i a iJuaa. i '^t^! MJ g Wgig S!J^9'*^S**^ -en^wsa^&A-^^i.^
r:'^**van^_trv.'rnrt^a»ir~'^rKi^^v^S^^l^aa^'Tr'
1790-95.
latter also
lis History
false, and
attempt a
f adopting
!re not li-
ccess, and
ay to mar-
eaks.
duty were
; in conse-
iid no tax
Tie of the
11 their ef-
ite that the
Ivania, and
— although
roe to give
;ion;- while
before the
Ti ; and al-
in the for-
;cute them,
and many
ns of pecu-
, and aban-
rs.J This
law by no
ubdued b ut
Genet's fa-
thc Jacobin
overnment.
the 18th of
"05—520 to bZ".
' \
1790-95
Action of the Democratic Societies.
475
May, he was presented to the President; an<l by the 30th of
that month the Democratic Society of Philadelphia was or-
ganized.* By means of this, its affiliated bodies, and other
societies based upon it, or suggested by it, the French minis-
ter, his friends and imitators, waged their war upon the ad-
ministration, and gave new energy to every man who, on any
ground, was dissatisfied with the laws of his country. Among
those dissatisfied, the enemies of the excise were of course to
be numbered ; and there can be little or no doubt that to the
agency of societies formed in the disaffected districts, after
the plan of those founded by Genet, the renewed and excess-
ive hostility of the western people to the tax upon spirits is
to be ascribed.f [It was natural enough in the heat of politi-
cal excitement, to ascribe the whisky insurrection directly to
the agency of Genet in these societies, as was done by Wash-
ington and his friends. But we think the evidence in the case
disproves all design on the part of the proper Democratic
Societies, to rebel against the laws, or produce anarchy, or a
separation of the Union. The strong sympathy with the French
people for their aid in the revolutionary struggle, and the ar-
dent love of liberty, were reasons enough to account for the
organization of these societies,] The proper Democratic Soci-
eties, when the crisis came, disapproved of the violence comr
mitted,J and so did Gallatin and many others; but, however
much they may have disliked an appeal to force, even from
the outset, their measures, their extravagancies, and political
fanatacism, were calculated to result in violence and nothing
else. Through 1793, as we have said, the law seemed gain-
ing, but with the next January the demon was loosed again.
William Richmond, who had given in'^ -mation against
some of the rioters in the affair of Wilson, ii.id his barn burnt,
with all the grain and hay which it contained ; and the same
thing happened to Robert Shawhan, a distiller, who had been'
among the first to comply with the law, and who had always
spoken favorably of it ; but in neither of these instances,
(which happened in the county of Alleghany) though the pre-
sumptions were violent, was any positive proof obtained.
♦Marshall's Wtuhiogton, v. 426, note.
|3ee SiJiirki' Whshington, x. 429, 437, 4c.
X U. S. Gazette, Augtist 2C, SL-ptcmber 1, Stpt«mbcr 6, Ac., 1794.— Boston Icdtpendent
Chronicle, August 18, 17'J4, October 6, 1794.
•'<*
476
Further Outrages in 1794.
1790-95.
The inspector of the revenue, in a letter of the iJ7th of
February, writes that he had received information tlint per-
sons, living near the dividing line of Alleghany and Washing-
ton, had thrown out threats of tarring and feathering one
William Cochran, a complying distiller, and of burning his dis-
tillery ; and that it had also been given out that in three
weeks there would not be a house standing in Alleghany
county of any person who had complied with the lavvs ; in
consequence of which, he had been induced to pay a visit to
several leading individuals in that quarter, as well to as-
certain the truth of the information as to endeavor to avert
the attempt to execute such threats.
It appeared afterwards, that, on his return home, he had
been pursued by a collection of disorderly persons, threaten-
ing, as they went along, vengeance against him. On their
way, these men called at the house of James Kiddoe, who
had recently complied with the laws, broke into his still-house,
fired several balls under his still, and scattered fire over and
about the house.
In May and June new violences were committed. James
Kiddoe, the person above mentioned, and William Cochran,
another complying distiller, met with repeated injury to their
property. Kiddoe had parts of his grist-mill at different times
carried away ; and Cochran suffered more material injuries.
His still was destroyed ; his saw-mill was rendered useless,
by the taking away of the saw ; and his grist-mill so injured
as to require to be repaired, at considerable expense.
At the last visit, a note in writing was left, requiring him to
publish what he had suffered, in the Pittsburgh Ciazctte, on
pain of another visit, in which he is threatened, in figurative
but intelligible terms, with the destruction of his property by
fire. Thus adding to the profligacy of doing wanton injuries
to a fellow-citizen the tyranny of compelling him to be the
publisher of his wrongs.
June being the month for receiving annual entries of stills,
endeavors were used to open offices in Westmoreland and
Washington, where it had been hitherto found impracticable.
With much pains and difficulty, places were procured for the
purpose. That in Westmoreland was repeatedly attacked in
the night by armed men, who frequently fired upon it ; but,
according to a report which has been made to this Depart-
nent, it was defended with so much courage and persever-
ance by John Wells, an auxiliary officer, and Philip Ragan,
the owner of the house, as to have been maintained during
the remainder of the month.
That in Washington, after repeated attempts, was sup-
pressed. The first attempt was confined to pulling down the
sign of the oflice, and threats of future destruction ; the
I
.J!M?N>5>a5^l!Si«l'S*«B?.ir!I«SiWW;iIKW!»««-*«-«*-^''-->--^^!^>"^^
1790-95.
e 27th of
that per-
KVashiiig-
ring one
\g his (lis-
in three
llleghaiiy
laws; in
a visit to
;11 to as-
r to avert
le, he had
threaten-
On their
Idoe, who
till-house,
over and
J. James
Cochran,
•y to their
•ent times
il injuries,
d useless,
so injured
ing him to
lazctte, on
figurative
roperty by
in injuries
to be the
is of stills,
eland and
racticablc.
red for the
ttacked in
)n it ; but,
is Depart-
persever-
lip Ragan,
ned during
was sup-
; down the
ction ; the
1790-95. Offeiukrs to be Tried at Philadelphia.
477
second efTcctcd the object in the following mode : About
twelve persons, armed and painted black, in the night of the
6th (of Juno, broke into the house of John Lynn, where the
office was kept, and, after having treacherously seduced him
to come down stairs, and put himself into their power, by a
promise of safety, to himselt andhishouse, they seized and tied
him ; threatened to hang him ; took him to a retired spot in
a neighboring wood, and there, after cutting off his hair, tar-
ring and feathering liim, swore him never again to allow the
use of his house for an office, never to disclose their names,
and never again to have any sort of agency in aid of the
excise : having done which, they bound him naked to a tree,
and left him in that situation till morning, when he succeeded
in extricating himself. Not content with this, the malcon-
tents, some days after, made him another visit, pulled down
Eart of his house, and put him in a situation to be obliged to
ecome an exile from his own home, and to find an asylum
elsewhere.*
Even these acts, however, were followed by nothing on the
part of the government more stringent than the institution,
in the June following, of several suits against the rioters, and
also against the non-complying distillers; to serve process in
which the Marshal of the United States himself visited the
West. This led to the catastrophe. These suits were in the
United States Court, which sat east of the mountains, where
the accused must of course be tried. But the seizure of of-
fenders to be tried out of their own neighborhood, was op-
posed to the feelings of the Americans, and to the principles
of that English law upon which they had relied through the
discussions which preceded the Revolution. The federal
government, it was said, in taking men to Philadelphia,! to
be tried for alleged misdemeanors, was doing what the Brit-
ish did in carrying Americans beyond the sea. Then was
shown, as we conceive, the power of those societies to which
we have referred. In February, 1794, a society had been
formed at Mingo creek, consisting of the militia of that neigh-
borhood, the same persons who led in all future excesses.^ In
April a second association of the same character, and a regu-
* American State Papers, xx. 110.
t The writs were there roturnnblo, in the District Court of the United States. (Findley
74.) There was needless excitement caused by this, as the United States Courts had been'
authorized to sit near the troubled diitric', and the State Courts to try revenue cases
(Findley, 73.)
t Bracken ridge's Incidents, pp. 25, 143.
'M-"
^&S&^
I
478
Mob i(al/ur at Ntvillc's ILmsr.
1790-95.
Inr Driiiornitic Cluh, wcro forinrd in the trouhlcsoini! district.
Ill till! liittiT, iiotliing wnn done in nhtion to tlio excise, so
far as is known, hut in llio two first nnuu'd bodies, tiiere is rea-
son to believe tliiit the worst spirit oi' the French cUibs was
naturalized ; the excise and the jjoverninunt thorou^'hly can-
vassed ; and rebellion, disunion and bloodshed, sooner or
later, made rainiliar to the minds of all. [A murd.^rons spirit
filled and excited the ignorant people in the country.*]
Ii, may be readily understood that under such circumstan-
C'js, great excitement was likely to prevail upon slight provo-
cation. Notwithstanding, the Marshal was sulfered to servo
his writs unresisted, until, when he went with the last process
in his hands, he unwisely took with him the Inspector of the
county, General John Neville, a man once; very popular, but
who had been, as men considered, bought up by the Govern-
ment, and had hence become exceedingly hateful to the popu-
lace. After serving this process, the Marshal and Inspector
were followed by a crowd, and a gun was fired, though with-
out doing any injury. The Marshal returned to Pittsburgh
and the Inspector to his own house, but it being noised abroad
that both were at General Neville's, a number of militia-men
who were gathered under the United States law, agreed the
next morning to pay the Inspector a visit. For some time,
Neville had been looking for an attack, knowing his unpopu-
larity, and had armed his negroes and barricaded his windows.
An attack upon his house, with a view to a destruction of his
papers, had probably been in contemplation, and tho.se who
gathered on the morning of the 16th of July, were determined,
we presume, to carry the proposed destruction into eftect.
When General Neville discovered the party on that morning
around his door, he asked their business, and upon receiving
evasive replies, proceeded at once to treat them as enemies ;
shut his door again, and opened a fire, by which six of his
supposed assailants were wounded, one of them mortally.
This, of course, added greatly to the anger and excitement
previously existing; news of the bloodshed were diffused
through the Mingo creek neighborhood, and before nightfall,
steps were taken to avenge the suflferers. [General Neville
had been an opposer of a State excise, which had previously
* Findley, 16fi.— BrackonriJge, iii. 25.
^
!t*^Jn:^*orJS'rr^^r'5'p^r^v^^^^'=- > -I'l
; •t&«H;-r.n;;-Eo-i!yns vv-Ti'*rr'-
1790-05.
U! district,
excise, so
cro is rca-
club-s wns
-hly ctin-
soonor or
rous spirit
y*]
rcumstan-
L;ht provo-
d to servo
1st process
;tor of the
pular, but
c Govern-
the popu-
Inspector
•Ufj;h with-
Pittsburgh
sed abroad
lilitia-men
agreed the
iome time,
is unpopu-
I windows,
tion of his
those who
etcnnined,
nto eli'ect.
at morning
1 receiving
s enemies;
1 six of his
1 mortally,
excitement
•e diffused
e nightfall,
ral Neville
previously
1790-5)5.
NrrHlr's Iloiisr Drslrnijfd .
479
existed ; ho had taken the place of an Inspector, and made
the Htateinent that he did not con >ider what the p(^ople
thought — he would have an independent salary of six hun-
dred — he was understood to mean poimds, when he only meant
dollars.'] What followed, we will give in the words of Gen-
eral Ilatnilton, adding afterwards some ])articula!'s gathered
from Findley and Urackenridge.
Apprehending that the business would not terminate here,
he [Nieville] made application by letter to the Judges, g«!nerals
of militia, and sherilf of the county, for protection. A reply
to his ap[)lication, from .lohn VVilkins, jun., and .John Gibson,
magistrates and militia ollicers, informed him that the law.s
could not be executed, so a.s to afford him the protection to
which he was entitled, owing to the too general combination
of the people in that part of I'enn.sylvania to oppose the reve-
nue law; adding, that they would take every step in their
power to bring the ri:)ter.■^ to justice, and would be glad to re-
ceive information of the individuals concerned in the attack
upon his house, that prosecutions nught bo commenced against
them ; and expressing their sorrow that shouhi the posse comi-
tdtus of the county be ordered out in support of the civil au-
thority, very few could be gotten that were not of the party
of the rioters.
The day following the insurgents re-n.s.sembled with a con-
siderable augmentation of numbers, amounting, as has been
computed, to at least five hundred: and on the 17th of .July,
renewed their attack upon the house of the inspector, who, in
the interval, had taken the precaution of calling to Ijis aid a
small detachment from the garrison of Fort Pitt, which, at
the time of the attack, consisted of eleven men, who had been
joined by Major Abraham Kirkj)atrick, a friend and connex-
ion of the ins^pector.
There being .scarcely a prospect ofefTectual defence against
so large a body as then appeared, and as the inspector had
every thing to apprehend for his person, if taken, it was
judged advisable that he should withdraw from the house to
a place of concealment ; Major Kirkpatrick generously agree-
ing to remain with the eleven men, in the intention, if prac-
ticable, to make a capitulation in favor of the property ; if
not, to defend it as long as possible.
A parley took place under cover of a flag, which was sent
by the insurgents to the house to demand that the inspector
should come forth, renounce his office, and stipulate never
again to accept an office under the same laws. To this it
was replied, that the inspector had left the house upon their
• Brackenridgo, i. 6; iii. 1. Findlcyi p. 79, SI. American S(atci Papers, xx. 110, 111.
I
!
\
L
480
McFarlcnc Killed.
1790-95.
first approach, and that the place to which he had retired was
unknown. They then declared that they must have whatever
related to his office. They were answered that they might
send persons, not exceeding six, to search the house, and take
away whatever papers they could find appertaining to the
office. But not satisfied with this, they insisted, uncondition-
ally, that the armed men who were in the house for it ■. de-
fence, should march out and ground their arms, which Major
Kirkpatrlck peremptorily refused ; considering it and repre-
senting it to them as a proof of a design to destroy the property.
This refu«ial put an end to the parley.
A brisk firing then ensued between the insurgents and those
in the house, which, it is said, lasted for near an hour, till the
assailants, having set fire to the neighboring and adjacent
buildings, eight in number, the intenseness of the heat, and
the danger of an immediate communication of the fire to the
house, obliged T"- ' jv Kirkpatrick and his small party to come
out and surrender tLemselvcs. In the course of the firing one
of the insurgents was killed and several wounded, and three
of the persons in the house were also wounded. The person
killed, is understood to have been the leader of the party, of
the name of James McFarlane, then a major in the militia,
formerly a lieutenant in the Pennsylvania line. The dwell-
ing-house, after the surrender, shared the fate of the other
buildings, the whole of which were consumed to the ground.
The loss of property to the inspector, upon this occasion, is esti-
mated, and, as it is believed with great moderation, at riot less
than three thousand pounds, or ten thousand dollars.
The marshal, Col. Presly Neville, and several others, were
taken by the insurgents going to the inspector's house. All, ex-
cept the marshal and Col. Neville, soon made their escape ;
but these were carried ofl' some distance from the place where
the affray had happened, and detained till one or two o'clock
the next morning. In the course of their detention, the mar-
shal in particular, suffered very severe and humiliating treat-
ment, and was frequently in imminent danger of his life.
Several of the party frequently presented their pieces at him
with every appearance of a design to assassinate, from which
they were with difficulty restrained by the efforts of a few
more humane and more prudent.
Nor could he obtain safety nor liberty, but upon the condi-
tion of a promise, guaranteed by Col. Neville, that he would
serve no other process on the \f est side of the Allegheny
Mountain. The alternative being immediate death, extorted
from the marshal a compliance with this condition, notwith-
standing the just sense of official dignity, and the firmness
of character which were witnessed by his conduct throughout
the trying scenes he had experienced.
i ^ ^^' w T1v a .A » ' A ' J' : 41ia"^< t?3^^t:Tg- 1:-=W3«I5»*:
1790-95.
•etired was
; whatever
hey might
;, and take
ing to the
iconditiou-
for it '. de-
hich Major
md repre-
e property.
3 and those
3ur, till the
d adjacent
; heat, and
fire to the
■ty to come
J firing one
, and three
rhe person
le party, of
the militia,
rhe dwell-
f the other
he ground.
5ion,isesti-
, at riot less
'S.
hers, were
se. All,ex-
!ir escape ;
lace where
wo o'clock
n, the mar-
iting treat-
of his life,
ices at him
from which
ts of a few
the condi-
,t he would
Allegheny
h, extorted
1, notwith-
e firmness
throughout
1790-95.
Attack on Neville.
481
The insurgents, on the 18th, sent a deputation of two of
their number (one a justice of the peace) to Pittsburgh, to re-
quire of the marshal, a surrender of the process in his posses-
sion, intimating that his compliance would satisfy the people,
and add to his safety ; and also to demand of Gen. Neville, in
peremptory terms the resignation of his office ; threatening, in
case of refusal, to attack the place and take him by force ; de-
mands which both these officers did not hesitate to reject, as
alike incompatible with their honor and their duty.
As it was well ascertained that no protection was to be ex-
pected from the magistrates or inhabitants of Pittsburgh, it
became necessary to the safety, both of the inspector and the
marshal, to quit that place; and, as it was known that all the
usual routes to Philadelphia were beset by the insurgents,
they concluded to descend the Ohio, and proceed, by a circuit-
ous route, to the seat of Government ; which they began to
put in execution on the night of the 19th of July.
* The following points, which are of great importance, do
not appear in the above narrative. First, it seems the attack
was so deliberate that a committee of three was chosen to
superintend it, who sat upon an elevation, and directed the
various movements. Second, it seems that the object aimed
at was the destruction of official papers, and not property or
life. Third, McFarlane, the commander of the rebels, was shot
dead, when he exposed himself in consequence of a call from
the house to cease firing ; this was regarded as intentional mur-
der on the part of the defenders. Fourth, there is no doubt as
to the burning having been authorized by the committee of
attack.*
The attack upon Neville's house was an outrage of so vio-
lent a character, and the feeling that caused it was of so
mixed a nc.,ure, that further movements were of necessity, to
be expected. Those who thought themselves justified, as the
early actors in the Revolution had been, would of course go
forward ; those who anticipated the vengeance of the laws,
thought it safer to press on and make the rebellion formidable,
'than to stop and so be unable to hope for terms from the gov-
ernment : [which, as Brackenridge states, was the case with
Bradford,] the depraved looked for plunder, the depressed for
a chance to rise, the ambitious had the great men of France
in view before them, and the cowardly followed what they
dared not try to withstand.
* American State Papers, xx. 112.— Findley, 86, 87.— Breckenridge, i. 18, 19.-
can Pioneer, ii. 207.
-Ameri-
V-
482
United States Mail Robbed by Bradford. 1790-95.
These various feelings showed themselves at a meeting held
July 23d, at Mingo creek, the particulars of which are given
by Brackenridge, who attended, in a vivid and clear narrative.
The masses were half-mad, filled with true Parisian fury, and
drove their apparent leaders powerless before them. At thii
gathering, a general convention to meet on the 14th of Au-
gust, at Parkinson's Ferry, now Williamsport, upon the
Monogahela, was agreed on ; but the more violent meanwhile
determined upon steps that would entirely close the way to
reconciliation with the Government : these were, first, the rob
bery of the mail, by which they expected to learn who were
their chief opponents ; next, the expulsion from the country
of the persons thus made known ; and, lastly, the seizure of
the United States arms and ammunition at Pittsburgh. The
leading man in these desperate acta was David Bradford, aq
attorney and politician of some eminence. The first step was
successfully taken on the 26th of July, and General John Gib-
son, Colonel Presly Neville, son of General John Neville, and
three others, were found to have written letters in relation to
the late proceedings. This being known, the people of Pitts-
burgh were requested by the Jacobins of the country to expel
these persons forthwith, and such was the fear of the citizens
that the order was obeyed, though unwillingly.* But the third
project succeeded less perfectly. In order to effect it, a meet-
ing of the masses had been called for August 1st, at Brad-
dock's field ; this call was made in the form usual for militia
musters, and all were notified to come armed and equipped.
Brackenridge was again present, though in fear and trembling.
Terror, indeed, appears to have ruled as perfectly as beyond
the Atlantic. The Pittsburgh representatives had gone to
the conference from fear of being thought lukewarm in the
rebel cause, and finding themselves suspected, passed the day
in fear. The object of the gathering, an attack upon the
United States arsenal, had been divulged to few, and upon
further consultation was abandoned. But it was determined
to march to Pittsburgh at any rate, for the purpose of intimi-
dating the disaffected, robbing a few houses, and burning a
few stores. The women of the country had gathered to sce
* See Brackenridge'3 Incidents of the Insurrection of 1794, 1. 30, 39, 45, 52, 66. vol iii,
143. Findley'a History of the Whisky Iwunoclion, pp. 91, 93, 95, 103. American Pio-
oaer, i. 65.
^te^-^^«^^''i*t-;;;.s »i^^»-.i^j^2^3^.i6;gjy^s^*
1790-95.
leeting held
1 are given
r narrative.
;n fury, and
n. At tbij)
1 4th of Au-
, upon the
meanwhile
the way to
rst, the rob'
1 who were
the country
! seizure of
urgh. The
Iradford, an
•si step was
1 John Gib-
^eville, and
relation to
pie of Pitts-
try to expel
the citizens
ut the third
it, a meet-
t, at Brad-
1 for militia
. equipped.
I trembling.
as beyond
ad gone to
arm in the
sed the day
k upon the
, and upon
determined
3 of intimi-
burning a
ered to See
5, 52, 66. vol iii,
American Pio-
1790-55.
Plan to Attack the U. S. Arsenal.
488
the sack of the city at the ' ork — and it was with difliculty
that the conllagration and robbery were prevented ; the lead-
ers in general opposed the excesses of their followers ; the
brother of the murdered McFarlane protected the property of
Major Kirkpatrick, and as others who were most interested in
the insurrection, showed equal vigor in the prevention of vio-
lence, the march to Pittsburgh resulted in nothing worse than
the burning of a few barns and sheds.*
When a knowledge of the attack on Neville's house and
the subsequent proceedings reached the Federal Government,
it was thought to be time to take decided steps. On the 5th
of August, Hamilton laid the whole matter before the Presi-
dent ; Judge Wilson of the Supreme Court, having on the 4lh
certified the western counties to be in a state of insurrection ;
and upon the 7th, Washington issued his Proclamation giving
notice that every means in his power would be used to put
down the rebelion. As it was his wish, however, and also
that of Governor Mifflin of Pennsylvania, that no pains
should be spared to prevent a recourse to arms. Commission-
ers were appointed, three by the United States and two by the
State, to visit the West, and try to procure an abandonment
of the insurrection without bloodshed. [The Commissioners
on the part of the United States, were James Ross, a Senator
in Congress, and a gentleman very popuKr with the people
in western Pennsylvania, Jasper Yeates, an Associate Judge
of the Supreme Court of that State ; and William Bradford,
the Attorney General of the United States. Those on the
part of Pennsylvania were Thomas McKean, Chief Justice of
the State ; and William Irvine, a Representative in Congress.
Their instructions are in the American State Papers, vol. xx.
p. 86.]
When these messengers reached the neighborhood of Pitts-
burgh, the meeting at Parkinson's ferry was in session, and
Gallatin and others were trying to prevent matters from be-
coming worse than they already were. This meeting, upon
receiving notice of the approach of the Commissioners, agreed
to esnd a committee of conference, to treat with them ; and
at the same time, named a standing committee, one from each
>
t Seo oorreepondenco of Qovemor Mifflin and Mr. Randolph in Amoricon State Papers
XX. 97 to 106.
; *■
;*I5
484 Meeting of the Committee of Conference. 1790-95.
township, making sixty in number, to whom the former were
to report, and who were authorized to call a new meeting of
deputies or recall the old ones, in order to accept or reject the
terms offered on the part of Government. [The conferees
were from the counties of Westmoreland, Alleghany, Fayette
and Washington in Pennsylvcvaia, and Ohio county in Vir-
ginia.*]
On the 21st of August the Commissioners and Committee
of conference met, and after some discussion agreed upon
terms, which the representatives of the insurgents thought
their constituents would do well to accept. They were then
submitted to the standing committee, but in that body so much
fear and mutual distrust prevailed, as to lead to a mere recom-
mendation to the people to accept the terms offered, by a vote
of thirty-four to twenty-three, while the committee themselves
failed to give the pledges which had been required of them.
This state of things and the knowledge of the fact that even
the recommendation was obtained only by shielding the voters
through a vote by ballot, proved to the agents for Govern-
ment that little was yet done towards tranquilizing the coun-
try. All the committee-men and leaders were in dread of
popular violence, and after various letters had passed, and a
second committee of conference had agreed that it would be
wise to adopt the terms offered by the Government,t the ques-
tion was referred to the people themselves, who were to sign
their names to pledges prepared for the purpose ; by which
pledges they bound themselves to obey the law and help its
operation, or unwilling to do this they were to refuse distinctly
to sign any such promise. This trial of popular sentiment
was to take place on the 11th of September, in the presence
of persons who had been at Parkinson ferry meeting, or of
magistrates ; and the result of the vote was to be by them
certified to the Commissioners. It would have been well to
have given a longer time that the good disposition of the
leaders might have had an opportunity of spreading among
the people, but as the President in his proclamation had re-
• See Boston Independent Chronicle, Sept 1st, 1794— United States Gazette, Sept 9—
American State Papers, vol. xx. 93— Braclienridge, i. 77, aot*— U. S. Gazette, August 22d,
1794.
t American State Papers, xx. 87 to 97; U. S. Gazette, September 6; Braokenridge, i.
117 J Boston Independent Chronicle, for September 22d, 1794.
*n5MSS'aRSSSa6S«WMi»S'5'»»r5sr!«ei.»T--s»nt.i?,fto.r
s^'--^ 3ii»;«^i AiWiiSSsS^S^i^^
1790-96.
former were
meeting of
or reject the
le conferees
my, Fayette
anty in Vir-
Committee
greed upon
nts thought
y were then
)dy so much
mere recom-
jd, by a vote
3 themselves
ed of them,
ct that even
ig the voters
for Govern-
ig the coun-
in dread of
issed, and a
it would be
t,t the ques-
were to sign
e ; by which
and help its
ise distinctly
ir sentiment
he presence
eeting, or of
be by them
)een well to
ution of the
iing among
ition had re-
Gazctto, Sept 9—
Eette, August 22d,
; Brackeoridge, i.
1790-95.
Ending of the Whisky Riots.
485
quired a dispersion by the 1st of September, it was thought
impossible to wait. On the 11th a vote was taken, but very
imperfect and unsatisfactory. In some portions of the coun-
try, men openly refused obedience to the law; in some, they
were silent j in some they merely voted by ballot for and
against submission ; and upon the whole gave so little proof
of a disposition to support the legal officers that the judges of
the vote did not feel willing to give certificates that offices of
inspection could be safely established in the several counties,
and the Commissioners were forced to return to Philadelphia
without having accomplished their objects. On the 24th of
September they reported their proceedings and failure to the
President ; who, upon the 26th, called the militia of Pennsyl-
vania, New Jersey, Maryland and Virginia, into the field under
the command of Henry Lee, Governor of the State last named.
Washington himself visited the troops and met some depu-
tations from the western counties, but was unable to accom-
pany the army to Pittsburgh, whither, however. General
Hamilton went to represent the Executive. No resistance
was offered to the army, although the soldiers in many cases
showed a spirit as bad as that of the rebels, and most needless
cruelty was in some cases practiced. Bradford, and a few of
the most prominent friends of violence, fled to the Spanish
provinces of the south-west. To prevent a renewal of the
insurrection, and secure obedience to the law, an armed force
under General Morgan remained through the winter west of
the mountains. Thus, at a cost of $669,992 34, the whisky
riots were ended.*
But there is reason to think that the money was well spent;
and that the insurrection was a wholesome eruption. It serv-
ed several good purposes; it alarmed the wiser portion of the
Democratic party, who saw how much of Jacobin fury lay hid-
den in the American people; it proved to the wiser part of the
friends of the administration, that the societies they so much
hated, even if they originated the evil feelings prevalent in
the West, would not countenance the riotous acts that follow-
• Amorioan State Papers, xx. 89, 90, 76, 97, 112; also vol. Tii. 661. United States Ga-
zette, (1794,) September Stli. 6th, 12th, 22d and 26th. Boston Independent Chronicle
October 2d. Sparks' Washington, x. 439, 441, 460. Findloy's History of the Insurrection.
Braclienridge, li. 79, and many other pages. American Pioneer, i. 213. Marshall's Wash-
ington, V. 689.
for Washington's speech of NoTembor 19, 1794, see Sparks' Washington, xii. 44 to 62.
T?fS5T^;'
I
486
Ending of the Whisky Riots.
1790-96
ed. The unruly portion of the western people was awed by the
energy of the Executive, and to those who loved order, the
readiness of the militia to march to the support of Govern-
ment was evidence of a much better disposition than most had
hoped to find. In addition to these advantages, we may name
the activity of business, caused by the expenditure of so large
a sum in the west, and the increase of frontier population
from the ranks of the army. [And the Editor thinks the Gov-
ernment learned a very important lesson, that mere law,
backed by force, cannot regulate the affairs of the nation ;
that the imposition of taxes by excise, or in any other form,
cannot be carried out by mere authority; and that, while our
government is one of law, it is also one of enlightened public
opinion.
A few additional facts, selected from Day's Historical Col-
lections of Pennsylvania, p. 670, will close this sketch.
The province of Pennsylvania, as early as 1766, had looked
to the excise on ardent spirits for the means of sustaining its
bills of credit. The original law, passed to continue only ten
years, was from time to time continued, as necessities pressed
upon the treasury. During the revolution, the law was gene-
rally evaded in the west, by considering all spirits as for do-
mestic use, such being excepted from excise; but when the debts
of the revolution began to press upon the states, they became
more vigilant in the enforcement of the law. Op'position
arose at once in the western counties. Liberty-poles were
erected, and the people assembled in arms, chased off the offi-
cers appointed to enforce the law. The object of the people
was to compel a repeal of the law, but they had not the least
idea of subverting the government.
The pioneers of this region, descended as they were from
North Britain and Ireland, had come very honestly by their
love of whiskey ; and many of them had brought their hatred
of an exciseman from the old country. The western insur-
gents followed, as they supposed, the recent example of the
American revolution. The first attempt of the British parlia-
ment — the very cause of the revolution, had been an excise
law. There was nothing in that day disreputable in either
making or drinking whisky.
No temperance societies then existed; to drink whisky
was as common and honorable as to eat bread; the fame of
" old Monongahela" was proverbial, both at the east and the
west. Distilling was then esteemed as moral and respectable
as any other business. It was early commenced, and exten-
sively carried on in western Pennsylvania. There was neither
home nor foreign market for rye, their principal crop ; the
' .J>yW. I U>>i' ' 6--V"
•^5-»!«--wK!ii?piffiri>rr'i^-t»iisSBagaef?^^f3
1790-96
I awed by the
•d order, the
t of Govern-
tan most had
^e may name
e of so large
r population
nks the Gov-
t mere law,
' the nation ;
other form,
it, while our
itened public
istorical Col-
tetch.
>, had looked
;ustaining its
nue only ten
ities pressed
,w was gene-
its as for do-
iien the debts
they became
Op"position
y-poles were
i off the offi-
f the people
not the least
:y were from
stly by their
their hatred
jstern insur-
imple of the
ritish parlia-
m an excise
ble in either
rink whisky
the fame of
east and the
i respectable
, and exten-
was neither
al crop ; the
1790-95 Remote Causes of the Insurrection.
487
grain would not bear packing across the mountains. Whisky,
therefore, was the most important item of remittance to pay
for their salt, sugar and iron. The people had cultivated their
land for years at the peril of their lives, with little or no pro-
tection from the Federal Government ; and when, by extraor-
dinary efforts, they were enabled to raise a little more grain
than their immediate wants required, they were met with a
law restraining them in the liberty of doing what they pleas-
ed with the surplus. The people of western Pennsylvania
regarded a tax on whisky in the same light as the citizens of
Ohio would now regard a United States tax on lard, pork, or
flour.
It is but justice to General John Neville and his descendants,
that we should give the following extract from the pen of the
late Judge Wilkeson, to be recorded. It is to be found, with
much other valuable matter, in his " Early Recollections of
the West."*
In order to allay opposition, (to the excise law,) as far as
possible, General John Neville, a man of the most deserved
popularity, was appoir»t'»dcollector for western Pennsylvania.
He accepted the appointment from a sense of duty to his coun-
try. He was one of the few men of wealth, who had put his
all at hazard for independence. At his own expense, he rais-
ed and equipped a company of soldiers, marched them to Bos-
ton, and placed them, with his son, under the command of
General Washington. He was the brother-in-law to the dis-
tinguished General Morgan, and father-in law to Majors Craig
and Kirkpatrick, officers highly respected in the western coun-
try. Besides General Neville's claims as a soldier and patriot,
he had contributed greatly to relieve the sufferings of the set-
tlers in his vicinity. He divided his last loaf with the needy ;
and in a season of more than ordinary scarcity, he opened his
fields to those who were suffering with hunger. If any man
could have executed this odious law. General Neville was that
man.]
[During the period in which we have traced the "Annals of
the West" in this chapter, we must not omit the notice of set-
tlements formed in that part of the North Western Territory,
now included within the State of Ohio. And the first is the
settlement of Galliopolis, commonly called Gallipolis.j
In May or June, 1 788, Joel Barlow left this country for Eu-
rope, "anthorized to dispose of a very large body of land" in
the west. In 1790, this gentleman distributed proposals in
Paris, for the sale of lands, at five shillings per acre, which
•American Pioneer, ii. 207. — Day's Pennsylvania, 671. note.
'i
\
488
Settlements formed in Ohio.
1790-96
promised, says Volney, " a climate healthy and delightful ;
scarcely such a thing as frost in winter; a river, called by way
of eminence, • The Beautiful,' abounding in fish of an enor-
mous size ; magnificent forests of a tree from which sugar
flows, and u shrub which yields candles: venison in abun-
dance, without foxes, wolves, lions or tigers; no taxes to pay;
no military enrolments; no quarters to find for soldiers. Pur-
chasers became numerous, individuals and whole families dis-
posed of th«!ir property; and, in the course of 1791, some em-
barked at Havre, others at Bordeaux, Nantes, or Rochelle,"
each with his title deed in his pocket. Five hundred settlers,
among whom were not a few carvers and gilders to his ma-
jesty, coachmakers, friseurs, and peruke makers, and other ar-
tizans and artistes, equally well fitted for a backwoods life,
arrived in the United States in 1791-92 ; and, acting without
concert, traveling without knowledge of the language, cus-
toms or roads, they at last managed to reach the spot designat-
ed for their residence, after expending nearly or quite, the
whole proceeds of their sales in France.*
They reached the spot designated, but it was only to learn,
that the persons whose title deeds they held, did not own one
foot of land, and that they had parted with all their worldly
goods merely to reach a wilderness, which they knew not how
to cultivate, in the midst of a people, of whose speech and
ways they knew nothing, and at the very moment when the
Indians were carrying destruction to every white man's hearth.
Without food, without land, with little money, no experience,
and with want and danger closing rround them, they were in
a position that none but Frenchmen could be in without de-
spair.
Who brought them to this pass ? Volney says, the Scioto
Company, which had bought of the Ohio Company; Mr. Hall
says in his Letters from the West, (p. 137,) a company who
had obtained a grant from the United States; and, in his Sta-
tistics of the West, (p. 164,) the Scioto Company, which was
formed from or by the Ohio Company, as a subordinate. Bar-
low, he says, was sent to Europe by the Ohio Company; and
by them the lands in question were conveyed to the Scioto
• Volney's view of the climate and eoll of the United States, &o. The sugar-tree was
the maple, and the wax-bearing myrtle, the shrub that yielded candles.
Braokenridgo's Bocollections, p. 42.
W
1790-96
[ rlelightful ;
lUed by way
of an enor-
vhich sugar
n in abun-
axes to pay;
diers. Pur-
families dis-
il, some em-
r Rochclle,"
Ired settlers,
rs to his ma-
ind other ar-
ikvvoods life,
ting without
nguage, cus-
)ot designat-
)r quite, the
nly to learn,
not own one
;heir worldly
new not how
e speech and
nt when the
nan's hearth.
> experience,
they were in
I without de-
I, the Scioto
ly; Mr. Hall
►mpany who
d, in his Sta-
r, which was
•dinate. Bar-
)mpany; and
the Scioto
The sugar-tree was
5^?=-
1790-95
Siifferivgs of GnlUopolis Settlers.
489
Company. Ivilbourn says, "ihe Scioto Land Company, which
intended to buy of Congress all the tract between the western
boundary of the Ohio Company's purchase and the Scioto, di-
rected the French settlers to Galliopolis, supposing it to be
west of the Ohio Company's purchase, though it proved not
to be." The Company, he tells us, failed to make their pay-
ments, and the whole proposed purchase remained with gov-
ernment.*
The truth undoubtedly is, that those for whom Barlow act-
ed, were the persons referred to by Doctor Cutler, who joined
with the Ohio Company in their purchase to the extent of three
and one-half millions of acres; among whom, ho says, were
many of the principal characters of America. [This is demon-
strated by the fact, that Col. Duer, who applied to Dr. Cutler
"to take in another company," as the agent of the Scioto com-
pany, did receive the French Immigrants and send them to
Galliopolis. t] These persons, however, never paid for their
lands, and could give no title to the emigrants they had allur-
ed across the ocean. Their excuse was, that their agents had
deceived them, but it was a plea good neither in morals or law.
Who those agents were, and how far they were guilty, and
how far the company was so, are points which seem to be still
invoh'ed in doubt.J
But, whatever doubt there"may be as to the causes of the
suffering, there can be none as to the sufferers. The poor
gilders, and carvers, and peruke-makers, who had followed a
jack-a-lantern into the " howling wilderness," found that their
lives depended upon their labor. They must clear the ground,
build their houses, and till their fields. Now the spot upon
which they had been located by the Scioto Company was cov-
ered in part with those immense sycamore trees, which are so
frequent along the rivers of the v t,, , ' ndto remove which is no
small undertaking even for the American woodman. The coach-
mfikers were wholly at a loss; but at last, hoping to conquer
by a coup-dc-main, they tied ropes to the branches, and while
one dozen pulled at them with might and main, another dozen
went at the trunk with axes, hatchets, and every variety of
edged tool, and by dint of perseverance and cheerfulness, at
* KilbouTB'g Gazetteer, 1831.
t American State Paper*, zvi. 30.
X M. Meulctte, one of the settlers, in American Pioneer, ii. 185.
31
S'. ...
SetllemcntK in Viri^inia Raicrvr. 1790-95.
length overcome the monster, though not without some hair-
breadth escapes ; for when a mighty tree, that had been
hacked on all sides, fell, it required a Frenchman's heels to
avoid the sweep of the wide-spread branches. Hut when
they had felled the last vegetable, they were little better oC
than before; for they could not move or burn it. At last a
good idea came to their a>d ; and while some chopped oil" the
limbs, others dug, by the side of the trunk, a great grave, into
which, with many a heave, they rolled their fallen enemy.
Their houses they did not build in the usual straggling
American style, but made two rows or blocks of log-cabins,
each cabin being about sixteen feet scjuare ; while at one end
was a larger room, which was used as a council-chamber and
ball-room.
In the way of cultivation they did little. The land was
not theirs, and they had no motive to improve it; and, more-
over, their coming was in the midst of the Indian war. Here
and there a little vegetable garden was formed : but their
main supply of food they were forced to buy from boats on the
river, by which means their remaining funds were sadly bro-
ken in upon. Five of their number were taken prisoners by
the Indians; food became scarce ; in the fall, a marsh behind
the town sent up miasm that produced fevers; then winter
came, and, despite INIr. Barlow's promise, brought frost in
plenty ; and, by and by, they heard from beyond seas of the
carnage that was desolating the fire-sides they hud left.
Never were men in a more mournful situation ; but still,
twice in the week, the whole colony came together, and to
the sound of the violin danced off hunger and cure. The
savage scout that had been lurking all day in the thicket, lis-
tened to the strange music, and hastening to his fellows, told
them, that the whites would be upon them, for he had seen
them at their war-dance; and the careful Connecticut man,
as he guided his broadhorn in the shadow of the Virginia
shore, wondered what mischief " the red varmint" were at
next; or, if he knew the sound of the fiddle, shook his head,
as he thought of the whisky that must have been used to
produce all that merriment.
But French vivacity, though it could work wonders, could
not pay for land. Some of the Galliopolis settlers went to
Detroit, others to Kaskaskia ; a few bought their lands of the
■emmums^iaamv&'^s&esi^sm^msmsfsemgiimK's^^
■.ft ft ' f.j. i ^.jy
"I-
1790-95.
some hair-
Imd been
's heels to
But when
I better oC
At last a
prtl oil" the
grave, into
enemy.
straggling
log-cabins,
at one end
iiamber and
c land was
and, more-
war. Here
[ : but their
boats on the
c sadly bro-
irisoncrs by
arsh behin d
then winter
ght frost in
seas of the
y had left,
n ; but still,
iher, and to
care. The
! thicket, lis-
fellows, told
ic had seen
'cticut man,
he Virginia
It" were at
ok his head,
een used to
jnders, could
[ers went to
lands of the
1700-05. Ciintriict of Nathaniel Masaic and others.
491
Ohio C'ompany, wlio treated them with great liberality ; and
in 1705, Congress, being informed of the circumstances,
granted to the sulferers twenty-four thousand acres of land
opposite Little Sandy lliver, to which, in 1798, twelve hun-
dred acres more were added ; which tract has since been
known as French Grant.
The influence of tiiis settlement upon the »Stato was unim-
portant; but it forms a curious little episode in C)hio history,
and alfords a strange example of national character.*
During this period, however, other settlements had been
taking place in Ohio, which in their influence upon the desti-
nies of the State were deeply felt ; we mean that of the Vir-
ginia Reserve, between the Scioto and Little Miami rivers,
that of the Connecticut Reserve, and that of Dayton.
In 1787, the reserved lands of the Old Dominion, north of
the Ohio, were examined, and in August of that year entries
were commenced. Against the validity of these entries, Con-
gress, in 1788, entered their protest. This protest, which was
practically a prohibition of settlement, was withdrawn in 1790.
As soon as this was done, it became an object to have surveys
made in the reserved region, but as this was an undertaking
of great danger, in consequence of the Indian wars, high
prices in land or money had to be paid to the surveyors. The
person who took the lead in this gainful but unsafe fnterprisc
was Nathaniel Massie, then twenty-seven years old. lie had
been for six years or more in the west, and had prepared him-
self in Colonel Anderson's office for the details of his busi-
ness. Thus prepared, in December, 1790, he entered into the
following contract with certain persons therein named :f
Articles of agreement between Nathaniel Massie, of one
part, and the several persons that have hereunto subscribed, of
the other part, witnesseth, that the subscribers hereof doth
oblige themselves to settle in the town laid off, on the north-
west side of the Ohio, opposite to the lower part of the Two
Islands; and make said town, or the neighborhood, on the
north-west side of the Ohio, their permanent seat of resi-
dence for two years from the date hereof; no subscriber shall
* See tlio communication of Mr. Mpulctte referred to above. Wo have >omctli!og from
oral communicationj. Also American Pioneer, i. 94, 05. American State Papers, xvi. 29.
■f-MoDonald'a Sltetches, 2G. American Pioneer, i. 72, 438. Old Journali, iv. 836.
Passed July ITtli. I'rom on«-fourtli to ODO-bnlf of the lands surveyed, ten pounds, Vir-
ginia currency, per thousand acr«s, bende chain-men's oiponses. [McDonald, 28.]
" t . ' Wj ? ^ ^
I:
492
Connecticut sells hrr Reserve.
1790-95.
ahnrnt liimsclf more thim two mnnttiH at n time, mid diiriiit;
Huch iil)!scti<'<^ furnish a stron^j:, ahlc-bodicd iiiiui .sutiicinit to
bear anas at kast c^ual to liirnsclf; no (iiihscrilx^r sliall absent
hiniscir the time abovu inentionud in ease of actual dan^er,
nor simll such absence be but once a year; no subscriber
shall absent himself in case of actual danp;er, or if absent
Nhall return immediately. Iwich of the subscribers doth obli^je
themselves to comply with the rules and re>j;ulations that
shall be agreed on by a minority thereof for the support of
the settlement.
In consideration whereof, Nathaniel Massie doth bind and
oblifje himself, his heirs, i\:c., to make over and convey to such
of the sub.scribers that comply with thi; above mentioned con-
ditions, at the expiration of two years, a good and sullicient
title unto one in-lot in said town, containing five poles in
front and eleven back, one out-lot of four acres convenient to
said town, in the bottom, which the said Massie is to put
them in immediate possession of, also one hundred acres of
land, which the .said Mas.sie has shown to a part of the sub-
scribers; the conveyame to be made to each of the subscribers,
their heirs or assigns.
In witness wher«u)f, each of the parties have hereunto set
their hands and seals, this 1st day of December, 1790.
The town thus laid off was situated some twelve miles
above Maysville,and was called Manchester; it is still known
to the voyager on the Ohio. From this point Massie ahd his
companions made surveying expeditions through the perilous
years from 1791 to 1796, but though often distressed and in
danger, they were never wearied nor afraid ; and at length,
with Wayne's treaty all danger of importance was at an
end.*
Connecticut, as wo have stated, had, in 1786 resigned her
claims to western lands, with the exception of a reserved
tract extending one hundred and twenty miles beyond Penn-
sylvania. Of this tract, so far as the Indian title was extin-
guished, a survey was ordered in October, 1786, and an office
opened for its disposal : part was sold, and in 1792, half a
million of acres were given to those citizens of Connecticut,
who had lost property by the acts of the Jiritish troops, during
the Revolutionary War, at New London, New lluven and
elsewhere ; these lands are known as the "Firelands'' and the
"SufTerers' lands," and lie in the western part of the Reserve. f
•McDonald'* Sketch of Qenerol MaatU.
t American State Pnpers, r. 696,
•• 'v ^i ^^:^
1700-95.
11(1 (liiriii);;
liicinit to
(ill absent
il (iull^'t■r,
uibscribor
if absent
i>th oblige
ions that
iuppurt of
bind and
•y to sucli
ont'd con-
sulliciont
poirs in
k'cniunt to
is to put
(I acres oi'
' th«! sub-
ibscribers,
onnto set
0.
ivc miles
ill known
le and his
e perilous
ed and in
at length,
rvs at an
igned her
, reserved
)nd Penn-
vas extin-
1 an ofllce
92, half a
nuccticut,
ps, during
a von and
s'' and the
Reserve. t
1790-93
St (dements on the Miami.
49»
In May, 1795, the f.rgislatnro of Conncotiout authorized n
committee to take steps for the disposal of the remainder of
their western domain; this eommittee made ailvertisement
accordingly, and before autumn had disposed of it to (illy-six
persons, forming the Connecticut Land (.'om|>any, for one mil-
lion two hundred thou.sand dollars, and upon the 5th or nth of
September, (juit claiu.ed to the purchasers the whole title of
the State, territorial and Juridical.* These purchasers, on the
same day, conveyed the three millions of acres transferred to
them by the State, to .John Arorgan, .Tohr Caldwell, and .Ihna-
than Hrace, in trust; and upon the quit-claim deeds of those
trustees, the lilies to all real estate in the Western l{eserve,
of necessity, rest. Surveys were commenced in 1796, and by
the close of 1797, all the lands east of the Cuyahoga were di-
vided into townships live miles s(iimre. The agent of the
Connecticut Land Company was Ceneral Moses Cleveland,
and in honor of him the leading city of the Ueserve, in 1796,
received its name. That township and five others were re-
tained for private sale, and the remainder were disposed of
by a lottery, the first drawing in which took place in February,
1798.t
Wayne's treaty also led at once to the foundation of Day-
ton, and the peopling of that fertile region. The original >
proposition by Symmes had been for the purchase of two '
millions of acres between the Miamies; this was changed
very shortly to a contract for one million, extending from the i
Great Miami eastwardly twenty miles; but the contractor being
unable to pay for all he wished, in 1792, a patent was i.ssued
for 248,510 acres. But although his tract was by contract
limited toward the east, and greatly curtailed in its extent
toward the north, by his failure to pay the whole amount due,
.Judge Symmes had not hesitated to sell lands lying between
the eastern boundary of his purchase and the Little Miami,
and even after his patent issued continued to dispose of an
imaginary right in those north of the quantity patented. The
first irregularity, the sale of lands along the Little Mi-
ami, was cured by the act of Congress in 1792, which author-
ized the extension of his purchase from one river to the other;
•For tho title of Conneoticut and the aboTe fact;, gee American State Papers, xvi. 94 to
98, and Arocrican Piunccr, ii. 21.
fSeo American Pioneer, ii. 23, 4o.
} ■; y
494
Setlkmcnt of Dayion.
1790-95.
Wi
but the sales of territory north of the tract transferred to him
by Congress, were so entirely unauthorized in the view of the
government, that in 1796.it refused to recognize them as valid,
and those who had become purchasers beyond the patent
line, were at the mercy of the Federal rulers, until an act
was procured in their favor in 1799, by which pre-emption
rights were secured to them. Among those who were thus
left in suspense during three years, were the settlers through-
out the region of which Dayton forms the centre.*
Seventeen days after Wayne's treaty, St. Clair, Wilkinson,
Jonathan Dayton and Israel Ludlow contracted with Synmies
for the seventh and eighth ranges between I\Iad river and the
Little Miami. Three settlements were to be made, one at
the mouth of INIad River, one on the Little Miami, in the sev-
enth range, and another on the Mad river. On the 21st of
September, 1795, Daniel C. Cooper started to survey and
mark out a road in the purchase, and John Dunlap to run its
boundaries, which was done before the 4th of October. Upon
the 4th of November, Mr. Ludlow laid off the town of Day-
ton, which was disposed of by lottery.f
From 1790 to 1795, the Governor and Judges of the North-
west Territory publisuied sixty-four statutes. Thirty-four of
these were adopted at Cincinnati, during June, July and
August of the last named year, and were intended to form a
pretty complete body of statutory provisions: they are known
as the Maxwell Code, ^-om the name of the publisher, but
were passed by Governor St. Clair and Judges Symmes and
Turner. Among them was that which provided that the com-
mon law of England and all statutes in aid thereof made
previous to the fourth year of James the 1st, should be in full
force within the territory. Of the system, as a whole, Mr.
Chase says, that with many imperfections, "it may be doubted
whether any colony, at so early a period after its first estab-
lishment, ever had one so good."J
Just after the conclusion of Wayne's treaty, a speculation
in Michigan of the most gigantic kind was undertaken by
*See for the full particulars of Symmes' contract, American State Papers, xvi. 75, 104
127
fSee D. Vanelevo's Memoranda, American Pioneer, il. 294, 295.
tSketcU of Uistory of Ohio, p. 27. For tlie Iaw6 f.om 1790 to 1795, fee Chase'd Statutes,
i. 103 to 201.
<j!'^aafr,sKfiEssB(i as*g!e?s?fl«>rtr»»'*'
S'^^'i'-iJ-itf^r ^'".'"^ -.iT^j^^sJc^^Jiyrt/ti'S^ini-^T *^?'^=.-n*
1790-95.
ed to him
ew of the
las valid,
le patent
til an act
e-emption
kvere thus
s through-
Vilkinson,
h Synimes
;r and the
Je, one at
n the sev-
the 21st of
irvcy and
I to run its
>er. Upon
n of Day-
Lhe North-
■ty-four of
July and
to form a
ire known
Usher, but
Times and
t the com-
•eof made
be in full
vhole, Mr.
}e doubted
first estab-
peculation
;rtaken by
rs, xvi. 75, 104
'hase'a Statutes,
1790-95.
Various Land Speculations.
495
certain astute New Englanders, named Robert Randall, Chas.
Whitney, Israel Jones, Ebenezer Allen, tfec, who, in connec-
tion with various persons in and about Detroit, proposed to
buy of the Indians eighteen or twenty million acres, lying
on lakes Erie, Huron, and iMichigan, the pre-emption right of
which they hoped to obtain from the United States, by giving
members of Congress an interest in the investment. Some of
the members who were approached, however, revealed the
plan, and Randall, the principal conspirator, having been re-
primanded, the whole speculation disappeared.*
Another enterprise, equally gigantic, but far less objectiona-
ble, dates from the 20th of February, 1795 ; we refer to the
North American Land Company, which was formed in Phila-
delphia under the management of Robert Morris, John Nichol-
son, and James Greenleaf. This Company owned vast tracts
in various States, which, under an agreement bearing date as
above, were offered to the public. f
But we have hitherto taken no notice of Jay's treaty in so
far as it concerned the west ; nor have we mentioned the nego-
tiations with Spain which secured the use of the Mississippi.
To these we may now turn. The portion of Mr. Jay's treaty
with which we are concerned, is the second article, and that
is as follows :
Art. 2. His Majesty will withdraw all his troops and gar-
rison from all posts and places within the boundary lines as-
signed by the treaty of peace to the United States. This
evacuation shall take place on or before the first day of June,
one thousand seven hundred and ninety-six, and all the proper
measures shall be taken in the interval by concert between the
government of the United States and His Majesty's Gover-
nor General in America, for settling the previous arrange-
ments which may be necessary respecting the delivery of the
said posts: the United States, in the mean time, at their dis-
cretion, extending their settlements to any part within the said
boundary line, except within the precincts orjurisdiction of any
of the said posts. All settlers and traders within the precincts or
jurisdiction of the said posts, shall continue to enjoy, unmolested,
all their property, of every kind, and shall be protected therein.
They shall be at full liberty to remain there, or to remove with
all or any part of their clfects; and it shall also be free to them
to sell their lands, hou.ses or effects, or retain the property
* See papers anu evidence, American State Papers, xx. 125 to 133.
t Observi'.tioDS on the Nortli American Laml Company, London, 1796. Imlay (Ed. 1797)
p. 572.
496
Treaty with Spain.
1790-96.
thereof, at their discretion ; such of them as shall continue to
reside within the said boundary lines shall not be compelled
to become citizens of the United States, or to take any oath
of allegiance to the government thereof; but they shall be at
full liberty so to do if they think proper ; they shall make and
declare their election within one year after the evacuation
aforesaid. And all persons who shall continue there after the
expiration of the said year, without having declared their in-
tention of remaining subjects to His Britannic Majesty, shall
be considered as having elected to become citizens of the
United States.*
Turning to the negotiation with Spain, we find, that in
November, 1794, Thomas Pinckney was despatched to treat
with the court of Madrid, in relation to boundaries to the Mis-
sissippi, and to general trade. Many reams of paper had been
spoiled by previous messengers, Jay, Carmichael and Short, to
little purpose, and it was a matter of three months' farther
correspondence, to mature the treaty of October 27th, 1795.
This treaty, signed by plain Thomas Pinckney, "a citizen of the
United States, and their envoy extraordinary to His Catholic
Majesty," on the one part, and on the other by "the most Ex-
cellent Lord Don Manuel de Godoy and Alvarez de Faria,
Rios, Sanchez, Zarzosa, Prince de la Paz, Duke de la Alcudia,
Lord of the Soto de Roma and of the State of Albala, Gran-
dee of Spain of the first class, Perpetual Regidor of the city
of Santiago, Knight of the illustrious order of the Golden
Fleece and Great Cross of the royal and distinguished Spanish
order of Charles III., commander of Valencia del Ventoso
Rivera, and Aceuchal in that of Santiago, Knight and Great
Cross of the religious order of St. John, Counsellor of State,
First Secretary of State and Despatcho, Secretary to the
Queen, Superintendent General of the Ports and Highways,
Protector of the Royal Academy of the noble Arts and of the
Royal Societies of Natural History, Botany, Chemistry, and
Astronomy, Gentleman of the King's Chamber, in employ-
ment, Captain General of his armies. Inspector and Major of
the Royal Corps of Body Guards, &c. &c. dz;c."t contains, among
other provisions, the following, once deeply interesting to the
West.
•American Stato Papore, i. 520. For the treaty and correspondence entire, see Ameri-
can St4ite Papers, i. 470 to 525.
tThe after history of this man of many titles is a lesson worth the study of all those in
power : see hia memoir! translated, London, 1836 ; aUo an article in Westminster Review,
for April, 1836.
SKa?s^
msi
• y^ " : - : '' : ' ;" ■
tStS^ili.SS^^UMihi'^il.W^
1790-96.
:ontinue to
compelled
e any oath
shall be at
I make and
evacuation
re aftci- the
ed their in-
ijesty, shall
zens of the
nd, that in
led to treat
to the Mis-
3r had been
id Short, to
ths' farther
27th, 1795.
tizen of the
lis Catholic
le most Ex-
!Z de Faria,
la Alcudia,
bala,' Gran-
of the city
the Golden
tied Spanish
el Ventoso
t and Great
or of State,
;ary to the
Highways,
3 and of the
mistry, and
in employ-
iid Major of
ains, among
isting to the
■ntirc, see Ameri"
Jy of all those in
tmtnster RoTisir,
1790-95.
Treaty with Sjjain
497
Art. 4, It is likewise agreed that the Western boundary of
the United States, which separates them from the Spanish
colony of Louisiana, is in the middle of the channel or bed of
the river Mississippi, from the northern boundary of the said
States to the completion of the thirty-first degree of latitude
north of the equator. And his Catholic Majesty has likewise
agreed that the navigation of the said river in its whole
breadth, from its source to the ocean, shall be free only to his
subjects and the citizens of the United States, unless he should
extend this privilege to the subjects of other powers by special
convention.
And in cot sequence of the stipulations contained in the
fourth article, His Catholic Majesty will permit the citizens of
the United States, for the space of three years from this time,
to deposit their merchandise and effects in the pert of New
Orleans, and to export them from thence without paying any
other duty than a fair price for the hire of the stores ; and his
Majesty promises either to continue this permission, if he
finds, during that time, that it is not prejudicial to the inter-
ests of Spain, or if he should not agree to continue it there,
he will assign to them, on another part of the banks of the
Mississippi, an equivalent establishment.*
This being approved, closed the Mississippi question and de-
feated the plans of Sebastian.
♦American State Papers, i. 547, 549. For treaty, tea American State Papers, i. 540 to
549 For Pinckney's Correspondence, do. 633 to 546. For that of Jay, Cormichaol and
Short, do. 1 ;i, 248 to 278, 328, 433 to 440.
CHAPTER XV.
EXTENSION OF SETTLEMENTS.
Surrey of Cliillicotho and Cleveland— Settlements in Ohio— ProgreM in Tcnnwsee— Inter-
ference of Spain, nnd Power's mission— Organization of Mississippi Territory— Nullifica-
tion ir. Kentucky— First Lsgialative Assembly of the Northwest— Constitution of Ken-
tucky amended.
The great event of 1796, was the final transfer of the north-
ern posts from Britain to the United States, under Jay's treaty.
This was to have taken place on or before the 1st of June, but
owing to the late period at which the House of Representa-
tives, after their memorable debate upon the treaty, passed
the necessary appropriations, it was July before the American
Government felt itself justified in addressing the authorities in
Canada in regard to Detroit and the other frontier forts. When
at last called upon to give them up, the British at once did so,
and Wayne transferred his head quarters to the neighborhood
of the Lakes, where a county named from him was established,
including the northwest of Ohio, the northeast of Indiana, and
the whole of Michigan.* Meanwhile, the treaty with Spain
was likely to become ineffectual in consequence of the alli-
ance of Spain and France upon the 19th of August, and the
difficulties which, at the same time, arose between the latter
power and the United States. Spain took advantage of the
new position of affairs to refuse the delivery of the posts on
the Mississippi as had been stipulated, and proceeded, as we
have already related, to tempt the honesty of leading western
politicians.!
During this year settlements went on rapidly in the West.
Enrly in the year Nathaniel Massie, of whom we have already
spoken, took steps to found a town upon the Scioto, on a por-
tion of the lands which he had entered. This town he named,
,vhen surveyed, Chillicothe.
* Washington's speech, American State Papers, i. 30. Chase's Sketch p. 27.
t Pitkins' History United States, ii. 484— American State Papers, i. 559 to 760- Adams'
Speech, American State Papers, i. 44. Documents, do. ii. 20, &c. 66, &c. 78, 4c.
ia^j^iasig£Sag^S5 g S8 ?g ^ j a^eg3fta£ g gajm^ "
^tv:^ J- -T'-f -■■'- '
1796
Settlement of the Western Reserve.
499
nnewee — Int«r-
tory — NulUfica-
itution of Ken-
' the north-
ay's treaty,
•f June, but
lepresenta-
\Xy, passed
! American
ithorities in
jrts. When
Dnee did so,
ighborhood
established,
idiana, and
with Spain
jf the alli-
st, and the
n the latter
itage of the
he posts on
ided, as we
ing western
n the West,
lave already
;o, on a por-
11 he named,
I p. 27.
} to 760— Adams'
78, &c.
" One hundred in and out-lots in the town, were chosen by
lot, by the first one hundred settlers, as a donation, according
to the original proposition of the proprietor. A number of in
and out-lots were also sold to other persons, desiring to settle
in the town. The firt choice of in-lots were disposed of for
the moderate sum of ten dollars each. The town increased
rapidly, and before the winter of 1796, it had in it several
stores, taverns, and shops for mechanics. The arts of civiliz-
ed life soon began to unfold their power and influence in a
more systematic manner, than had ever been witnessed by
many of its inhabitants, especially those who were born and
raised in the frontier settlements, where neither law nor gos-
pel were understood or attended to."*
[There were three places in Ohio, called Chillicothe by the
Indians, one of which was in the neighborhood of this town
site. It is a Shawanese word, and denotr ■^ace or site. Old
Chillicothe was on the Little Miami, and uie other was on or
near the Maumee, or Miami of the Lake. The Shawanese .
nation, which originated from the CaroUnas, Georgia and Flo-
rida, was divided into four tribes; the Piqua, Mequachake,
Kiskapocoke, and Chillicothe tribes.
We have already given the fact of the reservation made
by Connecticut, of the tract of country in the northeast part
of Ohio, known as the "Western Reserve," and of the sale of
this tract to the "Connecticut Land Company."
In September, 1796, the town of Cleveland was surveyed,
and by a treaty with the Iroquois, all their claims to the tract
east of the river Cuyahoga, were surrendered to the Connecti-
cut Land Company.
Cleveland, on Lake Erie, was regarded as an important site
for a commercial city. It is on a dry, sandy plain, between
the Lake and Cuyahoga river; gently sloping towards the
Lake, with a fine water view. It was a point of note in the
journeyings of the aborigines.
The Land Company already mentioned, was organized in
Hartford, Con., on the 5ih of September, 1795. The next year,
the trustees sent out forty-three surveyors, who were instruct-
ed to divide that part of the Western Reserve that lay east of
the Cuyahoga river into townships, five miles square. The
* McDonalil'8 Sketches, pp. 66, 60 to 64.
"" I ' ' ' '
500
Settlements further West.
1796
first resident in Cleveland was a Mr. Job Stiles and family, and
Mrs. Stiles was mother of the first white child born on the
Reserve. Immigrants came slowly to the country; a majority
being from Connecticut, and the peculiar characteristics of the
puritans of that ancient state, with some modifications, still
prevail on the Western Reserve.*
In the western section of the present state of Ohio, settlers
and speculators appeared in much larger numbers.
A detachment of American troops, consisting of .sixty-five
men, under the command of Captain Moses Porter, took pos-
session of the evacuated fort at Detroit, about the 12th of July.
In September, Winthrop Sergeant, Secretary of the North
Western Territory, proceeded to Detroit, and organized the
county of Wayne, and established the civil authority in that
quarter.
This year, also, the settlements in the Muskingum, Scioto,
and Miami valleys, were much extended. The immigrants
from the New England and middle states, came into the West
by way of Brownsville and Wheeling. At Brownsville many
fitted up flat boats and descended the Ohio to Limestone, and
other points in Kentucky, or else landed on the north side of
the Ohio. Others proceeded by land from Wheeling, to that
section of the territory they had selected for their future homes.
The colonies destined for the valleys of the Muskingum and
Scioto chiefly passed by this route.
Small villages and farming settlements were made on the
banks of the Ohio and its tributares below the Muskingum.
Symmes' purchase, on the Miami, underwent rapid changes.
Cincinnati had increased its population and improved its
style of buildings. In 1792, it contained about thirty log cab-
ins, besides the barracks and other buildings connected with
Fort Washington; and about two hundred and fifty inhabitants.
The first house of worship, for the first Presbyterian Church,
was erected. In the beginning of the year 1796, Cincinnati
had more than one hundred log cabins, beside twelve or fif-
teen frame houses, and a population of about six hundred per-
sons.f
Within the Virginia Military Land District, which lay be-
* See an article by Charles Whittlesey, Esq. in the American Pioneer, ii. 22, .13.
t Cincinnati in 1841, p. 28— Monelte's VaUey of the MissUsippi, ii. 313.
■5iS!«lS!reR<we^5t5^e?!K5S5SKsssJ?®ss33^S^^^^^py~
j^ y^J j fti **
xqA^-^ l|--^
1796
1796
Settlements further West.
601
amily, and
rn on the
fi majority
itics of the
lions, still
io, settlers
sixty-five
took pos-
Ithof July,
the North
inized the
ity in that
m, Scioto,
mmigrants
the West
ville many
;stone,and
rth side of
ig, to that
are homes,
ngum and
ade on the
[uskingum.
. changes.
iproved its
ty log cab-
ected with
nhabitants.
ian Church,
Cincinnati
.^elve or fif-
iindred per-
ich lay be-
\, 22, %Z.
* V
tween the Little Miami and Scioto rivers, several new settle-
ments were made, and surveys were executed by Nathaniel
Massie, the enterprising pioneer of the Scioto valley, over the
most fertile lands westward to the Little Miami, as far north
as Todd's fork, anu on all the branches of Paint Creek, and
eastward to the Scioto. He performed much service as a
pioneer in extending the settlements and the boundaries of
civilization in this part of Ohio. As early as 1790, he laid J
out the town of Manchc-.ter, on the Ohio, twelve miles above ^
Limestone. By the following March, he had his stockade
complete, and about thirty families within it.
Emigrants from Virginia, in great numbers, advanced into
the Scioto valley, and settlements extended on the fine lands '
lying on Paint and Deer creeks, and other branches of the
Scioto.
At the same time the pioneers of civilization were gradually
extending settlements along the Muskingum as far as the
mouth of Licking. It was in this year that Ebenezer Zane
obtained the grant of a section of land as the consideration
of opening a bridle-path from the Ohio river at Wheeling,
across the country by Chillicothe to Limestone, in Kentucky,
which was located where 2MMtsville now is. The United
States' mail traversed this route for the first time the following
year.*
Before the close of the year 1796, the white population of
the North Western Territory, now included in the State of
Ohio, had increased to about five thousand souls of all ages.
These were chiefly distributed in the lower valleys of the
Muskingum, Scioto and Miami rivers, and on their small tribu-
taries, within fifty miles of the Ohio river.
With this progress of settlements, the end of the Indian
war by the treaty at Greenville, and the delivery of the north-
ern posts by the British, under Jay's treaty, all apprehension
of danger on the part of the whites ceased, and friendly in-
tercourse with the natives succeeded. Such disaflJected Indians
as persisted in their feelings of hostility to the Americans, re-
tired into the interior of the North Western wilderness, or to
their allies in Canada. Forts, stations and stockades, became
useless, and were abandoned to decay. The hardy pioneer
pushed further into the forest, and men of enterprize and capi-
* Monette's Valley of the Missinippi, ii. 316.
m
502
AJf'airs in Tennessee.
1796
tal in the older settlements, became interested in securing
claims and titles to extensive bodies of fertile lands, and send-
ing out colonies for their occupation. Settlements were made,
anl towns and villages planted in Western Virginia and Ken-
tucky.
During the period in which the "Annals" of the northv/eat
have been given, in this and the preceding chapters, frequent
acts of hostility were committed by the Cherokees and other
southern Indians on the settlements in Tennessee, especially
those along the Cumberland river. These depredations, in
wlu3h many persons were killed and scalped, were committed
by small marauding parties. The termination of the Indian
war in the northwest, was followed by treaties with the south
western Indians, and the cessation of hostilities in that
quarter.
In 1700, North Carolina, which claimed jurisdiction over
the territorial district of Tennessee, ceded to the Federal gov-
ernment all this territory. The ceded country, by act of Con-
gress, approved May 20th, was erected into a territory of the
United States, under the name of the "South Western Terri-
tory." The ordinance of 1787, for the North Western Terri-
tory, (with the exception of tfie sixth article, prohibiting slave-
ry,) was adopted as the fundamental law in its organiza-
tion.
Notwithstanding the hostile attitude of the Indians, large
numbers of emigrants, each year, left Virginia, North and
South Carolina, and even Georgia, for this district of country,
and settlements continued to extend into the wilderness. In
1793 the people became impatient of their dependant form of
government, and adopted an address to the governor, that as
the territory contained more than five thousand free white
male persons, (the requisite number, as provided by the ordi-
nance of 1787,) they might have a territorial Legislature.
In December of that year, the Governor issued his procla-
mation for the election of a General Assembly, as provided by
law.
The Legislature assembled at Knoxville, in February, 1794,
and passed the necessary laws to open roads, protect the in-
habitants from Indian depredations, and other matters.
(It ought to have been noticed in its proper place, that owing
to the tardy and vascillating course of North Carolina, the peo-
..mimim^^f?B^smmm»ssii04^^^^^ii^si^i^m&,'
1796
1 securing
andsund-
/cre made,
L and Ken-
north we at
s, frequent
and other
especially
dations, in
committed
the Indian
1 the south
;s in that
liction over
Gderal gov-
act of Con-
tory of the
item Terri-
stern Terri-
)iting slave-
3 organiza-
dians, large
North and
of country,
lerness. In
dant form of
rnor, that as
I free white
by the ordi-
islature.
d his procla-
provided by
)ruary,l794,
■otcct the in-
itters.
!, that owing
ina, the peo-
1796
State of Frankland.
603
pie, after several efforts to obtain what they supposed to be
their rights, elected five deputies from each county, which met
at Greenville, in November, 1785, formed a constitution, and
proceeded to organize the "State of Frankland." A Legislature
was chosen, and a delegation was sent to Congress with their
constitution, askitig for admission into the confederation, which
was rejected, to avoid collision with North Carolina. The
State government of Frankland, and that of North Carolina,
attempted to exercise .jurisdiction over the same territory,
which collision continued for two years, when the new gov-
ernment, very reluctantly, yielded.)*
According to a census ordered by the Territorial Legisla-
ture, in 1795, the aggregate population of the territory was
77,262 persons; of whom 66,490 were whites, and the remain-
der slaves and free persons of color. This a^^ '.>unt of popula-
tion more than entitled them to a State government, according
to the provisions of the ordinance of Congress.
The governor of the territory issued his proclamation for
an election of five persons in each county, to meet in conven-
tion, for the purpose of forming a constitution. This conven-
tion assembled at Knoxvilie, on the 11th of January, 1796,
and formed the constitution, and on the 9lh of February, gov-
ernor Blount, forwarded to Mr. Pickering, Secretary of State,
a copy. This was sent by Mr. McMinn, who was instructed
to tarry long enough in Philadelphia, to ascertain whether the
new State would be admitted into the Union. On the 6th of
June, the act was passed by Congress to receive the State of
Tennessee.
Four years after the organization of the State government,
the population had increased to 105,602 souls, including 13,-
584 slaves and persons of color.f
During 1796, Samuel Jackson and Jonathan Sharpless erect-
ed " Redstone paper-mill," four miles east of Brownsville; it
being the first manufactory of the kind west of the Allegha-
nies.J
In the month of December, 1796, General Anthony Wayne,
being on his way from Detroit to Philadelphia, was attacked
with sickness, and died in a cabin, at or near Erie, (Presqu'ile)
• Monetto's Hiatory, ii. 270—272. Haywood's Civil History, 140— ICO.
t Haywood's Civil and Political History of lennosseo — Monctte, ii. 2S0.
t American Pioneer, ii. 64.
504
IiUrrference of Sjmii in the West.
1797
in the north part of Pennsylvania. He was born in Chester
county, Pa. January 1st, 174r.; hence in a few days, ha.l he
lived, he would have been fifty-one years of age. He was a
distinguished olficcr in the revolutionary war, a man of unpar-
alleled bravery, and led the forlorn hope in the attack upon
Stoney Point. His remains were removed from Presqu'ile in
1809, by his son. Col. Isaac Wayne, to Radnor diurch-yard,
near the place of his birth, and an elegant monument erected
on his tomb by the Pennsylvania Cincinnati Society.*
[Before the Spanish posts on the eastern side of the Missis-
sippi were surrendered to the United States, according to the
treaty of 1796, efforts were made by agents of France and
Spain, to induce the people of the western country to separate
themselves from the American Union, and to establish, in con-
junction with France and Spain, an independent government
in the Mississippi valley. After the death of Gen. Wayne,
Gen. Wilkinson was appointed to the command of the United
States' troops in this valley. In the month of June, 1797, the
Baron de Carondelet, Governor General of Louisiana, sent
Thomas Power, one of his agents, to General Wilkinson, with
a letter, in which Wilkinson was requested to delay the march
of the American troops for the posts on the Mississippi, until
the adjustment of certain questions which were then pending
between the government of the United States and that of
Spain. The real object of the mission of Power was to ascer-
tain the opinions and sentiments of the western people, on
the subject of a separation from the Union.
In the mean time, and for some years preceding, the agents
of Spain were engaged in enlisting the Indians in the south-
west on their side, and the officers of that government pro-
ceeded to reinforce and strengthen their posts in Upper Lou-
isiana. To understawi the design of the mission of Power,
it is necessary to lay before the reader the secret instructions
of the Baron de Carondelet, dated on the 26th of May, 1797.t
" On your journey, you will give to understand adroitly, to
those persons to whom you have an opportunity of speaking,
that the delivj'.ry of the posts which the Spaniards occupy on
the Mississippi, to the troops of the United States, is directly
•Burnett's Lettcri, 40-Allen'. American Biography-Day's Hiatoricol CoIlectioDS of
Pennsylvania, p. 216— Encyclopedia Americana, Tol. xiii. Article, Wayne.
t DUlon'i Indiana, i. 410-Butlcr'8 Kentucky, p. 256-Mar»hall'8 Kentucky, vol. ii.
219.
..
;:.-^&m^^^-^^i»iStim^^jm^^M&.^}ii''^^sf^^^^&l-
• y.^*'; ' ■ fj ig * 7y LjTT"^"
1797
n Chester
s, h)i;l he
lie was ft
I of un par-
tack upon
•esqu'ile in
uich-yard,
int erected
the Missis-
ling to the
ranee and
:o separate
ish, in con-
overnment
n. Wayne,
the United
, 1797, the
siana, sent
inson, with
f the march
sippi, until
en pending
md that of
IS to ascer-
people, on
, the agents
1 the south-
•nment pro-
Jpper Lou-
of Power,
instructions
Hay, 1797.t
adroitly, to
if speaking,
s occupy on
1, is directly
col Collections of
!.
Kentucky, vol. ii.
1797
Interference tf Spain in the Southwcsl,
505
opposed to the interest of thoiso of the west, who, as thry must
one day separate from the Atlantic Nlntes, would find them-
selves without any communication with lower Louisiana, from
whence they ought to expect to receive ])owcrful succors in
artillery, arms, ammunition and money, either publicly or se-
cretly, as soon as ever the western states should determine on
a separation, which must injure their prosperity and their in-
depeiulencf!; that, for this reason, Congress is resolved on risk-
ing every thing to take those posts from Spain ; and that it
would l)e forgiUiii; fetters for themselves, tu furnish it with militia
and means, which it can only find in the western states. These
same reasons, dillUsed abroad by means of the public papers,
might make the strongest impressions on the people, and in-
duce them to throw off the yoke of the Atlantic states.
* * * If a hundred thousand dollars distributed in Kentucky
would cause it to rise in insurrection, i am very certain, that
the minister, in the present circumstances, would sacrifice them
with pleasure; and you may, without exposing yourself too
nimh, promise them to those who enjoy the confidence of the
people, with another equal sum to arm them, in case of neces-
sity, and twenty pieces of field artillery.
"You will arrive without danger, as bearer of a despatch
for the General, where the army may be, whose force, discip-
line, and disposition, you will examine with care; and you will
endeavor to discover, with your natural penetration, the Uene-
ral's disposition. 1 doubt that a person of his disposition would
prefer, through vanity, the advantages of commanding the
army of the Atlantic states, to that of being the founder, the
liberator, in fine, the Washington of the Western states : his
part is as brilliant as it is easy ; all eyes are drawn towards
nim; he possesses the confidence of his fellow citizens, and of
the Kentucky volunteers : at the slightest movement, the peo-
ple will name him the General of the new republic; his repu-
tation will raise an army for him, and Spain as well a- France
will furnish him the means of paying it. On taking Fort Mas-
sac, we will send him instantly arms and artillery; and Spain,,
limiting her.self to the possession of the forts of Natchez an«i
Walnut Hills, as far as fort ConfedertWion, will cede to the
western states all the eastern bank to the Ohio, which will
form a very extensive and powerful republic, connected by its
situation and by its interest, with Spain, and in concert with
it, will force the savages to become a party to it, and to con-
found themselves i.i time with its citizens.
" The public are discontented with the new taxes ; Spain
and France are enraged at the connection of the United States
with England ; the army is weak and devoted to Wilkinson ;
the threats of Congress authorize me to succor, on the spot,
and openly, the western states : mbney will not then be want-
ing to me, for I shall send without delay, a ship to Vera Cruz
32
. vil?
T
S06
The Mission of Thomas Power.
17D7
in HCiiroh <«f it, ns well as of amiminitioii ; nolhiii!,' more will
conscciuc.ntlv be reiiiiired, hut an instant of liriniu-ss uiid irso-
lution to make the people (.f the west perleetly happy. It they
Huller this instant to escape them, and we are loned to deliver
up the posts, Kentucky and Tennessee, surrounded hy llie said
posts, and without co-mmnication with Lower LouiMana, will
ever remain under the oppression of the Atlantic stales."*
" The emissary. Tower, passed through Tennessee, Kentucky
and the North Western Territory, as far as Detroit, where he
found C:eueral Wilkinson, and communicated his message
about the posts down the Mississippi. The CU'iierul wrote a
letter to Captain llobert Ikintin of Vineennes, dated "Detroit,
Scnteuiber 4th, 1707," in which he expresses f.ais that the
posts would not be. surr.-ndored without war, but suggests the
letter "may be a mask for other purposes."
The result of Power's mission, was the entire d<f.at of the
project. Contrary to his remonstrances, ho was ol)liged to
return to Louisiana by the way of Vineennes ami Fort iMas-
Bac, under the escort of Captain Shaumbcrg, of the American
army, it appears that tlie United States' government got in-
formation of this nefarious n»ission, and issued orders to the
governor of the North Western Territory, to arrest I'ower and
send him to I'hiladelphia.f]
The " occupying claimant" law of Kentu-ky— which was
intended to relieve those who were ejected from lands, from
the hardship of paying rent for the tin»c they had held theu>,
while their improvements were not paid for or regarded— was
also passed in this year. It was afterwards decided by the
Supreme Court of the United States, to be unconstitutional,
but the justice of that decision was not acquiesced in by the
best men of Kentucky, and the Appellate Court of that State
* never recognized it, upon the ground that it was not a decision
of the majority of the Supreme Court.J
Detroit, during 1797, contained, as we learn from Weld,
three hundred houscs.§
[The Congress of the United States, on the 7th of April,
1798, passed aa act organizing the territory of the Mississippi,
* American State Paiwrs, Misccllancnus ii. 103.
t Butler's Kentucky, 251— Dillon's Indiana, i. 4U.]
X Marshall, ii. 208-221;-BuHer, 266 to 27a.
8 Weld's Travels, ii. 183.
^K^S?^«5S5^T.'^*«Kfe^'S^-SSS».'AaSSS»^,^
.r^nsfcK^" ^*t*.tv'".j
.1
17l>7
nioro will
< iind n.'so-
ly. If thoy
to (It'livor
ly i\\v siiiil
Niaiiii, will
iilert."*
Kentucky
, where he
s iiu'ssngo
III wrote a
(I "|)(!troit,
•s that thc!
iij;;;«',sls thc
■f.iit of the
ol)lig('(l to
Fort Mas-
3 American
K'Ut got in-
(Urs to tho
Power and
-which was
lands, from
I held them,
arded — was
;ided by thc
n.stitutional,
:!d in Ijy the.
if that Stale
[)t a decision
from Weld,
7th of April,
! Mississippi,
179S.
Mmissipjii Territory organUnl.
607
and WInthrop Sargent, Secretary of the North-western Ter-
ritory, was appointed the Uovcrnor/ Mr. Sar^ieiit, for some
cause, was an unpopular tnan us Seeietury and acting Ciov-
ernor in the ahsetice of St. Clair. He was a poiui)ous, over-
bearing man ; and in 1801, he was accused of misdoings in
iMi.ssissippi.f] During the spring of this year tW-neral Wil-
kinson had been ordered to tho country still held by the Span-
iards, who, however, abandoned the region in dis|)Utc with-
out serious opposition. By thc lOth of October, thc line
dividing tho possessions of Spain and the Federal Govern-
ment was in a great measure run, and thc head-(|uarter.s of
the American commander were fixed at f.oftus Heights, six
miles north of the 31st degree of North latitudc.J
Thc appointment of Sargent to the charge of the South-
west Territory, led to the choice of William Henry Harrison,
who had been aid-dc-camp to Cicneral Wayne in 1794, and
whose character stood very high in the estimation of all who
knew him, to thc Secretaryship of the North-west ; which
place he held until appointed to represent that territory in
Congress. §
The North-western Territory, as may be seen by a reference
to the ordinance of 1787, was to have a representative assem-
bly as soon as its inhabitants numbered five thousand. Upoa
the 29tli of October, Governor St. Clair gave notice by proc-
lamation that the required rupulation existed, and directed
an election of representatives to be held on the third Monday
in December.
[The representatives, when assembled, were required to
nominate ten persons, whose names were sent to the Presi-
dent of the United States, who selected five, and with the
advice and consent of thc Senate appointed them, for the
Legislative Council.
In this mode the country passed into thc second grade of a
territorial government.]!]
During the summer of 1798, the famous alien and sedition
laws were pas.sed by Congress. They were, by the Demo-
» American State Paper.', xx. 203.
t For particulars reference is had to Bnrnett's I.cttcrj, p. 78 ; the Freeman's Joamal
(Cincinnati) November 26tb, 1798; and American State Pojicra, xx. 233 to 241.
X Wilkinson'B Memoirs, i. 434 and ii. 133.
g Burnet, in Ohio Historical Traopactions, part 2, vol. ii. p. 69.
il DUlon i. 431. Burnet in Ohio IIiatorie»l Transactioas, part 2, toI. i. p. 70,
-i
,?."*-"•
[
508
Nullification in Kentucky.
1798.
cratic party every where regarded with horror, and hated, and
in Virginia and Kentucky especially, called forth in opposi-
tion the most able men, and produced the n.ost violent meas-
ures The Governor of Kentucky called the attention of the
Legislature to them, and upon the 8th of November resolu-
tions, prepared by Mr. Jefferson, were introduced mto the
House, declaring that the United States are "united by a com-
pact under the style and title of a constitution for the United
States ; that to this compact, each State acceded, as a State,
and is an integral party, its co-States forming to itself the
other party ; that the government created by this compact
was not made the exclusive or >"W judge of the extent of
the powers delegated to itself; but that, as in all other cases
of compact among parties having no common judge, eflch
party has an equal right to judge for himself, as well of
infractions as the mode and manner of redress." And this
doctrine was further developed by the mover of the resolu-
tions, Mr. John Breckenridge: said he, "I consider 'ihe co-
States to be alone parties to the federal compact, and solely
authorized to judge in the last resort of the power exercised
under the compact— Congress not being a party, but merely
the creature of the compact, and subject as to its assunfiption
of power, to the final judgment of those by whom, and for
whose use, itself and its powers were all created." In an-
other passage he says, " if upon the representation of the
States from whom they derive their powers, they should nev-
ertheless attempt to enforce them, I hesitate not to declare it
as my opinion, that it is then the right and duty of the seve-
ral States, to nullify those acts, and protect their citizens from
their operation."*
To this docfine, since disclaimed by Kentucky, m a clear
and formal declaration, in 1838, William Murray, of Frank-
lin, alone offered a steady opposition, and took the ground
since occupied by Mr. Webster with so great power ; but he
argued in vain, the Senate unanimously passed the resolu-
tions, the House acted with almost equal unanimity, and the
Governor gave them his approbation.!
• Butkr from 285 to 287- _ . , , .
t Butler 285, &o. See the Virginin resolutioDS, the alien and sedition laws, the debate
inVirKinia, the resolution, of other States, and Madison's "Vindication," in a volume
published at Bichmond, by Robert I. Smith, in 1132. See also North American Review,
Tol. 31, (Oct. 1840.) This is a very full and able paper.—Marshall, u. 254, Ac, 317. _
^^^^^lSv^S^f^^^^^mfi^?iff-'*^'*s*}^'^it^f0&$^fi-p^f^^^
r
1798.
lated, and
n opposi-
snt meas-
ion of the
er resolu-
into the
by a corn-
he United
s a State,
itself the
compact,
extent of
ither cases
dge, each
is well of
And this
he rcsolu-
er *ihe co-
and solely
exercised
»u£ merely
issumption
rn, and for
.." In an-
ion of the
ihould nev-
[) declare it
if the seve-
tizcns from
in a clear
, of Frank-
the ground
ret; but he
the resolu-
ty, and the
1 laws, the debate
in," in a volume
.mcrican Review,
54, kc, 317.
1790.
North-Western Legislature organized.
609
A change in the Penal Code of Kentucky took place dur-
ing 1798, by which the punishment of death was confined to
the crime of murder ; and for all others the penitentiary sys-
tem was substituted.*
[The election of Representatives having taken place in
December, they met on the 22nd of .January, 1799, and per-
formed their first duty by nominating ten persons, whose
names were sent to the President of the United States. Gov-
ernor St. Clair then prorogued the session until the 16th of
September. On the second of March, President Adams se-
lected from the list of ten nominees, the names of Jacob
Burnet, James Findlay, Henry Vanderburgh, Robert Oliver,
and David Vance. The next day the Senate confirmed the
nomination of these gentlemen for the Legislative Council,
or Upper House, in the Territorial Legislature, for five years.
On the ICth of September, both branches of the legislature
assembled at Cincinnati, but a quorum not appearing, the
two houses were not organized until the 24th of September.
As this was the first House of Representatives elected by
the people of the North-western Territory, it is deemed neces-
sary to record their names and the counties they represented.
Hamilton County.— WiWiam Goforth, William McMillan,
John Smith, John Ludlow, Robert Benham, Aaron Cadwell,
Isaac Martin.
Ross County.— Thomas Worthington, Samuel Finlay, Elias
Langham, Edward Tiffin.
Wcyne County (now Michigan).— Solomon Sibley, Charles
F. Chobert de Joneaire, Jacob Visger.
Adams County. — Joseph Darlington, Nathaniel Massie.
Jtfferson County.— 3 SLvaes Pritchard.
Washington County. — Return Jonathan Meigs.
Knox County, (including the Illinois country)— Shadrach
Bond, from Illinois.
They elected Edward Tiffin, Speaker ; John Reilly, Clerk ;
Joshua Rowland, Door-keeper; and Abraham Cary, Ser-
geant-at-arms.
Henry Vanderburgh was chosen President of the Council,
and William C. Schenk, Secretary.
Both houses being fully organized, were addressed by Gov-
ernor St. Clair, on the 26th day of September. From the
• BaUer, 281. BiUrshaU, ii. 238.
n:
'A
JISP-
510 W.JI.HarrisonchosenVekgatefromN.W.Tcrr'y. 1799.
letters of the Hon. Jacob Burnet, the only surviving member
of this body, (in I860,) we extract the following account of
these early proceedings.]
The Governor met the two houses in the representatives'
chamber, and in a very elegant address, recommended such
measures as he thought were suited to the condition of .he
country, and would advance the safety and prosperity of the
people The legislative body continued in session till the
19th of December, when having finished their business, the
governor prorogued them, at their request, till the first Mon-
day in November. This being the first session, it was neces-
sarily a very laborious one. The transition from a colonial
to a semi-independent government, called for a general revi-
sion as well as a considerable enlargement of the statute-
book Some of the adopted laws were repealed, many others
altered and amended, and a long list of new «n««/dded to
the code New oftices were to be created and filled— the du-
ties attached to them prescribed, and a plan of ways and
means devised, to meet the ^creased expenditures, occasioned
by the change which had just taken place. As the number of
members in each branch was small, and a large portion of
them either unprepared or indisposed to partake largelyof the
labors of the session, the pressure fell on the shoulders of a
few Although the branch to which I belonged, was com-
posed of sensible, strong-minded men, yet they were unac-
customed to the duties of their new sation, and not conv-er-
sant with the science of law. The consequence was^ that
they relied chiefly and almost entirely on me, to draft and
prepare the bills and other documents, which origmated in
the council, as will appear by referring to the journal of the
session One of the important duties which devolved on the
legislature was the election of a delegate to represent the
territory in Congress. As soon as the governor's proc ama-
tion made its appearance, the election of a person to fill that
- station excited general attention. Before the meeting of the
legislature, public opinion had settled down on William
Henry Harrison, and Arthur St. Clair, jun., who were event-
ually the only candidates. On the 3d of October, the two
houses met in the representatives' chamber, according to a
joint resolution, and proceeded to the election The ballots
being taken and counted, it appeared that William Henry
wm^i^^^M^^^^^
«5
'y. 1799.
; member
iccount of
entatives'
ided such
on of ihe
•ity of the
m till the
iness, the
first Mon-
vas neces-
a colonial
leral revi-
le statute-
any others
added to
d — the du-
ways and
jccasioned
number of
portion of
•gely of the
ulders of a
was com-
vere unac-
lot conver-
was, that
draft and
ginated in
rnal of the
Ived on the
jresent the
proclama-
i to fill that
iting of the
n William
irere event-
sr, the two
ording to a
The ballots
liam Henry
1799.
First laivs of the Legislature.
511
.^
Harrison had eleven votes, and Arthur St. Clair, jun., ten
votes ; — the former was therefore declared to be duly elected.
The legislature by joint resolution, prescribed the form of a
certificate of his election : having received that certificate, he
resigned the oHice of Secretary of the territory — proceeded
forthwith to Philadelphia, and took his seat, Congress being
then in session. Though he represented the territory but one
year, he obtained some important advantages for his constit-
uents. He introduced a resolution to subdivide the surveys
of the public lands, and to offer them for sale in small tracts
— he succeeded in getting that measure through both houses,
in opposition to the interests of speculators who were, and
who wished to be, the retailers of land to the poorer classes
of the community. His proposition became a law, and was
hailed as the most beneficent act that Congress had ever done
for the territory. It put it in the power of every industrious
man, however poor, to become a freeholder, and to lay a foun-
dation for the future support, and comfort of his family. At
the same session, he obtained a liberal extension of time for
the pre-emptioners in the northern part of the Miami pur-
chase, which enabled them to secure their farms, and eventu-
ally to become independent, and even wealthy.*
From a circular by Harrison to the people of the territory,
dated May 14, 1800, we quote in relation to this matter the
following passage :
" Amongst the variety of objects which engaged my atten-
tion, as peculiarly interesting to our territory, none appeared
to me of so much importance, as the adoption of a system for
the sale of the public lands, which would give more favorable
terms to that class of purchasers who are likely to become
actual settlers, than was offered by the existing laws upon
that subject ; conformably to this idea, I procured the passage
of a resolution at an early period for the appointment of a
committee to take the matter into consideration. And short-
ly after I reported a bill containing terms for the purchaser,
as favorable as could have been expected. This bill was
adopted by the house of representatives without any mate-
rial alteration ; but in the senate, amendments were intro-
duced, obliging the purchaser to pay interest on that part of
the money for which a credit was given from the date of the
purchase, and directing that one half the land (instead of the
whole, as was provided by the bill from the house of repre-
• Historical Transactions of Ohio, i. 71.
612
Remarks of Mr. Chase.
1799
sentatives.) should be sold in half sections of three hundred
and twenty acres, andthc other half in whole sections of six
hundred and forty acres. All my exertions, aided by some of
the ablest members of the lower house, at a conference for
that purpose, were not sufficient to induce the senate to re-
cede from their amendments ; but, upon the whole, there is
cause of congratulation to my fellow-citizens that terms as
favorable as the bill still contains, have been procured. This
law promises to be the foundation of a great increase of pop-
ulation and wealth to our country ; for although the minimum
price of the land is still fixed at two dollars per acre, the time
for making payments has been so extended as to put it in the
power of every industrious man to comply with them, it being
only necessary to pay one-fourth part of the money in hand,
and the balance at the end of two, three, and four yea's ; be-
sides this, the odious circumstance of forfeiture, which was
made the penalty of failing in the payments under the old
law, is entirely abolished, and the purchaser is allowed one
year after the last payment is due to collect the money ; if
the land is not then paid for, it is sold, and, after the public
have been reimbursed, the balance of the money is returned
to the purchaser. Four land-offices are directed to be opened
—one at Cincinnati, one at Chilicothe, one at Marietta, and
one at Steubenville, for the sale of the lands in the neigh-
borhood of those places." (Life of Harrison, by lodd and
Drake, p. 20.)
To the foregoing paragraphs by Judge Burnet, our first
law-maker, may be properly added the following from Mr.
Chase, the first collector of our Northwestern Statutes.
The whole number of acts passed and approved by the
governor was thirty- seven. Of these the most important re-
lated to the militia, to the administration of justice, and to
taxation. Provision was made for the efficient organization
and discipline of the military force of the territory ; justices
of the peace were authorised to hear and determine all ac-
tions upon the case, except trover, and all actions of debt,
except upon bonds for the performance of covenants, without
limitation as to the amount in controversy ; and a regular
system of taxation was established. The tax for territorial
purposes, was levied upon lands ; that for county purposes,
upon persons, personal property, and houses and lots.
During this session, a bill, authorising a lottery for a pub-
lic purpose, passed by the council, was rejected by the repre-
sentatives. Thus early was the policy adopted of interdict-
'-
i Mt t 'A . l
1799
hundred
tns of six
y some of
irence for
ite to re-
!, there is
terms as
(id. This
e of pop-
minimum
, the time
t it in the
n, it being
y in hund,
ears ; be-
vhich was
T the old
owed one
money ; if
the public
; returned
be opened
ietta, and
he neigh-
Fodd and
, our first
from Mr.
tes.
ed by the
)ortant re-
:e, and to
ganization
y ; justices
ine all ac-
ns of debt,
ts, without
a regular
territorial
purposes,
ts.
for a pub-
the repre-
f interdict-
1799.
Remarks of Mr. Chase.
613
ing this demoralizing and ruinous mode of gambling and tax-
ation ; a policy which, with but a temporary deviation, has
ever since honorably characterized the legislature of Ohio.
Before adjournment, the legislature issued an address to
the people, in which they congratulated their constituents
upon the change in the form of government ; rendered an ac-
count of their public conduct as legislators ; adverted to the
future greatness and importance of this part of the American
empire ; and the provision made by the national government
for secular and religious instruction in the west ; and upon
these considerations, urged upon the people the practice of
industry, frugality, temperance and every moral virtue. " Re-
ligion, morality and knowledge," said they, " are necessary to
all good governments. Let us, therefore, inculcate the
principles of humanity, benevolence, honesty and punctu-
ality in dealing, sincerity, and charity, and all the social affec-
tions."
About the same time an address was voted to the President
of the United States, expressing the entire confidence of the
legislature in the wisdom and purity of his administration,
and their warm attachment to the American constitution and
government. The vote upon this address proved that the
differences of political sentiment, which then agitated all the
states, had extended to the territory. The address was carried
by eleven ayes against five noes.
On the nineteenth of December, this protracted session of
the first legislature was terminated by the governor. In his
speech on this occasion he enumerated eleven acts, to which,
in the course of the session, he had thought fit to apply his ab-
solute veto. These acts he had nc'« returned to the legislature,
because the two houses were under no obligation to consider
the reasons on which his v^to was founded ; and, at any rate,
as his negative was unqualified, the only effect of such a re-
turn would be to bring on a vexatious, and probably fruitless,
altercation between the legislative body and the executive.
Of the eleven acts thus negatived, six related to the erection
of new counties. These were disapproved for various rea-
sons, but mainly because the governor claimed that the powe**
exercised in enacting them, was vosted by the ordinance, not
in the !-,jislature, but in himself. This free exercise of the
veto power excited much dissatisfaction among the people,
614
Kentucky amends her Constitution.
1800
and the controversy which ensued between the governor and
the legislature, as to the extent of their respective powers,
tended to confirm and strengthen the popular disaffection.*
During this year Kentucky proceeded to amend her Consti-
tution, now seven years old. It is not our purpose to enter
into the details of the several State charters, and we shall
only mention the fact that the earliest born of our western
commonwealths, when change was made in her fundamental
law, gave it a more democratic and popular character. This
was done by making the choice of the senate and governor
direct, instead of being as formerly through a college of elec-
tors ; and by limiting the veto power .f
In 1799, Kentucky began, or rather threatened to begin, a
system of internal improvements, by a survey of the river
upon which her capital stands ; the work recommended by
the engineer, however, and which might have been done very
cheaply, was not undertaken. |
CHAPTER XVI.
OHIO AND INDIANA.
Territory of Indiana organUed-Dlfficulties with Governor St. Clair-Orgwiiuition of the
State of Oliio-Difflcultics witli Spain renewed-Purchase of Louisiana from France-
Reason? for iU sale by Napoleon explalned-Hiatory of Symmes' College Township-
Detroit burnt and re-built-Movements and Intrigue, of Aaron Burr-Hi« Tnal and
Furpoaes — Extensive purchaaei from the Indians.
The great extent of the territory northwest of the Ohio made
the ordinary operations of Government extremely uncertain- ,
and the efficient action of Courts almost impossible. The
Committee of Congress, who, upon the 3d of March, 1800, re-
ported upon the subject, said : —
• Chase's Sketch p. 20.
t Marshall, ii. 233, 246, 252, 292, 293, etc.-BuUer 290.
% Marshall, ii. 317.— Butler, 293.
f"
1800
rnor and
; powers,
iction.*
er Consti-
e to enter
we shall
r western
idamental
ter. This
governor
re of elec-
I begin, a
' the river
lended by
done very
1800
Indiana Territory Formed.
616
ganiuition of the
la from France —
lego Township—
—Bis Trial and
! Ohio made
f uncertaik-,
3sible. The
;h, 1800, re-
In the three western countries there has been but one court
having cognizance of crimes in five years; and the immunity
which offenders experience, attracts, as to an asylum, the most
vile and abandoned criminals, and at the same time deters
useful and virtuous persons from making settlements in such
society. The extreme necessity of judiciary attention and as-
sistance, is experienced in civil as well as criminal cases.
The supplying to vacant places such necessary officers as tnay
be wanted, such as clerks, recorders, and others of like kind,
is, from the impossibility of correct notice and information,
utterly neglected. This Territory is exposed, as a frontier, to
foreign nations^, whose agents can find sufficient interest in
exciting or fomenting insurrection and discontent, as thereby
they can more easily divert a valuable trade in furs from the
United States, and also have a part thereof on which they
border, which feels so little the cherishing hand of their pro-
per Government, or so little dread of its energy, as to render
their attachment perfectly uncertain and ambiguous. The
committee would further suggest, that tbo lav/ of the 3d of
March, 1791, granting land to certain persons in the v/estern
part of said territory, and directing the laying out of the same,
remains unexecuted; that great discontent, in consequence of
such neglect, is excited in those who were interested in the
provisions of said law, and which require the immediate atten-
tion of this legislature. To minister a remedy to these evils,
it occurs to this committee that it is expedient that a division
of said territory into two distinct and separate governments
should be made; and that such division be made, by a line be-
ginning at the mouth of the Great Miami river, running direct-
ly north, until it intersects the boundary between the United
States and Canada.*
In accordance with the spirit of this resolution an act was
passed, and approved upon the 7th of May, from which we
extract these provisions :
That from and after the 4th day of July next, all that part
of the territory of the United States, northwest of the Ohio
river, which lies to the westward of a line beginning at the
Ohio, opposite to the mouth of Kentucky river, and running
thence to fort Recovery, and thence north, until it shall inter-
sect the territorial line between the United States and Canada,
shall, for the purpose of "^emporary government, constitute a
separate territory, and be called the Indiana territory.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted. That there shall be estab-
lished within the said territory a government, in all respects
similar to that provided by the ordinance of Congress, passed
on the thirteenth day of July, one thousand seven hundred
and eighty-seven, for the government of the territory of the
* American State Papers, xx. 206.
-t:'--rm-
616
Indiana Territory Formed.
