IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) ^/ .** .^.-^ ^Ai K. 1.0 I.I 1.25 ■ti|21 |2£ m Ui M2.2 S La 12.0 $s ^/ file ScMioes Carporation •N5 33 WIST MAM tmn ?i1«) •r9.450S 4s\ k CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHIVI/ICIVIH Collection de microfiches. Canadian institute for Hiatoricai IMicroraproductions / inatitut Canadian de microreproductions historiques o^ k Technical and Bibliographic Notas/Notea tachniquaa at bibliographiquaa Tha Inatituta haa attamptad to obtain tha baat original copy availabia for filming. Faaturaa of thia copy which may ba bibllographically uniqua, which may altar any of tha imagaa in tha raproduction, or which may aignificantly changa tha uaual mathod of filming, ara chackad balow. 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Thia item ia filmed at the reduction ratio checked below/ Ce document eat film* au taux de riduction indiqu* ci-deaaoua. 10X 14X 18X 22X 26X 30X 12X 16X 20X 24X 28X 32X Th« copy fllm«d h«r« Hm bMn raproducMl thanks to tho gonoroslty of: Library of the Public Arcliivos of Canada L'axamplaira flimA fut raproduit grAca A la gAnArosit* da: La bibliothiqua das Arcliivas publiquas du Canada Tha imagas appaaring hara ara tha bast quality possibia eonsidaring tha condition and lagibility of tha original copy and in kaaping with tha filming contract spacifications. Original copl«)s in printad papar co«'«rs ara filmad baginning wivh tha front covar and anding on tha last paga with a printad or iiluatratad Impras- sion, or tha back covar whan appropriata. All othar original copias ara filmad baginning on tha first paga with a printad or iiluatratad impraa- sion. and anding on tha laat paga with a printad or illustratad imprassion. Th« last racordad frama on aach microficha shall contain tha symbol — »■ (moaning "CON- TINUED"), or tha symbol Y (moaning "END"), whichavar appliaa. Las imagas suivantas ont 4t« raproduitas avac la plus grand soin, compta tanu da la condition at da la nattat* da I'axampialra film*, at an conformity avac las conditions du contr.^t ds filmaga. Las axamplairas originaux dont la couvarture en papiar ast imprimte sont filmta an commanpant par la pramiar plat at an tarminant soit par la darnlAra paga qui comports una amprainta d'impraasion ou d'illustration, soit par la second plat, salon la cas. Tous las outras exemplaires originaux sont filmte an commandant par la pramlAra paga qui compcrta una amprainta d'impraasion ou d'illustration at an tarminant par la darnlAra paga qui comporta una taila amprainta. Un das symbolas suivants apparattra sur la da signifia "A SUIVRE", l« symbols V signifis "FIN". Maps, platas, charts, ate, may ba filmad at diffarant reduction ratios. Thosa too larga to ba antlraly included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, aa many frames aa required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent Atre filmis A des taux da rMuct'on diffArants. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour Atie raproduit an un seul cliche, 11 eat f limA A partir da I'angle supArieur gauche, de gauche A droite, et de haut an has, an pranant le nombre d'images nAcessaira. Las diagrammes suivants illustrant la mAthode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 . • (■■.. .'yf-.^ u '\/ CONSIDERATIONS oU liORD GRENVILLE'S and Mr. PITTS BILLS4 ' I t • •' ,'■■■'■■ ^ •". , • •■'■.• ;\ ^;; H^ % -^-^.^j f ■ '*'"«;^NS' » » {in CONSIDERATIONS ON J^ORD GRENVILLE's and Mr. PITT's B I L L S, CONCERNING TREASONABLE and SEDITIOUS ' PRACTICES, .^ frt AND .^' JJNLJJfFUL JSiSSMBLIES, BY A LOVER OF ORDER. LONDON: Print? i for j'. JOHNSON, No. 72, St. Paul's Church- Y^rd. [price is. 64.] P ■"■/ .f \ y ■*■' ■'■'', ■•if V ' :'-.:^-'<- 'll^ •; :ki'" .V'^ /'; V'"-r-'-^/i' . "i* ,>' * 'A< ■■-- \ V CONSIDERATIONS, ^c. h.'ft ;■!*:* 'LM ->• ■ ' ' ■■•■'■^.%, ,..*'> ■'(*> .^ •': m In the prefent irritated and unnatural flate of political affairs, while one party will not endure to hear of any cautionary reflraints upon freedom, and another party, imprefTed with appreheniions of anarchy, conceives that fcarcely any reftraint can be too vigilant or feverej it is the objed of the following examination of the bills lately introduced into Parliament by Lord Grenville and Mr. Pitt, to eflimate their merits with the ftrideft im- partiality. It is much to be defired, in ipo- ments pregnant with fo important confe^' quences, that an individual* fhould be fbundj who could preferve his mind untainted with the headlong rage of fadtion, whether for men" in power or againft them; could judge, with ^-^'■■.