1800
United States northwest of the river Ohio; and the inhabitants
thereof shall be entitled to, and enjoy, all and singular, the
rights, privileges and advantages, granted and secured to the
people by the said ordinance.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted. That so much of the or-
dinance for the government of the territory of the United
States northwest of the Ohio river, as relates to the organii:a-
tion of a General Assembly therein, and prescribes the powers
thereof, shall be in force and operate in the Indiana Territory,
whenever satisfactory evidence shall be given to the Governor
thereof, that such is the wish of a majority of the freeholders,
notwithstanding there may not be therein five thousand tree
male inhabitants of the age of twenty-one years and upwards:
Provided, that until there shall be five thousand free male in-
habitants, of twenty-one years and upwards, in said territory,
the whole number of Representatives to the General Assembly
shall not be less than seven, nor more than nine, to be appor-
tioned by the Governor to the several counties in said territory,
agreeably to the number of free males of the age of twenty-
one years and upwards, which they may respectively contain.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted. That nothing in this act
contained, shall be construed so as in any manner to aflect
the government now in force in the territory of the United
States northwest of the Ohio river, further than to prohibit the
exercise thereof within the Indiana Territory, from and after
the aforesaid fourth day of July "ejct: Provided That when-
ever that part of the territory of the United States which hes
to the eastward of a line beginning at the mouth of the Great
Miami river, and running thenee, due north, to the territorial
line between the United States and Canada, shall be erected
into an independent State, and admitted into the Union on an
equal footing with the original States, thenceforth said line
shall become and remain permanently the boundary line be-
tween such State and the Indiana Territory, any thing in this
act contained to the contrary notwithstanding.
Sec 6. And be it further enacted. That until it shall be
otherwise ordered by the Legislatures of the said Territories,
respectively, ChiUicothe, on the Scioto river shall be the seat
of the government of the Territory of the United States north-
west of the Ohio river ; and that St. Vincennes, on the Wa-
bash river, shall be the seat of the government for the Indiana
Territory."* . , ,
[William Henry Harrison, through whose agency as the del-
egate in Congress, the formation of this Territory was obtain-
ed, was appointed Governor.]
We have already mentioned, that Connecticut in her Re-
' -nd Lawa, 451.
:iSJ^'^^^®^^^
1800
1800
Governor St. Claires Speech.
61T
labitants
ular, the
id to the
if the or-
5 United
)rganii:a-
le powers
rerritory,
Governor
eholders,
sand free
upwards:
male in-
territory,
Assembly
be appor-
i territory,
f twenty-
\f contain,
n this act
r to affect
he United
rohibit the
1 and after
lat, when-
whichlies
r the Great
territorial
be erected
nion on an
h said line
ry line be-
ling in this
it shall be
rerritories,
be the seal
;ates north-
in the Wa-
he Indiana
f as the del-
tas obtain*
in her Re-
serve had retained the jurisdiction thereof, as well as the soil.
When she disposed of the soil, however, troubles at once
arose, for the settlers found themselves without a government
upon which to lean. Upon their representation, the mother
state, in October 1797, authorized her Senators to release her
jurisdiction over the Reserve, to the Union; upon the 2Ist of
March, 1800, a Committee of Congress reported in favor of
accepting this cession, and upon the 30th of May, the release
was made by the Governor of the State, in accordance with a
law passed during that month ; the United States issuing let-
ters patent to Connecticut for the soil, and Connecticut trans-
ferring all her claims of jurisdiction to the Federal Govern-
ment.* At that time, settlements had been commenced in
thirty-five of the townships, and one thousand persons had
become settlers; mills had been built, and seven hundred miles
of road cut in various directions.f
[The "Connecticut Reserve" continued to receive numerous
emigrants from the New England States, who formed settle-
ments chiefly near Lake Erie. The population in this part of
the territory had increased so fast, that in December, 1800,
the county of Trumbull was organized. About this period a
large number of settlers on the "Pennsylvania Grants," north-
west of the Alleghany river, who had made an unfortunate
bargain with certain rich land owners, abandoned their im-
provements, to avoid litigation, and retired to the southern
part of the Western Reserve. They were an acquisition to
this pai;t of Ohio, and by industry and frugality, in a few years
more than retrieved the loss of their improvements.Jj
Congress having made Chillicothe the Capital of the north-
western Territory, on the 3d of November, 1800, the General
Assembly met at that place. At this meeting Governor St.
Clair in strong terms expressed his sense of the want of pop-
ularity under which he labored; he said : —
" My term of ofiice, and yours, gentlemen of the House of
Representatives, will soon expire. — It is, indeed, very uncer-
tain, whether I shall ever meet another Assembly, in the char-
acter I now hold, for I well know, that the vilest calumnies and
the greatest falsehoods, are insidiously circulated among the
* American Stat« Papon, svi. 91 to 98— Cbue's Statutes, i. 64 to 66.
t American Stnte Papers, xri. 97.
X American Pioneer, ii. pp. 368, 371.
-"'«*r!f
618
Secret Treaty of lldcfonso.
1800
„„nnln uith a viow to prevent it. While I regret the base-
K^sran. mlev.Zcc ^i the authors, and well know .hat the
aws ha put the means of correction fully in my powcr.they
a^c notm g to dread from mc but the contem,a they justly
merit Tie remorse of their own consciences w.ll one day be
m n ishmei.t sullicientr-Their arts may, however, succeed :-
Hh^a t may of this I am certain, that, be my successor
I r\. mHV he can never have the interests of the people
Tf tT"s 'K-rSy m^e t "dy at heart than i have had, nor labor
more assiduoX their good than I have done; and am
"ot Crcious thit any one act of my -»>-'-traUon has been
inlluonced by any other n.otive than a sincere des.re to pro-
mote their welfare and happmess.
Notwithstanding the general dislike felt towards him, how-
ever, St. Clair was reappointed in 1801, to the place he had so
long occupied. « ,». . »« ♦!,„
Toward the close of this year the first Missionary to the
Connecticut Reserve, came .hither under the patronage of the
Connecticut Missionary Society. He found no township con-
taining more than eleven families-f ...<-«.
Upon the 1st of October, in this year, the secret treaty of St.
lldcfonso was made between Napoleon as First Consul, and the
King of Spain, whereby the latter agreed to cede to France
thp nrovince of Louisiana.^
i3yt"i«ye-'B census, Kentucky contained 17^875 whites ;
and 10,313 slaves; an increase in ten years ot 118.742 whites,
and 28 913 slaves.§
The Governor and several of the legislators of the north-
western Territory having been insulted during the autumn of
1801 at Chillicothe, while the Assembly was j" «^^s'""-f"/
no measures being taken by the authorities of the Capitol to
protect the Executive-a law was passed removing the seat
of government to Cincinnati again-t But it was not des-
tined that the Territorial Assembly should meet again anj-
• Burnet'a Letters, p. 73.
■(• Americun Pioneer, li. 275.
X American State Papers, ii. 50T.
!,. "' ." t' \IL 7f. We .tnte the fact a« given by Judge Burnet, but o^nnnt reconcile
nal, 71 to 7.1 ,) on iiio a.m. v i Pnnn,.!! 12 3,'?-1 on the 24th it whb signrd by
._
1800
1800.
New Orleans closed against Americans.
619
he ba8e-
t hut the
vcr.they
ey justly
e day be
jceed ; —
tuccessor
,e people
nor labor
and I am
has been
> to pro-
>m, how-
he had 80
py to the
igc of the
ship con-
■aty ofSt.
1, and the
to France
6 whites ;
12 whites,
the north -
lutumn of
sion — and
Dapitol to
; the seat
1 not des-
gain any-
where. The unpopularity of St. C.air, already referred to,
was causing many to long for a State government and self-
rule. This unpopularity arose in part from the feelings con-
nected with his defeat ; in part from his being identified with
the Federal party then fast fullii:<«f into disrepute ; and in part
from his assuming powers which must thouglit he had no
right to exercise, especially the power of sub-dividing the
counties of the Territory.
But the opposition, though very powerful out of the Assem-
bly, was in the minority, even in the House of Uc|)resentatives,
and during December, 1801, was forced to protest against a
measure brought forward in the Council for changing the Or-
dinance of 1787 in such a manner as to make the Scioto and
a line drawn from the intersection of that river and the Indian
boundary to the western extremity of the Connecticut Re-
serve, the limit of the most eastern State to be formed from
the territory. This change, if made, would !ong have post-
poned the formation of a State Government beyond the Ohio,
and against it Tilfm, VVorthington, Langham, Darlinton,Mas-
sie, Dunlavy, and Morrow, recorded solemnly their objections.
Not content with this it was determined that some one should
at once visit Washington on behalf of the objectors, and upon
the 20th of December, Thomas VVorthington obtained leave
of absence for the remainder of the session. His acts and
those of his co-laborers belong to the next year.*
[From 1799 to 1803 the territorial legislature met annually,
but made not many laws, owing to the extraordinary powers
conferred on the Governor, by the ordinance of 1787, and the
very arbitrary manner by M'hich he vetoed many of the bills
that passpH. During the period of the territorial legislature,
most of the business usually done by territorial legislatures
since, was done by the governor of the territory. He erected
new counties, fixed county seats, and issued divers procla-
mations enacting laws by his own authority, and put his veto
upon all legislative enactments, which he fancied encroachea
onnnt reconcile
ovcrnmcnt was
debated, (Jour-
;) on the same
t w«B signod by
r for hi8 appro-
bation, (Journal of Ilouse, 89.) On the night of the 26th and 28ih the only riots men-
tioned in tlie Journala took place. (Journal of Council, 39 ; Journal of Unuie, 98.) On
the 2Ut of December Mr. Buruet asked leave of absence for ten days which was granted;
(Journal of Council, 33.) The Governor's approbation to the bill was given January letj
(Journal of House, 108.) Possibly his consent was determined by the riot?.
•Journal of House, 81 to 83 and 93. See also Journal of Council, 16 and 17. Journal
of House, 68.
^ * ^^"^iVf^tf^*-
620
Worlhintflon's Mission to Congress.
1809.
on his proro;,'titivc.s. IIcMico his administration became singu-
larly unpopuliir.*]
By th(? treaty with Spain, New Orleans, or '• an equivalent
establishinent," was to Ixi allowed the citizens of the United
States as a place of dcpositc for property sent down the Mis-
sissippi. I'ntil the 16th of October, 1802, no change in rela-
tion J this place of deposit took place, but on that day Mo-
rales, the intendant of Louisiana, issued an order putting an
end to the cherished and all-important privilege granted to
the Americans. This led to instant excitement and remon-
strance, and, upon the 7th of January following, to a resolu-
tion by the House of Ueprcsentatives, allirming, "their unal-
terable determination to maintain the boundaries, and the
rights of navigation and :;ommerce through the Uivcr Missis-
.sippi as established by existing trcaties."t The act of the
Intendant had not, it appeared, been authorized by the Span-
ish Government, and was not acquiesced in by the Governor
of Louisiana : but the suspension continued notwithstanding,
until the 26th of February, 1803, when the port was opened
to provisions, upon paying a duty ; and, in April, orders from
the King of Spain reached tlie United States, restoring the
right of deposit. t
In January, 180J, a bill was passed by the Assembly of the
North-Westcrn Territory, and approved by the Governor,
establishing a university in the town of Athens.
We have already noticed the dissatisfaction with Governor
St. Clair, which prevailed in the North-Western Territory, and
the wish of a party therein to obtain a State Government,
although not yet entitled to ask it under the ordinance. Mr.
Worthington left late in 1801, to urge upon Congress the evils
of the proposition to change the bounds of the north-western
States, and if advisable, to procure permission to call a con-
vention for the formation of a State, having the boundaries
mentioned in the ordinance, namely, the west line of Penn-
sylvania, the north and south lines of the territory, and a line
drawn due north from the mouth of ihe Great Miami.
t Atwator'8 History of Ohio, p. 167.
•American State Papers, ii. 556. 561.
X See Documents, American State Papers, ii. 409 to 471, 527, 528, 531, 536, 644, &48.
1809.
:iiinc singu-
equivalcnt
the L'liitt'd
/n the Mis-
igc in relu-
ut day Mo-
putting an
grunted to
md rcinon-
to a resolu-
' their unal-
s, and the
ivcr Missis-
? act of the
f the Span-
ic Governor
ithstanding,
was opened
orders from
;sturing the
tnbly of the
Governor,
h Governor
jrritory, and
tovernment,
lance. Mr.
ess the evils
rth-western
call a con-
boundaries
le of I'enn-
, and a line
imi.
536, 644, MS.
1802
Worthinff ton's Mission to Coni^rtsn.
521
While Worthington was journeying, upon th(! 4th of Jan-
uary, Mi'issii- presented a rt .solution for choo.sing a ooiiMiiittoo
to address Congress in respect to llic proposed State Govurn-
meat. This, u|>on tite following day, the House refused to pass,
however, by a vote of twelve to five. An attempt was next
made to proeure a census of the Territory, and an act for that
purpose, passed the House, but the council postponed the con-
sideration of it until the next session, which was to commence
at Cincinnati on thi^ fourth Monday of the following Novem-
ber.*
Worthington, meantime, at I'hiliulelphia, pursued the ends
of his mission, and used his intluence to eli'ect that organiza-
tion, " which, terminating the influence of tyranny," was to
"meliorate the circumstances of thousands by freeing theiii from
the domination of a despotic cliief'J llis ellbrls proved suc-
cessful, and ui)on the; '1th of March a re|)ort was made to the
House in favor of authorizing a State Convention. This re-
port wont upon the basis that the T«'rritory, by the United
States' census made in 1800, contained more than forty-fivo
thousand inhabitants, and as the Government since that time
had sold half a million of acres, that the territory east of the
Miami, supposing the past rate of increase to continue, would,
by the time a State government could be formed, contain the
sixty thousand persons contemplated by the ordinance ; and
upon this basis proposed that a convention should be held, to
determine, 1st, whether it were expedient to form a State Gov-
ernment, and 2d, to prepare a Constitution, if such an organi-
zation were deemed best. I" In the formation of this State,,
however, a change of boundaries was proposed, by which, im
accordance with the fifth article of the ordinance of 1787, all!
of the territory north of a line drawn due cast from the head:
of Lake .^lichiyan to Lake Erie, was to be excluded from the
new government about to be called into existence. The re-
port closed as follows :
The committee observe, in the ordinance for ascertaining
the mode of disposing of lands in the Western Territory, of the
*Scc Journal of the Council, 53 nml 78; and Journal of the Iluuje, 111, 115, 155.
t3co his letter to Mr. Giles, chairman of the committee of Congrrsp, Fobruary 13th, 1802,.
(American St'ito Tivpcrs, xx. .'528.) See letter by him to James Finlcy, cluiifman, Fob.
ru»ry 12th, 1302. (American State Papers, xx. 329.
tAmerioan Stnte Papers, xx. 326.)
33
l> »aM» Ml JmM il M l l l l ■
-' J
622
Provisions as to Lands in Ohio.
1802
20th of May, 1785, the following section, which, so far as re-
spects the subject of schools, remains unaltered :
There shall be reserved for the United States out of every
township, the four lots, being numbered 8, 1 1, 26, 29 ; and out
of every fractional part of a township so many lots of the same
numbers as shall be found thereon for future sale. There
shall be reserved the lot No. 16, of every township for the
maintenance of public schools within the said township; also,
one-third part of all gold, silver, lead, and copper mines, to be
sold, or otherwise disposed of as Congress shall hereafter di-
rect.
The committee also observe, in the third and fourth articles
of the ordinance of the 13th July, 1787, the following stipula-
tions, towit:
Art. 3. Religion, morality, and knowledge, being necessary
to good government and the happint-ss of mankind, schools and
the means of education shall forever be encouraged, &c.
Art. 4. The Legislatures of those districts or new States
shall never inte. re with the primary disposal of the soil by
the United States in Congress assembled, nor with any regula-
tions Congress may find necessary for securing the title in such
soil to the bona fide purchasers. No tax shall be imposed on
lands the property of the United States ; and in no case shall
non-resident proprietors be taxed higher than residents.
The committee, taking into consideration these stipulations,
viewing the lands of the United States within the said terri-
tory as an important source of revenue ; deeming it also of the
highest importance to the stability and permani-nce of the
union of the eastern and western parts of the United States,
that the intercourse should, as far as possible, be facilitated,
and their interests be liberally and mutually consulted and
promoted, are of opinion that the provisions of the aforesaid
articles may be varied for the reciprocal advantage of the
United Stales and the State of when formed, and the
people thereof; they have therefore deemed it proper, in lieu
of the said provisions, to offer the following propositions to
the convention of the eastern State of the said territory, when
formed, for their free acceptance or rejection, without any con-
dition or restraint whatever, which, if accepted by the conven-
tion, shall be obligatory upon the United States :
1st. That the section No. 16, in every township, .sold or
directed to be sold by the United States, shall be granted to
the inhabitants of such township for the use of schools.
2d. That the six miles reservation, including the salt
springs, commonly called the Scioto salt springs, shall be
granted to the State of when formed, for the use of
the people thereof; the same to be used under such terms,
r
:;^|:%f*WW
—^
1802
far as re-
t of every
; and out
f the same
e. There
p for the
;hip ; also,
ines, to be
reafter di-
th articles
ig stipula-
: necessary
chools and
I, &c.
lew States
the soil by
my regula-
itle in such
mposcd on
case shall
nts.
ipulations,
said tcrri-
also of the
ice of the
fed States,
facilitated,
suited and
e aforesaid
tago of the
3d, and the
per, in lieu
lositions to
tory, when
ut any con-
he conven-
tiip, sold or
granted to
ools.
ig the salt
i, shall be
the use of
such terms,
1802 Lands sold by the United States to be free from Taxes. 523
conditions, and regulations, as the Legislature of the said
State shall direct: Provided, the said Legislature shall never
sell nor lease the same for a longer term than years.
3d. That one-tenth part of the nett proceeds of the lands
lying in the said State, hereafter sold by Congress, after de-
ducting all expenses incident to the same, shall be applied to
the laying out and making turnpike or other roads, leading
from the navigable waters emptying into the Atlantic to the
Ohio, and continued afterwards through the State of ;
such roads to be laid out under the authority of Congress,
with the consent of the several States through which the
roads shall pass: Provided, that the convention of the State of
shall, on its part, assent that every and each tract of land
sold by Congress shall be and remain exempt from any tax
laid by order and under authority of the State, whether for
State, county, township, or any other purpose whatever, for
the term of ten years, from and after the completion of the
payment of the purchase money on such tract, to the United
States.*
In accordance with the recommendation of their commit-
tee, Congress, upon the 30th of April, passed a law, carrying,
with slight modifications, the view above given, into effect-t
The provisions of this law were thought by many in the Ter-
ritory unauthorized, but no opposition was offered to the ap-
pointment of persons to attend the Convention, and the Leg-
islature even gave way to the embryo Government, and
failed to assemble according to adjournment. The Conven-
tion met upon the 1st of November ; its members were gen-
erally Jeffersonian in their national politics and had been
opposed to the change of boundaries proposed the previous
year. Before proceeding to business. Governor St. Clair pro-
posed to address them, in his official character, as the chief
executive magistrate of the territory. This proposition was
resisted by several of the members; but after discussion, a
motion was made, and adopted, by a majority of five, that,
"Arthur St. Clair, sen., Esquire, be permitted to address the
conveation, on those points which he deems of importance."
He advised the postponement of a State organization until
the people of the original eastern division were plainly en-
titled to demand it, and were not subject to be bound by con-
ditions.J This advice, given as it was, caused Jefferson in-
•American State Papers, ii. 328.
•fSec this act in Chase, i. 70.
JBurnet'fl Letters, 108, HI.
:.r.f
~
w^m^^^m
,il i a1f| iii ii i'
ii l^B ii u, i L iwi(rfiWi>^i>w
_ . "Li" i» ti i n i n ii i i nj|iir
524
Northern Boundary of Ohio.
1802
i:
I'
stantly to remove St. Clair, but when the vote was taken upon
doing that which hy nlvised them not to do, but one of thirty-
three, Ephraim Cutler of Washington, voted with the Gov-
ernor.*
On one point, the proposed boundaries of the new State
were altered.
To every person who has attended to this subject, and v.ho
has consulted the maps of the western country, extant at the
time die ordinance of 1787 was passed, Lake Michigan
was believed to be, and was represented by all the maps of
that day, as being very far north of the position which it has
since been ascertained to occupy. I have seen the map in the
department of state, which was before the committee of Con-
gress, who framed and reported the ordinance for the govern-
ment of the territory. On that map, the southern boundary
of Michigan, was represented as being above the forty-second
degree of north latitude. And there was a pencil line, said to
have been made by the committee, passing through the south-
ern bend of the lake, to the Canada line, which struck the
strait, not far below the town of Detroit. That line was mani-
festly intended by the committee and by Congress, to be the
northern boundary of our State ; and on the principles by
which courts of chancery construe contracts, accompanied by
plats, it would seem that the map, and the line referred to,
should be conclusive evidence of our boundary, without refer-
ence to the real position of the lake. When the convention
sat, in 1802, the prevailing understanding was, that the old
maps were nearly correct, and that the line, as defined in the
ordinance, would terminate at some point, on the strait, above
the Maumee bay. While the conveniioa was in session, a
man who had hunted, many years, on lake Michigan, and was
well acquainted with its position, happened to be in Chilli-
cothe ; and in conversation with one of its members, told him,
that the lake extended much further south than was generally
supposed, and that a map of the countiy, which he had seen,
placi il its southern bend many miles north of its true position.
This information excited some uneasiness, and induced the
convention to modify the cJause, describing the north boun-
dary, so as to guard its being depressed below the most north-
ern cape of the Maumee bay.f
With this change, and some extension of the school and
road donations, the convention agreed to the proposal of Con-
gress, and upon the 29th of November, their agreement was
ratified and signed, as was also the Constitution of the State
of Ohio.J Of this Constitution we shall say nothing farther
*Buraet's Let>«n, 110.
tllUtorical transactions of Obio, p. 115.
tCbase'e Statutes, i. 74 is the Reaolutioc of Norember 29th.
' 11 , 1 1 111 . i j ^ ^. I I j i t-j y jw i
#^«?Si»«^f^^l^^^^
1802
1802
Harrison treats with Indians.
626
iken upon
of thirty-
the Gov-
lew State
, and v.ho
tnt at the
Michigan
e maps of
lich it has
aap in the
!e of Con-
le govern-
boundary
•ty-second
ne, said to
the south-
truck the
was mani-
, to be the
nciples by
panied by
feired to,
lout lefer-
onvention
at the old
ned in the
'ait, above
session, a
», and was
in Chilli-
, told him,
generally
had seen,
! position,
duced the
rth boun-
lost north -
chool and
;al of Con-
ment was
the State
iig farther
,< ■^■
than that it bore in every provision t'^'C marks of democratic
feeling ; of full faith in the people. By the people themselves,
however, it was never examined ; bus, no opposition was of-
fered to it, and a General Assembly was required to meet at
Chillicothe on the first Tuesday of March, 1803.
After the agreement by Congress to the Constitution of Ohio,
and her admission into the Union, the Peninsula of Michigan
was wholly within the territory of Indiana.
On the 17th of September, 1802, Governor Harrison of In-
diana Territory, at Vincennes, entered into an agreement with
various chiefs of the Pottawatomie, Eel river, Piankeshaw,
Wea, Kaskaskia and Klckapoo tribes, by which were settled
the bounds of a tract of land near that place, said to have
been given by the Indians to its founder ; and certain chiefs
were named who were to conclude the matter at Fort Wayne.
This was the first step taken by Harrison in those negotiations
which continued through so many years, and added so much
to the dominions of the Confederation. He found the natives
jealous and out of temper, owing partly to American injus-
tice, but also in a great degree, it was thought, to the arts of
the British traders and agents.*
In January of this year, Governor Harrison also communi-
cated to the President the following letter, detailing some of
the most '".urious land speculations of which we have any ac-
count :
The court established at this place, under the authority of
the State of Virginia, in the year 1780, (as I have before done
myself the honor to inform you,) assumed to themselves the
right of granting lands to every applicant. Having exercised
this power for some time without opposition, they began to
conclude that their right over the land was supreme, and that
they could with as much propriety grant to themselves as to
others. Accordingly, an arrangement was made, by which
the whole country to which the Indian title was supposed to
be extinguished, was divided between the members of the
court ; and orders to that effect entered on their Journal, each
member absenting himself from the court on the day that the
order was to be made in his favor, so that it might appear to
be the act of his fellows only. The tract thus disposed of, ex-
tends on the Wabash twenty-four leagues from La Pointe
Coupee to the mouth of White River, and forty leagues into
the country west, and thirty east from the Waba.sh, excluding
*Daw3on'a Ilarriion, 7 to 58.
iiflsil
026
Treaty loilh France for Louisinaa.
1803
only the land immediately surrounding this town, which had
before been granted to the amount of twenty or thirty thou-
sand acres.
The authors of this ridiculous transaction soon found that
no advantage could be derived from it, as they could find no
purchasers, and I believe that the idea of holding any part of
the land was, by the greater part of them, abandoned a few
years ago ; however, the claim was discovered, and a part of
it purchased by some of those speculators who infest our coun-
try, and through these people, a number of others in different
parts of 1 he United States have become concerned, some of
whom are actually preparing to make settlements on the land
the ensuing spring. Indeed, I should not be surprised to see
five hundred families settling under these titles in the course
of a year. The price at which the land is sold enables any
body to become a purchaser ; one thousand acres being fre-
quently given for an indifferent horse or a ritle gun. And as
a formal deed is made reciting the grant of the court, (made,
as it is pretended, under the authority of the State of Virginia,)
many ignorant persons have been induced to part with their
little all to obtain this ideal property, and they will no doubt
endeavor to strengthen their claim, as soon as they have dis-
covered the deception, by an actual settlement. The extent
of these speculat'ins was unknown to me until lately. I am
now informed that a number of persons are in the habit of
repairing to this place, where they purchase two or three
hundred thousand acres of this claim, for which they get a
deed properly authenticated and recorded, and then disperse
themselves over the United States, to cheat the ignorant and
3redulous. In some measure, to check this practice, I have
forbidden the recorder and prothonotary of this county from
recording or authenticating any of these papers ; being de-
termined that the official seals of the Territory should not be
prostituted to a purpose so base as that of assisting an infa-
mous fraud.* WM. H. HARRISON.
To Jas. Madison, Sec'y. of State.
During the session of 1802, the Legislature of Kentucky
chartered an " Insurance Company," whose notes payable to
bearer were to be transferred or assigned by delivery ; this
feature made the institution a Bank of circulation, and such
it became. I
Upon the 11th of January, Mr. Jefferson sent a message to
the Senate nominating Robert R. Livingston and James Mon-
roe ministers at the Court of France, and Charles Pinckney
and James Monroe at that of Spain, with full power to form
* American State Papers, xvi. 123.
fMarshall, U. 348.
M&S^^i-..
1803
, which had
hirty thou-
found that
uld find no
any part of
)ned a few
id a part of
t our coun-
in difierent
ed, some of
in the land
rised to see
I the course
;nables any
being fre-
1. And as
lurt, (made,
if Virginia,)
t with their
II no doubt
;y have dis-
The extent
tely. I am
the habit of
I'o or three
they get a
en disperse
norant and
tice, I have
bounty from
; being de-
ould not be
ing an infa-
RRISON.
f Kentucky
payable to
livery ; this
n, and such
message to
James Mon-
3s Pinckney
vver to form
1793.
Treaty with France for Louisiana.
627
f--
treaties for "enlarging and more effectually securing our rights
and iiHerests in the river Mississippi, and in the territories
eastward thereof"* This was done in consequence of the or-
der by Morales taking from the Americans the use of New
Orleans as a place of deposit ; and the knowledge of the
Government of the United States, that in some form a treaty
had been made by which Spain had transferred her interest in
Louisiana to France.
The sccretf treaty of St. lUlefonso had been formed on the
1st of October, 1800 ; on the 29th of the next March, Rufus
King, then Minister in London, wrote home in relation to a
reported cession of Louisiana, and its inlluence on the United
States :J on the 9th of June, 1801, Mr. Pinckney, at Madrid,
was instructed in relation to the alleged transfer, and upon
the 28th of September, Mr. Livingston, at Paris, was written
to upon the same topic. On the '20th of November, Mr. King
sent from London a copy of the treaty signed at Madrid,
March 21, 1801, by which the Prince of Parma, (son-in-law
of the King of Spain,) was established in Tuscany ; this had
been the consideration for the grant of Louisiana to France
in the previous autumn, and that grant wis now confirmed.
From that time till July 1802, a constant correspondence went
on between the American Secretary of State and the Minis-
ters at Paris, London, and Madrid, relative to the important
question. What can be done to secure the interests of the
Union in relation to the Mississippi? Mr. Livingston, in
France, was of opinion that a cession of New Orleans might
possibly be obtained from that power ; and to obtain it he
advised the payment of " a large price" if required. Mr.
Livingston at the same time wrote and laid before the French
leaders an elaborate memoir, intended to show that true pol-
icy required France not to retain Louisiana, but when, on the
last of August, he again made propositions, Talleyrand told
him that the First Consul was not ready to receive them.
Still the sagacious Ambassador felt " persuaded that the whole
would end in a relinquishment of the country, and transfer of
the Capital to the United States ;" and pursued his labors in
» American State Papers, ii. 475. ■ ''
t In regard to the fccresy practised, see Mr. LiTingston's letters, American SUte Paper*,
ii 612, 513.
X American State Papers, ii. fi09.
f^
i'
b28
ProjMScd cession of New Orleans.
1803
hope ; -asking from his Government only explicit instructions
as to how much he might ofier France for the Floridas,
which it was supposed she would soon get from Spain, and
also for New Orleans. His views were acquiesced in by the
President, and Mr. Monroe went out in March, 1803, bearing
instructions, the object of which was " to procure a ccssioa of
New Orleans and the Floridas to the United States." All
idea of purchasing Louisiana west of the Mississippi, was
thus far disclaimed by Mr. Livingston, in October, 1802, and
by Mr. Jefferson in January, 1803. Upon the 10th of the lat-
ter month, however, Mr. Livingston proposed to the Minister
of Napoleon to cede to the United States not only New Or-
leans and Florida, but also all of Louisiana above the River
Arkansas. But such were not the views entertained in the
Cabinet of the United States, and upon the 2d of March the
instructions sent to Messrs. Livingston and Monroe, gave a
plan which expressly left to France " all her territory on the
west side of the Mississippi.* In conformity with these or-
ders, when Talleyrand, on the 11th of the next month, asked
Livingston if he wished all of Louisiana, he answered that
his Government desired only New Orleans and Florida,
though[in his opinion, good policy would lead France to cede
all west of the Mississippi above the Arkansas, so as to place
a barrier between her own Colony and Canada. Talleyrand
still suggested the cession of the whole French domain in
North America, and asked how much would be given for it ;
Mr. Livi.igston intimated that twenty millions (of francs,)
might be a fair price ; this the Minister of Bonaparte said
was too low, but asked the American to think of the matter.
He did think of it, and this thought was that the purchase of
Louisiana entire was too large an object for the United States,
and that, if acquired, it ought to be exchanged with Spain for
the Floridas, reserving only New Orleans. On the 12th of
April Mr. Monroe reached Paris, and upon the 13th the Minis-
ter of the Treasury, Marbois, who was a personal friend of
Livingston, had with him a long conversation, from which it
appeared that Napoleon, then about to renew his wars with
England, wished to sell Louisiana entire, and that the only
question was as to price. Bonaparte had named what
equalled 125 millions of francs, but to this the Republicans
* For the documents on this subject, see American State Papers, vol. ii. pp. 525 to 544.
1803
nstructions
: Floridas,
>pain, and
i in by the
►3, bearing
* ccsiioa of
xtcs." All
sippi, was
1802, and
of the lat-
e Minister
New Or-
the River
ned in the
March the
le, gave a
ory on the
these or-
inth, asked
wered that
X Florida,
ice to cede
as to place
Palleyrand
iomain in
ven for it ;
of francs,)
parte said
he matter,
urchase of
ted States,
I Spain for
he 12th of
the Minis-
,1 friend of
n which it
wars with
t the only
led what
;publicans
}. 525 to 514.
1803.
Bargain and purchase of Louisiana.
529
turned a deaf ear, offering only 40 or 60 millions. In a
short time, however, a compromise took place, and the Amer-
ican negotiators, going entirely beyond the letter of their in-
structions, agreed to pay 80 millions of francs for the vast
territory upon and beyond the river first navigated by Mar-
quette : — the treaty was arranged upon the 30th of the month
in which the purchase had first been suggested. This act of
the Ministers, though unauthorized and unexpected, was at
once agreed to by the President. Congress was summoned to
meet upon the 17th of October, and on that day the treaty
was laid before the Senate ; by the 21st the transfer was
ratified, and upon the 20lh of the following December, the
Province of Louisiana was officially delivered over to Gov-
ernor Claiborne of Mississippi, and General Wilkinson, who
were empowered to assume the Government.
To this transfer of Louisiana, Spain at first objected, as she
alleged "on solid grounds," but early in 1804 renounced her
opposition.*
From what has been said it will be seen, that Mr. Jeflerson
had no agency in the purchase of Louisiana beyond the ap-
proval of the unlooked-for act of his Ministers in France. If
any person deserves to be remembered in connection with
that great bargain, it was Mr. Livingston, whose efforts were
constant and effectual. An account of them may be found in
his letters, read in the following order: 1st, that of May 12,
1802, (American State papers, ii. 567 ;) 2d, that of December
30, 1801, (do. 612;) and after that in the order of dates and
arrangement. The person through whom Mr. Livingston ob-
tained the ear of Napoleon was Joseph Bonaparte.
[It is here proper, in as few words as possible, to explain the
circumstances which surrounded Napoleon as First Consul,
and the motives by which he was influenced in the sale of
Louisiana. These may be found in detail, with many other
original facts, in the " History of Louisiana," by M. de Barbe
Marbois, a translation of 'vhich, was published in Philadel-
phia in 1830. M. Marbois had been for some time a member
of the cabinet, and minister of the Public Treasury, and he
• For the various documents tee American t..ate Papers, ii. 552, 653, 557 to 560, 566,
572, 581 to 683. For the treaty see pp. 607 to 508, Laws of Missouri, 1842, i. 1 to 4
Marbois Louisiana, Appendix, 403 to 412. For the objections of Spain, see American
State Papers, ii. 567 to 572, and 583.
""fSS.
630
Motives for the Sale of Louisiana.
1803.
held this post during the negotiations for the cession of Lou-
isiana, was confidential Secretary of Napoleon, and to him
was confided the whole transactions, as the plenipotentiary on
the part of the Fisnch republic. His pen drew up the
treaty.
The crisis was an alarming one to France. The Court of
St. James had learned the purport of the secret treaty of St.
Ildefonso, by which Louisiana had been re-ceded to France.
The latter government had its fleet fitted out ostensibly, for
America. The King of England became alarmed, and in
4 lick succession sent messages to Parliament, and prompt
action was taken to fit out the navy. Napoleon dreaded the
maritime power of England. To Marbois he said : —
" The principles of a maritime supremacy are subversive
of one of the noblest rights that nature, science, and genius
have secured to man ; I mean the right of traversing every sea
with as much liberty as the bird flies through the air ; of mak-
ing use of the waves, winds, climates, and productions of the
globe ; of bringing near to one another, by a bold navigation,
nations that have been separated, since the creation ; of car-
rying civilization into regions that are a prey to ignorance
and barbarism."*
The discussions in the French Cabinet continued at inter-
vals for several days. Mr. Livingston was the American
minister to the French Republic, and for two years had been
negotiating for indemnity for maritime spoliations. Mr. Mon-
roe was on his way thither, with instructions to secure the
navigation of the Mississippi, and even to purchase New
Orleans and some small part of the vast territory of Louisi-
ana. Napoleon wanted money, and he foresaw the proba-
bility that this province would fall into the hands of England,
end that a sale of the whole country to the United States,
v/ould add to its natioaal greatness and make this govern-
ment a formidable rival of Great Britain. After the close
of the conference with his counsellors, Napoleon said to
Marbois : —
" Irresolution and deliberation are no longer in season ; I
renounce Louisiana. It is not only New Orleans that I will
cede ; it is the whole country without any reservation."
^ ^. ji. ^ ji,
* Morbola Loaiiiana, p. 258.
li
1803.
1 of Lou-
1(1 to him
untiary on
V up the
B Court of
aty of St.
France,
nsibly, for
1, and in
id prompt
readed the
subversive
nd genius
every sea
p; ofmak-
ons of the
lavigation,
n ; of car-
ignorance
1 at inter-
American
I had been
Mr. Mou-
se cure the
base New
of Louisi-
the proba-
f England,
ted States,
lis govern-
[• the close
on said to
I season ; I
that I will
ion."
1803.
Views of Napoleon Bonaparte.
wt
" !f I should regulate my terms, according to the vaUie of
these vast regions to the United States, the indemnity would
have no limits. I will be moderate, in consideration of the
necessity in which I am of malting a sale. But keep this to
yourself. I want fifty millions, [of francs] and for less than
that sum I will not treat ; 1 would rather make a desperate
attempt to keep these fine countries. To-morrow you shall
have full powers." *•##*•*
" Perhaps it will also be objected to me, that the Americans
may be found too powerful for Europe in two or three centu-
ries ; but my foresight does not embrace such remote fears.
Besides, we may hereafter expect rivalries among tho mem-
bers of the Union. The confederations, that are called per-
petual, only last until one of the contracting parties finds it
to its interest to break them, and it is to prevent the danger,
to which the collosal power of England exposes us, that I
would provide a remedy."
The Minister (Barbois, who gives this conversation) made
no reply. The First Consul continued : —
"Mr. Monroe is on the point of arriving. To this minister
going two thousand leagues from his constituents, the Presi-
dent must have given, after defining the object of his mission,
secret instructions, more extensive than the ostensible author-
ization of Congress, for the stipulation of the payments to be
made.
" Neither this minister nor his colleague is prepared for a
decision which goes infinitely beyond anything that they are
to ask of us. Begin by making them the overture, without
any subterfuge. You will acquaint me, day by day, hour by
hour, of your progress. The Cabinet of London is informed
of the measures adopted at Washington, but can have no
suspicion of those which I am now taking. Observe the
greatest secresy, and recommend it to the American minis-
ters ; they have not a less interest than yourself in conform-
ing to this council."*
The conferences began the same day between Mr. Living-
ston and M. Barbe Marbois, to whom the First Consul con-
fided the negotiation. The American minister had not the
necessary powers, and he had become distrustful of the French
cabinet. Such an oflfer as the sale of the whole of Louisiana,
came so unexpected, and being ignorant of course, as he was,
of the motives and views of Napoleon, he suspected artifice.
Mr. Monroe arrived on the 12th of April, with more extensive
powers, but heard with surprise and distrust the ofiTer of the
French ambassador. The historian says :
* MarboU' History of Louisiauft, pp. 260, 230.
'""^■JS^^^^^^m^^i
mm^^^smmmm^msm
II'
Ni«i
^<iiiM>»ii>nifiii
532
TTic Negotiation completed.
1803.
I
"As soon as the negotiation was entered on, the American
ministers declared they wore ready to treat on the footing of
the cession of the entire colony, and they did not hesitate to
take on themselves the responsibility of augmenting the sum
that they had been authorized to ofl'er. The draft of the prin-
cipal treaty was communicated to them. They prepjtred
another one, but consented toado])t provisionally, us the basis
of their conferences, that of the French negotiator, and they
easily agreed to the declaration contained in the first article. '
The negotiations being finished, the treaty for the sale and
purchase i.f Louisiana, was completed on the 30th of April,
and signed on the 3d of May. The intelligence of this ne-
gotiation was not less astounding to the people of the United
States, than the proposition to sell the whole country by Mar-
bois, was to Messrs. Livingston and Monroe. The Federal
party rallied to defeat it ; Mr. Jefferson and the plenipoten-
tiaries were assailed in their public journals, and, as is com-
mon, under high party excitement, extravagant tales were
told on both sides. Yet, as the prominent actors have passed
away, and the transaction is now viewed in the perspective of
history, the purchase and possession ha.s long been regarded
us one of the most valuable and splendid achievements ever
acquired by this nation.
The following words from Napoleon, after the conclusion ot
the treaty, give us insight to his reflections :
To Marbois, he said :
"This accession of territory, strengthens forever the power
of the United States ; and 1 have just given to England a
maritime rival, that will sooner or later humble her pride."*
The English ministry, when they •were informed of the
mission of Mr. Monroe to France, and its object, made a
proposition to Rufus King, the American envoy at London, to
undertake the conquest of Louisiana, with the concurrence of
the United States, and retrocede it to our government, as soon
as peace should be n* 'e with France. But it appears, the
British ministry had no nowledge of the nature and extent
of the negotiations at Pp .i, until they were concluded. The
result was communicate hout delay, and Mr. King receiv-
ed a satisfactory answer from Lord Hawkesbury, respecting
the cession.
The treaty was forwarded to Washington, with as m^ch
despatch as possible, where it arrived on the 14th of July.
• MorboiH, 312.
. .,^-%-,-%a .-a. J ^/,
■wi.
I
1803.
American
footing of
lesitate to
i; tho 8um
1* the prin-
prejiitred
s the basis
and they
It article. '
! sale and
1 of April,
f this ne-
;he United
y by Mar-
e Federal
lenipoten-
as is coir.-
tales were
we passed
spective of
regarded
nents ever
nclusion ol
the power
Qngland a
: pride."*
id of the
t, made a
London, to
jurrence of
nt, as soon
ipears, the
ind extent
ded. The
ingreceiv-
respecting
1 as mr.ch
if July.
'
1803.
Another DiJJIicuUy witk Sjmn.
ass
And now, fxnothe»- dilliculf/ arose with Spain. The Span-
ish minister, having lecoived oiUers from his government,
made a solemn protest ajjuinst the ratification of the treaty,
alledging that Franco had contracted with Spain not to retro-
cede the province to any other power.
The Federalists, who oj)posed the treaty, imputed to France
a disgraceful deception ; that there was a secret concert, and
that Sj)uin was acting under the inliuence of that government.
Amidst II series of complicated embarrassments, Mr. Jefiersoa
convened Congress, which met on the 17th of October, and
laid the treaties (for there were three separate documents) be-
fore the Senate. Both the nature of the contract, and the
magnitude of the sum, opened a wide field of debate.
The opposers of the treaty, contended that Congress had no
power to annex by treaty nv^w territories to the confederacy ;
as that right could only belong to the whole people of the
United Stales. But after a free debate, the Senate ratified tho
treaties on the 20th day of October, by a majority of twenty-
four votes against .seven, to which the President gave his sanc-
tion the next day. All tlie documents were communicated to
the House of Representatives, and after a short drbate tho
necessary law to create the .stock, and carry out the treaty,
was passed without any formidable opposition.
The next step was to make the regular transfer from Spain
to France and from France to the United States, for the secret
treaty of St. lldefonso had not been carried into effect in Lou-
isiana.
M. Laussat had been appointed the Plenipotentiary of tho
French republic, and on the 30th of November he met the
Spanish Commissioners in the Council Chamber at New Or-
leans, received in due form the keys i -e city, and issued a
procjamation to the Lcuisianians, informing them of the re-
trocession of the country to France, and by that govdnment
to the United States. At a signal, given by the firing of can-
non, the Spanish flag was lowered and the French hoisted.
The French sovereignty lasted only twenty days, during
which M. Laussat, as Governor General, provided for the
administration of justice only in summary and urgent matters.
General Wilkinson, having command of the United States
troops, established his camp on the 19th of December, a short
distance above New Orleans ; at the same time the Spanish
---^s4riSK5J^
■:h
Transfer to the United Utatca.
1803
troops cmbnrkfd and Haiird r()r Unvnna. The next diiy, di«-
cliaiK'N «'!' iirtill'ry iVoin the forts and vissels ntuiouiiocd the
farewill of tlio I'lench oliiccrs. On the 20lh, M. Laussut,
with a nunurouH retinue went to the City Hall, while by pre-
vious nrran^olnent, the American troops entered the capital.
CJeneral Wilkinson and Governor Claiborne, American Com-
missioners, were received in due form in the Hall.
The treaty of cession, the respective powers of the Com-
missioners, and the certificate of exchange of ratifications,
were read. M. Laussat then pronounced these words :—
'• In conformity with the treaty, I put the United States in
possession of Louisiana and its dependencies. The citizens
an'd inhabitants who wish to remain here and obey the laws,
are from this moment exonerated from the oath of fidelity to
the French republic."
Mr. Claiborne, the Governor of the territory of Mississippi,
exercising the power of tlovernor General and Intendent of
the Province of Louisiana, delivered a congratulatory discourse
to the Louisianians.
" This cession," said he, " secures to you and your descend-
ants the inheritance of liberty, perpetual laws, and magis-
trates, whom yoii will elect yourselves."
The ceremonies closed with the exchange of flags, which
was done by lowering the one and raising the other. When
they met midway, they were kept stationary for a moment,
while the artillery and trumpets celebrated the Union. The
American Hag then rose to its full height, and while it waived
in the air the Americans expressed their joy in a tremendous
shout.*
The American Government went into operation quietly,
and the French and Spanish population soon became accus-
tomed to the new order of things, and after a lapse of
forty-six years no distinction appears, except in family names.
Thus, in a persevering effort to gain the free navigation of
the Mississippi, and the port of New Orleans, by an unexpect-
ed and fortuitous train of circumstances, the United States
gained the immense territories of Louisiana and extended her
bound, ies to the Pacific Ocean.
We now return, to bring up a series of events pertaining to
1803, in the State of Ohio, and territory of Indiana.
• Matboia'UisUjry, 320, 336.
.^■iJV«f--t.tSi!Vf5*»'->»i*fe%; .
1803
1083.
Affairs in Indiana and Ohio.
635
t diiy, ili«-
uiiced the
'.. LausHat,
ile by pre-
ic cHpital.
lean Com-
ihu Com-
tiiicutions,
rds : —
J States in
ic citizens
• the laws,
fidelity to
Mississippi,
itcndent of
y discourse
ir descend-
ind magis-
ags,- which
er. When
a moment,
iiion. The
3 it waived
Tcmcndous
on quietly,
imc accus-
i lapse of
lily names,
ivigation of
I unexpect-
ited States
^tended her
?rtaining to
la.
>»_
During the month of Juno, certain Indian rhiofs, ngrrcnhlo
to their promise made at V'incenncs the procrding y<'ar, met
at Fort Wayne, and transferred to tiovernor Harrison the
lands claime-d hy the United Stnte;i about Tost VinceMnes, and
their act was confirmed at Vincennes, on tin- 7tli of August,
by various chiefs and warriors. On the 13th of August, the
Illinois tribes, including the Kaskaskias, Michiganies, Caho-
kias and Tamarois, made a conveyance lo the Unileil States,
their right to a large portion of the Illinois country south of
the Illinois river.*
Upon the irnh of April, the House of Kepresentntives of
the new State of Ohio, signed a bill respecting u College
Township in the District of Cincinnati. The history of this
township is somewhat curious, and we give it in the words of
Judge Burnet.
" The ordinance adopted bv Congress, for the disposal of
the public domain, did not authoriz,«3 a grant of college land,
to the purchasers, of less than two millions of acres. The
original proposition of Mr. Symmes being for that (|uantity,
entitled him to the benefit of such a grant. It was his inten-
tion, no doubt, to close his contract, in conformity with his
proposal. He therefore stated, in his printed publication, be-
fore referred to, that a college township had been given ; and
he described his situation to be, as nearly opposite the mouth
of Licking river, as an entire township could be found, eligi-
ble in point of soil and situation. He also selected in good
faith, one of the best townships in the purchat^e, answering
the description, and marked it ol his map, as the college town-
ship. The township thus .selectei! v';is thu third of the first
entire range on which the town of dpringdale now stands. —
The tra. t was reserved from sale, and retained fur the intend-
ed purpose : until Mr. Symmes a.scertained, that his agents
had relinquished one half of his proposed purcha.se, by clos-
ing a contract for one million of acres, by which his right to
college lands was abandoned, and of course not provided for
in the contract. He then, very properly, erased the endorse-
ment from the map, and offered thetownsliip for sale, and as
it was one of the best, and most desirable portions of his pur-
chase, it was rapidly located. The matter remained in this
situation, till the application in 1792, to change the bounda-
ries of the purchase, and to grant a patent for as much land
as his means would enable him to pay for. When the bill for
that purpo.se was under consideration, General Dayton, the
agent, and one of the associates of Mr. Symmes, being then
an influential member of the House of Representatives, pro-
posed a section, authorising the President to convey to Mr.
* Amerioan State Papera, v. 687, 688.
636
Affairs in Indiana and Ohio.
1083.
Symmes and his associates, one entire township in trust, for
the purpose of establishing an academy, and other schools of
learning, conformably to an order of Congress, of the 2nd of
October, 1787. The fact was, that the right, under the order
referred to, had been lost, by the relinquishment of half the
proposed purchase, in consequence of which the contract con-
tained no stipulation for such a grant. Notwithstanding, from
some cause, either want of correct information, or a willing-
ness then, to make the gratuity, — most probably the latter —
the section was adopted and became a part of the law. At
that time there was not an entire township in the purcliase,
undisposed of Large quantities of all of them, had been
sold by Mr. h>ymmes, after his right to college lands had been
lost, by the conduct of his agents, Bayton and Marsh, It was
not, therefore, in his power to make the appropriation requir-
ed by the act of Congress, though in arranging his payment
at the treasury, he was credited with the price of the town-
ship. The matter remained in that situation, till about the
time the legislature was elected, under the second grade of the
territorial government, in 1799. Mr. Symmes then feeling the
embarrassment of his situation, and aware that the subject
would be taken up by the legislature, made a written propo-
sition to the governor, offering the second township of the se-
cond fractional range, for the purposes of a college. On ex-
amination, the governor found, that he had sold an undivided
moiety of that township, for a valuable consideration, in 1788;
that the purchaser had obtained a decree in the circuit court
of Pennsylvania, for a specific execution of the contract ; and
that he had also sold several smaller portions of the same
township to others, who then held contracts for same. As a
matter of course, the township was refused. He then appeal-
ed from the decision of the governor, to the territorial legisla-
ture. They also refused to receive it, for the same reasons
which had been assigned by the governor. A similar refusal
was aflerward made, for the same reason, by the state legisla-
ture ; to whom it was again offered. I had the charity to be-
lieve, that when Mr. Symmes first proposed the township, to
the governor, it was his intention to buy up the claims against
it, which he probably might have done at that time, on fair
and moderate terms ; but he omitted to do so, till that ar-
rangement became impracticable, and until his embarrass-
ments, produced by the refusal of Congress to confirm his con-
tract for the lane' he had sold out of his patent, rendered it
impossible for him, to make any remuneration to government,
or the intended beneficiaries of the grant. The delegates re-
presenting the territory in Congress, were instructed, from
time to time, to exert their influence to induce the government
in some form, to secure the grant to the people of the Miami
purchase. But nothing effectual v/as accomplished, till the
wmm^
.
1083.
1803.
Transfer of Upper Louisiana.
m'
trust, for
schools of
e 2nd of
the order
' half the
tract con-
ing, from
I willing-
j latter —
law. At
purcliase,
lad been
had been
, It was
)n requir-
payment
;he town-
ibout the
ide of the
geling the
e subject
en propo-
of the se-
On ex-
jndivided
, in 1788;
cuit court
'act; and
the same
e. As a
II appeal-
il legisla-
e reasons
ar refusal
e legisla-
ity to be-
nship, to
IS against
e, on fair
I that ar-
mbarrass-
n his con-
sndered it
'ernment,
"gates re-
ted, from
vernment
he Miami
d, till the
establishment of the state government in 1803 ; when a law
was passed by Congress vesting in the legislature of Ohio, a
quantity of land equal to (ine entire township, to be located
under their direction, for the purpose of establishing an acade-
my, in lieu of the township already granted, for the same
purpose, by virtue of the act, entitled " an act authorising
the grant and conveyance of certain lands, to John C. Symmes
and his associates." Under the authority of an act of the
Ohio legislature, passed in April, 1803, Jacob White, Jere-
miah Morrow, and William Ludlow, made a location of these
lands, amounting to thirty-six sections, as they are now held
by the Miami University. In consequence of the early sales,
by Judge Symmes, these lands were necessarily located west
of the Great Miami river; and consequently without the limit
of Symmes' purchase.* • *
[One of the prominent events of 1S04, was the ceremony
of the transfer of Upper Louisiana, at St. Louis, on the 9th
and 10th of March.
Amos Stoddard, a captain of artillery in the service of the
United States, and to whom we are indebted for an admira-
ble historical sketch of Louisiana, was constituted the agent
of the French republic, for receiving from the Spanish author-
ities, the possession of Upper Louisiana.
He arrived at St. Louis early in March, and on the 9th day,
received in dqf form possession of the province in the name
of the French republic, and the next day made the transfer ta
the United States government, which he represented.
Mr. Primm says : —
" When the transfer was completely effectad — whea in the
presence of the assembled population, the flag of the United
States had replaced that of Spain — the tears and lamenta-
tions of the ancient inhabitants, proved how much they were
attached to the old government, and how much they dreaded
the change which the treaty of cession had brought about."f
Congress, on the 20th of March, divided Louisiana into
two territories. The southern province was denominated th ?
territory of Orleans ; the northern was called Upper Louisi-
ana. Captain Stoddard was appointed temporarily the Gov-
ernor, with all the powers and prerogatives of the Spanish
Lieutenant Governor in Upper Louisiana.
*See Chase's Statut<!s, i. 72;— American Pioneer, i. 269 .-—Historical Transaction! of
Ohio, i. 152-155.
tDisc ourso at the Celebration, February 15, ISiy.
34
'^^^^^^»^M^^@^^ffiMi«i^S
638
St. Louis in 1804.
1804.
In his sketches of Louisiana, Major Stoddard, (for that was
soon his title) says : —
"St. Louis hi! two long streets, running parallel to the
river, with a variety of others intersecting them at right an-
gles. It contains about one hundred and eighty houses, and
the best of them are built of stone. Some of them include
large gardens, and even square's, attached to them, are en-
closed with high stone walls ; and these, together with the
rock scattered along the shore and about the streets, render
the air uncomfortably warm in summer. A small sloping
hill extends along in the rear of the town, on the summit of
which is a garrison, and behind it an extensive prairie, which
affords plenty of hay, as also pasture for the cattle and horses
of the inhabitants."*
Mr. Primm says,
" This statement is only partially correct, for the street .low
called Third street then existed, and was known as, " La Rue
des Granges," the street of the barns. And in the common par-
lance of the country. First [or Main] street bore the appella-
tion of " La Rue principale," the principal street ; and Second
street that of " La Rue de L'Eglise," the street of the Church,
from the fact that the only church building in the tov.i front-
ed on that stfeet. • , •
" This was a structure of hewn logs, planted upright in the
ground, and covered with a roof, the eaves of which pro-
jected beyond the body of the building, and formed a kind of
gallery or promenade around it.f
On entering upon the office. Major Stoddard published the
following address to the inhabitants of Upper Louisiana :
" The period has now arrived, when, in consequence of
amicable negotiations, Louisiana is in the possession of the
United States. The plan of a permanent territorial govern-
ment for you, is already under the consideration of Congress,
and will doubtless be completed as soon as the importance of
the measure will admit. But in the meantime, to secure your
rights, and prevent a delay of justice, his excellency William
C. C. Claiborne, governor of the Mississippi territory, is in-
vested with those authorities and powers (derived from an act
of Congress) usually exercised by the governtjr and intendant
general under his Catholic Majesty ; and permit me to add
that, by virtue of the authority and power vested in him by
the President of the United States, he has been pleased to
commission me as first civil commander of Upper Louisiana.
• Stoddard'i SkoUhes, p. 218, 219.
t I>uconTKf 12.
>m
lif!
1804.
bat was
1 to the
ight an-
ses, and
include
are en-
Arith the
:, render
sloping
ummit of
le, which
id horses
reet .low
" La Rue
mon par-
appella-
i Second
! Church,
/•, .1 front-
^ht in the
tiich pro-
a kind of
ished the
lana:
[uence of
on of the
1 govern-
Congress,
)rtance of
cure your
r William
ry, is in-
im an act
intendant
e to add
in him by
•leased to
jouisiana.
1804.
Address of Major Stoddard.
639
" Directed to cultivate friendship and harmony among you,
and to make known the sentiments of the United States rela-
tive to the security and preservation of all your rights, both
civil and religious, I know of no mode better calculated to
begin the salutary work, than a circular address.
'' It will not be necessary to advert to the various prelimi-
nary arrangements which have conspired to place you in your
present political situation ; with these it is presumed you are
already acquainted. Suffice it to observe, that Spaii; in 1800,
and in 1801, retroceded the colony and province of Louisiana
to France ; and that France in 1803, conveyed the same ter-
ritory to the United States, who are now in the peaceable and
legal possession of it. These transfers were made with hon-
orable views, and under such forms and sanctions as are usu-
ally practised among civilized nations.
" Thus you will perceive, that you are divested of the char-
acter of subjects, and clothed with that of citizens. You
now form an integral part of a great community, the powers
of whose government are circumscribed and defined by char-
ter, and the liberty of the citizen extended and secured. Be-
tween this government and its citizens, many reciprocal du-
ties exist, and the prompt and regular performance of them is
necessary to the safety and welfare of the whole. No one
can plead exemption from these duties ; they are equally ob-
ligatory on the ricb and the poor; on men in power, as well
as on those not intrusted with it. They are not prescribed as
whim and caprice may dictate ; on the contrary, they result
from the actual or implied compact between society and its
members, and are founded not only on the sober lessons of
e/.perience, but in the immutable nature of things, if, there-
fore, the government be bound to protect its citizens in the
enjoyment of their liberty, property, and religion, the citizens
are no less bound to obey the laws, and to aid the magis-
trate in the execution of them ; to repel invasion, and in.
periods of public danger, to yield a portion of their timo
and exertions in defence of public liberty. In governments
differently constituted, where popular elections are unknown^
and where the exercise of power is confided to those of high
birth, and great wealth, the public defence is committed to
men who make the science of war an exclusive trade and
profession ; but in all free republics, where the citizens are
capacitated to elect, and to be elected, into offices of emol-
ument and dignity, permanent armies of any considerable
extent are justly deemed hostile to liberty ; and therefore the
militia is considered as the palladium of their safety. Hence
the origin of this maxim, that every soldier is a citizen, and
every citizen a soldier.
" With these general principles before you, it is confidently
«
^ '■'
1^1^
640
Address of Major Stoddard.
1804.
expected, that you will not be less faithful to the United
States, than you have been to his Catholic majesty.
" Your local situation, the varieties in your language and
education, have contributed to render your manners, laws,
and customs, and even your prejudices, somewhat different
from those of your neighbors, but not less favorable to virtue,
and to good order in society. These deserve something more
than mere indulgence ; they shall be respected.
" If in the course of former time, the people on diliereiit
sides of the Mississippi, fostered national prejudices and anti-
pathies against each other, suffer not these cankers of human
happiness any longer to disturb your repose, or to awaken
your resentment ; draw the veil of oblivion over the past,
and unite in pleasing anticipations of the future ; embrace
each other as brethren of the same mighty family, and think
not, that any member of it can derive happiness from the
misery or degradation of another.
" Little will the authority and example of the best magis-
trates avail, when the public mind becomes tainted with per-
verse sentiments, or languishes under an indiflerence to its
true interests. Suffer not the pride of virtue, nor the holy
fire of religion, to become extinct. If these be different in
their nature, they are necessary supports to each ohter.
Cherish the sentiments of order and tranquility, and Irown on
the disturbers of the public peace. Avoid as much as possi-
ble all legal contests ; banish village vexation, and unite m
the cultivation of the social and moral affections.
" Admitted as you are into the embraces of a wise and mag-
nanimous nation, patriotism will gradually warm your breasts,
and stamp its features on your future actions. 1 o 1)6 uselul,
it must be enlightened ; not the effect of passion, local preju-
dice, or blind impulse. Happy the people who possess inval-
uable rights, and know how to exercise them to the best ad-
vantage ; wretched are those who do not think and act ireely.
It is a sure test of wisdom to honor and support the govern-
ment under which you live, and to acquiesce in the decisions
of the public will, when they be constitutionally expressed
Confide, therefore, in the justice and integrity ot our iederal
president ; he is the faithful guardian of the laws ; he enter-
taais the most beneficent v'ews relative to the glory and hap-
piness of this territory ; and the merit derived Iroin the ac-
quisition of Louisiana, without any other, will perpetuate his
fame to posterity. Place equal confidence in all the other
constituted authorities of the Union. They will protect your
rights, and indeed jour feelings, and all the lender felicities
ard svmiiathies, so dear to rational and intelligent creatures.
A very short experience of their equitable and pacific policy,
will enable you to view them in their proper light. 1 Hatter
myself that you will give their measures a fair trial, and not
precipitate yourselves into conclusions, which you may alter-
■||-
ySiai»^»S^*tei^ n
1804.
1804.
Address of Major Stoddard.
541
United
age and
s, laws,
[liferent
3 virtue,
ng more
diflercnt
md anti-
: human
awaken
he past,
embrace
nd think
Tom the
t magis-
,vith pen-
ce to its
the holy
lerent in
;h ohter.
frown on
as possi-
unite in
and mag-
ir breasts,
be useful,
;al preju-
essinval-
best ad-
ict freely.
! govern-
decisions
xpressed.
ir federal
he enter-
and hap-
m the ac-
etuate his
the other
jtect your
p felicities
creatures,
fie policy,
1 Hatter
1, and not
may after-
wards see cause to retract. The first official acts of my pres-
ent station, authorized by high authority, will confirm these
remarks.
" The United States, in the acquisition of Louisiana, were
actuated by just and liberal views. Hence the admission of
an article in the ♦treaty of cession, the substance of which is,
that the inhabitants of the cedsd territory shall be incorpo-
rated into the Union, and admitted as soon as possible to the
enjoyment of all the rights, advantages and immunities of
citizens of the United States : and, in the meantime, be main-
tained and protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty,
properly and religion.
" From these cursory hints you will be enabled to compre-
hend your piesent political situation, and to anticipate the
future destinies of your country. You may soon expect the
establishment of a territorial government, administered by
men of wisdom and integrity, whose salaries will be paid out
of the treasury of the United States. From your present
population, and the rapidity of its increase, this territorial
establishment must soon be succeeded by your admission as a
State into the Federal Union. At that period, you will be at
liberty to try an experiment in legislation, and to frame such
a government as may best comport with your local interests,
manners, and customs ; popular suffrage will be its basis. The
enaction of laws, and the appointment of judges to expound
them, and to carry them into effect, are among the first privi-
leges of organized society. Equal to these, indeed, and con-
nected with ^hem, is the inestimable right of trial by jury.
The forms of judicial processes, and the rules for the admis-
sion of testimony in courts of justice, when firmly established,
are of great and obvious advantage to the people. It is also
of importance, that a distinction be made between trials of a
capital nature, and those of an inferior degree, as like-
wise between all criminal and civil contestations. In fine.
Upper Louisiana, from its climate, population, soil, and pro-
ductions, and from other natural advantages attached to it,
will, ia all human probability, soon become a star of no in-
considerable magnitude in the American constellation.
"Be assured that the United States feel all the ardor for your
interests, which a warm attachment can inspire. I have rea-
son to believe that it will be among some of their first objects,
to ascertain and confirm your land titles. They well know
the deranged state of these titles and of the existence of a
multitude of equitable claims under legal surveys, where
no grants or concessions have jeen procured. What ultimate
measures will be taken on this subject, does not become me
to conjecture ; but thus much I will venture to affirm, that the
most ample justice will be done ; and that, in the final adjust-
ment of claims, no settler or landholder, will have any just
cause to complain. Claimants of this description have hith-
m
"!»»---?■ j.M ' jgJi*".
mmm
■''■^msmB^ m y m ^ ^iAm ^m^^^^^
'i
642
Population of Upper Louisiana.
1804
erto invariably experienced the liberality of government ; and
surely it will not be less liberal to the citizens ot Upper
Louisiana, who form a strong cordon across an exposed lion-
tier of a vast empire, and are entitled by solemn stipluations
to all the rights and immunities of freemen.
" My duty, not more indeed than my inclination, urgps .ne
to cultivate friendship and harmony among you, and bet,* een
you and the United States. I suspect my talents to be une-
qual to the duties which devolve on me in the organization
and temporary administration of the government; the want
of a proper knowledge of your laws and language, is among
the difficulties I have to encounter. But my ambition and
exertions bear some proportion to the honor confered on nie ;
and the heavy responsibility attached to my office, admonishes
me to be prudent and circumspect. Inflexible justice and im-
partiality shall guide me in all my determinations. It, how-
ever, in the discharge of a variety of comp heated duties, al-
most wholly prescribed by the civil law and the code ot the
Indies, I be led Wto error, consider it as involuntary, and not
as the effect of inattention, or of any exclusive favors or attec-
tions. Destined to be the temporary guardian ol the rights
and liberties of at least ten thousand people, I may not be
able to gratify the just expectations of all ; but your prosperity
and happiness will ''aim all my time and talents ; and no
earthly enjoyment could be more complete, than that derived
from your public and individual ^^ecurity, and from the increase
of your opulence and power."
Upper Louisiana, included all that part of the ancient
province which lay north of a spot on the Mississippi, called
" Hope Encampment," nearly opposite the Chickasaw bluffs :
including the territory now within the jurisdiction of the
States of Arkansas, Missouri, Iowa, a large part of the terri-
tory of Minnesota, and all the vast regions of the west, far
as the Pacific Ocean, south of the forty-ninth degree of north
latitude, not claimed by Spain.
The civilized population of this territory is given by Major
Stoddard, with as much accuracy as the nature of the case ad-
mit-cU. The settled portions had been divided into " Districts,"
for purposes of local government. The population in 1803,
in the settlements of Arkansas, Little PraiMe and New Mad-
rid, was estimated on such data as could be obtained, at one
thousand three hundred and fifty ; of which about two-thirds
were Anglo-Americans, and the other third French.
The District of Cape Girardeau, included the territory be-
tween Tywappaty bottom and Apple creek— population in
1804, one thousand four hundred and seventy whites, and a
I
1804
it ; and
Upper
id IVon-
uations
gps ine
iet\*een
be une-
lization
,6 want
; among
;ion and
on me ;
lonishcs
and im-
li", how-
jties, al-
e of the
and not
or affec-
le rights
{ not be
rosperity
; and no
; derived
increase
ancient
i, called
w bluffs :
I of the
the terri-
west, far
of north
by Major
; case ad-
)istricts,"
in 1803,
ew Mad-
id, at one
wo-thirds
•ritory be-
ulation in
tes, and a
1804.
Population of Upper Louisiana,
643
few slaves. Excepting three or four families, all were emi-
grants from the United Stages. . ; ■ j
The District of Ste. Genevieve extended from Apple creek
to the Merrimac. The settlements, (besides the village of Ste.
Genevieve) included settlements on the head waters of the
St. Francois and the lead mines. Population in 1804, two
thousand three hundred and fifty whites, and five hundred and
twenty slaves. More than half were Anglo-Americans.
The District of St. Louis, included the territory lying be-
tween the Merrimac and Missouri rivers. It contained the vil-
lages of St. Louis, Carondelet and St. Ferdinand, with several
good settlements extending westward into what is now Frank-
lin county.
The village of Carondelet contained between forty and fifty
houses, population chiefly Canadian-French. St. Ferdinand
contained sixty houses. The population of the district was
about two thousand two hundred and eighty whites, and five
hundred blacks. St. Louis contained about one hundred and
eighty houses, which, allowing six persons to each house,
would make the population one thousand and eighty. About
threb-fifths of the population in this District were Anglo-
Americans. Each of the Districts extended indefinitely wef,.
The largest and most populous settlement in St. Louis Dis-
trict, was called St. Andrews. It was situated near the Mis-
souri, in the north-western part of the present county of St.
Louis.
The District of St. Charles, included all the inhabited coun-
try between the Missouri and Mississippi rivers. It had two
compact villages, St. Charles and Portage des Sioux, the in-
habitants of which were French Creoles and Canadians. —
Femme Osago was an extensive settlement of Anglo-Ameri-
can families. The population of the District in 1804, was
about one thousand four hundred whites and one hundred and
fifty blacks. Tlie American and French population were
about equally divided.*
The aggregate population of Upper Louisiana at the pe-
riod of the cession, was about 10,120, of which 3,760 were
French, including a few Spanish families; 6,090 were Anglo-
Americans, who had iriimigrated to the country after 1790; —
•See Stoddard's Sketches, p. 211, 224. ' .
m^^^^^mmmfsm^
'^r
644
Population of Upper Louisiana.
1804.
and 1,270 black people, who were "slaves, with very few ex-
ceptions.
Several circumstances gave impulse to migration to this
province. The t^an8fer of the Illinois country to the British
crown in 1765, caused many wealthy and respectable fami-
lies to retire across the Mississippi.
The ordinance of 1787, which prohibited involuntary servi-
tude in the north-western territory, caused slave holders, who
were disposed to preserve this species of property, to abandon
their ancient possessions. The prod'ered aid of Clark in 1779,
(ante page 2B0) when he apprehended an attack from Cana-
da, and more especially the projected attack on the vSpanish
possessions along the Mississippi, from the rame quarter, in
1797, induced a friendly feeling towards Americans.
Major Stoddard says :^^
" The distance of this province fror the capital, [New Or-
leans,] added to a wilderness of nearly a thousand miles in
extent between them, seemed to point out the necessity of
strengthening it ; and she conceived it good policy to popu-
late it by the citizens of the United States, especially as they
appeared disposed to act with vigor against the F-.glish. Ad-
ditional prospects, therefoie, were held out to settlers, and
pains were taken to disseminate them in every direction. —
Large quantities of land were granted them, aUcndid with
no other expenses than those of office fees, and surveys, which
were not exorbitant; and they were totally exempted from
taxation. This sufficiently accounts for the rapid population
of Upper Louisiana; which, in 1804, consisted of more than
three-fifths of English Americans." f
Why did so many American citizens expatriate themselves,
place themselves and their posterity under Spanish despotism,
and beyond the protection of the rights of conscience ? This
is a question of grave and momentous import, and if it re-
mained unansweted, might leave a suspicion on the charac-
ter and motives of the American emigrants. Happily, we
have the opportunity for explanation. We have been inti-
mately acquainted with a large number of these pioneers, a
few of whom still linger amongst us, and more than thirty
years since we heard their own explanations. .
They acted under a prese?iiimcnt, that, in some way, the juris-
diction of the United Slates would be extended over this country. —
They projected no violent action — no revolutionary schemes.
The impression, doubtless, had its origin in the efibrts in the
fSketchea of Louisiuia, 225.
f«
1
1804.
y few ex-
n to this
le British
ble fami-
ary servi-
ders, who
1 abandon
kin 1779,
)m Cana-
B vSpanish
uarter, in
New Or-
i miles in
;ccssity of
to popu-
ly as they
lish. Ad-
ttlers, and
'cction. —
ided'with
.'ys, which
pted from
opulation
nore than
emselves,
lespotism,
:e? This
I if it re-
le charac-
jpily, we
seen inti-
ioneers, a
lan thirty
»
the juris-
:ountry. —
schemes.
its in the
1804.
Indian Treaties Made.
fi4«
:-
western country to obtain the navigation of the Mississippi.
Of the character of the American popula.^ in, we ought to
say a word, to correct an erroneous mti;>i
in the Atlantic States, concerning frontif
" A very small number had lied their v.
consequences of crime or improvidence
lat has prevailed
nigration.
Mitry to avoid the
iJut a very large
majority were peaceable, industrious, moral and well-disposed
persons, who, from various motives, had crossed the " (Jreat
Water ;" some from the love of adventure ; some from that
spirit of restlessness, which belongs to a class; but a much
larger number with the expectation of obtaining large tracts
of land, which the government gave to each settler for the
trilling expense of surveying and recording. * # *
" Under the Spanish government the Roman Catholic faith
was the establ" '>ed r"ligion of the province, and no other
christian sect iS • 'rated by the laws of Spain. Each emi-
gnuit was rcuiied be un bon Calholif/uc, as the French ex-
pressed it ; 3 by connivance of the commandants of Up-
per Louisipt. , L. id by the use of a legal fiction in the exami-
nation of .i.m iM/> ns, who applied for lands, toleration in fact
existed.
" Many "••otestant families, communicants in Baptist, Meth-
odist, nnc r'.^ terian, and other Churches, settled in the pro-
vince, and leuiained undisturbed in their religious principles.
Protestant itinerant clergymen passed over from Illinois, and
preached in the log cabins of the settlers unmolested, though
they were occasionally threatened with imprisonment in the
calubozo at St. Louis. Yet these threats were never execu-
ted.*'
No religious society was organized amongst these emigrants
until after the treaty of cession.
We now return to events in the territory of Indiana. Dur-
ing the rnonth of August, a fjeries of treaties wore made by
Governor Harrison at Vinccnnes, by which the claims of sev-
eral Indian nations to large tracts of land in Indiana and Illi-
nois, were relinquished to the United States, for due conside-
ration. The Delawares sold their claim to a large tract be-
tween the Wabash and Ohio rivers ; and the Piankeshaws
gave up their title to lands granted by the Kaskaskia Indians
the preceding year.
It should be understood by all, that, in most instances, Indian
claims are vague and undefined ; that several tribes set up a
claim to the same tract ; and that the policy of the United
• Life of Boone in Sparks' Biogruphy, vol. xxiii. pp. 166, 107, 169, 170.
i4e
Detroit Described in 1804.
1804.
States has been to negotiate with each daimant, without re-
gard to priority of right.
In Noveinher, Governor Harrison negotiated with the chiefs
of the united nations of Sacs and Foxes, for their claim tc
the immense tract of country lying between the Mississippi,
Illinois, Fox river of Illinois, and Wisconsin rivers, cor.ipre-
hcnding about fifty millions of acres. The consideration giv-
en was the protection of the United States, and goods deliv-
ered at the value of two thousand two hundred and thirty-
four dollars and fifty cents, and an annuity of one thousand
dollars, (*6()0 to the Sacs and $400 to the Foxes) forever.—
An article in this treaty provided, that as long as the United
States remained the owner of the land, ♦' the Indians belong-
ing to the said tribes shall enjoy the privilege of living and.
hunting" on the land.
The remark just raado applies to this case. When the
French discovered and took possession of Illinois, neither the
Sacs nor Foxes had any claim or existence on this tract of
country,*]
During this year measures were adopted to learn the facts
as to the settlements about Detroit, and an elaborate report
upon them was made by C. .Touett, the Indian Agen.t in Mi-
chigan. From that report, we take some sentences illustra-
tive of the state of the capital.
The town of Detroit.— The charter, which is for fifteen
acres square, was granted in the time of Louis XIV. of France,
and is now from the best information I have been able to col-
lect, at Quebec. Of those two hundred and twenty-five acres,
only four are occupied by the town and Fort Lenault. The
remainder is a common, except twenty-four, which were ad-
ded twenty years ago to a farm belonging to William Ma-
comb. As to the titles to the lots jn town, I should conceive
that the citizens might legally claim, from a length of undis-
turbed and peaceable possession, even in the absence ot a
more valid and substantial tenure. Several of those lots are
held by the commanding officer as appendages of the garri-
son. A stockade encloses the town, fort, and citadel. The
pickets, as well as the public houses, are in a state of grad-
ual decay, and in a few days, without repairs, they must tail
to the ground. The streets are narrow, straight, regular, and
intersect each other at right angles. The houses ^re, for the
most part, low and inelegant; and although many ol them
are convenient and suited to the occupations of the people,
• American State Papers, v. 689, 690, 663. Dawson's Life of Harrison, 69.
1804.
without re-
1 the chiefs
Ir claim tr
Mississippi,
rs, cor.ipre-
irution giv-
joods deliv-
and thirly-
ic thousand
) forever. —
the United
ans belong-
' living and..
When the
neither the
this tract of
irn the facts
orate report
Lgent in Mi-
ces illustra-
I for fifteen
'. of France,
1 able to col-
iy-five acres,
nault. The
jh were ad-
Yilliam Ma-
uld conceive
jth of undis-
ibsence of a
lose lots are
of the garri-
tadel. The
tate of grad-
ley must fall
regular, and
3 ^re, for the
lany of them
f the people,
on, 59.
18C6.
Territory of Mkhv^^an Organhcd.
547
there are perhaps a mtyority of tlicin which require very con-
sideruljle reparation. *
Congress, during 1801, granted a town.ship of land in Mi-
chigan for the support of a College. f
On the 11th of January, 1806, Congress made Micliignn a
separate territory, with William Hull for its CJovcrnor; the
change of tlovernment was to take place on June 30th. On
the lull of that month a fire at Detroit destroyed all tho
buildings at that place, public and private, together v,ith much
of the personal property of the inhabitants. On the 29th of
June, the Presiding Judge reached the Strait, and upon the
1st of July, the Governor arrived there. They found the peo-
ple, in part, encamped on and near the site of the destroyed
town, aiid in part scattered through the country. J From their
report to Congress, made in October, we extract the follow-
ing passages :
" The place which bore the appellation of the town of De-
troit, was a spot of about two acres of ground, completely
covered with buildings and combustible materials, the narrow
intervals of fourteen or fifteen feet, used as streets or lanes,
only excepted; and the whole was environed with a very
strong and secure defence of tall and solid pickets. The cir-
cumjacent ground, the bank of the rive alone excepted, \yas
a wide commons ; and though assertions are made respecting
the existence, among the records of Quebec, of a charter from
the King of France, confirming this commons as an appurte-
nance to the town, it was either the property of the United
States, or at least such as individual claims did not prttend to
cover. The folly of attempting to rebuild the town, in the
original mode, was obvious to every mind: yet there existed
no authority, either in the country, or in the officers of the
new government, to dispose of the adjacent ground. Hence
had already arisen a state of dissension which urgently re-
quired the interposition of some authority to quiet. Some of
the inhabitants, destitute of shelter, and hopeless of any
prompt arrangements of Government, had re-occupied their
former ground, and a few buildings had already been erected
in the midst of the old ruins. Another portion of the inhabi-
tants had determined to take po.ssession of the adjacent pub-
lic ground, and to throw themselves on the liberality of the
Government of the United States, either to make them a do-
• American State Papers, xti. 190 to 192. On titloj in Michigan, see American State
Papers, Public Landt, vol. i. from 283 to 608.
t Lannan, 230.
:{:Lanman, 169.— American State Paper*, x\i. 247.— Land Laws, 514.
:*;^^
618
Detroit He-survfi/ril.
1805.
nation of \\\r proiind, as a coinpciiMitioa for their siifTcrirn^s,
or to accept of a very moderate price lor it. If lliey could
have madi' any arranjjcerneiit of the vjirious preteiisions of iii-
di\iilua!s, or could have a}j;re<!d on any plan of a town, they
would soon have he^un to build, liut the want of a civil au-
thority to decido interlerinj( claiinx, or to coni|)el the refracto-
ry to .suhuiit to the wishes of a majority, had yet prevented
tlicin from carrying any particular measure into execution. —
On the Mjorninji; of Monday, the 1st day of .liily, the inhabi-
tants had assiunbled for tin; purpose of resolving on some de-
linitive mode of pro(M'dure. The Judges prevailed on them
to defer their intentions for a short time, giving them assuran-
ces that the Governor of the territory would shortly arrive,
and that every arrangement in the power of tlu'ir domestic
Government would be made for their rtdief. On these repre-
sentations they cons<'nteil to defer their measures for one fort-
night. Ill the evening of the same day the (Jovernor arrived;
it was his first measun; to pr(!vent any encroachnients from
being made on the public, land. 'I'he situation of the distress-
ed inhabitants then occupied the attention of the meudiers of
the Government for two or three days. The result of the.se
discussions was, to proceed to lay out a new town, end)racing
the whole of the old town and the public lands uiyacent; to
state to the people that nothing in ihv nature of a title could
be given under any authorities then j)ossessed by the Govern-
ment ; and that they could not be justified in holding out any
charitable donations whatever, as a coujpensation for their
sufierings, but that every personal exertion would be made to
obtain a confirmation of the arrangements about to be made,
and to obtain the liberal attention of the Government of the
United States to their distresses.
A town was accordingly surveyed and laid out, and the
want of authority to impart any regular title, without the sub-
sequent .sanction of Congress, being first impressed and clearly
understood, the lots were exposed to sale under that reserva-
tion. Where the purchaser of a lot was a proprietor in the
old town, ho was at liberty to extinguish his former property
in his new acquisition, foot for foot, and was expected to pay
only for the surplus, at the rate expressed in his bid. A con-
siderable part of the inhabitants were only tenants in the old
town, there being no means of acquiring any nev titles. The
sale of course could not be confined merely to foi ner proprie-
tors, but, as far as possible, was confined to former inhabitants.
After the sale of a considerable part, by auction, the remain-
der was disposed of by private contract, deducting from the
previous sales the basis of the terms. As soon as the neces-
sities of the immediate inhabitants were accommodated, the
sai'.'s were entirely stopped, until the pleasure of Government
could be consulted. As no title could be made, or was pre-
1805.
p siitlVrirni^s,
r llicy con Id
isinns of in-
i town, tlicy
f 11 civil uii-
[\\v rt'lVutito-
't piTVt'lltl'd
'xci'ulion. —
tilt' iiilial)!-
ou sonic (Ic-
ilrd on them
I'Mi u.ssuriin-
lOi'tly arrive,
t'ir domestic
these repre-
Ibr one I'ort-
rnor arrived;
injents IVom
the distress-
i ineinhers of
lult of these
II, endM'ucin^
adjaeent; to
a title could
the CJovern-
ding- out any
ion for their
i be made to
, to be made,
iinent of the
•ut, and the
bout the sub-
;l and clearly
;hat rcserva-
>rietor in the
luer property
jpcted to pay
bid. A cou-
nts in the old
titles. The
ner proprie-
r inhabitants.
, tlie remain-
ing from the
as the neces-
imodated, the
■ Government
, or was pre-
l^«
1805.
ecumlhc and his brother ajijnur.
biV
tended to be made, no payinontH were reipjired, or any moneys
permittrd to be reccnveil, until the expiration of one yeiir, to
allbrd lime for Congress to interpose. 'I'ht! remaining part
was stiptilatrd to be paid iti four Miceessive annual instal-
ments. Tlu' highest sum resulting from tlu^ bids was seven
cents for a sipiare foot, and the whole averaged at hast four
cjMits, In this way the, inhabitants were fully satislied ttieom-
nienco their buildings, and the interlering pretensions of all
individuals were eventually reconciled.*
In this same report attention was called to the unsettled
southern boundary of Michigan, to the state of the land titles
gcnernlly, and other important jioints. [Only six rri>ulur titles
weri" found in IMichigan.f]
While in Michigan the territorial government was taking
shape, Intliana passed to the .secoiul grade of the .same, as
provided by the ordinance, and obtained her ( Jeneral Assembly;
while various treaties with the northern tribes were transfer-
ring to the I'nited States the Indian title to large and valuable
tracts of country. On the 4th of .luly, the VVyandots and
others, at Fort Industry, on the Maumee, ceded all their lands
as far west as the western boundary of the Connecticut lie-
serve ; upon the 21st of August, Governor Harrison, at Vin-
cennes, received from th(! Miamies a region containing two
million acres within what is now Indiana ; and upon the 30th
of December, at the same place, purchased of the I'ianke-
sliawrt a tract eighty or ninety miles wide, extending from the
Wabash west to the cession by the Kaskaskias in 1803. At
this time, although some murders by the red men had taken
jiliu'c in the far west, the body of natives seemed bent on,
peace. t Hut mischief was gathering. Tecunitlic, his brother'^
the Prophet and other leading men, had formed at Greenville
the germ of that union of tribes by which the w liites were to
be restrained in their invasions. Wc are by no means satis-
lied that the Great Indian of later days used any concealment,
or meditated any treachery toward the United States, for
many years after this time. The cfibrts of himself and his
brother were directed to two points: lirst, the reformation of
the savages, whose habits unfitted them for continuous and
heroic ed'ort ; and second, such a union as would make the
'American State Piipcrs, xvi. ?i7.
t American ?tiite Purer.-, xvi. "JO.S to 28i; 30 j to 557 and 592.
jAmerican Stale Pajior.-', v. CIS, 605, 696, 791, 702, :0v, 705.
k
¥
X-
bbO
Polio/ of Tccumthc.
1805
purchase of land by the United States impossible, and give to
the aborigines a strength that might be dreaded. Both these
objects were avowed, and both were pursued with wonderful
energy, perseverance and success ; in the whole country bor-
dering upon the lakes, the power of the Prophet was felt, and
the work of reformation went on rapidly.*
[The policy of Tecumthe was to bring into one grand con-
federation all the nations of Indians that had any intercourse
with the United States, and admit of no treaties, or sales of
land, without the united consent of all the tribes. &.uch a con-
federation never had existed, and magnificent as was the
scheme, it was wholly impracticable in the nature of things.
Tecumthe could read and write, and he had for his confiden-
tial secretary and adviser, Billy Caldwell, a half-breed, an
educated man, and subsequently head chief of the Pottawato-
mie nation, who died in 1845, near Council Bluffs m Iowa.
Mr. Caldwell, who gave the editor these facts, had a trunk full
of papers, including the "talks," and negotiations sent to va-
rious Indian tribes before the war of 1812-15. The interview
was ii Chicago, in 1833, where he then resided.]
It was during this year that Burr paid his first visit to the
West. On the 11th of July, 1804, he had shot General Ham-
ilton, an event which he felt would "ostracise " him; would
force him to seek elsewhere for power, money, and fame. On
the 2d of March, 1805, the Vice President took his celebrated
leave of the Senate, and upon the 29th of April was at Pitts-
burgh. His purpose in going westward was not the gratifica-
tion of curiosity merely, and from Wilkinson we learn that
he was concerned with Dayton and others in the projected
canal round the Falls, at Louisville ; a proposal which had
been before the United States' Senate in January. From
Pittsburgh he proceeded down the Ohio to Louisville, thence
went to Lexington and Nashville by land, and from the latter
place passed down the Cumberland, and upon the 6th of June
reached Fort Massac. During his visit to Tennessee he was
treated with great attention, and both then and previously had
some conversati^ relative to a residence in that state, with a
view to political ad /ancement. his intentions, however, seem
to have been entirely vague : among other plans, he had some
thought of trying to displace Governor Claiborne of the Or-
•Drake's Teonniseli, 88, 93, 103.
1806
1806
Burros Plans tnaturc.
551
and give to
Both these
,h wonderful
country bor-
vas felt, and
3 grand con-
r intercourse
s, or sales of
Such a con-
as was the
ire of things,
his confiden-
alf-breed, an
e Pottawato-
luffs in Iowa.
d a trunk full
IS sent to va-
'he interview
st visit to the
General Ham-
him; would
d fame. On
lis celebrated
was at Pitts-
the gratifica-
,'e learn that
the projected
sa! which had
mary. From
isville, thence
:om the latter
.e 6th of June
lessee he was
ireviously had
; state, with a
lowever, seem
j, he had some
ne of the Or-
leans territory, and took from Wilkinson, whom he met at Fort
Massac, a letter to Daniel Clark, the Governor's most violent
foe. On the 25th of June, Burr reached the capitol of the
south-west, where he remained until the 10th of July, when
he crossed by land to Nashville, and spent a week with Gene-
ral Jackson — and upon the 20th of August, was at Lexing-
ton again: from Lexington, he went by the Falls, Vincennes
and Kaskaskia, to St. Louis, where he met General Wil-
kinson about the middle of September. By this time, all his
plans appear to have undergone a change again. At New
Orleans he had been made aware of the existence of an asso-
ciation to invade Mexico and wrest it from '6^ -in ; he was
asked to join it, but refused. He saw, however at thu; time,
if not before, that, should the dispute relative to boundaries
then existing between the United States result in war, an op-
portunity would be given to men of spirit to conquer and rule
Mexico, and this idea thenceforth became his leading one.
But in connection with this plan of invasion, in case of war,
there arose whispers in relation to effecting a separation of
the western from the Atlantic States ; of this we have know-
ledge by a letter from Daniel Clark to General Wilkinson,
written September 7th. What Burr's conversations with the
commander at St. Louis were, we are not particularly told,
but we learn that he suggested the Mexican plan, and also in-
timated that the Union was rotten and the western people
dissatisfied. Such was the effect of his talk that soon after he
left, Wilkinson wrote to the Secretary of the Navy advising
the government to have an eye on Burr, as he was " about
something, but whether internal or externl," he could not learn.
Thus, during 1805, the idea of a separation of the western
states from the Union by Burr and Wilkinson, had become
familiar to many minds, even though the principals themselves
may have had no more thought of such a thing than of taking
posses.sion of the moon, and dividing her among their friends.*
Upon the 23d of September, Lieutenant Pike, on his way
up the Mississippi, bought of the Sioux two tracts, one at the
*For all these facts sco Davis' Memoirs of Burr, ii. 327, 367, 368 to 370, 378, 379, 380.—
Wilkinson's iSIoaioirs, ii. 274 to 273 j Sponce's Daposition, ii. 233, nolo;— also, ibid, Ap-
pendix, 2, xviii. Col. Lyon's Daposition. American State Papers, xx. 571. Ibid, ii. 65C to
6S9. Also, Burr's Trial at Richmond, Vo.
m-.^ ■mfism'«^esimm^^si^t^^>>''^!^^^^i^^!'^^'*^^^^^^^'' ^*e«§i^^3W5^'®**^*^®^**^-^''^''
:::!
653
Lewis and Clark's Expedition.
1806
mouth of the St. Croix river, the other at the mouth of the
t^i. Teters, including the. Falls of St. Anthony.*
In the bill authorizing Ohio to become a State, wa.s the fol-
lowing provision :
Third, that one twentieth part of the nctt proceeds cf the
lands lying within the said State, sold by Congress, from and
after the thirtieth day of June next, after deducting all expen-
ses incident to the same, shall be applied to the laying out
and making public roads, leading from the navigable waters
emptying into the Atlantic, to the Ohio, to the said State, and
through the same ; such roads to be laid out under the au-
thority of Congress, with the consent of the several States
through which the road shall pass.f
In conformity with this clause, steps were taken during
1805, which resulted in the making of the Cumberland or Na-
tional road.
During the year 1806, the conviction became more and
more strong that the north-western tribes were meditating
hostiliiies against the United States, but nothing of conse-
quence took place; although Tecumthe and the Prophe;,
constantly extended and confirmed their influence. J
In September, 1806, Messrs. Lewis and Clarke returned
from their exploration of the Missouri and Oregon rivers-
This expedition had been suggested by Mr. Jeflerson in Janu-
ary, 1803. His views being sanctioned by Congres: , Captain
Lewis and Lieutenant Clarke entered the Missouri, May 14,
1804. The ensuing winter they spent among the Mandans,
and in April, 1806, again set forward. With great difliculty
the mountains were passet!, =;i (le September following, and
the Vaeific rtav-bed upon the 1 Mh of November. Here the
winter of 1805-6 was passed. On the 27th of March; 1806,
the return journey was begun, and the mountains were
crossed late in June.
The (liliiculties with Spain began early in the year to as-
sume a serious appearance ; in February, acts of a semi-hos-
*Amcrican State Papers, v. 753, 755. Tike's Expedition up the Wjasis.-iri'i, in 1805, '6
'7, puUislicd iu Pliiluaclpliiii, 1810.
t Land Laws, 476.
t Dawson's Harrison, 83 to 90. Drake's Tcovimeeh, 89 to fli.
A.norican State Papers, v. C84, 705. Lewis and Clarke's Journal.
"^^^^"?r7f.^r**Si,V:
sW##*-^Sy^^.-"#K#'"
1806
luth of the
van the fol-
eods ct' the
s, from and
5 all expen-
i laying out
ihle waters
1 State, and
dcr the au-
eral States
{en during
[and or Na-
more and
meditating
g of conse-
,he Prophcfc
ic returned
gon rivers*
on in Janu-
es: , Captain
iri, May 14,
e Mandans,
at dilliculty
lowing, and
Here the
[arch; 1806,
itains were
year to as-
a semi-hos-
?il)Iii, in 180a, '8
,
'
1806.
Burros Movements.
66»
tile character took place,* and in August, Spanish troops crossed
the Sabine and took possession of the territory east of that riv-
er. This led first to a correspondence between Gov. Claiborne
and the Spaniard in command ; and next to a movement by
General Wilkinson and his army to the contested border.
While his troops were at Natchitoches, in immediate expecta-
tion of an engagement, Samuel Swartwout reached Wilkin-
son's camp, with letters from Burr and Dayton of such a
character as to bring matters in relation to the conquest of
Mexico almost instantly to a crisis. f
[Burr had not entirely given up his chance as a politician
in the Atlantic states, as may be seen in the letter of Gene-
ral Adair, in Wilkinson's Memoirs of his Own Times, vol. ii.
Appendix, Ixxvii.]
Burr, from January to August, Mr. Davis tcWs us, was most
of the time in Washington and Philadelphia, but not idle,
for in a letter to Wilkinson, dated April 16th, the conspirator
says, " Burr will be throughout the United States this sum-
mer;" and refers to "the association," as enlarged., and to
the " project" as postponed till December. In July, Commo-
dore Truxton learned from Burr that he was interested largely
in lands upon the Washita, which he proposed to settle if his
Mexican project failed , and in August we find that he left
for the west. On the 21st of that month he was in Pitt'burgh,
and there suggested to Colonel George Morgan and his son the
probable disunion of the States, growing out of the extreme
weakness of the Federal Government ; a suggestion similar
to that said to have been made, though in a much more dis-
tinct and strong form, to General Eaton, in the March preced-
ing. His plans, indeed, whatever their extent, were before
this time fixed and perfected, for it was upon the 29th of July
that he wrote from Philadelphia io General Wilkinson the
kttcr confided to Swartwout, which led to the development
of the whole business ; this letter we extract, together with
Wilkinson's deposition of December 26th, explanatory of
Burr's plans.j
• American State Papers, ii 70S.
•f- American Stnto Papers, ii. 803 to 80J. Sob for document Wilkinson's Memoirs, .1.
appendix, Ix. Ixxivii, to xciii. Also, American Btate Papore, xx, 661 to t>63, 585.
J Davia' Memoirs, ii. b75;— Wilkinson's Memoirs, ii, Appendix, Uxxiii ;~American
SUte Papers, xx. 471; 473, 403 to 69$.
35
tUtsmUvr*
604
Burr's LcUcr to Wilkinson.
1806.
FYours, post-marked I3th of May, is received.]*. I, Aaron
Burr have obtained funds, and have actually conimonced the
enterprise. Detachments from different points and under
different pretences, will rendezvous on Ohio, 1st November-
everv thin- internal and external favors views : protection ot
England is°secured. T is going to Jamaica to arrange
with the Admiral on that station ; it will meet on the M).^sis-
sinpi.-England.-Navy of the United States are ready to
S and final orders are given to my friends and followers
it will be a host of choice spirits. Wilkinson shall be second
to Burr only : Wilkinson shall dictate the rank and promotion
of his officers. Burr will proceed westward 1st of August,
never to return : with him go his daughter : the husband wdl
follow in October, with a corps of worthies. , . , ,
Send forth an intelligent and confidential friend with whom
Burr may confci' ; he shall return immediately with further
iiiteresting details : this is essential to concert and harmony
ofriovement ; send a list of all persons known to Wilkinson,
west of the mountains, .. ho may be useful, with a note delinea-
ting their ch Arncters. By your messenger send me four or five
commissions o. vmr officers, which you can borroxy under any
^°Sence you ..^use; th.y shall be returned iaithfully. Al-
ieadv a-e ori-« to the contractor given, to forward six
monihs provisions to points Wilkinson may name ; this shall
rot bei'sc<i until the last moment, and then under proper in-
junctions : uie project is brought to the point so long desired.
Burr gu..r •^es the result with his life and honor, with the
^"e' ihc h'».-r and fortune of hundreds, the best blood ot
ovv >ountA 3un-'s plan of operations is, to move down rap-
U V f-on tic fIiUs on the iStll November, with the first 500,
nr 1000 men, in light boats now constructing for that purpose,
to be ai Natchez between the 5th and 15th of December ;
there to me^^t Wilkir,son ; there to determine whether it will
be exneJl'. ut v'l the tlrst instance to seize on or pass by Baton
Rouee • on receipt of this send an answer ; draw on Burr for
aU exnense^,&c. The people of the country to which we
are going, are prepared to receive us : their agents now with
Burr sayTthat if we will protect their re bgion and w.l no
subject them to a foreign power, that in three weeks all will
be Settled. The gods invite to glory and lortune : it reinains
to be seen whether we deserve the boon : the bearer of this
toes express to you ; he will hand a formal .etter of introduc-
tion to you from Burr: he is a man of inviolable honor and
nerfcct discretion; formed to execute rather than to project;
oanablo of relating facts with fidelity, and incapable ot rela-
Sfuiem otherwise ; he is thoroughly informed of the plans
* The Darts in brackeU were omitted in the copy which Wilkinson u-cd. in causing tho
Jel of^llman and others. (?oe A.ncriean State Paper., xx. 471, 472.) Th>s om>«3,on
waa the ground of tho acciisalion hereaftor referred to
\
1806.
I, Aaron
lonccd the
and under
ivember —
otection of
to arrange
he Miiisis-
3 ready to
followers ;
I be second
promotion
of August,
isband will
with whom
ith further
d harmony
Wilkinson,
ote delinea-
four or five
: under any
ifully. Al-
orward six
; this shall
• proper in-
ong desired,
r, with the
St blood of
e down rap-
he first 500,
tiat purpose,
December ;
ether it will
iss by Baton
on Burr for
5 which wo
its now with
and will not
eeks all will
; it remains
carer of this
• of introdue-
B honor and
n to project ;
able of rcla-
of the plans
•cd, in causing tho
r2.) This omission
1806.
WMin^on's affidavit.
656
and mtentions of [Burr,] and will disclose to you as fur as
you mquire, and no further: he has imbibed a reverence for
your character, and may be embarrassed in your presence •
put him at ease and he will satisfy yon.* presence .
July 29.
I instantly resolved-says Wilkinson in his affidavit-to
avail myselt of the reference made to the bearer, and, in the
course of some days, drew from him (the said Swartwout) the
following disclosure : " That he had been despatched by Col-
onel Burr from Philadelphia ; had passed through the States
ot Ohio and Kentucky, and proceeded from Louisville for St
Loui.s where he expected to find me ; but discovering at Kas-
kaskias that I had descended the river, he procured a skiff,
hired hands, and followed me down the Mississippi to Fort
Adams ; and from thence set out for Natchitoches, in company
with Captait. Sparks and Hooke, under the pretence of a dis-
position to take part in the campaign against the Spaniards,
then depending. That Colonel Burr, with the support of a
powerful association extending from New i'ork 1o New Or-
leans wa. levying an armed body of seven thousand men
from the State of New York and the wf.stern St: .ps and ter-
ritories, with a view to carry an expedition as'ainsf. the Mexi-
can provinces; and that five hundred men, und.c Colonel
Swar wout and a Colonel or Major TyJer, were to descend
the Alleghany, for whose accommqdaiicn light boats had been
built and weTe ready." I inquired what wouW be their couioe:
he said, " this territory would be vsvolutioaiiced, where the
people were ready to join them; r.;ul that there would be
some .seizing, he supposed, at Iv'ew Or/oans ; th-.t they r-xpected
to be ready to embark about the Ist of February; and intend-
ed to land at Vera Cr-z, and to marc h from thence to Mex-
ico." I observed that th le
wtrv several millions of dollars
mean to violat
borrow, and Wi
in New Orleas
Great Britain
were so disgu-
r"n u""} °^^*'''' P'^^*' ' ^" '^^^^^^ he replied, " we know it
lull well ; and, on my remarking th..t they certainly did not
)rivate property, he"vui', " they meant to
d return it ; that they lu iSt equip themselves
that they expected naval protection from
liat the captains and the -fficers of our navy
i with the Government that they were ready
to join; that luular disgusts prevailed throughout the west-
ern country, a here the people were zealous in favor of the
enterprise ; ! that pilot-boat built :ichooners were contract-
ed lor aloii , cur southern coast for their service ; that he had
been accompanied from the falls of Ohio to Kaskaskias, and
from thence to lort Adams, by a Mr. Ogden, who had pro-
ceeded on to New Orleans with letters from Colonel Burr to
his friends there." Swartwout asked mc whether I had
* WilkinEon's Mcmoire, ii, 3 . "
M
ss^sis*^^»KS)^sw«a*^ws>#:-JJS!JW®^^^wa^»3K!a^Scs^^
656
Suspicions as to Burros Plans.
1806.
hearJ from Dr. BoUrnan ; and, on my answering in the noga-
tivc, he expressed great surprise, and observed, " that the
Doctor and a Mr. Alexander had left Philadelphia before him
with despatches for me ; and that they were to proceed by
sea to Mew Orleans, where he said they must have arrived.