— ^- ; B -:.;-:.:'•-.:--: the mmmmmmm rt ■ CO the fobricty of diftant poftcrity, and the faga- city of an enlightened hiftorian ; and could be happy enough to make his voice heard, by aH thole dircdly or remotely interefted in the event. * The great problem of political knowledge, is, how to prefcrvc to mankind the advan- tages of freedom, together with an authority, ftrong enough to controul every daring viola- tion of general fecurity and peace. The prize of political wifdom is due to the man, who fliall afford us the bed comment upon that fundamental principle of civilization. Liberty without Liccntioufnefs. ' ; ' - Great is the error, or fmifler and alarm* ing the policy, of thofe, who tell us that politics is a fimple fcience, where the plaincft underAanding is in no danger of a fatal mif- take. Politics, efpecially if we undcrftand that term as relating to fuch focieties of men $(S at prefcnt divide the earth„ i$ the mafter^ piece of human fagacity. - ( To govern individuals in a petty and limited circle, is eafy. They may be governed, if fufficient judgmeiit be exercifed upon the fub-.? ]tt\f by rcafon alone. But it is far otherwifc wjth nations, with millions of m^n united undff ( 3 ) tinder a (ingle head. In a petty and limited circle, all exercifc an infpedtion over all. 1 here, are no deeds that are concealed ; the general cenfure or applaufe, follows immedi- ately in the rear of every adtion that is per- formed. But, in nations of men, there is no eye penetrating enough to detedl every mif- chief in. its commencement; craft is fucceiT- ful in efcaping thofe confequences which juf- tice would annex to injury. Men take plea- fure in this fpecies of dexterity, and the web of fociety is rent by the fallies of wanton- nefs. No variety can be more endlefs, than that which is to be found among the difpofitions of mankind. Public intereft and fecurity require from men, to a certain degree, an uni- formity of adion, and an uniformity of fub- Iniflion. How is this uniformity to be found «mong the countlefs caprices of human cha- rader? Reafbn and expoftulation here are not fufficient : there muft be an arm to reprefs ; a coercion, ftridt, but forbearing and mild. Tn all numerous colledlions of men, there will be individuals difpofed to offend. No fyftcm of political arrangement can be fo wife, but that feme men will difapprove of B2 it. ( 4 ) . It. No fyftcm of equal admin Iflration can btf fo pcrfcdl, but that fome men will be urged by necefTity, and aggravated by diftrefs. If offence be difcountenanced by the fober and judicious, there will always be turbulent fpi- rits who will purfue a contrary condudt j they will confirm the offender in his error, inftead of recalling him to rcafon ; they will harden him in his deviation, and encourage him to hold inoffenfive remonftrance in contempt. Human fociety is a wonderful machine. How great are the inequalities that prevail in every country in Europe ! How powerful is the incitement held out to the poor man, to commit hoftility on the property of the rich, to commit it in detail, each man for himfelf, or by one great and irrefiftible effort to reduce every thing to univerfal chaos I Political wifdom, when it is found fuch as it ought to be, is the great and venerable power, that prefides in the midfl: of turbulent and con- fliding pafHons, that gives to all this confu- fion the principles of order, and that extracts univerfal advantage from a nearly univerfal feliiihnefs. He that deliberately views the machine of human fociety, will, even in his fpeculations, • U ' ^ *i approach ■( 5 ) approach it with awe. He Vvill rccollc^l:, with alarm, that in this fcenc, ^ —Fools nifli in, where angels fear to tread. The fabric that we contemplate is a fort of fairy edifice, and, though it confift of innu- merable parts, and hide its head among the clouds, the hand of a child almoft, if fufFered with negledt, may fhake it into ruins. There is no good reafon to conclude, that fpeculative enquiries ought not to be tole- rated, or even that they may not, ifconfulted with fobernefs, afford materials for general uti- lity. But it is with fobernefs and caution that the pradical politician will alone ven- ture to coniblt them. Do you tell me, " that there are great abufes in fociety?" No wife man will difpute it. But thefe abufes are woven into the very web and fubftance of fociety; and he that touches them with a fa- crilegious hand, will run the rifk of producing the wideft and mod: tremendous ruin. Do you tell me, " that thefe abufes ought to be correded?** Every impartial friend to man- kind will confirm your decifion with his fuf- frage, and lend his hand to the falutary \vork. _ .,^,r , ,^ . ■ ■ '"■■•' ■•-■■•-.- /-.-n--. ' ^ Yes, ■ ,*, . I \-y.i 9'- ■-. ^'i: \-\ v.-.y 'in ■v ( '%, 1 '%^: < ■A * ' ' ■ ■' • ■' Yes, my countrymen, abufes ought to he corrected. The effort to corre<5l them ought to be inceflant. But they muft be corrcdled with judgment and deliberation. We mull not, . for the fake of a problematical future, part with the advantages we already poffefs ^ we mufl not deftroy, fafter than wc rear. There arc perfons indeed, to whom the edi- fice of fbciety appears as nothing but one mals of deformity. With fuch perfons it is not ne- cclTary here to enter into any regular argu- ment. Is all that didinguifhes the moil en- lightened genius of modern Europe from the American favage, nothing ? Is the admirable progrcfs of light and knowledge, that has been going on almoft uniformly for centuries, and that promifes to go on to an unlimited extent, — is this nothing? Where is the man hardy and brutifh enough to put all this to peri], to fet this immenfe and long earned treafure upon a iingle throw, for the chance, if univerfal anarchy and barbarifm be introduced, of the more generous and aufpicious fcenes that will grow out of this barbarifm ? Thefe univerfal principles of political fci- encc it feemed neceflary to premife, to a fo- ber examination of the bills now depending in parliament. : { 7 y : :■. parliament. Every one will fee, without the ncceffity of a dire6l application.how thefe prin- ciples are conncdled with the fubjedl to be difcuffed. The pcrfons at prefent concerned in the government of Great Britain, have a delicate and momentous tafk impofecl upon them. Of all their duties, that which is per- haps paramount to the reft, is to preferve the bleffings we already polTefs, from the rafhnefs of prefumptuous experiment. General fecu- rity is the balls of all thofe things which foci- ety has to give, that are worthy the acceptance of mankind. In feciirity only the cultivator plows his field, the manufadlurer exercifcs his ingenuity, and the merchant brings home the produce of every diftant climate. Without fe- curity all thefe would be negledled, would be done with an irrefolute and nervelefs temper, and would fell gradually into ruin. In fecurity only fcience is extended, arts are cultivated, and the virtues expand themfelves. Without fecurity mankind would fpeedily become igno- rant and blood-thirfty favages. To the go* vemors of the earth, therefore, the ilender band of wife and judicious citizens would fay, ^* Give us fecurity, we will provide for owr- felves .ill other advantages.'* ■i.fc «/'■ ■i.t 4-. -.Tif' 1| t ti I ill •■■ ( 8 ) .;: • iT the moft important duty of thofc who hold the reins of government, be,at all times, to take care of the public fecurity, it is peculiarly fo in the prefent crifis. We are never fo v^ell infured againft anarchy and tumult, but that it is incumbent upon government to be vigi-^ lant. But the dangers of anarchy and tumult are greater nowr, than at any ordinary period.' The foundations of fociety have been broken up in the moft coniiderable kingdom of Eu* rope. Dreadful calamities have followed. A great experiment has been made, and the hap- pinefs of mankind is eminently involved in the ifTue of the experiment. But there is fome- thing fo beautiful and fafcinating, to a fuperii- cial oblervation, in the principles that produced the French revolution, that great numbers of men are eager to adopt and to a(H: upon them. The calamities that have attended their ope- ration in France, do not deter them. In the mean time, the fuccefs of the experi- ment of the French revolution has not been fo unmixed and-brilliant, but that a man of re- fle6Hon will deliberate long, before he defire^ to fee the experiment repeated in any other country. It is the duty of the governors of the earth, particularly at this time, to fet / their • " .