Though determined to deceive him, if possible, I could not
refrain telling Mr. Swartwout it was impossible that I could
ever dishonor my commission ; and I believe I duped him by
my admiration of the plan and by observing, that although I
could not join in the expedition, the engagements which the
Spaniards had prepared for me in my front might prevent my
opposing it. Yet I did, the moment I had deciphered the let-
ter, put it into the hands of Colonel Cush?ng, my adjutant and
inspector ; making the declaration that I should oppose the
lawless enterprise with my utmost force. Mr. Swartwout in-
formed me that he was under engagement;} to meet Colonel
Burr at Nashville on the 2. h of November, and requested of
me to write to him, which 1 declined ; and on his leaving Nat-
chitoches about the 18th of October, 1 immediately employed
Lieutenant T. A. Smith to convey the information in sub-
stance to the President without the commitment of names ;
for from the extraordinary nature of the project and the more
extraordinary appeal to me, I could but doubt its reality, not-
withstanding the testimony before me ; and I did not attach
solid belief to Mr. Swartwout's reports respecting their inten-
tions on this Territory and city, until I received confirmatory
advice from St. Louis.*
After leaving Pittsburgh, Burr went probably direct to Blen-
nerhassett's Island, where he had stopped the previous sum-
mer, while passing down the Ohio, and which he thenceforth
made his head-quarters. This he was probably led to do by
the fact that Blennerhassett, in December, 1805, had written
him, that he should like to take part in any western specula-
tions, or in attacking Mexico, should a Spanish war actually
occur. This offer, together with the supposed wealth of Blen-
nerhassett, and the admirable position of his island for Burr's
purposes, made that place the very one most desirable for
him to select as his centre of operations. From this point
the Chief made excursions into Ohio and Kentucky, obtain-
ing money, men, boats and provisions.
Among those from whom he received the most aid was
Davis Floyd, of Jeffersonville, a member of the Indiana As-
sembly: this gentleman, Blennerhassett, Comfort 7'y)erand Is-
rael Smith, were Burr's chiefs of division, and kd lit^- fewfol-
* Amcfican State P^pon, zz. 472.
1806.
I the nega-
" that the
before him
aroceed by
: arrived.
I could not
fiat 1 could
ped liim by
, although I
s which the
prevent my
ired the let-
.djutant and
oppose the
rartwout in-
leet Colonel
requested of
eaving Nat-
ly employed
ion in sub-
t of names ;
md the more
reality, not-
l not attach
; their inten-
conflrmatory
rect to Blen-
revious sum-
e thenceforth
^ led to do by
, had written
item specula-
war actually
ealthof Blen-
md for Burr's
desirable for
>m this point
:ucky, obtain-
moM, aid was
le Indiana As-
i Tyler and IS-
C' d lii^- few fol-
I
!
1806.
Daviess makes oath against Burr.
557
lowers that at last went down the river in his company.
Meantime the rumor was prevalent " in every man's mouth,"
fhat the settlement of the Washita lands,* for which the men
were nominally ei;listed, was a mere pretence, and that an
attack on Mexico, if not something worse, was in contempla-
tion.! That something was looked for beyond a conquest of
the Spanish provinces, seemed probable from the views ex-
pressed in a series of essays called the " Querist ;" these were
published in September in the Ohio Gazette, (Marietta,) were
written by Blennerhassett, immediately after Burr's viiiit to
his island, and strongly intimated that wisdom called on the
w^estern people to leave the Union. At this time Colonel Jo-
seph Daviess was attorney for the United States in Kentucky,
and he, together with others,^ felt that the General Govorn-
ment ought to be informed of what was doing, and of what
was rumored ; Mr, Jefferson accordingly, in the latter part of
September, received intimations of what was going forward,
but as nothing definite could be charged there was no point
of attack, and the Executive and his friends could do nothing
farther than watch and wait. At length, late in October, no-
tice .."i .he building of boats and collection of provisions
having reached him, the President sent a confidential agent
into the west,§ and also gave orders to the Governors and
commanders to be upon their guard. Daviess, meantime, had
gathered a mass of testimony implicating Burr, which led
him to take the step of briiging the subject, in November,
before the United States Dis rict Court, making oath, " that he
was informed, and did verily believe, that Aaron Burr for
several months past had been, and now is engaged, in pre-
paring and setting on foot, and in providing and preparing the
means for a military expedition and enterprise within this
district, for the purpose of descending the Ohio and Missis-
sippi therewith ; and making war upon the subjects of the
King of Spain." After having read -this affidavit, the attor-
ney added, "I have information, on which I can rely, that all
the western territories are the next object of the scheme — and
• See Colonel Lyon, in Wilkinson, ii. Appendix Ixviii ; — Davis, i;'.. .'592 ; — Butler'a Ken-
tucky, ?,\2, 313.— American State Papers, xx. 499, 524, 535, 599.
t Burnet's letters, 103. Numerous witnesses at Burr's trial, Richmond.
X See the Statements and papers in Marshall, ii. 385 to 413 — 424 ts 433.
g Mr. John Qraham, secretary of the Orleans Territory. His evidence is in American
State Papers, xz. 528. kc.
T«as^f;j»SiaS?f^S!«s;,!'-*«2'ite«??S^
Va-v=3^^-^-=^^?»'^S^ ?-J'.15.32i^5^
S5»
Governor Tiffin seix.cs Burr's liuals
1806.
finally, all the region of the Ohio, is calculated, as falling into
the vortex of the newly proposed revolution."
Upon this allldavit Daviess asked for Burr's arrest, but the
motion was overruled. The accused, however, who saw at
once the most politic course, came into court and demanded
an investigation, which could not be hud, however, in conse-
quence of the impossibility of obtaining Davis Floyd as u
witness. Thus far the public generally sympathized with Burr,
whose manners secured all suffrages, and who, on the 1st of
December was able to write to lleiiry Clay, his attorney, in
these terms : " I have no design, nor have I taken any meas-
ure to promote a dissolution of the Union, or a separation of
any one or more States from the residue. I have neither pub-
lished a line on this subject, nor ha.s any one through my
agency or with my knowledge. I have no design to inter-
meddle with the government, or to disturb the tranquility of
the United States, nor of its territories, or of any part of
them. I have neither issued nor signed, nor promised a com-
mission to any person, for any purpose. I do not own a mus-
ket nor bayonet, nor any single article of military stores, nor
does any person for me, by my authority, or my knowledge.
My views have been explained to, and approved by, several
of the principal oflicers of government, and, I believe, are
well understood by the administration, and seen by it with
complacency ; they are such as every }nan of honor and every
§006/ <ri7?:e/t must approve. Considering the high station you
now fill in our national councils, I have thought these expla-
nations proper, as well to counteract the chimerical tales,
which malevolent persons have industriously circulated, as to
satisfy you that you have not espoused the cause of a man in
any way unfriendly to the laws, the government or the inter-
ests of the country."*
The agent from government, who was all along actively
engaged in procuring evidence relative to Burr's plans, find-
ing abundant proof of his Mexican project, and learning also
that he thought the West ought to separate from the East,!
determined in December, to take measures to arrest his boats
and provisions. This he effected by an application to the
• Butler's Kentucky, 313, 316. See Jefferson's Mesaago, American Stato Paperi, xz.
4S9.
t American State Papers, zs. 531, 520.
1
1806.
ulliiig inio
'.at, but the
ho saw at
ileiuundc'd
•, in conse-
Floyd as a
with Burr,
the 1st of
ttoiney, in
any meas-
paration of
either pub-
lirough my
n to inter-
inquility of
ny part of
ised acom-
own a mus-
storcs, nor
knowledge,
by, several
)elieve. are
by it with
jr and every
station you
hese expla-
erical tales,
ilated, as to
)f a man in
3r the inter-
ng activelj'
plans, find-
arning also
the East,t
!st his boats
ation to the
;tate Fapor.', zz-
^
1
1806.
Swartwout and Bullmnn Arrested.
669
Legislature of Ohio, through Governor TifRn. The Legisla-
ture authorized the llovernor to take the necessary steps, and
before the Mlh of Dcceinber, ten boats with stores were ar-
rested on the JNIuskingum, and soon after, four more were seiz-
ed by the troops at Marietta* Bleniierhassott, Tyler, and
thirty or forty men, on the night of December 10th, left the
Island, and proceeded down the river, — barely escaping an ar-
rest by General Tuppcr, on behalf of the State of Ohio. On
the 16th, this party united with that of Floyd at the Falls, and
on the 26th, the whole, together, met Burr at the mouth of
the Cumberland. On the 29th, the company passed Fort
Massac.
But while Daviess and Graham were laboring to put a stop
to lUirr's progress, the General Covernmcnt had received in-
formation which enabled the President to act with decision ;
this was the message of Wilkinson, bearing an account of
Burr's letter already quoted. This message was sent from
Natchitoches upon the 22d of October, and reached the scat of
government, November 25th ; on the 27th, a proclamation
was issued and word sent westward to arrest all concerned.
About the same time, (November 24th or 25th,) Wilkinson,
who had done, unauthorized, upon the 1st of November, the
very thing he had been ordered on the 8th to do, — namely, to
make an accommodation with the Spanish commander on the
Sabine, and fall back to the Mississippi, reached New Orleans,
and prepared to resist any attack thereon : at this city he ar-
rested Swartwout, Peter V. Ogden, who was discharged, how-
ever, on Habeas Corpus, and Dr. Erick Bollman, who had also
borne messages from Burr and Dayton. f
What Burr may have felt or intended after he met his fugi-
tive followers at the mouth of Cumberland river, late in De-
cember, 1806, it is impossible to say, but it is certain that he
went on openly and boldly, protesting against the acts of
Ohio, and avowing his innocence. If he had relied on Wil-
kinson, he was as yet undeceived with regard to him. On
the 4th of January, 1807, he was at Fort Pickering, Chicka-
saw Btuffs, and soon after at Bayou Pierre. From this point
» See Governor Tiffin's Letters. Cist'g Cincinnati Miscellany, i. 259, 260. His message
of December 15tb. Journal of Senate, 36.
t American State Papers, ix. from 466 to 600. Wilkinson's Memoirs, ii. 3 IS, and ra-
lious appendices to the volume.
1
m
Burr's Trial and Purjmses.
1807.
he wrote to tlio authorities bolow, referring to the rumors re-
specting liirii, allcdging his innocence, and begging them to
avoid the horrors of civil war. Word luid just been received
from Jefferson, however, of the supposed conspiracy ; the mi-
litia were under arms; and the acting Covernor of the Mis-
sissippi Territory, Cowles Mead, on the 16th of January, sent
two aids to meet Colonel Burr ; one of these was Geo. Toin-
dexter. At this meeting, an interview between the acting
Governor was arranged, which took place on the 17lh; at
which titne Burr yielded himself to the civil authority. lie
was then taken to Washington, the capital of the territory,
and legal proceedings commenced. Mr. Poindexter was him-
self Attorney-General, and as such advised that Burr had been
guilty of no crime within Mississippi, and wished to have him
sent to the seat of government of the United States: the pre-
siding Judge, however, summoned a Grand Jury, vvhich, upon
the evidence before them, presented— not Burr for treason—
but the acting Governor for calling out the militia! That
evening, Colonel Burr, fearing an arrest by oflicers sent by
Wilkinson, forfeited his bonds and disappeared. A proclama-
tion being issued by the Governor for his apprehension, he
was seized on the Tombigbce river on his way to. Florida,
and was sent at once to Richmond, where he arrived March
26th.* On the 22d of May, Burr's examination began in the
Circuit Court of the United States at Bichmond, before Judge
Marshall; two bills w(re found against him, one for treason
against the United States, the other for a misdemeanor in or-
ganizing an enterprise against Mexico, while at peace with
the United States: but on both these charges the jury found
him " not guilty," " upon the principle that the offence if
committed anywhere, was committed out of the jurisdiction of
the Court." The Chief Justice, however, upon the latter
charge, subsequently ordered his commitment for trial within
the proper jurisdiction. This commitment, however, being
impliedly upon the supposition that the United States wished,
under the circumstances, to prosecute the accused, and the at-
torney for the government declining to do so, no further steps
were taken to bring the supposed culprit to justice, and the
details of his doings and plans have never yet been made
known.
• American State Papen. xx. ilT, 478, S30, 531, 545, 668 to 570, 602.-Dayi3 ii. 389.-
Butlei 318.
1807.
rumors re-
ig tlu'in to
Ml received
:y ; the rni ■
of the MLs-
nuary, sent
Geo. I'oin-
thc acting
10 17lh; at
ority. lie
e territory,
it was liitn-
rr had been
,0 have him
cs: the pre-
.vhich, upon
)r treason —
lia ! That
;ers sent by
L proclama-
^hcnsion, he
y to Florida,
rived March
jogan in the
jefore Judge
for treason
eanor in or-
peace with
3 jury found
: offence if
irisdictionof
1 the latter
trial within
ever, being
ates wished,
, and the at-
further steps
tice, and the
been made
—Davis u. 389.—
1807.
The Purposes nf Burr,
Dr.i
Although a mystery still hangs about Ihirr's plnns, in con-
sequence of tlic discontinuance of the suit by the I'nited
StatCN, wo think it has been clearly proved by the trial at
Richmond and other evidence — 1st, that Burr went into tiie
West in 1805 with the feeling that his day at tlie East was
over; in New York ho feared even a prosecution if he re-
mained there.*
2nd, That his plans, until late in that year, were undefin-
ed ; speculations of various kinds, a residence in Tennessee,
an appointment in the South-west, were under consideration,
but nothing was determined :
3d, That he at length settled upon three objects, to one or
the other of which, as circumstances might dictate, he meant
to devote his energies : these were —
A separation of the West from the East under himself and
Wilkinson :
Should this be, upon further examination, deemed impossi-
ble, then an invasion of Mexico by himself and Wilkinson,
■with or without the sanction of the federal government;
In case of disappointment in reference to Mexico, then the
foundation of a new state upon the Washita, over which he
might preside as founder and patriarch. f
That the Washita scheme was not a mere pretence, we
think evident from the fact that Burr actually paid toward the
purchase four or five thousand dollars : that it was not the
only object, and that the conquest of Mexico, if it could be
eflectcd, was among his settled determinations, his friends all
acknowledged, but said this conquest was to take place upon
the supposition of a war with Spain, and in no other case :
that Burr may have thought ♦' jovernment would wink at
his proceedings, is ver' p , and that Wilkinson either
meant to aid him, or pretended he would, in order to learn his
plans, is certain ; but the secrecy of his movements, the lan-
guage of his letter to Wilkinson in July, 1806, and his whole
character, convinces us that he would, if he could, have inva-
ded Mexico, whether the United States were at war or peace
with Spain.
But we cannot doubt that, going beyond a violation of the
•Davis' Memoirs, ii. 885, 412.— American Stnto Papcw, xx. 641 to 645.
tSee American Stato Papers, xx. 530, where Burr speaks to Graham of the Washita
luids and "a separate government."
I
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662
The purposes of Burr.
180
laws of tlie Union, he was disposed to seek a separation of that
Union itself. During his visit of 1806, he was undoubtedly
made fully acquainted with the old schemes for independence
entertained in Kentucky, and was led to question the real at-
tachment of the western people to the federal guvernm mt.
So long as he thought there was a probability of disunion, it
would naturally be his first object to place himself at the head
of the republic beyond the mountains, and should he find him-
self deceived as to the extent of disaflection in the Great Val-
ley, all his means could be brought to bear upon Mexico. His
conversations with the Morgans at Pittsburgh, the views of
the "Querist" prepared by Blennerhassett under Burr's eye,
and the declarations of Blennerhassett to Henderson and Gra-
ham, seem to leave no room for doubting the fact that a disso-
lution of the United States had been contemplated by the cx-
Vice-President, although we think there is as little reason to
doubt that it had been abandoned as hopeless, long before his
arrei^t.* [Judge Marshall said, (American State Papers, xx.
644,) "that the object of these writings," (the "Querist,") "was
to prepare the western states for a dismemberment, is appa-
rent on the face of them."
It appears to the editor-that every unprejudiced mind, who
analyzes the character of Aaron Burr, from the voluminous
works to which our references direct, and traces out his history,
must regard him as devoid of all virtuous principles. His
history, with that of Benedict Arnold, should be held forth as
a beacon light to young men, of the dangerous rocks and quick-
sands of unbridled ambition.]
With regard to Wilkinson, it is not easy to form a decided
opinion ; the strongest fact in his favor is that he informed the
government of Burr's projects, in the fall of 1805 ; the strongest
fact against him is, that if innocent, he was able to outwit and
entrap so subtle a man as the conspirator. It has been charg-
ed against Wilkinson that ha altered the letter sent him by
Burr, and then swore that the copy was a true copy: this, how-
ever, is fully explained by the deposition of Mr. Duncan,
Wilkinson's legal adviser at New Orleans, by whom indeed
the omission was suffered designedly to remain, in opposition
to the General's repeated and strong expression of his wish
i
I
•See Lynch'a Testimony in American State Papers, xx. 599,; — same Tol. pages 501, 503,
626 to 531.
■ f ^; ' **
^-Ji.i,JH! M
on of that
doubtedly
;penilence
le real at-
k'ernm mt.
isuniun, it
it the head
! find him-
jreat Val-
xico. His
i views of
urr's eje,
L and Gra-
at a disso-
by the cx-
! reason to
: before his
*apers, xx.
ist,") "was
t, is appa-
mind, who
oluminous
lis history,
pies. His
ild forth as
and quick-
a decided
formed the
e strongest
jutwit and
een charg-
[it him by
this, how-
. Duncan,
cm indeed
opposition
f his wish
pages 501, 503,
-^
Governor Hull buys the East of Michigan. 563
that it should be supplied. Another charge has been brought
against Wilkinson .^ince his death, that he claimed of Mexico
two hundred thousand dollars for stopping I5urr.* This charge
seems improbable, and it seems equally improbable that dur-
ing the persecution of the General in 1810, no knowledge of
so strange an act, and one of so public a nature, should liave
been reached by his enemies. As it was not brought forward
till 1836, eleven years after his death, no opportunity has oc-
curred for explaining or disproving it,but it ought not'to weigh
against his memory until further evidence is ollered in its sup-
port.f '■
On the 27th of January, 1807, Governor Hull, of Michio-an
lerritory, had been authorized by the federal government to
enter into a treaty with the north-western Indians, for the lands
upon the eastern side of the Peninsula, and for those west of
the Connecticut Reserve, as far as-the Auglaise. The direc-
tions then given having been repeated in September, a council
was held at Detroit, and a treaty made November 17th, with
the Ottawas, Chippeways, Wyandots and Pottawatomics, by
which the country from the Maumec to Saginaw Bay, on the
eastern side of Michigan, was transferred, with certain reser-
vations, to the United States.j:
Congress confirmed the old French claims to land in the
west, during this year.
A stockade was built round the new town of Detroit.^
tSvU; iS."°"' """""" ''"*' ''''^"' "• 560.-Wilkin3on'a Memoir,, ii. 333.
lAmerican State Papers, y. 745, 747, 718.
JLaumaD, 133, 183.
H
1
%3
1
■ W .-M »
CHAPTER XVIT.
THE INDIAN W \R OF 1811.
Expeditions of Licutcnnnf Z. M. Pike. — Movements of Tecumthe nnd the Prophet.—
Organization of Indiana Territory. — British Intrigue and Influence with the Indians. —
Conference at Vincennes. — Fort llairison built. — Battle of Tippecanoe. — £arth(|nake<
at Now Madrid. — First Western Steam-boat.
[It is here necessary to take a brief retrospect of some of
the years passed over in the preceding chapter. The district
of country comprised in the Territories of Indiana and Up-
per Louisiana, for a number of years after their organization,
was too remote, too much exposed to Indian depredations, and
too destitute of the comforts of civilized life, to attract many
emigrants.
Mr. Monette says : —
Lands equally good, and much more secure from danger
were more convenient. Hence the settlements on the Wa-
bash, on the Illinois, on the Upper Mississippi, and near the
Detroit river, increased in numbers slowly. The Indians still
lingered around their houses and familiar hunting grounds, as
if reluctant to abandon the scenes of their youth and the
graves of their ancestors, although they had received the stip-
ulated payment, and had f^onsented to retire from them.*
Mr. Lanman says of Detroit and Michigan, 1807 : —
Enterprise had not then pushed its energies so far into the
wilderness as in modern times, and capital floated along the
shores of the eastern States. In fact a great portion of that
uncultivated tract of country, which constitutes the splendid
scenery of western New York, adorned, as it now is, with
large cities and villages, and inteisected by rail-roads and ca-
nals, was a dense forest. The principal business of the set-
tlements in Michigan was the fur trade; and the wilderness
around, instead of revealing its treasures to the substantial
labor of agriculture, was preserved a waste, for the propaga-
tion of wild game, and the fur-bearing animals.
No permanent settlements of any considerable importance
had been made throughout this section of the country, besides
tliose at Detroit, Michillimackinac, a small establishment at
St. Mary's river, Fox river of Green Bay, Prairie du Chein,
and certain trading posts of eastern companies, some of which
* Valley of the Mississippi, ii. 523.
rid the Prophet.—
fith the Indiane. —
DOC. — £artli(|nake«
; of some of
The district
a.na and Up-
urganization,
edations, and
attract many
from danger
on the Wa-
md near the
Indians still
5 grounds, as
luth and the
ived the stip-
n them.*
107:—
far into the
ed along the
rtion of that
the splendid
now is, with
roads and ca-
ss of the set-
e wilderness
e substantial
the propaga-
3 importance
intry, besides
iblishment at
lie du Chein,
)me of which
i
1805.
Expedition of Lieutenant Pike.
566
are now in ruins. " Grirn-visnged war had smoothed her
wrinkled front;" and the country which had been for so long
a period drenched in blood, now shone out in the mild but
glorious light of peace.*
Amongst the occurrences of 1805, 1806 and 1807, are the
expeditions of Lieutenant Z. M. Pike ; the first to the sources
of the Mississippi, and the second to the sources of the Ar-
kansas, Kanzas, Platte, and Pierre Jaune rivers, and into the
provinces of New Spain. These expeditions were conducted
under the order of Government, through GeneralJames Wilk-
inson. The journals kept by Lieutenant Pike, (as his official
title then was) were by him prepared for the press, and issued
in octavo volume, with an atlas of maps and charts, in Phila-
delphia, 1810. From this volume we give i.he following brief
abstract:
The party, consisting of Major Pike, " with one servant,
two corporals and seventeen privates, in a keel boat, seventy
feet long, provisioned for four months," left the encampment,
near St. Louis, on the 9th of August, 1805. On the 1st of
September they reached Dubuque, where the Spanish trader
M. Dubuque then resided. The party reached Prairie du
Chein on the 4th. From the Appendix to part first, (p. 46,)
we make the following extract : —
The present village of Prairie du Chein, was first settled in
the year 1783, and the first settlers were M. Girard, M. An-
taya, and M. Dubuque. The old village is about a mile be-
low the present one, and had existed during the time the
French \vere possessed of the country. It derives its name
from a family of Reynards [Fox Indians] who formerly lived
there, distinguished by the appellation of Dogs. The present
village was settled under the English Government, and the
ground was purchased from the Reynard Indians.
There are eight houses scattered round the country, at the
distance of one, two, three, and five miles.
On the west side of the Mississippi are three houses, situa-
ted on a small stream called the Giard's river, making, in the
village and vicinity, thirty-seven houses, which it will not be
too much to calculate ten persons each; making the popula-
tion three hundred and seventy souls. But this estimate will
not answer for the spring and autumn, as there are then, at
least five or six hundred white persons. This is owing to the
concourse of traders and their engagees from Michillimacki-
nac and other parts, who make this their last stage, previous
to their launching into the savage wilderness. They again
•History of Michigan, 183.
■■ 1;
566
Expnlilion of Lieutenant Pike.
1805.
meet here iii the spring, on their return from their wintering
grounds, aocoinpanied by three or four hundred Indians, when
they hold a fair ; the one [party] disposes of remnants of
goods, and the other reserved peltries.
It is astonisliing there are not more murders and affrays at
this place, as there meet such a heterogeneous mass to trade ;
the use of spirituous liquors being in no manner restricted —
But since the American Clovernment has become known, such
accidents are much less frequent than formerly.
♦ * » # ■ # * # :,:
There are a Cvav gentlemen residing at the Prairie du Cheins,
and many others claiming that appellation ; but the rivalship
of the Indian trade, occasions them to be guilty of acts at
their wintering grounds, which they would blush to be guilty
of in the civilized world. They possess the spirit of generos-
ity and hospitality in an eminent degree ; but this is the lead-
ing feature in the character of frontier inhabitants. Their
mode of living had obliged them to have transient connection
with the Indian women ; and what was at first polict/ is now
so confirmed by habit and inclination, that it has become (with
a few exceptions) the ruling practice of all the traders ; and,
in fact, almost half of the inhabitants under twenty years,
have the blood of the aborigines in their veins.
The party reached the St. Peters on the 22d of September.
Here a council was held with the Sioux Indians, and a tract
of land purchased, of about one hundred thousand acres, for
a military post. This eventually provided for the military
post of St. Peters. Peace was also negotiated between the
Sioux and Chippeways, who had been at war for many years.
At the foot of the Falls of St. Anthony the boats were un-
loaded, and with great difllculty and labor raised above the
falls and again launched and reloaded.
On the 16th of October, they met a snow storm, and soon
after, found they could not get their boats up the rapids be-
fore them. They were now two hundred and thirty-three
miles above the falls of St. Anthony. Several of the men
were sick, and one broke a blood-vessel, and was in a dan-
gerous state. The snow continuing to fall, they constructed
log houses, excavated canoes, and provided a supply of pro-
visions by hunting. Here the sick and a few other men of
the party were left, while Major Pike, and the rest of the par-
ty, attempted to proceed up the river in canoes. The attempt
having failed, and the river being frozen, sleds were construct-
ed on which the baggage was transported, partly on the ice,
and partly on the lan('. After sustaining various privations
I
1805.
ir wintering
icii fins, when
cnuiants of
1(1 affrays at
ass to trade ;
restricted —
inown, such
ie du Cheins,
he rivalship
r of acts at
to be guilty
of generos-
is the lead-
ints. Their
t connection
wUcy is now
:come (with
fulers ; and,
enty years,
September,
and a tract
tid acres, for
he military
•etween the
m.iny years.
ts were un-
d above the
h, and soon
3 rapids be-
thirty-three
of the men
in a dan-
constructed
>ply of pro-
ther men of
of the par-
rhe attempt
B construct-
on the ice,
5 privations
1806.
Expedilion of Liculenant Pike.
and oxprriencing no small dogroc of difficully in (his inhos-
pitable wintry region, Mnjor I'ike and his little j)arty, with
one or two British traders, reached K.d Lake, then supposed
to be the head of the jMississippi, about the middle of Febru-
ary, 1806. At Lake Winipec, fifteen miles below, was a Bri-
tish trading post, and the Hag of that nation living from the
fort. The North-western company then had their posts in all
this wild region.
On the 28th of February, the party set out on their home-
ward march, but were detained on the route by ice, and hold-
ing "talks" with bands of Indians, so that they did not reach
the Fallsof St. Anthony until the 10th of April. At the mouth
of the St. Peters, another council was held with the Sioux and
Sauteurs ; a branch of the Chippeways.
After holding conferences with .several bands of Indians at
Prairie du Chein, and other places. Major Pilie and his party
reached St. Louis, on the 30lh of April, after an absence of
eight months and twenty-two dnys. This was the first explo-
ration ever made of the Upper lAlississippi, by nutliority of the
United States. The objects of the expedition were accom-
plished, in the selection of positions for military posts, in mak-
ing peace among hostile Indian nations, and in tracing the
Mississippi to its source.
The second expedition had for its primary object, the pro-
tection and " safe delivery" of a deputation of Osages and
.some captives, to the town of the Gran dUsage nation. The
next was, to promote peace and a good understanding be-
tween the Kanzas* and Osage nations, and the Yanctons, Te-
tons and Camanches. The exploration of the country on the
head waters of the Arkansas and Red Rivers, would follow
the effort to negotiate with the Camanches.
The party consisted of two lieutenants, one surgeon, one
sergeant, two corporals, sixteen privates and one interpreter.
Under their charge were several chiefs of the Osages and
Pawnees, who, with a number of women and children, had
been to Washington city. These Indians had been redeemed
from captivity from among the Pottawatomies. The whole
number of Indians amounted tofffty-one. •
The party left Belle Fontaine, near the mouth of the Mis-
souri, on the 15th of July, 1806. In the company was Dr.
•This is pronouticed Kauzau, and by abbreviation, Kaw nation.
If.
568
Lit'uf.. Pike's Expluiathn in the West.
1806.
■
John II. I'obinson, a volunteer, and a ycntltMnan of scientific
attainments ; a Mr. Mcnry, from New .lersey, also a volunteer,
wlio spoke Frencli.and a little Spanish, and lieutenant James
Wilkinson, son of General Wilkinson. The Indians generally
walked on the land. On the 28tii of Julv they arrived at the
mouth of the Osage river, and proceeded up that stream, to
the village of the Grand Osages, which they reached on the
19lh of August. Having provided horses, the party set off by
land on the 1st of September for the heads of the Arkansas,
holding councils with the various tribes of Indians through
which they pa.ssed. They learned that troops from Mexico
had visited the Pawnee villages.
At that period th^^rc was an old trace, known as the "Span-
ish trace," made in 1720, by a party who left Santa Fe, to ex-
terminate the Missouries.
Lieutenant Pike and his party, after much search, could not
find this trace, but reached the Arkansas on the 18th of Octo-
ber. They found the water only twenty feet wide and six
inches deep, though from bank to bank was two hundred and
fifty yards. Here lieutenant Wilkinson constructed canoes
with pieces of wood and bufialoe hides, and with three sol-
diers and an Osage, descended the river to the Mississippi,
and from thence to New Orleans.
Lieutenant Pike and his party proceeded onwi.rdupthe
Arkansas until they got entangled in the range of mountains
and in the depth of a severe winter. Here they wandered,
half frozen and half starved, until the first week in February,
when, getting into a grove of tiinber in a sheltered spot, they
proceeded to erect a stockade as a protection from the In-
dians.
Dr. Robinson having received claims against a certain per-
son in Mexico, parted from the expedition and attempted to
find his way alone to Santa Fe. This claim of the Doctor
was merely a riisc to gain information of the country and the
intentions of the Mexican Spaniards. The claim was this.
In the year 1804, William Morrison, Esq., an enterprising
merchant of Kaskaskia, sent Baptiste La Lande, a Creole, up
the Missouri and Platte rivers, and directed him, if possible,
to push into Santa Fe. He sent in some Indians, and the
Spaniards came out with horses and carried him and his
I..
,• i
1806.
of scientific
(I volunteer,
enant Jitines
ns generivPy
rrlved at the
t stream, to
ched on tiie
rty set off by
e Arkansas,
tins through
rom Mexico
s the "Span-
taFe, to ex-
r;h, could not
SthofOcto-
vide and six
hundred and
cted canoes
,h three sol-
Mississippi,
wi xd up the
f mountains
^ \vandered,
in February,
ed spot, they
from the In-
. certain per-
attempted to
f the Doctor
mtry and the
im was this,
enterprising
a Creole, up
1, if possible,
ans, and the
[lim and his
1896. Expedition to the Head of the Arkansas. 569
goods into the province. Finding he could sell Jiis goods at
a high price, and having land and a wife offered him, he con-
cluded to expatriate liiinself and convert the property of Mr.
Morrison to his own benefit. Mr. M., supposing Lieutenant
Pike might meet with some Spanish factor on his route, c i-
trusted hiin with his claim, with orders to collect it. Pike
made this claim a pretext for the visit of Dr. Itebinson to
Santa Fe, while the real object was to gain knowledge of the
country and people.*
On the Ibui of February, Lieutenant Pike, while out on a
hunting excursion with one man, was discovered by a Spanish
dragoon and a Mexican Indian, who were sent out as spies
After a friendly interview they left, and by the 5i6lh instant
returned with one hundred oificers and soldiers, who took the
party prisoners. Unfortunately, being ignorant of the geo-
graphy of the country, and having no guide, Lieutenant Pike
was on the Rio del Norte instead of the Red river, as he sup-
posed. He was in Mexico instead of the United States.
After undergoing an examination before the Governor of
Santa Fe, whose name jvas AUencaster, Lieut. Pike with his
comrades were allowed to retain their arms, but were marched
through Albuquerque, St. Fernandez, El Paso, to Chihauhua
where he underwent another examination before Governor
Salcedo. After various embarrassments, accompanied by Dr.
Robinson, he had leave to depart, by Monclova to San Anto-
nio in Texas.
The party commenced the march on the last of April and
reached San Antonio, in Texas, where they arrived on the 7th
of June. Here they tarried one week, and proceeding through
Texas reached Nachitoches on the first'd? ,( July, igOT.
This expedition, unfortunate as it was to Lieutenant Pike
brought to the knowledge of the United States, the plains of the
Arkansas, and the Mexican region, a large part of which now
belongs to the United States,
During the year 1808, Tecumthe and the Prophet continued
quietly to extend their influence, professing no other end than
a reformation of the Indians. Before the month of June they
had removed from Greenville to the banks of the Tippecanoe
* Pike's Expedition, p. 195. Note.
36
-— «i
■i"^
670
Pike's Ej-pcdUion to New Mexico.
1807.
a tributary of the Upper Wabash, where a tract of land had
been granted thoiu by the rottawatoinics and Kicluipuos.
In July the Prophet sent to General Harrison a messenger
begging him not to bolievo the tales told by his enemies, and
promising a visit: in August, accordingly, he spent two weeks
at Vinoennes, and by his words and promises led the tJt.vernor
to change v.ery much his previous opinion, and to think his
inlluence might be beneficial rather than mischievous.*
[To explain more fully the designs of this Chieftain, we
quote from Brown's History of Illinois.]
Tecumtlic entered upon the great work he had long con-
templated, in the year 1806 or 1806. lie was then about
thirty-eight years of age. To unite the several Indian tribes,
many of which were hostile to, and had often been at war
with each other, in this great and important undertaking, pre-
judices were to be overcome, their original manners and cus-
toms to be re-established, the use of ardent spirits to bo
abandoned, and all intercourse with the whites to be suspend-
ed. The task was herculean in its character, and beset with
difFicultics on every side. Here was a field for the display of
the highest moral and intellectual powers. lie had already
gained the reputation of a brave and sagacious warrior, and
a cool-headed, upright, wise, and efficient counsellor. He
was neither a war nor a peace chief, and yet he vViclded the
power and influence of both. The time havijig now arrived
for action, and knowing full well, that to win savage atten-
tion, some bold and striking movement was necessary, he
imparted his plan to his brother, the Prophet, who adroitly
and without a moment's delay, prepared himself for the part
he was appointed to play in this great drama of savage life.
Tecumthe well knew that excessive superstition was every-
where a prominent trait in the Indian character ; and there-
fore, with the skill of another Cromwell, brought superstition
to his aid.
Suddenly, his brother began to dream dreams, and see
visions; he became afterward an inspired prophet, favored
with a divine commission from the Great Spirit— the power of
life and death was placed in his hands— he was appointed
agent for preserving the property and lands of the Indians,
and for restoring them to their original happy condition. He
thereupon commenced his sacred work. The public mind
was aroused, unbelief gradually gave way; credulity and
wild fanaticism began to spread its circles, widening and
deepening, until the fame of the prophet and the divine char-
• Dawson, lOfi.
1807.
oi' land had
Kicl\a|)oos.
a messenger
Miomics, and
it two weeks
tlieCJ(,v'eriior
to think his
VOUH.*
Chieftain, \vc
ad h)ng con-
s then about
Indian tribes,
been at war
lertaking, pre-
mers and eus-
spirits to be
to be suspend-
iid beset with
the display of
3 had already
warrior, and
lunsellor. He
le \*ielded the
g now arrived
savage atten-
necessary, he
, who adroitly
ilf for the part
of savage life,
ion was cvery-
u' ; and there-
ht superstition
earns, and see
ophet, favored
— the power of
was appointed
jf the Indians,
condition. He
le public mind
credulity and
widening and
he divine char-
1807.
Troubles with Great Hritain.
H
15
571
ncter of his mission had reached the frozen shores of the lakes,
and overran the broad planes which stretched far beyond "the
-great Father of Waters." Pilgrims from remote tribes, sought
witii lear and trembling the head-quarters of the prophet and
the sage. Proselytes were multii)lied, and his folhnv.rs in-
creased beyond all former example, liven Tecumthe became
a believer, and seizing upon the golden opportunity, he min-
gled with the pilgrims, won them by his address, and on their
return sent a knowledge of his plan of concert and union to
the most distant tribes.
The bodily and mental labors of Tecumthe next commenced.
His hie became one of ceaseless activity. He travelled, he
argued, he commanded. His persuasive voice was one day
listened toby the Wyandots, on the plains of Sandusky; on
the next, his commands were issued on the banks of the Wa-
bash. He was anon seen paddling his canoe across the Mis-
sissippi, then boldly confronting the Governor of Indiana, in
the council-house at Vincennes, Now carrying his banner of
union among the Creeks and Cherokees of the South, and
from thence to the cold and inhospitable regions of the north
neither intoxicated by success, nor discouraged by failure. '
The year 1808, made a change in the Presidency of the
United States, though not in political measures. Mr. Jeffer-
son, who had administered the affairs of the country with
pre-eminent success through two terms, tind who was gene-
rally popular throughout the west, retired to private life, and
Mr. Madison became his successor in March, 1809.
In order that the general reader may have a full under-
standing of the .scries of events that led to the war with Great
Britain, (the subject of our next chapter) we give the follow-
ing preliminary facts.
England and France, and Indeed most of the European
governments, had been in a state of hostility for some years.
Napoleon had introduced and carried into effect what has
been called the " Continental System." This was designed to
exclude England from all intercourse with the continent of
Europe. All importation of English manufactures and pro-
duce was prohibited. This system involved the rights of neu-
tral powers, and both England and France commenced de-
predations on the commerce of the United States.
In November, 1806, Napoleon issued the famous decree of
Berlin, by which the British Islands were declared to be in a
state of blockade. Immediately England directed reprisals
Ml
m
b72
Troubles with Great Britain.
1808.
ajfJUHst tlie Hcrliri ilecroe, ami issued her " Orders in Council"
in 1807. I'ivory neutral vessel with its cargo wu-j conliscuted
which violiitod these orders. England also claimed the right
to search all neutral vessels, in order to execute the orders in
Council. With this odious practice was connected the " right
of search" on neutral vessels, for Britisli spanu'U, and alj
were claimed as such, who could not show oflicinl papers of
their birth, and regular shipment under a neutral government.
Hundreds of naturalized citizens and even native born Amer-
icans were thus taken under our Hag and impressed on board
of British ships of war. These " orders" were followed on
the part of France by the decree of Milan, December, 1807,
and a more aggravated one of the Tuillerics, in January,
1808.
These decrees denationalized and confiscated every neu-
tral vessel, which had been .searched by an English ship.
These difiiculties with England were greatly increased by the
wanton attack on the frigate Chesapeake in the waters of
the United States. This produced a call upon the militia of
the United States.
The Imperial decrees of France, and the aggressions of
Great Britain, induced Congress, by recommendation of the
President, to lay an embargo prohibiting the expoi-tation of
all articles from the United States, in December, 1807. This
measure met with so nmch opposition that it was repealed in
1809, and at the same time all trade and intercourse with
France and England was prohibited by an act of Congress.*
During the same period, British oflicers and traders were
encouraging the Indians to contend for their rights, by instill-
ing into their minds the notion that they had sovereignty over
all the country not ceded by the treaty of Greenville. These
lessons were relished by Tecumthe and his brother, the
Prophet. In reference to the hostilities of 1811, but which
had existed in feelings and plans at an early period, Mr. Lan-
inant says :—
'« The basis of these hostilities was the fact that Elshwata-
wa the Prophet, who pretended to certain supernatural pow-
ers, had formed a league with Tecumthe, to stir up the jeal-
• See Encycloposdia Amorioana, articles, "Continental Syitem," vol. iii. 499; and "IJni-
ttd StoteB' Hiitory," vol. xii. 419. Butler'a Kentucky, 327.
t History of Michigan, 184.
^.
1808.
ill Council"
conllscuteJ
(•(1 the riglit
\u' ordtTS ill
lI the " risht
I'll, and nlj
inl papers of
^ovenimriit.
born Aincr-
;cd on board
followed on
mbcr, 1807,
in January,
every neu-
Inglish ship,
eased by the
he waters of
lie militia of
agressions of
lation of the
cportation of
1807. This
s repealed in
reourse with
' Congress.*
traders were
its, by instill-
ereignty over
ville. These
brother, the
I, but which
od, Mr. Lan-
at Elshwata-
natural pow-
• up the jeal-
iii. 499; ond "Uni-
1808.
Remarks of Mr. lAtnman,
673
oUMy of thr Indians a^jainst the Uiiitod Statos. ft srctns that
this was an act of pre-concert on tlm |)arl of those brothers, in
order to produfui a general confodcnwy of Indians against the
United .States, Mutual complaints were urged on both sides.
It was maintained by CJovernor Harrison that the Indians had
end(!avored to excit(! insurrection against the Americans, had
dej)redated upon thciir property, and murdered their citizens ;
and that they were, moreover, in league with the llritish. I In
ordered them, therefore, to return to their respective tribes,
and to yield up the property wlii<'h they had stolen, and also
the murderers. Tecunithe, in answer, denied the league. He
alleged that hi.i only design, and that of his brother, was to
strengtluin the amity between the dilferent tribes of Indians,
and to imj)rove their moral condition. In answer to Clover-
nor Harrison's demand for the murderers of the whites who
had taken refuge amont^ their tribes, he denied that they were
there ; and secondly, that if they were there, it was not right
to punish them, and that they ought to be forgiven, as he had
forgiven those who had murdered his people in Illinois. The
Indians, comprised of seceders from the various trii)es, were
incited by the conviction that their domain was encroached
upon by the Americans ; that they were themselves superior
to the white men ; and that the Clreat Spirit had directed them
fo make one mighty struggle in throwing off the dominion of
the United States. Hritisli inlluence, which had before exerted
its agency in the previous Indian war, was active on the Amer-
ican side of the Detroit River; and it must be admitted that it
had strong ground of action. An ardent correspondence had
for some time existed regarding the conduct of the savages,
and powerful efforts were made to dissuade them from ad-
vancing in their projects. In a speech which was sent to
Tecumthe and his brother, complaining of injuries which had
been committed by the Indians, and demanding redress, Gov.
Harrison, who then resided at Vincennes, remarks, " Broth-
ers, I am myself of the Long Knife fire ; as soon as they hear
my voice, you will see them pouring forth their swarms of
" hunting-shirt men," as numerous as the musquitoes on the
shores of the Wabash. Brothers, take care of their stings."
On the 25lh of November, Governor Hull met at Browns-
town the Chippeways, Ottowas, Pottawatomies, Wyandots,
and Shawanese, and obtained from them a grant of a strip of
land connecting the Maumee with the Western Reserve, and
another strip connecting Lower Sandusky with the covntry
south of the line agreed upon in 1795. These strips were ic
be used for roads.*
[The white settlements in Upper Louisiana, in the begin-
• American State Papers, v. 727.
V
574
Organkation of Illinois Territory.
1809.
ning of 1808, had not extended much beyond the boundaries
claimed by the Spanish authorities in virtue of former trea-
ties with native tribes.
On the 10th of November of that year, a grand council of
the nation of Osages was held at Fort Clark, on tho right
bank of the Missouri river, where a treaty was made in which
the Osages relinquish their claims to all their lands between
the Missouri and Arkansas rivers, as far west as a line drawn
from Fort Clark due South to the Arkansas. This treaty threw
open the territory to settlements to this boundary.
From 1804 to 1809, there was considerable emigration to
the territory, especially into the counties of Cape Girardeau,
Ste. Genevieve, St. Louis.and St. Charles. Even as early as
1794, a German Colony was commenced in the interior of this
county. Their descendants are among some of the first class
of farmers in Missouri.]
Throughout the year 1809, we find Tecumthe and his broth-
er strengthening themselves both openly and secretly. Gov-
ernor Harrison, however, had been once more led to suspect
their ultimate designs, and was preparing to meet an emer-
gency whenever it might arise. The probability of its being
at hand was very greatly increased by the news received from
the Upper Mississippi of hostile movements there among the
savages. In reference to these movements and the position
of the Shawanese brothers. Governor Harrison wrote to the
Secretary of War on the 5th of July as follows :
The Shawanese prophet and about 40 followers arrived
here about a week ago. He denies most strenuously any par-
ticipation in the late combination to attack our settlements,
which he says was entirely confined to the tribes of the Mis-
sissippi and Illinois rivers; and he claims the merit of having
prevailed upon them to relinquish their intentions.
I must confess that my suspicions of his guilt have been
rather strengthened than diminished at every interview I have
had with him since his arrival. He acknowledged tliat he re-
ceived an invitation to war against us, from the British, last
fall, and that he was apprised of the intention of the Sacs,
Foxes, &c., early in the spring, and warmly solicited to join
in their league. But he could give no satisfactory explana-
tion of his neglecting to communicate to me circumstances so
extremely interesting to us, and towards which, I had a few
months before directed his attention, and received a solemn
1809.
boundaries
ormer trea-
J council of
an tho right
[le in which
ds between
line drawn
rcaty threw
nigration to
GirardeaUj
as early as
erior of this
te first class
jd his broth-
•etly. Gov-
d to suspect
et an emer-
of its being
iceived from
? among the
the position
wrote to the
vers arrived
gly any par-
settlements,
i of the Mis-
it of having
; have been
view I have
I that he re-
British, last
of the Sacs,
jited to join
try explana-
imstances so
had a few
ed a solemn
1809.
Oi ganhation of Illinois Territory,
575
assurance of his cheerful compliance with the injunctions I
had impressed upon him.
' The result of all my inquiries on the subject, is, that the
late combination was produced by British intrigue and influ-
ence, in anticipation of war between them and the United
States. It was, however, premature and ill-judged, and the
event sulliciently manifests a great decline in their influence,
or in the talents and address, with which they have been ac-
customed to manage their Indian relations.
The warlike and well armed tribes of the Pottawatomies,
Ottawas, Cliippewas, Delawares and Miamis, I believe neither
had, nor would have joined in the combination ; and although
the Kickapoos, wiiose warriors are better than those of any
other tribe, the remnant of the Wyandot excepted, are much
under the influence of the prophet, I am persuaded that they
were never made acquainted with their intentions, if these
were really hostile to the United States.*
In this same letter the Governor, at the request of the Se-
cretary, Dr. Eustis, gives his views of the defence of the fron-
tiers, in which portion of his epistle many valuable hints are
given in relation to the course proper to be pursued in case of
a war with England.
In September, October and December, the Governor of In-
diana succeeded in extinguishing the claims of the Delawares,
Pottawatomies, Miamies, Eel river Indians, Weas, and Kicka-
poos, to certain lands upon the Wabash which had not yet
been purchased, and which were believed to contain copper
ore t
The treaties with the Delawares, Pottawatomies, Miamies,
and Eel river Indians, were made at Fort Wayne ; the others
at Vincennes ; they were protested against by Tecumthe in
the Icllowing year.
On the 1 7th of February the Legislature of Ohio pas.sed
the chart-^r of the Miami University. With regard to this in-
stitution, a question at once arose, whether it should be with-
in Symme-s' Purchase, as it had been originally intended it
should be, and as the charter required ; or placed upon the
lands with which it was endowed, — which lands it had been
found necessary to select out of the Purchase, as has been al-
ready related. The Legislature decided that the University
♦Dawson, 130.
t American Stito Papers, t. 700, to 763. Dawson, 135 to 137.
s\:
II
676
Organization of Illinois Territory.
1809.
should be upon the lands which had been appropriated to its
support in the township of Oxford, and there accordingly it
was placed. J
[Oiie of the events of 1809, which claims special notice,
was the organization of the Territory of Illinois.
The people of Illinois, as has happened to others more re-
cently, at several periods were left without a regularly consti-
tuted government. Originally it was a portion of ancient
Louisiana, under the French monarchy. By the treaty of
France with Great Britain in 1763, all Canada, including the
Illinois country, was ceded to the latter power.
But British authority and laws did not reach Illinois until
1766, when Captain Sterlir.g, in the name, and by the author-
ity of the British crown, established the provisional govern-
ment at Fort Chartres.
In 1766, the "Quebec Bill," as it was called, passed the Bri-
tish Parliament, which placed Illinois and the North-western
territory under the local administration of Canada.
The conquest of the country by General Clark in 177Sj
brought it under the jurisdiction of Virginia, and in the month
of October the Legislature of that State organized the county
of Illinois.
The cession of the country to the Continental Congress was
made in 1784, and the ordinance to organize the North-west-
ern Territory, which provided for aTerritorial Government,
was not passed until 1787, and the Governor and Judges who
exercised, in one body, Legislative and Judicial authority, did
not go into operation until July, 1788. Still the Illinois coun-
try remained without any organized government till March,
1790, when Governor St. Clair organized the county that
bears his name. Hence, for more than six years at one pe-
riod, and for a shorter time at other periods, there was no
Executive, Legislative, and Judicial authority in the country.
The people were a " law unto themselves," and good feel-
ings, harmony and fidelity to engagements predominated.
From 1800 they had been a part of the territory oi Indi-
ana. In all the territories at that period, there were two grades
of Territorial Government. The first was that of Governor
and Judges. These constituted the law-making power. Such
t Burnett's Letters, 165, 166.— American Pioneer, i. 269.
< !«,
WW
1809.
riated to its
lordingly it
cial notice,
rs more rc-
arly consti-
of ancient
! treaty of
eluding the
linois until
the author-
nal govern-
ised the Bri-
rth-western
I.
rk in 177S,
ri the month
[ the county
North-west-
lovernment,
Fudges who
ithority, did
linois coun-
. till March,
county that
at one pe-
ere was no
the country.
. good feel-
linated.
ory Oi Indi-
two grades
)f Governor
)wer. Such
1809
Organixation of Illinois Territory.
677
Avas the organization ol Illinois in 1809. The next grade wa
a Territorial Legislature; the people electing the House of
Representatives, and the President and Senate appointing the
Council.
By an act of Congress of February 3d, 1809, nil that part of
Indiana Territory which lies west of the Wabash river, and a
direct line drawn from that river and Post Vinccnnes, due
north, to the territorial line between the United States
and Canada, was constituted into a separate Territory, by the
name of Illinois ; and the first grade of Territorial Govern-
ment was established.
Hon. Ninian Edwards, then Chief Justice of Kentucky,
was appointed Governor, and Nathaniel Pope, Esq., then a
resident of Kaskaskia, Secretary of the Territory.
Early in March, as the acting Governor, Judge Pope organ-
ized the Territory. Governor Edwards arrived from Ken-
tucky and entered the Executive department in the month of
June. As we have much to bring up in the Annals of Illinois,
we shall defer details for the Appendix.
The hostile intentions of Tecumthe nd his followers to-
wards the United States, were placed beyond a doubt in 1810.
The exciting causes were — the purchase at Fort Wayne in
1809, which the Shawanese denounced as illegal and unjust;
and British influence. And here, as in 1790 to 1795, it is al-
most impossible to learn what really was the amount of
British influence, and whence it proceeded ; whether from the
agents merely, or from higher authority. On the one hand
we have many assertions like the following: —
Fort Wayne, August 7, 1818.
Since writing you on the 25th ultimo, about one hundred
men of the Saukies have returned from the British agent,
who supplied them liberally with every thing they stood in
want of The party received 47 rifles, and a number of fusils,
with plenty of powder and lead. This is sending firebrands
into the Mississippi country, inasmuch as it will draw num-
bers of our Indians to the British side, in the hope of being
treated with the same liberality.
JOHN JOHNSTON, Indian Agent.
Vincennes, September, 17, 1811.
states that almost every Indian from the country
above this had been, or were then gone to Maiden, on a visit
■^1'
r\
!>
I
678 Asshtancc given the Indians by England 1810.
to the British agent. We shall probably gain our destined
point at tlie moment of their return. If, then, the Brilisli
a-^ents are really endeavoring to instigate the Indians to
nfake war upon us, we shall be in their neighborhood at tlie
very moment when the impressions which have been made
against us are most active in the minds of the savages.
° succeeded in getting the chiefs together at I'ort
Wayne, though he found them all preparing to go to Maiden.
The result of the council discovered that the whole tribes (in-
cluding the Weas and Eel rivers, for they are all Miamies.)
were about equally divided in favor of the Prophet and the
United States. Lapousicr, the Wea chief, whom I before
mentioned to you as being seduced by the Prcphet, was re-
peatedly asked by what land it was that he was de-
termined to defend with his blood ; whether it was that which
was ceded by the late treaty or not, but he would give no an-
_•___ reports that all the Indians of the Wabash have
been or now are, on a visit to the British agents at Maiden.
He had never known one-fourth as many goods given to the
Indians, as they are now distributing. He examined the share
of one man (not a chief,) and found that he had received an
elegant rille, 25 pounds of powder, 50 pounds ot lead, 6
blankets, 3 strouds of cloth, 10 shirts and several other articles.
He says every Indian is furnished with a gun (cither riile
or fusil) and an abundance of ammunition. A trader ot
this country was lately in the King's stores at Maiden,
and was told that the quantity of goods for the Indian
department, which had been sent out this year, exceeded that
of common years by 20,000 pounds sterling. t is impossible
to ascribe this profusion to any other motive than that oi in-
stigating the Indians to take up the tomahawk. It cannot be
to secure their trade ; for all the peltry co.iected on the wa-
ters of the Wabash in one year, if sold in the London market,
would not pay the freight of the goods which have been given
to the Indians.*
On the other hand we know that Sir James Craig, the Gov-
ernor of Canada, wrote on the 25th of November, 1810, to
Mr. Morier, the British Minister at Washington, authorizing
him to inform the United States Government that the north-
ern savages were meditating hostilities if we know also that
in the following March, Sir James wrote to Lord Liverpool
in relation to the Indians, and spoke of the information he
had given the Americans, and that his conduct was approv-
* American state Papers, r. 799, 801 to 80 J.
tAinoricaa State Papers, iii. 453.— Gaston in Congress; quoted by Dawson, 175.
•| •pi.il««iHyiUW
land.
1810.
in our destined
icn, the British
he Indians to
borhood at the
,ve been made
savages.
Tether at Fort
go to Maiden,
'hole tribes (in-
e all Miamies.)
rophet and the
whom I before
rcphet, was re-
lat he was de-
was that which
uld give no an-
Wabash have
;nts at Maiden,
ds given to the
mined the share
ad received an
nds of lead, 3
il other articles,
un (cither rille
1. A trader of
es at Maiden,
for the Indian
r, exceeded that
it is impossible
than that of in-
k. It cannot be
icted on the wa-
London market,
aave been given
I Craig, the Gov-
-ember, 1810, to
ton, authorizing
t that the north-
3 know also that
Lord Liverpool
I information he
ict was approv-
jd by Dawson, 175.
■iint^;' ,i,
1810. Assistance given the Indians by England.
579
ed ;* we have farther the repeated denial by the English Min-
ister at Washington, of any iiiHuence having been exerted over
the frontier tribes adverse to tlie States, by the authority, or
with the knowledge of the English Ministry or the Governor of
Canada. t These tilings, we think, must lead us to acquit the
rulers of Great Britain, but they do not show who, nor how
high in authority the functionaries were who tried, as Tecum-
the told Harrison, to set the red men, as dogs, upon the whites
But, however we may think the evil inlluence originated,
certain it is that the determination was taken by " the succes-
sor of Pontiac," to unite all the western tribes in hostility to
the United States, in case that power would not give up the
lands bought at Fort Wayne, and undertake to recognize the
principle, that no purchases should be thereafter made unless
from a Council representing all the tribes united as one na-
tion. By various acts the feelings of Tecum the became more
and more evident, but in August, he having visited Vincennes
to see the Governor, a Council was held at which, and at
a subsequent interview, the real position of aflairs was clear-
ly ascertained — of that Council we give the account contain-
ed in Mr. Drake's life of the Great Chieftain.
Governor Harrison had made arrangements for holding the
Council on the portico of his own house, which had been
fitted up with seats for the occasion. Here, on the morning
of the fifteenth, he awaited the arrival of the chief, being at-
tended by the judges of the Supreme Court, some officers of
the army, a sergeant and twelve men, from Fort Knox, and a
large number of citizens. At the appointed hour Tecumthe,
supported by forty of his principal warriors, made his ap-
pearance, the remainder of his followers being encamped in
the village and its environs. When the chief had approach-
ed within thirty or forty yards of the house, he suddenly stop-
ped, as if awaiting some advances from the Governor. An
interpreter was sent requesting him and his followers to take
seats on the portico. To this Tecumthe objected — he did not
think the place a suitable one for holding the conference, but
preferred that it should take place in a grove of trees — to
which he pointed — standing a short distance from the house.
The Governor said he had no objection to the grove, except
that there were no seats in it for their accommodation. Te- \
cumthe replied, that constituted no objection to the grove, the
earth being the most suitable place for the Indians, who lov-
• American State Papers, ii.. 462.
tAmerkan State Papers, 453, iii. 453, 462.
%
I'
580
Tccumlhe meets Harrison in Council.
\%\0.
ed to repose upon tlie bosom of their mother. The governor
yielded the point, and the benches and chairs having been
removed to the spot, the coniercnce was begun, the Indians
being seated on the grass.
Tecumthe opened the meeting by stating, at length, his ob-
jections to the treaty of Fort Wayne, made by Governor Har-
rison in the previous year ; and in the course of his speech,
boidly avowed the principle of his party to be, that of resis-
tance to every cession of land, unless made ly all the tribes,
who, ho contended, formed but one nation. He admitted
that he had threatened to kill the chiefs who signed the
treaty of Fort Wayne ; and that it was his lixed determina-
tion not to permit tlie village chiefs, in future, to manage their
aflairs, but to place the power with which they had been
heretofore invested, in the hands of the war chiefs. The
Americans, he said, had driven the Indians from the sea coast,
and would soon push them into the lakes; and, while he dis-
claimed all intention of making war upon the United States,
he declared it to be his unalterable resolution to take a stand,
and resolutely oppose the further intrusion of the whites upon
the Indian lands. He concluded, by making a brief but im-
passioned recital of the various wrongs and aggressions in-
dicted by the white men upon the I.idians, from the commence-
ment of the revolutionary war down to the period of that
Council; all of which was calculated to arouse and inflame
the minds of such of his followers as were present.
To him the Governor replied, and having taken his seat,
the interpreter commenced explaining the speech to Tecum-
the, who, after listening to a portion of it, sprung to his feet
and began to speak wiih great vehemence of manner.
The Governor was surprised at his violent gestures, but as
he did not understand him, thought he was making some ex-
planation, and suffered his attention to be drawn towards
Winnemac, a friendly Indian lying on the grass before him,
who was renewing the priming of his pistol, which he had
kept concealed from the other Indians, but in full view of the
Governor. His attention, however, was again directed to-
wards Tecumthe, by hearing General Gibson, who was inti-
mately acquainted with the Shawanee language, pay to Lieu-
tenant .Jennings, "those fellows intend mischief; you had
better bring up the guard." At that moment, the followers of
Tecumthe seized their tomahawks and war clubs, and sprung
upon their feet, their eyes turned upon the Governor. As
soon as he could disengage himself from the arm choir in
which he sat, he rose, drew a small sword which he had by
his side, and stood on the defensive. Captain G. R. Floyd, of
the army, who stood near him, drew a dirk, and the chief
Winnemac cocked his pistol. The citizens present were more
numerous than the Indians, but were unarmed; some of them
mmm
W '-r,
ih
\%\0.
The governor
s luiving been
n, the Indians
length, his ob-
Governor Har-
! of liis speech,
?, that of resis-
y all the tribes,
He admitted
ho signed the
ced dettrmina-
manage their
they had been
r chiefs. The
n the sea coast,
J, while he dis-
3 United States,
to take a stand,
he whites upon
a brief but im-
aggressions in-
1 the comnipnce-
period of that
se and inflame
•sent.
taken his seat,
ecch to Tecum-
rung to his feet
nanner.
gestures, but as
aking some ex-
drawn towards
■ass before him,
I, which he had
full view of the
ain directed to-
, who was inti-
ge, Fay to Lieu-
ichief; you had
the followers of
ubs, and sprung
Governor. As
le arm choir in
,'hich he had by
iG. R.Floyd, of
:, and the chief
esent were more
1; some of them
1811.
Building of Fort Harrison.
581
procured clubs and brick-bats, and also stood on the defen-
sive. The ilev. Mr. Winans, of the JMethodist churcii, ran
Xo the Governor's house, got a gun, and posted himself at ,
the door to defend the family. During this singular scene, '
no one spoke, until the guard came running up, and appear-
ing to be in the act of firing, the Governor ordered them not
to do so. He then demanded of the interpreter, an explana-
tion of what had happened, who replied that Tccumtlie had
interrupted him, declaring that all the Governor had said
was false ; and that he and the Seventeen Fires had cheat-
ed and imposed on the Indians.
The Governor then told Tecumthe that he was a bad man,
and that he would hold no further communication with him;
that as he had come to Vincennes under the protection of
a Council-fire, he might return in safety, but that he must
immediately leave the village. Here the Council termina-
ted.
The now undoubted purposes of the Brothers being of a
character necessarily leading to war, Governor Harrison pro-
ceeded to strengthen himself for the contest by preparing
the militia, and posting the regular troops that were with
him, under Captains Posey and Cross, at Vincennes*.
Messengers were sent out as proposed, and deputations
from the natives followed, promising peace and compliance,
but the Governor, having received his reinforcements, com-
menced his proposed progress. On the 5th of Oct. he was
on the Wabash, sixty or sixty-five miles above Vincennes, at
which point he built "Fort Harrison." Here one of his senti-
nels was fired upon, and news were received from the friendly
Delawares which made the hostile purposes of the Prophet
plain. The Governor then determined to move directly upon \
Tippecanoe, still ofTering peace, however. Upon the 31st of
October he was near the mouth of the Vermillion river, where
he built a block-house for the protection of his boats, and a
place of deposite for his heavy baggage ; from that point he
advanced without interruption into the immediate vicinity of
the Prophet's town, where he was met by ambassadors; he
told them he had no hostile intentions in case the Indians
were true to existing treaties, and made preparations to
encamp.f
In tA, few moments the man who had been with me before :
made his appearance. I informed him that my object for the
*Diif3on'8 Hiatonoal Narrative. 139, 160, 170, 173.— Drake's Life of Tecumthe, 1?5.
t DawsoD, 192, 199, and 203. American State Papcn, t. 776.
\
' 'ft
Vr'
682
Baltic of Tippecanoe.
1811.
present wns to i)rocure n jifooil piece of ground to encamp on,
where we could get wood and water; he inlornied nie that
there whs a creek to the northwest which lie thouglit would
suit our purpose. 1 immediately despatched tw») ollicers to
examine it, and they reported that the situation wnsexiel-
lent. 1 then took leave of the chief, and a mutual promise
was again made for a suspension of hostilities until we could
have an interview on the following day. 1 found the ground
destined for the encampment not altogether such as 1 could
wish it — it was indeed admirahly calculated for the encamp-
ment of regular troops, that were opposed to regulars, but it
aflordecl great facility to the approach of savages, it was a
piece of dry oak land, rising about ten feet above the level
of a marshy prairie in front (towards the Indian town) and
nearly twice that height above a similar prairie in the rear,
through which and near to this bank, ran a small stream
clothed with willows and brushwood. Towards the left Hank
this bench of high land widened considerably, but became
gradually narrow in the opposite direction, and at the dis-
tance of one hundred and lifty yards from the right Hank,
terminated in an abrupt point. The two columns of infan-
try occupied the front and rear of this ground, at the;distance
,' of about one hundred and fifty yards from each other on the
left, and something more than half that distance on the right
flank— these ilanks were filled up, the first by two companies
of mounted riflemen amounting to about one hundred and
twenty men, under the command of Major-General Wells, of
the Kentucky militia, who served as a Major ; the other by
Spencer's company of mounted riflemen, which amounted to
eighty men. The' front line was cmposcd of one battalion of
United States' infantry under the command of Major Floyd,
flanked on the right by two companies of militia, and on the
leil by one company. The rear line was composed of a bat-
tallion of United States' troc^ps under the command of Capt.
Bean, acting as major, and four companies of militia infantry
under Lieutenant-Colonel Decker. The regular troops of this
line joined the mounted riflemen under General Wells on the
left ilank, and Col. Decker's battalion formed an angle with
Spencer's company on the left.
Two troops of dragoons, amounting to, in the aggregate,
about sixty men, were encamped in the rear of the left flank,
.and Capt. Parke's troop, which was larger than the other
two, in the rear of the front line. Our order of encampment
varied little from that above described, excepting w hen some
peculiarity of the ground made it necessary. For a night at-
tack the order of encampment was the order of battle, and
each man slept immediately opposite to his post in the line.
In the formation of my troops, 1 used a single rank.or what is
called Indian file—because in Indian warfare where there is no
MHiMiHiiHiilll
■M
Miiiil
1811.
1811.
liai.lk of Tippecanoe.
583
oncnmp on,
riried mn tliiit
louglit would
,vo olliccrs to
in wns ex:el-
jtunl promise
mtil we could
id the pround
It'll as 1 could
' the encamp-
pgulars, but it
;es. It was a
)ove tlic level
m town) and
ie in the rear,
small stream
1 the left Hank
, but became
nd at the dis-
le right Hank,
mns of in fan-
it the|distance
h other on the
c on the right
wo companies
hundred and
leral Wells, of
; the other by
1 amounted to
le battalion of
Major Floyd,
ia, and on the
osed of a bat-
mand of Capt.
lilitia infantry
troops of this
I Wells on the
an angle with
he aggregate,
the left tlank,
than the other
■ encampment
ng when some
?ov a night at-
jf battle, and
st in the line,
ank, or what is
ere there is no
< I
shock to resist, one rank is nearly as good as two, and in that
kind of warfare the extension of line is of the first impor-
tance. Raw troops also manunivre with much more facility
in single than ^in double ranks. It was my constant custom
to assemble all the lield olliccrs at my tent evcrj evening by
single, to give them the watchword and their instructions for
the night — those given for the night of the 6tli were, that
each troop which formed a part of the exterior line of the
encampment, should hold its own ground until relieved. The
dragoons were ordered to parade in case of a night attack,
with their pistols in their belts, and to act as a corps de reserve.
The camp was defended by two captains' guards, consisting
each of four non-commissioned ollicersand forty- two privates ;
and two subalterns' guards of twenty non-commissioned of-
licers and privates. The whole under the conunund of a field
otlicer of tlie day. The troops were regularly called up an
hour before day, and made to continue under arms until it
was (piite light. On the morning of the 7th, 1 had risen at a
quarter after lour o'clock, and the signal for calling out the
men would have been given in two minutes, when the attack
commenced. It began on our left Hank — but a signal gun
was fired by the sentinels or by the guard in thai direction,
which made not the least resistance, but abandoned their
ofiicer and fled into camp, and the first notice which the
troops of that Hank had of the danger, was from the yells of
the savages within a short distance of the line — but even
under those circumstances the men were not wanting to them-
selves or the occasion. Such of them as were awake, or
were easily awakened, seized their arms and took their sta-
tions; others which were more tardy, had to contend with the
enemy in the doors of their tents. The storm first fell upon
Capt. Barton's company of the 4th U. S. regiment, and Capt.
Geiger's company of mounted riflemen, which formed the left
angle of the rear line. The fire upon these was exceedingly
severe, and they suffered considerably before relief could be
brought to them. Some few Indians passed into the encamp-
ment near the angle, and one or two penetrated to some dis-
tance before they were killed. 1 believe all the other compa-
nies were under arms and oOic./'ily formed before they were
fired on. The morning was dark and cloudy; our fires afforded
a partial light, which, if it gave us some opportunity of taking
our positions, was still more advantageous to the enemy, af-
fording them the means of taking a surer aim ; they were
therefore extinguished. Under all these discouraging circum-
stances, the troops (19-20ths of whom never had been in ac-
tion before) behaved in a manner that can never bo too much
applauded. They took their places without noise and less
confusion thafi could have been expected from veterans placed
in the same situation. As soon as I could mount my horse, I
■%
^t
m^m^
5fi4
Battle of Tijipccnnuc.
1811.
rode to till! initio that was ftttackod-I found that Bartons
c.inpi.ny had MiliVrcd sovcndy and the hdY of Cci-n-'n •■ntirc-
Iv broUin 1 immediately onh'red Cooiv's eompany and tho
late Capt. Wentworth's, under Lieut. IVters.to he brought up
from t».e centre of the rear line, where the ground was nmcli
more defensil)lo, and formed across the angle in support of
Barton's and (leiger's. My attention was then engaged by a
heavy lirin- upon t\.c left of tlie front line, whore were sta-
tioned thesmidl company of United States' rillemen (then,
however armed with muskets) and the companies ol Bean,
Siielliii" and IVescott of the 4th regiment. 1 found Major
Daviesribrming the dragoons in the rear of those companies,
' und understanding that the heaviest part of the enemy s firo
urocceded from some trees about fifteen or twenty paces in
front of those companies, I directed the major to dislodge them
with a part of the dragoons. Unfortunately the Major s gal-
Imtrv determined him to execute the order with a smaller
force than was suilicient, which enabled the enemy to avoid
him in front and attack his Hanks. The major was mortally
^wounded, and his party driven back. The Indians were, how-
'ever, immediately and gallantly dislodged from their advan-
tageous position, by Capt. Snelling, at the head of his compa-
ny" In the course of a few minutes after the commencement
oi' the attack, the fire extended along the left fiank, the vvhole
of the front, the right flank, and part pf the rear line Upon
Spencer's mounted riflemen, and the right of Warvy.ck s com-
pany, which was posted on the right ol the rear line, it was
excessively severe : Capt. Spencer and his first and second
Ueutenants, were killed, and Captain Warwick was mortally
ivounded-those companies, however, still bravely maintained
their posts, but Spencer had suflered so severely, and having
orieinally too much ground to occupy, I reinforced them with
Robb's company of riflemen, which had been driven, or by mis-
ake ordered from their position on the left flank, tmvards the
centre of the carap, and filled the vacancy that had been oc-
ouDicl by Robb with Prescott's company of the 4th United
States' re<nment. My great object was to keep the lines en-
tire to prevent the enemy from breaking into the camp until
daviiKht, which should enable me to make a general and ef-
fectual charge. With this view, I had reinlorced every part
of the line that had suflered much; and as soon as the ap-
proach of morning discovered itself, I withdrew from the front
fine SnellUig's, Posey's (under Lieut. Albright ) aad Scott's,
and'from the rear line, Wilson's companies, and drew them up
Spon the left flank, and at the same time, I ordered Cook s
and Bean's companies, the former from the rear, and the lat-
ter from the front line, to reinforce the right flank ; forseeing
that at these points the enemy would make their last efl-orts.
Maj Wells, who commanded on the left flank, not knowing
MHMMMM
ii||iii»^3M
1811.
that Barton's
•i^fp'rf ciitin*-
pniiy untl Mio
)i! broUi,'lit up
rid WHS mueii
in support of
nnjufngcd by a
pre worn sta-
llomon (then,
[lies of Bean,
found Major
se companies,
enemy's firo
nty paces in
(lislodf,'c them
'. Major's gal-
ith u smaller
emy to avoid
was mortally
IS were, how-
their advan-
of his compa-
immencemcnt
nk, the whole
• line. Upon
arwick's com-
r line, it was
t and second
was mortally
ly maintained
y, and having
!ed them with
en, or by mis-
:, towards the
had been oc-
le 4th United
I the lines en-
le camp until
ineral and ef-
ed every part
)n as the ap-
from the front
,) aad Scott's,
Irew them up
•dered Cook's
, and the lat-
ink ; forseeing
ir last efforts,
not knowing
MW
1811.
Hat til' of Tipprainne.
nss
my intentions precisely, had taken command of these compa-
nics, had char^^iMl the enemy liefore I had formed the body of
dra<;oons with which I meant to supjiort tlio infantry ; a siniiil
deiachinent of these were, howevc, rtuidy, and proved amj>!y
suliicient for the purjjose. The Indiana were driven by the
infantry, at the |)oint of the bayonet, and the dragoons pursued
and forced them into a marsh, where they could not be followed.
Capt. Cook and Lieut. Larabee had, agreeabh! to my order,
marched their companies to the right Hank, had fornusd them
under the fire of the enemy, and being then joined by the
rillemen of that Hank, had charged the Indians, killed a num-
ber, and |)ut the rest to precipitate llight. v\. favorablr- oppor-
tunity was hero olfered to pursue the enemy with dragoons,
but being engaged at that time on the other Hank, 1 did not
observe it till it was too late.
I have thus, sir, given you the particulars of an action,
which was certainly maintained with the greatest obstinacy
and pers(!verance, by both parties. The Indians manifested a
ferocity uncommon even with them — to their savage fury our
troops opposed that cool, and deliberate valor, which is char-
acteristic of the Christian solder.*
The Americans in this battle had not more than 700 efii-
cient men, — non-cor.imissioned ofiicers and privates ; the In-
dians are believed to have had 700 or 1000 warriors. The
loss of the American army was 37 killed on the field, 25 mor-
tally wounded, and 126 wounded ; that of the Indians about
forty killed on the spot, the number of wounded being un-
known.
Governor Harrison, although very generally popular, had
enemies, and after the battle of Tippecanoe they denounced
him, 1st, for suffering the Indians to point out his camping
ground ; 2d, for allowing himself to be surprised by his ene-
my ; and 3d, because he sacrificed -either Daviess or Owen,
(accounts differed) by placing one or the other on a favorite
white horse of his own, which caused the savages to make
the rider an especial mark. To these charges elaborate re-
plies have been made : we cannot do more than say, to the
1st, that although as Harrison relates, the Indians pointed out
the creek upon which was the site of his encampment, his
own officers found, examined, and approved that particular
site, and other military men have since approved their selec-
tion ; to the 2Il, the only reply needed is, that the facts were
•Am«ricM State Papers, t. T77, 778.
37
m
M
t
l\'
^f
il
1
i
4
^
I*'
i .
\-4
■\
'•
4
ill
680
Great Ettrthi/iuikc.
IHll.
t
just ns stilted in the disputcli we Imvr (luotcil ; niid lu tlio
3d, tliat DiivifHs was killed on loot, iiiid Owen on a hoiNe not
r.encial llarrisctn's : the last story probaldy arose IVom the
fact that Tayh)r, a fellow aitl of Owen, was inoiinlrd on a
horse, of the Cox ernor's; hut Taylor was not killed, though
the horse he rode was.
The battlc'of Tippecanoe was fouyht upon the 7th of No-
vember, and upon the 4th of the following month Harrison
writes that the frontiers never enjoyed more perfect repose ;
though it seems to be clear that the disposition to do mischief
was by no means extinguished among the savages.'
During this year two events took place, beside the battle of
Tippecanoe, which make it especially noticeable in the history
of the West ; the one was, the building of the steamer New
Orleans, the first boat built beyond the Alleghanies; the other
was the series of Hrirth(iuak«-s which destroyed New Madrid,
and affected the whole valley. Of the latter event, we give
the following description from the pen of Ur. llildreth.f
The centre of its violence was thought to be near the Little
Prairie, twenty-five or thirty miles below New Ahulrid ; the
vibrations from which were lelt all over the valley ()f the
Ohio, as high up as I'ittsburgh. The first shock, was felt in
the night of the 16th of December, 1811, and was repeated
at intervals, with decreasing violence, into IVhruary follow-
ing. New Madrid, hiiving suifered more than any oth<>r town
on the Mississippi from its ollects, was considered as situated
near the focus Irom whence the undulations i)roceeded.
From an eye-witness, who was then about forty miles be-
low that town, in a flat boat, on his way to New Orleans
witli a load of produce, and who narrated the scene to me,
the agitation which convulsed the earth and the waters of the
mighty Mississippi filled every living creature with horror.
The first shock took place in the night, while the boat was
lying at the sliore in company with several others. At this
period there was danger apprehended from the southern In-
dians, it being soon after the battle of Tippecanoe, and for
safety several boats kept in company, for mutual defence in
case of an attack. In the middle of the night there was a
a terrible shock and jarring of the boats, so that the crews
* Dawson 204 to 208.— McAffco'8 Ili.-U.ry of tlio Wnr., IS to ."iS.— Todd and Drake's
account, 34 to 37.-CiBf8 Miscellany, ri. 298.— Aineriuan Stato Papers, v. 779.
t In Catey't Museum for April 1789, p. 3«.'?, is iin account of tho aront EartlKiunkc of
1727.— On thoie of 1811, see also Senator Linn'i letter in Wctmnrc'a Missouri (iazottoer,
(St. Louif, 1337,) 134 to 142.— Drake's Picture of Cincinnati.— Flint's Recollections.
IHll.
1 ; nnd to the
)n a hoi'NO not
iro^e IVoin the
iioiintfd on a
kilU'd, tliougli
the 7 til of No-
)tith Ilfinison
x'iCt'ct rcpoKc ;
tu (to iiuschiul'
gcs.*
dc the Ixittic of
B in tlie history
stenincr i\e\v
nics ; the other
1 New JMadrid,
;vent, wo give
lliUlreth.t
near the Little
w Madrid ; the
e valley of the
oek. was felt in
was repeated
ehriiary Ibllow-
any other town
•^r<'d as situated
roeeeded.
forty nules he-
) New Orleans
he scene to nie,
le waters of the
ro with horror.
I the hoat was
others. At this
the soiitliern In-
jecanoe, and for
itual defence in
;ht there was a
that the crews
i3. — Todd nnd Drake'j
)crs, V. 779.
3 Qront Earthqunkc of
re's Missouri (iivzottoer,
it's Recollections.
1811.
Great luirthi/uakc.
5H7
t^ *
were all nwalii-ned und hurried on deck with their weanons
of defence ia their hands, thinkin;? the Indians were rusliinji
on hoard. 'I'lie ducks, k» ese, swans, and various other aipiafic
birds, whose nutid>erless ilocks were (|uietly resting' in the ed-
dies of thn river, were thrown into the greatest tumult, nnd
with loud screams ex|)r«is.sed their alarm in ac(!ents of terror.
Tin; noise uad commotion soon became hushed, atid nulhiu^
eoidd he discovered to excite apprclictision, so -that the hoiit-
men concluded that the shock was occasioned hy the failinj^
in of a lar^e mass of tlu^ hank (tf tlu! river near them. As
soon as it was li^ht enouj^h to distinguish (d)Jects, the crews
were all up rnakinjjf ready to depnit. Directly a li.ud roaring
and hi.ssing was heard, like the escape of steam from a boiler,
accompanied by the most violent ajjit'ition of the shores .-iiid
tremendous boiling up of the waters of the Mississippi in huge
swells, rolling the waters below back on the de.sccmding
stream, and tossing the boats about so violently that the men
with dilficulty could keep on their feet. The sandbars and
points of the islands gave way, swallowed up in the tumultu-
ous bo.som of the river ; carrying down with them the cotton-
wood trees, cracking and crashing, tossing thciir arms to and
fro, as if sensible of their danger, while they disappeared be-
neath the tlood. The water of the river, which the day be-
fore was tolerably clear, being rather low, changed to a red-
dish hue, and became thick with mud thrown up from its bot-
tom ; while the surface, lashed violently by the agitation of
the earth beneath, was covered with foam, which, gatherii.g
into masses the size of a barrel, Hoated along on the trem-
bling surface. The earth on the shores opened in wide fis-
sures, and closing again, threw the water, sand and n>.ud, in
huge jets, higher than the tops of the trees. The atmosphere
was iilled with a thick vapor or gas, to which the light im-
parted a purple tinge, altogether different in appearance from
the autumnal haze of Indian summer, or that of smoke.
From the temporary check to the current, by the heaving
up of the bottom, the sinking of the banks and sandbars into
the bed of the stream, the river rose in a few minutes five or
six feet; and, imnaticnt of the restraint, again rushed for-
ward with redoubled impetuosity, hurrying along the boats,
now set loose by the horror-struck boatmen, as in less danger
on the water than at the shore, where the banks threatened
every moment to destroy them by the falling earth, or
carry them down in the vortices of the sinking mas.se.s.
Many boats were overwhelmed in this manner, and their
crews perished with them. It required the utmost exertions
of the men to keep the boat, of which my informant was the
owner, in the middle of the river, as far from the shores, sand-
bars and islhnds as they could. Numerous boats were
wrecked on the snags and old trees thrown up from the bot-
fi
I. \j
PMM
588
Great Earthquake.
1811.
torn of the Mississippi, where they had quietly rested for ages,
■while others were sunk or stranded on the sandbars and Is-
lands. At New Madrid several boats were carried by the re-
flux of the current into a small stream that puts into the
river just above the town, and left on the ground by the re-
turning water a considerable distance from the Mississippi.
A man who belonged to one of the company boats was lelt
for several hours on the upright trunk of an old snag in the
middle of the river, against which his boat was wrecked and
sunk. It stood with the roots a few feet above the water,
and to these he contrived to attach himself, while every fresh
shock threw the agitated waves against him, and kept gradu-
ally settling the tree deeper into the mud at the bottom, bringing
him nearer and nearer to the deep muddy waters, which, to his
terrified imagination, seemed desirous of swallowing him up.
While hanging here, calling with piteous shouts for aid, seve-
ral boats passed by without being able to relieve him, until
finally a skilf was well manned, rowed a short distance above
him, and dropped down stream close to the snag, from which
he tumbled into the boat as she floated by. The scenes which
occurred for several days, during the repeated shocks, were
horrible. The most destructive took place in the beginning,
although they were repeated for miiny weeks, becoming
lighter and lighter until they died away in slight vibra-
tions, like the jarring of steam in an immense boiler. Ihe
sulphurated gases that were discharged during the shocks,
tainted the air with their noxious effluvia, and so strongly im-
pregnated the water of the river, to the distance of one hun-
dred and fifty miles below, that it could hardly be used for
any purpose for a number of days. New Madrid, which
stood on a bluff bank, fifteen or twenty feet above the sum-
mer floods, sunk so low that the next rise covered it to the
depth of five fe",t. The bottoms of several fine lakes in the
vicinity were elevated so as to become dry land, and have
since been planted with corn !*
[To this interesting sketch by Dr. Hildreth, we append a
few particulars.
In the town of Cape Girardeau, were several edifices of
stone and brick. The walls of these buildings were cracked,
in some instances from the ground to the top, and wide fis-
sures were left.
The '• great shake," as the people called it, was so severe
in the county of St. Louis, that the fowls fell from the trees
as if dead ; crockery fell from the shelves and was broken,
* AmericMi Pioneer, i. 129.
1811.
ested for ages,
dbars and Is-
ried by the re-
puts into the
und by the re-
le Mississippi,
joats was left
lid snag in the
3 wrecked and
ive the water,
>ile every fresh
id kept gradu-
)ttom, bringing
s, which, to his
owing him up.
s for aid, seve-
ieve him, until
listance above
ag, from which
e scenes which
1 shocks, were
the beginning,
eks, becoming
ti slight vibra-
e boiler. The
ng the shocks,
so strongly im-
ce of one hun-
lly be used for
Madrid, which
above the sum-
Dvered it to the
[le lakes in the
and, and have
1, we append a
3ral edifices of
s were cracked,
, and wide fis-
, was so severe
11 from the trees
nd was broken,
.* >s
1811.
Great Earthquake.
689
and many families left their cabins, from fear of being crushed
beneath their ruins.
Mr. Bradbury, an English scientific explorer, was on a
keel boat passing down the river at the time. On the night
of the 14th they called at New Madrid for some necessary
supplies. The writer says : —
"I was much disappointed in this place, as I found only
a few straggling houses, situated round a plain of from two
to three hundred acres in extent. There are only two stores,
and those very indifferently furnished."
On the night of the 15th, the keel boat was moored to a
small Island, not far from Little Prairie, where the crew, all
Frenchmen, were frightened, almost to helplessness, by the
terrible convulsions.
Mr. B. says: —
"Immediately after the shock, we noticed the time, and
found it near two o'clock. In half an hour another shock
came on, terrible indeed, but not equal to the first." [This
shock made a chasm in the Island, four feet w» ^e and eighty
yards in length. After noticing successive shocks, the writer
states :]— " I had already noticed that the sound which was
heard at the time of every shock, always preceded it at least
a second, and that it always proceeded from the same point,
and went off in an opposite direction. I now found that the
shock came from a little northward of east, and proceeded to
the westward. At daylight we had counted twenty-seven
shocks, during our stay on the Island.*
Mr. B. records a series of shocks that continued daily, as
he passed down the river, until the 2Ist of December.
The late Hon. L. F. Linn, in a letter to the Hon. Mr. Da-
vis, Chairman of the Committee on Commerce, dated Febru-
ary 1st, 1836, "relative to the obstructions to the navigation
of the White, Big Black, and St. Francis rivers," has given a
lucid geographical and descriptive sketch of this part of Mis-
souri, from which we have room for a brief extract.
" The memorable earthquake of December, 1811, after shak-
ing the valley of the Mississippi to its centre, vibrated along
the courses of the rivers and valleys, and passing the primi-
tive mountain barriers, died avy^ay along the shores of the At-
lantic Ocean. In the region now under consideration, during
the continuance of so appalling a phenomenon, which com-
* Travels in the Interior of America, by John Bradbury, pp. 199 to 207.
^! r*
690
Great Earthquake.
1811.
menccd by distant rumbling sounds, succeeded by discharges
as if a thousand pieces of artillery were suddenly exploded,
the earth rocked to and fro, vast chasms opened, from whence
issued columns of water, sand, and coal, accompanied by hiss-
ing sounds, caused, perhaps, by the escape of pent-up stc.im,
while ever and anon flashes of electricity gleamed through the
troubled clouds of night, rendering the darkness dou.jly hor-
rible. The current of the Mississippi, pending this elemental
strife, was driven back upon its source with the greatest ve-
locity for several hours, in consequence of an elevation of
its bed. But this noble river was not thus to be stayed in
its course. Its accumulated waters came booming on, and,
o'ertopping the barrier thus suddenly raised, carried every-
thing before them with resistless power. Boats, then float-
ing, on its surface, shot down the declivity like an arrow from
a bow, amid roaring billows and the wildest commotion. A
few days' action of its powerful current sufficed to wear
away every vestige of the barrier thus strangely interposed,
and its waters moved on in their wonted channel to the
ocean. The day that succeeded this night of terror brought
no solace in its dawn. Shock followed shock ; a dense black
cloud of vapor overshadowed the land, through which no
struggling sunbeam found its way to cheer the desponding
heart of man, who, in silent communion with himseit, was
compelled to acknowledge his weakness and dependence on
the everlasting God. The appearances that presented them-
selves after the subsidence of the principal commotion were
such as strongly support an opinion heretofore advanced.
Hills had disappeared, and lakes were found in their stead ;
and numerous lakes became elevated gr- and, over the surface
of which vast heaps of sand were scatten d in every direction,
while in many places the earth for miles was sunk below the
general level of the surrounding country, without being cov-
ered with water, leaving an mpression in miniature of a calas-
troj)/ie much more important in iln effects, which had, per haps, pre-
ceded it ages before. One of the lakes formed on this occasion
is sixty or seventy miles in length, and from three to twenty
in breadth. It is in some places very shallow ; in others from
fifty to one hundred feet deep, which is much more than the
depth of the Mississippi river in that quarter. In sailing over
its surface in the light canoe, the voyager is struck with as-
tonishment at beholding the giant trees of the forest standing
partially exposed amid a waste of waters, branchless and
leafless But the wonder is still further increased on casting
the eye on the dark-blue profound, to observe cane-brakes
covering its bottom, over which a mammoth species of testu-
do is seen dragging his slow length along, while countless
myriads of fish are sporting through the aquatic thickets.J
* Wetmorc's Gazetteer, p. 139, 140.
1811.
1811.
First Western Steamer.
591
by discharges
nly exploded,
from whence
anied by hiss-
ent-up stc-.im,
ed through the
IS doubly hor-
this elemental
le greatest ve-
elevalion of
) be stayed in
ming on, and,
carried every-
its, then float-
an arrow from
ammotion. A
fficed to wear
ely interposed,
lannel to the
terror brought
a dense black
igh which no
le desponding
himself, was
lependence on
resented them-
nmotion were
ore advanced,
in their stead ;
ver the surface
ivery direction,
sunk below the
out being cov-
ilure of a caias-
id, per haps, pre-
n this occasion
hree to twenty
in others from
more than the
In sailing over
struck w-ith as-
forest standing
branchless and
sed on casting
,e cane-brakes
pecies of testu-
while countless
;ic thickets.]*
In the midst of this terrible convulsion, the first of western
steamers was pursuing her way toward the south. But before
we give a sketch of her progress, let us re-call to the minds
of our readers the previous steps taken in regard to steam
navigation.
In 1781, the invention of Watts* double-acting engine was
made public ; and in 1784 it was perfected.* Previous to this
time many attempts had been made to apply steam to navi-
gation, but, from want of a proper engine, all had been fail-
ures ; and the first efibrts to apply the new machine to boats
were ii ade in America by John Fitch and James Ilumsey.
The conception by Fitch, if we may trust the statement made
by Robert Wickliffe, was formed as early as June, 1780, ante-
rior to the announcement of Watts' discovery of the double-
acting engine, though eleven years after his single engine had
been patented.
This conception Fitch said he comniunicated to Rumsey.
The latter gentleman, however, proposed a plan so entirely
diff'erent from that of his fellow countrymen, (a plan which
he is said to have originated in 1782, or '83,) that we cannot
think him a plagiarist. The idea of steam navigation was
not new ; it was the question,— How shall we use the steam?
which was to be so answered as to immortalize the successful
respondent -.—and to this question Fitch replied. By using
Watts' engine so as to propel a system of paddles at the sides
of the boat ; while Rumsey said. By applying the old atmos-
pheric engine to pump up water at the bow and force it out
at the stern of your vessel, and so drive her by water acting
upon water. Referring our readers, therefore, to the authori-
ties quoted below, relative to Fitch and others, we must be
content with saying that all failed until Fulton, in 1807,
launched his vessel upon the Hudson.— Fitch's failure, how-
ever, was not from any fault in his principle, and had his know-
ledge of mechanics equalled Fulton's, or had his means been
more ample, or had he tried his boat on the Hudson where
coach'^s could not compete with him, as they did on the level
banks of the Delaware, we cannot doubt he would have en-
tirely succeeded twenty years before his plans were realized
by another.f
♦ Ronwick oa-steam engine, 260.
t American Pioneer, i. 33 to 36. Spaiks' Amer. Biography, New Series, vol. ri. 790, 104,
111, 115. Kcnwick on the Steam Engine, 209. 260. SpsrUs' AVashinRton, i<. 68, 104,
Cincinnati Directory, for 1819, p. 64. Howe's Virginia, 336 U, 340. Collin a Kentucky, 479.
ir
I;
692
Firat Wcsier7i Sleamcr.
1811.
[In the Columbiau Magazine, published in riiiladelphia, m
(we think) 1786, is a plate showing the steamboat made by
Fitch with its paddles, and a description of its action on the
Delaware. If John Fitch had received the patronage neces-
sary, it is probable his boat would have been successful.]
When Fulton had at length altained, by slow degrees, suc-
cess upon the Hudson, he began to look elsewhere for other
fields of action, and the west, which had attracted the atten-
tion of both of his American predecessors, could not fail to
catch his eye. Mr. Latrobe, who spoke as will be seen by
authority, says : —
The complete success attending the experiments in steam
navigation made on the Hudson and the adjoining waters
previous to the year 1809, turned the attention of the principal
projectors to the idea of its application on the western rivers ;
and in the month of April of that year, Mr. Roosevelt of New
York, pursuant to an agreement with Chancellor Livingston
and Mr. Fulton, visited those rivers, with the purpose of form-
ing an opinion whether they admitted of steam navigation or
not. At this time two boats, the North River and the Cler-
mont, were running on the Hudson. Mr. R. surveyed the
rivers from Pittsburgh to New Orleans, and as his report was
favorable, it was decided to build a boat at the former town.
This was done under his direction, and in the course of 1811
the first boat was launched on the waters of the Ohio. It
was called the " New Orleans," and intended to ply between
Natchez, in the State of Mississippi, and the city whose name
it bore. In October it left Pittsburgh for its experimental
voyage. On this occasion no freight or passengers were ta-
ken, the object being merely to bring the boat to her station.
Mr. R., his young wife and family, Mr. Baker, the engineer,
Andrew Jack, the pilot, and six hands, with a few domestics,
formed her whole burden. There were no wood-yards at that
time, and constant delays were unavoidable. When, as re-
lated, Mr. R. had gone down the river to reconnoitre, he had
discovered two beds of coal, about one hundred and twenty
miles below the Rapids at Louisville, and now took tools to
work them, intending to load the vessel with the coal, and to
employ it as fuel, instead of constantly detaining the boat
while wood was procured from the banks.
1811.
liladelphia, in
boat made by
action on the
xonage neces-
ccesslul.]
V degrees, sue-
here i'or other
cted the atten-
ild not fail to
vill be seen by
Tients in steam
joining waters
)f the principal
western rivers ;
oseveltof New
Uor Livingston
iirpose of form-
1 navigation or
ir and the Cler-
. surveyed the
his report was
le former town,
course of 1811
■ the Ohio. It
to ply between
ty whose name
3 experimental
engers were ta-
t to her station.
I", the engineer,
'. few domestics,
od-yards at that
When, as re-
mnoitre, he had
ced and twenty
IT took tools to
;he coal, and to
aining the boat
1811.
First Western Steamer.
593
Late at night on the fourth day after quitting Pittsburgh, they
arrived in safety at Louisville, having been but seventy hours
descending upwards of seven hundred miles. The novel ap-
pearance of the vessel, and the fearful rapidity with which it
made its passage over the broad reaches of the river, excited
a mixture of terror and surprise among many of the settlers
on the banks, whom the rumor of such an invention had nev-
er reached ; and it is related that on the unexpected arrival
of the boat before Louisville, in the course of a fine still
moonlight night, the extraordinary sound which filled the air
as the pent-up steam was suffered to escape from tlie valves,
on rounding to, produced a general alarm, and multitudes in
the town rose from their beds to ascertain the cause. I have
heard that the general impression among the good Kentucki-
ans was, that the coi et had fallen into the Ohio ; but this
does not rest upon the same foundation as the other facts
which 1 lay before you, and which I may at once say, I had di-
rectly from the lips of the partir iliemsclves. The small
depth of water in the Rapids prevented the boat from pursu-
ing her voyage immediately ; and during the consequent de-
tention of three weeks in the upper part of the Ohio, several
trips were successfully made between Louisville and Cincin-
nati. In fine the waters rose, and in the course of the last
week in November, the voyage was resumed, the depth of
water barely admitting their passage.*
This steamer, after being nearly overwhelmed by the earth-
quakes, reached Natchez at the close of the first week of
January, 1812.
[Mr. Bradbury, from whom we have quoted, and his travel-
ing companion, Mr. Bridges, took their passage on the boat
from Natchez to New Orleans on its first downward trip.
He states : —
'• In the morning of the 6th inst., (January, 1812,) I went
on board the steamboat from Pittsburgh ; she had passed us
at the mouth of the Arkansas, three hundred and forty-one
miles above Natchez ; she was a very handsome vessel, of
410 tons burden, and was impelled by a powerful engine, also
made at Pittsburgh, from whence she had come in less than
twenty days, although 1,900 miles distance."]!
• Rambler in North America, vol. i. 87.
t Trarels in the Interior of America, p. 208.
4-1,
mm
CHArTER XVIII.
BRITISH AND INDIAN WAR.
Movomonts of Tcciimtlio.— Efents in the Norlh-wost preoeJing tho War.— Declaration of
War with Great Britain.— Surrender of Michigan by Governor Hull.— Op?ralions of
Governor Edwarila in Illinois.— Massacre at Chicago.— Attack on Fort Harrison.- Oot-
ernor Harrison appointed Command cr-in-Chief of the North-western Army.— Eipedi-
tion against the Illinois Indians.— Defeat at French-town.— Siege of Fort Meigs.—
Oal'ant Defence of Fort Stevenson.- Victory of Commodore Perry on Lake Erie.—
Battle of tho Thaoaes.- Expeditions of Captain Uolmes and General MoArlhur.— Con-
clusion of the War.
[At the time of the battle of Tippecanoe, Tecumthe, the
master spirit in Indian diplomacy, was amongst the southern
Indians, to bring them into the grand confederacy he had pro-
jected. On his return, where he supposed he had made a
strong and permanent impression, a few days after the disas-
jirous battle, when he saw the dispersion of his followers, the
disgrace of his brother, and the destruction of his long cher-
ished hopes, he was exceedingly angry. The ra.sh presump-
' tuousness of the Prophet, in attacking the American army at
I Tippecanoe, destroyed his own power and crushed the grand
confederacy before it was completed.
When Tecumthe first met the prophet, he reproached him
in the bitterest terms, and when the latter attempted to pal-
liate his conduct, he seized him by the hair, shook him vio-
lently, and threatened to take his life.*
Tecumthe immediately sent word to Governor Harrison,
, that he had returned from the south, and that he was ready
! to visit the President as had been previously proposed. The
Governor gave him permission to proceed to Washington,
but not as the leader of a party of Indians, as he desired. The
proud chief, who had appeared at Vincennes in 1810, with a
large party of braves, had no desire to appear before his
" Great Father," the President, without his retinue. The pro-
posed visit was declined, and the intercourse between Tecum-
the and the Governor terminated.
In June, he sought an interview with the Indian agent at
Fort Wayne ; disavowed any intention of making war on the
United States, and reproached General Harrison for having
marched against his people during his absence. The agent
replied to this; Tecumthe listened with frigid indifference,
* Brown's Illinois, p. 2S2.— Billy Caldwell'i verbal statement to the editor.
1812.
Events Preceding the [Var of 1812.
595
ar. — Declaration of
lull. — Op?ralions of
ort Harrison. — Oot-
rn Army. — Eip«di-
} of Fort Meigs.—
y on Lako Erie. —
U McArthor. — Con-
Tecumthe, the
t the southern
sy he had pro-
had made a
,fter the disas-
followers, the
his long cher-
ra.sh presump-
jrican army at
hed the grand
eproached him
impted to pal-
ihook him vio-
rnor Harrison,
t he was ready
ifoposed. The
Washington,
le desired. The
n 1810, with a
)ear before his
tiue. The pro-
jtween Tecum-
[ndian agent at
:ing war on the
son for having
ce. The agent
[id indifference,
he editor.
and after making a few general remarks, with a hnnshty nir,
left the Council-house, and departed for Fort JNIukiin, in
Upper Canaf'a, where he joined the British standard. f
[We have reserved a series of events pertaining to Missou-
ri, the settlement of the Boone's Lick country, the Indian
War, the Territorial Government, and sketches of St. Louis,
for the Appendix of this volume. Much also pertaining to
Illinois will also appear in the same arrangement. But there
are some facts more directly connected with the war with the
British and Indians in 1812, that must have a place in this
chapter.]
We have already referred to those causes of complaint on
the part of the United States against England, which at length
led to the war of 1812: they were, the interference with
American trade enforced by the blockade system ; the impress-
ment of American seamen; the encouragement of the Indians
in their barbarities; and the attempt to dismember the Union
by the mission of Henry. Through the winter of 1811-12,
these causes of provocation were discussed in Congress and
the public prints, and a war with Great Britain openly threat-
ened: even in December, 1811, the proposal to invade Cana-
da in the following spring before the ice broke up, vwas deba-
ted in the House of Representatives, and in particular was
urged the necessity of such operations at the outset of the
anticipated contest, as should wrest from the enemy the com-
mand of the upper lakes, and secure the neutrality or favor of
the Indian tribes by the conquest of Upper Canada.
While, therefore, measures were taken to seize the Lower
province, other steps were arranged for the defence of the
north-west frontier against Indian hostility, and which, in the
event of a rupture with Great Britain, would enable the Uni-
ted States to obtain the command of Lake Erie. These steps,
however, were by no means suitable to the attainment of the
object last named; in place of a naval force upon Lake Erie,
the necessity of which had been pressed upon <".e Executive
by Governor Hull of Michigan Territory, in three memorials,
one of them as early as the year 1809, a second dated March
6th, and a third on or about April llth, 1812; and although
the same policy was pointedly urged upon the Se iftary o
War by General Armstrong, in a private letter of January
•Brown's History of Illinois, 283.
I ;
S
V
596 Hull sends his papers, ^c, by water to Detroit. 1812.
2ncl, yet the government proposed to use no other than mili-
tary mc^ans, and hoped by the presence of two thousand sol-
diers, to effect the capture or destruction of the British fleet.
Nay, so blind was the War Department, that it refused to '.i-
erease the number of troops to three thousand, although in-
formed by General Hull, that that was the least number from
which success could be hoped.
When, therefore, Governor, now General Hull (to whom, in
consideration of his revolutionary services, and his supposed
knowledge of the country and the natives, the command of
the army destined for the conquest of the Canadas had been
confided) commenced his march from Dayton on the 1st of
June, it was with means which he himself regarded as utter-
ly inadequate to the object aimed at, a fact which sufficiently
explains his vascillating, nerveless conduct. Through that
whole month, he and his troops toiled on toward the Mau-
mee, busy with their .roads, bridges and block-houses.
On the 24th, advices from the Secretary of War, dated on
the 18th, came to hand, but not a word contained in them
made it probable that the long expected war would be imme-
diately declared, although Col. McArthur at the same time re-
ceived word from Chiilicothe warning him, on the authority
of Thomas Worthington, then Senator from Ohio, that before
the letter reached him, the declaration would have been made
public. This information McArthur laid before General Hull;
and when, upon reaching the Maumee, that Commander pro-
posed to place his baggage, stores, and sick on board a vessel,
and send them by water to Detroit, the backwoodsman warn-
ed him of the danger, and refused to trust his own property
on board.
Hull, however, treated the report of war as the old rftory
which had been current through all the spring, and refused
to believe it possible that the government would not give him
information at the earliest moment that the measure was re-
solved on. He, accordingly, on the 1st ef July, embarked his
disabled men and most of his goods on board the Cuyahoga
Packet, suffering his aid-de-camp in his carelessness to send
by her even his instructions and army-roll, and then proceed-
ed upon his way. The next day, July 2nd, a letter of the
same date with that received upon the 24th of June, reached
troit. 1812.
er timii milL-
liousiind Hol-
liritish fleet,
•(•fused to '.1-
ulthough in-
lurnber from
(to whom, in
his supposed
command of
las had been
on the 1st of
ded as utter-
h sufficiently
IMirough that
i,rd the Mau-
louses.
i'^ar, dated on
lined in them
uld be imme-
iame time ra-
the authority
o, that before
re been made
General Hull;
nmander pro-
oard a vessel,
tdsman warn-
ovvn property
the old rftory
, and refused
1 not give him
isure was re-
embarked his
;he Cuyahoga
isness to send
then proceed-
a letter of the
lune, reached
!
1812.
Declaration of War.
597
him, and apprized him that the dnclaration of war was indeed
that day made, and before his astonishment was over, word wiis
brouglit of the capture of his packet otf Maiden, with all his
official papers. The conduct of the Executive at this time
was certainly most remarkable; having sent an insiilficient
force to effect a most important object, it next did ail in its
power to ensure the destruction of that force.
On the 1st of .June, Mr. Madison recommended war to the
Senate; on the 3d of June, Mr. Calhoun reported in favor of
it, and in an able manifesto set forth the reasons; and, on the
19th, proclamation of the contest was made. Upon the day
preceding. Congress having passed the needful act, the Secre-
tary of War wrote to General Hull one letter saying nothing
of the matter, and sent it by a special mes.senger, — and a se-
cond containing the vital news, whicl ,' e confided to a half
organized post as far as Cleveland, and thence literally to ac-
cident. Nor is this all : while the General of the Northwest-
ern army was thus, not uninformed merely, but actually mis-
led, letters franked by the Secretary of the Treasury of the
United States, bore the notice of what had been done to the
British post of St. Joseph, near the north-western shore of
Lake Huron; and also to Maiden, which place it reached up-
on the 28th of June. And as if to complete the circle of fol-
ly, the misled General, through neglect, suffered his official
papers, which he owned ought never to have been out of his
possession, to pass into that of the foe, and thus informed
them of his purposes and his strength.*
That strength, however, was such, compared with their own>
that no effort was made to prevent the march of the Ameri-
cans to Detroit, nor to interfere with their pa.ssage across the
river to Sandwich, where they established themselves on the
12th of July, preparatory to attacking Maiden itself, and com-
mencing the conquest and conversion of Upper Canada. And
here, at once, the incapacity of Hull showed itself; by his
own confession he took every step under the influence of two
sets of fears ; he dared not, on the one hand, act boldly, for
fear that his incompetent force would be all destroyed ; while,
*For tbi foregoing focU see Manireato of the Senate, Juno 3d, 1812, American State
Papers, iii. 507.— Niles' Register, i. 72, 311, 459, vol. ii. 6, 86, 239 and 273.— Madison's
Message, November 4, 1812, in American State Papers, i. 80. — Qor. Hull's Defence, 24 to
.^3 and 50. — Armstrong's Notices, i. 48 and Appendix, p. 234. Hull's Defence, pp. 7, 10,
11, 16 Ciit'tf Miscellany, ii. 298.— MoACtee'a Ilistorjr of the War, from 50 to 60.
•
I
* '
598
Coventor Hull ntires to Detroit.
1812.
on the other hmul, ho dared not refuse to act, Tor tear his mi-
Uliii, uh'ciuly uneasy, would utterly desert liim.
'I'h'i. 'Miibarrassed, he prochiimed freedom and the need of
subniiftsion to the Canadians, held out inducements to the 'Bri-
tish militia to desert, and to the Indians to keep quiet, and sat
still ut Sandwich, striving to pacify his blood thirsiy back-
woodsmen, wiio itched to be at Maiden. 'I'o amuse his own
army, ami 'teep them from trying dangerous experiments, ho
found cannon needful to the assault of the British posts, and
spent three weeks making carriages for five guns. While
these were under way, Colonel Cass and Colonel Miller, by
an attack upon the advanced parties of the enemy, demon-
strated the willingness and power of their men to push their
conciuests, if the chance were given, but Hull refused the op-
portunity ; and when at length the cannon were prepared, the
ammunition placed in wagons, and the moment for assault
agreed on, the General, upon hearing that a proposed attack
on the Niagara frontier had not been made, and that troops
from that quarter were moving westward, suddenly abandon-
ed the enterprise, and with most of his army, on the night of
the 7th of August, returned to Detroit, having eifected noth-
ing excej)! the destruction of all confidence in himself, on the
part of the whole force under his control, ofllcers and privates.
Meanwhile, upon the 29lh of July, Colonel Proctor had
reached Maiden, and perceiving instantly the power which
the jjosition of that post gave him over the supplies of the
army of the United States, he commenced a series of opera-
tions, the object of w^hich was to cut ofl" the communications
of Hull with Ohio, and thus not merely neutralize all active
operations on his part, but starve him into surrender or force
him to detail his whole army, in order to keep open his way to
the only point from which supplies could reach him. A proper
force on lake Erie, or the capture of Maiden, would have pre-
vented this annoying and fatal mode of warfare, but the im-
becility of the government and that of the General, combined
to favor the plans of Proctor.*
Having by his measures stopped the stores on their way to
Detroit, at the river Raisin, he next defeated the insufficient
■■:>
I-
1.
•* Sco null's Defence, 42 to 71. HuH'e rroclainalion in Brown's lIi>tory of Illinoi*, p.
302, Koto. McAffee, 61 ; also ibid, pp. 70, 77. Col. Cms' Letter ia Niles' Register, ii.
3S3. Armstrong's Notices, i. 24, 25.
■MiNaMM^i^-
1812.
r lenr his mi-
[ the need of
uts to the 'k'\-
quiet, niul sut
thirsiy back-
iiiUHc hin own
pcriinents, he
ish posts, and
ijuns. While
nel Miller, by
emy, demon-
to push their
cfused the op-
prcpared, the
it for assault
jposod attack
id that troops
enly abandon-
in the night of
cifected noth-
imsolf, on the
s and privates.
Proctor had
power which
jpplies of the
rit's of opera-
imtnunications
lize all active
•ender or force
pen his way to
lim. A proper
ould have pre-
e, but the im-
cral, combined
1 their way to
he insufficient
lIi>tory of Illiooia, p.
B Miles' Register, ii.
1812.
Units Surrender,
BvP
'i
» ■
band of two hundred men uiidi'i' Van Horn, sent by Hull to
escort them ; and so far withstood that of five; hundred un-
der Miller, as to cause Hull to recall the remnant of that vic-
torious and gallant band, though it had eouiplctcly routed the
Hritish and indiatjs. IJy these means, IVoclor amused the
Americans until Cleneral Hrock reached .Maiden, which ho
did upon the 13th of August, and prepart-d to attempt the
conquest of Detroit itself.
And here again occurred a most singular want of skill on
the part of the Americans. In order to prevent the forces in
Upper Canada from being combined against Hidl, lleneral
Dearborn had been ordered to make a divsersion in his favor
at Niagara and Kingston, but in place of doing this, he made
an armistice with the Hritish commanders, which enabled them
to turn their attention entirely to the more distant west, and
left Hull to shift for himself On the 1 Uh of .\ug., therefore,
while a third party, under Mc.Vrthur, was despatched by Hull
to open his communications with the river Raisin, tliough
by a new and impracticable road. Gen. Droek appeared at
Sandwich, and began to erect batteries to protect his farther
operations. These batteries Hull would not suder any to
molest, saying, that if the enemy did not fire on him he would
not on them, and though, when summoned to surrender upon
the 15th, he absolutely refused, yet upon the 16th, without a
blow struck, the Governor and General crowned his course of
indecision and unmanly fear, by surrendering the town of De-
troit andtcrritoryof Michigan, together with fourteen hundred
brave men longing for battle, to three hundred Mnglish sol-
diers, four hundred Canadian militia disguised in red coats,
and a band of Indian allies.*
For this conduct he was accuspd of treason and cowardice,
and found guilty of the latter. Nor can we doubt the justice
of the sentence. However brave he may have been person-
ally, he was, as a commander, a coward ; and moreover, he
was induenced, confe.sscdly, by his fears as a father, lest his
daughter and her children .should fall into the hands of
the Indians. In truth, his faculties .seem to have been paraly-
zed by fear ; fear that he should fail ; fear that his troop.s
would be unfair to him, fear that the savages would spare
• MoAffeo, frrm 92 to 85. Artnstrong'i Notices, i. 26 to 33 j ibiil. i. Appendix, No. 10,
p. 206. llull's Trial. Do. Dobeuse. Terms of Capitulation, McAffoe, 90.
^
i;
r
too
Attack nn Muckinac.
1812.
no one il opposrd with vigor; fffir of Hoino umli-finpd mul
horrid rvll imprndiiij,'. Me AllVr acciiM-s him of intniipfrniK-r,
but IK) rUnrl uiis iim.l.' on liis triiil to provr this, and wf hnvr
no reason to think it a true chargo ; hut his conduct was like
thut of n drunken man, witliout schno or spirit.
Uut the full of Detroit, though the leading misfortune of thi?t
unfortunate suuuner, was not the only one. Word, as \vc have
Btated, had iM'eii nent throuKh the kindnes.s of some friend,
under a frank from the Anu-riouu Secretary of the Treasury,
informing the British commander fit St. Joseph, of the declara-
tion of war; while Lieut. Hanks, commanding the American
fortress at Mackinac, received no notice from any source. The
conse.iuencc was an attack ui)on the key of th.^ northern lakes
on the 17th of July, by a force of llritish, Canadians and
savases, numbering, in all, 1021 : the garrison amounting to
but lifty-seven elective men, felt unable to withstand so for-
midable a body, and to avoid the constantly threatened In-
dian massacre, surrendered as prisoners of war and were dis-
missed on parole.*
["The whole population of Michigan," says Gov. Hull, "of
which Detroit was the Capital, was between four and live
thousand souls ; their settlements were on the Miami [Mau-
mcclof Lake Erie, the river Raisin, Lros Rouge, the Detroit
river Lake St. Clair, and the Isle of Mackinac. The greater
part were Canadians. They were miserable farmers, paid
ittle attention to agriculture, and depended principally on
lunting, lishing, and trading with the Indians, for support.
The produce of the territory, in the substantial articles ol liv-
inc was by no means suflicient for the subsistence of the in-
habitants. Many were supplied w'ith beef, pork, flour, and
corn, principally from the State of Ohio, ^cw York, and
rennsylvania."t]
[The Indians in northern Illinois, and the country bordering
on Lake Michigan, had manifested hostile feelings toward the
Americans before the battle of Tippecanoe. Clovernor Ed-
wards, who was indefatigable in his efforts to protect the set-
tlements, employed trusty Frenchmen, who had traded with
these Indians, and who could still pass under that guise, as
spies in the Indian country. Their communications, in a
• Fortho BrilUh account of UuU'« eurrsnaer, see Nilcs' Register, iii. 14 33 265 to 268.
For Col. Ca-.' Report, Nile., iiU 37 to 39. For Gov. Hull's Report, ibid, 62 to 67. For
Articles of Capitulation, ibid, 13; various anecdotes, ibid, 44.
^Copied from Brown's Illinois, p. 301. Note.
1
4-
1812.
iiiilcfinod and
ititniiprrniUT,
, iukI wf Imvc
jiluct Nvus like
ifortuni' of this
rd.HH vvc liiivi)
f stmic frifiid,
the Treasury,
of the di'clnra-
th<! Aiiicriean
ysourLM'. Tin)
northern lulvCH
JanudiiniH nnd
niiiounting to
hstund so for-
threiitened In-
■ and were dis-
CJov. Hull, "of
four and live
Miami [Mau-
je, the Detroit
The greater
farmers, paid
principally on
,s, for support.
articles ol'liv-
nce of the in-
ork. flour, and
cw York, and
ntry bordering
ngs toward the
(.lovcrnor Ed-
)rotect the set-
ad traded with
that guise, as
lications, in a
ii. 14, 33, 265 to 268.
;, ibid, 62 to 67. For
181U.
The Massacre at Chtcngo.
601
plain unlettered style, have been examined on the files of the
State Department of Illinois. They are often particular and
minute in giving tjie position of Indian villages, number of
the braves, sourees from whence they roccivcd their supplies,
the names of head men, and other details.
The.sc facts, at short intervals, were cominunicated to the
War Department, as proofs that the Indians were hostile,
and were urged in his re|)eated applications to the War De-
partment for protection to the inhabitants of that frontier ter-
ritory.
We now come to a mournful and disastrous event ;— /Ac
massacre at Chicago. And in this sketch, beside the State pa-
pers and Nile.s' Register, (iii. 155 and iv. 160) we have avail-
ed ourselves of an address delivered at Chicago by Wm. II.
Urown, Ks(i. ; — A Narrative of the Massacre at Chicago, by
John II. Kinzie, V.sq., who was born in a trading house on that
spot;— and the History of Illinois, by Henry Urown, Esq. A
large portion of the sketch by the last writer is made up from
the simple and truthful narrative of Mr. Kinzie.
A small trading post had been established at Chicago in the
period of. the French exj)lorations, but no village formed. It
was one of the thoroughfares in the excursions of both traders
and Indians. Ijy the treaty of Greenville, in 1795, negotia-
ted with the Pottawatomies and Miamies, iVc., they agreed
to relinquish their right to "one piece of land six miles
square, at the mouth of Chicago river, emptying into the
south-west end of Lake Michigan, ulterca fort for rnerli/ stood."*
In 1804, a small fort was erected here by the United States'
government. It stood on the spot where the f«rt stood in
183.*^, but it was differently constructed, having two "block-
houses on the southern side, and oh the northern side, a sally-
port, or subterranean passage from the parade-ground to the
river."t It was called Fort Dearborn.
The officers in 1812, were C-Aptain Heald, the
commanding officer, Lieutenant Helm, and Ensign Ronan
(the two :ast very young men) and the Surgeon, Dr. Voor-
hees, with seventy-five men, very few of whom were efFec-
tive.
Friendly intercourse had existed between these troops and
« Indian Treaties, Washington, 1826, p. 51.
tKioxie, p. 6.
38
f-\
J
f
The Massacre at Chicago.
1812.
individuals and bands of neighboring Indians. The principal
chiefs and braves of the Pottawatomie nation visited Fort
Maiden on the Canada side annually, received presents to a
large amount, and were in alliance with Great Britpin.—
Many Tottavyatomies, Winnebagocs, Ottawas, and Shawa-
nese were in the battle of Tippecanoe, yet the principal
chiefs in the immediate vicinity were on amicable terms with
the Americans, and gave proof of it, by their rescue of those
who were saved.
Besides those persons attached to the garrison, there was
the family of Mr. Kinzie, who had been engaged in the fur
trade at that spot from 1804, and a few Canadians, or enga-
ges, with their wives and children, who were attached to the
same establishment.
On the 7th of April, a marauding party of Winnebagoes,
attacked Mr. Lee's settlement, at a place called Jlardscrab-
ble, about four miles from Chicago, and massacred a Mr.
White, and a Frenchman in his employ. Two other men es-
caped. This was near the junction of the canal with the
south branch of the Chicago. For some days after this there
were signs of hostile Indians, and repeated alarms at the gar-
rison, but the whole passed off in quietness until all ap-
prehension was dismis.sed.
On the afternoon of the 7th of August, Winncmeg, or Cat-
fish, a trust-worthy Pottawatomie chief arrived at the post,
bringing dispatches from Governor Hull, the commander-in-
chief in the north-west. These dispatches announced the
declaration of war between the United States and Great Bri-
tain ; that General Hull, at the head of the army in the
north-west, was on his way from Fort Wayne to Detroit :—
and that the British troops had taken Mackinac.
His orders to Captain Heald, were, 'to evacuate the post,
if practicable, and, in that event, to distribute the property
belonging to the United Slates, in the fort, and in the factory
or agency, to the Indians in the neighborhood.
-" After having delivered his dispatches, Winnemeg request-
ed a private interview with Mr, Kinzie, who had taken up his
residence in the fort. He stated to Mr. Kinzie that he was
acquainted with the purport of the communications he had
brought, and begged him to ascertain if it were the intention
of Captain Heald to evacuate the post. He advised strongly
that such a step should not be taken, since the garrison was
1812.
1812.
The Massacre at Chicago.
603
The principal
)n visited Fort
(1 presents to a
re at Britpin. —
, and Shawa-
the principal
.ble terms with
rescue of those
ison, there was
aged in the fur
dians, or cnga-
attached to the
' Winnebagoes,
led ^Ilardscrab-
assacred a Mr.
o other men es-
canal with the
5 after this there
arms at the gar-
3S until all ap-
nnemeg, or Cat-
red at the post,
commander-in-
announced the
s and Great Bri-
be army in the
le to Detroit : —
lac.
:acuate the post,
ute the property
id in the factory
innemeg request-
had taken up his
nzie that he was
iiications he had
ere the intention
advised strongly
the garrison was
well supplied with ammunition, and with provision, for six
months; it would, therefore, he thought, be far better to rciain
until a reinforcement could be sent to their assistance. If,
however. Captain Ileald should decide on leaving the post, it
should, by all means, he done immediately. The Pottawato-
mies, through whose country they must pass, being ignorant
of Winnemeg's mission, a forced march might be made before
the hostile Indians were prepared to interrupt them.
Of this advice, so earnestly given. Captain Heald was im-
mediately informed. He replied that it was his intention to
evacuate the post, but that inasmuch as he had received or-
ders to distribute the United States property, he should not feel
justified in leaving until he had collected the Indians in the
neighborhood, and made an equitable division among them.
Winnemeg then suggested the expediency of marching out
and leaving all things standing — possibly, while the savages
were engaged in a partition of the spoils, the troops might
effect their retreat unmolested. This advice was strongly se-
conded by Mr. Kinzie, but did not meet the approbation of
the commanding officer.
The order for evacuating the post was read next morning
upon parade. It is difficult to understand why Capt. Heald
in such an emergency, omitted the usual form of calling a
council of war, with his officers. Perhaps it arose from a
want of harmonious feeling between himself and one of his
subalterns — Ensign Ronan — a high-spirited, and somewhat
overbearing, but brave and generous young man. In the
course of the day, finding no council was called, the officers
waited upon Capt. Heald, to be informed what course he in-
tended to pursue. When they learned his intention to leave
the post, they remonstrated with him upon the following
grounds :
First. It was highly improbable that the command would
be permitted to pass through the country in safety, to Fort
Wayne. Fur, although it had been said that some of the
chiefs had opposed an attack upon the fort, planned the pre-
ceding autumn, yet, it was well known, that they had been
actuated in that matter by motives of private regard to one
fam'Iy, and not to any general friendly feeling towards the
Americans ; and that, at any rate, it was hardly to be expect-
ed that these few individuals would be able to control the
whole tribe, who were thirsting for blood. In the next place,
their march must necessarip' be slow, as their movements
must be accommodated to the helplessness of the women and
children, of whom there were a number with the detach-
ment. That of their small force, some of the soldiers were
superannuated and others invalid ; therefore, since the course
to be pursued was left discretional, their advice was to remain
where they were, and fortify themselves as strongly as possi-
604
The Massacre at Chicago.
1812.
ble. Succors from the other side of the peninsula nught ar-
rive before they could be attacked by the British froni Macki-
nac, and even should there not, it were far better to fall into
the hands of the latter, than to become the victims of the
'^Iwlleald argued in reply, "that a special order had bi en
Jdsuedby the War Department, that no post f»'|>»;'l ?«/"f-
rendered without battle having been given ; and that his lorce
was totally inadequate to an engagement with the Indians.
That he should, unquestionably, be ceisured or remaining,
when there appeared a prospect of a safe march through, and
that upon the whole, he deemed it expedient to assemble the
Indians, distribute the property among them, and then ask oi
them an escort to Fort Wayne, with the F?n»se of a con-
siderable reward upon their safe arrival-adding, that he had
full confidence in the friendly professions of the Indians, from
whom, as well as from the soldiers, the capture of Mackinac
had been kept a profound secret." , r i ^i-o
From this time the officers held themselves aloof, and spoke
but little upon the subject, though they considered the project
of Capt. Heald little short of madness. The dissatislaction
amons the soldiers b'jrly increased, until it reached a lugh
decree of insubordination. Upon one occasion, as Captain
Heald was conversing with Mr. Kinzie, upon the parade, he
said, "I could not remain, even if 1 thought it best, for 1 have
but a small store of provisions." "Why, Captain." said
a soldier, who stood near, forgetting all etiquette, m the
excitement of the moment, " you have cattle enough o
last the troops six months." "But," replied Captain Heald,
»i have no salt to preserve the beef with." 'Then jerk*
it," said the man, "as the India s do their venison.
The Indians now became daily more unruly, l^ntering tne
fort in defiance of the sentinels, they made their way without
ceremony into the quarters of the officers. On one occasion,
an Indian took up a rifle and fired it in the parlor of the com-
manding officer, as an expression of defiance, bome were oi
opinion, that this was intended, among the young men, as a
signal for an attack. The old Chiefs passed backward and
forward, among the assembled groups, with the appearance
of the most lively agitation, whilo the squaws rushed to and
fro in great excitement, and evidently prepared for some fear-
ful scene. Any further manifestation of ill-feeling was, how-
ever, suppressed for the present, and Capt. Heald, strange as
it may SMeem, continued to entertain a conviction of his hav-
inff created so amicable a disposition among the Indians, as
would ensure the safety of the command, on their march to
Fort Wayne.
•TbU U done by cntfmg the moat in thin rfioes, placing it upon a icffold and making
» Blow fire under it, which dries and imokesit at the same time.
1812.
i\& might ar-
from Macki-
r to fall into
ctims of the
rder had been
[lould be sur-
that his force
I the Indians.
>r remaining,
through, and
assemble the
id then ask of
nise of a con-
g, that he had
Indians, from
! of Mackinac
»of, and spoke
•ed the project
dissatisfaction
jached a high
n, as Captain
;he parade, he
est, for I hdve
laptain," said
quette, in the
ie enough to
laptain Heald,
•'Then jerk*
son."
Entering the
ir way without
I one occasion,
lor of the com-
Some were of
ung men, as a
backward and
le appearance
rushed to and
1 for some fear-
ling was, how-
ild, strange as
on of his hav-
the Indians, as
their march to
ac«ffo1d and making
I
1812.
The Massacre at Chicago.
605
During this excitement amongst the Indians, a runner arri-
ved with a message from Tecumthc, with the news of the
capture of Mackinac, the defeat of Van Home, and the re-
treat of Gen. Hull from Canadn. He desired them to arm
immediately ; and intimated, that he had no doubt but Hull
would soon be compelled to surrender.*
In this precarious condition, matters remained until the
12th of August, when a council was held with the Indians
who collected from the vicinity. None of the military officers
attended but Capt. Heald, though requested by him. They
had been informed that it was the intention of the young
chiefs to massacre them in council, and soon as the comman-
der left the fort, they took command of the block-houses,
opened the port-holes and pointed the loaded cannon so as to
command the whole council. This, probably, caused a post-
ponement of their horrid designs.
The Captain informed the council of his intentions to dis-
tribute the next day, among them, all the goods in the store-
house, with the ammunition and provisions. He requested
the Pottawatomies to furnish him an escort to Fort Wayne,
promising them a liberal reward upon their arrival there, in-
additioii to the liberal presents they were now to receive.
The Indians were profuse in their professions of good-will
and friendship, assented to all he propo.sed, and promised all
he desired. The result shows the true character of the
Indians. No act of kindness, nor offer of reward, could as-
suage their thirst fi>r blood.
Mr. Kinzie, who understood well the Indian character, and
their designs, waited on the commander, in the hope of open-
ing his eyes to the appaling danger. He told him the Indians
had been secretly hostile to the Americans for a long time ;
that since the battle of Tippocanoe he had dispatched orders
to all his traders to furnish no ammunition to them, and point-
ed out the wretched policy to Captain Heald, of furnishing
the enemy with arms and ammunition to destroy the Ameri-
cans- This argument opened the eyes of the commander, who
was struck with the impolicy, and resolved to destroy the am-
munition and liquor-
• Kinzi«, pp. 12 to 16.
t Brown's History ox Ulinoiii, p. 307. Not«.
606
The Massacre at Chicago.
1812.
The next day, (13th) the goods, consisting of blankets,
cloths, paints, &c., were distributed, but at night the ammu-
nition was thrown into an old well, and the casks of alcohol,
including a large quantity belonging to Mr. Kinzie, was tnk-
en <hrough the sally-port, their heads knocked in, and the ?on-
tents poured into the river. The Indians, ever watchful and
suspicious, stealthily crept around, and soon found out the
loss of their loved " fire-water."
On the 14th,Capt. Wells departed with fifteen friendly Miam-
ies. He was a brave man, had resided among the Indians from
boyhood, and knew well their character and habits. He had
heard at Fort Wayne, of the order of General Hull to evacu-
ate Fort Dearborn, and knowing the hostile intentions of the
Pottawatomies, he had made a rapid march through the wil-
derness, to prevent, if possible, the exposure of his sister, Mrs.
Heald, the oflicers and garrison, to certain destruction. But
he came too late ! The ammunition had been destroyed, and
on the provisions the enemy was rioting. His only alterna-
tive was to hasten their departure, and every preparation was
made for the march of the troops next morning.
A second Council was held with the Indians in the after-
noon. They expressed great indignation at the destruction
of the ammunition and liquor. Murmurs and threats were
heard from every quarter.
Among the chiefs and braves were several, who, although
they partook of the feelings of hostility of their tribe to the
Americans, retained a personal regard for the troops, and the
white families in the place. They exerted their utmost influ-
ence to allay the angry feelings of the savage warriors ; but
their efforts were in vain.
Among these was Black Partridge, a chief of some distinc-
tion. The evening after the second council, he entered the
quarters of the commanding ofllcer. " Father," said the ven-
erable chief, " I come to deliver up to you the medal I wear.
It was given me by the Americans, and I have long worn it,
in token of our mutual friendship. But our young men are
resolved to imbrue their hands in the blood of the whites. I
cannot restrain them, and I will not wear a token of peace
while I am compelled to act as an enemy."
The reserved ammunition, twenty-five rounds to a man,
was now distributed. The baggage wagons for the sick, the
aXMJ
. IWUU "
1812.
blankets,
lie ammu-
of alcohol,
, was tnk-
id the ?on-
tchful and
id out the
idly Mi am-
dians from
1. He had
to evacu-
lons of the
;h the wil-
iister, Mrs.
stion. But
troyed, and
ily alterna-
vration was
II the after-
destruction
treats were
0, although
tribe to the
ps, and the
tmost influ-
1812.
The Massacre at Chicago.
607
^rriors
but
jHiie distinc-
enlered the
lid the ven-
dal I wear,
mg worn it,
ig men are
whites. I
m of peace
to a man,
he sick, the
women and children were ready, and, amidst the surrounding
gloom, and the expectation of a fatiguing march through
the wilderness, or a disastrous issue on the morrow, the whole
party, except the watchful sentinels, retired for a little rest.
The fatal morning of tlie 15th of August, arrived. The sun
shone out in brightness as it arose from the glassy surface of
the lake. The atmosphere was balmy, and could the feelings
of the party have been relieved from the most distressing ap-
prehensions, they could have departed with exhilerating feel-
ings.
Early in the morning a message was received by Mr. Kin-
zie, from To-pc-nce-hc, a friendly chief of the St. Joseph's band,
informing him that the Pottawatomies, who had promised to
be an escort to the detachment, designed mischief. Mr. Kin-
zie had placed his family under the protection of some
friendly Indians. This party, in a boat, consisted of Mrs. Kin-
zie, four young children, a clerk of Mr. Kinzie's, two servants,
and the boat-men, or voyageurs, with two Indians as protec-
tors. The boat was intended to pass along the southern end
of the lake to St. Joseph's. Mr. Kinzie and his eldest son, a
youth, had agreed to accompany Captain Ileald and the
troops, as he thought his influence over the Indians would en-
able him to restrain the fury of the savages, as they were
much attached to him and his family.
To-pe-nee-be urged him and his son to accompany his fami-
ly in the boat, assuring him the hostile Indians would allow
his boat to pass in safety to St. Joseph's.
The boat had scarcely reached the lake, when another mes-
senger from this friendly chief, arrived to detain them where
they were. We leave tlie reader to imagine the feelings of
the matter. " She was a woman of uncommon energy, and
strength of character, yet her heart died within her as she
folded her arms around her helpless infants." And when she
heard the discharge of the guns, and the shrill, terrific war-
whoop of the infuriated savages, and knew the party, and
most probably her beloved husband and first born son were
doomed to destruction, language has not power to describe
her agony !
At nine o'clock the troops, with the baggage wagons, left
the fort with martial music and in military array. Captain
Wells, at the head of hia band of Miamies, led the
■t
i'-Y
-rr
608
The Massacre at Chicago.
1812.
with his face blackened after the manner of Indians; the
troops, with the wagons, containing the women and children,
tho i;! 'k and lame, followed, while at a little distance behind,
were the Pottawatomics, about five hundred in number, w'lo
had pledged their honor to escort them in safety to Fort
Wayne. The party took the road along the lake shore.
On reaching the point where a range of sand hills commen-
ced, (within the present limits of Chicago,) the Pottawato-
mics defiled to the right into the prairie, to bring the sand
hills between them and the Americans. They had marched
about a mile and a half from the fort, when Captain Wells,
who, with his Miamies, was in advance, rode furiously back,
and exclaimed,
" They are about to attack us : form instantly and charge
upon them."
The words were scarcely uttered when a volley of balls,
from Indian muskets, behind the sand hills, poured upon them.
The troops were hastily formed into lines and charged up the
bank. One man, a veteran soldier of seventy, fell as they
mounted the bank. The battle became general. The Miam-
ies fled at the outset, though Captain Wells did his utmost to
induce them to stand their ground. Their chief rode up to
the Pottawatomics, charged them with treachery, and, bran-
dishing his tomahawk, declared, " he would be the first to head
a party of American: md punish them." He then turned his
horse and galloped auer his companions over the prairie.
The American troops behaved most gallantly, and sold their
lives dearly. Mrs. Helm, the wife of Lieutenant Helm, was
in the action, behaved with astonishing presence of mind (as
did all the other females) and furnished Mr. Kinzie with many
thrilling facts, from which we make the following extracts.
Mrs. Helm was the step-daughter of Mr. Kinzie. She states:
"Our horses pranced and bounded and could hardly be re-
strained, as the balls whistled around them. I drew off a
little and gazed upon my husband and father, who were yet
unharmed. I felt that my hour was «,ome, sind endeavoied to
forget those I loved, and prepare myself for my approaching
fate.
"While I was thus engaged, the surgeon. Dr. V., came up,
he was badly wounded. His horse had been shot under him,
and he had received a ball in his leg. Every muscle of his
countenance was quivering with the agony of terror. He
■^
mm
1812.
Indians; the
and children,
tance behind,
lumber, w'lo
fety to Fc't
B shore,
ills commen-
! Pottawato-
ing the sand
liad marched
ptain Wells,
iriously back,
' and charge
Hey of balls,
dupon them,
arged up the
fell as they
The Miam-
liis utmost to
f rode up to
y, and, bran-
3 first to head
en turned his
prairie,
find sold their
t Helm, was
of mind (as
e with many
ing extracts.
She states :
liardly be re-
drew off a
vho were yet
ideavoied to
approaching
T., came up,
t under him,
nuscle of his
terror. He
~'f
1812.
The Massacre at Chicago.
609
said to mc, 'Do you think they will take our livrs? I am badly
wounded, but 1 think not mortally. Perhaps wo might pur-
chase our lives by promising them a large reward. Do you
think there is any chance?'
" Dr. V. said 1, "do not It us waste the few moments that
yet remain to us, in such vain hopes. Our lute is inevitable.
In a few moments we must appear before the bar of God. Let
us endeavor to make what preparation is yet in our power.'
'Oh! 1 cannot die!' exclaimed he, '1 am not lit to die — if I
had but a short time to prepare — death is awful! 1 pointed to
Ensign Uonan, who, though mortally wounded, and nearly
down, was still fighting with de.speration, upon one knee.
" 'Look at that man,' said I, 'at least he dies like a .soldier !'
" 'Yes,' replied the unfortunate man, with a convulsive
gasp, 'but he has no terrors of the future — he is an unbe-
liever !'
" At this moment, a young Indian raised his tomahawk at
me. By springing aside, I avoided the blow which was aimed
at my skull, but which alighted on my shoulder. I seized him
around the neck, and while exerting my utmost efforts to get
possession of his scalping-knife, which hung in a scabbard
over his breast, I was dragged from his grasp by another and
an older Indian.
"The latter bore me, struggling and resisting, towards the
lake. Notwithstanding the rapidity with which I was hurri-
ed along, I recognized, as I passed them, the lifeless remains
of the unfortunate surgeon. Some murderous tomahawk had
stretched him upon the very spot where 1 had last seen him.
"I was immediately plunged into the water, and held there
with a forcible hand, notwithstanding my resistance. I soon
perceived, however, that the object of rry captor was not to
drown me, as he held me flri.ily in such a position as to place
my head above the water. This reassured me, and regarding
him attentively, I soon recognized, in spite of the paint, with
which he was disguised, The Black Partridge.
•'When the firing had somewhat subsided, my preserver bore
me from the water, and conducted jiie up the sand-banks. It
was a burning August morning, and walking through the sand
in my drenched condition, was inexpressibly painful and fa-
tiguing. I stopped and took off my .'•hoes, to free them from the
sand, with whicK th y were nearly filled, when a squaw seized
and carried thc.n off, and I was obliged to proceed without
them. When we had gained the prairie, I was met by my
father who told me that my hui^band was safe, and but slightly
wounded. They led me gently back toward the Chicago river,
along the southern bank of which was the Pottawatomie en-
campment. . At one time I was placed upon a horse without
a saddle, but soon finding the motion insupportable, I sprang
off. Supported partly by my kind conductor, and partly by.
HP
TT
610
The Massacre at Chicago.
1812.
anothor Iiulinn, Pec-so-lum, who hold dangling in his hand,
the scalp of Capt. Wells, I dragged my fainting steps to one
of thn wigwams.
"The wife of Wau-bre-ncc-mah, a chief from the Illinois river,
was standing near, and seeing my exliausted condition, she
seized a kettle, dipped up some water from a little stream that
flowed near, threw into it some maple sugar, and stirring it
up with her hand, gave it to me to drink. This act of kind-
ness, in the midst of so many atrocities, touched me most
sensibly, but my attention was soon diverted to another
object. The fort had become a scene of plunder, to
such as remained after the troops had marched out. The
cattle had been shot down as they run at large, and lay dead
or dying around.
"As the noise of the firing grew gradually less, and
the stragglers from the victorious party dropped in, I received
confirmation of what my father had hurriedly communicated
in our rencontre on the lake shore ; namely, that the whites
had surrendered, after the loss of about two-thirds of their
number. They had stipulated for the preservation of their
lives, and those of the remaining women and children, and for
their delivery at some of the British posts, unless ransomed by
traders in the Indian country. It appears that the wounded
prisoners were not considered as included in the stipulation,
and a horrible scene occurred upon their being brought into
camp.
"An old squaw, infuriated by the loss of friends, or excited
by the sanguinary scenes around her, seemed possessed by a
demoniac ferocity. She seized a stable fork, and assaulted one
miserable victim, who lay groaning and writhing in the agony
of his wounds, aggravated by the scorching beams of the sun.
With a delicacy of feeling scarcely to have been expected,
under such circumstances, Wau-bee-nce-mah stretched a mat
across two poles, between me and this dreadful scene. I was
thus spared, in some degree, a view of its horrojs, although 1
could not entirely close my ears to the cries of the sufl'erer.
The following night, five njore of the wounded prisoners were
tomahawked."
But why dwell upon this painful subject? Why describe
the butchery of the children, twelve of whom, placed together
in one baggage-wagon, fell beneath the merciless tomahawk
of one young savage ? This atrocious act was committed after
the whites, twenty-seven in number, had surrendered. When
Capt. Wells beheld it, he exclaimed, "Is that their game?
Then I will kill too I" So saying, he turned his horse's head,
and started for the Indian camp near the fort, where had been
left their squaws and children.
Several Indians pursued him, firing at him as he galloped
along. He laid himself flat, on the neck of his horse, loading
tsfm^
mmm
1812.
I in his hand,
steps to one
Illinois river,
onilition, «he
le stream that
nd stirring it
is act of kind-
tied me most
d to another
plunder, to
cd out. The
and lay dead
illy less, and
in, I received
ommunicated
at the whites
hirds of their
ation of their
ildren, and for
3 ransomed by
the wounded
tie stipulation,
: brought into
ids, or excited
possessed by a
assaulted one
J in the agony
ms of the sun.
een expected,
retched a mat
scene. I was
tXH, although 1
if the suflbrer.
prisoners were
Why describe
laced together
ess tomahawk
ommitted after
idered. When
it their game ?
i horse's head,
here had been
is he galloped
horse, loading
T
1812.
The Massacre at Chivfigo.
611
and firing in that position. At length, the balls of his pursuors
took edect, killing his horse, and severely wounding liimself.
At this n)oment he was met by JVinnrmar nnd Wiin-hmi-sec,
who endeavored to save him from the savages who bad now
overtaken him ; but as they supported him along, alttM- hav-
ing disengaged him from his horse, he received his dealh-blnw
from one of the party, {Pcc-so-tum,) who stabbed him in the
back.
The heroic resolution of one of the soldier's wives deserves
to be recorded. She had, from the first, expressed a determi-
nation never to fall into the hands of the savages, believing
that their prisoners were always subjected to tortures worse
than death. When, therefore, a party came up to her, to
make her prisoner, she fought with desperation, refusing to
surrender, although assured of safe treatment ; an<l literally
suffered herself to be cut to pieces, rather than become their
captive.
The heart of Capt. Wells was taken out, and cut into pieces,
and distributed among the tribes. His mutilated remains re-
mained unburied until next day, when Billy Caldwell gath-
ered up his head in one place and mangled body in another,
and buried them in the sand.*
The family of Mr. Kinzie, had been taken from the boat
to their home, by friendly Indians, and there strictly guarded.
Very soon a very hostile party of the Pottawatomie nation
arrived from tie Wabash, and it required all the skill and
bravery of Black Partridge, Wauhansec, Billy Caldwell, (who
arrived at a critical moment,) and other friendly Indians, to
protect them. Runners had been sent by the hostile chiefs to
all the Indian villages, to apprise them of the intended evacu-
ation of the fort, and of their plan of attacking the troops. —
In eager thirst to participate in such a scene of blood, but ar-
rived too late to participate in the- massacre. They were in-
furiated at their disappointment, and sought to glut their ven-
geance on the wounded and prisor.ers.f
On the third day after the ma.ssacre, the family of Mr. Kin-
zie, with the attaches of the establishment, under the care of
Francois, a half breed interpreter, were taken to St. Joseph's
in a boat, where they remained until the following November,
under the protection of To-pe-nc-be, and his band. They were
then carried to Detroit, under the escort of Chandonnai, anu a
• Brown'i IllinoU, 310. Noto.
t Kinaie, 20 to 28.
' I
i\
612
Chtsing Remarks.
1812.
i
friotidly cliicf by ihc nam« of KfC-j>o-tah, and, with their ser-
vants, delivered up, as prisoners of war, to the British coin-
inniiding officer.
" Uf th«! otlirr prisoner.-*, Captain Ileald and Mrs. lleaid
were sent across tfie lalvu to St. Joseph's, the day after the
battle. Captain Ileahl had received two wounds, and Mrs.
llcald seven, tiie ball of one of which was cut from her arm
by Mr. Kinzic, with a peu-knife, after the engagement.
Mrs. H. was ransomed on the battle field, by Chandonnai, a
half breed from St. Joseph's, for a mule he had just taken, and
the promise of ten bottles of whisky.
Captain Ileald was taken prisoner by an Indian from the
Kankakee, who, seeing the wounded and enfeebled state of
Mrs. Ileald, generously released his prisoner, that be might
accompany his wife.
But when this Indian returned to his village on the Kanka-
kee, he found that his generosity had excited so much dissatis-
faction in his band that he resolved to visit St. Joseph's and
reclaim his prisoner. News of his intention having reached
To-pc-nc-bc, Kcc-po-tah, Chandonnai, and other friendly braves,
they sent them in a bark canoe, under the charge of Rob-
inson, a half-breed, along the eastern side of Lake Michi-
gan, three hundred miles, to Mackinac, where they were de-
livered over to the commanding officer.
Lieutenant Helm was wounded in the action and taken
pri-soner; and afterwards taken by some friendly Indians to
the Au sable, and from thence to St. Louis, and liberated from
captivity through the agency of the late Thomas Forsyth, Esq.
Mrs. Helm received a slight wound in the ancle ; had her
horse shot from under her ; and after pasting through the ag-
onizing .scenes described, went with the family of Mr. Kinzic
to Detroit.
The soldiers, with their wives and culldren, were dispersed
among the different villages of the Pottawatomies, upon the
Illinois, Wabash, Rock River and Milwaukee. The largest
proportion were taken to Detroit and ransomed the following
spring. Some, however, remained in captivity another year,
and experienced more kindness than was expected from an
enemy so merciless.
We have given this account more in detail, than is our
usage, partly because the locality was Chicago, where some
w^-m^
I
with tlieir Bcr-
c Uritisit com-
ic! Mrs. Ileald
c day after the
unds, and Mrs.
t frotn hur arm
i|?cmcnt.
' Chandonnai, a
just taken, and
Indian from the
feebled state of
that he mi^^ht
on the Kanka-
) much dissatis-
t. Joseph's and
having reached
friendly braves,
ifiarge of Rob-
of Lake Michi-
they were de-
tion and taken
ndly Indians to
d liberated from
as Forsyth, Esq.
ancle ; had her
through the ag-
y of Mr. Kinzic
were dispersed
mies, upon the
B. The largest
;d the following
ty another year,
:pected from an
ail, than is our
^o, where some
I
1812.
OJJiciul RrfMi'l nf Caplniii Haihl.
013
individuals arc still living w> < passed through these tciriblf
scenes ; and partly to correct n very erroneous notion, pre-
vailing amongst many luinmne and pliilantlir«)pi(: persons, that
Indian hostilities usually coiiimeiice' l»y a;,'gresNi()ns of the
•' pale faces," and thnt if they were treated kindly and libe-
rally, they will be kind u. .urn. Individual instances huvc
been referred to as proof of their general character.
The aborigines of this country were always rude savages ;
.subsisting chiefly by fishing and hunting, and from the earli-
est traditionary notice, were engaged in j)ctty exterminating
wars with each other.
Delight in war and thirst for human blood is their " ruling
passion." Tiie liberal distribution of goods and provisions,
and the promise of more ample rewards ut Fort Wayne, by
Captain Ileald, could not allay this passion. They gave their
solemn pledges for the protection of the party on their route
to Fort Wayne, and sent out runners to rally their friends to
the massacre the same day.
Since the foregoing sketch was in type, we have found the
official report of Capt. Ileald, dated Pittsburgh, October y3d,
1812. It is contained in Nilcs' Weekly Register, of Novem-
ber 7th, vo'ume iii., p. 155. It varies in some particulars,
though in nothing material, from the documents u.sed for the
sketch. Probably, he wrote in part from memory.
" On the 9th of August, I received orders from General
Hull to evacuate the post, and proceed with my command to
Detroit, leaving it at my discretion to dispose of the public
property as I thought proper. The neighboring Indians got
the information as early as I did, and came from all quarters
to receive the goods in the factory store, which they under-
stood were to be given to them. On the l.'Uh, Captain Wells
of Fort Wayne, arrived with abjout thirty Miamies, for the
purpose of escorting us in by the request of General Hull. —
On the 14th, 1 delivered the Indians all thegoodsin the facto-
ry store, and a considerabla quantity of provisions, which we
could not take away with u.s.
The surplus arms and ammunition, I thought propei to de-
stroy, fearing they would make bad use of it, if put in their
possession.
I also destroyed all the liquor on hand, soon after they be-
gan to collec*^. The collection was unusually large for that
Flace, but they conducted with the strictest propriety, till after
left the fort.
On he 15th, at 9 o'clock, A. M., we commenced our march
Uli
Official Hrjx)rt of Captain llrahl.
1812.
— II part of tlic Minmu'H wore dftnched in (rout, tluMTtnftin-
(lir ill our r«'ar as Kuanls, und«'r the dirfctinii of Oaptnln
Wells. The Nituation of tlio country ri'uden'd it iK-ccstHarv
for us to take tlic Ix-ach, witli llu- lake on our left, and a lii^li
bunk OK our ri;,'lit, at about one hundred yards distance. Wo
proceeded about a iiiib! and a half, when it was discovered
the Indians were prepared to attack us from behind the bank.
1 immediately marched up the company to the top of the
baidi, when the action commenced; ader fiiinj? one round, rc-
ehar«ed, and the Indians gave way in front and joined those
on our llauks. In about lil\cen minutes, they got possession
of all our liorses, provision and baggage of every description,
and, linding tiie Miamies did not assist us, I drew off the few
men 1 had left, and took possession of n small elevation in
tlie open prairie out of shot of the bank or anv other cover.
The Indiana did not follow me, but assemblcti in a body on
the lop of the baid<, and, after some consultation among
themselves, n.adc signs to me to approach them. I advan-
ced towards them alone, and was met by one of the Potta-
watomie chiefs called the Blackbird, with an interpreter.
After shaking hands, be retjuestcd me to surrender, prom-
ising to spare the lives of all the prisoners. On a l'<vv mo-
ments consideration, I concluded it would be the m' -t pru-
dent to comply with his request, although 1 did not put en-
,lre confidence in his promise. After delivering U|) our arms,
we were taken back to their encampment near tl e fort, and
distributed among the different tribes.
The next morning they set fire to the fort, and left the
place, taking the prisoners with them. Their number of
warriors was between four and five hundred, mostly of the
Pottawatomie nation, and their loss, from the best informa-
tion I could get, was about fifteen. Our strength was fifty-
four regulars and twelve militia, out of which twenty-six
regulars, and all the militia, were killed in the action, with
two women and twelve children.
Ensign Cleorge llonan and Doctor Isaac V. Van Voor-
hees, of my company, with Captain Wells, of Fort Wayne,
are, to my great sorrow, numbered among the dead. Lieu-
tenant Lina T. Ilealm, with twenty-five non-commissioned
officers and privates, and eleven women and children, were
prisoners, when we separated.
Airs', lieald and myself were taken to the mouth of the
river St. Joseph, and being both badly wounded, were per-
mitted to reside with Mr. Burnet, an Indian trader. In a
few days after our arrival there, the Indians all went off
to take Fort Wayne, and in their absence I engaged a
Frenchman to take us to Michillimackinac, by water, where
I gave myself up as a prisoner of war, with on? of my ser-
geants. The commanding oflicer Captain Roberts, offered
\
}Iml,l.
1812.
II Crotit, tilt' rptnnin-
lircctiiiii of Oaptnin
ndercd it iircestHiirv
our It'll, luid (I lii^Ii
iirds distarico. Wo
it was iliscovcrt'tl
in belli nd tin- bunk.
' to the top of tho
iiiiii); ono rounil, re-
nt iiiid joined those
they got possession
if every description,
I drew off the few
small elevation in
or any other cover,
mbleil in a body on
tonsil ttution among
ch them. I advan-
'• one of the Potta-
an interpreter,
to surrender, prom-
Ts. On a I'tvv mo-
d be the m' t pru-
h 1 tlid not put cii-
veriiij^ up our arms,
it near tl e fort, and
! fort, and left tho
Their number of
dred, mostly of the
fi the best informa-
strength was fifty-
which twenty-six
in the action, with
lac V. Van Voor-
Is, of Fort Wayne,
g the dead. Lieu-
non-commissioned
and children, were
> the mouth of the
ounded, were per-
lian trader. In a
dians all went off
ence I engaged a
c, by water, where
ith on? of my ser-
n Roberts, offered
1R12.
C<i/ilain lli'dlil anil his Family.
615
• I
ine every assistance in his power tt) render tmr sitiintitin
coiiilortiible while we remuiiieil there, and to enable us to
proceed on tmr journey. To him, 1 n;uve my | arole of hon-
or, and reporteii myself to ("(doiiel Proctor, who t,'ave us a^
passage to lUilliilo ; fn)m that place 1 came by the way of
iVestpi' Isle and arrived herti yesterday."
Captain (subsetpiently Mi\jfr) lleald, his wilt! aiu' family,
settled in the county of St. Charles, Mo., after the war,
about 1817, where he died about lilleen years since. He
was respected and btdoved by his ac(iuaiiitaii(M!. His health
was impaired from the wounds ho received.
Mrs. Heahl, who still survives him, was a daughter of the
late Colonel Samuel Wells, of tho same county, one of the
prominent men in Kentucky, previous to, and during the
war.
Captain William Wayne Wells, who was killed in thti bat-
tle, wo suppose to have been a brother of Ct)lonel Samuel
Wells, and was for some years a prisoner and adopted
amongst the Miami Indians, Conse(|uently he was uncle to
Mrs. lleald, though in Indian fashion he called her sister.
Mrs. lleald fought like a perfect heroine in the action, and
received several wounds. After she was in the boat, a hos-
tile Indian assailed her with his tomahawk, and her life was
saved by the interposition of a friendly chief.
After the defeat of General Hull, and the victories of the
British and Indians in the North-west, the people in the
western States, and especially in Kentucky and Ohio, became
excited, and but one sentiment prevailed. By the middle of
August, the whole North-west, with the exception of Fort
Wayne and Fort Harrison, was in possession of the British
and their red allies.
Kvery citizen in the States referred to, and of the Territories
of Indiana and Illinois, seemed animated with one desire — to
wipe off the di.sgrace with which our arms had been stained,
and to roll back the desolation that threatened the frontiers of
Oliio and the territories beyond.
Gov. Harrison had been appointed Brigadier-General in the
Army of tlie United States in August, and, upon the urgent
recoimnendation of Gen. Shelby, Henry Clay, (then Speaker
of the House of Representatives in Congress,) the Hon. Thos.
Todd, and others, was appointed by Gen. Scott, Major-Gene-
ral by brevet, in the Kentucky militia, and commanded the
616
General Harrison in Command.
1812.
expedition to the North-west. In the course of a few weeks
Kentucky had about seven thousand men in the field.*
Col. R. M. Johnson, and his brother James Johnson, were
engaged in raising mounted men in Kentucky. S'^.veral
regiments were directed to the aid of Indiana and Illinois.
Vincennes was made the principal rendezvous, and General
Samuel Hopkins, a venerable Revolutionary officer, was ap-
pointed to the command of the Kentucky troops destined to
march in that direction.
In the meantime. Governor Edwards, of Illinois, was active
in raising men and making preparations for an expedition
against the hostile Indians on the Illinois river.
Col. Wm. Russell, of the 17th United States' regiment, was
engaged in raising companies of troops, denominated "Ran-
gers," to co-operate with Governor Edwards. Their place of
rendezvous was near the present town of Edwardsville, West
of Caho a, and named "Camp Russell." The scattered set-
tlements of Illinois then extended no farther north than
Wood river, near Alton.
A line drawn from that point past Greenville and Mount
Vernon to Shawneetown, would have enclosed all the white
population, except a few families on the Wabash, adjacent to
Vincennes.
The concerted arrangement was, for General Hopkins, with
about four thousand mounted riflemen, to move up the Wa-
bash to Fort Harrison, cross over to the Illinois country, de-
stroy all the Indian villages near the Wabash, march across
the prairies to the head waters of the Sangamon and Ve;
million rivers, form a junction with the Illinois rangers under
Governor Edwards and Colonel Russell, and sweep overall
the villages along the Illinois river.
After entering the prairies of Illinois, the troops under Gen.
Hopkins became disorderly ; were wanting in discipline and
subordination, and the expedition was defeated in its objects.
Success depended en the celerity and secrecy of their march.
If the Indians obtained knowledge of the approach of such
a force, they would desert their villages and flee to the north,
as they did. Game was abundant, especially deer, and no
authority of the veteran General, or his aids, could prevent
the troops, and even the subaltern officers from continually
» Uiles' Register, ill. 25. McAffee, 106 to 109.
Ml
)f a few weeks
ic field.*
Johnson, were
icky. S'^.veral
na and Illinois.
iS, and General
ofRcep, was ap-
ops destined to
nois, was active
r an expedition
i' regiment, was
•minated "Ran-
Their place of
vardsville. West
e scattered set-
tier north than
ille and Mount
ed all the white
ash, adjacent to
il Hopkins, with
5ve up the Wa-
jis country, de-
ih, march across
;amon and Vei-
ls rangers under
sweep over all
3ops under Gen.
n discipline and
ed in its objects,
of their march,
pproach of such
lee to the north,
Uy deer, and no
could prevent
rom continually
1812.
Expedition under Gen. Hopkins.
617
firing at game. Add to this, the season was rainy, they had
no competent guides, and the fourth day from Fort Harrison,
they lost the course in the prairies, and returried to the
Wabash.
On the 29th of September, General Hopkins wrote to Gov.
Shelby, of Kentucky, saying :
"My present intention is to attack every settlement on the
Wabash, and destroy their property, then fall upon the Illi-
nois ; and I trust, in all the next month, to perform much of
it. Serious opposition I hardly apprehend, although I intend
to be prepared for it."*
How mortifying to the veteran soldier must it have been to
write the official communication he did from Fort Harrison,
October eth.f
One great effect resulted from this expedition. It so alarmed
the Indians on the waters of the Sangamon, Mackinac and
Illinois rivers, that they retreated with their families, towards
the north.
For a sketch of the expedition of Col. Russell and Gover-
nor Edwards, to the Kickapoo and Peoria towns, we are in-
debted to a communication from the Hon. John Reynolds, of
Belleville, Illinois, who was an officer in the expedition. Our
limits compel us to give it in an abridged form ; still preserv-
ing the language of the writer.
"Towards the last of September, 1812, all the forces of
United States' rangers, and mounted volunteers, to the num-
ber of three hundred and fifty, were assembled at Camp Rus-
sell, and duly organized, preparatory to marching against the
Indians, and join the army under Gen. Hopkins. Camp Rus-
sell was one mile and a half north of Edwardsville, and then
on the frontier.
Col. Russell commanded the Ihiited States' rangers ; Cols..
Stephenson and Rector were in command of the volunteers ;
Maj. John Moredock, and several others, (names not recol-
lected,) were field officers. Captains William B. Whiteside,
James B. Moore, Jacob Short, Samuel Whiteside, Willis Har-
grave, (perhaps others,) commanded companies.
Colonel Jacob Judy was the Captain of a small corps of
spies, comprising twenty- one men. [Gov. Reynolds was in
this company.]
The staff of Gov. Edwards were, N. Rector, Robert K. M<:-
»Nile»' Rfgister, iii. 170.
t Ibid, p. 204.
39
\\r,
618
Statement of Governor Reynolds.
1812.
^1 !
Laughlin, and Nathaniel Pope. There may have been more,
but the v.ni?rdoes not recollect them.
This little army being organised, and with their provisions
for twenty or thirty days packed on the horses they rode, (ex-
cept in a few instances where pack horses were fitted out,)
took up the line of march in a northwardly direction.
Captain Craig, with a small company, was ordered to take
charge of a boat, fortified for the occasion, with provision
and supplies, and proceed up the Illinois river to Peoria.
This little army at that time was all the efiicient force to
protect Illinois. We commenced the march from Camp Rus-
sell, on the last day of September. At that period the Indians
on the Sangamon, Mackinac and Illinois rivers were both
numerous and hostile.
The route lay on the west side of Cahokia creek, to the
lake fork of the Macoupin, and across Sangamon river below
the forks, a few miles east of Springfield. We left the Elk-
heart grove to the left, and passed the old Kickapoo village on
Kickapoo creek, and directed our course towards the head of
Peoria lake. The old Kickapoo village which the Indians had
abandoned was destroyed. As the army approached near
Peoria, Governor Edwards despatched Lieutenant Peyton,
James Reynolds, and some others, to visit the village ol the
Peorias, but they made no discoveries.
There was a village of the Kickapoos and Pottawatomies
on the eastern bluff of the Illinois river, nearly opposite the
head of Peoria lake.
The troops moved with rapidity and caution towards the
village and encamped for the night within a few miles of it.
Thomas Carlin,[late Governor of Illinois,] Robert Whiteside,
Stephen Whiteside, and Davia Whiteside, were sent by the
Governor to reconnoitre the position of the enemy, and report
to the commanding officer. This duty was performed at con-
siderable peril, but with much adroitness. Their position was
found to be about five miles from our troop, on a bluff, and
surrounded by swamps impassable by mounted men, and
scarcely by fodtmen. The swamps were not only miry, but
at that time covered with high grass and brushwood, so that
an Indian could not be discovered until within a few feet of
him.
In the morning early, and concealed by a dense fog, the
army marched, and it was not long before Capt. .Ii'.dy, with
his spies, came on an Indian and squaw. The Captain shot
him, but while staggering and singing his death song, Capt.
Wright of Wood river settlement, incautiously approached
him, when, with the instinctive emotions peculiar to a dying
Indian, he shot and mortally wounded Capt. Wright, who
died after he was brought home. The squaw was taken
prisoner and afterwards restored to her nation.
'- m::-
1^
Is.
1812.
1812.
Statement of Governor Retinoids.
619
• ,i
have been more,
1 their provisions
;s they rode, (ex-
were fitted out,)
ilirection.
i ordered to take
, with provision
jr to Peoria,
efficient force to
from Camp Rus-
eriod the Indians
rivers were both
kia creek, to the
imon river below
We left the Ellc-
cjkapoo village on
I'ards the head of
ih the Indians had
approached near
eutenant Peyton,
lie village ol the
d Pottawatomies
arly opposite the
tion towards the
a few miles of it.
lobert Whiteside,
were sent by the
snemy, and report
performed at con-
'heir position was
), on a bluff, and
ounted men, and
ot only miry, but
rushwood, so that
thin a few feet of
a dense fog, the
Capt. .Ii'.dy, with
The Captain shot
death song, Capt.
)usly approached
eculiar to a dying
ipt. Wright, who
quaw was taken
on.
The army marched under 'he bluff, that they might reach
the village undiscovered, but as they approached, the Indians
with their squaws were on the retreat to their swamps. In-
stant pursuit was given, and in a short distance from the
village, horses, riders, arms and baggage, were overwhelmed
in the morass. It wvs a democratic overthrow, for the Gover-
nor and his horse shared the same fate as the subaltern, or
the private soldier. Wc were all literally ''swamped"
A pursuit on foot was ordered, and executed with readine.ss
but extreme difficulty. In this chase many of the enemy
were killed, and at every step, kettles, mats, and other Indian
property were distributed in the morass.
Captain Samuel Whiteside, with a party, pursued the scat-
iered enemy to thr, river, and several were shot in attempting
to cross to the opposite .shore. So excited were the men, that
Charles Kitchen, Pierre Saint Jean, and John Howard, crossed
the river on logs to follow the retreating foe. The Indians fled
into the interior wilderness. Some of our men were wounded,
but none killed in the charge.
On our return to the village, some children were found hid
in the ashes and were taken to the settlement. After destroy-
ing their corn and other property, and securing all their
horses, we commenced the homeward march. After travel-
ing till dark to find a good camping ground, the rain set in,
and the night was dark. Not knowing but that there were
other Indian towns above, and learning that the expedition of
Gen. Hopkins had failed to meet us, we apprehended danger
from a night attack. Many of the soldiers had lost their
blankets and other clothing, in the swamp, and there was
much suffering in camp that night.
Captain Craig arrived at Peoria with his boat; where he
remained several days, was repeatedly attacked by Indians,
but, being fortified, and on his own ground, sustained no dam-
age. He returned with the stores in safety. The troops
marched back to Camp Russell, where they were discharged.
There are many incidents in the Annals of Illinois in 1812,
and subsequent years, which we reserve for the Appendix.
The Pottawatomies, Ottowas, and other hoslile Indians,
made an attack on Fort Wayne, on the 28th of August, which
was continued by cutting off all intercourse, until the 16th of
September, when the garrison was relieved by the force under
Gen. Harrison.
Early in September a fierce attack was made on Fort Har-
rison, which was situated a short distance above Terre Haute .
Its defender was Captain Taylor, now General Taylor, the
commander of the army in Mexico, and at present the
jl
620
Capt. Z. Taybr^s Defence of Furl Harrison. 1812.
most eminent of American military men ; and that his present
position is derived from the possession of true merit was pro-
ved by his conduct at Fort Harrison, no less than by his beha-
vior at Palo Alto, Resaca de Palma, and Monterey, as the fol-
lowing account will show.
Letter from Captaia Zachary Taylor, oommanding Fort Ilarriaon, Indiana Territory,
to General Harrison.
Fort Harrison, Sept 10th.
Dear Sir : — On Thursday evening, the third instant, after
retreat beating, four guns were heard to fire in the direction
where two young men (citizens who resided here) were mak-
ing hay, about four hundred yards distant from the fort. I was
immediately impressed with the idea that they had been kill-
ed by the Indians, as the Prophet's party would soon be here
for the purpose of commencing hostilities, and that they had
been directed to leave this place, as we were about to do. 1
did not think it prudent to send out at that late hour of the
night to see what had become of them ; and their not coming
in convinced itie that I was right in my conjecture. I waited
till eight o'clock next morning, when I sent out a corporal
with a small party to find them, if it could be done without
running too much risk of being drawn inlo an ambuscade.
He soon sent back to inform me that he had found them both
killed, and wisheu to know my further orders; I sent the cart
and oxen, and had them brought in and buried ; they had been
shot with two balls, scalped, and cut in the most shocking
manner. Late in the evening of the fourth instant, old Jos.
Lenar, and about thirty or forty Indians, arrived from the
"rophet's town, with a white flag; among whom were about
ten women, and the men were composed of chiefs of the
different tribes that compose the Prophet's party. A Shaw-
anee man, that conld speak good English, informed me that
old Lenar intended to speak to me next morning, and try to
get something to eat.
At retreat beating I examined the men's arms, and found
them all in good order, and completed their cartridges to fif-
teen rounds per man. As I had not been able to mount a
guard of more than six privates and two non-commissioned
officers for some time py.st, and sometimes part of them every
other day, from the unhealthiness of the company, I had not
conceived niy force adequate to the defence of this post, should
it be vigorously attacked, lor some time past.
As I had just recovered from a very severe attack of the fever,
I was not able to be up much through the night. After tatoo,
I cautioned the guard to be vigilant, and ordered one of the
non-commissioned officers, as the sentinels could not see every
part of the garrison, to walk round on the inside during the
whole night, to prevent the Indians takiiig any advantage of
mm
■ 1 « .'.
1812.
1812.
Captain Z. Taylor's Letter.
691
.:.''
•
i
/
us, provided they had any intention of attacking us. About >
11 o'clock I was awaltened by the firing of one of the sen- \
tinels; I sprang up, ran out, and ordered the men to their
posts; when my orderly sergeant, who had charge of the up-
)er block-house, called out that the Indians had fired the
ower block-house, (which contained the property of the '
contractor, which was deposited in the lower part, the
upper having been assigned to a corporal and ten pri- i
vates as an alarm post.) The guns had begun to fire pretty .
smartly from both sides, 1 directed the buckets to be got >
ready and water brought from the well, and the fire extin-
guished immediately, as it was perceivable at that time ; but
from debility or some other cause, the men were very slow in
executing my orders— the word fire appeared to throw the
whole of them into confusion ; and by the time they had got
the water and broken open the door, the ui ^ had unfortunate-
ly communicated to a quantity of whisky, (the .stock having
licked several holes through the lower part of the building,
after the salt that was stored there, through which they had
introduced the fire without being discovered, as the night was
very dark,) and in spile of every exertion we could make use
of, in less than a moment it ascended to the roof and baffled/
every effort we could make to extinguish it. As the block- \
house adjoined the barracks that make part of the fortifica-
tions, most of the men immediately gave themselves up for
lost, and I had the greatest difficulty in getting my orders exe- i
cuted— and. Sir, what from the raging of the fire — the yelling 1
and howling of several hundred Indians — the cries of nine n
women and children (a part soldiers' and a part citizens'
wives, who had taken shelter in the fort) and the desponding
of so many of the men, which was worse tha.i all — I can as- [
sure you that my feelings were unpleasant — and indeed there \
were not more than ten or fifteen men able to do a great deal, ]
the others being sick or convalescent — and to add to our other
misfortunes, two of the strongest men in the fort, and that I /
had every confidence in, jumped the picket and left us. But y
ray presence of mind did not forsake me for a moment. I saw,
by throwing off" a part of the roof that joined the block-house
that was on fire, and keeping the end perfectly wet, the whole
row of buildings might be saved, and leave only an opening
of eighteen or twenty feet for the entrance of the Indians after
the house was consumed ; and that a temporary breast- work
might be executed to prevent their even entering there — I con-
vinced the men that this might be accomplished and it appear-
ed to inspire them with new life, and never did men act with
more firmness and desperation. Those that were able (while
the others kept up a constant fire from the other block-house
and the two bastions) mounted the roofs of the houses, with
Dr. Clark at their head, who acted with the greatest firmness
;
.1 ■
■ >■■ :
r
•|
1
622
Capt. Z. Taylor's Letter.
1812.
and presence of mind the whole time the attack lasted, which
was seven hours, under a shower of bullets, and in less than
a moment threw off as much of the roof as was necessary.
This was done only with a loss of one man and two wounded,
and I am in hopes neither of them dangerously ; the man that
was killed was a little deranged, and did not get off the house
as soon as directed, or he would not have been hurt — and al-
though the barracks were several times in a blaze, and an im-
mense quantity of fire against them, the men used such exer-
tions that they kept it under, and before day raised a tempo-
rary breast-work as high as a man's head, although the In-
dians continued to pour in a heavy fire of ball and innumerable
quantity of arrows during the whole time the attack lasted, in
every part of the parade. I had but one other man killed, nor
any other wounded inside the fort, and he lost his life by being
too anxious — he got into one of the gallies in the bastion, and
fired over the pickets, and called out to his comrades that ha
hadkilled an Indian, and neglecting to stoop down, in an instant
he was shot dead. One of the men that jumped the pickets,
returned an hour before day, and running up towards the
Igate, begged for God's sake for it to be opened. 1 suspected
it to be a stratagem of the Indians to get in, as I did not recol-
lect the voice. I directed the men in the bastion, where I
happened to be, to shoot him let him be who he would, and
one of them fired at him, but fortunately he ran up to the
other bastion, where they knew his voice, and Dr. Clark di-
rected him to lie down close to the pickets behind an empty
barrel that happened to be there, and at day-light 1 had him
let in. His arm was broken in a most shocking manner ;
which he says was done by the Indians — which, I suppose, was
t?^e cause of his returning — I think it probable that he will
not recover. The other they caught about 130 yards from
the garrison, and cut him all to pieces. After keeping up a
constant fire until about six o'clock the next morning, which
we began to return with some effect after day-light, they re-
moved out of the reach of our guns. A party of them drove
up the horses that belonged to the citizens here, and as they
could not catch them very readily, shot the whole of them in
our sight, as well as a number of their hogs. They drove off
the whole of the cattle, which amounted to 65 head, as well
as the public oxen. I had the vacancy filled up before night,
(which was made by the burning of the block-bouse,) with a
strong row of pickets, which I got by pulling down the guard-
house. We lost the whole of our provisions, but must make
out to live upon green corn until we can get a supply, which
I am in hopes will not be long. I believe that the whole of
the Miamies or Weas, were among the Prophet's party, as one
chief gave his orders in that language, which resembled Stone
Kater's voice, and I believe Negro Legs was there likewise. A
i!
11
^^r^^^^
1812.
as one
1812.
Capt. Z. Taylor's Letter.
6ia
Frenchman here understands their different languages, and '
several of the Miamics or Weas, that have been frequently (
here, 'were recognized by the Frenchman and soldiers, next
morning. The Indians suffered smartly, but were so numer-
ous as to take off all that were shot. They continued with us
until the next morning, but made no further attempt upon the
fort, nor have we seen any thing more of them since. I have
delayed informing you of my situation, as 1 did not like to
weaken the garrison, and I looked for some person from Vin-
cennes, and none of my men were acquainted with the woods,
and therefore I would either have to take the road or the river,
which I was fearful was guarded by small parties of Indians
that would not dare to attack acompany of Rangers that was
on a scout; but being disappointed, I have at length deter-
mined to send a couple of my men by water, and am in hopes
they will arrive safe. I think it would be best to send the
provisions under a pretty strong escort, as the Indians may at- ]
tempt to prevent their coming. If you carry on an expedi- ,^
tion against the Prophet this fall, you ought to be well provi-(
ded with every thing, as you may calculate on having every '
inch of ground disputed between this and there, that they
can with advantage. Z. TAYLOR.
His Excellency Gov. Harrison.
Fort Harrison, September 13, 1812.
Dear Sir — I wrote you on the 10th instant, giving you an
account of the attack on this place, as well as my situation,
which account I attempted to send by water, but the two men
whom I despatched in a canoe after night, found the river so
well guarded, that they were obliged to return. The Indians ,
had built a fire on the bank of the river, a short distance be- )
low the garrison, which gave them an opportunity of seeing j
any craft that might attempt to pass, and were waiting with a
canoe ready to intercept it. I expect the fort, as well as the
road to Vincennes, is as well or better watched than the river.
But my situation compels me to make one other attempt by
land, and my orderly sergeant, with one other man, sets out to-
night with strict orders to avoid the road in the day time, and /
depend entirely on the woods, although neither of them have '
ever been in Vincennes by land, nor do they know any thing
of the country, but I am in hopes they will reach you in safety.
I send them with great reluctance from their ignorance of the
woods. I think it very probable there is a large party of In-
dians waylaying the road between this and.Vincennes, likely
about the Narrows, for the purpose of intercepting any party
that may be coming to this place, as the cattle they got here
will supply them plentifully with provisions for some time to
come. Z. TAYLOR.*
His Excellency Gov. Harrison.
• NUm' Register, iiL 90.— McAfee, 153. '
V
.' ',;
'\ \
r
4
i
i
I
■
624 Wm, II. Harrison Commander-in-Chief. 18r2.
But before the surrender of Hull took place, extensive pre-
parations had been made in Ohio, Kentucky, Virginia, and
Pennsylvania, to bring into service a large and cflicient
army.* Three points needed defence, Fort Wayne and the
Maumee, the Wabash, and the Illinois river; the troops des-
tined for the first poirt were to be under the command of Gen-
eral Winchester, a revolutionary officer resident in Tennessee,
and but little known to the frontier men ;t those for the Wa-
bash were to be under Ilarrisbn, whose name since the battle
of Tippecanoe was familiar everywhere ; while Governor
Edwards, of the Illinois Territory, was to command the expe-
dition upon the river of the same name. Lach were the in-
tentions of the Government, but the wishes of the people
frustrated them, and led,first, to the appointment of Harrison
to the command of the Kentucky volunteers, destined to assist
Hull's army.ll and next to his elevation to the post of com-
mander-in-chief over all the forces of the west and north-west:
this last appointment was made September 17th, and was no-
tified to the General upon the 24th of that month.§ Mean-
time Fort Wayne had been relieved, and the line of the Mau-
mee secured ;^ so that when Harrison found himself placed
at the head of military affairs in the West, his main objects
were, first, to drive the Indians from the western side of the
Detroit river; second, to take Maiden; and third, having thus
secured his communications, to recapture the Michigan Ter-
ritory and its dependencies.** To do all this before winter,
I and thus be prepared to conquer Upper Canada, Harrison pro-
iposed to take possession of the rapids of the Maumee and
there to concentrate his forces and his stores ; in moving upon
this point he divided his troops into three columns, the right
to march from Wooster through Upper Sandusky, the centre
from Urbana by Fort McArthur on the heads of the Scioto,
and the left from St. L tary's by the Au-Glaize and Maumee, —
«MoAfee, 102toll0.
tAmutroDg'B Notices, i. 62 to 66. Appendix, Ko. 8, p. 203. McAfee, 131.
QThe praftiety of this step was much questioned, See McAfee, 107, Ao. Armstrong'*
T7oticei, i. 58.
gMcAfee, 140.— Also, Letterof Secretary of War, McAfee 118.
^8e« tlie details in McAfee, 120 to 139.
**Amiitrong's Notices, i. 59.— McAfee, 142.
u.
vam
>%*.'■
181:2.
1813.
Defeat at Frenchtown.
625
all meeting, of course, at the rnpids.* This plan, however,
failed; the troops of the left column under Wincliostcr, worn
out and starved, were found on the verge of mutiny, and the
mounted men of the centre under General Tupper were una-
ble to do any thing, partly from their own want of subordina-
tion, but still more from ihe shiftlessness of their commander ;t
this condition of the troops, and the prevalence of disease
among them, together with the increasing difficulty of trans-
portation after the autumnal rains set in, forced upon the com-
mander the conviction that he must wait until the win'er had
bridged the streams and morasses with ice,J and even when
that had taken place, he was doubtful as to the wisdom of an
attempt to conquer without vessels on Lake Erie.||
Thus, at the close of the year 1812, nothing effectual had
been done towards the re-conquest o^ Michigan : Winchester,
with the lefl wing of the army was on his way to the Rapids,
his men enfeebled by sickness, want of clothes, and want of
food ; the right wing approaching Sandusky ; and the centre
resting at Fort McArthur.§
In December, General Harrison despatched a party of 600
men against the Miami villages upon the Mississinneway, a
branch of the Wabash. This body, under the command of
Lieutenant Colonel Campbell, destroyed several villages, and
fought a severe battle with the Indians, who were defeated :
but the severity of the weather, the number of his wounded
(forty-eight,) the scarcity of provisions, and the fear of being
attacked by Tecumthe, at the head of 600 fresh savages, led
Colonel Campbell to retreat immediately after the battle, with-
out destroying the principal town of the enemy. The expe-
dition, however, was not without results, as it induced some
of the tribes to come openly and wholly under the protection
and within the borders of the Republic^
On the 10th of January, 1813, Winchester with his troops
reached the Rapids, General Harrison with the right wing of
*MoAfee, 142, kc, 192, Sm. at the latter reforenoe Harrison's letter is given,
t McAfpo, 146 to 151. — General Tapper's account is in Nilos' Register, iii. 167.
X McAfee, 164, 165.
I McAfee, isr, 196 to 199.— Dawson, 333, 341.
g McAfee, 201, 199, 16*
f McAfee, 176 to 182. — Campbell's and Harrison's account* are in Niles' Register, iii*
316, 331.
. (
■..\
I .'
• ■!,
r
I
s
I
!|
4l
(320
Trinc/(i(?A7c/'a Movements.
1813.
the urmy being still nt Upper Suiulusky, nnd Tiippcr with tho
centre at Fort McArthur.* From the 13th to the IGth, mes-
sengers arrived nt Winchester's camp from the inhabitants of
Frenchtown on the river Raisin, representing the danger to
which that place was exposed from the hostility of the liritish
and Indians, iind begging for protection. f These representa-
tions and petitions excited the feelings of the Americans, and
led them, forgetful of the main objects of tho campaign, and
of military caution, to determine upon the step of sending a
strong pnrty to the aid of the suflerers.J On the 17lh, accor-
dingly. Colonel Lewis was despatched with TiCO men to the
river Uaisin, and soon after Colonel Allen Tollowed with 110
more. Marching along the frozen borders of the Bay and
Lake, on the afternoon of the 18th, the Americans reached
and attacked the enemy who were posted in the village, and
after a nevere contest defeated them. Having gained pos-
session of tho town, Colonel Lewis wrote for reinforce-
ments and prepared himself to defend the position he had
gf ined.ll And it was evident that all his means of defence
would be needed, as the place was but eighteen miles from
Maiden, where the whole British force was collected under
Procter. Winchester, on the 19th, having heard of thp ac-
tion of the previous day, marched with 250 men, which was
the most he dared detach from the Rapids, to the aid of the
captor of Frenchtown, which place he reached on the next
evening. But instead of placing his men in a secure posi-
tion, and taking measures to prevent the secret approach of
the enemy, Winchester suffered the troops he had brought
with him to remain in the open ground, and took no effi-
cient measures to protect himself from surpri.se, although in-
formed than attack might be expected at any moment.!! The
consequence was that during the night of the 21st, the whole
British force approarH :d undiscovered, and erected a battery
within 300 yards of - American camp. From this, before
the troops were fairly u ler arms in the morning, a discharge
•McAfee, 202, 203.
t McAfee, 204.
:J:Sco Colonel Allen's Speech In Armstrong's Notices, i, 67.
II Lewis' occoimt may be found in Niles' Register, iv. 49.
^McAfee, 211. — Winchester in bis own account owns that be entirely disregarded the
wainlng giren him.
i'
1813.
1813.
Defeat ul Frcnchtown.
697
of bombs, balls, and j^Mupc-siot, informed the di'voted sol-
diers of Wiiichehter, of the folly of tlieir coinnmiHliT, uiid in
a moiiuMir. more the drtuded Imiian yt'U souiub-d on every
aide. The troops under Lewis were protected by tlic garden
pickets, behind which their commander, who alone seems to
have been upon his guard, had stationed them ; those last ar-
rived were, as we have said, in the open Held, and against
them the main eflbrt of the enemy was directed. Nor was it
long so directed without terrible results; the troops yielded,
broke and lied, but fled under a Are which mowed them down
like grass : Winchester and Lewis, (who had left his pickets
to aid his superior oflicer,) were taken prisoners. Upon the
party who fought from behind their slight defences, however,
no impression could be made, and it was not till Winchester
was induced to send them v/hat was deemed an order to sur-
render* that they dreamed of doing so. This Procter per-
suaded him to do by the old story of an Indian massacre in
case of continued resistance, to which he added a promise of
help and protection for the wounded, and of a removal at the
earliest moment ; without which last promise the troops of
Lewis refused to yield even when required by their Generalf
But the promise, even if given in good faith, was not redeem-
ed, and the horrors of the succeeding night and day will long
be remembered by the inhabitants of the frontier. Of a por-
tion of those horrors we give a description in the words of
an eye witness.
Nicholasville, Kentucky, April 24th, 1813.
Sir: — Yours of the 6th instant, requesting me to give you
a statement respecting the late disaster at Frenchtown, was
duly received. Rest assured, sir, that it is with sensations the ;
most unpleasant, that I undertake i 'count the infamous
and barbarous conduct of the British a.id Indians, after the
battle of the 22d January. The blood runs cold in -^ly veins
when I think of it.
On the morning of the 23d, shortly after light, six or eight
Indians came to the house of Jean Baptiste Jereaume, where
I was, in company with Major Graves, Captains Hart and
Hickman, Doctor Todd, and fifteen or twenty volunteers, be-
longing to diflTerent corps. They did not molest any person
or thing on their first approach, but kept sauntering about
until there was a large number collected, (say one or two
• Ho aayi be did not mean it for an order, but merely fur adriea.
fMoAfee, 215.
. *•
"%
\i'l
mm
628
Masmcre of the Woumletl.
181.1.
huiKlrrd) nt -.vhicli timo ihry cornmcncpd plundering the
houNCM at t\iv inlmMtants, nnil tlio innssacro of i\w wounded
prison.-iM. 1 was one umonKst tlio first timt wns tnken pris-
oner, and was taken to a liorse about twenty paces from
the lioiise, after being divested ol" a part of my clotliinK, and
conunanded by signs iberc to remain for further orders —
Shortly alter being there, 1 saw them knock down Captain
Ilieknian at the door, together with several others with whom
1 was not ac.pjainted. Supposing a general mnssarri! had
commenced, 1 made an edort to get to a house about one hun-
dred yards distant, which (:ontain(Ml a number of wounded,
but on n>y reaching the house, to my great mortification,
found It surrounded by Indians, which precluded the jx.ssibill-
ty of my giving notice to the unfortunate victims of savage
barbarity. An Indian chief of the Tawa tribe, of the name
of McCarty, gave me possession of his horse and blanket,
telling me by signs, to lead the horse to the house which 1 had
just before left. The Indian that first took me, by this time
came up and manifested a hostile disposition towards me, by
raising his tomahawk as if to give me the fatal blow, which
was prevented by my very good friend M'Carty. On my
reaching the house which I had first started from, I saw the
Indians take off several prisoners, which I afterwards saw in
the road, in a most mangled condition, and entirely stripped
of their clothing.
Messrs. IJradford, Scarls, Turner and Blythe, were collected
round a carryall, which contained articles taken by the In-
dians from the citizens. We had all been placed there, by
our respective captor.s, except Blythe, who came where we
were entreating an Indian to convey him to Maiden, promi-
sing to g.v him forty or fifty dollars, and whilst in the act of
pleading for mercy, an Indian more savage than the other,
stepped up behind, tomahawked, stripped and scalped him.—
The next that attracted my attention, was the houses on fire
that contained several wounded, whom I knew were not able
to get out. After the hou.ses were nearly consumed, we re-
ceived marching orders, and after arriving at Sandy Creek,
the Indians called a halt and commenced cooking; after pre-
paring and eating a little sweetened gruel, Messrs. Bradford,
Searls, Turner and myself, received some, and were eating,
when an Indian came up and propo.sed exchanging his moc-
casins for Mr. Searls' .shoes, which he readily complied with.
They then exchanged hats, after which the Indian inquired
how mp y men Harrison had with him, and at the same time,
calling ^-iearls a Washington or Madison, then raised his tom-
ahawk and struck him on the shoulder, which cut into the
cavity of the body. Searls then caught hold of the tomahawk
and appeared to resist, and upon my telling him his fate was
inevitable, he closed his eyes and received the savage blow
181.1.
1813.
Ilarrhon HctiraLt from thi' Manmee,
690
vhich tcrmiimtcd liis cxiMl«'iic«!. I wjih nrnr mou^'li to liiin
to rccfivo lilt! bruiiiM niid hloinl, iil'tcr tin- fiitiil l)l()W, on my
bldiikrt.. A slioit tiiiw? iiller thr dralh of .Srurls, I siiw tliroo
othfTs Nliurc ft .similar latr. Wv thru nvt out for Hrowtijstown,
whicli pliico \vc reni'lmd about 12 or 1 o'clock at iii;4lit. Af-
ter l)('in^' ox|)(i.s(>d to Hovcrul hour.i iiiccs.saiit ruin in reaching
that place, \v« were put into the council house, the lioor of
which was partly covered with water, at which place we re-
rnained until next njorninx, when we again received march-
ing orders for their village on the river Rouge, which place
we made that day, where 1 wa.s kept six days, then taken to
Detroit and .sold. For a more detailed account of the pro-
ceedings, I take the liberty of, referring you to a publication
which appeared in the public jjrints, .signed by Miisign J. L.
Baker, and to the pul)lication of Judge Woodward, both of
which I have particularly examined, and find them to be lite-
rally correct, so far as came under my notice.
I am, sir, with due regard, your .'.Jlow-citizen,
tJU«TAVUS M. iiOVVEIl,
Surgeon's mate, 5th Ui'giment Kentucky Volunteers.
Jesse Bi,ei)H()E, Esq., Lexington.*
Of the American army, which was about 800 strong, one-
third were killed in the battle and the massacre which follow-
ed, and but 33 escaped. f
General Harrison, as we have stated, was at Upper San-
dusky when Winchester reached the Rapids ; on the night of
the 16th word came to him of the arrival ol' ihe left wing at
that point, and of some meditated movemont. lie at once
proceeded with all speed to Lower Sandusky, and on the mor-
ning of the 18th sent forward a battalion of troops to the sup-
port of Winchester. On the 19th he learned what the move-
ment was that had been meditated and made, and with addi-
tional troops he started instantly for the falls, where he arri-
ved early on the morning of the 20Lh ; here he waited the ar-
rival of the regiment with which he had started, but which he '
had outstripped ; this came on the evening of the 21st, and
on the following morning, was despatched to Frenchtown, !
while all the troops belonging to the army of Winchester yet
at the falls, .300 in number, were also hurried on to the aid of
* American Stato Papen, zii. 372. Do. 367 to 375.
fMoAfce, 221. — Soo th« accounts of Wincheator aod Major Madison in Annstrong'g
Notices, i. AppcHilix No. 7. pi 190. — In Niloa' Register, It. 9 to 13, may bo found the Bri,
tisli account, Winchester's, and one accompanied by a diagram : same vol. p. 29, ia • full-
er aoooant by Wioch«ster, and on page 83 one by Lovris and the other officers.
.••I
li
.■u
l»f
. /■
680
Plan of a new Campaign.
1813.
their commander.* But it was, of course, in vain ; on that
morning the battle was fought, and General Harrison with
his reinforcements met the few survivors long before they
reached the ground. A council being called, it was deemea
unwise to advance any farther, and the troops retired to the
Rapids again: here, during the night another consultation
took place, the result of which was a determination to retreat
yet farther in order to prevent the possibility of being cut off
from the convoys of stores and artillery upon their way from
Sandusky. On the next morning, therefore, the block-house,
which had been built, was destroyed, together with the pro-
visions it contained, and the troops retired to Portage river,
18 miles in the rear of Winchester's position, there to await
the guns and reinforcements which were daily expected, but
which, as it turned out, were detained by rains until the 30th
of January .f Finding his army 1700 strong, General Harri-
son, on the 1st of February, again advanced to the Rapids,
■where he tooU up a new and stronger position, at which point
he ordered all the troops as rapidly as possible to gather. He
did this in the hope of being able before the middle of the
month to advance upon Maiden, but the long continuance of
warm and wet weather kept the roads in such a condition that
his troops were unable to join him, and the project of advan-
cing upon the ice vs'as entirely frustrated ; so at length the
winter campaign had to be abandoned, as the autumnal one
had been before.
So far the military operations of the north-west had certain-
ly been sufficiently discouraging ; the capture of Mackinac,
the surrender of Hull, the massacre of Chicago, and the over-
whelming defeat of Frenchtown, are the leading events. —
Nothing had been gained, and of what had been lost nothing
had been retaksi^ : the slight successes over the Indians by
Hopkins, Edwards, and Campbell, had not shaken the power
or the confidence of Tecumthe and his allies, while the fruit-
less efforts of Harrison through five months to gather troops
enough at the mouth of the Maumee to attempt the recon-
quest of Michigan, which had been taken in a week, depres-
sed the spirits of the Americans, and gave new life and hope
to their foes.
• McAfee, 209 to 211, 227 to 235.
t McAfee, 236 to 239.
\ll
8 ■}
1813.
1 ; on that
isoii with
3fore they
I.S deemea
•ed to the
nsultation
to retreat
ng cut off
way from
)ck- house,
h the pro-
tage river,
} to await
!cted, but
1 the 30tb
I'al Harri-
le Rapids,
lich point
ther. He
die of the
nuance of
litioii that
af advan-
?ngth the
mnal one
d certain-
^lackinac,
the over-
events. —
;t nothing
idians by
he power
the fruit-
ier troops
he recon-
i, depres-
and hope
1813.
Plan of a new Campaign.
631
About the time that Harrison's unsuccessful campaign drew
to ariose, a change took place in the War Department, and
General Armstrong succeeded his incapable friend. Dr. Eus-
tis. Armstrong's views were those of an able soldier ; in Oc-
tober, 1812, he had again addressed the Government through
Mr. Gallatin, on the necessity of obtaining the command of
the lakes,* and when saised to power determined to make
naval operations the basis of the military movements of the
north-west. His views in relation to the coming campaign
in the west, were based upon two points, viz: the use of re-
gular troops alone, and the command of the lakes, which he
was led to think could be obtained by the 20th of June.f
Although the views of the Secretary, in relation to the non-
employment of militia, were not, and could not be, adhered
to, the general plan of merely standing upon the defensive
until the command of the lake was secured, was persisted in,
although it was the 2nd of August instead of the 1st of June,
before the vessels on Erie could leave the harbor in which
they had been built. Among these defensive operations of
the spring and summer of 1813, that at Fort or Camp Meigs,
the new post taken by Harrison at the Rapids, and that at
Low^er Sandusky, deserve to be especially noticed. It had
been anticipated that, with the opening of spring, the British
would attempt the conquest of the position upon the Mau-
mee, and measures had been taken by the General to forward
reinforcements, which were detained, however, as usual, by
the spring freshets and the bottomless roads. As had been*!
expected, on the 28tli of April, the English forces bpgitn the
investment of Harrison's camp, and by the 1st of May had
completed their batteries ; meantime, the Americans behind
their tents had thrown up a bank of earth twelve feet high,
and upon a basis of twenty feet, behind which the whole gar-
rison withdrew the moment that the gunners of the enemy
were prepared to commence operations. Upon this bank,
the ammunition of his Majesty was wasted in vain, and doWij
to the 5th, nothing was effected by either party. On that
* Armstrong's Notices, i. 177, note— Stops to command the lake had been taken before
October.— Sec Niles' Register, iii. 142, 127.
t Armstrong's Notices, i. Appendix, No. 23, p. 245.— The Secretary and Qencal did not
entirely agree as to the plans of the campaign. — See the Notices i. 176, Ac. — McAfee, 249
Ac. — Full aceijunta of the arrangements of the army in this year, may be seen in Niles'
Eegicter, ir. 145, 158, 187.
■Si:
••; ,-1
'H
-,, : ?>•
632
Siege of Fort Meigs.
1813.
day, General Clay, with 1200 additional troops, came down
-the Maumee in flatboats, and, in accordance with orders re-
1 ceived from Harrison, detached 800 men under Colonel Dud-
/ ley to attat\ the batteries upon the left bank of the river
while, with the remainder of his forces, he landed upon the
southern shore, and after some loss and delay, fought his way
into camp. Dudley, on his part, succeeded perfectly in cap-
turing the batteries, but instead of spiking the cannon, and
then instantly returning to his boats, he suffered his men to
waste their time, and skirmish with the Indians, until Proctor
was able to cut them off from their only chance of retreat;
taken by surprise, and in disorder, the greater part of the de-
tachment became an easy prey, only 150 of the 800 escaping
captivity or death.* This sad result was partially, though but
little, alleviated by the success of a sortie made fron' the fort
'by Colonel Miller, in which he captured and made useless the
batteries that had been erected south of the Maumee.f The
result of the day's doings had been sad enough for the Ameri-
cans, but still the British General saw in it nothing to encour-
age him ; his cannon had done nothing, and were in fact no
f longer of value ; his Indian allies found it " hard to fight peo-
/ pie who lived like groundhogs" jj news of the American suc-
cesses below had been received ; and additional troops were
approaching from Ohio and Kentucky. Proctor, weighing all
things, determined to retreat, and upon the 9th of May re-
turned to Malden.y
The ship-building going forward at Erie had not, mean-
while, been unknown to or disregarded by the English, who
proposed all in good time to destroy the vessels upon which
so much depended, and to appropriate the stores of the Repub-
licans: "the ordnance and naval stores you require," said Sir
George Prevost to General Proctor, "must be taken from the
enemy, whose resources on Lake Erie must become yours. I
am muoh mistaken, if you do not find Captain Barclay dis-
posed to play that game."§ Captain Barclay was an expe-
• Harrison's Keport.
t McAfac, 264 to 272.
X See Tccumthe's Speech, McAfee.
!| For account of si'ge of Fort Meigs, by Ilarrison, Ac, see Niles' Register, iv. 191, Ac.,
210, &c. — For diary of siege, do. iv. 213 ; for British accouot, do. iv. 272.— OTallon's (aid
to Oencral Harrison) is in National Intelligencer, June 16, 1840.
g Letter of Jaly 11th, given in Armstrong's Notices, i. Appendix, No. IP, p. 223.
m
1
1813.
ame down
orders re-
onel Dud-
■ the river
1 upon the
ht his way
ly in cap-
innon, and
lis men to
til Proctor
of retreat;
of the de-
escaping
hough but
tr the fort
useless the
!e.t The
he Ameri-
to encour-
in fact no
fight peo-
;rican suc-
oopa were
eighing all
»f May re-
ot, mean-
glish, who
pon which
he Repub-
," said Sir
n from the
! yours. I
irclay dis-
s an expe-
er, IT. 191, 4c.,
OTallon's (aid
, p. 223.
1813.
Croghan's Defence of Fort Stephenson.
633
V
riehced, brave, and able seaman, and was waiting anxiously
for a sufficient body of troops to be spared him, in order to
attack Erie with success ; — a sufficient force was promised
him on the 18th of July, at which time the British fleet went
down the lake to reconnoitre, and if it were wise, to make
the propo.sed attempt upon the Americans at Erie ; none, how-
ever, was made.* About the same time, the followers of
Proctor again approached Fort Meigs, around which they re-
mained for a week, effecting nothing, though very numerous. -
The purpose of this second investment seems, indeed, rather '
to have been the diversion of Harrison's attention from Erie,
and the employment of the immense bands of Indians which
the English had gathered at Malden.f than any serious blow;
and finding no progress made, Proctor next moved to Sandus-
ky, into the neighborhood of the commander-in-chief. The
principal stores of Harrison were at Sandusky, while he was
himself at Seneca, and Major Croghan at Fort Stephenson or
Lower Sandusky. This latter post being deemed indefensi-
ble against heavy cannon, and it being supposed that Proctor
would of course bring heavy cannon, if he attacked it, the
General and a council of war called by him, thought it wisest
to abandon it; but before this could be done after the final
determination of the matter, the appearance of the enemy
upon the 3 1st of July made it impossible. The garrison of
the little fort was composed of 150 men, under a commander
jus., oast his 21st year,J and with a single piece of cannon,
n'hile the investing force, including Tecumthe's Indians, was,
it is said, 3,300 strong, and with six pieces of artillery, all of
them, fortunately, light ones. Proctor demanded a surrender,
and told the unvarying story of the danger of provoking a
general massacre by the savages, unles's the fort was yielded :
to all which the representative of young Croghan replied by
saying that the Indians would have none lefl to massacre, if
the British conquered, for every man of the garrison would
have died at his post.§ Proctor, upon this, opened his fire,
which being concentrated upon the north-west angle of the
'Letter of (Hnenl DeRottenbaig, in Armstrong'a NotioM, i. Appendix No. 19, p. 229..
McAfee, 343.
-f McAfee, 297 to 299 ; 2,600 warrion were about Maiden.
X Qeneral Harriion, ruoted in McAfae, 329.
{ McAfee, 325.
40
i.
} ■
634
Perry's Victory.
1813.
fort, led the commander to think that it was meant to make a
breach there, and carry the works by assault ; he, therefore,
; proceeded to strengthen that point by bags of sand and flour,
while under cover of night he placed his single six pounder in
a position to rake the angle threatened, and then, having
charged his infant battery with slugs, and hidden it from the
enemy, he waited the event. During the night of the 1st of
August, and till late in the evening of the 2nd, the firing con-
tinued upon the devoted north-west corner ; then, under cover
of the smoke and gathering darkness, a column of 350 men
approached unseen to within 20 paces of the walls. The
musketry opened upon them, but with little efiect,— the ditch
was gained, and in a moment filled with men: at that instant,
the masked cannon, only thirty feet distant, and so directed
as to sweep the ditch, — was unmasked and fired, — killing at
once 27 of the assailants ; the effect was decisive, the column
recoiled, and the little fort was saved with the loss of one
man : — on the next morning the British and their allies, hav-
ing the fear of Harrison before their eyes, were gone, leaving
behind them in their haste, guns, stores, and clothing.*
[The late Governor Joseph Duncan of Illinois, then of Ken-
tucky, was an Ensign, and one of the heroic defenders of
Fort Stephenson.]
From this time all were busy in preparing for the long an-
ticipated attack upon Maiden. Kentucky especially sent her
sons in vast numbers, under their veteran Governor, Shelby,
and the yet more widely distinguished Richard M. Johnson.'
On the 4th of August, Perry got his vessels out of Erie into
deep water ; but for a month was unable to bring matters to
a crisis; on the lOth of September, however, the fleet of Bar-
clay was seen standing out of port, and the Americans has-
tened to receive him. Of the contest we give Perry's own
account :
United States schooner Ariel, Put-in-Bay, ;
13lh September, 1813. \
Sir: In my last I informed you that we had captured the
enemy's fleet on this lake. I have now the honor to give you
the most important particulars of the action. On the morning
of the lOlh instant, at sunrise, they were discovered from Put-
• McAfee, 324 to 328.— The acoTUtits hy Croghan and II»rri8on are io Nilca' Begiater,
V. 388 Ic 390.— A further ocoouiit and plan of (be fort do. v. 7 to 9.
m...
•l.*#l!?B«W
MSM
i
1813.
1813.
Perry's Victory.
63^
in-Bay, where I lay at anchor with the squadron under my
conrmnnd. We got unde'r weigh, the wind light at S. W.
and stood for them. At 10 A. Al. the wind hauled to S. E.
and brought us to windward ; formed the line and brought up.>
At 15 minutes before 12, the enemy commenced firing; at 5
minutes before 12, tiie action commenced on our part. Find-
ing their fire very destructive, owing to their long guns, and
its being mostly directed to the Lawrence, I made sail, and
directed the other vessels to follow, for the purpose of closing
v.'ith the enemy. Every brace and bow line being shot away,
she became unmanageable, notwithstanding the great exer-
tions of the Sailing Miister. In this situation she sustained
the action upwards of two hours, within canister shot distance,
until every gun was rendered useless, and a greater part of
the cre.v either killed or wounded. Finding she could no
longer annoy the enemy, I left her in charge of Lieutenant
Yarnall, who, I was convinced, from the bravery already dis-
played by him, would do what would comport with the honor
of the flag. At half ps it 2, the wind springing up, Captain
Elliott was enabled to bri,-ig his vessel, the Niagara, gallantly
into close action ; I immediately went on board of her, when'
he anticipated my wish by volunteering to bring the schooners,
which had been kept astern by the lightness of the wind, into,
close action. It was with unspeakable pain that I saw, soon
after I got on board the Niagara, the flag of the Lawrence
come down, although I was perfectly sensible that she had
been defended to the last, and that to have continued to make
a show of resistance would have been a wanton sacrifice of
the remains of her brave crew. But the enemy was not able
to take possession of her, and circumstances soon permitted
her flag again to be hoisted. At forty-five minutes past two,
the signal was made for "close action." The Niagara being
very little injured, I determined to pass through the enemy's
line, bore up and passed ahead of their two ships and a brig,
giving a raking fire to them from the starboard guns, and to a
large sfhcouer and sloop, from the larbonrd side, at half pistol
shot distance. The smaller vessels at this time having got
within grape aud canister distance, under the direction oi' Cap-
tain Elliott, and keeping up a well directed fire, the two ships,
a brig, and a schooner, surrendered, a schooner and sloop
making a vain attempt to escape.
Those ofllcers and men who were immediately under my
observation evinced the greatest gallantry, and I have no
doubt that all others conducted themselves as became Ameri-
can officers and seamen.*
Meanwhile the American army had received its reinforce-
* American State Paper?, xiv. 295. For Perry's Lettore eee Niles' Register, v. 60 to 62.
See eito Cooper's Naval History; Life of Commo<lore Elliott, (Philadeliibia, 1836;) Trutain
Borgew' account of the battle, with diagrams, (Boston, 1^39.)
M
r
*^'
f.Jli
A
,;
r^'-^-hiln
636
Grogkan't -DefeaiM S^arL-9lcpfun»<m.
1813.
ments, and was only waiting the expected victory of the
fleet to embark. On the 27th of September, it set sail for the
shore of Canada, and in a few hours stood around '.he ruins
of the deserted and wasted Maiden, from which Proctor had
retreated to Sandwich, intending to make his way to the heart
of Canada, by the valley of the Thames.* On the 29th i 'irridon
was at Sandwich, and McArthur took possession gf Detroit and
the territory of Michigan. At this point Col. Johnson's mounted
rifle regiment, which had gone up the west side of the river, re-
joined the main army. On the 2d of October, the Americans
began their march in pursuit of Proctor, whom they overtook
upon the 5th. He hud posted his army with its left resting
upon the river, while the right flank was defended by a marsh ;
the ground between the river and the marsh was divided
lengthwise by a smaller swamp, so as to make two distinct
fields in which the troops were to operate. The British were
in two lines, occupying the field between the river and small
swamp; the Indians extended from the small to the large
mora.ss, the ground being suitable to their mode of warfare,
and unfavorable ibr cavalry. Harrison at first ordered the
mounted Kentuckians to the left of the American army, that
Ls, to the field farthest from the river, in order to act against
the Indians, while with his infantry formed in three lines and
strongly protected on the left flank to secure it against the
savages, he proposed to meet the Briti'jh troops themselves.