- *>•'« :v" n - . ( 9 ; their faces againfl rafh and premature experi*- ments. They will not feek to preclude men from the exercife of private judgment. They will not involve in an undiilinguifhing cen- fure all projeAs of better (Economy and mode • rate reform. But, if they remark with a cer- tain degree of applaufe the high blood and im-^ petuous mettle of the racer, they will, at jeafl, look to the boundary pofls, and endea- vour to prevent his running out of the courfe. Let us apply thefe common and unanfwer- ^ble topics of reafoning to theobjedls embra- ced in Ldrd Grenville's and Mr. Pitt's bills. Thefe objedts are, the influx of French prin- ciples, and the danger accruing from thefe principles to public fecurity. There are two points, in which this influx of principles and their concomitant dangers have been more particularly confpicuous. . It is the purpofe of thefe pages to enquire impartially. In the part of the fubje6l upon which we enter in this place, what we under- take is, to probe recent evils. The evil muft be probed, or the proper remedy can never be difcovered. It would be bafe and unmanly in the invefligator, to intend to give pffence to any man, or any body of men, C v But;» ( 10- ) S , I! But, far from harbouring any fuch intentions it is not lefs his duty, not to be deterred by the fear of offence. In the progrefs of the inveftigation he will be obliged alternately to deliver truths unpalatable to every fet of men. He w^ill be forry to hurt the felf-applaufe or the prejudices of any ; but, if he give pain to individuals, he is encouraged in this ungra- cious part of his talk, by a hope of contri- buting his mite to the welfare of gU. He ' will confole himfelf, whatever may be the event, with having intended that welfare. A farther preliminary remark is ncceflary In this place to obviate the danger of mifcon- ftrudtion. The duties of the ftatefman, and the duties of the minifter of criminal juftice, have often been confounded. The ftatefman has conceived himfelf to be bound by the rigid maxims of a court of judicature, and the lawyer has expatiated in the conjectural f%yle» and among the moral probabilities, to which the ftatefman is bound to give attention. This confuiion has in both inftances been at- tended with fatal confequences. No two clalTes of duties can be more diftindt. In the obfervations to be here delivered, |he reafonings muft be of a political, and not ^rfJ«i' •■-'■'■'"' of ( " ) of a judicial kind. Where the life of i mail is at ftake, or where coercive penalties of any fort are to be inflidted, the maxims of evi- dence cannot be too rigid ; we ought not to pronounce a man guilty, when it is poflible to find him innocent. Hidorical difquifition^ on the other hand^ yields no deference to fuch 1 diftindion. Guilt or innocence are matters of indifference at her bar, fhe brings together all the evidence, (he weighs ihe oppolite pro^ babilities, and fhe pronounces a verdidt upon the. flightefl turning of the balance. She pro- nounces a man guilty, when it is in many ways pofTible that he may be innocent. Political difquifition partabes in many re- fpedts of the nature of hiflorical. The con- cern of the politician, flridly fpcaking, is with precaution, and not with punifhment. He is not therefore bound to the rigour of judicial maxims. I may not proceed againfl the life of a man without the mofl irreliflible evidence. But in calculating refpedling the probable future, in endeavouring to mould that future in the way mofl conducive to general welfare, in anticipating diforder, and keeping out the influx of calamity, it is al- lowable, nay it is neceffary, to proceed upon much flighter grounds. I muft content my- C 2 (elf, w i M It ' \( 1 ki^ m i ' i fclf, like a phflofopher, with analyfing the human mind, and afcertaining the confe-^ qucnces it is mort: rcafonable to expc %■■ tremely numerous in the metropolis, fplit and * ; divided info a variety of feftions. It boafts, ^ f that it weekly gains an acceflion of numbers* Its recruits arc chiefly levieid from the poorer claiTes of the community. It has abundance of impetuous and ardent activity, and very little of the ballaft^ the unwieldy dulnefs, of property. Political enquirers might have been indiw:- cd to pay lefs attention to this extraordinary machine, than its magnitude deferves. But it has forced itfclf upon public notice, by the immenfc multitudes it has coUedled together in the neighbourhood of the metropolis, at what have been ftiled its general meetings. The fpeeches delivered at thefe meetings, and the rci'blutions adopted, have not always been 2 of ( H ) I • bf the moH tefnpcrale kind. The collcdling of immenfe multitudes of men into one aflem-* bly, particularly when there have been no perfons of eminence, diftindion^ and import- ance in the country, that have mixed with them, and been ready to temper thiir efforts^, is always fufficiently alarming. We had a fpecimen of what might be i .e fequel of fuch cclledling, in the riots introduced by Lord George Gordon and the Proteftant Afrocia**, tion in the year 1780. Let us' put together the different circum- fVances already enumerated. Let us confider the largenefs of this fociety, their numerous meetings, their inceffant activity, their po- verty, the auundance of their zeal, and their numerous affiliations whether in adt, in cx^ pcdation, or in defire. It may be precipitate to pronounce what are the ideas of its leading members, and how far they undcrfland the magnitude of the machine they profefs to go- vern. But it is eafy to fee what fuch a machine is able to effedr. From this delineation of the London Cor*- refponding Society^ it follows^ that the go*- vernment of this country would be unpardon- able, if it did not yield a very careful and un^- ' , - ^ interrupted ;' / ^'- ( '5 ) interrupted attention to their operations. lr\ this dccifion, it is wholly unneceflary to mij^ any confideration of the intention of the indi- viduals concerned. Their intentions, for any thing that is of moment in this argument, may be of a purity that is more than human. To rail again ft men's intentions, is to take an undue advantage of popular prejudices. There i3 no man fo pure, but that fomething of felfifli mixes with his actions. There is pro- bably no man fo bafe, as not to have fome re- gard for morality, and juftic(j, and the general welfare of mankind. But the ftatefman rea- fons about men, as the manufa£lurer reafons about his tools and the different parts of his machines. He cenfures the unwieldy, the blunt, the jagged, the flawed, and the corrofive, without an atom of bitternefs or refentment againft any one of thefe. He merely finds them not fit for his purpofe. He fears the ill efFe6ls they may produce in the working of the machine. To fpeak only of that part of the parallel that relates to men, the real ftatefman will love, will compaflionate, will fympathifc with thofe individuals, whofe con- du(^ he concludes upon the beft evidence, to l^e hoftile to the general welfare. He regrets * dieir ( »« ) their errors, he defircs their reformation and improvement. It is unnecefTary to his pur* pofe that he fnould impute to them any ill defign. He knows that the coududt of men with the bed difpoiitions, has often been pro- dudlive of horrible mifchief. Such was pro- bably the fublime and dilintereiled enthufiad that flabbed Henry the Great, and fuch the authors of the Gunpowder Treafon. Thefe are then the concluHons that, it Should feem, we ought to form refpeding the London Correfponding Society. The fecond article that feems to conftitute the prefent ground of alarm, are the Political Ledures that have been delivered for near two years at Beaufort Buildings, in the Strand ; to which perhaps we may add fome of the difcuilions that have taken place in certain crowded af** femblies, called Debating Societies. To con- ceive 0ie judgment we ought to form refpcft- ing fhefe Political LeduEfs, we have only to rcj^iblledt what has been already obferved, re- fpedling the profoundnefs of political fciencc as it relates to the cafe of great nations, and the delicate fabric of human fociety. Whether or no political ledures, upon the fundamental principles of politics, to be dc- mm M' k { 17 ) livercd to a mixed and crowded audience, be entitled to the approbation of an enlightened flatefiiian, it is fomewhat difficult to pro- nounce. It is not, for the moft part, in crowded audiences, that truth is fucccCi fully invert igatcd, and the principles of fcience lu- minoufly conceived. But it is not difficult to pronounce whether the political ledtures that are likely