Before the battle commenced, however, he learned two facts,
which induced him to change his plans ; one was the bad na-
ture of the ground on his left for the operations of horse ; the
other was the open order of the English regulars, which made
them liable to a fatal attack by cavalry. Learning these
things, Harrison, but whether upon his own suggestion or not,
we cannot say, ordered Colonel Johnson with his mounted
men to charge, and try to break the regular troops, by passing
.arough their ranks and forming in their rear. In arranging
to do this, Johnson found the space between the river and
small swamp to narrow for all his men to act in with effect ;
so, dividing them, he gave tho right hand body opposite the
regulars in charge to his brother James, while crossing the
swamp with the remainder, he himself led the way against
Tecumthe and his savage followers. The charge of James
* See official accounti in Nile*' Register, r. 117.
>v<.:-
1813.
1813.
Battle «/ the Thames.
637
. .(•
Johnson was perfectly successful ; the Kentuckians received
the fire of the British, broke through their ranks, and forming
beyond them, produced such a panic by the novelty of the at-
tack, that the whole body of troops yielded at once. On the
left the Indians fought more obstinately, and the horsemen
were forced to dismount, but in ten minutes Tecumthe was
dead,* and his followers, who had learned the fate of their
allies, soon gave up the contest: — in half an hour all was
over, except the pursuit of Proctor, who had fled at the onset.
The whole number in both armies, was about 5000, the whole
number killed, less than forty, so entirely was the affair deci-
ded by panic. We have thus given an outline of the battle
of the Thames, which practically closed the war in the north-
west ; and to our own we add part of Harrison's official
statement.
The troops at my disposal consisted of about 120 regulars
of the 27th regiment, five brigades of Kentucky volunteer
militia infantry, under His Excellency Gov. Shelby, averaging
less than 500 men, and Col. Johnson's rigiment of mounted in-
fantry, making in the whole an aggregate something above
3,000. f No disposition of an army, opposed to an Indian
force, can be safe unless it is secured on the flanks and in the
rear. I had, therefore, no difficulty in arranging the infantry
conformably to my general order of battle. General Trotter's
brigade of 500 men, formed the front line, his right upon the
road and his left upon the swamp. General King's brigade
as a second line, 160 yards in the rear of Trotter's, and Chiles'
brigade as a corps of reserve in the rear of it. These three
brigades formed the command of Major General Henry ; the
whole of Gen. Desha's division, consisting of two brigades,
were formed en potcnce upon the left of Trotter.
Whilst I was engaged in forming the infantry, I had directed
Col. Johnson's regiment, which was still in front, to be formed
in two lines opposite to the enemy, and upon the advance of
the infantry, to take ground to the left and forming upon that
flank to endeavor to turn the right of the Indians. A mo-
ments reflection, however, convinced me that from the thick-
ness of the woods and swampiness of the ground, they would
be unable to do any thing on horseback, and there was no
time to dismount them and place their horses in security ; I
therefore determined to refuse my left to the Indians, and to
break the British lines at cuce, by a charge of the mounted
* As to who killed Tecumth:-, see Drake's life of tbat chief, p. 199 to 219, and Atw»-
ter's History of Ohio, 23f ;
tThis estimate was t jo high, there were not more than 2,500. The British were nevlf
as numerous. See McAfee, Dawson, Ac.
638
BallU of tie
i !'atnes.
1813.
infantry: the measure was not sanctioned by any thing that
I had seen or heard of, but I was fully convinced that it would
succeed. The American backwoodsmen ride better in the
-woods than any other people. A musket or rifle is no im-
pediment to them, being accustomed to carry them on horse-
back from their earliest youth. 1 was persuaded, too, that
the enemy would be quite unprepared for the shock, and *hal
they could not resist it. Conformably to this idea, I directed
the regiment to be drawn up in close column, with its right
at the distance of fifty yards from the road, (that it might be
in some measure protected by the trees from the artillery) its
left upon the swamp, and to charge at full speed as soon as
the enemy delivered their fire. The few regular troops of the
27th regiment, under their Colonel (Paull) occupied, in col-
umn of sections of four, the small space between the road
and the river, lor the purpose of seizing the enemy's artillery,
and some ten or twelve friendly Indians were directed to
move under the bank. The crotchet formed by the front line,
and General Desha's division, was n important point. At
that place, the venerable Governor of Kentucky was posted,
who at the age of sixty-six preserves all the vigor of youth,
the ardent zeal which distinguished him in the revolutionary
war, and the undaunted bravery which he manifested at
King's Mountain. With my aids-de-camp, the '^'■ling assistant
Adjutant General, Captain Butler, my gallant friend Commo-
dore Perry, who did me the honor to serve as my volunteer
Aid-de-camp, and Brigadier General Cass, who having no
command, tendered me his assistance, I placed myself at the
head of the front line of infantry, to direct the movements of
the cavalry, and give them the necessary support. The army
had moved on in this order but a short distance, when the
mounted men received the fire of the British line, and were
ordered to charge ; the horses in the front of the column re-
coiled from the fire ; another was given by the enemy, and
our column at length getting in motion, broke through the
enemy with irresistible force. In one minute the contest in
front was over ; the British officers seeing no hopes of redu-
cing their disordered ranks to order, and our mounted men
•wheeling upon them and pouring in a destructive fire, imme-
diately surrendered. It is certain that three only of our troops
were wounded in this charge. Upon the left, however, the
contest was more severe with the Indians. Colonel Johnson,
who commanded on that flank of his regiment, received a
most galling fire from them, which was returned with great
effect. The Indians still further to the right advanced and
fell in with our front line of infantry, near its junction with
Desha's division, and for a moment made an impression upon
it. His Excellency, Governor Shelby, however, brought up a
regiment to its support, and the enemy receiving a severe fire
W.
1813.
liing that
it would
er in the
is no im-
)n horse -
too, that
and *hvL{
I directed
1 its right
might he
illery) its
is soon as
jps of the
1, in col-
the road
artillery,
rected to
font line,
tint. At
ks posted,
of youth,
lutionary
fested at
assistant
Commo-
volunteer
fivirig no
;lf at the
ments of
rhe army
when the
ind were
liimn re-
emy, and
ough the
Jontest in
of redu-
ited men
re, imme-
lur troops
■ever, the
Johnson,
;ceived a
'ith great
iced and
tion with
lion upon
ight up a
Bvere fire
1814.
Holmes' Expedition.
639
;
in front, and a part of Johnson's regiment having gained their
rear, retreated with precipitation Their lu s was very consi-
derable in the action, and many were kijlt. n their retreat.*
Those who wish to see a fuller accou. , .re referred to the
authorities helow, many of which are euL ' accessible, f
We have said that the battle of the Thames practically
closed the war in the north-west: — the nominal operations
which followed were as follows :
First was undertaken an expedition into Canada in February
1814, by Captain Holmes, a gallant young officer whose career
closed soon after. In the previous month the enemy had taken
post again upon the Thames, not far above the field of Proc-
tor's defeat; Folmes directed his movement against this
point. Be for ' :e i. ^^hed it, however, he learned that a much
stronger fori^e tia: Is own was advancing to meet him, and
taking up p.. oli-j, position upon a hill, he proceeded to
fortify his-- ap, '>ad waited their approach. They surroun-
ded and attac' :■ . his entrenchments with great spirit, but be-
ing met •vlth im obstinacy and courage equal to their own,
and losit '-■•. largely from the well-directed fire of the un-
exposed Anericans, the British were forced to retreat again,
without r.ny result of consequence to either party.J
Second; a fruitless attempt was made by the Americans to
retake Mackinac. It had been proposed to do this in the
autumi of 1813, after the battle of the Thames, but one of
the sto 'ms, which at that season are so often met with upon the
lakes, — by obliging the vessels that were bringing stores from
below, to throw over the baggage and provisions,— defeated
the undertaking.^ Early in the following April the expedi-
tion -ip lake Huron was once more talked of: the purpose
being two-fold, to capture Mackinac, And to destroy certain
vessels which ic was said the English were building in Glou-
•Niles' Register, t. 130. DawBon, 427.
t Dawson, 425 to 432. Drp.ke'a Tecamtbe, 193 to 219. ^.twater's Ohio, 233 to 238. But-
ler's Kentucky, 433 to 448. Hall's Life of Harrison. Dodd and Drake's Life of Harriron,
See American aooiuots of the battle of theThames, in Nilei' Rogis»«r, v. 129 to 234. Bri-
tish acoountj do. 285. See also letter from R. M. Johnson in Arrostroog's Notices. Ap-
pendix, vol. i. The whole number of troops furnished by Kentucky, up to this timt, WM
■apposed to be about 17,400 : see particulars in Niles' Register, v. 173. ^
JMoA'ee, 441 to 445. Holmes' own account is in Niles' Register, vi. 115.— See also, aamo
vol. p. 80.
2McAfee'40S.
t
— ™*i.'aiWyyi?5V'
640
Muj, holmes hilled at Fort Alachinac.
1814.
I
ccster bay, at the south-east extremity ol' the Lake. This
plan, however, was also abandoned; in part, from the want
of men; in part, from a belief that Great Britain did not, as
had been supposed, intend to make an elibrt to regain the
command of the Upper Lakes; and also, in part, from a mis-
understanding between General Harrison and Col. Croghan,
who commanded at Detroit, on the one hand, and the Secre-
tary of War,on the other. Gen. Armstrong had seen fit to pass
by both the officers named, and to direct his communications
to MaJ. Holmes, their junior, a breach of military eticjuette
that otfended them both, and, in connection with other mat-
ters of a similar kind, led General Harrison to resign his post.*
No sooner, however, had the plan of April been abandoned
than it was revived at,,ain, in consequence of new information
as to the establishment at Gloucester bay, or properly at Mac-
kadash.t In consequence of the orders issued upon the 2d of
June, 750 men under Col. Croghan, embarked in the Ameri-
can squadron commanded by Sinclair, and upon the 12th of
July entered lake Huron. After spending a week in a vain
effort to get into Mackadash in order to destroy the imaginary
vessels there building, the fleet sailed to St. Josephs, which
was found deserted ; thence a small party was sent to St.
Mary's Falls, while the remainder of the forces steered for
Mackinac. At the former point the trading house was des-
troyed, and the goods seized ; at Mackinac the result was far
different : the troops landed upon the west of the island upon
the 4th of August, but after a severe action, in which M^uor
Holmes and eleven others were killed, still found themselves
so situated, as to lead Croghan to abandon the attempt to
prosecute the attack ; and Mackinac was left in the possession
of the enemy. Having failed in this effort, it was determined
by the American leaders to make an attempt to capture the
schooner Nancy, which was conveying supplies to the island
fortress. In this, or rather in effecting the destruction of the
vessel, they succeeded, and having left Lieutenant Turner to
prevent any other provisions from Canada reaching Mackinac,
the body of the fleet sailed for Detroit, which it reached, shat-
tered and thinned by tempests. Meanwhile the c ?w of the
Nancy, who had escaped, passed over to Mackinac in a boat
* McAfee, 4U to 422.— UarrUon's resignation U on 419.
t McAfee, 421 to 425.— Armstrong's letters tre given.
1814.
ISU.
Mr Arthur's Ej-pcdition.
641
which thoy found, and an expedition was at once nnan^rd hy
Lieut. Worsley, who had comnmnded thorn, lor IViistrat-
ing all the plans of Oroghan and Sinclair. Taking with liirn
70 or 80 men in boats, he _lirst attacked and captured the
Tigress, an American vessel lying olf St. .Josephs; the next,
sailing down the lake in tl»e craft thu.s taken, easily made tho
three vessels under Turner, his own. In this enterprizo, there-
fore, the Americans failed signally, at every point.*
In the third place an attempt was made to c(jntrol the tribes
of the Upper Mi.ssi.ssippi by founding a fort at Prairie du
Chien.f Early in May, Gov. Clark of Missouri was sent
thither, and tliere commenced Fort Shelby, without opposi-
tion. By the middle of July, however, Hritish and Indian
forces sent from Mackinac, surrounded the post, and Lieuten-
ant Perkins, having but 60 men to oppose to 1200, and being
also scant of ammunition, after a defence of some days, was
forced to capitulate : so that there again the United States
was disappointed and defeated. J
A fourth expedition was led by Gen. Mc Arthur, first against
some bands of Indians which he could not find ; and then
across the Peninsula of Upper Canada to the relief of Gen.
Brown at Fort Eric. The object of t' e last movement was
either to join General Brown, or to destroy certain mills on
Grand river, from which it was known that the English forces
obtained their supplies of flour. On the 26th of October,
McArthur, with 720 mounted men, left Detroit, and on the 4th
of November was at Oxford : from this point he proceeded to
Burford, and learning that the road to Burlington was strong-
ly defended, he gave up the idea of joining Brown, and turn-
ing toward the lake by the Long Point road, defeated a body
of militia who opposed him, destroyed 'the mills, five or six
in number, and managing to secure a retreat along the lake
shore, although pursued by a regiment of regular troops nearly
double his own men in number,— on the 17th reached Sand-
wich again with the loss of but one man. This march,
though productive of no very marked results, was of conse-
quence from the vigor and skill displayed both by the com-
• MoAfea, 422 to 4.^7. The official accounU are in Niles' Reginler, viL 4, Ao., 18, 166,
173, and Appendix to same, vol. 129 to 135.
fSeo letter of Oov. Edwattis to Got. Shelby. (NiUs* Rcgiitor, It. 148,) dated March 23,
1313, given in the Appendix.
t McAfee, 439 to 442.
i\
r^^l
.■t;
ifH
M
'4
642
Pciuc trilh IndiauH and with England.
1814.
iimiidrr and liis troops. Had the Nuriiiner caiiipaij^ii uf 1812
buoii coiiducU'd willi equal spirit, Miclii|;aii would not huvo
iiettded to l>u ri'taketi, and tlie laburri ut I'erry uiid ilarrison
would liavo l)f(;ii uncalled lor in the North- west.*
With McArthur'M march through Upper Canada the annals
of war in the r>orth-we8t closed.
Meanwhile, upon the 22d of July, a treaty had heen formed
at Greenville, under the direction ot (Jcneral Harrison and
(.Governor Oas.s, by which tlu) United States and the faithful
Wyandots, Delawares, Shawanesc, and Senecas, gave peace
to the Aliamis, Weas, and Kel river Indians, and to certain of
the l*ottavvatoinies, Uttawas, and Kickupoos; and all the In-
dians engaged to aid the Americans should the war with
Great Britain continue. f But such, happily, was not to bo
the case, and on the 24tli of December, the treaty of Ghent
was signed by the representatives of England and the United
States.J
*MoAr«a, 4il to 4}3.— McArtbur's own account ii la NiUs' Itoglster, vii. 239, 2S2, Ao.
t Ainerienn State Puperi, v. 82(3 to 830. — CUt's Ciaoinnati MiacoUmiy. ii. 293.
\ llulmtit' ADnal^ ii. 471.
''''*»*«»»ta
■Mmi»mmmmmi£&MH!^Av
ly tn^^-^'^t^^ng^^c
1814.
mn of 1812
1 not liuvo
il llurriiion
. the untmlii
ecu foriiicd
irrisoa and
lliu luitliful
guve pcuco
i ccrtuin of
\ ull the In-
war with
i not to bo
y oC Ghent
the I'nited
ii. 2.19, 282. Ac.
ii. 293.
CIIAITKU XIX.
MISCKLI<.\Ni:oi:s KVKM'S.
Tli« DritUli .Vin< qun nun--Inillnn Troitie* at thu cluao of tlio War — rniKruMor .Svltl»-
luantt — Trnile cir the likkrji— Contval of Ubl) nilh tli* L'uituJ butod' lluiik -Caimli iu
Ohio — Coiiiiiiuo Hchouli In Oblu.
Nei(otialionx at (J/inil.
[It is proper hero to review soinc of the evcnt.s of 1814, con-
nected with the war.]
In the HUtniner, Mr. Mndison, with the approval of the Sen-
ate, sent out ns Commissioners to negotiate peace, Messrs.
Adams, Hayard, Clay, Uiissell, and (iailatin. On the part of
Ilia liritanniu Miycsty, were Lord (Janbier, Sir Henry tJoul-
burne, and lion. William Adams. The city of CJhcnt, in IJel-
gium was selected as the scat of the negotiations. On tiie 12th
of August, the American Commissioners communicated to
President Madison the purport of several conferences. This
document Mr. Madison laid before the Senate and House of
Representatives. On the 10th of October following, the act
to which we allude to, had previously found a place in the
public journals, and great indeed was the indignation of the
people. Even many of the Federal party, who, from the first,
had opposed the war, gave in their adhesion, and sternly re-
solved to fight until Great Britain yielded her preposterous and
unrighteous demands. There were several very objectiona-
ble propositions made by the British plenipotentiaries, in lan-
guage scarcely courteous, but one propo.sition was called the
"Sine qua non." The meaning, when elaborated, is, without
which no negotiations, — no treaty. This related to their "In-
dian allies," was the second proposition as the basis of discus-
sion, and expressed in these words:
"The Indian allies of Great Britain to be included in the
pacification, and a definite boundary to be settled for their
territories."
The British Commissioners stated that "an arrangement on
this point was a Sine qua non; — that they were not authori-
zed to conclude a treaty of peace which did not embrace the
Indians as allies of hi ; Britannic Majesty ; and that the es-
tablishment of a defiuite boundary o! *he Indian territory was
! : 5'
i
044
The Brilisk "Sine qua Non:'
1814.
necessary to a permanent peace, not only with the Indians,
but also between the United States and Great Britain."
At a subsequent conference, explanations were asked and
given. The commissioners on the part of the United States
report : —
" We took this opportunity to remark, that no nation ob-
served a policy more liberal and humane towards the Indians,
than that performed by the United States ; — that our object
had been, by all practicable means, to introduce civilization
amongst them ; — that their possessions were seem ?d by well
defined boundaries ; — that their persons, lands, and other pro-
perty, were now more eH'ectually protected against violence
or frauds from any quarter, than they had been under any for-
mer government ; — that even our citizens were not allowed
to purchase their lands ; — that when they gave up their title
to any portion of their country to the United States, it was
by voluntary treaty with our government, who gave them a
satisfactory equivalent ; — and that through these means the
United States had succeeded in preserving, since the treaty of
Greenville of 1795, an uninterrupted peace of sixteen years,
with all the tribes, a period of tranquility much longer than
they were known to have enjoyed heretofore.
" L was then expressly stated on our part, that the proposi-
tion respecting the Indians was not distinctly understood. —
We asked whether the pacification and the settlement of a
boundary for them were both made a sine qua h.ni, which was
answered in the affirmative."
On the 8th of August, the Commissioners on the part of
His Britannic Majesty, laid before the American Commission-
ers the following protocol in writing: —
"That the peacs be extended to the Indian allies of Great
Britain, and that the boundary of their territory be definitely
marked out as a permanent barrier between the dominions of
the United States and Great Britain. Arrangements on this
subject to be regarded a sine qua non of a treaty of peace.*"
The boundary line established by the treaty of Greenville,
in 1796, was the one claimed as a permanent boundary on
the part of Great Britain, for her "Indian allies." This line
commenced *' at the mouth of the Cuyahoga river, run up the
same to the portage, between that and the Tuscarawas branch
of the Muskingum, thei-.ce down that branch to the crossing
place above Fort Lawrence, [Laurens,] thence westerly to a
•NUes' BegUter, vu. 70 to r8;~81 to 92;— 218.
1814.
le Indians,
ftin."
asked and
lited States
nation ob-
he Indians,
our object
civilization
1 3d by well
other pro-
ist violence
ler any for-
lot allowed
3 their title
ites, it was
ave them a
means the
le treaty of
teen years,
onger than
be proposi-
derstood. —
ment of a
which was
the part of
^mmission-
!s of Great
e definitely
tminions of
iits on this
)f peace.*"
Greenville,
iundary on
This line
run up the
rvas branch
he crossing
ssterly to a
1814.
Demands of the British.
645
fork of that branch of the Great Miami river, running into
the Ohio, at or near which fork stood Loromie's store, and
where commences the portage between the Miami of the
Ohio, and St. Mary's river, which Is a branch of the Miami
which runs into Lake Eric ; thence westerly to Fort Recove-
ry, which stands on a branch of the Wabash ; thence south-
westerly in a direct line to the Ohio opposite the mouth of
the Kentucke."
Carrying out the same principle in reference to Illinois, and
the Indian boundary would have run from the vicinity of Fort
Harrison across the State to a point below the mouth of the
Illinois river. Another principle involved in the. nne qua non,
was the entire sovereignty and independence t the Indian
confederacy; a principle never admitted by any civilized na-
tion, and least of all by Great Britain to bands of wandering
savages.
Other claims, not less preposterous and insulting, were put
forth by the British Commissioners, — that the boundary line in
Maine should be so altered as to afford Great Britain a direct
communication from Quebec to Halifax ; that the right to the
fisheries on the banks of Newfoundland, and the coast of La-
brador, which had been guaranteed as a national right in the
treaty of 1783, should be abrogated ; and that the exclusive
naval authority of Great Britain, should be held over all the
northern lakes.
The reason assigned for this last insulting demand, was,
that the British possessions of Canada might be in danger
from American aggression, and that it would be no inconven-
ience to the Americans, for Great Britain to have entire con-
trol of the lake navigation.
Of course, our Commissioners unanimously resisted all these
claims. The able and masterly documents w^re from the pen
of the late John Q. Adams. They have been pronounced by
high authorities, as masterly productions in diplomatic corres-
pondence. Every communication from the American Com-
missioners was sent to London, and the British Commissioners
waited for instructions before they replied. The claims of
Britain were yielded only inch by inch, but before the 24th of
December, they had given up all these questions.*
The cause of the sine qua non, on behalf of the Indian al-
• For the correspondence joe NUea' Kegutor, rii. 222, 239.~Ire»ty, NUes, vii. 397, 400.
646
Demands of the British.
1814.
lies of Great Britain, is to be sought in the pledges of the
British authorities, to Tecumthe soon after, (more likely pre-
vious to) the declaration of war in 1812. On condition that
Tecumthe and his Indian confederation, would form an alli-
ance, oUensive and defensive with Great Britain, that govern-
ment would sustain them as an independent sovereignty in
their claims to the country south of the lakes, and make the
line established at the treaty of Greenville, the permanent
boundary between the Indians and the United States, never
to be abrogated without the consent of the contracting par-
ties. Our evidence for this fact is, first, the train of events
during the period of the war, to the termination at the treaty
of Ghent, when the sine qua non was yielded, and their " In-
dian allies" left to the mercy o** the United States. Second-
ly, we have proof from two sources, on which we place great
confidence.
In 1818, we became acquainted with the Rev. Mr. Ruddel,
(often spelled and pronounced Riddh,) who was taken prison-
er in boyhood at Ruddel's station, in Kentucky, raised
among the Shawanese, in the same village with Tecumthe,
became an Indian in habit, and was liberated at the period of
Wayne's treaty. He returned to Kentucky, adopted civilized
habits, learned to read, married, professed religion and became
a preacher of the christian sect. At the close of the war, he
was employed by several families of Kentucky to visit the
Indian tribes, especially the Shawanese of the North-west, to
obtain the release of captives. Mr. Ruddel felt interested in
the fate of his old friend Tecumthe, and from his former asso-
ciates, learned the followi.r^r pa:tic'ilars: That the British au-
thorities dia j^OeJgc T-^cumtnc tv. protect their interests and
secure for them, as an ally, permanent possession of the ter-
ritory not included in the relinquishment at Greenville ; that
Tecumthe became dissatisfied with the delay of Gen. Proctor,
and doubted the ability of the allied army of British and Indians
to conquer the United States; and that a few days before the
battle of the Thames he held a private council with his princi-
pal chiefs and suggested, that if the British army did not act
with more energy and promptitude, he would go over to the
American side with all his forces, and secure by their alliance
the rights of the Indians. Knowing the liability of Mr. Rud-
del being deceived, in 1833 we held conversation with Billy
•«HH
1814.
get) of tho
likely pre-
iition that
-m an alli-
at govern-
ireignty in
make the
permanent
ates, never
icting par-
of events
, the treaty
their "In-
. Second-
place great
Ir. Ruddel,
ken prison-
ky, raised
Tecumthe,
e period of
ed civilized
ind became
lie war, he
Lo visit the
th-west, to
te rested in
jrmer asso-
3ritish au-
terests and
of the ter-
ville ; that
II. Proctor,
iiid Indians
before the
his princi-
id not act
over to the
ir alliance
f Mr. Rud-
with Billy
1815.
Cause of the ^'Sine qua non.'"
647
'
Caldwell at Chicago, heretofore mentioned, and he confirmed
substantially the statement of lluddel.
He was anxious to find some trust-worthy American citi-
zen to write the biography of Tecumthe, and gave as a reason,
that no British officer should ever perform that service to his
distinguished friend, remarking at the same'timc, "the British
officers promised to stand by the Indians until we gained our
object; they basely deserted us, got defeated, and after put-
ting in our claims in the negotiations at Ghent, finally left us
to make peace with the Americans on the best terms we
could. The Americans fairly whipped us, and then treated with
us honorably, and no Briton shall touch one of my papers.
Mr. Caldwell had a trunk well filled with papers and docu-
ments pertaining to Tecumthe. lie also confirmed Ruddel's
statement that Tecumthe would have deserted the British
standard, had not the battle of the Thames occurred at the
time it did.
We give the.se facts and leave our readers to draw their
own conclusions.
The most prominent events during 1815, pertaining to
the West, are the treaties negotiated with the Indians.
The first in sequence was made at Greenville, Ohio, July
22, 1814, by Wm. Henry Harrison and Lewis Cass, Commis-
sioners on the part of the United States, and the Wyandots,
Delawares, S'lawanese, Senccas and Miamics. In this ti-eaty the
Wyandots, Delawares, Shawanese and Senecas made peace
with the Miami, Eel river, and the Wea tribes; those bands
of the Pottawatomies, which adhered "to the Grand Sachem
Topenebe, and the cht«f Onoxa; to the Ottowas of Blanch-
ard's creek," and to several other small bands who were
friendly to the United States. All these tribes and bands en-
gaged to give their ai4 to the United States, in prosecuting the
war against Great Britain and her allies. On the faithful
performance of these con<litions, the United States agreed to
confirm and establish all the boundaries between their lands
and those of the several tribes concerned in the treaty, as
they existed before the war with Great Britain. This treaty
was signed on luc 22d July, 1814.
About the middle of July, 1815, a large number of Indians,
as deputies from the nations and tribes of the North-west as-
sembled at Portage des Sioux, on the right bank of the Mis-
sissippi, a few miles above the mouth of the Missouri, to ne-
^%,
'•'•!,.
64S
Indian Treaties at Portage des Sioux.
1816.
gotiate treaties of peace with the United States. The Com-
missioners were William Clark, Governor of Missouri, and
Superintendent of Indian Affairs west of the Mississippi,
Ninian Edwards, Governor and Superintendent of Indian Af-
fairs in Illinois, and the lion. Augnste Choutciu cf St. Louis.
Robert Wash, Esq., was Secretary to the commission. Henry
Dodge, Brigadier-General, with a strong military force was
present to prevent any collision, or surprise.
The first in order was with the Fottawatomics. Every injury,
or act of hostility by either party against the other, was to be
mutually forgiven ; all prisoners to be delivered up ; and " in
sincerity of mutual friendship," every treaty, contract, and
agreement, h;.retofore made between the United States avid
Pottawatomie nation to be recognized, re-established and con-
firmed. The same day a similar treaty was made with the
PiankcsliUKS.
On the i'^vl. of July, a series of treaties were made sepa-
rately with re'-eral tribes of the Sioux or N'Dokatah nation.
Similar ierr.i were granted, as to the Pottawatomies, and
thftpe branches of the Sioux nation acknowledged themselves
under the orotection of the United States.
On tfi«> '>Oth a similar treaty was made with the Mahas, from
the f ■?(' ' vJissourv.
lilt; ne^t. V order was with the Kickapoos,oni\ie 2nd of
S« ptcmber, and the conditions exactly .simiJar to those of the
Potiawatomies.
Ou ihe IStli of September, a treaty was made with that
portioii of the Sac nation of Indians, then residing on the
Missouri river, by twelve chiefs. They affirmed they had en-
deavored tu fulfill the treaty made at St. Louis, on the third
day of November, 1804, in perfect good faith ; and for that
purpose had been compelled to separate themselves from the
rest of their nation,, and remove to the Missouri river, where
they had continued to give proofs of their friendship and fidel-
ity ; Ihey propose to confirm and re-estal lish the treaty of
1804 ; that they will continue to live separate and distinct
from the Sacs of Rock River, and give them no aid, unt'l
peace shall be concluded between them and the United States.
The United States on their part promise to allow the Sacs of
the Missouri river, all the rights and privileges secured to them
by the treaty at bt. Louis.
im
1816.
The Com-
isouri, and
ilississippi,
Indian Af-
' St. Louis,
in. llenry
force was
rery injury,
', was to be
► ; and •' in
n tract, and
States avid
;d and con-
ie with the
nade sepa-
itah nation,
tomies, and
themselves
yiahas, from
the 2nd of
hose of the
e with that
ing on the
ley had en-
n the third
,nd for that
es from the
•iver, where
p and fidel-
le treaty of
and distinct
i aid, untM
ited States,
the Sacs of
red to them
1816.
Indian Treaty wi>'} the Sacs and Foxes.
649
The next day, September 14::h, a treaty was made with the
Fox,tiibe of Indians. The conditions place these Indians on
the same footing they were before the war, and they also re-
establish and confirm the treaty of St. Louis, of 1804. On
the ?2th Septemo \ treaties were made with the Great and
Little Osage nations, in which every act of liostility by either
of the contracting parties against the other, was to be mu-
tually forgiven and forgot. The treaty of 180S, made at
"Fort Clark," on the Missouri, was re-confirmed.
We neglected to mention in its proper place, (p. 574,) that
the Commissioner oa the part of the United States was the
late Colonel Pierre Chouteau, of St. Louis. Fort Clark, call-
ed subsequently Fort Osage, was situated on the right bank of
the Missouri, five miles above Prairie de Feu, (Fire Prairie)
in Jackson county, a few miles bflow 'ndependence.
On the 16th of September, a treaty, (and the first we find
on record,) was made with the hw.y/ Indians, on the same con-
ditions as with the other hostile tribes.
On the 28th day of October a treaty was m, Jc with the
Kauzau nation, on the same terms.
We will anticipate a treaty made on the 13th of May, 1816,
that we may finish up the 1: diati nc.'.!otiati.)ns for peace in
this article. The samo Commissioners offijiaied on the p .t
of St. Louis, and the negotiations were transacted in St. Louis.
As this treaty, in couneciioa v/ilb the one .already noticed^
(ante page 546) and the ones wiih branches of the united na-
tions of Sacs and Foxes already rnenlioned, will cast light ore
the " Black Hawk war," ..id r-;n.>, c imputations cast on the
people of Illinois and the oflicers Oi' the United States, of un-
fair treatment of le Indians. Thesii Indians had oeen hos-
tile for some yi , and refused to como 'to the treaty ground
r.
, led by the noted brave. Black Hawk, even
ttend the treaty, proclaimed themselves to be
., and went to Canada to receive presents. We
in full.*
the preceding >
A small par
now refused 1
British subjec;>,
give the tre
- Whereas, by the ninth article of the treaty of peace, which
was concluded on the twenty-fourth of December, eighteen
hundred and fourteen, between the U.iited States and Great
* For these treatic:", see Indian Treaties nnd Lawd, WaahinjjtoD, D. C., 1826, pp. 70 227
234, 236, 2C3, 273, 278, 277, 273, 281, 283, 280, 289. ' '
tit. !
'S
'I
^A
650 Treaty mtli the Sacs of Rock River. 1814.
Britain, at Ghent, and which was ratifieJ by the President,
■with the advice and consent of the Senate, on the seventeenth
day of February, eighteen hundred and fifteen, it was stipula-
ted that the said parties should severally put an end to all
hostilities with the Indian tribes, with whom they might be at
war, at the time of the ratification of said treaty ; and to
place the said tribes inhabiting their respective territorie.s, on
the same footing upon which they stood before the war: Pro-
vided, they should agree to desist fron all hostilities against
the said parties, their citizens or subjects, respectively, upon
the ratification of the said treaty being notified to them, and
should so desist accordingly.
And whereas, the United States being determined to exe-
cute every article of the treaty with perfect good faith, and
•wishing to be particularly exact in the execution of the article
above alluded to, relating to the Indian tribes ; The President,
in consequence thereof, for that purpose, on the eleventh day
of March, eighteen hundred and fifteen, appointed the under-
signed, William Clark, Governor of Missouri territory, Ninian
Edwards, Governor of Illinois territory, and Auguste Chouteau,
Esq., of the Missouri territory. Commissioners, with full power
to conclude a treaty of peace and amity with all those tribes
of Indians, conformably to the stipulations contained in the said
article, on the part of the U. States, in relation to such tribes.
And whereas, the Commissioners, in conformity with their
instructions in the early part of last year, notified the Sacs of
Hock river, ;ind the adjacent country, of the time of the ratifi-
cation of sail treaty ; of the stipulations it contained in rela-
tion to them; of the disposition of the American government
to fulfil those stipulations, by entering into a treaty with them,
conformably tliereto ; and invited the said Sacs of Rock river,
and the adjacent country, to send forward a deputatiou of
their chiefs to meet the said Coiumisiiioners at Portage des
Sioux, for the purpo.se of concluding such a treaty as afore-
said, between the United States and the said Indians, and the
said Saos of Rock river, and the adjacent country, having not
only declined that friendly overture, but having continued their
hostilities, and committed many depredations thereafter,
which would have justified the iniliction of the severest chas-
tisement upon them; but having earnestly repented of their
conduct, now emploring mercy, and being anxious to return
to the habits of peace and friendship with the United States ;
and the latter being always disposed to pursue the most liberal
and humane policy towards the Indian tribes within their ter-
ritory, preferring their reclamation by peaceful measures, to
their punishrnent, by the application of the military force of
the nation — Now, therefore,
The said William Clark, Nininn Edwards, and Auguste
Chouteau, Commissioners as aforesaid, and the undersigned
\
i
■IHM
1
1814.
PrcsiJont,
I' en tee nth.
IS stipula-
nd to all
jjhl be at
I ; and to
itcrie.s, on
A'ar : Pro-
's against
cly, upon
lliem, and
d to pxe-
faith, and
the article
President,
venth day
the under-
ry,Ninian
Chouteau,
full power
ose tribes
in the said
uch tribes.
(Vith their
tie Sacs of
the ratili-
d in rcla-
)vernnient
vith them,
lock river,
utatiou of
ortage des
as afore-
s, and the
laving not
nued their
thereafter,
;rest chas-
;d of their
5 to return
id States ;
ost liberal
i their ter-
easures, to
ry force of
1 Auguste
idersigned
„. J
1814.
Treaty with the Sacs of Ruck River.
G51
chiefs and warriors, as aforesaid, for the purpose of restoring
pv^aTce and friendship between the parties, do agree to the fol-
lowing articles:
Art. 1. The Sacs of Rock river, and the adjacent country,
do hereby unconditionnliy assent to recognize, re-establish,
and confirm the treaty between the United States of America
and the united tribes of Sacs and Fox Indians, which was con-
cluded at St. Louis, on the third day of November, one thou-
sand (!ight hundred and four; as well as all other contracts
and agreements, heretofore made between the Sac tribe or
nation, and the United States.
Art. 2. The United States agree to place the aforesaid Sacs
of Rock river, on the same footing upon which they stood be-
fore the war; provided they bhall, on or before the first day of
July next, deliver up to the oflicer commanding at canto.i-
ment Davis, on the Mississippi, all the property they, cr
any part of their tribe, have plundered or stolen from the
citizens of the United States, since they were notified, as afore-
said, of the time of the ratification of the late treaty between
the United States and Great Uritain.
Art. 3. If the said tribe shall fail or neglect to deliver up the
property aforesaid, or any part thereof, on or before the first
day of ':;!y aforesaid, they shall forfeit to the United States
ail rij, .! lid title to their proportion of the annuities which,
by the treaty of St. Louis, were covenanted to be paid to the
Sac tribe ; and the United States shall forever afterwards be
exonerated from the payment of so much of said annuities as,
upon a fair distribution, would fall to the share of that por-
tion of the Sacs who are represented by the undersigned chiefs
and warriors.*
There were some other treaties made in 1815-'16, which
were of inferior purport.
A careful examination of these and all other Indian trea-
ties, with full and correct knowledge of the historical events,
will enable every unprejudiced person to perceive that the
course of procedure on the part of the government of the Uni-
ted States with the aborigines of our country, has been highly
paternal, beneficent and liberal. The conduct of Great Bri-
tain cannot be brought in comparison. In justice and equity,
the United States might have made and enforced remunera-
tion in lands as a penalty for the hostilities committed, but
the language in each treaty is " that every injury, or act of
hostility, shall be forgiven and forgot."
The war being over, and the Indian tribes of the north-
west being deprived of their distinguished British ally, anfl
• Indiaa Treaties, p. 237.
' f-;
652
Progress of ScUlcmcnts.
1816.
having consented to be at peace, confidence was restored to
the frontier settlements, and emigration again began to push
into the forests and prairies.
The campaigns of the rangers and mounted volunteers;
who had traversed the groves and prairies of Indiana, Illinois,
Missouri and Michigan, served as explorations of new and
fertile countries, and opened the way for thousands of hardy
pioneers, and the formation of .settlements.
The rich and delightful lands along the waters of the Wa-
bash, the Kaskaskia, the Sangamon, and the Illinois rivers,
had filled their hearts with enthusiasm, and the very men,
who in hostile array, had traversed the country, begun to ad-
vance with their families in the peaceful character of hus-
bandmen, and to plant new settlements in all this region.
In the Territory of Michigan, a much larger portion of the
soil remained in po.ssessiou of the aborigines than further
south. Previous to the war, but few settlements were made
beyond the vicinity of Detroit, and along the river Raisin.—
These, to a great extent, had been broken up by the savages
and their English allies during the war. It was not until a later
period that the immigrants penetrated the interior of that ter-
ritory. But Indiana, Illinois and Missouri, from 1816 to 1820,
received a continuous succession of immigrants. Ohio, but
• particularly Kentucky and Tennessee, sent out vast numbers
to these new regions, where land was abundant, cheap and
productive.
In the early part of 1816, Congress having previously grant-
ed authority, a Convention was elected and assembled to form
a State Government. A constitution was adopted and report-
ed to Congress. It was approved by that body, and the "State
of Indiana" received admission into the Union on the 19th
day of April, 1816.
The new State Government went into operation by the
election of the Hon. Jonathan Jennings, Governor, who had
represented the territory as Delegate in Congress from 1809.
The General Assembly discharged its duties in the formation
of the various departments, agreeable to the provisions of the
constitution, and changing the territorial laws in accordance
with its position as a State.
We shall now give several items in the progress of the
north-west, chiefly in Ohio, from Mr. Perkins, as found in the
mmmm
MHi
Miman
mmm
1816.
1816.
Banks in Ohio,
653
stored to
11 to push
)lunteers
I, Illinois,
new and
of hardy
the Wa-
lls rivers,
ery men,
;an to ad-
!r of hus-
3gion.
ion of the
n further
ere made
Raisin. —
le savages
itil a later
f that tcr-
6 to 1820,
Ohio, but
t numbers
heap and
jsly grant-
ed to form
ind report-
the "State
n the 19th
)n by tiie
', who had
from 1809.
formation
ions of the
iccordancc
esa of the
und in the
first edition of these Annals; leaving all that pertains to Illi-
nois, Missouri, and the still more recently settled regions of
the north-west, for our Appendix.
It ought to have been chronicled under the proper date, that
on the 26(h February, 1814, Hon. .lohn Cleves Symmes, the
patriarch of the settlement in the Miami coUntry, died in Cin-
cinnati, in the seventy-second year of his age. He was bu-
ried at the North Bend, and his grave is to be found about
thirty rods to the north-west of the tomb of President Harri-
son.*]
On the 18th of March, 1816, Pittsburgh was incorporated as
a city ; it had been incorporated as a borough on the 22d of
April, 1794.
Ill 1817 it contained five glass houses, four air-furnaces, one
hundred and nine stores, eight steam-engines in mills, 1,303
houses, 8,000 people, and manufactured 400 tons of nails by
steam.f
Columbus was this year made permanently the Capital of
Ohio.
Congress in 1804 had granted to Michigan a township of
land, for the support of a College; in this year, (1817,) the
University of Michigan was established by the Governor and
Judges.
During 1817, an effort was made to extinguish the Indian
title within the State of Ohio, and had the JMiamies attended
the council, held at the Rapids of the Maumee, in September,
it probably would have been done. As it was, Cass and Mc-
Arthur purchased of the other tribes nearly the whole north-
west of the Buckeye State, the number of acres, exclusive of
reservations, being estimated at 3,694,540, for which were paid
140,893 dollars ; being 3 cents and 8 mills an acre. J
A full history of banking in Ohio, would as much exceed
our limits as we fear it would tire the patience of our readers.
But as about this time the disposition to an excess in the crea-
tion of such institutions was plainly manifested, it may not be
improper to mention the leading acts of the Legislature in re-
ference to the subject.
The earliest bank chartered was the Miami Exporting Com-
pany of Cincinnati, the bill for which passed in April, 1803.
• See Howe's Ohio, 236'.
t American Pioneer, i. .307, .309. This paper contains many facts re8i)ecting Pittsburgh.
X American S'ate Papers, v. 131 to 110, — 119, 150, Lanman'a Michigan, 230, note.
•M
Banks in Ohio,
1817.
Banking was with Uuh compjiny a socondory object, its main
purpose being lo facilitate trade, tlicn much depressed ; nor
was it till 1808 that the first bank, strictly speaking, that of
Marietta, was chartered. During the same session the pro-
position of founding a Slate IJank was considered, and report-
ed upon by Mr. Worthington ; it resulted in the establish. uent
of the 13ank of Chillicothe. From that time charters were
granted to similar institutions up to the year 1816, when the
great banking law was passed, incorporating twelve new
banks, extending the charters of old ones, and making the
State a party in the profits and capital of the institutions
thus created and renewed, without any advance of means
on her part. This was done in the following manner: each
new bank was at the outset to set apart one share in twenty-
five for the State, without payment, and each bank, whose
charter was renewed, was to create, for the 5»"'dte, stock in
the same proportion; each bank, new and old, was yearly to
set apart out of its profits a sum which would make, at the
time the charter expired, a sum equal to one twenty-fifth of
the whole stock, which was to belong to the State ; and the
dividends coming to the State were to be invested and rein-
vested until one-sixth of the stock was State property: — the
last provision was subject to change by future legislatures.
This interest of the State in her banks continued until
1826, when the law was so amended as to change her stock
into a tax of two per cent, upon all dividends made up to
that time, and four per cent, upon all made thereafter. But
before the law of 1816, in February 1815, Ohio had begun to
raise a revenue from her banking institutions, levying upon
their dividends a tax of four per cent. This law, how* .er,
was made null with regard to such banks as accepted the
terms of the law of 1816. After 1826, no change was made
until March, 1831, when the tax was increased to five per
cent.
Two important acts have been more lately passed by the
legislature, to which we can do nothing more than refer. In
1839, a law was enacted, appointing bank commissioners,
who were to examine the various in.stitutions and report up-
on their condition. This inquisition was resisted by some of
the banks, and much controversy followed, both in and out of
the General Assembly. In 1846 a new system of banking
1817.
1818.
Slate of 1/ It mis.
656
t, itH tntiin
:'ssu(l ; nor
ig, that of
1 tlie pro-
ne! report-
iblisli.iiriit
tcrs were
when the
,'elve new
liking tho
nstitutions
of means
iner: each
in twcnty-
nk, whose
!, stock in
s yearly to
ikc, at the
ity-fifth of
; and tho
and rein-
erty : — the
isltitures.
tiued until
! her stock
ade up to
after. But
1 begun to
ying upon
howt .er,
septed the
was made
) five per
sed by the
refer. In
missioners,
report up-
by some of
and out of
)f banking
wfis adopted, embracing both a State IJunk with branches,
and independent baniis.*
6n the ISth of April, 1818, Congress authorized tho people
of Illinoii to form a State Constitution ; this was done during
the enduing summer, and adopted August 26tli. Th(! north-
ern boundary of the State as lixed by Congress, was latitude
42deg. 30 min.
All the territory north of the new State of Illinois was at-
tached to Michigan. t
Great emigration took place to Michigan in consequence of
the sale of large (juantities of public lands. J
The Walk-in-the-Water, the first steam-boat in the upper
lakes, (Rrie, Huron, and Michigan,) began her trips, going
once as far as !Mackinac.§ The following sketch ol the lake
trade since that time we take from the National Intelligen-
cer:
In 1826 the first steamboat was seen on the waters of lake
Michigan, a pleasure trip having been mi\de that year to
Green Hay; and, although during the following years similar
trips were made to that place, it was not until 1832 that a
boat visited Chicago. In 1833, the trade upon the upper bikes
was carried on by eleven steamboats, costing about {$360,000,
and two trips were made to Chicago and one to Green Bay.
In 1824, there were eighteen boats, costing !$600,000, and
three trips were made to Chicago and one to Green Bay.
The commerce west of Detroit, at that time, and for many
years afterwards, being almost entirely confined to the Indian
trade and to supplying the United States' military posts, some
small schooners were also employed. The trade rapidly in-
creased with the population, until, in 1840, there were upon
the upper lakes, forty-eight steamers of from 150 to 750 tons
burden, and costing $2,000,00'* i business west of Detroit
producing to the owners a 01,000. In 1841, the trade
had so augmented as to employ six of the largest boats in
running from Buffalo to Chicago, and one to Green Bay, and
during that year the sailing vessels had increased to about 250,
of from 30 to 350 tons, costing about $1,250,000. In 1846
there were upon the upper lakes, 61) vessels, including propel-
lers, moved by steam, measuring 23,030 tons, and 320 sailing
vessels, costing $4,600,000, some of them measuring 1,200
tons. The increase in that year was 47 vessels, carrying 9,700
• Burnot'g Letters, 1 19.— Chaso'i Statut«s, ii. 913 to 924 ; espcoially sections from 34 to
40;— ii. 1463;— :ii. pp. 1820, 2022, 225.— Journals of the House for 180r-8, pp. 103, 100,
110, 111, 121, 122, 125,. 134. Report of Bank Commissioners, IS"?!).— Laws of 1845. p.
24 to 54.
-t-LBomao, 225. ^LanmaD, 221. JLanman, 222.
^ t
IMAGE EVALUATION
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Photographic
Sciences
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66e
Trade of the Lakes.
1819.
*(«.*;■
tons, and costing $650,000 ; and since the last fall 16 steam-
ers and 14 sailing vessels of the largest class have been put
under construction. In 1845, there were upon lake Ontario,
fifteen steamboats and propellers, and about 100 sailing ves-
sels, having a burden of 18,000 tons, and costing $1,500,000,
many of which, by using the Welland canal carry on business
■with Chicago and other places on the western lakes. Since
the close of the last season many additional vessels have been
built on this lake.
The commerce of the port of Buffalo alone, during the year
1845, amounted to $33,000,000 in value; and that of all the
other places on the lakes exceeding that amount, wouM make
an aggregate of full $70,000,000, while even this would be
greatly augmented if we could add the value of the com-
merce of the upper lakes, which, by the way of the Welland
canal, goes direct to the Canadian ports. The steamboats
alone leaving Buffalo for the West in the year 1845, carried
from that place 97,736 passengers, of whom 20,63<) were lan-
ded at Detroit, 1,(570 at Mackinac, 12,775 at Milwaukie, 2,790
at Southport, 2,760 at Racine, and 20,244 at Chicago. If to
this aggregate we were to add the numbers arriving at Buflalo
from the west, and the numbers leaving there in sailing vessels,
the multitudes going between other places on those lakes, and
some 60,000 who were passengers in the vessels on lake On-
tario, we would have a grand total of at least '250,000 passen-
gers on the lakes during the last year, whose livps wtre sub-
jected to all the risks attending the navigation of those waters,
exclusive of the officers and crews of all the vtssels engaged
in that navigation. During the last five years, upwards of
four hundred lives and property worth more than a million
of dollars have been lost on the lakes.
On the 24th of September, Lewis Cass concluded at Sagi-
naw, a treaty with the Chippewas, by which another large
part of Michigan was ceded to the United States.
On the 20th of August, Benjamin Parke, for the United
States, bought at Fort Harrison, of the Kickapoos of Vermil-
lion river, all their lands upon the Wabash; while on the 30th
of July, at Edvvardsville, Illinois, Auguste Chouteau and Ben-
jamin Stephenson, bought of the main body of the same tribe
the claims upon the same waters, together with other lands
reaching west to the mouth of the Illinois river.*
In this year the United States appropriated $10,000 annual-
ly towards the civilization of the Indians, but no part was at
first expended, as the best modes of effecting the object were
not apparent.f
• American State Papers, vi. 101 to 200.
t See Calhoun in American Sate Paperd, vi. 200, 201.
1819.
1819.
Contest of Ohio with United Sidles Bank.
657
16 steam-
e been put
e Ontario,
ailing ves-
; 1,500,000,
n busjuiess
es. Since
have been
ig the year
of all the
ouM make
i would be
r the com-
e Weliand
steamboats
15, carried
1 were lan-
akie, 2,790
igo. If to
rat Buflalo
ng vessels,
lakes, and
t) lake On-
100 passen-
; wfre sub-
ose waters,
Is engaged
jpwards of
a million
:l at Sagi-
>ther large
he United
jf Vermil-
in the 30th
I and Ben-
same tribe
thcr lands
30 annual-
art was at
)bject were
During 1819 also, a report was made to Congress upon the
Missouri fur trade, exhibiting its condition at that time and
tracing its history: it may be found in the 6th volume of the
American State Papers, p. 201.
The second United States bank was chartered in 1816. On
the 28th of January, 1817, this bank opened a branch at Cin-
cinnati ; and on the 13th of October following, another branch
at Chillicothe, which did not commence banking, however,
until the next spring. These branches Ohio claimed the right
to tax, and passed a law by which, should they continue to
transact business after the 15th of September, 1819, they
were to be taxed fifty thousand dollars each, and the State
Auditor was authorized to issue his warrant for the collection
of such tax. This law was passed with great deliberation
apparently, and by a full vote. The branches not ceasing
their business, the authorities of the State prepared to collect
their dues ; this, however, the bank intended to prevent, and
for the purpose of prevention, filed a bill in Chancery in the
United States Circuit Court, asking an injunction upon Ralph
0.sborn, Auditor of State, to prevent his proceeding in the act
of collection. Osborn, by legal advice, refused to appear up-
on the 4th of September, the day named in the writ, and in
his absence the court allowed the injunction, thourjh it requir-
ed bonds of the bank, at the same time, to the extent of $100,-
000 ; — which bonds were given. On Tuesday, the 14th of
September, as the day for collection drew nigh, the bank sent
an agent to Columbus, who served upon the Auditor a copy
of the petition for injunction, and a subpcena to appear be-
fore the court upon the first Monday in the following January,
but who had no copy of the writ of injunction which had been
allowed. The petition and subpoena Osborn enclosed to the
Secretary of State, who was then at Chillicothe, together with
his warrant for levying the tax ; requesting the Secretary to
take legal advice, and if the papers did not amount to an in-
junction, to have the warrant executed ; but if they did, to re-
tain it. The lawyers advised that the papers were not equiva-
lent to an injunction, and thereupon the State writ for collec-
tion was given to John L. Harper, with directions to enter
the banking house and demand payment of the tax ; and upon
refusal, to enter the vault and levy the amount required : he
was told to offer no violence, and if opposed by force, to go at
Rd
*':
658
Resolutions of Ohio Legislature.
1S21.
once before a proper magistrate and depose to that fact.
Harper, taking with him T. Orr and J. McColli!?ter, on Friday,
September 17th, went to the bank, and first securing access to
the vault, demanded the tax ; payment was refused, and no-
tice given of the injunction which had been granted ; but the
oflicer, disregarding this notice, entered the vault, and seized
in gold, silver and notes, .^98,000, which, on the 20th, he paid
over to the State Treasurer, H. M. Curry. The oflicers con-
cerned in this collection were arrested and imprisoned by the
United States Circuit Court for a contempt of the injunction
granted, and the money taken was returned to the bank.
The decision of the Circuit Court was in February, 1824, tried
before the Supreme Court, and its decree affirmed, whereupon
the State submitted. Meantime, however, in December 1820,
and January 1821, the Legislature of Ohio had passed the
following resolutions:
"Resolved by the General Assembly of the State of Ohio, That,
in respect to the powers of the Governments of the several
States that compose the American Union, and the powers of
the Federal Government, this General Assembly do recognize
and approve the doctrines asserted by the Legislatures of Ken-
tucky and Virginia in their resolutions of November and De-
cember, 1798, and January, 1800, and do consider that their
principles have been recognized and adopted by a majority of
the American people.
Resolved, further, That this General Assembly do assert, and
will maintain, by all legal and constitutional means, the right
of the State to tax the business and property of any private
corporation of ti-ade, incorporated by the Congress of the
United States, and located to transact its corporate business
within any State.
Resolved, further, That the Bank of the United States is a
private corporation of trade, the capital and business of which
may be legally taxed in any State where they may be found.
Resolved, further. That this General \ssenjbly do protest
against the doctrine that the political rights of the separate
States that compose the American Union, and their powers as
sovereign States, may be settled and determined in the Su-
preme Court of the United States, so as to conclude and bind
them in cases contrived between individuals, and where they
are, no one of them, parties direct."
Ji
IS21.
1822
Canals talked of in Ohio.
659
that fact,
m Friday,
access to
, and no-
; but the
ind seized
I, he paid
oers con-
ed by the
nju notion
the bank.
J24, tried
hereupon
ber 1820,
assed the
no. That,
e several
jowers of
recognize
(s of Ken-
and De.
hat their
ajority of
isert, and
the right
y private
8 of the
business
ates is a
of which
e found.
3 protest
separate
)owers as
1 the Su-
and bind
here they
In accordance with these resolves, the bank, was, foi* a time,
deprived of the aid of the State laws in the collection of its
debts, and the protection of its rights ; — and an attempt was
made, though in vain, to effect a change in the Federal Con-
stitution which would take the case out of the United States
tribunals.*
In November 1819, Gov. Cass had written to the War De-
partment, proposing a tour along the southern shore of lake
Superior, and toward the heads of the Mississippi ; the pur-
poses being to ascertain the stale of the fur trade, to examine
the copper region, and especially to form accjuaintance and
connections with the various Indian tribes. In the following
January the Secretary of War wrote approving the plan, and
in May the expedition started. [A full account of it by Mr.
Schoolcraft was published at Albany, N. Y., in 1821, in one
volume. The expedition was attended with success.]
During this year, and from this time forward, treaties were
made with the western and north-western tribes, extinguish-
ing by degrees, their title throughout a great part of the ori-
ginal north-western territory: — of these treaties we shall not
hereafter, speak particularly, except in as far as they stand con-
nected with the Black Hawk war of 1832. The documents can
be found in the sixth volume of the American State Papers; up
to 1820 in the Land Laws, p. 1056; in the Executive Papers
published since 1826; — and up to 1837 in the Collection of
Indian Treaties published at Washington in that year. [A
list of the Indian lands in each State and Territory in 1825,
may be found in the American State Papers, vi. 645.
Upon the 31st of January the Ohio Assembly passed a law
"authorizing an examination into the practicability of con-
necting lake Erie with the Ohio river by a canal."f
This act grew out of events, ^ sketch of which we think it
may be worth while to present.
One of the earliest modern navigable canals was made in
Lombardy in 1271 ; it connected Milan with the Tesino.
About the same time, or perhaps earlier, similar works were
commenced in Holland. It was not, however, till 1765 that
•See "ftate of the case for appellants, &o. (Cinoinnali, 1823,) pp. .1, 5, 7.— Report of
Ohio LegisUture in American Slate Papers, xxi, 646, 647, 653, 6&4. Chose'ii SkotcboK, 43,
44. Chase's Statutes, ii, 1072, 1185, 1193.
t See Canal Documents published by Kilboum, p. 26.
SgSi
eeo
History of Canals in Ohio.
1822.
any entnrprize of the kind was undertaken iti England; this
was followed, three years later, by the Duke of Bridgewater's
first canal constructed by Brindley. In 1765, an act of Parlia-
ment authorized the great work by which Brindley and hi ;
patron proposed to unite Hull and Liverpool: — the Trent and
the Mersey. This great undertaking was completed in 1777.
The idea thus carried into effect in Great Britain was soon
borne across the Atlantic. The great New York canal was
suggested by Gouvernour Morris, in 1777 ; but, as early as
1774, Washington tells us that he had thought of a sys-
tem of improvements by which to connect the Atlantic
with the Ohio ; which system, ten years later, he tried most
perseveringly to induce Virginia to act upon with energy. In
a letter to Gov. Harrison, written October 10th, 1784, he also
suggests that an exairiination be made as to the facilities for
opening a communication, through the Cuyahogo, and Mus-
kingum or Scioto, between lake Erie and the Ohio. Such a
communication had been previously mentioned by Jeljerson
in March, 1784; he even proposed a canal to connect the
Cuyahoga and Big Beaver. Three years later, Washington
attempted to interest the federal government in his viows,
and exerted himself, by all the means in his power, to learn
the exact state of the country about the sources of the Mus-
kingum and Cuyahoga. After he was called to the Presidency,
his mind was employed on other subjects ; but the whites who
had meantime began to people the West, used the course
which he had suggested, (as the Indians had done before them,)
to carry goods from the lakes to the settlements on the Qhio ;
so that it was soon known definitely, that upon the summit
level were ponds, through which, in a wet season, a complete
water connection was formed between the Cuyahoga and
Muskingum.*
From this time the public mind underwent various changes;
more and more persons becoming convinced that a canal be-
tween the heads of two rivers was far less desirable, in every
point of view, than a complete canal communication from
place to place, following the valleys of the rivers, and draw-
ing water from them. In 1815, Dr. Drake, of Cincinnati,
proposed a canal from some point on the Great Miami to the
* Penny Cyclopcedia, article "Canal." American State Papers, xz. 832 to 834. Sparks'
Washington, ix. 68.
1822.
[land; this
lyewater's
tof Parlia-
ey and hi i
Trent and
■din 1777.
was soon
canal was
IS early as
of a sys-
e Atlantic
tried most
nergy. In
84, he also
icilities for
and Mus-
. Such a
y Jeljerson
onnect the
/^ashington
his vifcws,
r, to learn
f the Mus-
'residency,
vhites who
the course
fore ihem,)
the Qhio ;
lie sunnmit
a complete
ahoga and
IS changes;
1 canal be-
e, in every
lition from
and draw-
Dincinnati,
ami to the
834. Sparkt'
1822.
History of Canals in Ohio.
661
city in which ho resided; and in January, 1818, Mr., after-
wards Governor Brown, writes thus: "Experience, the best
guide, has tested the iniinite superiority of this nude of com-
mercial intercourse over the best roads, or any navigation of
the beds of small rivers. In comparing it wilii the latter, I
believe you will find the concurrent testimony of the most
skilful and experienced Engineers of France and England,
acainst the river, and in favor of the canal, for very numer-
ous reasons."
Meanwhile, along the Atlantic, various experiments had
been tried, both in regard to improving rivers and digging
canals. In October, 1784, Virginia, acting under the instiga-
tion of Washington, passed a law "for clearing and improv-
ing the navigation of James river:" in March 1792, New York
established two companies for "Inland Lock Navigation ;" the
one to connect the Hudson with lake Champlain, the other to
unite it with lake Ontario, whence another canal was to rise
round the Great Falls to Erie. These enterprises, and vari-
ous others, were presented to Congress by Mr. Gallatin, Sec-
retary of the Treasury, in a.i elaborate report made April 4th,
1808. Subsequent to this report, in April, 1811, the General
Assembly of New York passed a law for the Great Erie canal,
and at the head of the Commissioners was Gouvcrneur Mor-
ris, who had proposed the plan thirty-four years previous. To
aid her in this vast work, New York asked the power, of
the Federal Government, and Ohio passed resolutions in
favor of the aid being given. No great help, however,
was given; and New York with the strength imparted
by the energy of Clinton, carried through her vast work ; and
when Ohio began to speak of similar eflorts, through the same
voice that had encouraged her during her labors, the Empire
■ State spoke encouragement to her younger sister.*
When, therefore. Governor Brown in his inaugural address
of December 14, 1818, referred to the necessity of ju-oviding
cheaper ways to market for the farmers of Ohio, he spoke to
a people not unprepared to respond favorably. In accor-
dance with the Governor's suggestion, Mr. Sill, on the 7th of
January, 1819, moved that a committee be appointed to re-
port on the expediency of a canal from the lake to the Ohio :
• Repirt of Mr. asUa-in of 1S03, fou id in tha American Stato Papers, x\ 70'i to SOt -
•Ui3 »c sama, pp. 731 ti789 ; do. 709 to 730 j do. 724 to 921. Vol. xxi. 105, 166, 178.
662
History of Schools in Ohio.
this was followed on the next day by a further cornrnunication
from Governor Brown, and the subject was discussed through
the winter. In the following December the Executive again
pressed the matter, and in January, 1820, made a full state-
ment of facts relating to routes, so far as they could be ascer^
tained. Farther information was communicated in Februa-
ry, and on the 20th of that month, an act passed, appointing
Commissioners to determine the course of the proposed canal,
provided Congress woulil aid in its construction, and seeking
aid from Congress. That aid not having been given, nothing
was done during 1820 or 1821, except to excite and extend
an interest in the subject, but upon the 3d of January, 1822,
Micajah Williams, chairman of a committee to consider that
part of the Governor's message relating to Internal Improve-
ments, offered an elaborate report upon the subject; and
brought in the bill to which we have already referred as hav-
ing been passed upon the 31st of the last mentioned month.*
The examination authorized by that law was at once com-
menced, Mr. James Geddes being the engineer.
Upon the same day, (December 6, 1821,) on which Mr.
Williams moved for a committee on canals, Caleb Atwa-
ter moved for one upon schools ; and on the same day that
the law above referred to was passed, one was also passed
authorizing the appointment of Commissioners to report to
the next Legislature a plan for establishing a complete sys-
tem of Common Schools. To the history of that subject we
next ask the reader's attention.
The Ordinance of 1787 provided, that "religion, morality,
and knowledge being necessary to good government and the
happiness of mankind, schools and the means of education
shall be for ever encouraged." In the previous Ordinance of
1785, regulating the sale of lands in the west, section No. 16
of every township was reserved "for the maintenance of pub-
lic schools within the said township." And the Constitution
of Ohio, using the words of the Ordinance of 1787, says, that
" schools and the means of instruction shall for ever be en-
couraged by legislative provision." In accordance with the
feelings shown in these several clauses, the Governors of Ohio
• The mesfRgos, resolutions, reports and laws, are all in the "Public Documents oon-
serning the Ohio canals," compiled and publi.-hcd by John Kilbourn, Columbus, 1828 : p.
2 to p. 31.
1822.
nuiiication
ed through
I live again
full statc-
d be asctTj
in Fcbrua-
nppointing
)sed canal,
nd seeking
in, nothing
md extend
mry, 1822,
nsider that
1 Improve-
bject; and
[!d as hav-
d month.*
once com-
vvhich Mr.
lab Atwa-
2 day that
Iso passed
u report to
iplete sys-
ubject we
, morality,
nt and the
education
Jinance of
ion No. 16
ce of pub -
>nstitution
says, that
er be en-
! with the
rs of Ohio
tocuments onn-
ibus, 1828 : p.
1822
History of Sc/imik in Ohio,
668
always mentioned the subject of education with gif-at respect
in their messages; but nothing was done to nmivc it general.*
It was supposed, that people would not willingly be taxed
to educate the children of their poor neighbors ; not so much
because they failed to perceive the necessity that exists for all
to be educated, in order that the commonwealth may be safe
and prosperous; but because a vast number, that lived in
Ohio, still doubted whether Ohio would be their ultimate abi-
ding place. They came to the west to make money rather
than to find a home, and did not care to help educate those
whose want of education they might never feel.
Such was the state of things until about the year 1816, at
which time several persons in Cincinnati, who knew the ben-
efits of a free-school system, united, and commenced a cor-
respondence with different portions of the State. Their ideas
being warmly responded to, by the dwellers in the Ohio Com-
pany's purchase, and the Western Reserve more particular-
ly, committees of correspondence were appointed in the dif-
ferent sections, and various means were resorted to, to call
the attention of the public to the subject ; among the most
efficient of which was the publication of an Education Alma-
nac at Cincinnati. This work was edited by Nathan Cluil-
ford, a lawyer of that place, who had from the first taken a
deep interest in the matter. For several years this gentleman
and his as ociates labored silently and ceaselessly to diffuse
their sentiments, one attempt only being made to bring the
subject into the legislature: this was in December 1819, when
Ephraim Cutler, of Washington county, brought in a bill for
establishing common schools, which was lost in the Senate. f —
At length, in 1821, it having been clearly ascertained, that a
strong feeling existed in favor of a common school system
through the eastern and north-eastern parts of the State, and
it being also known that the western men, who were then
about to bring forward their canal schemes, wished to secure
the assistance of their less immediately benefited fellow-citi-
zens, it was thought to be a favorable time to bring the free
*aeo especially ;vernor Worthington's me?snge, and that of 1819 in particular.
t Atwator'8 History, 251. In speaking of common' schools, we mean alwny? free schools
estibliiihed upon n State system. In January, 1821, a law was pa'ved in Ohio, authorizing
T'lWnship Common Schools in which the tuition, ic, was to be paid by those parents who
were able to pay. See Chaae, ii. Ii76.
Canal and School Imws pnsseJ.
1825.
school proposition forward ; which, us we have stutcd above,
was done jjy Mr. Atwater.
On the 3d of January, 1823, Mr. Wortliinyton, on behalf of
the Canal Commissioners, presented a report upon the ben ,
route for a canal through the State, and a farther examina-
tion was agreed upon;* which was made during the jear.
The friends of the common school system continued their
efforts, and although they did not succeed in procuring an
assembly favorable to their views, they diffused information
and brought out inquiry. f
Michigan during this year was invested with a new form
of Territorial Government ; Congress having authorized the
appointment of a Legislative Council of nine members, to
be chosen by the Tresident from eighteen candidates elected
by the people.J
In 18v»4, the friends of caimis, and those of free common
schools in Ohio, finding a strong opposition still existing to
tlie great plans of improvement ollered to the people, during
this year strained every nerve to secure an Assembly in which,
by union, both measures might be carried. Information was
diffused and interest excited by every means that could be
suggested, and the autumn elections were in consequence
such as to ensure the success of the two bills which were to
lay the foundation of so much physical and intellectual good
to Ohio.
The subject of civilizing ihe Indians was taken up as ear-
ly as July, 1789, and was kept constantly in view by the
United States Government from that time forward ; in 1819,
ten thousand dollars annually were appropriated by Congress
to that purpose, and great pains were taken to see that they
were wisely expended.^ In March of this year a report was
made by Mr. McLean, of Ohio, upon the proposition to stop
the appropriation above named ; against this proposition he
reported decidedly, and gave a favorable view of what had
been done, and what might be hoped for.7
• Ohio Canal Documents, 31 to 63.
t Atwatct'g History, 202.
^Lanman'a Micliigao, 227.
|! See the namoa of the mambara of the Ohio Assembly for 1311-5, and their vote.*, in
Alwatc, 3C3.
i Soo American Slate I'apcrj, vols. v. and vi. iniloxcs. See particularly vi. C 10 to 654.
\ American State Pajjcrs, vi. 467 to 459.
m v m
1826.
td ubovc,
I behalf of
II tlie be.«,
cxumina-
hc J ear.
lied their
3iirin^ an
formation
icw form
)rizcd the
mbors, to
js elected
! common
xisting to
le, during
in which,
■ition was
could be
isefiuence
h were to
tual good
p as car-
V by the
; in 1819,
Congress
;hat they
port was
1 to stop
jsition he
vhat had
;hcir vote?, in
'i. Cifl to 654.
Canal and School Imws pasted.
Upon the 4lh of February, 1825, a law was passed by Ohio,
authorizing the making of two canals, one from the Ohio
to Lake Krie, by the valleys of the Scioto and Muskingum ;
the other from Cincinnati to Dayton ; and a canal fund was
created : the vote in the House in favor of the law was 58
to 13, in the Senate 34 to 2*.
Upon the day following, the law to provide for a system
of common schools was also passed by largo majorities. f
These two laws were carried by the union of the friends
of each, and by the unremitting eflbrts of a few public spir-
ited men.
[The first edition of these Annals, compiled by the late
Mr. I'erkins, contains a lapse from 1826 to 1832. The re-
mainder, four pages, 560 to 561, is confined almost wholly
to events in Illinois and Missouri, which the editor is ex-
pected to give with more accuracy and in detail. We there-
fore close the body of the wo. : here and proceed to the Ap-
pendix.]
• Ohio Canal Doouments, 1&8 to 16tf. Chue, ii. 1472.
t Cbue, ii. 1466.
APPENDIX
i
CHAPTER I.
ANNALS OF UPPKR LOUISIANA.
■xploratlnns tnd DUoovariet. — Uiitorioul Sketch of the Lawl Mines.— French SoUloinent
ia IllinoU.— State of the country under Dritiih domination.
A number uf facts pertaining to Louisiana, and especially
the Upper District, have been reserved for the Appendix, that
they may appear in consecutive order, and be convenient for
reference. These we shall group under particular heads, and
subdivided by sections.
SECTION FIRST.
Exploration* and Discoveries.
During the short administration of D'lberville, (Annals, pp.
66, 68,) more than sixty persons perished with disease and
famine, so that at the close of the year 1706, the colony was
reduced to one hundred and fifty persons.
Feeble as was the colony, attempts were made to explore
new and distant regions. In the year 1700, M. de St. Den-
nis, with twelve Canadians and several Indians, made a voy-
age of discovery up Red River. After a tiresome expedition
of six months, the party returned without gaining any mate-
rial information concerning the Indian tribes on the Upper
Red River.
The same year Bienvil'e, with a party, ascended the same
river to Bayou Pierre, visi''d the villages of the Yattersee
Indians, and on the same excursion explored the Washita. —
The next year both these rivers were more fully explored by
St. Dennis, and in 1703, a settlement was made on the Wash-
ita. About the same period, another settlement, with a mis-
sion, was made on the Yazons.
St. Dennis, w"th" ten men, made another and more exten-
sive exploration up Red River, into Texas, for several hundred
.,1, ,
■» "1
;\
668
Appendix.
miles, meeting with no settlements until he reached " the Pre-
sidio, or fortress of St. John the Baptist, on the Rio del Norte,
in New Mexico." During this excursion St. Dennis, against
the remonstrance of Don Diego Raymond, the commandant
at the Presidio, pushed on to Mexico, and proposed a project
of commercial intercourse between the French colony of the
Mississippi and the Spanish colony in Mexico.*
St. Dennis spent fourteen years in various explorations in
Louisiana, Texas and Mexico. In 1716, he penetrated the
interior the third time, with mules, horses and goods, from
Nachitoches to Guadeloupe, in Texas, where the faithless
Spaniards met him, took his goods and conveyed him to Mex-
ico. Eventually he made his escape and came back by the
Presidio.f
Amongst the early explorers of Louisiana, wc must not
omit the name of Bernard dc la Harpe. Major Stoddard was
so fortunate as to find the original journal of this gentleman,
in manuscript, and communicated it to the Department of
State.
La Harpe, with a body of troops, ascended Red River to
the village of the Cadoques, in 1719, and built a fort which
be called St. Louis de Carlorette. A correspondence was
opened between him and the Spanish commandant, and also
the Superior of the Missions in Texas. The Spanish officers
expressed a desire to be at peace with the French, but claimed
that the post La Harpe occupied, was within the Spani-sh ter-
ritory. La Harpe replied that the Spaniards well knew the
post on Red River was not within the dominions of Spain ;
that the province they called Texas, formed a part of Louisi-
ana; that La Salle had discovered and taken possession of it
in 1685, and that this possession had been renewed at various
times since that period ; that the Spanish adventurer, Don
Antonio du Miroir, who discovered the northern provinces in
1683, never penetrated east of New Mexico, or the Rio Bra-
vo, [Rio del Norte ;] that the French were the first to make
alliances with the Indian nations; that the rivers flowed into
the Mississippi, consequently the lands between them belong-
ed to France ; and that if he would do him the pleasure of a
visit, he would find that he occupied a post which he knew
• Du Prate Louisiana, pp. 7, 12. Stoddaid's Sketches, p. 27.
tDu Prate, 12.
i»r
iu
d " the Prc-
) del Norte,
nis, against
ommandant
ed a project
ilony of the
lorations in
letrated the
^oods, from
the faithless
lim to Mex-
back by the
a must not
;oddard was
gentleman,
)artment of
,ed River to
I fort which
ide«ce was
nt, and also
nish officers
but claimed
Spanish ter-
ill knew the
s of Spain ;
t of Louisi-
ssession of it
d at various
nturer, Don
provinces in
tie Rio Bra-
irst to make
flowed into
lem belong-
leasure of a
ch he knew
Explorations and Discoveries.
669
how to defend. Tho contest ended with this correspondence,
and the post established by La Harpe, was maintained by
the French until Louisiana fell into the hands of Spain after
the treaty of 1762.
M. de la Harpe, in 1720, with half a dozen soldiers, a few
Indians, and eleven horses, loaded with goods and provisions,
made an excursion from his post on Red river, to the Washita
and Arkansas rivers. He met with a friendly reception from
the Indians, took possession of the country, and hoisted the
flag of France. He sold his goods profitably, and then floated
down the Arkansas in perogues to the Mississippi, and reached
Biloxi through Bayou Manchac, and lakes Maurepas and
Ponchartrain. On the Arkansas, La Harpe describes an In-
dian village of three miles in extent, containing upwards of
four thousand inhabitants. He describes it as situated about
one hundred and twenty miles south-west of the Osages.
Various attempts had been made by the French to establish
a colony on the bay of St. Bernard, without success. In 1721,
La Harpe, under royal orders, embarked at New Orleans with
a detachment of troops, engineers and draftsmen, to take a
more accurate survey of the bay and couatry than his pre-
decessors had done. He found eleven and a half feet of
water on the bar at the entrance, and surveyed four large
rivers that entered it. He described the soil along the coast
as extremely fertile, and the country beautifully variegated
with woods, prairies, and streams of pure water. This bay is
now known as Galveston.
Another explorer was named M. Dutisne. He was sent out
to explore the country of the Missouris, Osages, and Panoucas.
He ascended the Mississippi to the mouth of Saline river,
about twenty miles below Ste. Genevieve, and from thence
traveled westward, over a rocky, broken and timbered coun-
try, as he reckoned, th'-ee hundred and fifty miles, to ttie prin-
cipal village of the Osages. This village he describes as sit-
uated on a hill five miles from the Osage river, and contained
about one hundred cabins. These Indians spent but a small
part of their time at their village, being engaged in hunting
the other part.
The Panoucas [Poncas ?] were in two villages, about one
hundred and twenty miles west of the Osages, in a prairie
country, abounding with bufl^aloes. Near them were three
670
Appendix.
hundred horses, which the Indians prized exceedingly. The
Paonis, [Pawnees] were at the distance of four hundred and
fifty miles. The village of the Missouris was situated three
hu idrcd and fi ty yards from the river that bears their nane.
M. Dutiisne took formal possession of the country in the name
of the king of France, ai, ' erected posts with the king's arms
as a testimony of their claim.*
Another party under Lesueur, ascended the Mississippi to
the Falls of St. Anthony,- which D'Akau and Hennepin had
visited in 1680. [Annals, p. 39.] This was in 1702.
The party under Lesueur, then proceeded up the St. Pe-
ter's river, as they estimated, one hundred and twenty mi'ca,
and entered a stream they called Green river, near which they
found a mine of copper and ochre. Here a fort was erected,,
and named VHuiller, said by the party to be in north lati-
tude 44 deg. 13 minutes. The Indians regarding this posi-
tion as an encroachment on their rights, the party retired in the
course of the year to the mouth of another small river, about
one hundred miles above the Wisconsin, where they built
another fort, and opened mines of copper. At still another
place, about forty miles above the river St. Croix, they found
considerable quantities of copper, and one piece that weighed
sixty pounds. The Indians being hostile, they found it pru-
dent to retreat, and abandon that remote country.f
The explorers next turned their attention up the Missouri,
which they ascended in 1706, as far as the mouth of the Kan-
zas river, and met with a friendly reception from the natives.
Soon after they were engaged in a profitable trade with the
Kanzas and Missouries.
And here, probably, is the place to record an invasion of
Missouri from the Spanish country.
The Spaniards of Mexico had been successful in their per-
fidy with St. Dennis in Texas, and in exciting the Assinais
against the French on Red River. They knew the importance
of the Missouri river, and were anxious to obtain a strong posi-
tion on its border. They readily conceived that such a measure,
if prosecuted successfully, would confine the claims of the
French to the Illinois side of the Mississippi, and turn the
current of the Indian trade up the Mis.souri. Their first ob-
• Stoddard's Sketches, pp. 39 to 44.
t Stoddard, 27. Martin's Louisiana, i. 155.
ngly. The
undred and
aated three
their nana,
n the name
king's arms
[ississippi to
innepin had
)2.
the St. Pe-
^enty mi'ca,
■ which they
iv as erected,,
i north lati-
g this posi-
etired in the
river, about
B they built
till another
they found
lat weighed
}und it pru-
■t
lie Missouri,
of the Kan-
the natives,
de with the
invasion of
in their per-
the Assinais
importance
strong posi-
b a measure,
aims of the
,nd turn the
eir first ob-
Exploralions and Discoveries.
671
ject was to conquer the Mis.souri nation, who lived on the
bank of the Missouri river, a short distance above the mouth
of the Kanzas, and plant a colony at that place. These In-
dians were friendly to the French, and at that time were at
war with the Pawnees, whom the Spaniards expected to etf-
list as their allies.
A numerous caravan to form a considerable colony, started
from Santa Fe, in 1720, and marched in pursuit of the Paw-
nee villages; but they lost their wa> and made the unlucky
blunder to get among the Missouries, whose destruction they
meditated. Ignorant of the country and mistaking the Mis-
souries for Pawnees, they communicated their object without
reserve, and requested their co-operation. The Missouries
manifested no surprise at this unexpected visit, and only re-
quested time to assemble their warriors.
In forty-eight hours two thousand appeared in arms. They
attacked the Spaniards in the night, and killed the whole
party, except the priest, who succeeded in making his escape
on horse-back. Some writers assert it was the Osages ; but
the records preserved in Santa Fe, authorize the statement
here given.*
This bold measure of the Spaniards, in penetrating into a
country with which they had no acquaintance, for eight hun-
dred miles from their own, apprized the French of danger,
and prompted them to provide a defence in that quarter. —
Accordingly, M de Bourgmont,was dispatched with a consid-
erable force to take possession of an Island in the Missou-
ri river, some distance above the mouth of the Csage river,
on which he built Fort Orleans.
At that period the " P^doucas," whose country was north
and west of the Missouries, were at war with the latter and
their allies, the Kanzas, Ottoes, Osages, " Aia-ouez" [loways]
and Pani-Mahas. M. de Bourgmont, in 1724, made an ex-
tensive exploration from Fort Orleans, to the north-west, ac-
companied by a few French soldiers and a large party of
friendly Indians. His object was a general peace amongst
all these nations, and an extensive trade with them. In this
enterprizc he was successful. He set out on the 3rd of July,
and returned to the fort on the 5th of November.f
» Abhe Raynal'a EastandWeit Indies, r. p. 180. Stoddard'^ Sketohei, 45, 46. We(-
more's GaMtoer, 199.
■\ Du Pratz, from Bourgmont'a Journal, pp. 63 to 74. ^ v ,
672
Appendix.
Soon after this event, probably the next year, Fort Orleans
was attacked and entirely destroyed by the Indians, the French
were all massacred, but it was never known by whom this
bloody work was performed. From this time troubles of a
serious nature began with the Indians, which lasted sixteen
years.*
In 1723, La Harpe.with an exploring party, left the Yazoo
river, on the l5th February, and ascended the Mississippi, and
then the Arkansas, until he reached a village of the Arkansas
Indians, where he found a Frenchman by the name of Du-
boulay, who with a party, was stationed here to protect these
Indians and the French traders. La Ilarpe then proceeded to
'• Law's grant," which lay N. N. W. from the village, on the
right side of the river. Here was a settlement of about
" thirty persons, of all ages and sexes," who had a small
clearing sown with wheat.f Other explorations will come in,
in connection with the lead mines.
SECTION SECOND.
* Historical Sketch of the Mines of Missouri.
The grant of the fancied gold and silver mines of the Mis-
sissippi, and the monstrous banking scheme of John Law,
have already been sufficiently noticed. [Annals, pp. 59, 60.]
The retrocession of this privilege by Crozat to the crown of
France, was immediately followed by granting letters patent
to " The Company of the West" an association of individuals
at Paris. This company had exclusive privileges to the com-
merce of Louisiana, and working the mines, with the right
of disposal of the lands. The project of an exploration for
minerals was started in France. Gold, silver and diamonds,
— not the paltry gatherings of lead, copper ahd iron, —
were the objects sought. The most liberal inducements to
French emigrants, especially miners and mechanics, were
held out, and Phillip Francis Renault, as the agent and man-
ager of " the Company of St. Phillips" came out. This com-
pany was a branch of the Company of the West, for prosecu-
ting the mining business in Upper Louisiana. He left France
in 1719, with 200 mechanics, miners and laborers, and pro-
vided with all things necessary to prosecute the objects of the
company. , .,
•Stoddard, 46. .- i ,
t Mania, L 260. '■""' ■'-■'"'':--*■'/ ./, •;',>- — _., •
!'.."W^jp«
Sketch of the Lead Mines.
673
rt Orleans
he French
rvhom this
ibles of a
id sixteen
the Yazoo
sippi, and
Arkansas
nc of Du-
>tect these
>cecded to
je, on the
of about
I a small
1 come in,
f the Mis-
ohn Law,
I. 59,60.]
crown of
;rs patent
idivlduals
» the com-
the right
ation for
liamonds,
d iron, —
sments to
lies, were
and man-
Phis com-
■ prosecu-
ft France
and pro-
cts of the
At St. Domingo, he bought five hundred slaves for working
the mines, vvliich he brought to Illinois, where he arrived in
1720.
Ilenault established himself and his colony a few miles
above Kaskaskia, in what is now the south-\vi(st corner of
Monroe county, and called the village he founded St. I'liillips.
Great excitement existed in France at the pro.spective suc-
cess of Renault, and large expectations were entertained in
returns of gold and silver, all which resulted in woful dis-
appointment.
From th's point he sent out his mining and exploring parties
into various sections of Illinois and Upper Loui.siana, as Mis-
souri was then called. Excavations for minerals were made
along Drewry's creek in Jackson county, about the St. Mary in
Randolph county, in Monroe county, along Silver creek in St.
Clair county, and many other places in Illinois, the remains
of which are still visible. Silver creek took its name from
the explorers, and tradition states that considerable quanti-
ties of silver ore was raised and sent over to France. It is
thought, however, that no successful discoveries were made.
in Missouri, the exploring and mining parties were headed
by M. La Motte, an agent said to have been wefl versed in the
knowledge of mining. In one of his earliest excursions, he
discovered the lead mines on the St. Francois, which bears his
name.
Renault made various discoveries of lead, and made con-
siderable excavations at the mines north of Potosi, Mo., that
still bear his name ; but the company were entirely disap-
pointed in all their high raised expectations of finding gold
and silver.
Renault finally turned his whole attention to the smelting
of lead, of which he made considerable quantities. It was
conveyed from the interior on pack horses to the Mississippi
river, sent to New Orleans in perogues, and from thence ship-
ped to France.
The operations of Renault were retarded and checked from
a quarter least expected. The French King at Paris, in May,
1719, issued an edict by which the " Company of the West"
was united to the East India and China Company, under the
title of the Royal Company of the Indies ; {La Comjxignie
Royale des Indies.) And in 1731, the whole territory was re-
Sv.
tl
674
Appendix.
troceded to the crown of France; the objects of the company
(including the monster bank of John Law,) [Annals, 69, 60,]
totally failed, and Renault was left to prosecute the mining
business without means.
The explorations for mineral treasures extended to the banks
of the Ohio and Kentucky rivers, and to the Cumberland Val-
ley, in Tennessee, and even to the mountain range between
the eastern waters and those of the Mississippi Valley. —
" French Lick," now Nashville, was a rallying point in those
early days, and subsequently became a trading post of the
French, long before the pioneers from Virginia and North
Carolina visited that range.
The exertions of Renault on behalf of the " Company of
the West," and his claims for services, were not passed over
by the government. Four grants of land, already noticed,
were made, covering large tracts of country, and which bear
date June 14th, 1723, but whether legal, has not been decided.
One of these was at " Old Piof-a" on the Illinois river, said
to embrace a copper-mine, the discovery of which was the
consideration. Another large tract included Fort Chartres,
and the village of St. Phillips, (called also Little Village,) in
the south-west corner of Monroe county, Illinois, and extends
back from the river beyond the bluffs, known still as the "Re-
nault Grant."
He continued in the Illinois country many years after the
explosion of the " Mississippi bubble." After disposing of his
slaves, (or those of the company,) to the French inhabitants
in Illinois, he returned to his native country, in 1744.* Thus
ended the first series of efforts at mining in Illinois and Mis-
souri-
Very little was done in the way of mining under the Span-
ish government. As settlements increased, after a lapse of
years, .some new discoveries were made and operations for
lead resumed. The most important and principal discovery,
made under Spanish authority, was Mi7ie a Burton, which
took its name from a Frenchman who, while hunting in that
quarter, found the ore lying on the surface of the ground. It
is impossible now to fix the exact date of this discovery, as
Mr. Burton, when living in 1819, could not then recollect.
* Schoolcraft's View of the Mines, New York, 1819, pp. 14 to 17.
pert, U. 162.
American State Pa-
be company
als, 69, 60,]
the mining
to the banks
lerlanJ Val-
ige between
i Valley. —
int in those
post of the
and North
Company of
passed over
idy noticed,
which bear
Ben decided,
is river, said
ich was the
)rt Chartres,
Village,) in
and extends
as the "Re-
irs after the
posing of his
inhabitants
44.* Thus
)is and Mis-
er the Span-
r a lapse of
aerations for
al discovery,
nj-ton, which
nting in that
ground. It
discovery, as
en recollect.
nerican SUt« Pa-
Sketch of M. Burton.
676
only it was about /or/y years previous. This would make the
discovery to have been about 1780.
It is here pertinent to the design of this work, to introduce
the following sketch of the life of M. Burton, as drawn from
personal knowledge, by Col. Thos. II. Benton, of St. Louis,
who saw Burton, and gathered the facts from him and his
friends. The article is to be found in the '• St. Louis Enquir-
er," of October 16th, 1818.
" He is a Frenchman from the north of France. In the
forepart of the last century, he served in the low countries un-
der the orders of Marshal Saxe. He was at the siege o'i Ber-
gen op-zoom, and assisted in the assault of that place when it
was assailed by a division of Marshal Saxe's army, under the
command of Count Lowendahl. He has also seen service
upon the continent. He was at the building of Fort Chartres,
on the American bottom, afterwards went to Fort Du Qnesne,
(now Pittsburgh) and was present at Braddock's defeat. From
the life of a soldier. Burton passed to that of a hunter, and in
that character, about half a century ago, while pursuing a
bear to the west of the Mississippi, he discovered the rich
lead mines which have borne his name ever since. His pre-
sent age cannot be ascertained. He was certainly an old sol-
dier at Fort Chartres, when some of the people of the present
day were little children at that place. The most moderate
computation will make him one hundred and six. He now
lives in the family of Mr. Micheaux, at the Little Rock ferry,
three miles above Ste. Genevieve, and walks to that village
almost every Sunday to attend Mass. He is what we call a
square built man, of five feet eight inches high, full chest and
forehead ; his sense of seeing and hearing somewhat impair-
ed, but free from disease, and apparently able to hold out
against time for many years to come."
So far as the process of mining was pursued under the Span-
ish government, it appears to have been rude and imperfect,
and not more than fifty per cent, of lead obtained from the
ore. The common open log furnace was the only kind em-
ployed in smelting, and the lead-ashes were thrown away as
useless.
In 1797, the late Moses Austin, Esq., a native of Connecti-
cut, and who had been engaged in mining in Wythe county,
Va., arrived in Upper Louisiana, visited and explored the
country about Mine a Burton, and obtained a grant of land of
one league square, from the Spanish authorities, in considera-
676
Appendix.
tion of erecting a rcvcrbcratory furnace and otlier works for
prosecuting; the mining business at those mines.*
Associated with Mr. Austin, was his son Stephen F. Aus-
tin, who, in 1798, commenced operations, erected a suitab'o
furnace for smelting the " ashes of lead," and sunk the first
regular shaft for raising ore. These improvements revived the
mining business, and drew to the country many American
families, who settled in the neighborhood of the mines. The
next year a shot-tower was built on the pinnacle of the cliff
near Ilerculaneum, under the superintendence of Mr. Elias
Bates, and patent shot were made. A manufactory of sheet
lead was completed the same year, and the Spanish arsenals
at New Orleans and Havana, received a considerable part of
their supplies for the Spanish navy from these mines.
The enterprizing Americans soon discovered Mine Robino,
Mine a Martin, and several others, and at the period of the
annexation of the territory to the United States, the mines
were extensively and advantageously worked. We give in
connection, the names and localities of the principal mines
worked under the Spanish government.
Mines.
Locality.
Mine La Motte, . - - - Head of St. Francis river.
Mine a Joe, On Flat river.
Mine a Burton, (now Potosi, on a branch of Mineral Fork.)
Old Mines, --..,. On Mineral Fork.
Renault's Mines, on Fourche a Renault, a branch of Mineral
Fork.
In a few years after the cession, Shibboleth, New Diggings,
Labaume's, Bryan's, and several other mines were discovered
and opened.
These mines attracted the attention of the American gov-
ernment at the earliest period, and measures were taken by
General Wilkinson to ascertain the situation and extent of the
mines; their annual product; the manner of working them ;
and such other information as was necessary to the action of
government.
Copper mines were discovered on the Merrimac river, by
the mineralogical explorers under Renault and La Motte.
* Uowe'8 Virginia, Wytb« county, p. 515. Schoolcraft 'i Lead Minei, p. 19.
p works for
jn F. Aus-
a suitab'o
ik the first
revived the
American
lines. The
of the cliff
f Mr. Elias
ry of sheet
sh arsenals
ible part of
les.
le Robino,
riod of the
the mines
We give in
ipal mines
CIS river,
leral Fork.)
of Mineral
r Diggings,
discovered
rican gov-
s taken by
tent of the
ing them ;
e action of
c river, by
La Motte.
19.
Alines nf the Upper Mississippi.
677
Several attempts were made to work them, but from some
cause they were not successful in separating the metal from
the slag.
The richest mines, both of lead and copper, were discovered
on the IFpper Mississippi. They have yielded from eighty to
ninety per cent, of pure lead.
In 1786, Julien I)ubu(iue, an enterprising Canadian, visited
this region, explored its mineral wealth, returned two years
after, and, at a council held with the Indians in 1788, obtained
from them a grant of t large tract of land, amounting to
140,000 acres, beginning on the West side of the Mississippi.
Here he resided, and obtained great wealth in mining and
trading with the Indians, and died in 1810. His grave is
about one mile below the city of Dubuque, in the State of
Iowa.
The mines of the Upper Mississippi, arc between Kock
and Wisconsin rivers on the cast, and about the same paral-
lel on the west side of that river.
For many years the Indians and some of the French cour-
iers du hois, had been accustomed to dig led in the mineral
region about Galena. But they never penetrated much be-
low the surface, though they obtained considerable quantities
of mineral.
In 1823, the late Colonel James Johnson, of Kentucky, ob-
tained a lease from the United States' government, to prose-
cute the business of mining and smelting, which he did with a
strong force and much enterprize. This movement attracted
the attention of enterprising men in Illinois, Mis.souri, and
other States. Some went on in 1826, more following in 1827,
and in 1827, the country was almost literally filled with
miners, smelters, merchants, speculators, gamblers, and every
description of character. Intelligence; enterprise, and virtue,
were thrown in the midst of dissipation, gambling, and every
species of vice. Such was the crowd of adventurers in 1829,
to this hitherto almost unknown and desolate region, that the
lead business was greatly overdone, and the market tor a
while nearly destroyed. Fortunes were made almost upon a
turn of a spade, and lost with equal facility. The business; is
prosecuted to a great extent. Exhaustless quantities of mine-
ral exist here, over a tract of country two hundred miles in
extent.
From 1821, to 'September, 1823, the amount of lead made
in the vicinity of Galenft, Illinois, was 335,130 pounds. Dur-
■I.-
K
078
Appendix.
ing the nnict succeeding ten years, the ftg'gregntc was about
seventy millions of pounds.
Tliu rtvcip.i^t; nu nbor of miners during the year 1826, was
100; in 1826, 400; and in 1827, 1,600. Many citizens of I|.
linois, frum the counties of 8t. Clair, Madison, tl^c, went up
the river with supplies of provision in the spring, to prosecute
mining, and returned downward and homeward at the ap-
proach of winter. From this trifling incident, a mischievous
wag from "Yankeedom," ycleped the people of Illinois, "Suck-
ers," from these migratory miners.
Copper, in considerable quantities, is now raised and
smelted on the Upper Mississippi.
SECTION THIRD.
Frtnch Settlementa in lllinoii.
The exact date of the first permanent settlements in Illinois,
cannot now be ascertained, unless we regard the trading post
of Crcvec(uur, near the present site of Peoria, as the first,
and there is no evidence that this remained a continuous, and
therefore permanent station. [See Annals, p. 39.J
Cahokia, (called in early times, "Notre Dame des Kafiokias,")
from probable evidence appears to have been a trading post
and mission station earlier than KaskasUia. We find no evi-
dence to sustain the statement of the author, whose very im-
perfect and incongruous work has been attributed to Tonti,
that La Salle, on his return from his exploration of the Lower
Mississippi, lefl colonies at these places. It is inferred from
a variety of circumstances, that both Cahokia and Kaskaskia
were settled by traders and missionaries, as early, if not previ-
ous to 1699.
Father AUouez, a Jesuit missionary, and a companion of La
Salle, appears to have been the first at Kaskaskia. It is pas-
sible he, in company with some traders, laid the foundation of
Kaskaskia, and, if so, its priority to Cahokia, is decided. Fa-
ther Gravier succeeded AUouez about 1690, and the station
was called "The Village of the Immaculate Conception of the
Holy Virgin."
About the period of Father Gravier, two missionaries, Pinet
and Binniteu, came to the country. It is stated on respectable
authority, that Father Pinet founded Cahokia, and was
successful in converting a large number of the aborigines.
was about
1826, was
tizcns of II.
3., went up
o prosecute
at the ap-
TiiNchievous
lois, "Suck-
raised and
<i in Illinois,
rading post
ia the first,
inuous, and
Kahokias")
rading post
find no c vi-
se very im-
1 to Tonti,
the Lower
ferred from
Kaskaskia
f not previ-
inion of La
It is \i0.i-
undation of
:ided. Fa-
the station
jtion of the
aries, Pinet
respectable
and was
aborigines.
French Sitlhmentu in llHnais.
679
llis chapel could accommodate only a part of the multitude
that resorted to mass. The indians were of the Cahokia and
Tamnroas tribes, two branches of the confederacy of the Illi-
nois.
Binniteu follo\*cd the tribe to which he was attached, to
their hunting grounds in the interior, where he died with a
fever. Pinet soon after died, and Uabriel Marest joined the
Illinois missions, and for some time appears to have had the
whole under his charge.
Whatever may be thought of the doctrines they taught, or
their mode of converting Indians, by Protestants, (a question
not necessary to be discussed in this work,) they were a heroic,
devoted, self-sacrificing class of men. Their journals as found
in that curious and instructive work, "Lctkrs Edijiunles et
Curicuses" (Curious and Edifying Letters,) give abundant
proof of this fact, as they do of the general topography of the
country, and the number, position and characteristics of the
Indian tribes.
Father Marest, in his correspondence says : "Our life is
passed in rambling through thick woods, in climbing over hills,
in paddling the canoes across lakes and rivers, to catch a poor
savage who flics from us, and whom we can neither tame by
teachings nor caresses."
Sebastian Rasles, (or Rale, as given in his life in Sparks'
biography,) came to Illinois in 1692. He embarked at Que-
bec the 13th of August, 1691, spent the winter at Michilli-
mackinac, and reached Kaskaskia the following spring. A
letter before ud gives an interesting description of the man-
ners and customs of the Illinois Indians. He gives a descrip-
tion of the Indian mode of torturing their prisoners, and
says: "It was the Iroquois that invented this frightful mode
of putting captives to death, and it is but just that the Illinois
should repay them in the same way." Rather strange morality
for a religious teacher.
It is but just, however, to give these missionaries in Illinois
the credit of putting an end to the torture of prisoners among
the tribes under their immediate instruction.
On the difTiculties of christianizing the Indians of Illinois,
we give the following extract from the communication of
Father Rasle, as translated from the " Lettres Edifiantes," by
John Russell, Esq.
680
Appendix,
"Thiit wliich \vc call cliiistiiinily, is known nmonj^ tin- In-
dians only hy tlio word J'lvijn: NMien in my Itttfis I niy
«U(!li and sncli tribes liave rnibrarcd tlir J'nn/i'r, joii arc to
undt-rstanil that lliry have Ijcconie clirislianizcil. Tlicrc would
be inllnili'ly less dillicnlty in eonvertiny the Illinois, if i-tli«i,)n
and polygamy eould ko toj;eHier. The Indians are ex-
tremely pleased with havinj,' nie eonvert their wives and chil-
dren ; but wlnn I talk to them they show their native incon-
stancy, and say they cannot think of bein;; compelled to have
but one wile and to ke«'p that one always.
At the hour of Matins and \espers a/l the Indians, younj;
and old, attend in the chapel. All the children, except those
of the I'owows [Jongleurs,] arc baj)ti/ed. 'i'lie jongleurs are
the greatest enemies to religion. It is in the baptism of the
Infant.s that the great fruits of our labor are manifest, for all
of these children do not die in infancy, and tho.'-e who grow
up to adult age, arc zealous, and would sooner die than re-
nounce their religion. It is a happy thing for the Illinois that
they are so far from Quebec, for now brandy cannot be so
easily brought to them as to other tribes of Canada. This
drink is the grand obstacle to christianizing the Indians, and
the source of infinite crimes.
Father llasle continued in Illinois two years, when he was
"ecallcd by the Superior and stationed among the Aberna-
quis in Maine, where himself and Indian converts were bar-
barously massacred by a party of New Englandersi*
Charlevoix, in a scries of letters addressed to the Duchess
Lesdlguieres, entitled " Journal of n Voyage to North Ameri-
ca,* writes from Kaskaskia, October 20th, 1721, as follows
about Cahokia: —
" We lay last night in a village of the Cnorpiins and the
Tamarous, two Illinois tnbcs which have been united, and to-
gether compose no very numerous canton. This village is
situated on a very small river which runs from the east, and
has no water but in the spring season, so that we were obliged
to walk half a league, before we could get to our cabins. I
vyas astonished they had pitched upon so inconvenient a situa-
tion, especially as they had so many better in their choice.—
Hut I was told the Mis-sissippi washed the foot of that village
when it was built ; that in three years it had lost half a leaguo
of its breadth, and that they were thinking of seeking out for
another habitation, which is no great afl'air among the Indians.
"I passed the night in the missionaries' house, who are two
ecclesiastics from the Seminary of Quebec, formerly my di.s-
ciples, but they must now be my masters.
• Soo bit Life in Spark's Biography, second scricj. ■ >
•"^ .. jJiJ.i i U.m i! i |i
Fren h SiitUtncnts in I/linoin.
681
y IftltTM I m\y
'\ you uro to
'riicn- would
lis, if ixli^'ioii
iaiiN are <'x-
xt'H and chil-
iiutivi; incon-
t'llrd to have
dinris, younfr
rxcrpt those
intiRlinirs arc
tptJMn of tilt'
uiifcNt, for all
iM' who grow
!• (lie than rc-
; Illinois that
cannot be so
iinada. TiiiH
Indians, und
vhcn he was
the Aberna-
rts were bar-
•rs.*
the Duchess
^orth Ameri-
1, as Ibllows
iiius and the
litod, and to-
liis village is
the east, and
were obliged
ir ca])ins. I
lient a situa-
eir choice. —
' that village
lalf a league
eking out lor
; the Indians,
who are two
lerly my dis-
M. Tauimir, the eldest of the two, wos absent ; but I found
theyfUinn;eHt, M. le Mercier, such as he had been represented
to me, ri^id to hiinseIC, full of charity to oth«Ts, and disj)lay-
irig in his own person, an amiable pattern of virtue."
Of KaslvBskift and the mission there, Father Charlevoix
■ay«,(p 221.)
" Yesterday I arrived at Kaskasquias about nine o'clock in
the mornini,'. The .Jesuits have here a very (lotu-ishing mis-
sion, which has lately been divided into two, thinking it con-
venient to have two cantons of Indians instead of one. The
most numerous is on the banks of the Mississippi, of which
two .lesuits have the spiritual direction : half a league below
stands Fort Chartrcs, about the distance of a musket shot
from the river. M. de Hoinbrilliard, a gentlenmn of (Janada,
commands here for the eotn|)any, to whom thispTace belongs;
the French are now beginning to settle the coult4ry between
this fort and the first mission. Four leagues fartlier and about
n league from the river, is a large village inhabited by tho
FVench, who are almost all Canadians and have a Jesuit for
their curate. The second village of the Illinois lies farther
up the country, at the distance of two leagues from this last,
and is under the chargf? of a fourth Jesuit.
The French in this place live pretty much at their ease ; a
Fleming, who was a domestic of the Jesuits, hns taught them
to sow wheat w hieh succeeds very well. They have black
cattle and poultry. The Illinois on their part manure the
ground alter their fashion, and are very laborious. They like-
wise bring up poultry, which they sell to the French. Their
women are very neat-handed and indu.strious. They spin the
■wool of the buffalo, which they make as fine as that of the
English sheep ; nay sometimes it might even be mistaken for
silk. Of this they manufacture stuffs which are dyed blacky
yellow, or a deep red. Of these stuffs they make robes which
they sew with thread made of the sinews of the roe-buck. —
The manner of making this thread is very simple. After
stripping the fle.sh from the sinews of the roe-buck, they ex-
pose them to the sun for the space of two days : after they
are dry they beat them, and then without difficulty draw out
a thread as white and as fine as that of Mechlin, but much
stronger."
Besides tho.se already mentioned, between the years 1680
and 1700, we find the names of Gabriel de la Ribourdie and
Zenobe Mambre, as missionaries in Illinois. A congregation
composed of a few Frenchmen, and, probably, some Indians,
especially females, was collected near Fort St. Louis, on the
" Great Rock." This was on the Illinois river a few miles be-
43
li
i;
682
Appendix.
low the present site of Ottawa. The traders generally mar-
ried Indian wives and lived in amity with them. The success
in converting Indians, even to the Catholic faith, was not
great, for Father Gravier mentions only seven persons as bap-
tized, in his register of baptisms among the Indians, from the
20th of March, 1696, to the 22iid of February., 1699.*
In the year 1718, the Directors of the Company of the West,
sent M. (ie Boisbriant, with a small military force, to establish
a post near Kaskaskia, and the same year he began a fortifi-
cation called Fort Gkartres. (This is probably the same offi-
cer Charlevoix names Boisbrilliard.) What rule of military
engineering was his guide in fixing the site on the American
bottom, three miles from the quarry of rock, " a musket shot
from the river,' and on ground subject to inundation, we cannot
conjecture. A more unfortunate location could not have been
selected. Some historians have stated that this fort was con-
structed for a defence against Spanish aggression. But at the
period it was commenced, no Spanish post existed nearer than
Santa Fe, and no one dreamed of an attack from that quar-
ter. The object was protection to the villages and the min-
ing companies about to be sent forth, from any hostile demon-
strations of the Indians.
The plan of the structure erected by M. Boisbriant is un-
known to the writer. Another structure built on the same site
in 1756, will be noticed in the next section.
During the years of 17l8 and 1719, the French settlements
of Cahokia, Kaskaskia and Fort Chartres, were increased by
immigration from Canada, and from France by the way of
New Orleans. M. Renault, as has been noticed in the pre-
ceding section, brought with him a large number of European
adventurers, and 500 slaves from the West Indies.
On the 2nd of September, 1721, the council deputed by the
King of France, for the government of the Royal Company
of the Indies, enacted a series of articles, regulating trade,
commerce, and even prices. This ordinance may be found in
Dillon's Indiana, volume i. pages 40, 44.
The trade and commerce of Louisiana was monopolized by
the Company of the Indies, and for the upper district the fac-
tory or stone house was establi^^hed at Fort Chartres. The
commandant of that post, M. Pierre Duque Boisbriant, the re-
' • Dillon'* IndiA'iit, i. 27.
Grams of Land in Illinois.
683
nerally mar-
rhe success
th, was not
ions as bap-
ns, from the
99.*
of the West,
to establish
ran a fortifi-
le same offi-
of military
le American
musket shot
n,we cannot
ot have been
art was con-
But at the
nearer than
a that quar-
md the min-
(stile demon-
briant is un-
;he same site
ii settlements
increased by
f the way of
1 in the pre-
of European
iputed by the
yal Company
ilating trade,
y be found in
)nopolized by
strict the fac-
lartres. The
)riant, the re-
presentative of the crown, and the Commissary of Company,
or '-'Principal Secretary," Marc Antoine de la Loire De Ur-
sins, jointly acted in granting lands.
The oldest on record of .which we are aware, is a grant
made on the 10th of May, 1722,* to Charles Danie. The next
is on the 22nd of June, the same year, at which time Brois-
briant and Des Ursins made a grant to the missionaries of Ca-
hokiaand Tamarois, " a tract of four leagues of land square,"
(as expressed in the grant,) bounded on the west side of the
Mississippi, including the adjacent islands, beginning a "quar-
ter of a league above the little river of Cahokia," and ex-
tending south and east for quantity. This grant was in fee
simple, and from it have emanated the titles to the village
tract and common fields of Cahokia.f
In the Annals, page 195, we mentioned the concealment or
destruction of papers by Madame Rocheblave, the Governor's
wife, when Kaskaskia was taken by General Clark. It is
supposed that many of the grants and concessions perished at
this or some other period.
There are no events of material importance in the records
of history, from the dissolution of the Company of the Indies,
until the war between England and France of 1756 ; the year
in which Fort Chartres was rebuilt, a sketch of which is con-
tained in the next section. The male population of the country,
inaddition to the cultivation of their farms, were the voyageurs
on the rivers, and the courieurs des bois in the trading expedi-
tions.
The leaders in all the French colonies on the Mississippi,
were gentlemen of education and energy of character, while
the large majority w.^re illiterate jaaysans, who possessed little
property and less enterprize.
But they were a contented race, patient under hardships,
unambitious, ignorant of the prolific resources, and destitute
of the least perception of its future destiny. They never trou-
bled themselves with the afiairs of government, never indul-
ged in schemes of aggrandizement, nor showed the least in-
clination for political domination. They were a frank,
open-hearted, unsuspicious, joyous people, careless of the ac-
quisition of property.
•American State Papers, Public Lands, ii. 164.
t American State Papers, iu 167.
684
Appendix.
iMi*' 'o'
f; •■
^ I
i '<
The following truthful and graphic sketch we copy from
"Sketches of the West," by James Hall, Esq.
They made no attempt to acquire land from the Indians, to
organize a social system, to introduce municipal regulations,
or to establish military defences ; but cheerfully obeyed the
priests and the king's officers, and enjoyed the present, with-
out troubling their heads about the future. They seem to
have beer, even careless as to the acquisition of property, and
its transmission to theii* heirs. Finding themselves in a fruit-
ful country, abounding in game, where the necessaries of life
could be procured with little labor, where no restraints
■were imposed by government, and neither tribute nor per-
sonal service was exacted, they were content to live in
unambitious peace, and comfortable poverty. They took
possesiiion of so much of the vacant land around them, as
they were disposed to till, and no more. Their agriculture
was rude ; and even to this day, some of the implements of
husbandry, and modes of cultivation, brought from France a
century ago, remain unchanged by the march of mind, or the
hand of innovation. Their houses were comfortable, and
they reared fruits and flowers; evincing, in this respect, an
attention to comfort and luxury, which has not been practised
among the English or American first settlers ; but in the ac-
cumulation of property, and in all the essentials of industry,
they were indolent and improvident, rearing only the bare
necessaries of life, and living from generation to generation
without change or improvement.
The only new articles which the French adopted, in conse-
quence of their change of residence, were those connected
with the fur trade. The few who were engaged in merchan-
dise, turned their attention almost exclusively to the traffic
with the Indians, while a large number became hunters and
boatmen. The voyageurs, engagecs, and couriers dcs bois, as
they are called, form a peculiar race of men. They were ac-
tive, sprightly, and remarkably expert in their vocation. With
all the vivacity of the French character, they have little of
the intemperance and brutal coarseness usually found among
the boatmen and mariners. They are patient under fatigue,
and endure an astonishing degree of toil and exposure to
weather. Accustomed to live in the open air, they pass
through every extreme, and all the sudden vicissitudes of cli-
mate, with little apparent inconvenience. Their boats are
nianagod with expertness, and even grace, and their toil en-
livened by the song. As hunters, they have roved over the
whole of the wide plain of the west, to the Rocky Mountains,
sharing the hospitality of the Indians, abiding for long peri-
ods, and even permanently, with the tribes, and sometimes
seeking their alliance by marriage. As boatmen, they navi-
» ''
copy from
I Indians, to
regulations,
obeyed the
esent, with-
hey seem to
roperty, and
3s in a iruit-
isaries of life
to restraints
ute nor per-
t to live in
They took
nd them, as
' agriculture
nplements of
)m France a
mind, or the
ortable, and
s respect, an
3en practised
ut in the ac-
( of industry,
nly the bare
generation
ted, in conse-
se connected
1 in merchan-
to the traffic
I hunters and
Ts dcs bois, as
'hey were ac-
cation. With
have little of
found among
under fatigue,
I exposure to
dr, they pass
isitudes of cli-
eir boats are
I their toil en-
»ved over the
jy Mountains,
for long peri-
nd sometimes
en, they navi-
Character of the French Population.
686
gate the birch canoe to the sources of the longest rivers, and
pass from one river to another, by laboriously carrying the
packages of merchandise, and the boat itself, across moun-
tains, or through swamps or woods, so that no obstacle stops
their progrei?s. Like the Indian, they can live on game,
without condiment or bread ; like him they sleep in the open
air, or plunge into the water at any season, without injury.
The French had also a fort on the Ohio, about thirty-six
miles above the junction of that river with the Mississippi, of
which the Indians obtained possession by a singular strata-
gem. A number of them appeared in the day time on the
opposite side of the river, each covered with a bear-skin,
walking on all-fours, and imitating the motions o» that ani-
mal. The French supposed them to be bears, and a party
crossed the river in pursuit of them. The remainder of the
troops left their quarters, and resorted to the bank of the river,
in front of the garrison, to observe the sport. In the mean-
time, a large body of Indian warriors, who were concealed
in the woods near by, came silently up behmd the fort, entered
it without opposition, and very few of the French escaped
the carnage. They afterwards built another fort on the same
ground, which they called Massacre, in memory of this dis-
astrous event, and which retained the name of Fort Massac,
after it passed into the hands of the American government. *
The foregoing statement is a truthful one according to all
the traditionary evidence we can collect. We find no authority
for the word "Marsiac," as given by Mr, Nicolet. f
This post was a mission station as early as 1711, when the
Ohio was called the "Ouabache," as is shown in the corres-
pondence in the Letters Edifiantes already alluded to. Pro-
bably it continued a trading post and mission station, until
the British authorities came into possession of Illinois.
The style of agriculture in all the French settlements was
simple. Both the Spanish and French governments, in form-
ing settlements on the Mississippi, had special regard to con-
venience of social intercourse, and protection from the Indians.
All their settlements were required to be in the form of villa-
ges or towns, and lots of a convenient size for a door yard,
garden and stable yard, were provided for each family. To
each village were granted two tracts of land at convenient
distances, for "common fields''' and ^^commans?''
A common field is a tract of land of several hundred acres,
• Bketchea of the We«t, i. 180 to 182.
t lUport, p. 79. »
%
mi.ir f
IT
686
Appendix.
enclosed in common by the villagers, each person furnishing
his proportion of labor, and each family possessing individual
interest in a portion of the field, marked off and bounded
from the rest. Ordinances were trade to regulate the repa'rs
of fences, the time of excluding cattle in the spring, and the
time of gathering the crop and opening the field for tht range
of cattle in the fall. Each plat of ground in the common
field was owned in fee simple by the person to whom granted,
subject to sale and conveyance, the same as any landed pro-
perty.
A common is a tract of land granted to the town for wood
and pasturage, in which each owner of a village lot has a
common, but not an individual right. In some cases this tract
embraced several thousand acres.
By ' is arrangement, something like a community system
existed in their intercourse. If the head of a family was
sick, met with any casualty, or was absent as an engagce, his
family sustained little inconvenience. His plat in the com-
mon field was cultivated by his neighbors and the crop
gathered. A pleasant custom existed in these French villages
not thirty years since, and which had come down from the
remotest period.
The husbandman on his return at evening from his daily
toil, was always met by his affectionate fcvime with the
friendly kiss, and very commonly with one, perhaps two of the
youngest children, to receive the same salutation from le pcre.
This daily interview was at the gate of the door yard, and in
view of all the villagers. The simple-hearted people were a
happy and contented race. A few traits of these ancient
characteristics remain, but most of the descendents of the
French are fully Americanised.
SECTION FOURTH.
State of the Country under British Domination.
Amongst the sources of information concerning the Illinois
country during the period of - ..ilish rule, is a quarto volume
entitled, " The present state of the European Settlements on the
Mississippi,'^ by Captain Phillip Pitman. It was published in
London, 1770, contains 108 pages, and is illustrated by maps
and charts.
Captain Pitman was military Engineer in the British army,
n furnishing
g individual
nd bounded
; the repaTs
ing, and the
or tht range
he common
lom granted,
landed pro-
vn for wood
e lot has a
ses this tract
jnity system
family was
I engagce, his
in the cotn-
id the crop
nch villages
vn from the
m his daily
ne with tiie
IS two of the
from le perc.
r'ard, and in
ople were a
ese ancient
ents of the
the Illinois
irto volume
nents on the
>ublished in
;d by maps
ritish army,
Sketches of Illinois from Pitman,
687
and in that capacity was sent to survey the forts, munitions
of war and towns in Florida, in 1763, when the British took
possession of that country. Having surveyed the fortifica-
tions of Pensacola and Mobile, near the Gulph, he proceeded
to the posts and settlements on the Mississippi, and after sur-
veying New Orleans and the other posts in Louisiana propar,
he reached Illinois about 1766. He describes "the country of
Illinois, as bounded by the Mississippi on the West, by the
river Illinois on the north, the rivers Ouabache and Miamies
on the East, and the Ohio on the South." Of this tract of
country he says : —
"The air in general, is pure, and the sky serene, except in
the month of March and the latter end of September, when
there are heavy rains and hard gales of wind. The months of
May, June, July and August, are excessively hot, and subject
to sudden and violent storms. January and February are ex-
tremely cold, the other months in the year are moderate."
Very probably during the seasons Captain Pitman was in
Illinois, "heavy rains" occurred in the latter end of September,
but in the proportion of five years out of six, the autumnal
months are dry ; the pastures decay; and farmers find incon-
venience in sowing wheat, from the drouth. During the
periodical rise of the rivers in the spring, and especially the
annua! rise of the Missouri in June, rain falls to a greater or
less extent. Captain Pitman, whose accuracy, in general,
cannot be questioned, probably drew his comparison of the
climate and seasons in Illinois with England, to which he had
been accustomed. He continues: —
"The principal Indian nations in this country are, the Cas-
casquias, Kahoquias, Mitchigamias, and Peoryas ; these four
tribes are generally called the Illinois Indians. Except in the
hunting seasons, they reside near the' English settlements in
this country. They are a poor, debauched, and detestable
people. They count about three hundred and fifty warriors.
The Pianquichas, Mascoutins, Miamies, Kickapous, and Pya-
tonons, though not very numerous, are a brave and war-like
people.
"The soil of this country in general, is very rich and luxu-
riant; it produces all sorts of European grains, hops, hemp,
flax, cotton, and tobacco, and European fruits come to great
p erfection.
"The inhabitants make wine of the wild grapes, which is
very inebriating, and is, in color and taste, very like the red
wine of Provence. • * # # •
IlIlM'r
688
Appendix.
"In the late wars, New Orleans and the lower parts of
Louisiana were supplied with flour, beef, wines, hams, and
other provisions from this country. At present its commerce
is mostly confined to the peltry and furs, which are got in
traffic from the Indians; for which are received in return, such
European commodities as are necessary to carry on thr.t com-
merce and the support of the inhabitants."
Of Fort Chartres, which was rebuilt in 1766, under the au-
thority of the French government, in view of the hostilities
then existing between England and France for the possession
of the country on the Ohio, Captain Pitman gives the follow-
ing description : — *
•"Fort Chartres, when it belonged to France, was the seat of
government of the Illinois. The head quarters of the English
commanding officer is now here, who, in fact, is the arbitrary
governor of this country. The fort is an irregular quadrangle;
the sides of the exterior polygon are 490 feet. It is built of
stone, and plastered over, and is only designed as a defence
against the Indians. The walls are two feet two inches thick,
and are pierced with loop-holes at regular distances, and with
two port-holes for cannon in the faces, and two in the flanks
of each bastion. The ditch has never been finished. The
entrance to the fort is through a very handsome rustic gate.
Within the walls is a banquette raised three feet, for the men
to stand on when they fire through the loop-holes. The build-
ings within the fort are, a commandant's and commissary's
house, the magazine of stores, corps de garde, and two bar-
racks; these occupy the square. Within the gorges of the
bastion are a powder magazine, a bake-house, and a prison,
in the lower floor of which are four dungeons, and in the up-
per, two rooms, and an out-house belonging to commandant.
The commandant's house is thirty-two yards long and ten
broad, and contains a kitchen, a dining-room, a bed-chamber,
one small room, five closets for servants, and a cellar. The
commissary's house, (now occupied by officers.) is built on the
same line as this, and its proportion and the distribution of its
apartments are the samj. Opposite these are the store-house
and the guard-house ; they are each thirty yards long and
eight broad. The former consists of two large store-rooms,
(under which is a large vaulted cellar,) a large room, a bed-
chamber, and a closet for the store-keeper ; the latter of a
soldiers' and officers' guard room, a chapel, a bed-chnmber, a
closet for the chaplain, and an artillery store-room. The lines
of barracks have never been finished ; they at present consist
of two rooms, each for officers, and three for soldiers : they
are each twenty feet square, and have betwixt them a small
passage. There are fine spacious lolls over each building
Dr^crij)tJon nf Fort Chat ires in 1820.
689
fer parts of
hams, and
s commerce
are got in
return, such
>n thnt com-
nder the au-
e hostilities
e possession
the folio w-
s the seat of
the English
le arbitrary
quadrangle;
t is buili of
3 a defence
inches thick,
es, and with
n the flanks
ished. The
rustic gate,
for the men
The build-
ommissary's
id two bar-
irges of the
nd a prison,
d in the up-
•mmandant.
Dug and ten
;d-chamber,
iellar. The
built on the
)ution of its
store-house
Is long and
itore-rooms,
oom, a bed-
latter of a
-chamber, a
The lines
■sent consist
Idjers : they
hem a small
ih building
•which reach from end to end ; these are made u.t of to lodge
regimental stores, working and entrenching tools, «5co. It is
generally believed that this is the most convenient and best
built fort in North America."
In 1756, the fort stood half a mile from the bank of the
river; in 1706, it was 80 yards. In two years after. Captain
Pitman states : —
The bank of the Mississippi, next the fort, is continually
falling in, being worn away by the current, which has be"-',
turned from its course by a sand-bank, now increased to a
considerable island, covered with willows. Many experiments
have been tried to stop this growing evil, but to no purpose.
Eight years ago the river was fordable to the Island ; the
channel is now forty feet deep. ..,....,
In the year 1764, there were about forty families in the vil-
lage near the fort, and a parish church, served by a Francis-
can friar, dedicated to Ste. Anne. In the following year,
when the English took possession of the country, they aban-
doned their houses, except three or four poor families, and set-
tled in the villages on the west side of the Mississippi, choos-
ing to continue under the French government."
About the year 1770, the river made further cncroachmentsj,
and in 1772, it inundated portions of the American bottom,
and formed a channel so near this fort, that the wall and two
bastions on the west side, next the river, were undermined and
fell into the river. The British garrison abandoned it, and it
has never since been occupied. Those portions of the wall
which escaped the flood, have been removed by the inhabi-
tants of Kaskaskia and adjacent settlements for building pur-
poses.
In 1820, Dr. Lewis C. Beck, of New York, while collecting
materials for his Gazetteer of Illinois and Missouri, visited
these ruins, and aided by Mr. Hanson of Illinois, made a com-
plete and accurate survey, with an engraved plan of the fort
as it then appeared. The line of the exterior wall was one
thousand four hundred and forty-seven feet. The two houses,
formerly occupied by the commandant and commissary, were
each ninety-six feet in length and thirty feet in breadth.
The following description, as it then appeared, is from
Beck's Gazetteer, pp. 108, 109.
" In front, all that remains, is a small stone cellar, which
has no doubt been a magazine : some distance above, or north
Wf
MMM
W:V
*!
690
Appendix.
of this, is nn excavation in the earth, which has the appear-
!\ncv of liiiving been burned ; it may have been a furnace for
heatinn; shot, as one of the cannon must have been in this
vicinity. Not a vestige of the wall is to bo seen on this side,
except a few stones, which still remain in the ravine below.
At the south-east angle there is a gate, and the wall is per-
fect. It is about fifteen feet high and three feet thick, and is
built of coarse litne-stone, quarried in the hills about two miles
distant, and is well cemented. The south side is, with few
exceptions, perfect; as is also the south-east bastion. The
north-oast is generally in ruins. On the east face are two
port holes for cannon, which are still perfect ; they are about
three feet square, formed by solid rocks or clefts worked
smooth, and into proper shape ; here is also a large gate, 18
feet wide, the sides of which still remain in a state of tolera-
ble preservation ; the cornices and casements, however, which
formerly ornamented it, have all been taken away. A consi-
derable portion of the north side of the fort, has also been de-
stroyed.
The houses, which make up the .square in the inside, are
generally in ruins. Sufficient, however, remains to enable the
visitor to ascertain exactly their dimensions and relative situ-
ations. The well, which is little injured by time, is about 34
feet north of the north-cast house, which, according to Pit-
man, was the commandant's house. The banquette is entire-
ly destroyed. The magazine is in a perfect state, and is an
uncommon specimen of solidity. Its walls are four feet thick,
and it is arched in the inside.
Over the whole fort, there is a considerable growth of trees,
and in the hall of one of the houses, there is an oak about 18
inches in diameter.
There is now (1850) a large Island in the river where a
sand-bar " covered with willows," had commenced at the pe-
riod of Captain Pitman's survey. A "slough" is next the
ruins. Trees more than three feet in dipn:ieter, ans within the
walls. It is a ruin in the midst of a dense forest, and did we
not know its origin and history, it might furnish a fruitful
theme of antiquarian speculation.
Captain Pitman gives the following description of Kaskas-
kia, or according to the French orthography of the period,
which he follows, Cascasquias.
" The village of Notre Dame de Cascasquias is by far the
most considerable settlement in the country of the Illinois, as
well from its number of inhabitants, as from its advantageous
situation. ***#*#
'• Mons. Paget was the first who introduced water-mills in
this country, and he constructed a very fine one on the river
%
Description of Kaskaskia hy Pitman.
691
the appear-
i (iirnace for
been in this
on this Hide,
ivine below,
wall is per-
hiek, and is
ut two miles
IS, with few
istion. The
iice are two
y are about
fls worked
rge gate, 18
te of tolera-
ever, which
r. A consi-
Iso been de-
e inside, are
enable the
elative situ-
is about 24
Jing to Pit-
tte is entire-
te, and is an
ir feet thick,
vth of trees,
ak about 18
i^er where a
d at the pe-
ls next the
3 within the
and did we
ih a fruitful
1 of Kaskas-
the period,
s by far the
e Illinois, as
[vantageous
*
iter-mills in
on the river
%
Cascasqulas, which was both for grinding corn and sawing
boards. It lies about one mile from the village. The null
proved fatal to him, being killed as he was working it, with
two negroes, by a party of the Cherokees, in the year 1764.
" The principal buildings are, the church and Jesuits' house,
which has a small chapel adjoining it ; these, as well as some
other houses in the village, are built of stov.c, anu, consider-
ing this part of the world, make a very >,ood appc^ui mce.—
The Jesuits' plantation consisted of tv/o hundred and forty
arpents of cultivated land,* a very good stock of cattle, and
a brewery ; which was sold by the French commandant, after
the country was ceded to the English, for the crown, in con-
sequence of the suppression of the order.
" Mons. Beauvais w as the purchaser, who is the richest of
the English subjects in this country ; he keeps eighty slaves;
he furnishes eighty-six thousand weight of Hour to the King's
magazine, which was only a part of the harvest he reaped in
one year.
"Sixty-five families reside in this village, besides mer-
chants, other casual people, and slaves. The fort, which
was burnt down in October, 1766, stood on the summit of a
high rock opposite the village, and on the opposite side of the
[Kaskaskia] river. It was an oblongular quadrangle, of
which the exterior polygon measured two hundred and nine-
ty, by two hundred and fifty-one feet. It was built of very
thick squared timber, and dove-tailed at the angles. An offi-
cer and twenty soldiers are quartered in the village. The offi-
cer governs the inhabitants, under the direction of the com-
mandant at Chartres. Here are also two companies of mili-
tia."
Prairie du Rocher, or " La Prairie de Roches," as Captain
Pitman has it, is next described —
" As about seventeen [fourteen] miles from Cascasquias. —
' It is a small village, consisting of twelve dwelling-houses, all
of which are inhabited by as many fapiilies. Here is a little
chapel, formerly a chapel of ease to the church at Fort Char-
tres. The inhabitants here are very industrious, and raise a
great deal of corn and every kind of stock. The village is
two miles from Fort Chartres. [This means Little Village,
which was a mile, or more, nearer than the fort.] It takes its
name from its situation, being built under a rock that runs
parallel with thts river Mississippi at a league distance, for forty
miles up. Here is a company of militia, the Captain of which
regulates the police of the village."
Saint Phillippe is a small village about five miles from Fort
Chartres, on the road to Kaoquias. There are about sixteen
* An arptnt is 85-lOOtlu of an Englieh acre.— Eonon.
•^mf
692
Apjwndix,
A' ■
I (
■ t
hntiHCS and a Nmnll church stiindin^; all of Uic inhabitantii,
except tilt! Captuin of the militia, deserti'd it 1766, and went
to the French side, [Missouri.] The Captain of ihe militia
has nhout twenty slaves, a good stock ol" catt'e, and a water-
mill for corn and planks. This village stands in a very iine
meadow, about one mile from the Mississippi."
Next follows a description of Cahokia, or, in the orthogra-
phy of the time, " Kaoquias," which we give entire. It will
be kept in mind that Captain Pitman was ollicially employed
in surveying all the forts, villages and improvements to be
found in the Knglish territories on the Mississippi and (Julph
of Mexico ; that he was engaged several years in this work
by personal observation, and that the work from which these
extracts are made is an ollicial document of great value
as filling up a chasm in the history of Illinois, for which no
other correct sources of information are to be found.
"The village of Saint Famille de Kaoquias," fso Pitman
writes,) is generally reckoned lilleen leagues from Fort Char-
tres, and six leagues below the mouth of the 'vIi.ssoury. It
stands near the side of the Mississippi, and is marked from
the river by an Island of two leagues long. [See Annals, p.
122.] The village is opposite the centre of this Island ; it is
long and straggling, being three quarters of a mile from one
end to the other. It contains forty-five dwelling-houses, and
a church near its centre. The situation is not well chosen ;
as in the Hoods it is generally overfiowcd two or three feet. —
This was the first settlement on the Mississippi. The land
was purchased of the savages by a few Canadians, some of
whom married women of the Kaoquias nation, and others
brought wives from Canada, and then resided there, leaving
their children to succeed them.
" The inhabitants of this place depend more on hunting,*
and their Indian trade, than on agriculture, as they scarcely
rai«ie corn enough for their own consumption ; they have a
great plenty of poultry and good stocks of horned cattle.
" The mission of St. Sulpice had a very fine plantation
here, and an excellent house built on it. They sold this es-
tate and a very good mill for corn and planks, to a French-
man who chose to remain under the English government. —
They also disposed of thir;,y negroes and a good .stock of cat-
tle to dilferent people in the country, and returned to France
in 1764. What is called the fort, is a small house standing
in the centre of the village. It differs nothing from the other
houses, except in being one of the poorest. It was formerly
enclosed with high pallisades, but these were torn down and
burnt. Indeed, a fort at this place could be of but little use.
^
'■ inhabitants,
66, ami went
I liiu militia
md a wuter-
a very iine
;he ortliogra-
irc. It will
lly employed
cments to be
i anil (Julph
in this work
which these
great value
for which no
ind.
' fso Pitman
V Fort Char-
lissoury. It
marked from
3 Annals, p.
Island ; it is
le from one
-houses, and
A'ell chosen ;
three feet. —
The land
ans, some of
, and others
ere, leaving
on hunting,'
ley scarcely
they have a
[ cattle.
! plantation
sold this es-
a French-
i
nrilish Authority in Illinois.
693
irernment. — [
tock of cat-
to France
ise standing
m the other
^as formerly
n down and
It little use.
•
In ii»c language of Captain I'itinaii, wc have given a full
and atHMiialc description of the «ettlem.>nts in Illinois, at ll.r
period it |)assod IrMni the dominion »)f Franco to that of Crcat
Britain. The population of all classes, other than the abori-
gines, could not have exceeded three thousand persons. About
one-third of this number lel"t the country. The missionaricH,
with their attendants, returned to France. Many families di-
rected their course to the vicinity of Now Orleans. A still
larger number crossed the river to Ste. CJcncvicvc, St. Louis
and St. Charles. Not more than two thousand French, Eng-
lish and negroes remained. The increase during IJritish rule
did not exceed the number who retreated. The cession took
place in 1763, but it remained in the possession of the French
until the year 1765. M. St. Angc de Dclle Rive was com-
mandant at Fort Chartres, and Lieutenant Governor of the
district of Illinois, lie mode some wise and salutary regula-
tions about titles to lands, and on the arrival of Captain Stir-
ling, of thelloyal Highlanders, to assume, in the name of His
Britannic Majesty, the government of the country, St. Angc
retired to St. Louis, and there exercised the functions of com-
mandant, much to the satisfaction of the people, until Novem-
ber, 1770, when his authority was .superceded by I'iernas, com-
mandant under the Spanish government.
At the period of the change of government in Illinois, Gen-
eral Gage was Commander-in-Chief of the King's troops in
North America. Captain Stirling brought to the country the
following proclamation of Governor Gage : —
"Whereas, by the peace concluded at Paris, the 10th day of
February, 1763, the country of Illinois ha.s been ceded to his
Britannic Majesty, and the taking possession of the said coun-
try of the Illinois, by the troops of his'majesty, though delayed,
has been determined upon; we have found it good to make
known to the inhabitants —
That his majesty grants to the inhabitants of the lllmois,
the liberty of the catholic religion, as has already been granted
to his subjects in Canada. He has consequently given the
most precise and effective orders, to the end, that his new
Roman Catholic subjects of the Illinois may exercise the wor-
ship of their religion, according to the rites of the Romish
church, in the same manner as in Canada.
"That his majesty, moreover, agrees that the French inhabi-
tants or others, who have been subjects of the most Christian
king, (the king of France,) may retire in full safety and free-
1^:
N ",'t
r(
■wMpaaWvaMi
694
Appendix,
■I,)
dom wliProvpp Ihoy plonso, pvcn to Nrw Orlt-nns, or nny
pjirt of I.ouisiftnu ; nitliougli it «hould happon Unit tlm Span-
iiinN tiikt! possfHsion oi it in the narno of his C'utholic ini^ji-sty,
(the kin>{ of Spain,) and they may sell their estates, pr«»vided
it be to suhject.t of his iniyesty, and transport their ellects m
well as their persons, without restraint upon their emigration,
under any pretence whatever, except in conseijuence of debts,
or of criminal processes.
"Tliat those who choose to retain their lands and become
subjects of his majesty, shall enjoy the same rights and privi-
leges, the same security for their persons and ellects, and the
liberty of trade, as the old subjects of the king.
"That they are commanded by these presents, to take the
oath of (idelity and obedience to his mfyesty, in presence of
Sieur Stirling, captain of the Highland regiment, the bearer
henfcof, and furnished with our full powers for this purpose.
"That we recommend forcibly to the inhabitants, to conduct
themselves like good and faithful subjects, avoiding, by a wise
and prudent demeanor, all causes of complaint against them.
"'I hat they act in concert with his m^esty's officers, so that
his troops may lake possession of all the forts, and order be
kept in the country. By this means alone they will spare his
majesty the neces.sity of recurring to force of arms, and will
find themselves saved from the scourge of a bloody war, and
of all the evils which the irarch of an army into their country
would draw after it.
"We direct that those presents be read, published, and
posted up in the usual places.
"Done and given at head-quarters. New York— signed with
our hand.s— sealed with our seal at arms, and counter-
signed by our Secretary, this 30th of December, 1764.
"THOMAS GAGE.*
"By his Excellency, G. \' rturin."
Captain Stirling remained but a short time in Illinois. He
was succeeded by Major Farmer, of whose administration lit-
tle is known. Next in office was Colonel Reed, who made
himself conspicuous by a series of military oppressions, of
which complaints were made without redress. He became
odiously unpopular and left the colony.
The next in command was Lieutenant-Colonel Wilkins,
who arrived at Kaskaskia on the 5th of September, 1768. On
the 21st of November following, he issued a proclamation,
stating that he had received orders from Gen. Gage to estab-
lish a court of justice in Illinois, for settling all disputes and
• Brown'a lUinoi*, pp. 212, 213.
liritis/i Aulhoiiiy in Illinois.
695
'nns, or nny
it l\w Spari-
i)li(' iiii\jfsfy,
VH, provided
•ir •■ll«'cts iiH
(^mi{<riition,
ncu ul'dcbtH,
nnd become
s and privi-
'cts, and the
to take the
prcHcncc of
, tlic bearer
purpose.
, to uonduct
1?, by a wise
gainst them.
M-rs, so that
tid order be
ill spare his
IS, and will
ly war, and
icir country
lished, and
signed with
id counter-
lor, 1764.
GAGE.*
linois. He
stration lit-
who made
essions, of
ile became
il Wilkins,
,1768. On
)clamation,
e to estab-
sputea and
controverisirs bftwcen man and iimn, and nil cliiim^ in i tlutioii
to properly, both iful and pcrsonul.
Asnulitary corniManiliint, Colon.'l WiJliins nppr.inted M-ven
judges, who met and held tlu-ir llrNt court at Kort Chartres,
December Glh, 17<)S. Courts were then held i»n c in each
month.
Hven this system, though greatly preferable to a military
tribunal, was far from sutisfyin,? the claims of tht^ people.
They insisted on a trial by a jury, which being denied them,
the court became unpopular.
In 1772, after the Hood already noticed, the seat of govern-
ment was removed to Kaskaskia.
We know not at what period Colonel Wilkins left the
country, nor whether any other British ollicer succeeded him.
When taken possession of by Colonel Clark, in 1778, M.
llochblave, a Frenchman, was commandant. [See Annals,
p. 195]
CHAPTER H.
SKETCIIKS OF ILLINOIS HISTORY.
Bke'ohes of Indian IlUtory In IlUnoii-ProgreM of lUinolg from 1800 to 1SI2— Ind-
donll uf tho War in Illluois.
I
SECTION FIRST.
Events from, 1777 to 1800.
A communication from Hon. John Reynolds, of Belleville,
Illinois, to whom we are indebted for several items of the
history of that State, gives the following statement, dated
April 7th, 1860.
'•Dear Sir: — Mr. N. Boismcnuc, a native of Cahokia, gave
me the following facts, which he received from his father and
other citizens of Cahokia. They are connected with the revo-
lution, and date one or two years before Colonel Clark con-
quered the country. You may rest assured as to the truth of
the same."
As we have personal knowledge of Mr. Boismenue, and his
character for veracity and a retentive memory, and having
before heard of" such an enterprize, we have no hesitation in
giving it a place, as an incident connected with Illinois.
tl¥
696
Appendix.
Evidence has already been given, that the French popula-
latlon dishked the British government, and only wanted a
favorable opportunity to throw off the yoke.
Notwithstanding all that has been said in the preceding
chapter, of the quiet, peaceful, unambitious character of the
many, there was restlessness and a daring spirit among the
few. Of this class was the party described by Mr. Boismenue.
Whether their motives were purely patriotic or of a mixed
character, cannot now be known.
We give the facts substantially as communicated by our
correspondent.
There was at Cahokia, a restless, adventurous, daring
man by the name of Thomas Brady, or as he was familiarly
called, "Tom Brady;" a native of Pennsylvania, who, by hunt-
ing, or in some other pursuit, found himself a resident of Ca-
hokia. He raised a company of sixteen resolute persons, all
of Cahokia and the adjacent village of Prairie du Pont, of
which the father of Mr. Boismenue, the informant, was one.
After becoming organized for an expedition, the party moved
through the prairies to a place called the "Cow Pens," on the
river St. Joseph, in the south-western part of Michigan. Here
was a trading-post and fort originally established by [the
French, but since the transfer of the country, had been occu-
pied by the British by a small force, as a protection of their
traders from the Indians. In 1777, it consisted of twenty-one
men.
Brady, with his little band oi" volunteers, left Cahokia about
the 1st of October, 1777, and made their way to the fort,
which they captured in the night, without loss on either side,
except a negro. This person was a slave from some of the
colonies on the Mississippi, who, in attempting to escape, was
shot. One object of this expedition, probably, v.as the Bri-
tish goods in the fort.
The company started back as far as the Calumet, a stream
on the border of Indiana, south-east of Chicago, when they
were overtaken by a party of British, Canadians and Indians,
about three hundred in number, who attacked the Cahokians
and forced them to surrender. Two of Brady's party were
killed, two wounded, one escaped, and twelve were made
prisoners. The.se remained prisoners in Canada two years,
except Brady, who made his escape, and returned to Illinois
•M^
Sketches of Illinois History.
697
nch popula-
ly wanted a
e preceding
acter of the
t among the
Boismenue.
of a mixed
ated by our
ous, daring
IS familiarly
ho, by hunt-
ident of Ca-
persons, all
dii Pont, of
It, was one.
party moved
ens," on the
ligan. Here
ihed by [the
I been occu-
Lion of their
twenty-one
hokia about
to the fort,
either side,
some of the
escape, was
, as the Bri-
et, a stream
when they
md Indians,
i Cahokians
party were
«'ere made
, two years,
d to Illinois
I
by way of Pennsylvania. M. Boismenue, senior, was one of
the wounded men.
The next spring a Frenchman, by the name of Paulette
Maize, a daring fellow, raised about 300 volunteers from Ca-
hokia, St. Louis, and other French villages, to re-capture the
fort on the river St. Joseph. This campaign was by land,
across the prairies in the spring of 1778. It was successful ;
the fort was re-taken, and the peltries and goods became the
spoil of the victors. The wounded mtn returned home with
Maize. One gave out; they had no horses; and he was dis-
patched by the leader, to prevent the company being detained
on their retreat, lest the same disaster should befal them as
happened to Brady, and his company. Some of the mem-
bers of the most ancient and respectable families in Cahokia,
were in this expedition.
Thomas Brady became the Sheriff of the county of St.
Clair, after its organization by the Governor of the North-
Western territory in 1790. He was regarded as a trust- worthy
citizen and died at Cahokia many years since. After the con-
quest of Illinois, the ancient inhabitants of the new county
formed by Virginia, [Annals, p. 200,] took the oath of alle-
giance to that State.
In the spring of 1779, Colonel John Todd, bearing the com-
mission of County Lieutenant for the county of Illinois, visi-
ted Post Vincennes and Kaskaskia, for the purpose of organ-
izing a temporary government, according to the provisions of
the act of the General Assembly of Virginia, of October
1778. On the 16th of June, Mr. Todd issued the following
proclamation.*
" Illinois [county,] to-ioit:—Where&s, from the fertility and
beautiful situation of the lands bordering upon the Mississip-
pi, Ohio, Illinois, and Wabash rivere, the taking up the usual
quantity of land heretofore allowed for a settlement by the
government of Virginia, would injure both the strength and
commerce of this country— I do, therefore, issue this procla-
mation, strictly enjoining all persons whatsoever from making
any new settlements upon the flat lands of the said rivers, or
within one league of said lands, unless in manner and form of
settlements as heretofore made by the French inhabitants,
until further orders herein given. And in order that all the
claims to lands in said county may be fully known, and some
* DiUoD'a ladiana, i. 186.
44
698
Appendix.
1
'%
f
^'
1 ' 1
'i
■i
1
method provided for perpetuating by record the just claims,
every inhabitant is required, as soon as conveniently may be,
to lay before the person in each district appointed for that pur-
pose, a memorandum of his or her land, with copies of all
their vouchers; and vvhere vouchers have '.lever been gi\^en,
or are lost, such depositions or certificates as will tend to sup-
port their claims; — ihe memorandum to mention the quantity
of land, to whom originally granted, and wh* n — deducing the
title through the various occupants to the present possessor.
The number of adventurers who will shortly overrun this
country renders the above method necessary as well to ascer-
tain the vacant lands as to guard against trespasses which will
probably be committed on lands not of record.
Given under my band and seal at Kaskaskia, the 15th of
June, in the 3d year of the Commonwealth, 1779.
JOHN TODD, Jr."
For the preservation of peace and the administration of
justice, a court of civil and criminal jurisdiction was institu-
ted at Post Vince.ines, in ^u-.e, 1779. The court was com-
posed of several magistrates. Colonel J. M. P. Legras, hav-
ing been appointed commandant of the town, acted as presi-
dent of the court, and in some ca.ses exercised a controUinfr
influence over its proceedings. Adopting in some measure
the usages and customs of the early French commandants, the
magistrates of the Court of Post Vincennes began to grant or
concede tracts of land to the French and American inhabit-
ants of the town, and to different civil and military officers of
the country. Indeed it appears that the court assumed the
power of granting lands to every applicant. Before the year
1783, about twenty-six thousand acres of land were granted
to different individuals. From 1783 to 1787, when the prac-
tice was stopped by General Harmar, the grants amounted
to twenty-two thousand acres.* They were given in tracts
varying in quantities from four hundred acres to the size of a
house lot. Besides these small concessions there were some
grants of tracts several leagues square. The commandant
and magistrates, afler having exercised this power for some
time, began to believe that they had the right to dispose of
all that large tract of land which, in 1742, had been granted
by the Piankeshaw Indians, for the use of the French inhabi-
tants of Post Vincennes. " Accordingly an arrangement was
made, by which the whole country to which the Indian title
was supposed to be extinguished, was divided between the
members of the court, and orders to that effect entered on
tlieir journal : each member absenting himself from the court
on the day that the order was to be made in his favor, so that
it might appear to be the act of his fellows only.J
Colonel Todd was killed at the battle of Blue Licks, [An-
% Letter written in 1790, from Winthrop Sargent to Oeorge Wttehington.
Incidents of Illinois, 1786—1800.
699
! just claims,
jntly may be,
1 for that pur-
copies of all
been gi\^en,
1 tend to sup-
i the quantity
-deducing the
it possessor.
' overrun this
well to ascer-
jes which will
I, the 16th of
rODD,Jr."
inistration of
was institu-
urt was oom-
Legras, hav-
cted as presi-
a controlling
ome measure
nandants, the
m to grant or
rican inhabit-
ary officers of
assumed the
sfore the year
were granted
hen the prac-
nts amounted
;ivon in tracts
the size of a
■e were some
commandant
A'er for some
to dispose of
been granted
rench inhabi-
mgement was
le Indian title
1 between the
!t entered on
rom the court
favor, so that
'4
e Licks, [An-
jton.
nals, p. 272,] where he commanded the Kentuckians. He had
been to Virginia on business pertaining to Illinois, returning
through Kentucky, and not having resigned his command in
the militia of that district, he led the troops to the battle field.
Had he lived he would have become a resident of Illinois. —
His administration in the new territory was patriotic and
popular.
The successor of Colonel Todd was a French gentleman
by the name of Timothy de Monbrun, whose official signa-
ture is found to land grants and ether documents in the ar-
chives of Randolph county. His name appears at the head of
a trading company at he French Licks, (Nashville, Tenn.) be-
fore the revolutionary war. How long he administered the
affairs of the country we know not, and whether any other
person was his successor is equally doubtful. The reader will
recollect that in 1784, Virginia ceded the North- Western ter-
ritory to the Continental Congress, and that the territory of
Illinois remained without an organized government until 1790
[Annals, p. 676.]
The next series of events demanding attention, are the
first American settlements in Illinois, and their difficulties
with the Indians.
The military expedition of General George Rogers Clark,
in 1788, and the subjection of the forts of St. Vincent, Kas-
kaskia, and Cahokia, was the occasion of making known
the fertile plains of Illinois to the people of the Atlantic
States, and exciting a spirit of emigration to the banks of the
Mississippi. Some who accompanied him in that expedition,
shortly after returned and took possession of the conquered
country.
At the period of which we speak, with the exception of the
old French villages of Kaskaskia, Cahokia, Prairie du llocher.
Fort Chartres, Village a Cote, Prairie du Pont, and a few
families scattered along the Wabash and Illinois rivers, Illi-
nois was the abode of the untamed savage.
Tradition tells us of many a hard-fought battle between the
original owners of tho country and these intruders. Battle-
ground creek is well known, on the road from Kaskaskia to
Shawncetown, twenty-five miles from the former place, where
the Kaskaskias and their allies were dreadfully slaughtered by
the united forces of the Kickapoos and Pottawatomies.
srrr
700
Appendix
Of the Indians, the Kickapoos were the most formidable and
most dangerous neighbors to the whites, and for a number of
years kept the American settlements in continual alarm. At
first, they appeared friendly ; but from 1786 to 1796, a per-od
of ten years, the settlements were in a continual state of alarm
from these and other Indians.
The first settlement formed by emigrants from the United
States, was made near Bellefontaine, Monroe county, in 1781,
by James Moore, whose numerous descendants now reside in
the same settlement. Mr. Moore was a native of Maryland,
but came to Illinois from Western Virginia, with his family, in
company with James Garrison, Robert Kidd, Shadrach Bond,
sen., and Larkin Rutherford. They passed through the wilder-
ness of the Ohio river, where they took water, came down
the river, and up the Mississippi to Kaskaskia. Mr. Moore,
and a portion of his party, planted themselves on the hills near
Bellefontaine, and Garrison, Bond, and the rest, settled in the
American bottom, near Harrisonville. This station became
afterwards known by the name of the block-house fort.
Nothing deserving special notice occurred amongst this lit-
tle band of pioneers, till 1785, when they were joined by Jos.
Ogle, Jos. Worley, and James Andrews, with large, families,
from Virginia. In 1786, the settlements were strengthened by
the arrival of James Lemen, George Atcherson, and David
Waddell, with their families, and several others. The same
year, the Kickapoo Indians commenced their course of preda-
tory warfare. A single murder, that of James Flannery, had
been committed in 1783, while on a hunting excursion, but it
was not regarded as an act of war.
But in 1786, they attacked the settlement, killed James An-
drews, his wife and daughter. James White and Samuel Mc-
Clure, and took two girls, daughters of Andrews, prisoners.
One of these died with the Indians, the other was ransomed
by the French traders. She is now alive, the mother of a
large family, and resides in St. Clair county. The Indians
had previously threatened tfce settlement, and the people had
built and entered a block-house ; but this family was out and
defenceless.
1787. Early in this year, five families near Bellefontaine,
united and built a block*house, surrounded it with palisades,
in which their families resided. While laboring in the corn-
incidents of, Illinois, 1786—1800
701
tnidablc and
I number of
alarm. At
)6, a perod
ite of alarm
the United
ity, in 1781,
w reside in
■ Maryland,
is family, in
irach Bond,
I the wilder-
came down
Mr. Moore,
be hills near
!ttled in the
ion became
! fort.
iigst this lit-
ined by Jos.
;e. families,
tigthened by
and David
The same
se of preda-
annery, had
rsion, but it
[ James An-
iJamuel Mc-
i, prisoners,
s ransomed
nother of a
rhe Indians
people had
t^as out and
illefontaine,
b palisades,
in the corn-
(
field, they were obliged to carry their rifles, and often at night '
had to keep guard. Under these embarrassments, and in daily
alarm, they cultivated their corn-fields.
1788. This year the war assumed a more threatening as-
pect. Early in the spring, William Biggs was taken prisoner.
While himself, John Vallis, and Joseph and Benjamin Ogle,
were passing from the station on the hills to the Block-house
fort in the bottom, they were attacked by the Indians. Biggs
and Vallis were a few rods in advance of the party. Vallis
was killed and Biggs taken prisoner. The others escaped un-
hurt. Biggs was taken through the prairies to the Kickapoo
towns on the Wabash, from whence he was finally liberated
by means of the French traders. The Indians treated him
well, offered him the daughter of a brave for a wife, and pro-
posed to adopt him into their tribe. He afterwards became
a resident of St. Clair county, was a member of the territo-
rial legislature, judge of the county court, and wrote and
published a narrative of his captivity among the Indians.
On the 10th day of December, in the same year, James
Garrison and Benjamin Ogle, while hauling hay from the bot-
tom, were attacked by two Indians ; Ogle was shot in the
shoulder, where the ball remained ; Garrison sprang from the
load and escaped into the woods. The horses taking fright,
carried Ogle safe to the settlements. In stacking the same
hay, Samuel Garrison and a Mr. Riddick were killed and
scalped.
1789. This was a period of considerable mischief. Three
boys were attacked by six Indians, a few yards from the
block-house, one of which, David Waddel, was struck with a
tomahawk in three places, scalped, and yet recovered ; the
others escaped unhurt. A short time previous, James Turner,
a young man, was killed on the American bottom. Two men
were afterwards killed and scalped while on their way to St.
Louis. In another instance, two men were attacked on a load
of hay ; one was killed outright, the other was scalped, but
recovered The same year John Ferrel was killed, and John
Dempsey was scalped and made his escape. The Indians
frequently stole the horses and killed the cattle of the settlers.
1790. The embarrassments of these frontier people greatly
increased, andthey lived in continual ala!,.u In the winter,
a party of Osage Indians, who had not molested them hitherto,
w
."*> ^
102
Appendix.
came across the Mississippi, stole a number of horses, and at-
tempted to recross the river. The Americans followed and
fired upon them. James Worley, an old settler, having got in
advance of his party, was shot, scalped, anu his head cut ofl"
and left on the sand-bar. The same year, James Smith, a
Baptist preacher from Kentucky, while on a visit ti>> these
frontiers, was taken prisoner by a party of Kickapoos. On
the 19th May, in company with Mrs. PIuiTand a Frenchman,
he was proceeding from the block-house to a settlement then
known by the name of the Little Village. The Kickapoos
fired upon them from an ambuscade near Bellefontaine, killed
the Frenchman's horse, sprang upon the women and her
child, whom they despatched with a tomahawk, and took
Smith. His horse being shot, he attempted to flee on foot;
and having some valuable papers in his saddle-bags, he threw
them into a thicket, where they were found next day by his
friends. Having retreated a few yards down the hill, he fell
on his knees in pr.iyer for the poor woman they were butcher-
ing, and who had been seriously impressed, for some days,
about religion. The Frenchman escaped on foot in the
thickcits. The Indians soon had possession of Smith, loaded
him with packs of plunder which they had collected, and took
up their line of march through the prairies. Smith was a
large, heavy man, and soon became tired under his heavy load,
and with the hot sun. Several consultations were held by the
Indians, how to dispose of their prisoner. Some were '^
despatching him outright, being fearful the whites would fol-
low them from the settlement, and frequently pointing their
guns at his breast. Knowing well the Indian character, he
would bare his breast as if in defiancv*;, and poiftt upwards to
signify the Great Spirit was his protector. Seeing him in the
attitude of prayer, and hearing him sing hymns on his march,
which he did to relieve his own mind from despondency, they
came to the conclusion that he was a 'great medicine,' holding
daily intercourse with the Good Spirit, and must not be put to
death. After this, they took off his burdens and treated him
kindly. They took him to the Kickapoo towns oa the Wabash,
from whence, in a few months, he obtained his deliverance,
the inhabitants of New Design paying one hundred and
seventy dollars for his ransom.
1791. In the spring of this year, the Indians again com-
orses, and at-
followed and
having got in
s head cut oil'
mes Smith, a
visit t\} these
:kapoos. On
i, Frenchman,
ttlement then
he Kickapoos
intaine, killed
nan and her
vk, and took
flee on foot ;
ags, he threw
xt day by his
le hill, he fell
ivere butcher-
>r some days,
foot in the
iimith, loaded
ted, and took
Smith was a
is heavy load,
'6 held by the
me were ^
es would fol-
)ointing their
character, he
tt upwards to
ng him in the
on his march,
)ndency, they
cine,' holding
not be put to
[ treated him
the Wabash,
deliverance,
hundred and
i again com-
Incidents of Illinois, 1785—1800.
703
menced their depredations by stealing horses. In May, John
Dempsey was attacked, but made his escape. A party of
eight men followed. T^s Indians were just double their num-
ber. A severe running fiRht was kept up for several hours,
and conducted with great prudence and bravery on the part
of the whites. Fdch party kept the trees for shelter; the In-
dians retreating, and the Americans pursuing, from tree to
tree until night put an end to the conflict. Five Indians were
killed without the loss of a man or of a drop of blood on the
other side. This party consisted of Capt. N. Hull, who com-
manded, Joseph Ogle, sen., Benjamin Ogle, James Lemen,
sen., J. Ryan, William Bryson, John Porter, andD. Draper.
1792. This was a season of comparative quietness. No
Indian fighting ; and the only depredations committed, were
in stealing a few horses.
1793. This was a period of contention and alarm. The
little settlements were strengthened this year by the addition
of a band of emigrants from Kentucky; amongst which was
the family of Whiteside.
In February, an Indian in ambuscade, wounded Joel White-
side, and was followed by John Moore, Andrew Kinney, Thos.
Todd, and others, killed and scalped. Soon after, a party of
Kickapoos, supposed to have been headed by the celebrated
war-chief. Old Pecan, made a predatory excursion into the
American bottom, near the present residence of S. W. Miles,
in Monroe county, and stole nine horses from the citizens. A
number of citizens rallied and commenced pursuit; but many
having started without preparing for long absence, and being
apprehensive that an expedition into the Indian country
would be attended with much danger, all returned but eight
men. This little band consisted of Samuel Judy, John White-
side, William L. Whiteside, Uel Whiteside, William Harring-
ton, John Dempsey, and John Porter, with William Whiteside,
a man of great prudence and unquestionable bravery in In-
dian warfare, whom they chose commander.
They passed on the trail near the present site of Belleville*
towards the Indian camps on Shoal creek, where they found
three of the stolen horses grazing, which they secured. The
party then, small as it was, divided into two parts of four men
each, and approachet' the Indian camps from opposite sides.
The signal for attack was the discharge of the captain's gun.
t^.
%■
■i
704
Appendix.
One Indian, a son of Old Pecan, was killed, another mor*
tally, and others slightly v ounded, as the Indians fled, leaving
their guns. Such a display of courage by the whites, and be-
ing attacked on two sides at once, made the Indians be'ieve
there was a large force, and the old chief approached the party
and begged for quarter. But when he discovered his foes to
be an insignificant number, and his own party numerous, he
called aloud to his braves to return and retrieve their honor.
His own gun he surrendered to the whites, but now he seized
the gun of the captain, and exerted all his force to wrest it
from him. Captain Whiteside was a powerful man, and a
stranger to fear; but he compelled the Indian to retire, deem-
ing it dishonorable to destroy an unarmed man, who had pre-
viously surrendered.
This intrepid band was now in the heart of the Indian
country, where hundreds of warriors could be raised in a few
hours' time. In this critical situation. Captain Whiteside, not
less distinguished for prudence than bravery, did not long
hesitate. With the horses they had recovered, they imme-
diately started for home, without loss of time in hunting the
remainder. They travelled night and day, without eating or
sleeping, till they reached in safety Whiteside's station, in
Monroe county. On the same night, Old Pecan, with seventy
warriors, arrived in the vicinity of Cahokia. From that time the
very 7iame of Whiteside struck terror amongst the Kickapoos.
Hazardous and daring as this eypedition was, it met with
great disapprobation from many of the settlers. Some alleged
that Old Pecan was decidedly friendly to the whites ; that
another party had stolen the horses ; that the attack upon bis
camp was clandestine and wanton ; and that it was the cause
of much subsequent mischief. These nice points of casuistry
are difficult to be settled at this period. It has long been
known, that one portion of a nation or tribe will be on the
war-path, while another party will pretend to be peaceable.
Hence it has been found necessary to bold the tribe responsible
for the conduct of its party.
1794. The Indians, in revenge of the attack just narrated,
shot Thomas Whiteside, a young man, near the 'station,'
tomahawked a son of ViU'.am Whiteside, so that he died, all
in revenge for the deatl of Old Pecan's son. In February of
the same year, the Indians killed Mr. Huff, one of the early
settlers, while on his way to Kaskas' 'a.
^i ' 'iti.
■ ■)!'?7*»i s»*:*":
another mor-
is fled, leaving
/hites, and be-
idians beUeve
ched the party
'ed his foes to
numerous, he
e their honor,
tow he seized
ce to wrest it
1 man, and a
retire, dcem-
whn had pre-
i{ the Indian
lised in a few
Vhiteside, not
did not long
, they imme-
1 hunting the
lout eating or
;'s station, in
with seventy
that time the
le Kickapoos.
, it met with
Some alleged
whites ; that
ack upon his
b^as the cause
s of casuistry
as long been
ill be on the
le peaceable,
e responsible
just narrated,
the 'station,'
t he died, all
February of
of the early
Incidents of lUinois, 1T86— 1800.
706
171)6. Two men at one time, and some French negroes at
another time^ were killed on the American bottom, and some
prisoners taken. The same year, the family of Mr. McMahnn
was killed and himself and daughters taken prisoners. This
man lived in the outskirts of the settlement. Four Indians
attacked his house m day-light, killed his wife and four chil-
dren before his eyes, laid their bodies in a row on the lloor of
the cabin, took him and his daughters, and marched for thoir
towns. On the second night, Mr. McMahan, finding the In-
dians asleep, put on their moccasins and made his escape. He
arrived in the settlement just after his neighbors had buried
his family. They had enclosed their bodies in rude coffins,
and covered them with earth as he came in sight. He looked
upon the newly formed hillock, and raising his eyes to heaven
in pious resignation, said, 'they were lovely and pleasant in
their lives, and in their death they were not divided." His
daughter, now Mrs. Gaskiil.of Ridge Prairie, was afterwards
ransomed by the charitable contributions of the people.
Not far from this period, the Whitesides, and others, to the
number of fourteen persons, made an attack upon an en-
campment of Indians, of superior force, at the foot of the
bluffs west of Belleville. Only one Indian ever returned to
his nation to tell the story of their defeat. The graves of the
rest were to be seen, a few years since, in the border of the
thicket, near the battle ground. In this skirmish, Capt. Wm.
Whiteside was wounded, as he thought, mortally, having re-
ceived a shot in his side. As he fell, he exhorted his sons to
fight valiantly, not to yield an inch of ground, nor let the In-
dians touch his body. Uel Whiteside, who was shot in the
arm, and disabled from using the rifle, examined the wound,
and found the ball had glanced along the ribs and lodged
against the spine. With that presence of mind, which is
sometimes characteristic of our backwoods hunters, ho whip-
ped out his knife, gashed the skin, extracted the ball, and
holding it up, exultingly exclaimed, " Father, you are not
dead!" The old man instantly jumped on his feet, and re-
newed the fight, exclaiming, come on, boys, I can fight them
yet ! Such instances of desperate intrepidity and martial en-
ergy of character, distinguished the men who defended the
frontiers of Illinois in those days of peril. ■•'• '
The subjugation of the Indians in the Miami country, by
■•■ilWIP
706
Appendix.
tJcncrjil Wayne, in 1794, and the treaty that grew out of it
the Iblluwing yenr, brought peace to the borderH of Illinoia,
and the settlers remained unmolested from these daily alarms.
A few horses were stolen irom time to time, and in 1802. Jo-
seph Vaninetcr and Alexander Dennis were killed on the
American bottom, but no attack was made upon tl e settle-
nientd. Families again took up their abodes in the borders
of the ])rairies; emigrants from the States clustered around
them, and the cultivation of the soil wos pursued without fear
or interruption.
During most of the period we have gone over, these people
lived under the jurisdiction of the North-Wcstern territory.
The administration of civil government was conducted in its
most simple form; the moraLs of the people were pure, end
much of rural simplicity and hospitality was enjoyed.
There was something peculiarly interesting in this primi-
tive society. The grosser vices were unknown. There was
but very little use for the administration of either civil or crim-
inal laws. Ardent spirit, that outrage upon morals, social
order, and religion, had been introduced but in small quanti-
ties ; thefts and other crimes were extremely rare, and fraud
and dishonesty in dealings, but seldom practised. The Moores,
Ogles, Lemens, and other families, were of unblemished mor-
als, and were impelled by a love of freedom to leave the banks
of the Potomac, in A''irginia, <br a residence on the prairies of
Illinois. They were opposed to slavery, and took up their
long line of march for these wild regions, that they and their
posterity might enjoy, uninterrupted, the advantages of a
country unembarrassed with slavery.
For the first eight or ten years of the period I have glanced
over, the only professor of religion in the colony was a female,
who had been a member of the Presbyterian church ; yet the
sabbath was observed with religious consecration. The peo-
ple were accustomed to assemble, sing hymns, and read a por-
tion of scripture or a sermon. No one ventured to offer a
prayer.
In 1778, James Smith, a Baptist preacher from Kentucky,
whose captivity with the Indians has been narrated, visited
the settlement and preached to the people. The influence of
the divine spirit descended, and some were converted. This
was the first protestant preaching, and these were the first
■IL I IJlJJU- i llll II I"
Incidents of llltnois, 1785—1800.
707
ew out of it
r8 of Illinois,
daily alarms.
J in 1802. Jo-
tilled on the
in tl e settle-
n the borders
itered around
1 witlioui fear
those people
jrn territory,
iductcd in its
3re pure, end
oyed.
n this primi-
There was
civil or crim-
tnorals, social
imnll quanti-
re, and fraud
The Moores,
3mished mor-
ave the banks
he prairies of
aok up their
bey and their
antages of a
have glanced
A'as a female,
irch ; yet the
n. The peo-
td read a por-
ed to offer a
Tl Kentucky,
rated, visited
3 influence of
irerted. This
ivere the first
converts, and this the first revival of religion, ever known on
the banks of the •'hither of watuis."
In 1790, Stiiith made his first visit to the country, preached
several times, and other persons became anxious about their
souls, amongst whom was the woman who was murdered,
when he was captured. Owing to the unsettled stale of the
country, it was not deemed expedient to organize a church. —
Amongst the converts made under the preaching of Smith,
were Joseph Ogle and some of his children, James Lemen,
sen., their wives and others.
In 1793, Joseph Lillard, a Methodist preacher, made a visit
to the country, and attended several meetings. Some of the
families embraced Methodist principles. The .succeeding year,
Josiah Dodge, a regular Baptist preacher, originally from Con-
necticut, but then from Kentucky, visited Illinois, and preach-
ed the gospel wl»h some success. The next year he returned
and baptized James Lemen, sen., and wife, John Gibbons and
Isaac Eaocks. This was the first instance of the ordinance of
baptism being administered by a protestant in these ends of
the earth. During the same year, 1796, elder David Badgley
from Virginia, visited Illinois, and organized the Baptist
church at New Design, which was the first regularly organ-
ized protestant community.
It is worthy of note, that the descendants of those early
settlers whose attention was turned to religion, and for whom
the Lord spread a table in the wilderness, are now worthy
and respectable members of christian churches. A large ma-
jority of the Moores, Lemens and Ogles, are of this descrip-
tion.
In a few years, preachers of the gospel were raised up in
the country, many of whom are now alive ; ai»u notwithstand-
ing the difficulties they had to surmount, .ind the privations
to endure, they have been instrumental in doing much good.
In those days, that minister's library was thought to be well
supplied, that contained a complete copy of the Holy Scrip-
tures, a copy of Watts' Psalmi and Hymns, and Ilu-ssell's sev-
en Sermons. There were preachers then, who taught the peo-
ple in the best manner they were able, without possessing,
and without the power of obtaining a whole copy of the Word
of God. . '
The opportunity of these pioneers to educate their children
VM
Aftftendix.
was cxtpemtly Hmnll. If the mother couhl rend, while tlie
father was in tiiu cornfield, or with his rifle upon the range,
Hho woiiKI harricnde the door to keep off the IndianB, gather
her little ones around her, and by the light that came in from
the crevices in the roof and sidcH of the cabin, she would teach
them the rudiments of spelling from the fragments of «ome
old book. AlViT schools were taught, the price of a rough
and antiquated copy of Dilworth's sp'-lling book was une dol-
lar, and that dollar equal in value toytW now.
The first school ever tauf,'ht for the American settlers, was
by Samuel Scely, in 1783. Francis Clark, an intemperate
man, came next. This was near Hellefontaine, in 1786. —
After this, an inoffensive Irishman of small attainments, by
the name of Halfpenny, was employed by the people for sev-
eral quarters. {Spelling, reading, writing, and the elements
of arithmetic, were all the branches attempted to be taught,
and these in a very imperfect manner.
Following him, the late pious and eccentric John Clark, a
preacher of the gospel, taught the youth of these settlements
gratuitously. He was a good scholar, of Scotch descent and
education, and initiated the young men of tht tday, not only in
the rudiments of an English education, but in several instan-
ces, in mathematics, natural philosophy, and the latin lan-
guage.
The year 1797 was distinguished for a mortal sickness that
prevailed in the settlement of New Design. A colony of one
hundred and twenty-six persons, left the south branch of the
Potomac, in Virginia, early in the spring, descended the Ohio
by water, landed at Fort Massac, bringing their horses and
wagons, with which they crossed the wilderness to New De-
sign. The season proved uncommonly rainy ; the mud was
excessively deep, and frequently for miles in extent, they were
obliged to wade through sheets of water. They were twenty-
one dii^s in traversing this wilderness, which is mostly a tim-
bered region. The old settlers had been so long harrassed
with Indian wa'rfare, that agriculture had been neglected, their
cattle were few in number, and their stock of provisions very
scanty. Their cabins usually consisted of a single room, for
all domestic purposes ; and though hospitality to strangers ia
a universal trait in frontier character, it was utterly beyond
the power of the inhabitants to provide accommodations in
nd, while tlie
>on the rnnge,
ndianH, gather
cnnie in from
ic would teach
ipnts of Home
no of a rough
k was one dol-
1 settlers, was
1 intemperate
c, in 1786.—
tainnnentN, by
>cople for sev-
1 the elements
to be taught,
John Clark, a
8c settlements
:h descent and
ny, not only in
leveral instan-
the latin lan-
I sickness that
colony of one
branch of the
aded the Ohio
3ir horses and
ss to New De-
the mud was
ent, they were
were twenty-
mostly a tim-
ong harrassed
eglected, their
rovisions very
igle room, for
o strangers is
itterly beyond
imodations in
<mt
^w<
Inciilcntx of llUnoti, 1786-1800.
709
provisions or shelter to these new comers, who arrived in a
fomishing, deplorable, and sickly condition. Tiiry did the
beit they could; i\ single cabin IVeciueiitly contained three or
four families. Thoir rillcs could procure venison from tlut
prairies; but the cxtrtimo rains were followed witli unusuul
heat; they hud no salt, and their meat was often in "spoiling
order," before they could pack it from the hunting grounds to
the settlement. Medical aid was procured with the greatuHt
difficulty, and that but seldom. Under such circumstances,
need it surprise the reader, that of the one hundred and
twenty-six emigrants who left Virginia in the spring, only
sixty-three remained at the close of summer. A little bluH'
had been entirely covered with newly-formed graves ! They
were swept ofl" by a putrid fever, uncommonly malignant, and
which sometimes did its work in a few hours. The old inhabi-
tants were healthy as usual.
The settlers state, that no disease like it ever appeared in
the country before or since. Intelligence of this fatal sickness
reached the Atlantic, states, found its way into the periodical
journals, and, mon than all other events, has produced an im-
pression abroad, that all Illinois is a sickly country ; an im-
pression wholly incorrect. Illinois, umiuestionably, is as
healthy a region us any western state.
SECTION II.
Sktlchtt of Indian Hitiory in Illinoii, ^
The territory of Illinois, south of a line from about Quincy
to Ottowa, was originally claimed by a confederacy of tribes
under the general name of Illinois, or as called by Hennepin
(of doubtful authority,) lllini» We have searched every au-
thority within our reach, for the etymology and meaning of
this name. The most elaborate work in our library on Indian
names and the structure of numerous languages and dialects
of the aborigines of our country, is the second volumcy)f the
" Arc/ioEologia Americana,^^ or Transactions and Collections of
the American Antiquarian Society. This work contains 422
large octavo pages, from the pen of the late Albert Gallatin,
Esq., whose researches in this department of literature are
the most extensive to be found. "The works of Eliot, Colton,
Roger Williamsf and Edwards of New England ; the diction-
ary of Father Raslc, illustrated by the learned and discrimina-
r "<""*la*h ' T y y ' ' ' *M""" ' JWM i I. j[ifiuiuiJH!Mii«iKffanp«*«
710
Appendix.
ting Pickering ; and the researches of Heckewelder and Zeis-
berger, on whose data have been reared the philosophical hy-
potheses of Du Ponceau ;" are investigations in the languages
and dialects of the Indian nations, most profound and search-
ing. Mr. Callatin has brought together in one view, the lan-
ffua^es and dialects of all the Indian nations of North Ameri-
ca, so far as authentic specimens could be procured. We are
thus particular to remove any impressions that our suggestion
of the origin and meaning of the term Illinois is fanciful.
The aborigines of this continent are not of one stock. In
language, religion, manners, customs, figure, mental power,
and other characteristics, the native inhabitants of North
America were divided into several distinct classes ; and tJiese
again, were subdivided into numerous confederacies and tribes,
differing from each other in dialect, and slight modifications of
character. The first division, and the only one that demands
attention in this work, has been denominated by "he French
the Algonquin race ; by Mr. Schoolcraft, the Algic race.
This was the most numerous class when the continent was
first visited by Europeans, and, embraced all the Indians of Can-
ada, New England and New York, except the Iroquois or "Six
Nations," who are a different and a superior stock. The Len-
no-lenape, or Delawares, of New Jersey and Pennsylvania ; the
Powhattan confederacy of Virginia, the Chouannons, or
Shawanoes, from James' River to Florida ; the Meaumies fMi-
amies] of Ohio and Indiana ; the O'jibways, Ottawas, Potta-
watomies, Musquakies, [Fox Indians] Saukies, Kickapoos, and
many others, including the Illinois confederacy, are of the Al-
gonqum or Algic stock. They are called in the work before
us, the Algonquin- Lenape nations.
The name Illinois is derived from Lenno, " man." The Del-
aware Indians (according to Heckewelder and Zeisberger) call
themselves Lenno Lenape, which means "original, or unmix-
ed men." The term manli/ men, io distinguish themselves from
mean, trifling men, would convey the exact idea. " Nape"
means " male," and " Lenape" a real man.
The tribes along the Illinois gave the French explorers to
understand, they were real men. They said " lenno," or "len-
ni." All uncouth, strange and barbarous sounds are liable to
be misunderstood, and mis-spelt, unless long acquaintance and
• Transactions, 51. 21. ' ' " • • ^
1^
ler and Zeis-
}sophical hy-
tie languages
and search-
icw, the lan-
Jorth Ameri-
ed. We are
ur suggestion
'anciful.
16 stock. In
ental power,
ts of North
s ; and these
es and tribes,
idifications of
hat demands
' "he French
; race.
intinent was
liansof Can-
quois or "Six
k. The Len-
ij'lvania ; the
uannons, or
eaumies fMi-
awas, Potta-
ckapoos, and
re of the Al-
work before
1.'
The Del-
isberger) call
il, or unmix-
tnselves from
;a. " Nape"
explorers to
no,"or"len-
are liable to
aintance and
Incidents of Illinois, 1785—1800.
711
a careful analysis produce accuracy. The word lenno expres-
sed the nation to wiiich they belonged as a generic term. —
There was no particular tribe called Illi.ni. The word Illinois
is partly Indian, and partly French. Every scholar knows
that the termination is French. The river took its name from
the Indians that occupied its banks.
The confederacy under the generic name Illinois, consisted
of five tribes ; the Kaskaskias, Cahv>kias, Tamarouas, Peorias,
and Mitchigamias. This last (if Charlevoix is correct) was a
foreign tribe admitted into their confederacy, and which origi-
nally came from the other side of the Mississippi. This, we
doubt, for originally they were about Lake Michigan, where
they left their name. This confederacy are said to have been
numerous, and before the visit of Marquette and Joliet, to con-
sist of ten or twelve thousand souls.
The Iroquois, or five nations, were at war with them when
La Salle visited Illinois. They claimed to have con [uered
the country, and exercised their right to dispose of it to their
ally. Great Britain. The Chickasawa made war on them from
the south : the Sauks, Foxes, Kickapoos, Ottawas, Pottawato-
mies, and other bands from the north, and though once numer-
ous, they were greatly reduced by their enemies.
Starved Rock, near the foot of the rapids of the Illinois, is a
perpendicular mass of lime and sand stone washed by the cur-
rent at its base, and elevated 150 feet. The diameter of its
surface is about 100 feet, with aslope extending to the adjoin-
ing bluff from which alone it is accessible.
Tradition says that after the Illinois Indians had killed
Pontiac, the great Indian Chief of the northern Indians
made war upon them. A band of the Illinois, in attempting
to escape, took shelter on this rock, which they soon made in-
accessible to their enemies, and where they were closely be-
sieged. They had secured provisions, but their only resource
for water was by letting down vessels with bark ropes to the
river. The wily besiegers contrived to come in canoes under
the rock and cut off their buckets, by which means the unfor-
tunate Illinois were starved to death. Many years after, their
bones were whitening on this summit.
Iroquois river and county, in the eastern part of the State,
reminds us of one victory, at least, the Illinois Indians gained
over their ancient enemies. The latter were driven from the
field with considerable loss.
712
Appendix.
rs-
S< • 1
r \
b
The Tamarouas tribe were nearly exterminated by the
8hawanese, in a fight in the eastern part of Randolph county,
where their bones could be seen about the period of the con-
quest of Illinois by Clark. From that period their name was
lost.
We are at some loss to arrange the Mascoutin tribe, or as
given by Father Allouez, Mascontens.*
Charlevoix says, and he is confirmed by Mr. Schoolcraft, that
Mascontenck means a "country without woods, a prairie."t —
There certainly was a tribe called by this name, in friendly re-
lations with the Illinois confederacy. They were a distinct
band when Colonel Clark negotiated with the Indians of Illi-
nois, in 1778. [Annals, 205.] They certainly were not Sauks,
Foxes, Kickapoos, nor Shawanese. Probably they, too, be-
longed to the Illinois confederacy, and constituted the sixth
branch.
The Piankeshaws possessed the eastern part of the State
adjacent to the Wabash river. Formerly they claimed the
couKtry on both sides of the Wabash, but about the middle
of the sixteenth century, they gave the Shavvanoes (who origi-
nated from thfc country on the Atlantic, between James' river
and Florida) liberty to occupy the country on the Ohio and
eastern side of the Wabash. In 1768, they granted a tract
of country east of the Wabash to the Delaware Indians.J —
They claimed the country from the Wabash west to the divi-
ding ridge, which separates the waters emptying into the Sa-
line creek and the Kaskaskia river, from the streams that flow
into the Wabash. They were a branch of the Miami confed- )
eracy.
There is a tradition that the Kickapoos originally came
from beyond the Mississippi river, and yet their language,
manners and customs are similar to those of the Sauks and
Foxes. They claimed the country on the Sangamon, Macki-
naw and Vermillion rivers in Illinois, and had villages on the
Wabash in Indiana. Indian titles and boundaries are extreme-
ly vague and indeterminate. They have ever been a nomadic
people, wandering from place to place. " Attachment to the
graves of their fathers" is poetry.
• Rclationi of New France, 1660. V-.
tTranjaol'jn* \. UquorUn Society, ii. 61. ., ,,> ;. , ■.
J Trausact'ona, ii. 03. ■' i "i •= ' ., .•
i's ^'
ated by the
lolph county,
I of the con-
ir name was
1 tribe, or as
)olcraft, that
i prairie."t —
n friendly re-
re a distinct
lians of llli-
e not Sauks,
ley, too, be-
ed the sixth
of the State
claimed the
t the middle
s (who origi-
James' river
;he Ohio and
nted a tract
B Indians4 —
It to the divi-
into the Sa-
ms that flow
iami confed- ]
[in ally came
ir language,
e Sauks and
mon, Macki-
llages on the
are extreme-
n a nomadic
iment to the
Incidents of Illinois, 1785—1800.
713
'
The Sauks originated from the region of Quebec and Mon-
treal. Probably they were expelled by the Iroquois who con-
quered that country. We can nsxt identify them on the north-
ern side of Michigan, along Saganau bay, as the name im-
ports. Saganau is from Sau-ke-nuk, (Saukietown.)
Next they are at" Sauk river," in Wisconsin, Jbelow Green
Bay, where they formed an alliance with the " Ottagamies,"
as called by the English and many Indians ; the " Les Ren-
ards," by the French. Their true name is Mus-quau-kee, sin-
gular, or Mus-quau-ki-uk, plural. The meaning is red clay,
as Saukie means white clay. The Foxes possessed the coun-
try about Green Bay, and along the river that bears their
name.
It was not until some years after the French settled in Illi-
nois, they wandered to the Mississippi, and took possession of
the peninsula of Rock River, where they dispossessed the
Sauteaux, with whom the French had traded. These people
were a branch of the Chippeway, or Ojibbeway nation. —
Their principal village was where Rock Island city now ex-
ists, but they had several other village sites, one of which was
where Quincy now is. They took possession of the country
of the loways, [Aiouez] whom they partly subjugated. The
Foxes had their principal village on the west side of the Mis-
sissippi, at Davenport. A small Sauk village was on the west
side of the Mississippi river, near the mouth of the Des-
moines.
The Pottawatomies, Ottowas and Chippevvays, have an
affinity in language, and have sustained a friendly relation-
ship. They possessed the country in the north-eastern part of
Illinois and around Lake Michigan.
The Mcnominees, (or Melominets of- some writers) had their
country north-west of Green Bay, among the rice-lakes. Their
name signifies " Rice-eaters," and hence the French call them
" FoUs-avoine," a term that signifies wild rice, or "oats." —
This tribe is mentioned by the missionaries as early as 1669.
Another small tribe about Grepn Bay and Sturgeon Bay, is the
" Puants,^^ so called from their extreme filthy habits.
;'»-■'
46
714
Appendix.
■ ^' V (
\m
I
SECTION THIRD.
Progress of Illinois from 1800 to 1812.
During this period, no important events of a thrilling char-
acter occurred to interrupt the quiet routine of peaceful life
in this remote territory. The termination of the Indian hos-
tilities invited immigration from the States. The settlements in
what is now Monroe couqty, became the temporary resort of
many families from the two Carol'nas, Virginia, Kentucky and
Tennessee, who, in a year or two, passed over to Upper Louis-
iana. The population of Illinois in 1790, did not much ex-
ceed 2000 white persons, and in 1800, about 3000. (The es-
timate in the preceding section included Indiana.) We have a
list of the names of heads of American families, who came to
Illinois previous to 1788, and thereby became entitled to do-
nations of land, called " head-rights." Their number is 80.
Of these the names of John Edgar, George Atcheson, Wm.
Arundel, William Biggs, John Boyd, John Cook, John Dodge,
James Garrison, Thomas Hughes, Jacob Judy, Peter Smith,
James Lemen, sen., James Moore, Henry O'llarr^, Joseph
Ogle, James Piggott, Larkin Rutherford, Johr* K. Simpson, Jo-
seph Woiley, James McRoberts, Thomas Brady, John Demp-
sey, Thomas Flannery, and many others, will be recollected
by the old settlers.
A letter from Governor Reyno''' 3, dated Belleville, Illincs,
February 29th, 1848, gives the following facts: —
'•The whole country both sides of the Mississippi, was call-
ed Illinois in ancient times. When my father started from
Knox county, in East Tennessee, for the " Spanish country,"
as he intended, it was called there Illinois. He left Tennessee
in the spring of 1800, crossed the Ohio river at " Lusk's lierry,"
as it was called, and landed on the right bank of the Ohio,
where Golconda is now situated. There was no house on the
road to Kaskaskia, until we reached General Edgar's ferry,
one mile above the town. In 1801, there were six famil.es
east of the Kaskaskia river in a settlement. 3'he names were
Stacey McDonough, James Hughes and Messrs. Pettit, Dunks,
and Anderson. My father, Robert Reynolds, settled near the
river and town of Kaskaskia. Pettit, Anderson and Dunks,
resided on Nine Mile creek, a few miles north of the first
named persons, but it was called one settlement, although se-
veral miles in extent. No one at that period lived east near-
er than Yincennes.
'illing char-
leacrful life
Indian hos-
ttlements in
iry resort of
^ntucky and
fpper Louis-
ot much ex-
). (The es-
We have a
vho came to
titled to do-
mber is 80.
heson, Wm.
John Dodge,
Peter Smith,
arr-"., Joseph
i>impson, Jd-
lohn Demp-
e recollected
llle, mine s,
ipi, was call-
started I'rom
ish country,"
;ft Tennessee
Lusk's lierry,"
of the Ohio,
house on the
Idgar's ferry,
six famil.es
1 names were
Pettit, Dunks,
.led near the
and Dunks,
I of the first
although se-
ed east near-
i. t in i vj ■
American Settlements in Illinois.
715
In very early times a town by the name of Washington was
laid off in Horse Prairie, and a few families resided there in
1800. Mr. Leonis had a saw mill on Horse Creek, and Gener-
al Edgar had a fine flouring mill on a small stream east of the
Kaskaskia river. At a still earlier period, a town was estab-
lished at or near Bellefontaine, in Monroe county, where both
Americans and French resided, and I have seen the vestiges
of it.
" Before 1790, General Edgar made sal' at the foot of tho
bluffs near the residence of Judge Bond, and near the termi-
nus of the bluffs at the south part of Monroe county. The
water was not very strong, and yet considerable salt was made
at this lick. At the Salines, below Ste. Genevieve, considera-
ble salt was manufactured, during many years, within sight
of the Illinois shore. And in still more ancient times, the
French from Vincennes made salt at the Salines in Gallatin
county."
General John Edgar was an ofHcer in the British navy, in
Canada, and on the lakes. He came to Kaskaskia during the
war of the revolution. He was a trader and accumulated a
large amount of lands.
Of the Americans who resided in the town of Kaskaskia in
1800, we give the names of John Edgar, James Edgar, Will-
liam Morrison, Robert Morrison, John Rice Jones, William
Arundel, and probably some others. Colonel William Morri-
son was engaged in the Indian trade. He kept the principal
wholesale and retail store in the place for many years. He
was a man of talents, enterprize, and indomitable energy, and
died some years since at an advanced age.
The old Kaskaskia tribe of Indians at that period, were
numerous, and resided between the town and ruins of Fort
Chartres. They counted 150 warriors, which makes their
population about 700 or 800. Their chief, old Du Coigne, was
a man of strong mind and always friendly to the white peo-
ple. The Kickapoos were frequently at war with the Kaskas-
kia Indians, and cut off many, but intoxicating drink killed
many more.
Two American settlements were commenced in the present
boundaries of St. Clair county previous to 1800. Turky Hill,
a few miles east of Belleville, was first settled in 1798, by
William Scott, John and Franklin Jarvis, Hosea Riggs, Saml.
Shook, George Stout, and their families. From five to seven
miles south-east of Belleville, another settlement was com-
716
Appendix.
-(^H
menced about 1797, by Abraham Eyman, John Teter, William
Miller and Mr. Randelman.
In 1802, several families commenced settlements in St. Clair
county, north of Belleville. Amongst these was Captain Jos.
Ogle and his sons, J. J. Whiteside, and W. L. Whiteside.
About the same time Goshen settlement was commencjd, near
the bluffs, in the present boundary of Madison county, south-
west of Edwardsville ; and the settlements on Wood river and
Rattan's prairie, a few miles east of the present site of Alton.
From this period until the organization of the territory of
Illinois, new settlements were formed in Gallatin, Johnson,
Union and Jackson counties; and in White county, on the
Wabash. In 1810, so great had been the increase that the
census gives the population of the territory at 12,284 inhabi-
tants. At the same time Indiana territory reported 24,520.
In July, 1790, there were one hundred and forty- three heads
of families in Vincennes, who were residents of that place at
or before 1783 ; aiid eighty Americans who claimed rights to
lands in Knox county.
The act of Congress for the organization of the Illinois ter-
ritory in 1809, has already been mentioned. [Annals, 576, 577.]
The territorial government was begun in due form on April
25th, 1809, on which day, the late Nathaniel Pope, the Secre-
tary and acting Governor, took the customary oath.
We here give the commission of the Secretary from the
President, and the oath of office administered by judge Shra-
der, one of the United States' Judges for the territory of
Louisiana. , ,
"James Madison, President of the United States of America,
to all who shall see these presents, Greeting: — "
Know Yb, that reposing special trust and confidence in the
integrity, diligence, and abilities of Nathani&I Pope, of the
Louisiana territory, I have nominated, and by the advice and
consent of the Senate, do appoint him Secretary to and for the
Illinois territory ; and do authorize and empower him to exe-
cute and fulfil the duties of that office, with all the powers, pri-
vileges and emoluments to the same of right appertaining, for
the term of four years from the date hereof, unless the Presi-
det.t of the United States for the time being, should be pleased
sooner to revoke and determine this commission.
In testimony whereof, I have caused these letters to be made
patent, and the seal of the United States to be hereunto af-
fixed.
Btcr, William
ts in St. Clair
Captain Jos.
I. Whiteside,
mencod, near
ounty, south-
)od river and
site of Alton,
e territory of
Ltin, Johnson,
unty, on the
ase that the
2,284 inhabi:
ed 24,620.
y-three heads
that place at
mod rights to
e Illinois ter-
ftls, 576, 577.]
form on April
)e, the Secre-
ith.
ary from the
r judge Shra-
territory of
s of America,
idence in the
Pope, of the
b advice and
and for the
r him to exe-
B powers, pri-
ertaining,for
jss the Presi-
Id be pleased
rs to be made
hereunto af-
American Settlements in Illinois
111
■ Given under my hand at the city of Washington, the seVenth
day of March, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight
hundred and nine, and of the Independence of the United
States of America, the thirty- third.
JAME3 MADISON.
By the President,
R. Smith, Secretary of State."
The following was the oath of office :
Territory of Louisiana.
Be it 'remembered, That on the 25th day of April, 1809, per-
sonally appeared before me, Otho Shrader, one of the Judges
in and over the Territory of Louisiana, Nathaniel Pope, Esq.,
appointed Secretary in and for the Illinois territory, by com-
mission of the President of the United States, bearing date
the 7th day of March last past, and took the following oath,
to wit : That he will support the Constitution of the United
States, and that he will perform the duties of bis said office
with fidelity, to the best of his knowledge and judgment.
NAT. POPE.
Sworn to and subscribed before me at the town of Ste.
Genevieve, the day and year aforesaid.
OTHO SHRADER.
We give these forms as a specimen, for the information of
our young readers, and others who may desire to know how
such government matters are conducted. In substance, the
commission and form of oath is the same for United States
officers in all territorial organizations.
On the 28th of April, a proclamation was issued by the Sec-
retary as acting governor, making the counties of St. Clair
and Randolph, counties of the Illinois territory. The next
day. (29th,) application having been made to the acting gov-
ernor, by affidavit before a justice of -the peace, charging Jas.
Dunlap with the murder of Rice Jones, and requesting the
governor of the Orleans territory to deliver up said Dunlap.
This murder was the result of an affray between the parties,
the particulars of which are not distinct in the mind of the
writer.
On the 3d of May, the following persons were commissioned
by the acting governor as justices of the peace : —
Nicholas Jarrot, John Hay, Caldwell Cairns, Thomas Todd,
Jacob A. Boyef, Jas. Lemen, sen., Enoch Moore, D. Badgley,
James Bankston, William Biggs, Robert Elliot, John Finlay»
_ ■
718
Appendix.
•i r*, X I
'i i
David White, Samuel S. Kennedy, Antoine Deschamps, Har-
vey M. Fisher, and Nicholas Boilvin. John Hays was ap-
pointed Sheriff, Enoch Moore Coroner, and Elias Hector, At-
torney General.
On the 11th of June, Ninian Edwards, Governor, arrived
from Kentucky, and entered on the duties of his oftice. He
had taken the oath beTore the Hon. Thomas Todd, Judge of
the Supreme Court of Kentucky. On the 16th of the .same
month the Governor and two Judges, constituting the legisla-
tive authority in the fir t stage of the territorial government,
re-enacted the laws of the terri. ry of Indiana, that were ap-
plicable to Illinois. Jolin Hay, ^uot the sheriff mentioned
above,) was appointed clerk of the county of St. Clair, which
office he held by successive re-appointments until his decease
in IP j.
enjamin H. Doylo, who had been appointed Attorney Gen-
eral in place of E'Jas Rector, having resigned, on the 30th
of December, 1809, John Jourdon Crittenden was appointed
Attorney General. On the 9th of April, 1801, the oflice be-
coming again vacant, Thomas T. Crittenden was appointed.
For eight years Illinois formed a part of Indiana, and the
principal statutes of that territory were re-enacted by the
Governor and Judges, and became the basis of statute law in
Illinois, much of which, without change of phraseology, re-
mains in the revised code of that State, as the same laws, in
substance, originated in the legislation of the Governor and
Judges of the North- Western territory ; and by the Governor
and Judges of Indiana, were enacted in the territory of Lou-
isiana during the period of their temporary jurisdiction west
of the Mississippi, we give a synopsis of several of these
ancient statutes. Since the penitentiary system of discipline
and punishment has been introduced into all these States, the
penalty of whipping and other inhuman modes of punishment
have been changed to imprisonment with labor.
We extract from the laws published in 1807, by Stout and
Smoof, Vincennes, la. The volume comprises those acts for-
merly in force and as revised by Messrs. John Rice Jones and
John Johnson, territorial Judges, and passed (after some
amendments by the territorial legislature ;) with the original
acts passed at the first session of the second General Assem-
bly of the territory.
Synopsis of the Territorial Code.
719
lamps, Har-
ays was ap-
llcctor, Al-
nor, arrived
I oflice. He
Id, Judge of
of the .same
; the legisla-
government,
Imt were ap-
r mentioned
Clair, which
1 his decease
ttorney Gen-
on the 30th
iS appointed
he office be-
; appointed,
ana, and the
,cted by the
:atute law in
iseology, re-
ime laws, in
Dvernor and
he Governor
itory of Lou-
;diction west
ral of these
of discipline
s States, the
' punishment
>y Stout and
ose acts for-
B Jones and
(after some
the original
leral Assem-
• At that period the counties in the whole territory, including
Illinois, were Dearborn, Clark and Knox, (which probably in-
cfudcd the eastern side of Illinois) in Indiana ; and St. Clair
and Randolph, in Illinois.
Justices of the Peace. — A competent number for each coun
ty, — nominated and commissioned by the CJovernor; — power
to take all manner of recognizances and obligations as any
Justices of the Peace in the U. States;— all to be certified to
the Court of Common Pleas at next session,— but those for a
felony belong to the Court of Oyer and Terminer. One
or more Justices of the Peace, may hear and determine, by due
cour.se of law, any petty crimes and misdemeanor*, where the
punishment shall be fine only, not exceeding three dollars.—
Justices required to commit the ofiender when crime was per-
petrated in their sight without further testimony. All war-
rants to be under the hand and seal of the justice. Justices to
have power to punish by fine, as provided in the statute, all
as.saults and batteries not of an aggravated nature ; and cause
to be arrested all affrayers, rioters and disturbers of the
peace, and bind them over by recognizance to appear at the
next General Court,or Court of Common Pleas, to be held with-
in the county, and to require such persons to give security.
Justices of the Peace to examine into all homicides, murders,
treasons, and felonies, done in their respective counties, and
commit to prison all persons suspected to be guilty of man-
slaughter, murder, treason, or other capital oflence, and hold
to bail all persons suspected to be guilty of lesser offences ;
and require sureties for the good behavior of idle, vagrant,
disorderly characters; swindlers and gamblers, as well as
every description of disorderly and vagrant persons.
Courts.— Courts of Common Pleas were organized in each
county, of three Judges, any two of whom were a quorum. —
They were appointed and commissioned by the Governor for
and during good behavior. Said Court to hear and determine,
according to the common law, all crimes and misdemeanors,
the punishment whereof did not extend to life, limb, impris-
onment for one year, or forfeiture of goods Hnd chattels, lands
and tenements. This Court held pleas r'i assize, scire facias,
replevins, and was empowered to hear and determine all man-
ner of pleas, suits, actions and crimes, real, personal, and
mixed, according to law. The Court held annually six ses-
720
Appendix.
sionH, at three of which no Huits for criminnl causes should he
tried. [ This provision waj made for speedy justice in all civil
actions.]
If the court was not opened on the day appointed, thoshr.^ifT
could myourn from day to day for two days, and then until
the next term.
Compensation of the judges of this court was two dollars
and fifty cents per day, paid from the county levy.
This c'jurthnd power to take all recognizances and obliga-
tions, and all not triable in said court to be certified to the
next cou: t of oyer and terminer. All fines to be duly and
truly fissessed according to the quality of the ofTence. without
afiection or partiality.
Criminals who bad absconded from the counties to be
brought back by warrant. Any person aggrieved may appeal
to the General Court. All writs issued to be in the name of the
United States. Judges had power to grant under seal, replev-
ins, writs of partition, writs of vieio, and all other writs and
process, under said pleas and actions, ognizable in said court,
as occasion may require.
The co"rt may issue subpoenas, under seal, and signed by
any clerk, into any county in the territory, summoning any
witness. The clerk of taid court was appointed by the gov-
ernor during good behavior.
Supreme Court. — Styled General Court — held twice a year
at Vincennes, first Tuesdays in April and September; — had
author' ty to issue writs of habeas corpus, certiorari, and writs
of error. The members of the court were constituted circuit
judges, and required to hold a circuit court once in each year
in the counties of Dearborn, Clark, Randolph and St. Clair.
This court was empowered to hear and determine all cases,
matters and things, cognizable in said court; — to examine and
correct errors of inferior courts, and punish;— to punisi he
•'contempts, omissions, neglects, favors, corruptions and o •
faults of all justices of peace, shei iffs, coroners, clerks, and s
other officers ; — award process to collect all fines, forfeitui^..
and amercements;" — to hold courts of oyer and terminer, and
general jail delivery. The governor was empowered to call
a special term for capital ofiences.
Jurymen were required to attend, and fined for non-attend-
Sijnopsis of t/w Territoruil Cixle.
721
IC8 should he
e ill all civil
d, UioshrrifT
d then until
two dollars
and obliga-
ified to the
le duly and
ice, without
nties to be
may appeal
name of the
seal, rcplcv-
' writs and
I said court,
1 signed by
Idling any
by the gov-
vice a year
nber ; — had
, and writs
Jted circuit
I each year
St. Clair.
e all cases,
amine and
punisi he
IS and «j •
'ks, and ' i
forfeitUi»-»
miner, and
red to call
on- attend-
ance, not exceeding eight dollars in tlic liriuiul Couit, and
five dollars in the court ol" common pleas.
SheriJ's were appointed by the governor, and bonds of four
thousand dollars required. Their duty was to keep the pence
cause all ofFendcrs to give recognizances, quell and si.ppi- ss all
adrays, routs, riots and insurrections, and call to their aid all
the power of the county ; pursue, apprehend and commit to
jail all criminals, felons, traitors and fugitives irom jiislice ;
execute all processes, attend all courts of record ; have custody
of the jail of the county, and do all other duticij»ciijoincd by
law.
Oatlis of office— V.\ cry person appointed to a civil oflice
must make oath, or affirmation. The form used was us fol-
lows: —
"I, A. B. being appointed to tlie office of , do solemnly
swear I will execute the duties of my said oflice, according to
the best of my skill and understanding, without favor, or par-
tiality, so help me God."
Any officer or other person scrupulously conscientious of tak-
ing an oath, may Affirm according to the following form : —
"I, A. B., being appointed to the office of , do solemnly,
sincerely, and truly declare and affirm, that I will well and truly
execute the duties of my said office, according to the best of
my skill and understauding, without fraud or partiality, and 1
declare and affirm under the pains and penalties of perjury."
Oaths and affirmations to be taken before the governor, or
such other persons as he may appoint and commission ; and
in absence of the governor, by the judges.
Grimes and Punishments. — Capital crimes are treason, mur-
der, arson, rape, andhorse stealing, on fec't>n<< conviction. Petit
treason defined and punished as murder. Capital punish-
ment to be inflicted by hanging.
Manslaughter punished as the common law heretofore point-
ed out. Burglary by whipping, not more than thirty-nine
lashes, and to find sureties for good behavior for three years ;
and on default of sureties, to be committed to jail for the
term of three years.
If goods were actually stolen, the culprit to be fined treble
the value cf the goods stolen. If personal violence or injury
were done, the penalty was forfeiture of all the estate of^the
IT.-
722
Appendix,
i,^l»*
convict, out of wliich tli« party injuroil was to bo rcinuncra-
tod. If death wuscauMod, it wasdutMncd inurdur.
Hobbcry of j,'ood.s by force on iho higlivvny or lieid, the saino
ns burglary. If any pcrKoii whs iiilled, the act was murder.
All abettors were regarded principals.
lliols and unlawful Assfinblics. — 'I'lireo or more persons as-
sembling for mischief, or intention of any unlawful violence
against the person or property of another, were (ined each
the sum of sixteen dollars and costs, and had to lind securities
for good bel^vior six months. In case of riots, all ministerial
and judicial officers present, were required to make proclama-
tion. If the rioters did not disperse, then they were required
to call on all persons near, to suppress it; — if they cannot,
then cull on the military. If any citizen or soldier refuses to
net, he was fined ten dollars. If any rioters were killed by
the citizens or authorities when called on, the act was not
criminal.
For obslruclia<^ lawful a ithorilij, the fine was not to exceed
three hundred dollars; to be whipped not cxce»Hling thirty-
nine lushes, and find security for good behavior one year. On
second conviction, the penalty was fine, whipping, and surety
for three years.
Perjury. — Fine not exceeding sixty dollars, or be whipped
not exceeding thirty-nine lashes; sit in the pillory not exceed-
ing two hours, and be incapacitated forgiving testimony, or
being a juror, or sustaining any civil or military office. Pro-
curing perjury, the same as if committed by the individual.
Larceny. — First offence, the penalty was to restore the value
two-fold ; or be whipped not over thirty-one stripes ; — second
oH'cnce, restitution, a fine not exceeding four-fold, and whip-
ped not exceeding thirty-nine stripes. If the culprit had no
property to pay the fine, the sherifi* was to bind him out to
servitude, under direction of the court, seven years. Receivers
of stolen goods to be deemed principals, and punished ac-
cordingly. Any person compounding for stolen goods, upon
conviction, shall forfeit twice the value, but no person was de-
barred from taking his own property if he prosecuted the thief.
No parent was obliged to prosecute his v /n child.
Forgery. — Penalty, double the sum defrauded by the forgery,
imposed ^s a fine, — one half to the party injured — the culprit
rendered incapable of giving testimony, serving on a jury, or
bo rcmunera-
r.
elil, the Hatiio
was iiiunlur.
D persoriM ns-
vlul violence
re iiiifd utich
liiid sucuritieM
ill ininiMturiiil
ku proclmna-
viTc required
they cuiinot,
ier rt'fuBes to
ere killfd by
act was nut
ot to exceed
"ding thirty-
tne year. On
g, and surety
' he whipped
y not exceed-
testirnony, or
office. Pro-
individual,
ore the value
pes ; — second
i, and whip-
jlprit had no
i him out to
rs. Receivers
punished uc-
1 goods, upon
;rson was de-
Jted the thief.
J-.
ly the forgery,
1 — the culprit
on a jury, or
Synnpsit of the Tciriliuiul Codi
7'J3
sustaining any ollice of trust;— and to set in the pillory nut
less than three hours. All puruuns aiding to bu dcciued
principals.
Uduritntiim of OJicc—On conviction, to be fined not exceed-
ing one hundred dollars.
Assdull tiud Ihtttcry. — Fine not over one hundred dollars,
and surety for good behavior one year.
FrandakiU Jhrdu ; — with intent to deceive and defraud,
were null and void; — fine not over three hundred dollars, and
damages to the injured party.
Disobedience of Children nrSrvunts. On complaint to justice
of the peace, he may send to jail, or the house of correctiDn,
to remain there until sufficiently humbled. For striking the
parent or nmster, on conviction before two justices, the party
shall be whipped not exceeding ten stripes.
ObtaininiT Goods under Fraudulent Frctcnccs.—Vonahy same
as larceny.
^r.wi.— For setting fire to, or burning any building, the pen-
alty was death!
iiorsc-.v/f«/</Jir.— First conviction to pay the value and costs,
and receive not less than fifty, nor more than two hundred
stripes ; and stand committed to jail until the value and costs
were paid. For second conviction, death !
Hog-slcalinfr.— For stealing, marking, or altering the marks
of the hog kind; penalty not less than fifty nor more than
two hundred dollars; and also not less than twenty-five, nor
over thirty-nine stripes. Persons may mark their own un-
marked hogs while running at large.
For altering or defacing any marks or brands of cattle, hor-
ses, hogs, etc., penalty, five dollars, besides the value of the
animal. Prosecution to be within six-months after discovery :
and, moreover, to receive forty stripes. For second offence,
to pay the fine aforesaid, and stand in the pillory two hours,
and be branded on the left hand with the letter T.
For mis-marking or branding, etc., fine, five dollars. ^ «
[In all frontier settlements, horses, cattle, hogs, etc., run at
large on the range. Horses are commonly branded, and cat-
tle and hogs marked in the ear: each settler having his pe-
culiar mark, which is recorded in books of the county. Hence
the severe penalties for marking, etc.] * v^,^; ^ - ; * >»
. Persons who know of this ofl'ence and conceal it, and not
724
Appendix.
\M-
." VI
discover it to some magistrate within ten days, shall pay a fine
of ten dullars. Persons killing cattle or hogs in the woods,
shall show the heads to some magistrate, or to two substan-
tial freeholders, within three days, on penalty of ten dollars.
Every man shall have an ear-mark, and record it in the clerk's
office of the county where he resides.
Maiming. — Penalty for unlawfully cutting, maiming, biting,
gouging a member or limb, maliciously and in fighting,
fine not less than fifly, nor more than one thousand dollars; to
be confined in jail not less than one, nor more than six months;
one-fourth of the fine to the territory, and three-fourths to the
party injured. For want of means to pay the fine, the party
to be sold for a term not excseding five years.
Sodomy, is defined the crime " against nature," and with
beasts. Fine not less than fifty, nor more than five hundred
dollars; imprisonment not less than one, nor more than five
years; whipping not less than one hundred nor more than'five
hundred stripes ; and accounted infamous, and incapable of
holding any office, or giving testimony.
Bigamy. — Penalty, to be whipped not less than one hundred
nor more than three hundred stripes ; fine, not less than one
hundred, nor mere than five hundred dollars, for the use of the
party injured ; and imprisonment not less than six, nor more
than twelve months, and made infamous. Provided, one party
be beyond the seas for seven years, or elsewhere the same pe-
riod ind not heard from, ihe marriage is lawful. Forcible or
stolen marriages made felony.
For marrying c, minor without the guardian's consent; — im-
prisonment not more than two years.
Selling Criminals. — Persons convicted and unable to pay
fines and costs, may be sold, or hired out to pay the demand.
If such persona abscond, they may be whipped thirty-nine
stripes, and serve two days for one.
Marriages. — Males of seventeen, and females of fourteen
years, may lawfully marry. Judges of the General Court,
and Court of Common Pleas ; Justices of the Peace in each
county ; Ministers of the Gospel in any religious society in
the district in which they are settled; and the society of
Quakers in their public meetings, may join together the par-
ties in marriage. Intentions of the parties to be publisEed,
either three times in religious meeting':;, or a public notice set
/
•ft
lall pay a fine
in the woods,
two substan-
f ten dollars,
t in the clerk's
iming, biting,
in fighting,
nd dollars; to
in six months;
fourths to the
ine, the party
s," and with
five hundred
lore than five
lore than'five
incapable of
L one hundred
less than one
the use of the
six, nor more
ted, one party
the same pe-
Foroible or
onsen t; — im-
lable to pay
the demand.
id thirty-nine
3 of fourteen
3neral Court,
;ace in each
us society in
le society of
ither the par-
be publisEed,
lie notice set
Synopsis of the Territorial Code.
726
/
up under the hand and seal of a magistrate;— or a license
from the clerk of the Courts of Common Pleas, authorizing
marriage. Fee for license one dollar, and the cU.rk to record
the certificate of the person who officiates. Males under the
age of twenty-one, and females under eighteen years, not to
marry, unless leave be obtained of the parents and guardian.
[The plan of license from the clerk, has been the exclusive
mode in Illinois.]
Coroners to be appointed by the Governor in each county,
and their duties were prescribed by law.
Townships.— The Court of Common Pleas were authorized
to divide the counties into townships, and establish bounda-
ries to the same.
[In Illinois, the township divisions were abolished, and the
only civil division has been counties, until recently under the
new Constitution, the counties are authorized to organize
townships, upon a vote of the people.]
Prisons and Prison Bounds.— Courts of Common Pleas to
lay off prison bounds, not to exceed more than two hundred
yards from the jail. Persons imprisoned for debt, by giving
bond with double security for the debt, may use bounds. [No
imprisonment for debt has existed in these Slates; consequent-
ly "prison bounds" are unknown ]
Persons who convey tools and other aid in the escape of a
prisoner, to be fined not exceeding one hundred dollars ; and
if the prisoner escape, the abelior to be liable to the same
penalty as the prisoner. But if liable to capital punishment,
he who aids in escape, shall be fined, v hipped, imprisoned,
stand in the pillory, or sit on the gallows with a rope around
his neck, as the Court may order. Jailors who suffer a pris-
oner to escape voluntarily, shall sufler the same penalties as
any other abettor.
The Judges of the Court of Common Pleas to enquire into
the condition of the prison at each term.
Sheriffs required to keep persons of different sexes in sepa-
rate rooms, unless married ; to provide proper food, meat,
drink and bread; and if the prisoner be unable to pay, the
county to be taxed for such expenses.
Execution Laws.^Real estate to be sold for debt, under
judgment. Personal property to be advertised by the sheriff,
ten days previous to sale.
MHiai
78fr
Sj/nopsis of the Territorial Code.
Administration Laws. — Clerks of the Courts of Common
Pleas to take proofs of wills ; grant letters of administration
during vacancy of Court. The Court of Common J'leas was
the Probate Court. Rights of minors and orpJiuns well jruar-
ded and secured. No minor or orphan to be put under the
control of personsof a different religious persuasion Vom their
parents; nor against their own mind or inclination.
The true interest or meaning of testator to be duly regar-
ded in all wills. Administrators to give bonds with two or
more sureties ; respect being had to the value of the estate.
Children of intestates to share equally in the distribution of
the estate. When no b'^irs, the widow to have one half the es-
tate. Courts of Common Pleas may order sale of real estate,
where the personal estate is not sufficient to pay the debts, or
support and educate the children.
Tavern Licenses. — No person to keep a tavern, ale-house,
dram-shop, or house of entertainment, [in which any intoxica-
ting liquor is sold] without license, under penalty of one dol-
lar each day; two-thirds to the poor of the county, and one-
third to the informer. No licensed person shall allow drunk-
enness, gaming, etc., in or about his house, under penalty of
five dollars.
All tavern keepers shall provide good entertainment for
man and beast ; penalty five dollars.
The Court shall demand twelve dollars for license to keep
a tavern, annually. No license to be granted unless the per-
son becomes bound to the Governor of the Territory to keep
an orderly house, and conform to the law in every respect.
Another act provided that no license shall be granted, "un-
less the person requiring the same shall first become bound to
the Governor of the Territory, with security, if required, in
any sum not exceeding three hundred dollars, that he, she, or
they, obtaining such license, shall, at all times, be prepared to
accommodate lour lodgers, and stabling and feed for four hor-
ses."
Severe penalties were enacted for selling intoxicating li-
quors to Indians, slaves, apprentices and minors.
We have given a synopsis only of such statutes as may
serve to illustrate the principles of Territorial Legislation in
all the North- Western region. Most of the sarrte principles
have been transferred to Oregon, and form the basis of law in
s of Common
administration
ion I'leas was
ins well fruar-
put under the
«ion </om their
ition.
be duly regar-
s with two or
of the estate,
distribution of
me half the es-
of real estate,
y the debts, or
rn, ale-house,
I any intoxica-
ty of one dol-
jnty, and one-
allow drunk-
ler penalty of
;rtainment for
icense to keep
nless the per-
•ritory to keep
ery respect,
granted, "un-
ome bound to
if required, in
lat he, she, or
)e prepared to
1 for four hor-
itoxicating li-
■
tutes as may
Legislation in
itie principles
asis of law ii)
Appendix.
727
that remote Territory. Similar statutes pertaining to the Ter-
ritory of Louisiana, may be found in the Territorial Laws of
Missouri, 1842, volume i. pp. 15 to ()6.
Note. — Since the caption of this chapter was prepared and
went to press, we have thought it to be expedient to alter our
plan. " Incidents of war in Illinois," we have reserved for
the next chapter, and substituted the foregoing " Synopsis" in
its place. By an oversight, the caption of Section First, was
left out in the contents of the chapter.
CHAPTER in.
INCIDENTS OF THE WAR.
Threp-tcning wpccU of the Indians— Various incidents of the War in Illinois and Mis-
Eouri— Expedition to Peoria and Erection of Fort Clark.
SECTION FIRST.
^ Indian Hostilities Threatened.
The manifestation of hostile intentions among some of the
tribes of northern Indians, was made as tarly as 1809, Even
in December, 1808, the sub-agent - n the Mis.souri, wrote to
General William Clark, Superintendent of Indian Affairs at
St. Louis, as follows : —
•'lam sorry to inform you, that on* the 15th instant, a cer-
tain John Riifty was fired upon and killed, about six miles
above this place, [Fort Osage.] llufty belonged to McClel-
land's party of hunters.
There were only two men in a canoe ; the survivor was un-
able to ascertain to w'aat nation of Indians the party belonged.
On that subject there are various conjectures; some suspect
the Kanzas, others the lowas, the Ottoes, the Sioux, and the
Panis."
By the requisition of the Secretary of War, under the act
of Congress of 1808, for arming and equiping one hundred
thousand militia in the United States, Governor Levvisof the
%
\t
728
Indian Hostilities Manifested.
territory of Louisiana, made proclamation for raising and
equipping three hundred and seventy-seven militia of the ter-
ritory, which were duly apportioned in the counties of St.
Charles, St. Louis, Ste. Genevieve, Cape Girardeau, New
Madrid, and Arkansas.
On the 28th of June, 1809, Nicholas Jarrot, of Cuhokia,
who had just returned from Prairie du Chien, made affidavit,
that the British Agents and traders at that place, and on the
Frontiers of Canada, were stirring up the Indians, furnishing
them guns and ammunition, and preparing them for hostile
demonstrations.
In November, a communication from Messrs. Portier and
Bleakly, of Prairie du Chien, denying the statements of M.
Jarrot. They were persons implicated. About the same
period, hostile demonstrations were made on the part of the
Sac and Fox nations, against Fort Madison. During the same
month, hostilities commenced between the Osages and lowas ;
the latter having killed some of the former, not far from
where Liberty is now situated, north of the Missouri river.
In 1810, hostile demonstrations were made by the Indians on
the Wabash. [Annals, 577 to 581.]
It was in July, 1810, that a band of hostile Indians, sup-
posed to be Pottawatomies, came into a frontier settlement on
the Loutre, at the upper partof Loutre Island, and nearly op-
posite the mo ith of the Gasconade river, and stole a number
of horses. A company was raised, consisting of Stephen
Cooper, William T. Cole, Messrs. Brown, Gooch, Patton, and
another person, makingsix, who followed the Indians across
Grand Prairie to a branch of Salt river, called Bone Lick.
The party discovered the Indians, eight in number, who, in
the retreat, threw off their packs and plunder, and scattered
in the woods. Night coming on, the party struck a camp and
immediately lay down to sleep, though Stephen Cole, the
leader, warned them against it, and proposed a guard. This
notion was hooted at as an evidence of cowardice. About
mid-night they were awakened by the "Indian yell'? and the
death-dealing bullet ! Stephen Cole killed four Indians and
wounueil the fifth, though severely wounded himself. W. T.
Cole, his brother, was killed -2t the commencement of the
fight. Two others of the party were killed.
The survivors reached the settlements next morning to tell
m,^'
Appendix.
729
raising and
ia of the ter-
intics of St.
irdeau, New
of Cuhokia,
ide affidavit,
!, and on the
IS, furnishing
m for hostile
. Portier and
iments of M.
jt the same
le part of the
•ing the same
I and lowas ;
[lot far from
[issouri river,
le Indians on
ndians, sup-
lettlement on
id nearly op-
o\e a number
of Stephen
I, Patton, and
ndians across
1 Bone Lick,
iber, who, in
ind scattered
{ a camp and
en Cole, the
guard. This
dice. About
yeir? and the
' Indians and
iself. W. T.
tment of the
jrning to tell
the dreadful tidings, and a party returned to the ground, buri-
ed the dead, but found the Indians had escaped.
We obtained this incident from Samuel Cole, in 1849, whose
father was killed in the action, but he gave it from memory,
and placed it in 1807. The °arly files of the "Gazette," pub-
lished in St. Louis from 1808, is our authority for the dato of
this and several preceding incidents.
The settlement on the Loutre, commenced, probably, in
1806 or 1807, and until 1810, was the "Far West," except the
French hamlet of Cote Ssms Dessein. During that year emi-
grant families found their way to the ••Boone's Lick country,"
now Howard county, Missouri. The incidents of the war in
that quarter, we will leave for a subsequent section.
In July, 1811, a company of "rangers," or mounted rifle-
men, was raised in Goshen settlement, Illinois. The intelli-
gence of the battle of Tippecanoe was peculiarly alarming to
the inhabitants of Illinois and Missouri, and measures as
prompt and efficient as circumstances admitted, were adopted
by the Governors of the two territories.
Early in 1812, the Indians on the Upper Mississippi were
very hostiL . and committed frequent murders.
An express from Fort Madison came down the river on the
ice in a sleigh, with some traders, and reached St. Louis on
the 13th of February. They were fired on frequently by war
parties, andesp^-'ciallya few miles above Salt river, where the
Indians chased them some distance. A family by the name
of O'Neal was killed in the district of St. Charles, about the
same time. < ^ -
The following item from the Louisiana Gazette of March
21, is corroborated by other evidence :
"Since Christmas last, the following murders have been com-
mitted by the Indians in this country. Two personr. near the
Mines on the Mississippi, nine in the district of St. Charles
within the settlements, supposed to be killed by the Kicka-
poos ; one man at Fort Madison, on the third instant, by the
Winnebagoes. There were several men who left Fort Madi-
son for this part of the territory, about the 17th February,
who are supposed to have fallen into the hands of the enemy]
as they have not been heard of.
"Main Poc, the Pottawatomie chief, is preparing a war
party to proceed against the Osages. This fellow has been
lately at Fort MeClden, and it is thought at Peoria that he in-
tends to strike at the whites. " '
46
mmmmm
730
Indian Hostilities Increase.
h.' J
"Travelers and spies who have been amongst them, all con-
cur in the same story, that the Indians have no desire to make
peace with us ; that red wampum is passing through the up-
per viii.^ges, from the Sioux of St. Peters, to the head of the
Wabash , that at every council fire the Americans are devo-
ted and proscribed ; and in short, that a general con^^bination
is ripening fast."
At the same perio 1, the few companies of rangers, raised by
the act of Congress, and. the militia volunteers, were the only
defence of the towns 'and settlements of Missouri and Il-
linois.
A company of rangers under command of Capt. Kibby, in
the district of St. Charles, as fine a body of hardy pioneers as
ever took the field, by constant and rapid movements, pro-
tected the tract of country from the mouth of Salt river to
Loutre Island on the Missouri.
In the month of April, 1812, a deputation of Pottawato-
mies, Kickapoos and Chippeways, came down the Mississippi,
headed by Gomo, to negotiate a treaty with Gov. Edwards.
They met at Cahokia, where the Governor addressed ihem in
a forcible speech, told them of the strong desire of our gov-
ernment to maintain peace and harmony with all the Indian
nations ; — warned them of the arts and deceptions of the
Shawanese prophet, and the agents and traders from Canada;
assured theni he perfectly understood the hostile dispositions
of the Indians ; the murders and depredations already com-
mitted ; and the combination amongst the tribes attempted
to be formed ; and should adopt energetic measures to pro-
tect the white people. He insisted that the murderers must
be delivered up, or the whole nation would suflcr.
They professed to be humble, professed their inability to
deliver up the murderers, laid the blame on the Winnebagoes,
and promised good behavior on their part. Some of these
fellows were concerned in the ma'^'.acre at Chicago in Au-
gust.
During the summer of 1812, hostile Indians were lurking
about the settlements in the Boone's Lick country, and along
the Missouri river. Fort Mason had been established on the
Misssissippi, as a rendezvous for the United States troops and
rangers. Of this class of troops, who furnished their own
horses, equipments, forage and rations, at one dollar per day,
Appendix.
731
tlicm, allcon-
Icsire to make
rough the up-
e head of the
aiis arc devo-
corrbination
jers, raised by
.vere the only
ssouri and II-
Bpt. Kibby, in
Jy pioneers as
k^ements, pro-
Salt river to
)f Pottawato-
le Mississippi,
ov. Edwards,
•essed ihem in
•e of our gov-
all the Indian
ptions of the
from Canada;
ie dispositions
already com-
)es attempted
asures to pro-
urderers must
sr.
ir inability to
Winnebagoes,
Some of these
bicago in Au-
were lurking
:ry, and along
blished on the
tes troops and
ed their own
lollar per day,
ten companies were raised by an act of the last Congress ;
four in Illinois, two in Missouri, and four in Indiana. The
term of service was for one year, but by rc-enlistments were
continued from year to year during the war.
Two companies in Illinois, and one in Missouri, had been
rnisad Iac preceding year. These rangers, as a protection to
the defenceless settlements, were a most effective corps.—
Many were heads of families, and all were of the most enter-
prizing and industrious class of citizens, and deeply interested
in the defence of their families and friends.
It is no more than justice to this worthy class of citizens,
who defended the settlements in the now flourishing States of
Indiana, Illinois and Missouri, that we should devote a page
or two of this work to this subject. And we cannot do it bet-
ter justice than in the language of a Memorial from the Gen-
eral Assembly of Illinois, in 1833, to the Congress of the Uni-
ted States, asking for a donation of land, as was given to re-
gular soldiers.
" To the honorab'e the Senate and House of Representatives in
Congress assembled :
Your memorialists, the General Assembly of the State of
Illinois, would respectfully present to your honorable body,
the necessity and justice of calling your attention to the re-
lief of the soldiers who defended this frontier during the late
^ar: — The class of citizens, now for the first time attempted
to be brought forward to your consideration, are not the least
deserving your aid, though they are the last almost of your
defenders of our country who have asked for any remunera-
tion. Their claims to this attention and favor of Government
will be better understood by a brief outline of the condition
of the country, the nature of their services, and the great re-
liance and dependence placed upon jtheir faithfulness, forti-
tude and courage. In the year 1812, and long before, the set-
tlements of this country were confined to a few inhabitants
on the margins of the rivers Mississippi and Ohio, while all
between was a wilderness so little frequented by the whites,
that it was the constant abode of the Indian ; when the late
war broke out, the inhabitants were always open to their at-
tack, and actually subject to their perpetual hostilities. In
this state of things the weakness of their situation caused them
to erect a house here and there something larger than their
ordinary dwellings, which they diguified with the name of
"station;" some of them had not even this primitive defence,
and with it they were exposed, either to the open assault, or
■NMl
f 1 ,1
ir"
I!, J-
788
Memorial for the Rangers.
the (tly atnbush of the enrmy, and wt-re daily falling a human
BHcrifice to the most ferocious cruelty. To depict their situa-
tion, in one word, it is only necessary to say, that a few ad-
venturers had left a peaceable and cultivated land, where the
savage war-whoop was known only by " tale or history," and
settLd in an Indian country, destitute of money and the ne-
cessaries they had been accustomed to ; a little spo'!, of corn
ground was their only hope of subsistence, and with a sword
slung lo the plough handle they cultivated it. Thus the lives
Ti ' property of the whites were always in jeopardy and often
li tlr . ; and the government of the territory itself, which
).,ti.'. .V eii recently established under the authority of the Uni-
l> • 'lates, was immediately in danger. The late war with
area' "<ritain breaking out just at this time with all its vio-
lence, J..11. while the great body of the forces of the United
States were engaged in defending the more populous and val-
uable parts of the Union, this territory was without the paren-
tal aid of the Government; left to rely upon its own strength
and courage for its defence against the Indians, who lay en-
camped in myriads within it. The then Governor of the Ter-
ritory, Ninian Edwards, by his prompt and vigorous exertions,
contributed greatly to advance the means of defence, and by
acts of disinterested patriotism and magnanimity, almost un-
exampled, relieved the necessities of the soldiers by advan-
cing from his private funds their pay, without which they could
not have rendered any service. Kelying upon individual means
and seeking only to relieve the country of distress, the class
of citizens whose claims it is the object of this memorial to
urge, came boldly forward, and did efiectually defend the citi-
zens and property of the United States. It has not escaped
the observation of your memorialists that it may be contended
that one dollar per day, which was the allowance to each in-
dividual, was more than usual for soldiers, and extremely lib-
eral ; but in the estimation of your memorialists, their servi-
ces have far outgone that consideration, for the ranger was
bound, out of this, to furnish himself with a horse, arma, cloth-
ing, ammunition, and provisions; not one cent was ever con-
tributed by Government towards their sustenance, no conven-
ience provided, but that, which their own well earned money
paid for.
Many of them had families, whose reliance for support was
upon him who was upon duty, and who were provided for out
of his wages; while in service they often failed in cultivating
their farms for an entire season, and the loss of a crop to the
inhabitants of the territory was a misfortune of no small mag-
nitude. Add to these circumstances, the information that a
horse of middling qualities would cost 100 dollars, a gun from
twenty-five to forty dollars, and all other articles of consump-
tior, use or necessity cost in the same proportion. Deduct
■^— ^ . • mf
Appendix.
733
lling a human
ct their situa-
lat a few ad-
n<l, where the
history," and
y and the ne-
I spo;. of corn
with a sword
rhus the lives
rdy and often
Y itself, which
ty of the Uni-
late war with
ith all its vio-
)f the United
iilous and val-
)Utthe paren-
own strength
, who lay en-
or of the Ter-
ous exertions,
fence, and by
)', almost un-
•rs by advan-
ich they could
ividual means
ress, the class
memorial to
efend the citi-
s not escaped
be contended
ce to each in-
extremely lib-
s, their servi-
3 ranger was
?, arma,cloth-
ivas ever con-
e, no conven-
arned money
: support was
)vided for out
in cultivating
a crop to the
lo small mag-
aiion that a
s, a gun from
of consump-
ion. Deduct
.
from their pay those articles of necessity, without which they
were not qualified for service, what remains as a remunera-
tion for the time, service and devotion of these citizen soldiers?
Yoar memorialists answer unhesitatingly, nothing. They left
their firc-sides, their families, and their fa»ms, penetrated the
uninhabited wilderness, traversed countries without roads or
bridges ; and met without a murmur, all the inclemencies of
the weather "to beard the lion in his den," the savage in his
ambuscade, and rid the country of violence, outrage and
For services like these, your memorialists relying confident-
ly upon the justice and liberality of Congress, ask for a remu-
neration to all these organized militiamen, mounted militia-
men, and rangers who defended this frontier during the late
war under the authority of Congress. There are near thirty
millions of acres of unappropriated lands in the Sta! lu.>
nois. A liberal donation of this land would be but til- «-
pense to the General Government, and would be c ?jref 1-
vantage to those for whom it is asked, and an ea^y . ■ mV'; ^f
remunerating such signal services and so devote", rt ''ered.
Which was read.
On the question. Will the House concur with the joni.'nit-
tee, in the adoption of said memorial? «
It was decided in the affirmative.
"v;
SECTION SECOND.
Incidents of the War continutd. , .^
It was in the month of April, 1812, that three families were
murdered by the Indians, at no great distance from Vin-
cennes. One was the family of Mr. Hutson, on the Wabash ;
another, the family of Mr. Harriman, on the Embarras, and
the third a family of Mr. Hinton, on Driftwood fork of White
river. In May, a party of Indians came to the house of a
Mr. McGowan, about forty miles from Vincennes, and killed
him in bed. His family escaped.
The news of the declaration of war produced no other ef-
fect than to inspire the people with more zeal in defending
the settlements and repelling the savage foe that hovered
around them.
There was a United States factory and a small stockade
fo"t at Bellevue, up the Mississippi, which was kesieged by a
party of Winnebagoes, about two hundred in number. It was
not an eligible situation for defence, as from points of steep
and high bluffs, the invaders could throw fire-brands and burn-
iMi
r I
i'
734
Incidents of the War Continued.
ing sticks on the biuck-liuuses. The cominanding ofliccr, Lt.
Thomas Hamilton, with Lieutenant U. Vasqurz and u small
foice, resolutely defended the fort, and drove oif the assail-
ants.
We have already given a sketch of the expedition of Gov-
ernor Edwards and Colonel KusscU, against the Kickapoos at
the head of Peoria Lake. [Annals, 617 — 619.]
The year 1813, opened with gloomy prospects to these far
ofl' and exposed territories. On tho 9th of February, ten In-
dians contrived to elude the vigilance of the rangers in Illi-
nois, passed down near the Wabash, and massacred two fami-
lies at the mouth of Cache [Cash] river, on the Ohio, seven
miles from the Mississippi.
Indians frequently crossed tho Mississippi above the mouth
of the Illinois river, and committed depredations, killed and
scalped individuals, and in some instances families, in Saint
Charles county. Tho exposed settlements were in the district
now included in Lincoln and Pike counties.
In the month of March, David McLain, a minister of the
gospel, and a Mr. Young, traveling from the Boone's Lick
settlement into Kentucky, after having crossed the Knskaskia
river at " Hill's ferry," in the present county of Clinton, in
Illinois, were fired on by a party of Indians. Young was
killed and scalped; McLain's horse was shot, and fell, but he
escaped in the woods, and ran with great speed, with several
Indians in chase. Soon all fell back but one, who was an
athletic fellow, and appeared determined not to lose his prey.
Mr. McLain was encumbered with a thick overcoat, wrap-
pers on his legs and spurs on his feet. The Indian fired and
missed him, which gave him a little chance to throw off his
coat, in hopes the prize would attract the attention of the
savage. Finding no other Indians in pursuit, and as this one
approached, McLain would make signs of surrender, until
the Indian was within a few feet, when he would assume an
attitude of defiance, watch the motion of his enemy, and at
the instant he fired, dodge the ball and then put on all his en-
ergy to escape. The contest continued for more than an hour,
during which^is foe fired at him seven times. In one case,
as he threw his breast forward, he unfortunately threw his
elbow back and received the ball in his arm
During the chase he contrived to throw off his boots. They
Appendix.
735
tig oflicer, Lt.
tiiul u niiihU
lil' tho asMuil-
tlon of Gov-
iickapoos at
s to these far
•uary, ton In-
igers in llli-
cd two fumi-
Ohio, seven
ve the mouth
18, killed and
ilies, in Saint
in the district
nister of the
3oone's Lick
lie Knskaskia
)f Clinton, in
Young was
id fell, but he
with several
who was an
lose his prey,
jrcoat, wrap-
an fired and
throw off his
intion of the
d as this one
render, until
Id assume an
lemy, and at
sn all his en-
;han an hour,
In one case,
ely threw his
boots. They
had made a considerable distance in the timbered bottom down
the river. Finding himself nearly exhausted, the last and
only chance was to swim the river, lie plunged in, making
the utmost clfort of his remaining strength, and yet ho had to
keep an eye constantly fixed on his wily foe, who had loaded
his gun the eighth time, and from the bank brought it to a
poise, and fired a second after McLain had dove in deep
water. By swimming diagonally down stream he had gained
on his pursuer, who, with the peculiar yell on such occasions,
gave up the chase. Doubtless his report to the braves was,
that he had followed a " great medicine," who was so charm-
ed that his musket balls could not kill him. Mr. McLain was
so exhausted that it was with the utmost difficulty ho could
crawl up the bank; having, in a state of profuse perspiration,
plunged into the cold water of the river. He was wet, chill-
ed, badly wounded, and scarcely able to stand. Two days
previous, two or three families about Hill's ferry, had become
alarmed from Indian "signs," and removed to the west of Sil-
ver creek. It was thirty-five miles to the Badgloy settlement,
which McLain, after incredible effort and suffering, reached
the next morning. Here with his wound and a severe fever,
he lay several weeks. A party of volunteers went over the
Kaskaskia, buried Mr. Young, found Mr. McLain's saddle-
bags, but saw no Indians.
The fact of this f-'.ontre may be found in the "Missouri
Gazette" of March 20th ; the particulars we obtained from
the heroic sufferer at his residence in Howaia county. Mo., in
1818.
A farmer, of the name of Boltenhouse, was killed near the
Wabash, a few miles south of Albion, in a little prairie that
perpetuates his name. A Mr. Moore.and his son, while haul-
ing a load of corn in the South-Eastern part of Jefferson coun-
ty, Illinois, were killed and scalped in the prairie that bears
his name. One or two more persons were killed between that
place and the U. S. Saline.
The " Gazette" reckons "sixteen men, women, and children
who fell victims to savage ferocity, in Missouri and Illinois,
between Februa.y 8th and March 20th."
The same paper has a communication from a gentleman in
Illinois, of the "efforts of the " rangers" and ' volunteers," un-
736
Incidents of the War Continued.
^♦,1
ill'
r. > i
.-' f
1 ' t.
der the direotiun uf Uuvurnur Edwards, to protect the nettle-
incnts.
"Wc have now nearly finished twenty-two funiily forts,
[Htatlons,] extending from the Mississippi, nearly opposite
Hellefontaino, [mouth of the Missouri,] to the Kaskaskiu river,
a distance of about sixty miles. Uetween each fort, spies are
to pass and repass daily, and communicate throughout the
whole line, which will be extended to the U.S. Saline, and from
thence to the mouth of the Ohio. Rangers and mounted
militia, to the amount of five hundred men, constantly scour
the country from twenty to fifty miles in advance of our set-
tlements, so thnt wo feet perfectly easy as to an attack from
our 'red brethien,' as Mr. Jofi'erson very lovingly calls them."
Notwithstanding these measures, the Indians would frc-
ijuently prowl through the unsettled country between Kaskas-
kia and the Ohio river, and occasionally commit outrages.
On the last of April they attacked a house about twelve miles
south-east of that town, and tomahawked and scalped a
boy.
Amongst the British traders, that had great influence over
the northern Indians, was a Mr. Robert Dickson, who, at this
period, had stationed himself at Prairie du Chien, and furnished
the savages with largo supplies of goods and munitions of
war. Mr. Dickson had the manners and appearance of a
gentleman, but doubtless, as did many other British subjects,
who anticipated a war between Great Britain and the United
States, felt himself authorized to enhst the Indians as parti-
sans.
About the first of June, (1813,) Mr. Manuel Lisa, a citizen
of St. Louis, and an acting partner of the Missouri Fur Com-
pany, arrived from the Mandan villages on the Upper Mis-
souri. He reported, [Gazette, June 6,] that the Auricarees,
Cbiennes, Gros Ventres, Crows, and Arrapahoes, were hostile
to the Americans ; that the British North West Company had
a number of trading houses within a short distance of the
Avaters of the Missouri, and were active in their endeavors to
enlist the savages against the Americans.
About this period, Benjamin Howard, Governor of Mis-
souri, resigned the oftice, and accepted the commission of
Brigadier-General in command of the rangers in both territo-
ries, and as the United States government had made no pro-
vision to sustain the militia volunteers, '.hose in Illinois were
ttrnt.
■«P«
ct the Hottle-
funiily forts,
rly oppohito
ka.sl<iu river,
)rt, spies are
oughout tho
nc, and from
nd mounted
itantly scour
B of our set-
attack from
calls them."
I would fre-
een Kaskas-
lit outrages,
twelve miles
I scalped a
fluence over
who, at this
nd furnished
munitions of
arance of a
ish subjects,
the United
ns as parti-
ta, a citizen
i Fur Corn-
Upper Mis-
Auricarees,
vere hostile
mpany had
ince of the
ndeavors to
lor of Mis-
imission of
oth territo-
de no pro-
linois were
Appendix.
737
'.
discharged from further services by tJovcrnor Kdwiinis, ii«
Comuiander-inchief. The order is dated on the eighth of
June.
About twenty horses wer? stolen by Indians on tho remote
BCttleinents of Shoul creek, Illinois, during this month.
Fort Madison, (in Iowa, above the Lower llapiils,) was sub-
ject to repeated attacks from the Sacs, Foxes and Winneba-
goea.
"On tho 16lh of July, the enemy carried a block-houHc,
lately erected by the commanding ollicer, to coiMinand a ra-
vine in which they had taken advantage in Jill tluir attacks
upon this place ; they kept up a fire oti the garrison for about
two hours. This is the ninth or tenth rencontre that has taken
place on our frontier, between the 4th and I7lh of this month."'
—[Gazette, July 31st.]
An editorial in the same paper, gives some important facts
concerning Prairie du Chien, and the resources at the trading
posts in Wisconsin, for supplying both British and Indians in
their hostilities. A letter about the same time from (Jovcrnor
Edwards to Governor Shelby, of Kentucky, designed to call
the attention of the government to the occupancy of that
position, contains similar facts. We copy the editorial :
"Last winter, we endeavored to turn the attention of gov-
ernment towards Prairie du Chien, a position which we ought
to o cupy, by establishing a military post at the village, or on
the Ouisconsin, six miles below.
"For several months we have not been able to procure any
other than Indian information from the Prairie, the enemy
having cut off all communication with us ; but we are per-
suaded that permanent subsistence can be obtained for one
thousand regular troops in the upper lake country. At Prai-
rie du Chien there are about fifty families, most of whom arc
engaged in agriculture ; their common field is four miles long,
by half a mile in breadth. Besides this field, they have three
separate farms of considerable extent, and twelve horse mills
to manufacture their produce.
At the village of L'abre Croche, an immense quantity of
cor 1 is raised; from thence to Milwaukee, on lake Michigan,
there are several villages where corn is grown extensively.
These supplies, added to the fine fish which ^abound in the
lakes and rivers, will furnish the enemy's garrison with pro-
vision in abundance.
»#♦##**
"Our little garrison on the Mississippi, half way up to the
,'*
Views of Governor Edwards,
w'^'['^' ^^^ taught the Indians a few lessons on prudence.
With about thirty eflbctive men, those brave and meritorious
soldiers, Lieutenant Hamilton and Vasquez, in a wretched
pen, improperly called a i'ort, beat off five hundred savages of
the North-west."
This was Bcllcvue, already noticed, and the site of the town
of that name in Jack.son countj', Iowa.
The movements of the government against Canada and the
combined forces of the British and Indians, wrought convic-
tion in the sagacious mind of Governor Edwards, that should
they be defeated (as was the case at the battle of the Thames,)
the savages would retreat, and by narauding bands attack
the settlements of Illinois and Missouri. His correspondence
on this subject with the War Department was frequent and
voluminous. Our limited space will allow only a passing no-
tice of the fact.
Early in August, one man was killed and another wounded
in a field near " Stout's fort," on the Cuivre, in St. Charles
county. The scattered settlements, through what is now Lin-
coln and the South-Eastern part of Pike counties, were often
harras.sed with small scouting parties of Indians, in 1813. —
On the 15th of the same month, a party of sixteen picked
men from the company of rangers, under the command of
Captain Nathan Boone, were attacked late at light, between
the Illinois and ?dississippi rivers, by a party of forty or fifty
Indians. Captain Boone formed his men back from the fires,
and, as they expected, the Indians rushed on the camping
ground. Unfortunately, owing to a recent rain, the guns of
the party were wet, did but poor execution, and they were
obliged to retreat. One of the party received ^ slight wound
in the hand. This party had been sent out by General How-
ard as spies.
During the campaign in the summer and autumn of 1813,
all the companies of rangers from Illinois and Missouri were
under the command of General Howard. Large parties of
hostile Indians were known to have collected about Peoria,
and scouting parlies traversed the district between the Illinois
and Mississippi rivers, then an entire wilderness.
It was from these marauding parties that the frontier settle-
ments of Illinois and Missouri, were harrassed. It became an
object of no small importance, to penetrate the country over
':
Appendix.
739
on prudence,
d meritorious
1 a wretched
ed savages of
3 of the town
nada and the
ought convic-
s, that should
the Thames,)
bands attack
rrespondence
frequent and
a passing no-
her wounded
n St. Charles
it is now Lin-
3, were often
is, in 1813.—
xteen picked
command of
ght, between
forty or fifty
roiii the fires,
the camping
, the guns of
nd they were
slight wound
eneral How-
imn of 1813,
issouri were
ge parties of
ibout Peoria,
n the Illinois
'ontier settle-
It became an
country over
which they ranged, and establish a fort nt Peoria, and thus
drive them to the northern wilderness. Our authorities for the
incidents of the campaign, is a long letter from the honorable
John Reynolds, who was a non-commissioned officer m a com-
pany of spies; and the "Missouri Gazette," of November
6th The rendezvous for the Illinois regimen, was " Camp
Russell," two miles north of Edwardsville. The whole party
when collected, made up of the rangers, volunteers and mili-
tia, amounted to about fourteen hundred men, under the com-
mand of Gen. Howard. Robert Wash, Esq., and Dr. Walk-
er of St. Louis, were of his staff". Colonels Benjamin Ste-
phenson, then of Randolph county, Illinois, and Alexander
McNair, of St. Louis, commanded the regiments. VV. B.
Whiteside and John Moredock, of Illinois, were Majors in the
second regiment, and William Christy and Nathan Boone fill-
ed the same office in the first, or Missouri regiment. A Major
Desha, a United States officer from Tennessee, was in the
army, but what post he occupied we do not learn. Colonel
E. B. Clemson, of the United States Army, was Inspector.—
Governor Reynolds states, there were some United States
rangers from Kentucky, and a company from Vincennes. We
have no means of ascertaining the names of all the subaltern
officers. We know that Samuel Whiteside, Joseph Phillips,
Nathaniel Journey and Samuel Judy, were Captains in the
Illinois companies.
The Illinois regiment lay encamped on the Piasau, opposite
Portage de Sioux, waiting for more troops, for three or four
weeks. They then commenced the march, and swam their
horses over the Illinois river, about two miles above the mouth.
On the high ground in Calhoun county, they had a skirmish
with a party of Indians. The Missouri troops, with General
Howard, crossed the Mississippi from Fort Mason, and form-
ed a junction with the Illinois troops. The baggage and men
were transported in canoes, and the horses swam the river.
The army marchfld for a number of days along the Missis-
sippi bottom. Ok or near the site of Quincy, was a large
Sac village, and an encampment, that must have contained a
thousand warriors. It appeared to have been deserted but a
short period.
The army continued its march near the Mississippi, sokne
distance above the Lower Rapids, and then struck across the
<M
b¥k
740
General Howard's Expedition.
prairies for the Illinois river, wliich they reached below the
mouth of Spoon river, and marched to Peoria village. Here
was a small stockade, commanderi by Colonel Nicholas of the
United States Army. Two days previous, the Indians had
made an attack on the fort, and were repulsed. The army,
on its march from the Mis issippi to the Illinois river, found
numerous fresh trails, all passing northward, which indicated
that the savages were rieeing in that direction.
Next morning the Gerreral marched his troops to the Sen-
atchwine, a short distance above the head of Peoria Lake,
where was an eld Indian village, called Gomo's village. —
Here they fo.ifid the enemy had takan water and ascended the
Illinois. This, and two other villages, were burnt. Finding
no enemy to fight, the army was marched back to Peoria, to
assist the legular troops in building Fort Clark, so denomina-
ted in memory of the old hero of 1778; and Major Christy,
with a party, was ordered to ascend the river with two keel
boats, duly armed and protected, to the foot of the rapids, and
break up any Indian establishments that might be in that quar-
ter. Major Boone, with a detachment, was dispatched to
scoMr the country on Spoon river, in the direction of Rock
River.
The rangers and militia passed to the east side of the Illi-
nois, cut timber, which they hauled on truck-wheels by drag
ropes to the lake, and rafted it across. The fort v;as erected
by the regular troops under Captain Phillips. In preparing
the tiniber, the rangers and militia were engaged about two
weeks.
Major Christy and the boats returned from the Rupids with-
out any discovery, except additional proofs of the alarm and
fright of the enemy, and Major Boone returned with his force
with the same observations.
It was the plan of General Howard to return by a tour
through the Rock River valley, but the cold weather ser in un-
usually early. By the middh of October it was intensely cold,
the troops had no clothing for ? winter campaign, and their
horses would, in all probability, fail ; the Indians had evident-
ly fled a long distance in the interior, so that, all things con-
sidered, ho resolved to return the direct route to Camp Rus-
sell, where the militia and volunteers were disbanded on the
22nd of October. Supplies of provisions, and munitions of
i
Appendix.
741
ed below the
illage. Here
ichoins of the
: Indians had
The army,
! river, found
ich indicated
to the Sen-
Peoria Lalie,
►'s village. —
ascended the
nt. Finding
; to Peoria, to
:io denomina-
ajor Christy,
'ith two keel
le rapids, and
! inthatquar-
lispatched to
jtion of Rock
e of the llli-
heels by drag
t v;as erected
[n preparing
d about two
Rupids with-
le alarm and
ivUh his force
•n by a tour
her se* in un-
itensely cold,
gn, and their
had evident-
l things con-
) Camp Rus-
anded on the
munitions of
war had been sent to Peoria, in boats, which had reached
there a few days previous to the army.
'It may seem to those, who delight in tales of fighting and
bloodshed, that this expedition was a very insignificant affair.
Very few Indians were killed, very little fighting done, but one
or two .of the army were lost, and yet as a means of protect-
ing the frontier settlements of these territories, it was most
eflicicnt, and gave at least six months quiet to the people. —
After this, Indians shook their heads and said " White men
like the leaves in the forest, — like the grass in the prairies, —
they grow every where.''
SECTION THIRD.
Campaign o/ 1814.
The first act of hostilities we find on record for 1814, is an
attack on a party of surveyors in the vicinity of the United
States Saline, in Saline county, Illinois, when Major Nelson
Rector was severely wounded. His left arm was broken, a
ball entered his left side, below the collar bone, and another
cut the skin o:., the right .side of his head. The Indians were
concealed under the bank of a creek. This was on the first
of March.
Two brothers, by name of Eastwood, were trapping for bea-
ver on the head waters of the Gasconade and Wl ite rivers,
when they were attacked by a party of Osages, who after-
wards said they mistook them for southern Indians, with whom
they were at war. They killed one brother, and the other
made his escape. The Osage nation professed to be friendly
to the United States. Subsequently, on the 27th of May,
Pierre Chouteau, Esq., agent for the Osages, arrived in St,
Louis, with several chiefs, with three Osuges as prisoners,
who had been given up as the murderers.
About the first of May, Governor Clark fitted out five bar-
ges, with fifty regular troops and one hundred and forty vol-
unteers, and left St. Louis on an expedition to Prairie du
Chien. On the 13th of June, Governor Clark, with several
gentlemen who accompanied him, returned with one of the
barges, having left the officers and troops to erect a fort and
maintain the position.
No Indians molested the party till they reached Rock river,
mmm
.^
742
Battle at Prairie du Chien.
Im1
m\
.!'- >
■'-i
where thcj' had a sliirmisa with some hostile Sauks. The
Foxes resided at Dubuque, and professed to be peaceable, and
promised to fight on the American side.
Twenty days before the expedition reached Prairie du
Chien, the British trader, Dickson, left that place for Macki-
nac, with eighty Winnebagoes, one hundred and twenty Folls-
avoine, and one hundred Sioux, probably as recruits for the
British army along the lake country. He had gained infor-
mation of the expeditioh of Governor Clark from his Indian
spies, and had left Captain Deacc with a body of Mackinac
fencibles, with orders to protect the place. The Sioux and
Ilenards, (Foxes,) having refused to fight the Americans,
Deace and his soldiers fled. The inhabitants it!so fled into
the country, but returned as soon as they learned they were
not to be injured. A temporary defence was immediately
erected. Lieutenant Perkins, with sixty rank and file f'"om
Major Z. Taylor's company of the 7th regimtot. took posses-
sion of tlie hous:> occupied by the Mackinac. Fa. Company, in
which they found nine or ten trunks of Dickso-'-? property,
with his papers and correspondence. A writer ii the "Ga-
zette" says: —
"The farms of Prairie du Chien are in hi^'l o,uItivation ; be-
tween two and three hundred barrels of flc nay be manu-
factured there this season, besides r v't quaKtiiy of i-orn.
Two of the largest boats wero left in comijja)id of Aid-de-
camp Ker • Jy, and Captains Sullivtn arn't Yeizer, whose
united forcis rn-nount to one hundred and thirty-fivr men.
The regulars '..rdoi '.•t\-nmand of Lieutenant Perkins, are sta-
tione'' en shoi-v, and ar« assisted by the volunteers in b'Ailding
the ncv/ fort."
This was called Fort Shelby. On his returr, the people of
St. Louis gave the Governor a public dinner, and expressed
their hearty gratulations for the success of the enterprize.
About the last of June, Captain John Sullivan, with his
company of militia, and some volunteers whose term of ser-
vice had expired, returned from Prairie du Chien, and report-
ed that the fort was finished, the boats well manned and bar-
ricaded; that the Indians were hovering around, and had
taken prisoner a Frenchman while hunting his horses. The
boats employed, carried a six pounder on their main deck, and
several howitzers on the quarters and gangway. The men
were protected by a musket-proof barricade.
Sauks. The
iaceable, and
d Prairie du
;e for Macki-
tweiity Folls-
cruits for the
gained infor-
m his Indian
of Mackinac
B Sioux and
3 Americans,
aiso fled into
d they were
immediately
and file f«-om
, took posses-
Company, in
)r '^ property,
r ii the "Ga-
iiti-vation ; be-
lay be manu-
iy of 'orn.
fid of Aid-de-
feizer, whose
rty-fivr men.
•kins, are sta-
irs in bjiilding
the people of
nd expressed
interprize.
van, with bis
e term of ser-
1, and report-
ined and bar-
und, and had
horses. The
lain deck, and
ly. The men
I
Appendix.
743
■ On the 6th of August, the Gazette, (our authority in these
details,) states : —
"Just as we had put our paper to press, Lieutenant Perkins,
with the troops which composed the garrison at Prairie du
Chien, arrived here. Lieutenant Perkins fought the "imbined
iorce of British and Indians three days and nights, until they
approached the pickets by mining ; provisions, ammunition
and water expended, when he capitulated. The officers to
keep their private property, and the whole not to serve until
duly exchanged. Five of our troops were wounded during
the siege."
In a letter from Captain Yeizer, to Governor Clark, dated,
St. Louis, July 28th, 1814, we find the following facts. Cap-
tain Y. commanded one of the gun-boats, a keel-boat fitted
up in the manner heretofore described. On the 17th July, at
half past one o'clock, from twelve to fifteen hundred British
and Indians, marched up in full view of the fort and the town
and demanded a surrender, "which demand was positively re-
fused." They attacked Mr. Yeizer's boat at three o'clock, at
long-shot distance. He returned the compliment by firing
round-shot from his six pounder, which made them change
their position to a small mound nearer the boat. At the same
time the Indians were firing from behind the houses and
pickets. The Boat then moved up the river to the head of the
village; keeping up a constant discharge of firearms and ar-
tillery, which was answered by the enemy from the shore.
The enemy's boats then crossed the rives below, to attack the
Americans from the opposite side of the river. A galling
fire from opposite points was now kept up by the enomy, ^ .i
this boat, until the only alternative was left for Captain Yei-
zer to run the boat through the the enemy's lines ^o a point
five miles below; keeping up a brisk fire.
Tn the meantime, another gun-boat that lay r tiore, was
fired on until it took fire and was burnt. In Ca|iuun Yeizer's
boat, two officers and four privates were woumlod, and one
private killed.
The British and Indians were commanded '.\- Colonel Mc-
Caj , (or Mackey,) who came in boats from M; i .ac, by Green
Bay and the Wisconsin, with artillery. Their report gives
from one hundred and sixty to two hundred regulars, and •'Mi-
chigan fencibles," and about eight hundred Indians. They
landed their artillery below the town and fort, and formed a
MMi
744
Battle at Rock Island.
:M
*';« lA
battery; attacking the forts and the boats at the same time. —
After Captain Yeizer's bout had been driven from its anchor-
age, sappers and miners began operations in the bank, one
hundred and fifty yards from the fort. Lieutenant Pe"kins
held out while hope lasted. In the fort were George and
James Kennerly, the former an aid to Governor Clark ; the
latter a Lieutenant in the militia.
During this season strenuous efforts were made by the small
force at command, to plant forts along the Upper Mississippi.
Cape au Gris, (Cap au Grey) an old French hamlet on the left
bank of the Mississippi, a lew miles above the mouth of the
Illinois river, was the place of rendezvous. Armed boats, al-
ready described, the means of transportation.
Among the persons in command were brevet Major Zacha-
ry Taylor, (President of the United States, in 1850,) and Cap-
tain Campbell, of Ae United States regular army. Among
the commanders of companies, or of boats, we find the names
of Captain Whiteside and N. Rector.
A detachment, under command of Major Taylor, left Cape
au Gris on the 23d of August, in boats, for the Indian town at
Rock River. The detachment consisted of three hundred and
thirty-four effective .^n, officers, non-commissioned officers
and privates. A report from the commanding officer to Gen-
eral Howard, dated from Fort Madison, September 6th, and
published in the " xVIissouri Gazette" of the 17th, gives the de-
tails of the expedition. They met with no opposition uYitil
they reached Rock Island, where Indian villages were situa-
ted on both sides of the river, above and below the Rapids.—
The object was to destroy these villages and the fields of corn.
They continued up the rapids to Campbell's Island, so named
from the commander of one of the boats ; so named from some
hard fighting his detachment had with some of the Indians.—
The policy of the commanding officer was to commence with
the upper villages, and sweep both sides of the river. But
the policy was interrupted by a party of British, and more
than a thousand Indians, with a six and a three pounder,
brought from Prairie du Chicn. Captains Whiteside and
Rector, and the men under their charge, with Lieutenant Ed-
ward Hempstead, who commanded a boat, fought the enemy
bravely for several hours as they descended the Rapids, The
danger consisted in the enemy's shot sinking the boats, and
: same time. —
im its anchor-
ihe bank, one
;enant Pe'kins
George and
lor Clurk ; the
le by the small
er Mississippi,
ilet on the left
mouth of the
med boats, al-
Major Zacha-
350,) and Cap-
rmy. Among
ind the naii.es
ylor, left Cape
Indian town at
e hundred and
iioned officers
ifficer to Gen-
mber 6th, and
, gives the de-
iposition u^til
es were situa-
the Rapids. —
fields of corn,
ind, so named
(led from some
the Indians. —
)mmence with
he river. But
ish, and more
hree pounder,
Vhiteside and
lieutenant Ed-
ght the enemy
Rapids, The
he boats, and
Appendix.
745
they were compelled to fall down below the rapids to repair
the boats.
"I then called the ofHcers^ogether, und put to them the fol-
lowing question: 'Are we able, 334 effective men, to fight the
enemy with any prospect of success and effect, which is to
destroy their villages and corn ?' They were of opinion the
enemy was at least three men to one, and that it was not
practicable to effect either object. I then determined to drop
down the river to the Desmoines, without delay, as some of
the otFicers of the rangers informed me their men were short
of provisions, and execute the principal object of the expedi-
tion in erecting a Cort to command the river. * * *
"lu the affair at Rock river, 1 had eleven men badly wound-
ed, three mortally, of whom one has since died.
"I am much indebted to the officers for their prompt obedi-
ence to orders, nor do 1 believe a braver set of men could
have been collected than those who compose this detach-
ment. But, Sir, I conceive it would have been madness in me,
as well as in direct violation of my orders, to have riskejl the
detachment without a prospect of success.
"I believe I would have been fully able to have accom-
plished yv'ur views, if the enemy had not been supplied with
artillery, and so advantageously posted, as to render it impos-
sible for us to have dislodged him, withoi't :n:xminent danger
of the loss of the whole detachment."
Fort .Johnston, a rough stockade with block-houses of round
logs, was then erected on the present site of the town of War-
saw, opposite the mouth of the Desmoines.
On the 18th of September, General Benjamin Howard,
whose military district extended from the interior of Indiana
to the frontier of Mexico, died in St. Louis, after a short, but
painful illness. He was a native of Virginia, removed with
his father to Kentucky at an early period, and was engage
in the defence of the frontiers before the treaty of Greenville.
After that period, he commenced the study ol the law, and ia-
the course of a few years, was ranked among the ablest men of
his profession, when he was appointed to a seat on the bench.
About 1806, or 1807, he was elected to Congress from the
Lexington district, and was in Congress when he was ap-
pointed Governor of Missouri Territory, as the successor of
Governor Lewis. An interesting biographical sketch is to be
found in the Missouri Gazette, of October 1st. We have also
a letter from the venerable David Todd, of Columbia, Mis-
souri, giving a sketch of his family connections, character and
47
■aoMMMMMa in ii H I ' '
■ iijy
• *%'
746
Death of General Howard.
.■ :|
personal appearance, for which we have not room in this
section.
Fort Madison, after sustaining repeated attacks from the
Indians, was evacuated and hurnt. And in the month of Oc-
tober, the people of St. Louis were astounded with the intelli-
gence, that the troops stationed in Fort Johnston, hud burnt
the block-houses, destroyed the works, and retreated down the
river to Cape au Gres. The officer in command, (Mtyor Tay-
lor having previously left that post,) reported they were out of
provisions and could not sustain the position. It should be
here noticed, that the defeat of the Indians in the battle of the
Thames, drove back a large force of hostile savages to the
Mississippi.
Colonel Russell, who had been in a bad state of health, ar-
rived in St. Louis on the 8th of October, and soon after held a
conference with Governors Clark and Edwards on measures
for the future defence of the two territories.
Two rangers were killed by Indians near Cape au Gres, and
four more in a skirmish not far from Vincennes.
On the 5th of August, Mr. Henry Cox and his .sons, while
at work on his farm near Shoal cret-k, Illinois, were attacked by
a party of Indians, one of his sons was killed and. shockingly
mangled, (sosaysthe Gazette,) and another taken prisoner.
Early in July, a party of Indians entered the Wood river
settlement, (five miles east of Alton city,) and massacred a
Mrs. Reagan and her two children, after night-fall, as they
were returning home from her brother's house, the late Mr.
Moore. The husband and father, supposing they had tarried
at their relations, was awakened in the morning by a company
of rangers, with the distressing intelligence of the massacre
of his wife and children, whose mangled remains were but a
lew rods from the house.
Captain (now General) Samuel Whiteside, with fifty ran-
gers, was on their trail at an early hour, pursued them to the
Sangamon river, where they discovered the party just as they
•entered a dense thicket in the river bottom, by which all esca-
ped but the leader, in whose possession they found the scalp
of Mrs. Reagan.
The only incident we find to complete this section, is the
adventure of the heroic Thomas Higgins. He was a native
of Kentucky, and joined the rangers of Illinois at their first
'vnpw
Appendix.
747
room in this
cks from the
month of Oc-
th the intellU
m, h:id burnt
ted down the
, (Miyor Tay-
y were out of
It should be
! battle of the
ivages to the
of health, ar-
n after held a
; on measures
I au Gres, and
s sons, while
•e attacked by
id. shockingly
n prisoner.
! Wood river
massacred a
t-fall, as they
the late Mr.
ly had tarried
jy a company
the massacre
ns were but a
vith fifty ran-
i them to the
y just as they
k'hich all esca-
lund the scalp
section, is the
was a native
3 at their first
organization, and continued by annual enlistments until dis-
abled.
A frontier settlement on Shoal creek, in the present county
of Bond, had a "station," or block-house, about eight miles
south of the present site of Greenville. It was one of the
points of rendezvous for the rangers, where Lieutenant Jour-
ney and eleven men, including Higgins, were stationed.
On the 20th of August, 1814, Indian signs were discovered
in the vicinity ; and at night a party was seen prowling about
the fort. Before day -light on the 31st, Lieutenant Journey
and his command were on their trail. They had not proceed-
ed far on the border of the prairie, before they were in an
ambuscade, surrounded with seventy or eighty Indians ; and
at the first fire, the Lieutenant and three men were killed.—
Six fled to the fort, while Higgins remained on the field, as he
said " to have one more pull at the enemy." His horse had
been shot in the neck, fell on his knees ; but rose again in a
moment. Higgins thought his horse mortally wounded, dis-
mounted, and resolving to avenge the loss of his comrades,
took to a tree. The fog of the early dawn, and the smoke of
the Indian guns, which had obscured the atmosphere, now
cleared away, and he discovered the Indians. Taking delibe-
rate aim, he fired, and the foremost savage fell. Concealed
by the smoke, he reloaded his gun ; mounted his wounded
horse and turned to retreat, when a familiar voice from the
grass hailed him with " Tom, you wont leave mer Turning
around, he saw a fellow soldier by the name of Burgess, lying
in the grass, wounded and helpless. " Come along," said Hig-
gins. " I can't come," responded Burgess, " my leg is smash-
ed to pieces." Higgins instantly dismounted, and in attempt-
ing to hft his friend on the horse, the animal took fright, ran
off and left Higgins with the wounded man. He directed him
to crawl on one leg and hands through the tallest grass, while
he remained behind to protect him from the Indians. In this
way Burgess reached the fort. Higgins could best have fol-
lowed the same trail, but this would endanger his comrade. —
He therefore took another direction, concealing himself by a
small thicket. As he passed it, he discovered a stout savage
near by, and two others approaching. He started for a small
ravine, but found one of his legs fail, which, until now, he
was scarcely conscious had been wounded in the first rencon-
m$m
t4t
Adventure of Thomas Hiffgins.
tre. The large Indian pressed him close, and Iliggins, know-
ing the advantage, resolved to halt and dodge the ball. The
Indian poised his gun, and Iliggins, turning suddenly, received
the ball in his thigh. He now fell, rose again ; and received
the fire of the others ; and again fell, severely wounded. The
Indiansnow threw aside their guns and advanced on hii.i with
their spears and knives. As he presented his gun first at one,
then at the other, each fell back. At last the stout Indian who
bad fired first, supposing Iliggins' gun empty, advanced boldly
to the charge, when Iliggins fired, and he fell.
Higgins had now four bullets in his body, — an empty gun
in his hand — two Indians unharmed before him : and a large
party but a short distance in the ravine. Still he did not des-
pair. His two assailants now raised the war-whoop, rushed
on him with their spears, and a deadly conflict ensued. They
gave him numerous flesh wounds, as the scars we have seen
testified. At last one threw his tomahawk, which struck Hig-
gins on his cheek, severed his ear, laid bare his skull to the
back of his head, and stretched him on the prairie. Agam the
Indians rushed on, but Higgins kept them oflTwith his feet, and
grasping one of their spears, he arose, seized his rifle and
daJjhed out the brains of his antagonist, but broke his rifle. —
The other Indian now raised the yell, and rushed on him and
attempted to stab the exhausted ranger with his knife. Hig-
gins still fought with his broken rifle ; then with his knife ;
both were bleeding, and nearly exhausted.
The smoke had cleared away; the party of Indians were in
view ; and the little garrison at the fort could see the contest,
but dared not sally out. There was a woman, — a Mrs. Pur-
sley, — at this crisis urged the rangers to the rescue. They
objected, — she taunted them with cowardice, — snatched her
husband's rifle from his hand, declared that •' so fine a fellow
as Tom Higgins, should not be lost for want of help "; mount-
ed a horse, and sallied forth to his rescue. The men, asham-
ed to be outdone by a woman, followed at full gallop, — reach-
ed the spot where Higgins had fainted and fell, before the In-
dians came up, and brought off the wounded ranger to the
fort. For many days his life was despaired of; there was no
surgeon ; some of his friends cut out two balls from his body ;
but by careful nursing he recovered. Another ball was ex-
tracted from his thigh, by his own hands and razor, some years
<
-tm-mmmmmmmur^
Appendix.
749
tis, knou'-
jall. The
f, received
d received
ided. The
1 hii.i with
irst at one,
idian who
jced boldly
;mpty gun
nd a large
id not des-
up, rushed
led. They
have seen
truck Hig-
kull to the
Again the
is feet, and
) rifle and
his rifle. —
m him and
life. Hig-
his knife ;
ns were in
he contest,
. Mrs. Pur-
ue. They
itched her
e a fellow
i"; mount-
en, asham-
p, — reach-
ore the In-
iger to the
re was no
I his body ;
II was ex-
some years
after. He was n fine specimen of a frontier man, open heart-
ed, generous; and lived, and died, a few years since in Fay-
ette county.
Postscript. — We have discovered — tuo late to correct the er-
ror in the text — a mistake in connecling the battle at the Up-
per Uapids, by Major Tayior, and a similar action at the same
place by Lieutenant Campbell.
Soon after the return of Ciovcrnor Clark from Prairie du
Chien, it was thought expedient by General Howard, (who
had just returned from Kentucky,) to send up a force to relieve
the volunteer troops, and strengthen that remote post. He
tliercfore sent Lieutenant Campbell, (who was acting as bri-
gade Major) and three keel boats, with 42 regulars, and 66
rangers; and including the sutler's establishment, boatmen
and women, making 133 persons. They reached Rock River
withe .t difliculty, but at the foot of the rapids, they were
visited by large numbers of Sauks and Foxes, pretending to
be friendly, and some of them bearing letters from the garri-
son abo-.-e to St. Louis. In a short time the contractors and
sutler's boats had reached the head of the rapids ; the two
barges with the rangers followed, and were about two miles
ahead of the commander's barge. Here a gale of wind arose
and the barge drifted against the little Island, known as Camp-
bell's Island. Here he thought proper to lie by until the wind
abated ; sentries were stationed at proper distances, and the
men were on the Island shore cooking, when the report of sev-
eral guns announced the attack.
The savages were seen on shore in quick motion ; canoes
filled with Indians passed to the Island ; and in a few mo-
ments they four a themselves nearly surrounded with five or
six hundred Indians, who gave the war-whoop and poured
upon them a galling fire. The barges ahead, commanded by
Captains Rector and Riggs, attempted to return, but one got
stranded on the rapids; the other, to prevent a similar disas-
ter, let go an anchor. The rangers from both these barges
opened a brisk fire on the Indians. The unequal contest was
kept up for more than an hour ; the Indians firing from the
Island and the shore under cover, when the commander's
barge took fire. Captain Rector cut his cable, fell to wind-
ward, and took out the survivors. Captain Riggs soon after
followed with his barge, and all returned to St. Louis.
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750
Settlement of Boone^s Lick.
There were three regulars, fonr rangers, one woman and
one child, killed and mortally wounded; and sixteen wounded;
among whom was Major Campbell and Dr. Stewart, severely.
(Gazette, July 30th, 1814.)
SECTION FOUR.
The Boont'a Lick Settlements.
The country above the Cedar, a small stream on the west-
ern border of Callaway county, which was regarded as the
boundary of the district (afterwards the county) of St. Charles,
was called " Boone^s Lick,''' from its first settlement until the
organization of the State Government.
Cote Sans Dessein, (from a singular oblong hill in the bot-
tom near) was a hamlet, or small village of French settlers,
as early as 1808. In 1810, (perhaps a few in 1809) many en-
terprizing persons with their families, struck into the wilder-
ness and commenced settlements, in what is now the county
of Howard. Here were several large salt springs and "licks,"
at one of which the old pioneer had his hunting camp in the
olden time, and where his son. Major Nathan Boone, made
salt about 1807. This gave name to the «' lick," and that to
a large district of country. As the formation of this settle-
ment and the " Incidents of the war," which is the subject of
this chapter, are in direct connection, we shall group them
together in this section.
About twelve families, in 1810, settled on the south side of
the Missouri. They were from the Loutre settlement. Mrs.
Cole and family, whose husband was killed by the Indians,
settled at the lower point of the bluff, adjacent to Booneville,
in 1811. [Appendix, p. 728.]
The Boone's Lick settlement, at the commencement of the
war with Great Britain, numbered about one hundred and
fifty families. The Governor of the territory considered them
beyond the organized jurisdiction of any county, and for about
four years the only authority over them was patrirrchal. —
The state of society was orderly, and the habits of the people
virtuous. Several ministers of the gospel were among the
immigrants. The force of public sentiment and the good
sense of the people regulated society.
For several years, a party of the Sauk Indians,under Quash-
/^oman and
I wounded;
t, severely.
1 the west-
ded as the
i>t. Charles,
t until the
in the bot-
;h settlers,
I many en-
he wilder-
the county
nd "licks,"
imp in the
(one, made
nd that to
this settle-
! subject of
roup them
ath side of
ent. Mrs,
le Indians,
3ooneviile,
lent of the
ndred and
lered them
i for about
rir,rchal. —
the people
imong the
[ the good
ler Quash-
Appendix.
761
quamme, their chief, lived on the Moniteau, south of the Mis-
souri. They professed to be friendly, but, as is customary with
all uncivilized Indians, very probably they stole horses, and
committed other depredations. And it is a general custom
for hostile parties in their marauding excursions, to lay the
mischief they commit to those who keep the peace. After
the war this band of Sauks were ordered off. They went to
Grand river, and from thence to the mouth of Rock river, and
joined the other branch of the Sauk nation.
On the Petite Osage plains, in what is now Saline county,
were a large party of Miami Indians. Their village, built of
poles, was a short distance from the Missouri river. Ihey
are accused of committing many depredations, and some mur-
ders, which, probably, was the work of hostile Indians.
The Pottawatomies were the principal depredators m the
Boone's Lick country, during the war. They stole nearly or
quite three hundred horses from the settlements. The Foxes,
lowas and Kickapoos, carried the war into this frontier. For
two years, a.e gallant settlers, unaided by any government,
sustained the conilict and defended their families with daunt-
less heroism. Every man, and every boy that could load a
rifle, was a soldier, and enrolled himself in one of the volun-
teer companies. By common consent. Colonel Benjamin
Cooper was Commander-in-Chief. Colonel Cooper had been
identified with the early operations in Kentucky, and possess-
ed those elements of character, that eminently qualified him
for a leader and adviser.
Amongst the subalterns, we recollect the names of Sarshall
Cooper, (son of the Colonel,) Wm. Head, and Stephen Cole ;
regretting the names of others, equally deserving notice, are
unknown to the writer.
(We find the name Braxton given to this gentleman in sev-
eral documents, and infer that his name was Sarshall Braxton
Cooper.) , . , /.
The people erected five stockade forts for their defence.—
Mr McLain's fort, afterwards called Fort Hempstead, about
one mile from the present site of New Franklin; Cooper's
Fort in the bottom prairie, near the old Boone's Lick; Kin-
caid's fort, a mile above the site of old Franklin, near the riv-
er • Head's fort, on the Moniteau, near the old Boone's Lick
trace from St. Charles; and Cole's fort south of the Missouri,
•f. .;.:■
762
Bootless Lick Settlement.
a mile below Booneville. As dangers thickened, the people
in this fort moved temporarily across the Missouri. The fami-
lies, when danger was apprehended, resided in these stock-
ades, but the citizen soldiers, besides ranging in advance of
the forts after the enemy, had to hunt game for provisions,
and cultivate the land for corn. As much of their stock was
killed or driven off by the early incursions of the enemy, the
terms "bear-bacon," and "hog-meat," were inserted in con-
tracts for provisions in those daiys.*
Large enclosures near the forts were occupied for corn-
fields, in common ; and frequently sentinels stood on the bor-
ders of the field, while their neighbors turned the furrow. —
Skirmishes with parties of Indians were frequent.
If they threatened the fort while the detachments were in
the corn-field, or on the hunting range, the sound of the horn
was the rallying signal.
Among the persons killed at different periods, and various
points, we can record the names of Sarshall Cooper, Jonathan
Todd, William Campbell, Thomas Smith, Samuel McMahan,
William Gregg, John Smith, James Busby, Joseph W. Still,
and a negro man.
Our authority for this and several other particulars, is Sam-
uel Cole, son of W. T.Cole; — memoranda taken from the
statements of many of the pioneers in the Boone's Lick coun-
try by the writer, in 1818; — Wetmore's Gazetteer; — and the
files of the Missouri Gazette.
Of the murders committed, none excited so deep a feeling,
as the tragic end of Captain Sarshall Cooper, who was killed
at his own fire-side in Cooper's fort. It was on a dark and
stormy night, when the winds howled through the adjacent
forest, that a single warrior crept to the wall of Captain Coop-
er's cabin, which formed one side of the fort, and made an
opening between the logs, barely sufficient to admit the muz-
zle of his gun, which he discharged with fatal effect. Captain
Cooper was sitting by the fire, holding his youngest child in his
arms, which escaped unhurt ; his other children lounging
on the cabin floor, and his wife engaged in domestic duties.
A single crack of the rifle was heard, and Cooper was stretch-
ed on the floor ! His prowess was well known to the Indians;
his 'skill and bravery had often foiled the wily and treacher-
* Wetmoro's Gazetteer, p. 82.
O
n
f(
e
t
a
c
i
t
I
(
le people
rhe fami-
!se stock-
Jvance of
rovisions,
stock was
emy, the
jcl in con-
for corn-
ri the bor-
furrow. —
s were in
the horn
d various
Jonathan
IcMahan,
W. Still,
s, is Sam-
from the
lick coun-
— and the
a feeling',
vas killed
dark and
adjacent
ain Coop-
made an
the muz-
Captain
liildin his
lounging
ic duties.
IS stretch-
'. Indians;
treacher-
Appendix.
753
ous savages. He is remembered to this day by the early pio-
neers of Missouri for his heroic and manly virtues, as he is
for his philanthropy and other moral qualities.
Captain Stephen Cole survived the war, nftrr makmg
every eflort for the defence of the settlement, w lieu, just about
the period of prosperity, and the increase and value of lands
and other property invited repose and contenlment, his love
of wild adventure, in 1822, induced him to become a pioneer
in the trade to Santa Fe. lie was killed by the red skins on
the plains.
Colonel Cooper attained to a green old age. lie was a
member of the Territorial Council, much respected by all
classes, and died about 1840. ^^
After about two years of hard fighting, "on their own hook,
to use a western figure, application was made to the Governor,
and a detachment of rangers under General Henry Dodge
was sent to their relief The mounted men, (rangers) inclu-
ded the companies of Captain John Thompson, of St. Louis,
Captain Daugherty of Cape Girardeau, and Captain Cooper
of the Boone's Lick settlement, with fifty Shavvanese and
Delaware Indians; the whole amounting to three hundred men,
They marched to the village of the Miamies, took about
four hundred men, women and children prisoners, and sent
them to their nation on the Wabash.
In connection, an expedition ascended the INIissouri river,
under command of Captain Edward Hempstead.
In the spring of 1813, a party of Sauks and Pottawatomies
made an attack on Loutre Lick, and killed a young man by
the name of Massey, while ploughing in the field.
Early in 1814, the Sauks and Foxes stole horses in the
neighborhood of Loutre Island. Fifteen or twenty rangers
commanded by Captain James Callaway, being out on a tour
of observation, accidentally fell on their trail, and followed it.
They overtook the Indians in camp near the head ol the
Loutre creek, and found the horses, but the Indians appa-
rently, had fled. They retook the horses, and proceeded to-
wards the settlements, until they reached Prairie fork. Here
the Captain, desirous of relieving the men who had charge of
the horses in the rear, gave the command to Lieut. Riggs,
who went on with th-e main party. In a short time, Captain
Callaway and the men who had charge of the horses, were
'K I
?l .. 'f,
it'
r
754
Sketches of Missouri Territory.
fired on by a large party of Iiuiians who lay in ambuscade,
and was severely wound(!d, lie broke the line of the Indians,
while men and horses fled, rode towards the main Loutre,
where he was intercepted by the Indians, und being mortally
wounded, fell from his horse into the stream as he attempted
to swim it, and expired. Four rangers in his party were
killed. Their names were, McDermot, Hutchinson, McMil-
lan, and Gilmiire. The latter was taken prisoner and subse-
quently killed.
At the village of Cote Sans Dessein, the French and others
erected a block-house and pallisade enclosure, to jjrotect the
families. The principal person in command, was a resolute
Frenchman by the name of Baptiste Louis Roy. The fort
was assailed by a large party of Indians when only two men
besides Captain Roy, with many women and children, were in
it. The women cast bullets, cut patches, loaded rilles, and
furnished refreshments, while Roy and his two soldiers defend-
ed the post, until fourteen braves were numbered as slain.
The Indians attempted to set the house on (ire by shooting ar-
rows armed with combustible materials, but the resolute
women put out the fire. The defence proved succeslul, and
M. Roy, at a period subsequent to the war, received a costly
ride from the young men at St. Louis for his gallant behavior.*
• Wctmoro's Qazottcw, pp. 47, 50. Alio 125, 126.
I
CHAPTER IV.
TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT.
SECTION FIRST.
Sketches of MUsouri Territory.
We .shall commence these sketches by gleaning such inci-
dents as have been omitted. One of these is the location and
settlement of New Madrid. This town was projected as a
large commercial city, in 1787, by Col. G. Morgan, from New
Jersey. A little French village was commenced at an earlier
m
imhuscaclc,
lie Indians,
iin Lout re,
g mortally
attemnted
)arty were
n, McMil-
and subsc-
and others
|)rotect the
a resolute
The fort
y two men
I'.n, were in
rilles, and
ers defend-
d as slain,
hooting ar-
le resolute
cestui, and
ed a costly
behavior.*
l such inci-
jcation and
jected as a
, from New
t an earlier
i
Appendix.
755
period, and calLd L'ansc a In Oresse. Stoddard says : "In
consequence of some obstacles to his designs, created by the
Spanish Government, he abandoned his project, and retired
from the country.*
In 1779, it is said to have contained 800 inhabitants, and to
have been in a nourishing condition. We think this estimate
included the village and settlement of Little Prairie, some
thirty miles below, which at that period, contained about 400
inhabitants.
The act of Congress, passed October 31st, 1803, authorized
the President to take possession of the Territories ceded by
France to the United States, and establish a temporary gov-
ernment therein. [Annals, 637.]
An act passed March 26, 1804, organizing the Territory of
Orleans, and making "the residue of the country, the district
of Louisiana," and placing it under the jurisdiction of the
Governor and Judges of Indiana. It so continued until
March 3d, 1805, when an act was passed, organizing the "Ter-
ritory of Louisiana," under the jurisdiction of a Governor,
Judges and Secretary. General James Wilkinson was ap-
pointed Governor, and Frederick Bates, Esq., Secretary, who
frequently officiated as acting Governor. He continued in the
office by reappointments until the territorial government was
suspended by that of the State.
The expedition of Messrs. Lewis and Clark, is noticed al-
ready. [Annals, 552.] It was not long after their return that
Captain Meriwether Lewis received the appointment of Gov-
ernor of the Territory of Louisiana; and Captain Wm. Clark
(a little later, we think,) the appointment of Superintendent of
Indian Affiiirs. The territorial records having been consum-
ed with the State House at Jefferson City, in 1837, we cannot
be certain of accuracy in dates.
On the 20th of August, 1808, we find in the " Gazette," the
proclamation of Governor Lewis, organizing the " District of
Arkansas." At that period, counties were denominated dis-
tricts.
It was no minor event in the annals of Missouri, that the
printing press and weekly paper west of the ^Mississippi riv-
er, was introduced and established in St. Louis, in 1808, by
the late Joseph Charless. Its earliest issues were on cap pa-
• Stoddard's Sketches, p. 209.
m
1
756
Second Grade of (iovcrnmcnf.
jxt; the first numbor is dated in July, 1808. I\Ir. Ciiarlcss
was a native of Ireland. For a time, he was in an (tliice in
Phihidelphia, theii in Lexinjjton, Ky., where he p'lhlished a
paper. The name of the paper at St. Louis, was changed
with that of the territory, Jt was first called the " Louisiana
Gazette," then the "Missouri Gazette," and finally, in 1822,
in other hands, it took the name of the " Missouri llepubli-
ean." The files of this paper, in size and typographical ap-
pearance, would furnish an illustration of the growth and
progress of the city and the territory.
During the spring or summer of 1809, Governor Lewis de-
parted for New Oilcans, and thence to Washington City. —
While passing through the Chickasaw country, he discovered
great aberration of mind, and shot himself with a brace of pis-
tols in the night, at the house where he tarried. We give the
following sketch from Howe's Virginia, Albermarle county,
page 171.
" Meriwether Lewis, the son of a wealthy planter, was
born near Charlottesville, in 1774. At 18 years of age, he
relinquished his academic studies and engaged in agriculture.
Two years after, he acted as a volunteer, to suppress the
whisky insurrection, from which situation he was removed to
the regular .service. From about 1801 to 1803, hi was the
private secretary of Mr. .Tefierson, when he, with Wm. Clark,
went on their celebrated exploring expedition to the Rocky
Mountains. Mr. .leJlerson, in ••ecommendinghim to this duly,
gave him a high character, as possessing courage, inflexible
perseverance, intimate knowledge of the Indian character, and
fidelity, intelligence, and all those peculiar combinations of
qualities that eminenth' fitted him lor so arduous an under-
taking. They were absent three years, and were higJily suc-
cessful in the accomplishment of their duties. Shortly after
his return, he was appointed Governor of the territory of
Louisiana, and, finding it the seat of internal dissentions, he,
by his moderation, firmness and impartiality, brought matters
into a systematic train, lie was subject to constitutional hyp-
ochondria, and while under the inlluence of a severe attack,
shot himself on the borders of Tennessee, in 1809, at the age
of thirty-five. The event was ascribed to the protest of some
bills, which he drew on the public account,"
The Commissioners to examine into and confirm claims to
land by virtue of concessions and grants under the Spanish
Government, were John B. C. Lucas, Clement 13. Penrose, and
I
i
s
"J. »*?? '-it.^^ ''J*!!W? g '' , ' .t ' i j. I nM'".J ' ;^^-i'
1
WJi
M
Appendix.
Ibl
Jixmrs L. Donaldson. From the Ainoricaii State Papers, I'ub-
lic Lands, voIiiiih- ii., we I«arn they coiinncnc.d tlie duties of
thooHicein 1806. In 1S07, we lind the name of IVedericlt
Hates in place of .1. L. Donaldson. Lucas, I'mrose and IJales,
continued looliiciate until 1812, and probably a lon-er peri-
od. The doubtful and oonllictinjj title.s, made the oliice both
laborious and unpleasant.
An act of Congress, approved .funo 4th, 1812, changed the
name of the Territory of Louisiana to that of Missouri, and
advanced it to the second grade of govcriunent.
The " Council" consisted of nine members, elected in
the same mode as was then customary in territorial organiza-
tions. The Representatives, when elected by the people, were
required to convene on the proclamation of the CovtMiior, and
nominate eighteen persons, residents of said territory one year
preceding their nomination; each possessing, in his own right,
two hundred acres of land therein ; and return their names to
the President of the United States, who, with the advice and
consent of the Senate, selected nine for the Legislative Coun-
cil. The term of appointment was five years.
The House of Representatives were apportioned at the ra-
tio of one, for every five hundred free, white male inhabitants.
Qualifications for this oflice, were one year's re.'^idence in the
territory, twenty-one years of age, and a free-hohler in the
county.' The term v.-as two years, and the Legislature to sit
annually, in the town of St. Louis. Thirteen Representatives
were provided at the first election.
Qualifications for sufl-ragc were free, white male citizens of
the United States, one year's residence in the territory, and
the payment of a territorial, or county tax. A D-gate to
Congress, to be chosen biennially.
In 18115, the organic law was so modified, as to permit bi-
ennial sessions of the Legislature.
On the 1st day of October, Governor Howard, by proclama-
tion, reorganized the districts, as heretofore called, into five
counties ; St. Charles, St. Louis, Ste. Genevieve, Cape Girar-
deau, and New Madrid. The district of Arkansas formed a
portion of the county of New Madrid. The territorial gov-
ernment passed into the second grade the first Monday in De-
cember. The election for representatives to the legislature
r
758
Tcnilovial Legislation.
and a (lclo!?at(» to cniij?ross, was ordered to ho hold on the
second Mondiiy in November.
On \\w iStli of October, tlie names of Kd ward IFcmpstend,
Rufus Haston, Samuel Hammond, and Matthew Lyon, were
announced as candidates for the ofllce of l)ele<,Mte to con-
gress. Edward Hempstead was the successful candidate, l)jt
we iinil no njcords of the polls to show how the other candi-
dates stood.
The House of Representatives commenced their first ses-
sion on the 7lh Deceniber, 1812. The follovvin^' persons, as
representatives of their respective counties, were prcisent :
St. Charles.— io\\n Pitman, Robert Spencer.
St. /iOHJ.v.— David Musick, Bernard G. Farrar, William C.
Carr, ami Richard Caulk.
Stc. Genevieve— Gcovge BuUett, Richard S. Thomas, Isaac
McGready.
Cape Girardeau.— George F. Bollinger, Stephen Byrd.
Neil) Madrid.— iohn Shrader, Samuel Phillips.
The oath was administered by John 15. C. Lucas, one of the
Judges. William C. Carr was elected Speaker, and Thomas
F. Riddick, Clerk, pro. tem. Andrew Scott was elected
Clerk before the close of the session.
The House of Representatives then proceeded to nominate
eighteen persons, from which the President of the United
States, with the Senate, was to select nine for the Council.
James Flaugherty, and Benjamin Emmons, of St. Charles
county ; — Auguste Chouteau, sen., and Sainuol Hammond, of
St. Louis county; — John Scott, James Maxwell, Nathaniel
Cook, John M' Arthur, Moses Austin, John Smith, T., of Ste.
Genevieve county ;— William Neely, George Cavener, Abra-
ham Boyd, John Davis, of Cape Girardeau county ; — Joseph
Hunter, Elisha Winson, William Gray, William Winchester,
of New Madrid county, were nominated.
The President nominated, and the Senate confirmed, as
members of the Territorial Council, James Flaugherty, Ben-
jamin Emmons, Auguste Chouteau, sen., Samuel Hammond,
John Scott, James Maxwell, William Neely, George Cavener,
and Joseph Hunter. The acting Governor, Mr. Bates, made
proclamation to that effect, on the 3;l day of June, 1813, and
appointed the first Monday in July following, for the meeting
of the General Assembly.
- tllKVitPKW*^**'^ ^'***
Ajipcndij"
759
The Jourii.'il of llic. House nf Itt-prcscnlalivcs was piihlishrd
only ill tliii Missouri lla/rtte. Ht-fore the calli'il Hcssion ap-
pointed to 1)0 licld in July, William Clark entoiTd upon the
oflict! of llovcrnor.
VVV find no journal of lejrislalivc proceedings in the lia-
zette for that session, except a friendly intcrciiange between
the Assend)ly and tlie new tiovornor.
The. Assembly passed lawx regulating and establishing
weights and measures ;— the olticc of Sherill';— mode of taking
the census;— lixiiig ])ermanc-ntly seats of Justice in the coun-
ties;— compensation to members of the Assembly ;— crimes
and punishments ;~forcible entry and detaim-r ;— estaldishing
courts of common jjleas; — Incorporating the IJaiik of 8t.
l.ouis;— and erecting the county of Washington from a part
of Ste, Genevieve county.*
The second session of the General Assembly began in St.
Louis, on the 6th of December, 1813. The Speaker elect
of the House, was George Uullett, of Ste. Genevieve county ;
the Clerk, Andrew Scott; Door-keeper, William Sullivan.
Vacations having occurred, several new members had been
elected. Israel McGready appeared from the new cuupty of
Washington. Samuel Hammond was President of the Legis-
lative Council.
The Journal of the House, but not of the Council, is to be
found in the Gazette. After passnig various laws, the Assem-
bly adjourned, sine die, on the 19th of January, 1814. The
boundaries of the counties of St. Charles, Washington, Cape
Girardeau, and New Madrid, were defined, and the county of
Arkansas created. f
The enumeration of the free, white male inhabitants, taken
under the Act of the Legislature, early in 1.814, is as follows:
Arkansas, 827 ; New Madrid, 1548 ; Cape Girardeau, 2062;
Ste. Genevieve, 1701 ; Washington, 1010; St. Louis, 3149;
St. Charles, 1 ,096; making an aggregate of free, white male per-
sons 11,393. Allowing an equal number of white females, and
1,000 slaves and free blacks, and the population of the terri-
tory was 26,000. The census of 1810, by the United States,
gives 20,846 of all classes.
Edward Hempstead, Esq., who had discharged his duty
* Territorial Laws, vol. i. pp. 225, MO.
■f Tcrritoriol Laws, vol. i. pp. 191-338.
rli,ii.
"«
760
Terr Uoriol Lcifisli >/ inn.
fiiithriilly MS a Drlc^'iitf to Con^'ress, tlcclincd a if-clrction.
The ciimliilatcs wore lluriis I'.iiston, Sftiiiin-| lliiiniiioiul, Alex-
ander McNiiirand Tlioiniis F. I{iddi<-1(. The a-^rcKute voteM
from all the eoimties (excepliiiir AiUaiisas) was i>,5!)9, of
which, Mr. Kaston had 905, Mr. llainiMniid, 71(1; Mr. Mc.N'air,
H6:J; and Air. Ilid<livk (wko had withdrawn his nanio previous
to the eleetion) 35.
The 'ii.portioiiment under the census, increased the number
of U'presentatives in the Territorial Legislature, to twenty-
twr.
The first session of the second Cienernl Assetiihly, eoniinen-
ced in St. Louis, on the 5th (.f DecemlxT, ISM. Twenty Re-
presentatives were present the lirst day. .lames Caldwell, of
Ste. Cienevieve county, was elected Speaker, niul Andrew
Scott, clerk. The Council chose William Neely, of Cape Gi-
rardeau county, I'resident. The county of [.awrence was or-
ganized from the western [lart of New xMadrid, and the cor-
porate powers of St. Louis, as a borough, enlarged.
It appears from the journal of the House, in the Gnzcllc, that
James Maxwell, a member of the Council from the county of
Ste. CJenevieve,nndSethl',mmons, member elect of the House
of Representatives from the county of St. Louis, had died,
and measures were adopted to fill the vacancies.
The laws passed this session, may be found in the Territo-
rial Laws, volume first, pages ;}39 to 4'Jl.
Another weekly paper, called the " Western Journal," was
started in St. Louis, in the spring of 1815.
The Territorial Legislature commenced its annual session
in November, 1815. Only a partial report can be found in the
Gazette. The customary business was transacted. The coun-
ty of Howard was organized from the western portion of St.
Louis and St. Charles counties.
The nets passed may be found in the first volume of the
Territorial Laws, pages 422 to 489. The session continued
until January 26th, 1810.
The war with Great Britain having closed, and the treaties
held with the various nations of Indians at Portage des Sioux,
in 1815, gave peace to tiie frontier settlements of Missouri and
Illinois— [Annals, pp. 648 to 651.] Immigrants now began to
fiock to these territories. Old settlements increased in num-
bers, and new settlements were formed.
I
t
Trrrilorial Lc'islatiun.
rei
'lection. —
unil, Alex-
•j^atc votoM
L>,599, (if
r. Mo.Xuir,
previous
lip niinibor
lo twciity-
, roiumrn-
'woiity lie-
alchvril. of
(1 Andrew
f Cape C:i-
\i'v was or-
ul the »or-
I.
inzcltr, that
(' county of
tlie House
i, had died,
he Tcrrilo-
rnal," was
ual session
bund in the
The coun-
rtion of St.
jme of the
1 continued
the treaties
; des Sioux,
lissouri and
\v began to
icd in nunfi-
The Territorial Lojjisluture of Missouri, commenced aj,':iiii
in Dccemlicr, 1816, and continued till IVhruary 1st, 1817.—
Anionjjst flic acts passed, was one " kiliinf,' of wolves, pan-
thers and wildcats ;" two or tiirue lotteries were chartered;
—a charter granted for an acadt'iny at I'otosi ; and n Hoard
of Trustees incorporated for superintending schools in the
town of Si. Louis. This was the starting,' point in the sclio')!
«ys*,(!m in this city.
Tlie old " Hank of Missouri" was churtcre<l and soon went
into operation, and by autumn, 1817, the two banks, "St.
Louis'' and "Missouri," were issuing,' bills. The one called
St. Louis, went into operation in 1814. [See Territorial Laws,
v.d. i. pp. 489-553.]
The Territorial Legislature held n Bcssion in December,
1818. During this session the counties of Jellerson, Frank-
lin, Wayne, Lincoln, Madison, Montgomery, Pike, Cooper,
and three counties in the southern part of Arkansas, were or-
ganized. The next year (1819) the territory of Arkansas was
formed into a separate Territorial Clovernmcnt.
The Territorial [legislature of Missouri, made application
to Congress for authority to organize a State Ciovernment.
The organization of so nmny new counties, and the appli-
cation to organize a State Covernment, indicate the rapid in-
crease of population by immigrants, from 1816 to 1818. Dur-
ing the latter year, St. Louis commenced its onward progress
in buildings, enterprizc and commerce. At the commence-
ment of that year, the writer counted seven houses and stores
of brick, that were Hni.shed and occupied, a few more unfin-
inhed and occupied, and some eight or ten with the founda-
tions laid, or walls up. During 1818, more than three mill-
ions of brick were manufactured, and about one hundred
buildings erected. Of these, two were church edifices, but
never finished. The first brick dwelling-house erected in St.
Louis, in iai3-'14, was by Wm. C. Carr.
The first steamboat that ascended the Mississippi, above the
mouth of the Ohio, was the General Pike, that reached St.
Louis tl;e 2nd of August, 1817. It was commanded by Capt.
.Jacob Reed, who subsequently became a citizen of the place,
and died here. The se ond steamboat was the Constitution,
Capt. II. P. Guyard, which arrived on the 2nd of October,.in.
the same year. During 1818, there were several arxivals.
48
762
Appendix.
The population of St. Louis in 1815, as taken by the Sher-
iff, John W. Tliompson, was 2,000. Throughout the county,
including the town, 7,396.
In 1816, the late Colonel Daniel M. Boone, son of the olJ
pioneer, and Mr. Lamme, penetrated the Gasconade pine for-
ests, and erected the first saw-mill on Little Piney. Subse-
quently, A. Pattie purchased Boone's interest and became a
partner of Lamme. John McDonald, of St. Louis county,
with his family connections, erected another mill on the same
stream in 1817, and removed his family there the same season.
SECTION SECOND.
Ter'ritorial Government of llUnoia.
On the 14th of February, 1812, Governor Edwards issued
bis proclamation, ordering an election to be held in each coun-
ty, on the second Monday in April, for three successive days,
that the people might decide whether they would enter on the
second grade of government. The territorial charter gave
ample power to the Governor, to advance the territory to the
second degree, but it was his rule through life, to ascertain and
be guided by the popular will, and govern accordingly: The
vote at the election decided the question in the affirmative by
a very large majority.
It came to the knowledge of the Governor, that some per-
sons at Peoria, (a mere hamlet, with a few French cabins, after
the war,) were selling liquor to the Indians. On the 26th of
May, 1812, he issued the following proclamation: —
"Whereas, it is deemed improper to furnish the Indians
with spirituous liquors n^t Peoria; —
" I do hereby forbid all persons whatsoever, to sell, ex-
change, or in any manner give, or deliver to any Indians or In-
dian, any spirituous liquors, or any ardent spirits, within
twenty miles of Peoria; and 1 do hereby enjoin it upon Thos.
Forsylhe, and any other Justice of the Peace for St. Clair
county, to enforce this proclamation."
On the 16th of September, the Governor, by proclamation,
organized the counties of Madison, Gallatin, Pope, and John-
son; and the same day issued another proclamation, author-
izing an election to be held in each county, on the 8th, 9th
the Sher-
le county,
of the old
e pine for-
Subse-
becarne a
lis county,
1 the same
me season.
^%
ards issued
each coun-
ssive days,
nter on the
arter gave
itory to the
certain and
ngly; The
imative by
t some per-
labins, after
the 26th of
the Indians
sell, ex-
dians or In-
rits, within
upon Thos.
ir St. Clair
oclamation,
5, and John-
ion, author-
the 8th, 9th
Territorial Government of Illinois.
763
and 10th days of October, to elect members of the Council
and House of Representatives.
Another proclamation dated November 10th, authorized the
members elect to convene at Kaskaskia, on the 25th of the
same month.
The members of the Council were Pierre Menard, of Ran-
dolph county, who was elected to preside ;— William Biggs,
of St. Clair county ;— Samuel Judy, of Madison county ;—
Thomas Ferguson, of Johnson county ;— and Benjamin Tal-
bot, of Gallatin county. John Thomas, Esq. was chosen Se-
cretary.
The House of Representatives consisted of William Jones,
from Madison county ;— Joshua Oglesby and Jacob Short, from
St. Clair ; George Fisher, from Randolph ;— Phillip Trammel
and Alexander Wilson, from Gallatin ; — and John Grammar,
from Johnson county. Their Clerk was Wm. C. Greenup.—
Both bodies occupied separate rooms in a house in that an-
cient town — had a door-keeper in common, and all boarded
in one family. They did their work like men devoted to busi-
ness matters. Not a lawyer or an attorney is found in the roll
of names. They deliberated like sensible men, passed such
laws as they deemed the country needed, made no speeches,
had no contention, and after a brief session of some ten or
twelve days, adjourned.
The following brief sketch, so far as we have had informa-
tion, of the members of the first Legislative Assembly of Illi-
nois, may be interesting to some of our readers.
Doct. George Fisher, came to Kaskaskia as a merchant in
1800, from ILardy county, Va. At the period of his election,
he resided on his farm five miles north of Kaskaskia, at the
point of the bluffs. His education wasmedipm, but he possess-
ed considerable original talent, and great firmness. He was
a member of the Convention to organize a State Government
in 1818, and died in 1820.
Phillip Trammel, was a lessee of the U. S. Saline, in Galla-
tin county ; possessed a good discriminating mind, had a strong
inclination to military affairs, and died in a few years after.
Alexander Wilson, kept a public house in Shawneetown,
was a man of moderate abilities, and died soon after the war.
John Grammar, was a plain frontier man from Tennessee,
with very little education in youth ; but a man of good com-
MHMM
764
Appendix.
mon sense, and subsequently represented Union county re-
peatedly in each House of the State Legislature.
Joshua Oglesiy was a respectable farmer, and a local Meth-
odist preacher in St. Clair county, a man of decent education,
and respected by his neighbors. He died in 1828.
Jacob Short was a citizen and farmer of St. Clair county, and
distinguished himself as a ranger during the war. He came
■with his father, Moses Short, to Illinois in 1796.
Wm. Jonss, was born in North Carolina, removed in early
life to East Tennessee, and from thence to came to Illinois in
1806, and settled in Rattan's prairie, a few miles east of Al-
ton. He was a Baptist preacher, of moderate abilities, grave
in his deportment, and respected by his acquaintance. He
represented the county of Madison, in the State Legislature
in 1828, and died in January, 1845.
Pierre Menard, was a French gentleman and a native of
Canada. He came to Kaskaskia about the close of the last
century, and was engaged in the Indian trade with success.
He was a man of intelligence, popular among all classes,
upright and strictly honorable. He was elected the first Lieu-
tenant Governor of the State, and presided with dignity and
propriety over the Senate. He died a few years since, respec-
ted and lamented.
William Biggs, whose name appears in the Appendix, (p.
701,) was an intelligent and respectable man, and for some
years a Judge of the Court of Common Pleas, in St. Clair
county. He died about 1828 or 1829.
Samuel Judy was the commander of a company of spies in
the war, a man of much energy, fortitude and enterprise,
and died in Madison county a few years since.
Of Thomas Ferguson and Benjamin Talbot, we have no
certain information.
The members of the House of Representatives in the Ter-
ritorial Legislature in 1814. were, Wm. Rabb, of Madison
county ;— Risdon Moore, Sen., and James Lemen, Jr., of St.
Clair county ;— James Gilbreath, of Randolph county ;— Phil-
lip Trammel and Thomas C. Brown, of Gallatin county ;— and
Owen Evans, of Johnson county. Risdon Moore was elected
Speaker, and Wm. Mears, Clerk, and Moses Stewart, joint
Door-keeper between the two bodies. The Council were the
same persons as in the preceding session.
iounty re-
cal Meth-
education,
c)unty,and
He came
id in early
Illinois in
east of Al-
lies, grave
ance. He
iBgislaturc
native of
)f the last
th success,
ill classes,
first Lieu-
ignity and
ce, rcspec-
pendix, (p.
I for some
I St. Clair
of spies in
enterprise,
e have no
in the Ter-
)f Madison
, Jr., of St.
nty ;— Phil-
mty ; — and
xas elected
wart, joint
il were the
■.Tin
Second Territorial Legishture.
76fr
The committee on Revenue made a report, that from Jan-
uary 1st, 1811, to November 8th, 1814, the revenue from tax-
es received, was $4,876 46; of which there had been paid
into the Treasury $2,616 89, and remained in the hands of
delinquent Sheriffs $2,378 47.
This Legislature took action on the subject of Common
Schools.
"On motion of Mr. Trammel, a committee was appointed to
draft a bill to incorporate the inhabitants of the respective
townships, to enable them to choose trustees to lease and ap-
propriate the profits of the sixteenth section in each township,
i for the benefit of Public Schools, in conformity to the act of
Congress."
Messrs. Evans and Trammel were that committee. (See
Legislative Journal, November 28, 1814.)
A bill was reported on the 30th, and passed by the House
December 2nd. Edwards county was organized this session.
Benjamin Stephenson was the first Delegate elected to Con-
gressin 1812.
At the session of the General Assembly, of 1816-'1 , Pierre
Menard again presided in the Council, and Ilisdon Moore in
the House of Representatives. The counties of White, Mon-
roe, Jackson and Johnson, were organized this session. Im-
migration came into the territory rapidly at this period. A
settlement was formed in 1815, by a few families south of the
Macoupin [Ma-qua-pin, it should have been written] in the
south part of the present county of Greene, and the next year,
Thomas Rattan, and one or two more families, made their
pitch on the border of a fertile prairie, above Apple Creek.—
Through Morgan, Sangamon, and all the counties west of the
Illinois river, the Indians, (now peaceable,), roamed and hunt-
ed.
The counties south, towards the Ohio and Wabash rivers,
received a large accession to their population, and many per-
sons advanced into the wilderness, and built their cabins and
made their locations along the Saline, Muddy, Beaucoup, and
Little Wabash rivers. The settlements were generally made
on the borders of the prairies; too many inconveniences then
existed in settling out in the prairies.
The session of the Territorial Legislature of 1816-'17,
caught the banking mania, and chartered the " Illinois Bank,"
. I.
'1
%
II
766
Appendix.
at Shawncetown, and the "Edvvardsville Bank." Both these
banks became deposit banks for government funds, received
the money from the Land Offices, and used it for their own
purposes. The Illinois Bank eventually accounted for the
whole, after considerable delay ; but against the Bank of Ed-
wardsviile, the United States obtained a judgment for fifty-
four thousand dollars, which has never been collected.*
At the session of the Legislature, of 1817-18, the " Bank
of Cairo" was incorporated ; connected with the project of
building a city at the junction of the Ohio and Mississippi
rivers. Some of the persons afterward having died, the pro-
ject was suspended. In the period of the " Internal Improve-
ment" mania, in 1836, this bank wiis galvanized into exis-
tence, flourished for a short time, and expired.
In 1815, Nathaniel Pope, Secretary of the Territory, Mas
elected to Congress, and remained in that oflice till the State
Government was formed. In that capacity he rendered the
State very important service. lie obtained the extension of
the line of the new State north, from the southern bend o{
Lake Michigan, to latitude 42 degrees 30 minutes, which now
constitutes the limit of that State, and he was mainly instru-
mental in obtaining the act to form the State Government,
when scarcely forty thousand souls existed in the State.
• Orown'i lUinoie, p. 420.
\1
L
CHAPTER V.
STATE GOVERNMENTS.
SECTION FIRST.
Organization of the Slatt of Rlinoia.
Representatives to the Convention to form a State Constitu-
tion were chosen. We record their names and the counties
they represented. The counties of Crawford, Bond, Union,
ot<"
'
State Legislation.
767
Washington and Franklin, had been organized the preceding
Legislature.
St. Cluir.—Jcsse B. Thomas, John Messinger, James Lem-
cn, Jr.
Randolph.— George Fisher, Elias Kent Kane.
3i«r/i.soH.— Benjamin Stephenson, Joseph Borough, Abra-
ham Pickett.
Grt//rt//«.-Michacl Jones, Leonard White, Adolphus Fred-
erick Hubbard.
y«A«.swt.— Hezekiah West and Wm. McFatridge.
Edwards.— ^ei\i Gard, Levi Compton.
iy/«/e.— Willis Hargrave, Wm. McIIenry.
A/;7i/w.— Caldwell Carnes, Enoch Moore.
Fopc.-'SiimxwX Omelvany, Hamlet Furguson.
/«c/Mon.— Conrad Will, James Hall, Jr.
Cr«W«?v/.— Joseph Kitchell, Edward N. Cullom.
jj^,„,/._Thomas Kirkpatrick, Samuel G. Morse.
Union.— \Wm. Echols, John Whitaker.
^Frt.^7<l/^,;'<o«.— Andrew Bankson.
F/an/t/tft.— Joshua Harrison, Thomas Roberts.
Jesse B. Thomas, was chosen President, and Wm. C. Green-
up, Secretary of the Convention.
This body assembled at Kaskaskia in July, and closed their
labors by signing the Constitution they had framed on the
twenty-sixth day of August.
The election for the first Legislature, was appointed to be
held on the third Thursday, and the two following days in
September, and all white male inhabitants above the age of
twenty-one years, who were actual residents of the State at
the time of signing the Constitution, had the right of suffrage.
The first session of the General Assembly was to commence
at Kaskaskia, on the first Monday in October following, but
all subsequent sessions on the first Monday in December, there-
after. The Consti<tution was not referred to the people for
adoption. In general, they were satisfied with the labors of
their servants.
Members to the General Assembly were elected, met at the
time appointed, and set in operation the new machinery of
government. Shadrach Bond, of Kaskaskia, had been duly
elected Governor, and Pierre Menard, of the same place. Lieu-
tenant Governor. Their terms of service were from 1818 to
•'I
768
Appendiz.
1822. Governor Bond in hia brief Inaugural address, called
the early attention of the General Assembly to a survey, pre-
paratory to opening a canal between the Illinois river and
Lake Michigan.
Ninian Edwards, whose administration over the territory
had gained a strong position in the confidence of the peopl 5,
was elected Senator of the Uniled States' Congress. Jesse
B. Thomas, who had presided in the Convention with dignity
and impartiality, was elected to the same oflice. The treas-
ury of the State was impoverished at the commencement, as
the expenses of the Convention, and then of the Legislature,
had to be incurred before a revenue system could be adopted
and carried into effect. After a short session the Legislature
adjourned.
The second session commenced about the first of February,
1819, and continued until the 20th. During this period they
revised and re-enacted the Territorial Laws, sc far as appli-
cable to the State, with such additional laws ai the public
exigencies seemed to require.
I
SECTION SECOND.
Organization of the Stale of JUiaiouri.
It has been stated already that the Territorial Legislature
of 1818-19, made application to Congress for a law to be
passed, authorizing the people of Missouri to organize a State
Government. John Scott, Esq., was the Delegate in Congress
at that period ; having been elected by a majority of votes
over Rufus Easton, in 1817.
A bill was prepared in Congress during the session of 1818-
'19, in the accustomed form, authorizing the people to elect
Delegates in the several counties, to constitute a Convention
for the purpose of forming a Constitution. While under pro-
gress, an amendment in the form of a proviso, was introduced
by Mr. Talmadge, of New York, in the following words :
" And, provided, That the further introduction of slavery, or
involuntary servitude, be prohibited, except for the punish-
ment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been fully con-
victed ; and that all children born within the said State, after
the admission thereof into the Union, shall be free at the age
of twenty-years."
■■• .. ',.j$mi
I
Stale Legislation.
769
This proviso, after a brief discussion, passed the House of
Representatives, on the 15th of February, 1819, by a vote of
79 to 67. This uiiexi»cct.ed movement brought up vvliat has
since been called the " Missouri Uuestion;" caused a protract-
ed discussion, and raised one of those political storms, which
threatened to endanger, if not dissolve the national L'nion.—
It not only agitated Congress,but the Union from one extreme
to the other, for eighteen months. Amongst the people in tins
territory, the excitement was intense ; the absorbing idea thai
prevailed was, that the Congress of the United Slates, a body
limited in constitutional power, was about to deprive the peo-
ple of Missouri of their just rights, in forming a Constitution
in accordance with the treaty of cession, and as they miglit
judge the best calculated to promote their interests. The wri-
ter at that period was a citizen of the territory, and in his
professional calling, had occasion to travel into every county.
Taking no direct part in f n exciting political question, and
mixing with all classes of people, hearing their conversations
in private and their discussions in public, he claims to know
the views by which they were actuated At that period not
one-fourth of the population owned or held slaves ; many were
opposed to slavery as a measure of State policy, but, (with a
very few exceptions,) all were determined to resist what they
regarded an arbitrary stretch of congressional power.
Louisiana, from its earliest colonization, had sustained and
tolerated negro slavery on both sides of the Mississippi. Un-
der the government of both France and Spain, African negroes
had been recognized as property by the laws. The treaty of
cession secured to the inhabitants of this province the protec-
tion and full enjoyment of their property. Hence the people
of Missouri, and their friends in Congress-, maintained that
Congress possessed no just right to disturb the existing rela-
tion of master and slave. With the people of Missouri, it
became an absorbing question of political rights.
The discussions in Congress continued during the session,
and the bill was lost, with other unfinished business.
During the following summer the discussions continued in
Missouri, chiefly on one side, though the " Gazette" opened its
columns to all parties.
On the opening of Congress, Mr. Scott, Delegate from Mis-
souri, and chairman of the committee on the " Memorial from
■', :^
770
Appendix.
Missouri," rrpoitcd a bill "to !iu*''.orizp llie proph; of llmt
territory to loriii a t'onstiliitioii and State (iovt-nimnit, on an
••(|iial footiiii,' with flic ori^niial States. " Tho bill was twice
read and rcl'irri'd to tho coinmitlcc of the whole llousr. This
was on till' Olh of Drccmbrr, 1811), On tlu; 14tli, Mr. Taylor
of New York, oH'crcd a res(dution for the appointment ol" a
c'oiniiiiltcc " to rn([iiire into the expediency of prohibiting by
law, the introduction of slaves into the territories of the Uni-
ted States, west of the Mississippi." After some discussion,
in which the Delej^ate from Missouri took part, the Missouri
l)ill was postponed and made the order of the day for the se-
cond Monday in January. The discussion opened at that pe-
riod, and continued during? tlie winter. A'arious amendments
were propd-ed, in both Houses, and lost.
Api»licatioii had been mad(! by the people of Maine, witli
the consent of Massachusetts, to form a State Government and
be admitted into the Union. This proposition, for a period,
became coupled with the Missouri Ciuestion.
In the Senate, on the 3d of February, 3Ir. Thomas from Illi-
nois, offered an amendment to the Missouri branch of the
bill, in the following words: —
'■^ And be it fnrtlirr enacted, That in all that territory ceded
by France to tlie United States, under the name; of Louisiana,
which lies north of thirty-six deforces and thirty minutes north
latitude, [exceptinfr only such part thereof as i.s] not included
within the limits of the State contemplated by this act, slave-
ry and involuntary servitude, otherwise than in the punish-
ment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly con-
victed, sliall be, and is hereby forever prohibited: Provided,
ahvat/s, That any person escaping into the same, from wliom
labor or service is lawfully claimed in any State or Territory
of the United States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed,
and conveyed to tlie person claiming his or her labor or ser-
vice, as aforesaid.''
This amendment was adopted in the Senate on the 17th of
February, by a vote of 154 to 10, and subsequently became the
basis of tlic " Missouri Compromise," modified by striking out
the words enclosed in brackets. On ordering the bill to a third
reading in the Senate, the vote was in the aflirmative, 24 to
20.
On the 3rd of March, the bill as amended from the Senate
and passed, was .sent to the House. Though the Journal be-
(
%.
! of lliat
lit, on :ui
us twice
ISO. This
r. Taylor
ivnt o. a
biting' hy
the Uni-
i.sfussion,
]\Jissouii
or tlic sc-
t that pe-
LMidinonts
line, with
ment and
a period,
\ from llli-
ch of the
ory ceded
jouisiana,
utes north
t included
act, slave-
le punish-
duly con-
Pruvided,
om whom
Territory
reclaimed,
)or or ser-
he 17th of
lecame the
riking out
1 to a third
tive, 24 to
the Senate
ournal be-
'
Till'. " Missouri Question."
771
fore us is silent on tliat sul.jeet. it is understood as a historical
fact, that at this crisis, when despair sat on the eounlenanccM
of the friends of Missouri, Mr. Clay, who was Speaker ol the
House, exercised the odice of peuce-niaker, and by his popu-
larity and inlluencc with both parties, not in an oliicial capa-
city, l)ut as an individual, healed the waters of strife, and in-
duced a majority of the members to accept the compronust; of
the Senate. The clause restricting slavery uillun the State
of Missouri, was stricken out by the majority of 90 to 87. On
the final vole, for inserting the sul)slitute from th(^ Senate, it
was decided under the previous ipiestion, in favor, 134;—^
against it, 42. So the House concurred in the amendments of
tire Senate to the bill, on the evening of tiie 3.d of March.
The "Compromise" amy be found in the 8lh section ol the
Act to authorize the people of Missouri to form a .Constitu-
tion and State Government. [Territorial Laws, volume 1, pp.
628,631. J
The Act provided for the representation of each county in
the Convention ; in the aggregate, forty-one members.
The boundaries prescribed, are here given :
" Beginning in the middle of the Mississippi river, on the
parallel of thirty-six degrees of north latitude ; thence west
along that parallel of latitude, to the St, Francois river;
thence up, and following the course of that river, in the mid-
dle of the main channel thereof, to the parallel of latitude of
thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes; thence west along the
same, to a point where said parallel is intersected by a meri-
dian line passing through the middle of the niouth of the
Kansas river, where the same emi)ties into the Missouri river ;
thence, from the point aforesaid, north, along the said meri-
dian line to the intersection to the parallel of latitude which
passes through the rapids of the river D(- Moines, making the
said line to correspond with the Indian bmndaiij hue; thence
cast, from the point of intersection last aforesaid, along the
said parallel of latitude, to the middle of the channel of the
main fork of the said river Des Moines, to the mouth of the
same, where it empties into the Mississippi river; thence, due
east, to the middle of the main channel of the Mississippi
river; thence down and following the course of the Mississip-
pi river, in the middle of the main channel thereot", to the
place of beginning."
We have given the boundary in full, to explain the ground
of a dispute, which at one period threatened serious collision
J
778
Apprndir.
l)ctwe»>n the territory, and .siihs(>«|nriitly tlir State of lowannd
tlip Stale of iMissoiiri, relative to Ixiiiiidarics atul Jurisdiction.
TIk! words ill italics ^i;av(' rise to llio didprcnco, and iiivoUrd
tlic (iiicstions: First, what was meant hy i\\v " rapids of tlio
rivrr Dcs Moiiifs;" Secondly, wliat Indian l)oundary line wna
intended?
Missouri conten(lc<l fnrrertain rapids, or ripples in the river
Des Moines, some distance up, wliicli threw the line some
twenty or thirty miles farther north. Iowa contended the ra-
pids in the J\lississip[)i, called hy the French explorers, La
rapidrs la riviirc l)is Moints, wan the point meant. After sev-
eral years of contested Jurisdiction, during' which a sherilF of
Missouri was imprisoned in Iowa, and military force was ap-
pealed to, both States consented to refer the (juestion of boun-
dary and jurisdiction to the Supreme Court of the United
States. After a labored investigation, the court decided in fa-
vor of the old boundary line, as it was called, and the rapids
of the Desmoines in the French sense of the term.
The election for members of the Convention was held on
the (irst Monday, and two succeeding days of May, 1820. —
The only discussion on slavery, was, whether the emancipa-
tion of slaves should he left open for legislative action tit any
future time, or restricted in the Constitution. We do not re-
collect that any candidate was elected who advocated leaving
the question open. The objection urged against this policy
was, that slaves were, in a legal sense, property; that proper-
ty could not be taken from its owner by statute law, except
for public purposes, and then only for compensation paid ; that
were the Legislature at any time to pass a law to enuincipate
slaves, the courts could nullify the act; and that when the
people desired to change the policy of the State, they could
reorganize the government by a new constitution.
We here give the members of the Convention, and the coun-
ties they represented :
Ca])C Girardeau. — Stephen Byrd, James Evans, Richard S.
Thomas, Alexander Huckner, Joseph McFerron.
Cooper. — Robert P. Clark, Robert Wallace, William Lil-
lard.
Franklin. — John G. Heath.
Howard. — Nicholas S. Burckhartt, DufT Green, John Ray,
Jonathan S. Findlay, Benjamin H. Reeves.
\
Mixsouri Convention .
773
' Iowa nnd
irisdiction.
I inv()l\rd
)iils of tlio
y line was
1 tlic river
liiK! Millie
('(I the ra-
)l<trer8, La
After sev-
i slu-rifr of
;c was ap-
n of hoiin-
he United
•idrd in fa-
thc rapids
^s held on
y, 1820.-
einancipa-
;ion at any
do not re-
ed leaving
tliis policy
lat proper-
iw, except
paid ; that
nuincipate
when the
they could
d the coun-
Kichard S.
illiam Lil-
John Hay,
Jejfcrsnn. —i^nunn\ lluniiiiond.
/ij//i((j/M.Mal(;<)liii Henry.
iJ^/i/^'YWinv/.— Jonathan Uainsey, .lames 'i'ali)<)tt.
Madison. -Nathaniel Cook.
iVeu) iVm/n</.-- liohert 1). Dawson, Christopher ti. 1 louts.
/»j7t('.— Stephen tHeaver.
St. 6Vi«/7t.v.—n»!iij'uninl'iinmon.s, Nathan Uoone, llirum 11.
IJaber.
Sir. Genevieve— Jo)m D. Cook, Henry Dodge, John Scott,
II. T. Urown.
St. Ijnni.i.—\)h\'ni Barton, I'.dward Hates, Alexander Mc-
Nair, Win. Ileelor, John C. Sullivan, Pierre Chouteau, Jr.,
IJernard I'ratte, Thomas F. Riddick.
U(/.vA/«;'-/oH.— John lliee Jones, Samuel I'erry, John Hiitch-
ings.
yVai/nc. —l^Wjiih Bettis.
The Convention met at St. Louis, on the 12th day of June.
David Barton was elected President, and William LJ. Pcttus,
Secretary.
Their labors were finished by signing the constitution on
19th day of July, 18:20. The first General Assembly were re-
quired to meet on the third Monday in September, at St. Lou-
is. An election for a Governor, Lieutenant Governor ; a re-
presentative in Congress for the residue of the sixteenth Con-
gress; a representative for the seventeenth Congress; sena-
tors and representatives to the General Assembly, shcrifFs and
coroners, was held on the fourth Monday in August. The ap-
portionment in the constitution for the first General Assem-
bly, provided fourteen senators, and forty-three representa-
tives.
Alexander McNair was elected Governor, and William H.
Ashley, Lieutenant Governor, and John Scott representative
to Congress. No provision was made to refer the adoption of
the constitution to the people, and it took eflect from the au-
thority of the Convention.
There were several features in the constitution quite objec-
tionable to the people. These were the office of Chancellor,
with a salary of $2,000 per annum ; and the salaries of the
Governor and the Judges of the Supreme and Circuit Courts,
being fixed at not less than $2,000 per annum for each officer.
The mode provided for amending the constitution, was by
i
774 ' Append i J".
ft vote of two lliirds of vnrh House of tlir (Irnntil As.scrnhly
propoNiii;,' luui'iiilmcnts; tlirsc to hr piiMiMlicd in all llii- lu'ws-
|m|KT.s in the Stiito liirct' tinu-s, lit Iciist twelve niontlis before
tlic next geniiiil election; and if, lit the Wvsi session of the
next (Jeiieiiil Assembly iil'l«'r such yenenil election, two-thirds
of <ach House, by ye;is iind nays, ratify siudi proposed amend-
ments, afU'r three separate; readings, on thrte several days, the
nniendinents become parts of the constitution.
At II special s«'sslon of the (Jeneral Assenddy, in 1821,
nmendmetits were proposed to remove the; olijectionablt! fi-a-
tnres, and passed by the constitutional majority. The next
General Assembly at its lirst session ratili«d them.
At tht; (Irst session of the t!(!neral Assembly in IMs20, Thos.
H. Ih'iiton and David Harton were elected Sriialors to repre-
sent the new i^^tate in the t^on^ress of the Tnited Slates. The
Senators and llepresentatlv*! were at Washington City at the
openinj? of t!ie session, when, on prtsenlinj; the eoiislitution
and claiming' admittance as a State into the rnion, they met
a repulse. In article third, delining the le;;islative power of
the General Assembly, was the following injunction :—
" It shall be their duty, as soon as may be, to pa.ss such laws
as may be necessary
"To prevent free negroes and mulattoes from coming to,
and settling in this State, under any pretext whal.soever."
To this clause objections were made in Congre.ss, the State
was refused iidmittance into the Union, and anotht^r discus-
sion followed. The objection was, that "free negroes and
mulattoes" were citizens of some of the States, and the clause
infringed on the rights of such as were guaranteed in the con-
stitution of the U. States. The words of the constitution arc:
"The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges
and immunities of citizens in the several States." The difii-
culty was increased by remonstrances from the legislatures of
Vermont and New York, against the " Missouri Compromise"
of the preceding session, and the reception of the new State
without the restriction of slavery.
In the House of Representatives, the resolution previously
introduced to admit that State, was rejected by the vote of 79
to 93.
The Select Committee, to whom the constitution was re-
ferred, made an elaborate report and recommended the recep-
As.s«<ml)ly
llir ru'vvs-
itlis l)rforc
lion of the
two-thirdn
cil uiiicikI-
it iliiyN,thc
, in 1821,
(tiiihli! ll-a-
Thc next
S20, Tho«.
•s to IT pre -
latL's. The
L'ity at the
institution
1, tlicy ini't
L', power of
II : —
i such InwH
coniin}^ to,
)(V(.T."
i, the State
lior tliscus-
L'f^rocs and
the clause
in llie con-
tiition are:
I privih'gos
Tlio difii-
islatures of
inpromise"
new State
previously
vote of 79
3n was re-
[ the recep-
%
Another " Mmouii Que:>lion.''^
776
tion of tlir Stiiti'. 'I'liJM was also (li!sn;|re(Ml (o, H3 to 36.* —
Tiiis was I'diruary 10. ii. On a siihseiiurnt occaHioji the ques-
tion came up sonu'what niodilicd, and was lost in liii' llouse,
HO to S;r This voti- was al'li twukIm rn-onsidcrcd, i»y a vote
of 101 tof)().
Durini; the session tlie whole siil)jrrt was discusHcd ; the
rif,'hts of tlicsoiiih; the halaiuc of power; the rights ol the
pcciph' of Missdini, and llic mooted (picstion, whether " I'rcc
nes^roes" were, constitutiitnaily cili/cns in all tiir States, were
agitated (|uestions at various periods of the session. A reso-
lution with various restrictions, to admit Missouri, (inally pass-
ed the House hy a vote of 91 to 67, hu( iii mkIi a form as it
would not be likely to receive the sii|)p()rt of the Senate.
At this crisis, (l^diruary iJi,) Mr. Clay, (who had declined
h(dn>? a candidate for the speaUership,) proposeil a Joint Com-
mittee of the House and Senate, wliich was ctirried liy a vote
of 101 to Bd. Mr. Clay reportcul from the .loint Committee
on tht! suhject, (February 26.) the formula that became incor-
porated in th(! public Act, to be found in the f^aws of Con-
gress for thiit session, and in the " Territoriid Laws of Mis-
souri," voluuie i.pp. 75H, 75U.
The substance is as follows: On condition that the Legis-
lature of Missouri, by a solemn act, shall declare the twenty-
sixth section of the third article of the constitution, shall nev-
er be construed to authorize the passage of any law by which
any citizen of either of the States of the Union, shall be ex-
cluded from the enjoyment of any of the privileges to which
such citizen is entitled under the constitution of the United
States; and shall transmit to the President of the United
States, on or before the fourth Monday in November, 1821,
an authentic copy of said act ; — upon the receipt thereof the
President, by proclamation, shall announce the fact, where-
upon, without any further proceeding on the part of Congress,
the admission of that State into the Union shall be considered
as complete.
To carry this proviso out, it became necessary for the Gov-
ernor to convene tiie Legislature in a special session, which
was held in the town of St. Charles, in the month of June,
and the Solemn Pliii.ic Act was passed ; guarded by explana-
tions, so as not to appear to affect constitutional rights. The
♦ Niles' BigUter, xix. 409, 410.
'•^'
iM
776
Appendix.
mooted question whether " free negroes and miilattoes" are
"citizens," in the sense of the constitution of the U. States
reii ains as it was before the action of Congress and the Le-
gislature of i\iissouri.
In the month of August, the President having received an
authentic copy of the " Solemn Public Act," made proclama-
tion that the reception of Missouri was complete. During the
preceding session of Congress, the Senators and Representa-
tives of this State had no seat in Congress, and the votes for
President were not counted.
We have been thus particular in this protracted sketch, that
our readers may understand the whole subject. They mav
now learn there were two "Missouri Questions," and two
'• Compromises," on different and disconnected subjects. Wc
hope the sketch given will prevent all readers of these An-
nals from confounding both the subjects and the dates, as
many have heretofore done.
In 1820, the population of Missouri, by the United States
census, was 66,586. The Legislature of that and of the fol-
lowing year, organized the counties of Lillard (now Lafay-
ette,) Ralls, Boone, Chariton, Ray, Perry, Cole, Saline, Gas-
conade, Callaway, St. Francois, Scott and Clay. From the
number of n»^w counties created, the reader may infer the
rapid increase of population, and the extension of settlements
in Missouri.
SE TION THIRD.
Commercial and Jttilitary Enterprise.
The first Steamboat that made a trip from New Orleans to
Louisville, Ky., was the Enterprise, commanded by Captain
Henry M. Shreve. The boat left New Orleans on the 6th of
May, 1815, and arrived at Louisville on the 31st of the same
month ; making the passage twenty-five days. This was then
regarded as quite an achievement in the navigation of the
Mississippi and Ohio with steam. For many years Captain
Shreve was in the employ of the national government, in re-
moving snags from the Mississippi, Missouri, Arkansas, and
Red Rivers. That singular obstruction, made by fallen and
imbedded timber in Red River, termed the " Raft," has been
removed by his skill and agency, and navigation opened into
the vast and rich country abcve.
Expedition up the Missouri.
777
ilattoes" are
he U. States,
and the Le-
: received an
le proclama-
During the
Representa-
the votes for
1 sketch, that
They may
s," and two
ibjects. Wc
}f these An-
he dates, as
nited States
I of the fol-
now Lafay-
Saline, Gas-
. From the
.y infer the
settlements
' Orleans to
3y Captain
1 the 6th of
•f the same
s was then
ition of the
ars Captain
ment, in re-
cansas, and
fallen and
," has been
opened into
The Independence, C!x\i\aXn Nelson, from Louisville, Ky., was
the pioneer boat in the navigation of the more difHcult chan-
nel of the Missouri river. This was in the same month of
May, 1819. She left St. Louis on the 13th, was at St. Charles
on the 15th, and reached the town of Franklin, opposite
Booneville, on the 26th of that month. The banks of the river
were visited by crowds of people, as the boat came in sight of
the town. It was the first boat that ever attempted to over-
come the strong current of the Mis<souri, and find its way
amidst the shifting sand-bars. Besides a large number of pas-
sengers, this boat carried up a cargo of flour, whisky, sugar,
coffee, iron, castings, and other goods. The question, long
agitated, and much doubted, " can the Missouri be navigated
by steamboats?" was fully solved. A new era in Mis.souri an-
nals had opened. Boats now ascend this river daily, and to
the remotest settlements ; and repeatedly have boats gone up
to the mouth of the Yellow Stone, about 1,800 miles above
St. Louis. Even before 1844, the Assineboine went seve. dl
hundred miles above the mouth of the Yellow Stone, into a
gorge of the Rocky mountains.
The Independence returned to St. Louis, on the 5th of June,
and took freight for Louisville, Ky.
On the 8th of June, 1819, the United States steamboat.
Western Engineer, under command of Maj. S. H. Long, went
on an exploring expedition up the Missouri, having on board
.several gentlemen attached to the department of Topographi-
cal Engineers. This corps were on a tour of observation to
the Yellow Stone, or at least the Mandan villages. They left
St. Louis on the 21st of June. The boat was a small one,
with a stern wheel, and an escape pipe so contrived as to emit
a torrent of smoke and steam through the head of a serpent,,
with a red, forked tongue, projecting from the bow.
It was understood that this contrivance was intended to-
make an impression on the Indians, as the boat had the ap-
pearance of being carried by a monstrous serpent, vomiting,
fire and smoke, and lashing the water into foam with his tail.
Tradition says the aborigines were panic struck, and fled ;.
imagining that the " pale-faces" had .sent a " maniteau," into-
their country to destroy them.
A military expedition left Bellefontaine and St. Louis early
in June, under the command of Colonel Atkinson, to establish
49
778
Appendix.
a military post at Council Bluffs, then far in advance of the
American settlements. The expedition consisted of three
steamboats, of heavy construction, the Expedition, the Jeffer-
son, and the Johnson, and nine keel-boats. Several of these
last description of boats were prepared to be propelled with
sails and wheels. In this expedition were General Jessup,
Quarter-master General of the United States Army; Colonel
Henry Atkinson, Commander; Brevet Major Humphrys; Bre-
vet Major Kctchum ; Captains Hamilton, Boardman, Living-
ston, Reed, Ilaile, Shaler and Bliss. Colonel Chambers and
Captain Smith, of the rifle regiment ; and Lieutenants Bedell,
Wilcox, Talcott, Durand, Givens, Wetmore, (who was Pay-
master;) Brown, (Quarter-master;) Mcllvain, Keeler and Palm-
er, were in the expedition. The steamboats were comman-
ded by Captain Colfax, of the " Johnson," Captain Craig, of
the "Expedition," and Captain Orfori, of the ".Jefferson."—
Colonel James Johnson, who, it was understood, had the con-
tract from the War Department, to tran.sport supplies and mu-
nitions for the new post, was on the expedition. Another
boat called the " Calhoun," was connected with the enter-
prise.
Residing then at St. Charles, the writer was witness to the
astonishment of the people, to see these boats stem the rapid
current of the Mis.souri. It was understood at the time that
liberal encouragement had been given by the War Depart-
ment to aid these boats, that, incidentally, the great question
might be solved, whether the Mi&souri river could be naviga-
ted by steam. °
The scientific corps under Major Long, returned from Ihcir
tour of exploration up the Missouri to the Yellow Stone, to
St Louis, the latter part of October.
According to a report made to the House of Representa-
tives by the committee on Military Aflair.s, the following win-
ter, it was contemplated by the administration to establish a
post at the Mandan villages; that the expense of the Yellow
Stone expedition, "over and above what the troops would
have cost had they remained in their former positions " was
estimated at $64,226. We suppose this included the steam-
boat effort to the Council Bluffs, which proved a failure One
boat reached the vicinity of Cote Sans Dessein ; another lay
by at Old Frankhn ; and a third ascended to the mouth of
wm
Banks and Banking,
779
inco of the
(1 of three
I, the Jeffcr-
■al of these
polled with
3rul Jessup,
ly; Colonel
phrys ; Cre-
an, Liviiig-
mbers and
mts Bedell,
was Pay-
' and Palm-
e comman-
I Craig, of
/Ferson." —
ad the con-
ies and mu-
Another
the enter-
Grand River. In the end, the military stores were transport-
ed on keel-boats. These boats returned to St. Louis in the
spring of 1820.
The expenses were heavy. A member of the committee
on Military Affairs, at the session of 1819-'20, stated that the
claims for detention of the boats, and the losses, exceeded a
million of dollars. The Secretary of the War Department
had projected the establishment of a military post at or be-
low the mouth of t'-.e Yt'low Stone, and a series of military
roads to connect that post by St. Peters and the northern
lakes, which Congress refused to sanction, by withholding the
necessary appropriations.
CHAPTER VI,
MISCELLANEOUS AFFAIRS.
ness to tlie
the rapid
time that
ar Depart-
it question
bo naviga-
from their
t-Stone, to
epresenta-
wing win-
establish a
lie Yellow
>ps would
ons," was
the steam-
lure. One
fiother lay
mouth of
SECTION FIRST.
Banks and Banking,
We have given, in connection with Territorial Legislation,
a sufficient sketch of some banks in Missouri and Illinois. —
The Annals, [pp. 653, 654, and 667 to 668,] gives an outline of
Ihe early banking institutions in Ohio. A communication
from John B. Dillon, of Indiana, since this work was put in
press, states, that the " Bank of Vincennes" was chartered in
1814, to continue until 1836; capital .stock not to exceed
$590,000. The " Farmers' and Mechanics' Bank of Indiana,"
was chartered the same year; capital stock not to exceed
5$75a,00O ; to expire January, 1836. These, with a multitude
of other banks, in luis valley, expired for lack of means to
pay their debts, long before the charters terminated, • •, ..
At the close of the war of 1812-'I6, there were two banks
in Kentucky; the "Insurance Ck>rapany," and the "Stato
Bank" and branches,
A •' State Bank'! in those days, was understood to mean a
chartered bank, owned chiefly by stockholders, in which the
State had an interest, appointed a portion of the directorship,
780
Appendix,
and had some supervision over its affairs. Such were the
State Banks of Kentucky, Tennessee, North Carolina, and
many others. From 1816 to 1818, not only chartered banks
in Ohio, Indiana, and probably in other States, but uncharter-
ed companies, sent out a large amount of bills as a circula-
ting medium. Even individuals issued their tickets of" prom-
ise to pay." The country was flooded with worthless paper.
So much apprehension was excited in the minds of the peo-
ple, and so much spurious currency was imposed on them,
that as early as 1816, the Convention of Indiana restricted
the banking system in the new State, to the charter of a single
Slate Bank, with branches.
Illinois adopted the same feature in its constitution in 1818,
and in 1820, Missouri adopted a similar restriction.
This, though it checked, did not cure the evil. The Legis-
lature of Kentucky, in 1816 or 1817, chartered forty-seven
" Independent Banks," as they were named, which soon sent
forth a spurious currency into the remotest settlements.
In 1818, a reaction commenced; the bills of such banks as
the Trea.sury Department had selected as depositories of the
government funds, were current in the Land Offices. The
rapid influx of immigration, and the demands for land, absorb-
ed a large proportion of this class of bills, while the floating
paper of the other banks depreciated, until it was no longer
current.
By 1820, the reaction was complete ; the "Deposit Banks"
failed, with heavy defalcations to the public treasury. The
people were in debt; creditors were clamorous for their dues;
the circulating medium, that could be turned into specie, had
vanished ; and legislation was sought for relief
A bank was incorporated by the Legislature of Illinois, on
the 22nd of March, 1819, by the style of the " President, Di-
rectors and Company of the State Bank of Illinois," to con-
tinue for twenty-five years, with a capital not exceeding four
..lillion'^ of doUai-s, one half of which was to be subscribed by
individuals, and the other half by the State, when " the Le-
gislature thereof should deem proper." Books were to be
open( d in divers towns, and if stock was ever subscribed, not
a dollar was paid. The mountain was not even a mole-hill,
but it gives an illustration of the extravagant folly in legisla-
tion at that period.
WB
Banks and Banking.
781
1 were the
}lina, and
red banks
inchartcr-
a. circula-
af " prom-
ess paper,
f thepeo-
on them,
restricted
>f a single
n in 1818,
'he Legis-
»rty-seven
soon sent
Its.
banks as
ies of the
2es. The
d, absorb-
e floating
no longer
it Banks"
ry. The
heir dues;
>ecie, had
llinois, on
ident, Di-
' to con-
ding four
icribed by
" the Le-
;re to be
ribed, not
mole-hill,
n legisla-
The next General Assembly, at the session of 1820-'21, re-
pealed this mammoth charter; a way had been discovered to
create money without capital. Another bank was chartered,
in which specie had no corcern, with a capital of $500,000,
on Slate credit; the stock to be raised and managed by State
Directors, under the supervision of the Legislature. Three
hundred thousand dollars, in paper currency, were to be emit-
ted, loaned on real estate at two-thirds the appraised value,
or on personal security, not exceeding one hundred dollars to
individuals. No individual could obtain over one thousand
dollars on landed security. The interest was six per cent.;
the bills drew a credit of two per cent, per annum, and the
institution was to run ten years; anc , if its projectors were to be
credited in their fancies, it would produce an increasie in that
period sufficient to redeem all the bills issued, :^f ,r all contin-
gent expenses, and yield a net profit to the Sti*.c of one hun-
dred thousand dollars, at the expiration of its charter. All
turned out as " the baseless fabric of a vision."
The bills went down — down — down, to thirty-three cents
on the dollar : the real estate of borrowers, previously infla-
ted by a spurious currency, went down in a greater ratio; —
lands that had sold for ten dollars per acre, fell to two and
three dollars; town lots in villages, actually sunk one thous-
and per cent. ; and " fancy towns," on paper, became wholly
valueless. At the expiration of the charter in 1831, when the
bills had to be redeemed, there was no alternative to save the
sinking credit of the State, but to contract a cash loan to re-
deem the out-standing bills of one hundred thousand dollars
This was the commencement of the debt of that State, and
has been designated as the '* Wiggins' Loan," from the gen-
tleman who negotiated the stock.
This was not the worst feature in the concern. Provision
was made for the creditor to receive the paper for his dues,
else the debtor could replevy for three years. Such laws, with
" stay-laws," and " valuation laws," prevailed throughout the
western States.
The Legislature of Missouri, in June, 1821, established a
" Loan Office," and branches — the same thing as the Illinois
Bank, under another name. The bills were called " certifi-
cates," of which two hundred thousand dollars were issued,
with the same appendages of " replevy" and " valuation"
<
mm
782
Appendix.
laws, and nearly the same results; except at an early period,
th^! judiciary of that State decided the concern to be uncon-
stitutional.
Ws have no space to appropriate to a sketch of the " Wild
Cat" banks of Wisconsin and Michigan, nor are we as well
versed in the history of their institutions, as in those more Ji-
rectly under our observation.
One general feature existed in nxost of the earlier banks in
the west, that pretended to be instituted on a specie basis.
The term used in this country at the time, expresses the idea.
Thtfy were shingled over the country. One bank was made
the basis of another, and that of a third, and that of a fourth;
consequently, when the foundation gave way, the whole went
with a crash. The modern policy of hauling boxes or kegs
of specie, from one bank to another, was not then invented ;
or, more correctly, they had not specie enough to bear trans-
portation. Two or three shrewd agents and directors, would
gather up a few thousand dollars in specie, for stock honestly
paid in, while the " knowing ones" would bring their "shin-
gles," from a neighboring bank ; the bills, or stock of which
was counted as so much capital paid in.
In the session following, 1835, another "State Bank" was
chartered by the Legislature of Illinois, supposed to be well
guarded, and on a specie basis. Had it not been made the
fiscal agent of the State, and crushed to death by the " mon-
ster Internal Improvement system," it might have survived
the tremendous crash of credit and values. But it died in
1842, in a hopeless struggle to sustain the credit of the State.
Since that period, Illinois has had no banking institution.
The Bank of the Stale of Missouri went into operation, un-
der stringent regulations, in 1837, and continues in good
credit in 1660.
SECTION SECOND.
lUinoit and Michigan Canal.
In Niles' Register, volume sixth, page 394, may be found the
earliest suggestion of a canal from Lake Michigan to the navi-
gable waters of the Illinois river, that we have found in print.
The date is August 6th, 1814, in time of the war, and is a
paragraph from a scries of cdrtorial articles, on the great im-
portance, in a national point of view, of the States and Ter-
shiR-
Jllinois and Michigan Canal.
783
ritories of this now great central valley. Wc give the ex-
tract.
"By the Ulinous river, it is probable that Buffalo, \n New
York, maybe united with New Orleans, by inland navigation,
through lakes Erie, Huron and Michigan, and down that river
to the Mississippi. What a route ! How stupendous the idea!
How dwindles the importance ol" the artificial canals o( Europe,
compared with this water communication ! If it should ever
take place (and it is said the opening may be easily made,)
the territory [of Illinois] will become the scat of an immense
commerce, and a market for the commodities of all region.s."
We have already noticed that Governor Bond, at the first
session of the General Assembly, in 1818, brought this sub-
ject before that body, in his Inaugural message.
He suggested an early application to Congress for a certain
per centage from the sales of the public lands, to be appropria-
ted to that object. In his valedictory message, in December,
1822, he again refers to this subject and to his first address,
and states: —
" It is believed that the public sentiment has been ascer-
tained in relation to the subject, and that our fellow-citizens
are prepared to sustain their representatives in the adoption
of measures subservient to its commencement."
His successor, Governor Coles, in his Inaugural, (December
5th, 1822,) devotes four pages to this subject, refers to an act
of the preceding Congress, which " gave permission to the
State to cut a canal through the public lands, connecting the
Illinois river with Lake Michigan, and granting to it the
breadth of the canal, and ninety feet on each side of it."
With this was coupled the onerous conditions "that the
State should permit all articles belonging"to the United States,
or to any person in their employ, to pass toll free for ever." —
The Governor, who was a zealous and liberal advocate for an
economical and judicious system of Internal Improvements,
proposed to create a fund from the revenues received for taxes
on the military bounty lands; from fines and forfeitures; and
from such other sources, as the Legislature in its wisdom,
might think proper to set apart for that purpose. He also
urged the importance of an opening through Indiana and Ohio,
with Lake Erie, by improving the navigation of the Wabash
andMaumee rivers, and connecting them by a canal, to which
784
Apjn ndix.
objects he proposed the Illinois Lej,'i,slature should invite th«
special attention of those States, and co-nperate so far as ju-
risdiction extended. lie further proposed the examination
and surveys of the rivers and the eunul route in Illinois ; und
to memorialize Congress for a liberal donation of land, in
opening the projected lines of communication.
An act for the improvement of the internal navigation of
the State, and a memorial to Congress on the subject, were
passed by the Legislature during the session. This act, (which
was approved February Mth, 1823,) provided for a IJoard of
Commissioners, whose duties were to devise and adopt meas-
ures to open a communication, by canal and locks, between
the navigable waters of the Illinois river and Lake Michigan ;
to cause the route to be explored, surveys and levels to be
taken, maps and field books to be constructed, and estimates
of the costs to be made ; and to invite the attention of the
Governors of the States of Indiana and Ohio, and through
them the Legislatures of those States, to the importance of a
canal communication between the Wabash and Maumee
rivers.
Thomas Sloo, Jr., Theophilus W. Smith, Emanuel J. West,
and Erastus Brown, were elected Commissioners. Mr. Sloo
was from Hamilton county, and Messrs. Smith, West and
Brown, from Madison county.
At that period Sangamon river, and Fulton county, were
the boundaries of settlements. A military and trading post
existed at Chicago; a dozen families, chiefly French, were at
Peoria. The northern half of Illinois was a continuous wil-
derness; or, as the universal impression was, an intermina-
ble prairie, and uninhabitable for an age. Morgan county,
then including Scott and Cass counties, had about seventy-
five ftimilies; and Springfield was a frontier village, of a
dozen log cabins.
A portion of the Commissioners, with the late Colonel Jus-
tus Post, of Missouri, as their engineer, made an txploratory
tour in the autumn of 1823. In the autumn of 1824, Colon-
el Rene Paul, of St. Louis, was also employed as engineer,
with the necessary men to assist in executing the levels, and
making the surveys complete. The party was accompanied
by one Commissioner. Two companies were organized, and
five different routes examined, and the expense estimated on
'ft^..
lllinuis mid Mu/tif,'an Canuf.
786
invitn tin?
I fur ns jii-
aniiimtion
inuis ; uiui
if land, in
\i;i^ation of
tject, were
let, (whicli
II Hoard of
lopt mcas-
i, hotwrcn
Michigan ;
vels to hv
estimates
ion of the
id througli
tance of a
Maumee
[?1 J. Wei^t,
Mr. Sloo
West and
nty, were
iding post
, wore at
luous wil-
nternnina-
n county,
sevcnty-
ige, of a
lonel Jus-
ploratory
14, Colon-
pngineer,
n'els, and
jmpanied
lized, and
mated on
each. The locks and excavations wore ciiloiiliilod on the sup-
position that the construction was on the same stah- of the
grand canal of \e\v Yoric, then in process of making. The
probable com of each route, was reported by the engineers;
the highcM being $71(5,110; the lowest, 639,916.
At tlie next session of the Legislature, un act was jmssed
(Ja.iuary 17tli, 18'.26,) to "incorporate the Illinois and Michi-
gan Canal Company." The capital stock was one million of
dollars, in ten thousand shares at one hundred doli;irs each.*
The stock not bring taken, at a subsociuent scsmou the Le-
gislature repealed the charter. During these movements with-
in the State, the late Daniel P. Cook, as the Representative
in Congress, and the Senators of Illinois, were unc .slug in
their ellbrts to obtain lands from the national government, to
construct this work, which all regarded as of pre-eminent na-
tional advantage. As the result of these ellbrts, on the 2nd
of March, 1827, Congress granted to the State of Illinois, in
aid of this work, each alternate section of land, live miles in
width, on each side of the projected canal.
The embarrassments of the State in finance, growing out of
the ruinous policy of the State L'ank, noticed in the preceding
section, prevented any thing being done until .lanuary, 1829,
when the Legislature passed an act to organize a Board of
Commissioners, with power to employ agents, engineers, sur-
veyors, draftsmen, and other persons, to explore, oxamine,
and determine the route of the canal. They were authorized
to lay ofl" town sites, and sell lots and apply the funds.
They laid oft' Chicago, near the lake, and Ottowa, at the
junction of Fox river; and the Illinois surveys and estimates
were again made, but the project of obtaining a full supply
of water on the surface level, was doubtful, and the rock ap-
proached so near the surface on the summit level between
the Chicago and Des Plaines, as to increase the estimates of
cost, and cast doubt on the project.
The subsequent Legislature authorized are-examination to
ascertain the cost of a railway, and whether a .supply of water
could be obtained from the Calumet for a feeder.
The estimated cost for a railway, with a single track, for
ninety-six miles, about one million and fifty thousand dollars.
*Beport of the Canal Commusioners, Vandalia, 1S25.
MMM
I
786
Appendix.
It wus a great niistuku in the State, not coijslrueting a rail-
way.
At a sj)(M'ial session of tlie Legislature, in IH:)5-';J6, an act
was passed authorizing a h»an ol' hall" a niillion of (hiljars for
tiie construelionof the eanal, and the Board of Commission-
ers was re-organi/.cd, and on tiie fourlli of.luly, 183G, lh(! Ursl
ground was hroken.
At tlio ngular session of 18JG-"37, the "Internal Improve-
ment' sy:Ueni hecanje tiie absorbing topic, tlie eanal was
broui,'ht under \\n'. same innuence; loans, to a vas.t extent,
were ercated lor both objects: antl the most extravagant ex-
pectations were raised, Ijut never realized.
The sole reliance of the Stale was on loans, without any
(inances of its own, or an> means to pay annual interest and
liquidate the principal. As a linaneial measure, the canal
loans were distinguished from the Internal Improvement and
other loans, but all failed with the credit oi the Slate, before
1812.
Contracts were made, and the work on the scale projected,
made progress until over live millions of dollars had lieen ex-
pended, and the work reuuiincd unfinished. The credit of the
State having sunk so, that no further loans could he obtain-
ed, the contractors were obliged to abandon their contracts,
with heavy claims against the Stale ; and ia 18 13, a law was
passed to liquidate and settle the damages, at a sum not ex-
ceeding two hundred and thirty thousand dollars. The Board
of Commissioners was dissolved, and the works remained in
the same slate for two years.
The session of lHl3-'4i, adopted a plan to complete the
eanal, l)y making the ''shallow cut," or relying on the streams
for water, without excavating six feet below the lake level,
as had been projected and partially worked, and drawing sup-
plies from that source. About sixteen hundred thousand dol-
lars would complete the work on this plan. The resources
were about 230,000 acres of land; several hundred city and
village lots; the water power along the whole line ; a bal-
ance due the canal fund for lands nnd lots sold; and the ca-
nal tolls. All these resources were considered ample to com-
plete the work, pay interest on the loans, and eventually re-
deem the stock, provided additional funds could be obtained.
A proposition was made and accepted by the stockholders, a
i
tiiij; a rail-
-'36, an net
' (It)llurs for
oiiimission-
30, tin: Hrst
il Improvo-
cutial was
as.t rxtc'iit.
.vaj,'aiit cx-
>'itliuut any
ntt'ii'st and
the canal
oiniMit and
late, before
projected,
id !)ccn ex-
rcdit of the
be obtain-
r contracts,
a law was
Mil not cx-
Thc Board
[^nmined in
nipletc the
he streams
lake level,
iwing sup-
>usand dol-
! resources
d city and
ne ; a bal-
md the ca-
)le to com-
ntually re-
obtained,
(holders, a
Inlcnuil Improvement.
787
Hoard of Joint Trustees were appointed, and one million Htx
liundrud thousand dollai - advanced. The whole work wn.H
rompk'tcd in 18 IS; rcyuhu' business was commenced, and has
increased in a larj^er ratio tlian any of the estiniutes.
We have jjiveu only some of the prominent fads in the his-
tory of this jjreat enterpri/e. Were we to enter into details,
it would be a volume ly its(df.
Of the monster " Internal Improvement" system, wliich
brought one of the heaviest calamities on the State, but lV»»m
which its recuperative energies are slowly recovering, we
have no spa(;e for jiarliculars From 1S3.') to IHIO, the popu-
lar mind through the railed States, passed through a sjiecies
of mania. Men, who were shrewd, clear-headed, and safe
calculators, became incapable of reasoning correctly in finan-
cial matters. The Legislature of Illinois, as diil other Legis-
lative bodies, labored and acted under a singular halluci-
nation. A minority resisted; a jirominent leailer of which,
the late Cleneral .1. J. Ilardin, was among the nundjcr that op-
posed the " spl(Midid project." The law passed ; ten millions
of dollars were to be loaned and applied to various lines of
railroads, and river improvements, and appropriations made
for the same. The railroads extended like checker-work over
the State ; every one of which was planned, and estimates
made by the committee on the copy of a sectional map of the
State, just j)ublished, and which had reached the seat of gov-
ernment. The whole length of the railroads to be made, was
one thousand three hundred and forty-one miles. Extrava-
gant as was this scheme, loans were negotiated to an amount
exceeding five millions of dollars, and the money thrown
away. The whole system went down about 1811, increasing
the demands against the State, (including accumulations of
interest due,) to an amount exceeding fifteen millions of dol-
lars. Great as this burden may appear to others, Illinois has
resources, and has made provision to li'iuidate this heavy-
debt. The eanal stock includes a moiety of this debt, and its
resources and income will absorb that portion. Tiie Stale has
other resources. But in making a new constitution in 1847,
which was adopted by a vote of the peojile, in March, 18 18,
a section providing a special tax of two mills on the dollar of
the civil list, was adopted by a separate vote of the people, ,
by more than ten thousand majority. This income is applied </
788
Appendix.
to till! cxfiri^'iiisfiriirnt of tin- primipiil of tliis ddif ; ntwl wo
tliiiiU it is thr lirft iristaiirp in wliicli the pcopli', hy a direct
vote, lmv(! sidriimly (Ictlurcil tlit-y will tux tlieinsolves to pay
iirt old drl>t.
I
StCTIoN TMIIU).
Sluvrrij in ///i)i(it\.
Wo liiivc already tMentioii('d,[Appi'iu)ix, G73,] timt Uenault
i)rou«lit five Imndrcd .slaves to Illinois, I'rotn St. Domingo.—
Tlit'.sc hocainr tlic profjcnitors of tliat rlass of tlio African
race, whicli, in tho .statute hooUs and census of Illinois, were
(tailed " I'Vencli slaves." IJefore Renault returned to France,
in 1711, he sold the interest he, or the company witli which he
had been connected, had in slaves to the French colonists. —
A portion of this class were taken acro.ss the Mississippi to
Upper Louisiana, and some to the lower province, on tho ces-
sion of tlie country to the IJritlsh (Jovernment. [Appendix,
093.] Tho.se who remained in the Illini>is country, held their
slaves by virtue of the treaty of cession, which .secured to the
inhabitants the possession of their entire proper/ 1/, and a guar-
antee of all their rights. Slavery, then, existed by law in all
the IJritish colonies.
The edict of Louis XIII., of France, dated the 23d of April,
1815, and re-enacted by I^ouis XV., 1724, contained the laws
and rc;i,'ulations concerning slavery in liouisiana.* To this
document we refer our readers.
The conquest of the country by Clark, in 1778, brought the
subject under the Jurisdiction of Virginia, and in its transfer
to the Continental Congress, in 1784, the .same relationship of
property was secured.
The ordinance of 1787, was prospective, and has been so
decided by the courts. The question whether the descend-
ents of tho.sc who were slaves in 1787, could be held in servi-
tude, on the ground of a " vested right," remained open, un-
til 1845, when, by a decision of the Supreme Court of Illi-
nois, it was decided they were free. The new constitution
adopted by the people in March, 1848, put an end to involun-
tary servitude in every form in Illinois.
The operation of the ordinance of 1787, prohibiting slave-
ry in the North- Western territory, was a subject of complaint
• See Dilloo'd Iniliaua, i. pp tG, 65.
I)t ; nnd we
l)y a (lirr(!t
Ives to pay
lint Uvtmult
honiiri^o. —
tilt! African
liiiois, wnc
I to France,
th which he
colonists. —
ississippi to
on tho ccs-
[Appendix,
{, hold their
:ured to the
and a guar-
ly law in all
3d of April,
cd the laws
I.* To this
brought the
its transfer
ationship of
has been so
^le descend-
dd in servi-
J open, un-
ourt of Illi-
;onstitution
to involun-
iting slave-
f complaint
S'avcry in litinoin.
789
by a very few interested persons, who, by njeiiioriuls to (>oti-
gress, inadti edbrts to obtain a removal of the restriction for a
limited period. The first petition was from four persons in
Kaskaskia, in 179G, nskinx that slavery mi^ht be loleraied
there. In 1804, n Convention wjw held on thesutiject at \ in-
ceiines, to deliberate on " l(MTitorial intentsts," of which tiov-
ernor Harrison was iVesident. One object was to oljtain a
modilication of the orKanic law. A memorial was sent to
Congress, which was referred to a committee in the House;
tho Chairman was the late Mr. Rodney ; the Report recom-
mended that the sixth article of the orcliiianco of 17H7, " be
suspended, in a (pialilied manner, for ten years, so as to per-
mit the introduction of slaves born in the United States," etc.
It was not passed.
At the session of the Territorial Legislature of 1806-"7, a
scries of resolutions were adopted and reported to Congress,
by the late Judge Parke, then Delegate. At that time, Jesse
U Tliomas was Speaker of the House of Kepresentalives,
and Pierre Menard President ;;;o. tent, of the Council ; both
citizens of that part of the territory, now included in the State
of Illinois. There were seven resolutions, of which six were
reported to Congress as if passed unanimously. We. have the
best authority for saying this was a clerical error; the late
John Mcssinger, of Illinoin, and the recei.t. correspondence of
John B. Dillon, Esq. A resolution was reported by the com-
mittee to which they were referred, in favor of a suspension
of the sixth article of the ordinance for ten years, and lost in
the House.*
This movement produced a political re-action in the terri-
tory. The opponents of the mea.sure brought out as a'can-
didatc for Congress, Jonathan Jennings, ahd elected him over
the opposite candidate, and continued him by successive re-
elections until the State Government was formed, when he
was elected Covcrnor, and continued in that oflice until 1892.
The number of slaves reported by the census of 1800, in Indi-
ana, (including Illinois,) was 133; in 1810, 237 ; in 1820, 190;
in 1830, none. In 1810, Illinois had 168 slaves ; in 1820 917 •
in 1830, 746.t ' '
• American Stato Papers, xx. 4T8. Speech of Mr. Burt, Coiigre«iion»l Globe. ADnen-
dit, Jonuary, 1847, p. 117. "
t American Almanac, 1832, p. 268, 261.
■*■
790
Appendix,
To avoid the restriction in the organic law, the territory of
Indiana passed an act (September 17, 1807,) entitled '^ An
Act conccrnin<r the Introduction of negroes and mulattocs into this
*' Terriloi-y." It legalized the introduction of that class of per-
sons, (who were slaves in the States or Territories,) into that
territory, by requiring the owner, or possessor, to enter into in-
dentures with his slave, to serve for a stipulated period as an
indentured servant, and then become free. A record of this
« must be made in the Court of Common Pleas, vi^ithin thirty
i days after the introduction of the slave or slaves. Children un-
I der fifteen years of age, were required to serve their former
^ owner or possessor — males, until thirty-five years of age, and
i females until thirty-two years of age. This class were term-
ed " Indentured servants." Many slave-holders from Virgin-
ia, Kentucky and other States, who desired to relieve them-
selves from the ownership of slaves, migrated and availed
themselves of this law. This form of servitude has been re-
moved by judicial decisions in Indiana, and by the new con-
stitution in Illinois.
For several years after the war, persons migrated to Illi-
nois, with the view of emancipating their slaves. Of these
instances, the one most deserving of note, is that of Edward
Coles, afterwards Governor of the State. Mr. Coles was
born in Albemarle county, Va., December 15th, 1786. —
His father was a rich planter, with a large number of slaves,
but having ten children, the amount of property received by
each child was not large. Edward received for his share a
plantation and about twenty slaves; — the slaves constituting
about one-third of his estate. It was in William and Mary
college, under the tuition of the late Bishop Madison, he re-
ceived the conviction of the wrong and impolicy of negro
slavery — and he then formed the resolution, that should he
come into possession of this species of property, he would
emancipate them. Mr. Coles became Private Secretary for
President Madison, and remained six years an inmate of hia
family. He was then sent on a special mission to Russia, as
the bearer of dispatches to the American Minister, the late J.
Q. Adams, during which he made the tour of Europe. On his
return, he effected a sale of his plantation, and removed his
slaves to Illinois, in 1819, purchased 160 acres of land for
each family, and superintended their settlement in the vicini-
m*ma
e territory of
entitled " An
attncs into this
, claiss of per-
ies,) into that
enter into in-
period as an
•ecord of this
within thirty
Children un-
their former
rs of age, and
s were term-
fro m Virgin-
relleve them-
and availed
has been re-
the new con-
rated to lili-
es. Of these
at of Edward
r. Coles was
I6th, 1786.—
jer of slaves,
\f received by
)r his share a
s constituting
im and Mary
adison, he re-
licy of negro
liat should he
ty, he would
Secretary for
nmate of his
I to Russia, as
er, the late J.
rope. On his
1 removed his
s of land for
in the vicini-
Slavenj in Illinois.
791
ty of Edwardsville. Soon after, he was appointed by Presi-
dent Monroe, Register of the Land Otlice in Edwardsville,
where, in 1821, we had the pleasure of forming his ac-
quaintance, which ripened into intimacy. He was elected
Governor of the State in 1822; and, as it turned out, at a
most important crisis.
In the election of that year, in some of the extreme south-
ern counties, the question of opening the State for the intro-
duction of slavery was discu.ssed. But in the Legislature the
succeeding winter, it assumed an alarming attitude in poli-
tics.
The old constitution provided for alterations only in one
mode. A vote of two-thirds of the General Assembly couldt
authorize the people to vote for or against a Convention, at
the next election. If a majority of votes was in favor, the
subsequent Legislature was required to order an election for
members to the Convention, and appoint the time of meeting,
the apportionment to be in ratio to the members in both hous-
es of the General Assembly.
At that period, the progress of the population northward,
had rendered this apportionment peculiarly unequal, and the
strong hold of the advocates of slavery was in the counties
near the Ohio river; and in the old French settlements. It
was demonstrated, that on a contingency, one-fourth of the
votes of the people could elect a majority in a Convention,
and that majority might probably be in favor of opening the
State for slavery. Hence it became a paramount object of
the opponents of the measure, to defeat the Convention.
After several efforts, it was found the constitutional majori-
ity in the Legislature was lacking by one vote. A contested
election, of a perplexing and complicated character, had
come from Pike county, then including all the territory north
and west of the Illinois river, and, at the early part of the
session, was decided in favor of Mr. Hanson ; but some
members who were opposed to a Convention, conscientiously
gave their votes for the contestant, Mr. Shaw. After a stormy
session of about ten weeks, the Convention party adopted the
desperate alternative of a reconsideration, and 'turned out
Hanson, and put in Shaw. This turned the scale, and the
vote recommending -the people to vote for or against a Con-
vention, was carried. A number of the members of both
S
792
Appendix.
Houses entered their solemn protest against both the object,
and the measures to obtain it.
The resolution passed both Houses but a short time before
the adjourumcnt, February, 1823. But one of the four pa-
pers in the State— the " Edwardsville Spectator," by Hooper
Warren— at that time took a stand decided against slavery
and a Convention.
Elections were biennial, and, the question had to be decided
on the first Monday in August, 1824 ; the contest was spirited.
The people, who were opposed to the introduction of slavery,
became aroused ; public meetings were held ; and societies
organized for " the prevention of slavery in Illinois." The
.first move was made in the county of St. Clair, where the
Convention party were strong, and led by some of the strong-
est political men in the State. A county society was organ-
ized, officers appointed, an address to the people of Illinois
was published, and an invitation made to form societies in
other counties. Fourteen similar societies were organized in
as many counties, and a correspondence established in them
through persons who could be trusted, in every county and
election precinct. This system was in full operation before
August, and a year remained to gather strength. The oppo-
site party relied on quiet and concealed operations. Many
denied, and doubtless honestly thought, the introduction of
slavery was not the object ; that there wtiC objectionable fea-
tures in the constitution, that should be removed. In the
counties north of the road from St. Louis to Vinccnnes, very
little was said by this party in favor of slavery, except to
ward off the charges made by their opponents. The mem-
bers of the preceding Legislature, who had protested against
the Convention question, contributed each fifty dollars from
their wages, to meet expenses in printing and circulating pa-
pers. The Governor was in the opposition, and at once re-
solved to expend his four years' salary in the contest, and no-
bly did he redeem the pledge.
The summer and autumn wore away, and the Convention
party had no regular organization. The time appointed for
rallying the leaders and acting in concert, was in December,
at the session of the Supreme Court in Vandalia. The paper
at that place, that performed the public printing, was their
strong garrison, so far as newspaper armor was concerned.—
The Monks of La Trappe.
793
the objecl,
time before
le four pa-
by Hooper
nst slavery
be decided
as spirited.
of slavery,
id societies
lois." The
, where the
the strong-
was organ-
e of Illinois
societies in
rganized in
led in them
county and
tion before
The oppo-
ms. Many
oduction of
ionable fea-
;d. In the
icnnes, very
y, except to
The mem-
ted against
oUars from
:ulating pa-
at once re-
ist, and no-
Convention
ipointed for
I December,
The paper
, was their
oncerned.—
On the morning of their meeting, this citadel surrendered to
their opponents, hoisted the anti Convention flag, and prepar-
ed to pour grape shot into their ranks, in the form of news-
paper bullets. Governor Coles had purchased an interest in
the press; David Blackvvell, Esq., of Belleville, had been ap-
pointed Secretary of State, to fill a vacancy, and conducted
the paper as editor. From that time until August, the con-
test was carried on vigorously by both parties, and finally de-
cided against a Convention, by about 1800 mf\jority. The
number of votes given in the State, was nearly 12,000.
During the contest it was anticipated that an indirect influ-
ence out of the State, would be exerted to gain the question.
All such extraneous influence the opponents resisted. Of the
members of Congress, Governor Edwards and Daniel P. Cook
were strong in the opposition, and each wielded a vigorous
pen in the cause.
In six months after, the question was settled; a politician
who was in favor of the introduction of slavery in the State,
was a KARA AVIS.
SECTION FOUR.
The Monks of La Trappe.
We refer to this Order, not for any religious purposes, but
because they had a residence in the United States, from 1804
to 1813, and in the American bottom, in Illinois, from 1810.
The Monastery of this Order, was anciently situated in the
Province of Perche, in France, in one of the most solitary
spots that could be chosen. It was founded in 1140, under
the patronage of Rotrou, Count of Perche. They were a
branch of the Order of Cistercian monks. Their Monastery
had failen into decay, and their rigid discipline much relaxed,
when the Order was reformed by the Abbe Ranee, in 1664. —
Ranee was a gay man of the world, but meeting with a sud-
den riisfortune — some authors say the infidelity of his wife, —
others assert ...le sudden death of Madame Montbazon, whose
favorite lover he had been ; — h? renounced the world, entered
this Monastery, and took the lead in a system of most severe
austerity. Perpetual silence was the vow ; every comfort of
life vvas rejected, and a stone was his bed ; bread and water
his only food ; and every day a handful of earth was removed
from his grave.
50
.1
794
Appendix.
The furious storm of the French revolution, scattered the
Trappists. A branch of the Order came to the United States,
in 1804, first established themselves near Conewango, in Penn-
sylvania; then in Kentucky; next at Florisant, in St. Louis
county; — and finally, in 1810, on a farm and a high mound in
the American bottom, near the boundary line of St. Clair and
Madison counties. Colonel N. Jarrot, of Cahokia, gave them
the use of a farm and other accommodations in Illinois.
Here they lost two priests and five lay-brothers of the Or-
der, The climate and situalion were not congenial to the
rigid austerities enjoined by the Order.
They cultivated a garden, repaired watches, and traded
with the people, but were generally filthy in their habits, and
extremely severe in their penances and discipline. In 1813,
they sold off" their personal property, and left the country for
France.*
We add to this section an item overlooked in its proper
connection. " Father Meurain died at Prairie du llocher, in
the year 1778. He was die last of the Jesuits in this coun-
try. He was ordered home ; but at the request of the Indians
he returned, and was their Father-confessor. He was a very
learned man, and has left a valuable library, and a manuscript
dictionary of the Indian and French languages, in twenty
four volumes. He was a Missionary to the Illinois Indians,
and was respected and beloved by them, as a very pious and
faithful Missionary ."t
The two last Jesuit Missionaries at Mackinaw and L'Abre
Croche, were Fathers Le Franc and Du Jauriy, who were
sixty years in the country.
• Breckenridge'i Ijom8ian«,—SpaldlBg'« History of CathoUo Missions in Kentucky ;—
Beck's Gizettser, p. 4t9.
t Morse's Indian Report, Appendix, p. 2«.
cattered the
nited States,
igo,in Penn-
in St. Louis
gh mound iu
St. Clair and
a, gave them
[llinois.
■s of the Or-
genial to the
s, and traded
ir habits, and
le. In 1813,
e country for
in its proper
lu Rocher, in
in this coun-
}f the Indians
'e was a very
a manuscript
s, in twenty-
inois Indians,
ery pious and
f and L'Abre
y, who were
)D8 in Kectuoky ; —
It)
" ■^ "■ r —'■*■ "
*#
The Black Hawk War. 795
CHAPTER VII.
SECTION FIRST.
The Black Hawk War.
As this portion of Illinois history has been much misunder-
stood, and consequently misrepresented in several publica-
tions, we shall give the facts of the case, but in a very con-
densed form :
1st. The Sauks and Foxes had no original right, in the In-
dian sense even, to any portion of Illinois. They were in-
truders on the country of the Santeaurs and loways. FAn-
pendix, 713.] ^ *
2nd. The head chiefs sold their claim to their lands in Illi-
nois and southern Wisconsin, to the United States, in 1804.*
[Annals, 546.]
3rd. This treaty was violated by all that portion of the uni-
ted tribes, which committed hostilities against the United
States, and joined the British during the war. The portions
of the tribes that remained peaceable, re-confirmed the treaty
of 1804, at Portage des Sioux, September 13th, 1815. The
hostile part of the nation, in 1816, profesbod repentance for
their misdeeds, obtained forgiveness, and the treaty of 1804
was again renewed and re-enacted. [Annals, 648, 651.]
4th. Black Hawk never was a chief; never recognized as
such by Indian authority, or by the United States. He was a
brave, in Indian parlance, gathered around, him a small party
of disaflected spirits, refused to attend the negotiations of
1816 ; went to Canada, proclaimed himself and his party Bri-
tish .subjects, and received presents from that quarter.
5th. Another treaty was made in full council, " with the
chiefs, warriors, and head men of the Sac and Fox tribes," at
Fort Armstrong, [Rock Island,] September 3rd, 1822, by the
agent of the United States, in which the treaty of 1804, is re-
ferred to and ratified. And still another treaty was made by
ten regularly delegated chiefs and head men, and Governor
Clark oij the part of the United States, in Wa.shington City,
* Indian Troati«g.
796 Appendix.
the 4th of August, 1824. In this treaty they sell, for a valua-
ble consideration, oil their title to the northern portion of the
State of Missouri, from the Mississippi to the western boun-
dary of that State. At this treaty the United States granted
the strip of country between the Mississippi and Destnoines
river, to certain half-breeds of that nation. And on all the
lands they had claimed south and cast of this line, they are not
to be permitted to settle or hunt, after the first day of Janua-
ry, 1826.
6th. In the treaty of 1804, the Sauks and Foxes were per-
mitted to reside and hunt on the land sold, while it remamod
the property of the United States.
Writers, and especially Brown, [History of Illmois.«o/e, p.
380,] have retained the story of Black Hawk, and by this
means misrepresented this whole business. Brown has given
Indian speeches, in place of authentic public documents and
treaties. Drake, in his " Book of the Indiansr m many rc^
spects a valuable antiquarian work, has made great mistakes^
This work abounds with errors, concerning the causes and the
management of the Black Hawk affair.
7th. Another treaty was held at Prairie du Chien, m 1826
with the Sauks, Foxes, Winnebagoes, Chippeways, Sioux ami
other North-western Indians. The object was to settle the
Ion- existing hostilities among these tribes, in which the Uni-
ted States Government exercised the office of mediator. In
1827, a party of twenty-four Chippeways, on a visit to 1 ort
Snelling, was attacked by a band of Sioux, and eight of their
number killed and wounded. The commander at Fort Snell-
ing caused four of the Sioux, who had committed this mur-
der, to be delivered to the Chippeways, by whom they were
shot Red Bird, a Sioux chief, determined to retaliate, and
cot defeated. Being derided by his own nation, he resolved
to attack the white people, whom he regarded as allies of the
Chippeways ; and on the 27th of July, two men in the vicini-
ty of Prairie du Chien, were killed and a third wounded. At
the same period hostile demonstrations were made by some
Winnebagoes, and Black Hawk's party of the Sauks, in the
vicinity of the lead mines, which caused much alarm. About
t 28th of July, two keel-boats, conveying military stores to
Fo.; Snelling, were attacked by hostile Sioux, Winnebagoes
* Book T. chtpter riii. t. HI to 165.
for avalua-
srtion of the
jstern boun-
lates granted
d Desrnoines
nd on all the
, they are not
ay of Janua-
es were per-
3 it remained
linois, note, p.
, and by this
iwn has given
ocuments and
in many re-
eat mistakes.*
lauses and the
:hien, in 1826,
lys, Sioux, and
s to settle the
vhich the Uni-
mediator. In
a visit to Fort
1 eight of their
• at Fort Snell-
tted this mur-
lom they were
> retaliate, and
on, he resolved
as allies of the
jn in the vicini-
[ wounded. At
made by some
e Sauks, in the
alarm. About
lilitary stores to
c, Winnebagoes
The niack Hawk War.
797
and Sauks, two of tlicir crnw were killed mid four wounded.
The party was coiniTiandfd l»y lU-d Uird, Imt UliiLk lliiwk wan
of the party, linncrnl Atkinson nmrc>>.'d a detachment of
troops into the VVinnehaj^o country, c/iptiired lied Hird and
six other Indians, and committed them to prison in IVairiedu
(allien, fur trial. Red Hird died in prison. A part of tho oth-
ers were convicted nnd executed in J)ecemhcr, 1828.
About tills year, the President issued a proclamation, ac-
cording to law, and the country about the mouth of Hock Riv-
er, which had been previously surveyed, was sold, and tho
year following, was taken possession of by American families.
Some time previous to this, after the death of old (^uash-
quarao, Keokuk was appointed chief of the Sauk nation. —
The United States gave due notice to the Indians to leave
the country, cast of the Mississippi, and Keokuk n.dde the
same proclamation to tlie Sauks, and a portion of the nation,
with their regular chiefs, with Keokuk at their head, peacea-
bly retired across the Mississippi. Up to this period, IJlack
Hawk continued his annual visits to Maiden, and received his
annuity for allegiance to the British government. He would
not recognize Keokuk as chief, but gathered about him all the
restless spirits of his tribe, many of whom were young, and
fired with the ambition of becoming " braves," and set up him-
self for a chief.
Black Hawk was not a Pontiac, or a Tecumthe. He had
neither the talent or tho influence to form any comprehensive
scheme of action, yet he made an abortive attempt to unite
all the Indians of the west, from Rock River to Mexico, in a
war against the United States.
In the memoir he dictated, and Leclair wrote, he states, [p.
97,] "runners were sent to the Arkansas, Red River and Tex-
as, — not on the subject of our lands, but on a secret mission,
wisich I am not, at present, permitted to explain." The mis-
sion was no secret when the memoir was written. It was to
arouse up the Indians to attack the white settlements, through
the long line of frontier, at the same time.
Still another treaty, and the seventh in succession, was
made with the Sauks and Foxes, on the 16th of July, 1830,
in which they again* confirmed the preceding treaties, and
promised to remove from Illinois to the territory wdst of the
Mississippi, This was no new cession, but a recognition of
'I
I
~n r-iiiWiiriin 1"- '
798
Appendix.
the former treaties by the proper authorities of the nation, and
a renewed i)lcdBC of fidelity to tlie United States.
During all this time Black Hawk was gaining accessions to
his party. Like Tecumthe, lie, too, had his IVophct— whoso
inliuence over the superstitious savages, was not without
efl'er'
In 1830, an arrangement was made by the Americans, who
had purchased the land above the mouth of Kock Uiver, and
the Indians that remained, to live us neighbors; the latter cul-
tivating their old fields. Their enclosures consisted of stakes
Btuck in the ground, and small poles tied with strips of bark
transversely. The Indians left for their summer's hunt, and
returned when their corn was in the milk- gathered it, and
turned their horses into the fields, cultivated by the Ameri-
cans, to gather their crop. Some depredations were commit-
ted on their hogs and other property. The Indians departed
on their winter's hunt, but returned early in the spring of 1831 ,
under the guidance of Black Hawk, and committed depreda-
tions on tht frontier settlements. Their leader was a cunning,
shrewd Indian, and trained his party to commit various de-
predations on the property of the frontier inhabitants, but not
to attack, or kill any person. His policy was to provoke the
Americans to make war on him, and thus seem to fight in de-
fense of Indian rights, and the " graves of their fathers."—
Numerous aflidavits, from persons of unquestionable integri-
ty sworn to. before the proper officers, were made out and
sent to Governor Reynolds, attesting to these and many other
facts. We have examined these documents, knew, personal-
ly some who subscribed to them, and others from good testimo-
ny. Black Hawk had about five hundred Indians in train-
ing, with horses, well provided with arms, and invaded the
State of Illinois with hostile designs. These facts were known
to the Governor and other officers of the State. Consequent-
ly, Governor Reynolds, on the 28th of May, 1831, made a call
for volunteers, and communicated the facts to General Gaines
of this military district, and made a call for regular troops.—
The State was invaded by a hostile band of savages, under
an avowed enemy of the United States. The military turn-
ed out to the number of twelve hundred or more, on horse-
back, and under command of the late General Jo.seph Dun-
can, marched to Rock River.
The niack Hawk War.
VM
lie nation, and
;s.
[ ncfcsNions to
opltct — whoso
1 not without
mericnns, who
;)cli UivtT, and
the latter enl-
isted of stakes
(Strips of hari(
ler's hunt, and
Uhcrcd it, and
by the Aineri-
i were cominit-
dians departed
spring of 1831,
litted depreda-
vvas a cunning,
nit various de-
bitants, but not
to provolio the
1 to fight in dc-
eir fathers." —
lonablc integri-
made out and
ind many other
Lnew, personal-
n good testimo-
dians in train-
id invaded the
3ts were known
. Consequent-
31, made a call
General Gaines
igular troops. —
savages, under
military tu/n-
nore, on horse-
il Joseph Dun-
Thc rt'uuhir troops went up the Mississippi in June. IMack
Il.iwk and his men, ahirmcd at this formi(ial>h; apponrancn,
rpcrossed thff Mississippi, sent a white flag, and made a treaty,
in whieh the United States agreed to furnish them a large
amount of corn and other necessaries, if they would observe
the treaty.
In the spring of 1832, Illack Hawk with his party again
crossed the Mississippi to the valley of Uock Hiver, notwith-
standing he was warned against doing so by CJencrul Atkin-
son, who commanded at Fort Armstrong, in Rock Island. —
Troops, both regular and militia, were at once mustered and
marched in the pursuit of the native band. Among the troops
was a party of volunteers under Major Stiliinan, who, on the
14lh of May, was out upon a tour of observation, and close
in the neighborhood of the savages. On that evening, having
discovered a party of Indians, the whites galloped forward to
attack the savage band, but were met with so much energy
and determination, that they took to their heels in utter con-
sternation. The whites were 176 in number; the Indians
from five to six hundred. Of this party, twenty-five followed
the retreating battalion, after night, for several miles. Eler-
en whites were killed and shockingly mangled, and several
wounded. Some four or five Indians were known to be kill-
ed. This action was at Stillman's run, in the eastern part of
Ogle county, about twenty-five miles above Dixon.
Peace was now hopeless, and although Keokuk, the legiti-
mate chief of the nation, controlled a majority, the tempta-
tion of war and plunder was too strong for those who follow-
ed Block Hawk.
We now quote from the first edition of the Annals, with
some emendations : —
On the 21st of May, a party of warriors, about seventy in
number, attacked the Indian Creek settlement in La Salle
county, lUiuois, killed fifteen persons, and took two young
women prisoners ; these were afterwards returned to their
friends, late in July, through the efforts of the Winnebagoes.
On the following day, a party of spies was attacked and four
of them slain, and other massacres followed. Meanwhile 3000
Illinois militia had been ordered out, who rendezvoued upon
the 20th of June, near Peru ; these marched forward to the
Hock River, where, they were joined by the U. States troops,
the whole being under command of General Atkinson. Six
•• fifW^ ?r '*f *( a-W -* W ^
800
Appendix.
hundred mounted men were also ordered out, while General
Scott, with nine companies of artillery, hastened from the sea-
board by the way of the lakes to Chicago, moving with such
celerity, that some of his troops, we are told, actually went
1800 miles in eighteen days; passing in that time from P^ct
Monroe, on the Chesapeake, to Chicago. Long before the ar-
tillerists could reach the scene of action, however, the wi^stern
troops had commenced the conflict in earnest, and before thoy
did reach the field, had closed it. On the 24th of June, Black
Hawk and his two hundred warriors were repulsed by Major
Demint, with but one hundred and fifty militia : this skirmish
took place between Rock River and Galena. The army then
continued to move up Rock River, near the heads of which it
was understood that the main party of the hostile Indians
was collected ; and as provisions were scarce, and hard to con-
vey in such a country, a detachment was sent forward to Fort
Winnebago, at the portage between the Wisconsin and Fox
rivers, to procure supplies. This detachment, hearing of iilack
Hawk's army, pursi. I and overtook them on the 21st of Ju-
ly, near the VVisconsin river, and in the neighborhood of the
Blue Mounds. General Henry, who commanded the party,
formed with his troops three sides of a hollow square, and in
that order received the attack of the Indians; two attempts
to break the ranks, were made by the natives in vain ; and
then a general charge was made by the whole body of Amer-
icans, and with such success that, it is said, fifty-two of the
red men were left dead upon the field, while but one Ameri-
can was killed and eight wounded.
Before this action, Henry had sent word of his motions to
the main army, by whom he was immediately rejoined, and on
the 28th of July, the whole crossed the Wisconsin in pursuit
of Black Hawk, who was retiring toward the Mississippi. —
Upon the bank of that river, nearly opposite the Upper loway,
the Indians were overtaken and again defeated, on the 2nd
of August, with a loss of one hundred and fifty men, while of
the whites but eighteen fell. This battle entirely broke the
power of Black Hawk; he fled, but was seized by the Win-
nebagoes, and upon the 27th, was delivered to the officers of
the United States, at Prairie dn Chien.
General Scott, during the months of July and August, was
contending with a worse than Indian foe. The Asiatic chole-
ra had just reached Canada; passing up the St. Lawrence
o Detroit, it overtook the western-bound armament, and
thence forth the camp became a hospital. On the 8th of July,
his thinned ranks landed at Fort Dearborn or Chicago, but it
was late in August before they reached the Mississippi. The
"amber of that band who died from the cholera, must have
been at least seven times as great as that of all who fell in
battle. There were several other skirmishes of the troops
Cholera, and Flood in Ohio.
801
ile General
om the sea-
5 with such
Lually went
I from Fct
fore the ar-
the wi^stern
before thoy
June, Black
;cl by Major
his skirmish
J army then
of which it
tile Indians
bard tocon-
'ard to Fort
in and Fox
ng of Ulack
21st of Ju-
hood of the
the party,
lare, and in
vo attempts
I vain ; and
ly of Amer-
two of the
one Ameri-
; motions to
ined,and on
n in pursuit
ississippi. —
)per loway,
•on the 2nd
en, while of
'broke the
»y the Win-
e officers of
Vugust, was
siatic chole-
I^awrence
tment, and
8th of July,
cago, but it
sippi. The
, must have
who fell in
the troops
with the Indians and a number of individuals murdered ;
making in all, about seventy-five persons killed in these ac-
tions, or murdered on the frontiers.
In September, the Indian troubles were closed by a treaty,
which relinquished to the white men thirty millions of acres
of land, for which stipulated annuities were to be paid ; con-
yiifuting now the eastern portion of the State of Iowa, to
which tho only real claim of the Sauks and Foxes, was their
depredations on the unolFending loways, about 130 years since.
To Keokuk and his party, a reservation of forty miles square
was given, in consideration of his fidelity ; while Black llawk
and his family, were sent as hostages to Fort Monroe in the
Chesapeake, where they remained till June, 18IJ3. The chief
afterwards returned to his native wilds, where he died.
Black Hawk cannot rank with Pontiac or Tecumthe ; he
fought only for revenge, and showed no intellectual power;
but he was a fearless man.
The same disease which decimated General Scott's troops,
during the autumn of this year, and the summers of 1S33 and
1834, spread terror through the whole west, though during last
year it was comparatively mild. We have room to notice
only three facts in relation to it ; the first is, that other dis-
eases diminished while it prevailed ; — the second, that many
points which were spared in 1832, (as Lexington, Ky.) were
devastated in 1833 ; — the third, that its appearance and pro-
gress presented none of the evidences of infection or conta-
gion.
A visitation lesrf fatal than the cholera, but for the time most
disastrous, had come upon the valley of the Ohio in the pre-
ceding February. A winter of excessive cold was suddenly
closfjd, by long continued and very heavy rains, which, una-
ble to penetrate the frozen ground, soon raised every stream
emptying into the Ohio to an unusual heighth. The main
trunk, unable to discharge the water which poured into it,
overflowed its banks, and laid the whole valley, in many
places several miles in width, under water. The towus and
villages along the river banks, were flooded in some instances
so deeply, as to force the inhabitants to take refuge on the
neighboring hills; — and the value of the property injured and
destroyed must have been very great, though its amount could
not, of course, be ascertained. The water continued to rise
from the 7lh to the 19th of February, when it had attained
the height of 63 feet above low water mark at Cincinnati.
SECTION SECOND.
Iowa, Wisconsin and Minnesota.
Dubuque is the' oldest settlement in the State of Iowa, be-
ing coeval with Galena, as a village. As a trading post, it is
:i
I
^ili»*-i>1liJiiiliJ*ii
^^i^'
''l| U f'' K I ,W.W^ I II II I I !'J", |l . ! l >
802
Appendix.
identified -vvith the Frenchman whose name it perpetuates.—
Believue and Fort Madison, have already been noticed as mili-
tary posts.
The subjection of Black Hawk and his hostile party, and
the treaty that followed in 1832, opened the extensive tract of
country along the Mississippi, to American settlements: and
the following spring, companies from Illinois crossed the river,
built their cabins, and made improvements for farming early
in 1833. The first settlement was in the vicinity of Burling-
ton. Coeval with it, was the settlement near Fort Madison.
From this period, the progress and extension of settlements
were rapid, and the population increased with far greater ra-
pidity, than in the history of previous territories. For more
than eighteen months the people were " a law unto them-
selves," being without the jurisdiction of any organized ter-
ritory. In 1834, Congress attached this territory to that of
Michigan, for temporary jurisdiction, and two large counties,
Dubuque and Dcsmoines, were organized. Their aggregate
population in 1836, was 10,631 persons, and the same year
Wisconsin was organized as a separate territory, and exercis-
ed jurisdiction over the " District of Iowa."
In 1838, we were at Burlington during the session of the
Wi.sconsin Legislature. The ofiicial intelligence of the or-
ganization of the Territory of Iowa, was received the last of
June, and the Legislature finding itself beyond its own juris-
diction, adjourned. The Territorial Government took effect
on the 4th of July, 1838. Robert Lucas, a former Governor
of Ohio, was the Governor and Superintendent of Indian Af-
fairs, and James Clark, Secretary of the new Territory.
During that year the territory, which had been subdivided
into sixteen counties, had a population of 22,860 persons.
In 1839, the General Assembly located the seat of govern-
ment, on the river that gives name to the State, and called it
the "City of Iowa." Immigiration continued to increase; in
1840 the population was 43,017 ; while that of the Wisconsin
Territory, was 30,945 persons. In 1843, the Territorial Le-
gislature petitioned Congress for authority to adopt a State
Constitution, which was granted at the next session, and on
the 7th of October, 1844, the Convention assembled and
adopted a Constitution, which was not approved by Congress.
Another Convention was held 1846, the limits restricted, an
w* n i Mw i tfi i i iMwiiii wia i iimi iii ■wmirriw
Territoi-y of Wiscons'n.
803
petuates. —
ccd as mili-
party, and
live tract ol*
nents : and
jd the river,
ming early
of Burling-
•t Madison,
settlements
greater ra-
For more
unto thcm-
janized ter-
y to that of
2;e counties,
r aggregate
I same year
ind exercis-
ision of the
of the or-
d the last of
s own juris-
t took effect
er Governor
f Indian Af-
itory.
I subdivided
persons,
t of govern-
md called it
ncrease ; in
e Wisconsin
rritorial Le-
lopt a State
sion, and on
•mbled and
y Congress.
;stricted, an
amended Constitution adopted, which was submitted to Con-
gress in June, and the State received into the Union simultan-
eously with Florida.
Since that period, this State has made rapid progress; sev-
eral chartered cities exist, containing a populaiion of from
2000 to 6000 inhabitants; the Indian title has been extin-
guished, and civilization has extended over a large part of its
territory.
The population in the autumn of 1849, was estimated at
180,000.
Wisconsin has made slower progress, and been longer in the
race, hut has become a large, thriving and prosperous State.
Its oldest settlement is Green Bay. Farming settlements were
made contiguous to Galena, during the lead operations alrea-
dy noticed. The Black Hawk war brought the extensive re-
gion along the " Four Lakes" and the Wisconsin river, to the
knowledge of the pioneers of Illinois, and oprned the way for
the settlement of that fine country. Soon alter, immigration
began to flow in from Michigan, Ohio and New York, and the
wilderness soon became a fruitful field. As early as 1836,
some enterprising persons planted themselves on choice town
sites: along the borders of Lake Michigan and Racine, South-
port, Milwaukee, Sheboygan, and many other towns have
spri.ng into existence. Milwaukee is a large commercial city,
with some 18,000 or 20,000 inhabitants, and commands the
trade of an extensive back country.
This territory formed a Constitution in 1846, which was not
approved by a large majority of the people. Another Con-
vention was held, and a Constitution framed and adopted,
February 1st, 1848, on which the State was received into the
Union. The population, taken December 1st, 1847, was 220,-
867. General Henry Dodge, now a Senator in Congress, was
the first Governor of the territory, and, with the exception of
four years, held that office during the existence of the Terri-
torial Government. Each of these new States has adopted a
system of common schools, which promise a bountiful harvest
to future generations.
Minnesota, is the new territory lying north of Iowa, and
north-west of Wisconsin ; was organized in pursuance of a
law passed by Congress, March 3rd, 1849, on the first of June
the same year. Alexander Ramsey, of Harrisburg, Pa., was
VlTn-MW'trlln
N..
804
Appendix. .: "^^
i
appointed Governor; and issued his proclamation on that day.
A census taken in June, showed the white population to be
4,780. An election was held on the first day of August for
n Legislative Assembly, and nine members of the Council,
itnd eighteen members of the House of Representatives were
elected. The session commenced in the town of St. Paul, on
the first Monday in September. 11. H. Sibley, is the Delegate
in Congress. The message of the Governor is an able docu-
ment. The town of St. Paul, the present seat of govern-
ment, commenced ivs a commercial town in the spring of 1849,
and now has a population of 1000, and is a place of much
business.
A steamboat is being constructed to run the Mississippi above
the Falls of St. Anthony, to Crow Wing river, in the year
1863. The hitherto remote military post, called Fort Snell-
ing, established in 1819, will soon be surrounded with civili-
zation and the arts of peace.
The territory has been divided into nine counties, in place
of the old counties oi La Pointe and St. Croix, that were or-
ganized under the territory of Wisconsin. The names are
Itasca, Washington, Ramsey, Benton, Pembina, (accent on the
last syllable) Mah-kah-to, Wah-nah-tah, Dahkotah, and Wau-
bashaw. The counties of Ramsey, Washington and Benton,
on', had judicial districts in 1849.
The village and settlement of Pembina, was commenced by
Lord Selkirk, a Scotch nobleman, about 1812. He obtained
a grant of land on Red river, from the Hudson Bay Company,
Two settlements were formed ; one at Fort Douglass, the oth-
er higher up, and which proved to be below the 49th degree
of latitude, and within the boundary of the United States. —
This last settlement was called Pembina, a corruption of an
Indian word, that signified a small red berry that grew in that
region.*
In 18-23, the settlement consisted of about 350 persons, re-
siding in sixty 'og houses, or cabins. The fathers were chiefly
Swiss and Scotch emigrants, who married Indian wives.f At
that period (1822-23,) droves of cattle were taken from Mis-
souri and Illinois to this colony, and sold at a high price. The
colony at Pembina, as it was in 1849, originated from a mix-
ture of nations, as Scotch, English, French, Italians, Germans,
anu Swiss, amalgamated with Chippeways, Crees, Sioux and
other Indian tribes. By the census of 1849, there were in this
*The Vibarnam Ozyoocooe.
t Long's Expedition, ii. 41, 45. '
nUnriBliiMiiirii
n that (lay.
ation to be
August for
le Council,
itives were
>t. Paul, on
c Delegate
able docu-
of govern-
ng of 1849,
!e of much
ssippi above
n the year
Fort Snell-
with civili-
s, in place
it were or-
names are
cent on the
, and Wau-
nd Benton,
imenced by
e obtained
' Company.
ss, the oth-
I9th degree
d States. —
)tion of an
rew in that
persons, re-
vere chiefly
vives.f At
1 from Mis-
price. The
rom a mix-
1, Germans,
Sioux and
xere in this
Growth of Towns and Cities.
805
A colo-
settlement, of males 295; females, 342; total, 637.
ny, chiefly French, is situated on the Missouri river.
One of the most important incidents, in both Wisconsin and
Minnesota, is the lumber business. Extensive fi)rests of white
nine are on the waters of the Wisconsin, St. Croix, and other
tributaries of the Mississippi, and mills are in extensive ope-
ration on the streams. The lumber manufactured on the fet.
Croix alone, in 1849, amounted to ten millions of leet, board
measure. This business will be a vast source of wealth to the
district.
SECTION THIRD.
Growlh of Towns and Citiet.
Chicago is one of the important commercial centres of the
treat central valley, that illustrate the rapidity of p.-ogress in
population, business, enterprise and wealth. In 1H32, it con-
tained five small stores, and 250 inhabitants. The preceding
year there were four arrivals, two brigs and two schooners,
from the lower lakes, which were suflicient for all the trade
and business for North-Eastern Illinois and North- Western
Indiana. „ , . , . , ,
In 1836, there were 267 arrivals of brigs, ships and schoon-
ers, including nine steamboats. The merchandize imported
amounted to 5015 tons, besides 9,400 barrels of salt. The
exports of 1843, exceeded one million of dollars; the imports
$1,433, 886. It sustained great depression during the suspen-
sion of the canal operations, from 1841 to 1846, and yet its
growth continued. A railroad across the State to connect
Chicago with Galena, has been put in operation to Fox river,
and the work is progressing. The population of Chicago is
estimated at 25,000.
There are several important towns along the line, and at
the termination of the canal, which we have now no room to
particularize. The old village of Peoria, was situated one
and a half miles above the outlet of the lake. As a French
village, it commenced about 1779. and was called La Ville de
Maillet. The people removed to the •' new village" on the
present site of Teoria, in 1797. After the war, Fort Clark,
already noticed, vfan burnt. The situation of Peoria is beau-
tiful beyond description, and ia a place of business and com-
mcrcCa
SjyringMd, the seat of government of Illinois, dates back
to February, 1822. It is a handsome inland city, of 4000 in-
habitants, surrounded with a rich ag ^cultural district. It is
connected with the Illinois river, by Jacksonville, at Naples,
by a railroad, and will soon be with Alton with one to that
place.
Alton, after a long period of depression, is now in progress,
and bids fair soon to be a place of much commerce.
■ill "' — '-ltfr II -■*«!-*
J
^p?
806
Ap])cndix.
in Missouri, (lie proffross of sottlomrnts, tlir huildinji? up of
towns, and tlic accumulation of agricultural wrahli. Iiavo
been liilly o(iuai to any other Stato in tlio Union for the last
ten years. .Icllcrson City, the seat of govfrnriieiit, was not
designed for a conimercia! depot, hut for the enpitol and pub-
lic olHces of the State. S\. Charles, Uooneville, Fayette and
Lexington, are incorporated cities. Of late, the rich mints of
lead, copper and iron, have attracted the attention of capi-
talists, and awakened a. spirit of enterpri.se which gives prom-
ise of success.
(iuvrnwrs of the Stale of Missouri.— A\<"xiuu\rr i\I( Nair,
fro..' 1820 to 1821; Frederick Hates, from 1824 to 1828 ; .fohn
Miller, from 1828 to 18:{2; Daniel Dunklin, from ls32t() 1836;
Lillmrn W. Hoggs, from 1836 t.. LS40 ; Thomas Keynolds,
from 1840 to 1814; John C. Edwards, from 1844 to 1848;
Au,stin A. King, (the present incumlx nf) from 1848 to l.s62.
Goocrnors of ////'no/.v.— .Shadrach Bond, from 181fS to l8iJ2;
Edward Coles, from l82-.i to 1826; Ainian Edwards (formerly
Governor of the Territory,) from 1826 to 1830 ; John iiey-
nolds, from 1830 to 1834; Joseph Duncan, from lh34 to 18^8;
Thomas Carlin, from 1838 to 1842; Thomas Ford, Irom 1842
to 1846; Augustus C. French, from 1846 to 1848, the oUice
having expired by the adoption of the new Constitution, lie
was again elected under the new Constitution, and goes out
of ollice in January, 1863.
Governor Fidward.s of Illinois, died at his residence in IJello-
ville, of the cholera, July 20th, 1833, in the 59th year of his
ago. The prominent traits of his ciiaracler were great decis-
ion, determined resistless perseverance, quickness in despatch
of business, sagacity to the public interest, and a liberal, gen-
erous and philanthropic disposition.
Governor Clark of Mis.souri, died at his residence in St.
Louis, on the first day of September, 1838. lie was Gover-
nor of the Territory from 1813 to 1820, and Superintendent
of Indian Afi'airs to the close of his life. Previously, he had
been the companion of Merri wether Lewis, in their tour of ex-
ploration to the Pacific ocean. His intimate knowledge of
Indian character, and his intercourse with them, won their es-
teem and confidence. Through a long public life, he main-
tained a character for strict integrity and unsullied honor.
SECTION FOURTH.
Growth of St. Louis.
St. Loais, for steady progress and successful enterprise, since
1830, has excelled all other cities with which we have been
acquainted. There have been periods of pecuniary pressure,
but none of prostration. Business, popul.ation and wealth^
ha\e increas<?d with each revolving year.
In addition lO the position of a. great seat of commerce and
Growth of St. Louis.
807
(linn? lip of
filtli. Iirive
r tin- lust
t, was not
I and pub-
lyelte and
I niirits of
1 of cupi-
vi's prom-
McNfiir,
^28 ; John
2 to 1836;
Reynolds,
to 1848;
to 1.S52.
to 18ii2;
((oniierly
olin liey-
l to 18^8;
Voiu 1842
the ollice
tion. lie
yoes out
in IJcllo-
'ar of Jiis
•at det'ls-
despatch
iral, gen-
ce in St.
s Gover-
ntendcnt
y., he had
)ur of ex-
i-ledge of
their es-
le niain-
ionor.
ise, since
ive been
pressure,
wealth,
erce and
trade, for an extensive and rapidly improving' territory, tlicre
are Mscial branches of business that concentrate li re. These
are the mining business— the Indian fur trade and trapping
enterprise ;— the 3Iexican trade ;— the frontier military posts
anil Indian agency ;— and lately, the outfit of many thousands
of (iihiornia gold-hunters. In some of these branches, the
people in the interior of Missouri have participated. We in-
tended to have amplified each of these items in a series of
sketches, but our limits arc nearly exhausted.
'f he lur trade, to a limited extent, was extended high up the
Missouri river, before the cession of Louisiana, The average
annual value of the furs collected in 8t. Louis, for fifteen suc-
cessive years, ending in 1804, is stated to have been $203,760.
James I'ursley, in 1802, was the first hunter and trapper, and
prt)bai)lv the first American, who traversed the great plains
betu ecu the United States and New Mexico. Tlie Missouri
Fur ('oinjiany, with a capital of !$40,000, v iS organized in this
city in 1808, and the hunters in its employ, were the first who
pitched their camps on the waters of Oregon. That compa-
ny «'as dissolved in 1812; the fur trade of the Missouri was
prosecuted by Messrs. Chouteau, Berthold, Pratte, Lisa, Ca-
banne, and others. Messrs. Pilcher, Lisa, Thos. Hempstead,
Perkins and others, revived the Missouri Company soon after
the war, and carried their enterprise into the defiles of the
llocky mountains.
In 1823, the late General William IL Ashley fitted out his
first trapping expedition to the mountains and upon the \yes-
tern waters, lie had a severe engagement with the Arica-
ra Indians, in which he lost fourteen men. General Ashley
and his men, ascended the Sweet water, discovered the South
Fuss, and thus opened a highway to Oregon and California.
In 1824, he extended his exploration and line of trade to the
Utah Lake. Between the years of 1824 and 1827, General
Ashley and his men sent to St. Louis furs to the value of $180,-
000. The annual value of the fur trade alone, for 40 years,
has averaged from two to three hundred thousand dollars, and
hence an important item in the growth of St. Louis.*
The Santa Fe trade from Missouri, originated in Franklin,
Howard county, where the first enterprise was planned, and
an outfit procured in 1822.t This has been since prosecuted
with great enterprise and various success from this city.
The United States census of 1840, owing to the very limi-
ted bounds, of the corporation, and the extension of the streets
and blocks of the city beyond, misrepre.sented the population.
The report exhibited only 16,469, whereas the population
within the town of St. Louis, was not less than 28,000.
A similar discrepancy will appear in the census of 1850; for although
* Address of Thomas Allen, at tho "Celebration" of St. Louii, February 15, 1847, pp.
16, 18.
'f Wotmore's Gazetteer, p : 80.
..a.iJi^'
808
The Cholera, and Gnat Fire.
llii> corimrnti! lioiimlnricH worn much cxlCiided nflcr \><W, BTVoriil tlinuK-
aikI per.snriM nru now liviiiff williniil llin city boiinilg, mid will ho LMiiiinoni-
ted with tliDHu of llu! romily. On jQiiimry IhI, H41), tlio census, ii«t ink-
cii clii>t''ly. K'»ve Gl,(UK) J wliilo in tlio city und Buimrlis. tlioro wcrr not
lusM than 7;t,<MM> |H;ri)on«, With uli tlio diniiniiiion by choleru, tho in-
(:ruii»c ill twulvo months litis beuu Ittrgo ; und our lowest CHtimiite \» wri,-
OlIO.
Two ini^idents of the last year, will close tho volunio.
1, 'I'liK (JiioLKRA. — CiiwoB of this foarful diMOiiso ftii|)iur<'d on bouts nav-
ijfaliii),' tiiu lower MixsisHippi, during tho hicl iiioiiiI.h of I^-'IH ; und un
uiiusiril predisposition to diurrluuiis, and utTcctions of tho l)ovv(!li', wiis
manilested in St. Louis at the saiiiQ time. Two cases of choleru, and on'J
death, occurrud tlic first week in January, IMli). According to Dr. Mc-
Phc(!terM.t liiero wore IW (jcatlis from cholera in .lanuiiry, (two thirds of
tho cases being imported from New Orleans,) Hd deaths in March, IH in
April. In the lirst week in May, there was a fearful increase in llio pro-
gress ol tho disease, and of deaths. Deaths from all di'^xubec, per week,
from ll'^ to liW. Total deaths in May, 7H0 ; cholera .')17. For two
weeks following the great fire, there was u ])crceptible decrease in the
mortility and number of cases. During the first weiik in .lune, there
were 144 deaths ; 74 of cholera. Second week, -'«;» deaths ; l.'IU of chole-
ra. Third week, fj-'^ deaths ; 4^0 from choloru. Fourth week, 7IH deaths;
(ilJO from cholera. From June iiUlh to July 2nd, O.'il deaths; 'Jii) Irom
cholera ;— from July Hrd to 9th, S.'jl deaths ; 6!J4 from choleru. From
July KHh to the 10th, 8»8 deaths ; GG9 from cholera. From July l7th to
tlie'2Hrd, 440 deaths, 209 from cholera. Last week in July, 2:U deaths ;
nil from cholera. Duiing tho entire year of 1849, the mortality of the
city was H,00;J ; cholera, (according to Dr. McPhetors) 4,557. Other re-
purls increase tho cholera cases to 4,800. The cholera disappeared (ex-
cept occasional cases) after tho lOtli f'f August. From tho first of No-
vember, 1849, to the first of April, 1850, unusual health has prevailed
for a city population.
2 TiiK Great Firk, broke out on the stoamboat White Cloud, near
the foot of (Jlierry street, at the hour of 10 o'clock at night, on the 17th
of May, 1849. Tho wind was from a Nr.rth-Eastern direction, and blew
with great force all tho night. In a short time 23 eteuniboats were on
fire, and consumed ; some with valuable cargoes on board. The fire first
cau'trht tho stores at the loot of Locust street ; then, by another burning
boat at the foot of Elm street, and simultaneously two fires were sweep-
iniT over several squares ; driven by the wind with resislloFs fury. Mas-
sive buildings of brick or stone, three and four stories in height, oflered
no resistance. The fire.; from the buildings and the boats, cut oft" all com-
munication with the river, and by 2 o'clock, A. M., on the 18th, the city
rsservoir was exhausted. Up to this time, the firemen did all that mm
and machinery could do, to stop the devouring element. Uuildings were
blown up, several valuable li were lost ; but about 8 o'clock, A. M.,
after ten hours devr.station, u ry was spent. About 400 buildings were
burnt; many of them large whc sale stores. The steamboats, their car-
Eo.o,and produce on the lap(' g, were valued at 518,.500; buildings,
$(10-.J,748 ; merchandize, $054, * dd to furniture, provisions, clothing,
etc., and the loss was estimated at , ],7.'}0,000. About two-thirds tho
value were covered by insurance. The cholera during the summer, was
more fatal than the fire, to the business of the city.
And now, as we look over the " burnt district," much the largest pro-
portion is covered with buildings of a superior character ; streets art
widened, and even naked lots sell higher per linear foot, than they did be-
fore the Great Fire.
•History of the Epidemic Cholera io St. Loni«, in 1849 ; Medical and Surgicsl Jonrnal
for March, 1850.
n.<r^ ^-^^
IVCrill tlinUH-
tiu umiiiiurii-
isuH, iK't tak-
ifru wcrr not
iloru, tlio in-
iiimlo U Hf),-
in boat! nav-
^■'1H ; uiid nil
IxiWdlii, wan
liirii, mill ono
ijf to Dr. Mc-
[two thirdH (if
March, IN in
BC in the pro-
I'c, per week,
17. For two
xroaHO in tiio
•luno, tlmro
i:«> of cliolo-
[, 7)H (IcatliB;
liH ; 'liO t'roni
leru. From
July l7tli to
, 2'M deaths ;
rtiility of tho
57. Other rc-
iippuiirod
lU
pun rod (c.N-
first of No-
lias prevailed
o Cloud, nnnr
t, on the 17th
ion, and blew
jats were on
The fire firBt
itlier burning
were sweep-
H fury. Miis-
eight, oflered
It oft" all coin-
18th, the city
d nil that men
uildings were
'clock, A. M.,
uildings were
lats, their car-
30 ; building?,
ions, clothing,
wo-thirds the
Eumnicr, was
le largest pro-
r ; streets an
m they did be-
Surgictl Jonrnal
',,/c^ •'^'•'''■'^ ■^-^■'
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