to be delivered by an impatient and headlong reformer, arc entitled to appro- bation. " We mufl: reform," fay the advocates of thefe ledlures. Tr.ue, we muft reform. There is fcarcely a man in Great Britain fo ftupid, fo bigoted, or fo felfiffi, but that, if the quef- tion were brought fairly before him, he would give his fufFrage to the fyflem of reform. But reform is a delicate and an awful tafk. No facrilegious hand muft be put forth to this iacred work. It muft be carried on by flow> almoft infenfible fteps, and by juft degrees. The public mind muft firft be enlightened ; the public fcntiment muft next become une- quivocal ; there muft be a grand and magni- ficent harmony, expanding itfelf through the whole community. There muft be a confent of wills, that no minifter and no monopolift D would ■It I ( i8 ) tVould be frantic enough to withftand. Thfi is the genuine image of reform ; this is the . lovely and angelic figure that needs only to be fhewn, in order to be univerfally adored. Oh, Reform 1 Genial and benignant power I how often has thy nnme been polluted by profane and unhallov/cd lips ! How often has thy ftandard been unfurled by demagogues, and by alTartins been drenched and disfigured ^v^ith human gore ! ,' Proceeding then upon this conception of the fubje their adlions are disfigured, and uniformly traced to the blackeil motives j a horrible ^ rr ; groupc ( 2' ) groupe IS exhibited ; all the indignant cmo-' tions of the human mind are excited. The audience do not hallen from the !e tions in mixed and fortuitous afiemblies ; it is ~ one ( 33 ) onfc thing to enquire into the ill confcqucnccs that may refult from fuch tumultuary and paflionate dircuffions ; it is one thing to en- quire into the reftraints that may reafonably be put upon aflemblies and proceedings of this fort ; and it is a thing fomewhat dif- ferent, to enquire whether we fliall contri- bute, to the extent of our power, once for all, to extinguish the future profpccfjts and hope of mankind ; to put a violent termina- tion upon the boundlcfs progrcfs of fcience, of taat fcience in particular which is moft immediately and profoundly interefting to the whole human race. It would be a project indeed of gigantic dimenfions, that, in this advanced period of human improvement, fhould command us to banifh all the profef- fors and cultivators of fcie.ice, or to» afrafllnatc them. Lord Grenville, in that cafe, would no doubt fland forward to the lateft pofterity as one of the mod diftinguiflied names, one of the moft daring and hardy adventurers, in the records of hiftory. OniHr, the conqueror of Alexandria, would be but a fool to him. Omar did not execute the wanfonnefs of his tyranny upon the perfons of men of letters ;' he only deftroyed their works. Robeipierre F is .-•v- b ( 34 ) IS accured of having harboured a mortal ani- mofity againft men of letters : but this is pro- bably a calumny, and we (liould fcorn to ca- lumniate even Robefpierre. But afTuming the faft, lord Grenville wouM appear, but for the explanation of bifhop Horfley, to have far outflepped the tyrant of France* Robefpierre merely made ufe of exifting maxin)S, and applied them to the gratification of his paiiions. He pjrfecuted men of let- ters in an indirect manner. But lord Gren- ville, upon this fuppofition, would have in- troduced a bill in which they were clearly de- fcribed, and have faid, ** It is only necelTary ** for you to have cultivated the mod im- '? portant of all fciences, to make you liable , : '* to the penalties of my bill." Much grati- tude is due to bifhop Horfley, for having, in the paflage above cited, fo clearly marked out the diftindlion between the idle and inflam- matory preachers of fedition, and the great ^ apoftles and champions of human intelled^ and explained to us to whom the law did and did not apply. Here let us paufe a little. Is bifliop Horfley's commentary in reality a juft one ? * Who is this celebrated prelate ? Let u*«fup- , pole pofe him, for the fake of argumenf, to. be the greateft man in exlflence : arc his doftrincs W be received as upon a level with the lau^s of the land, with enadlions of king, lords, and commoms, in parliament a/Tembled ? What the bilfhop fays is good, found reafon and juf- tice. True : but what then ? 1 look through the a6t of parliament, and I cannot find it there. Like S' ylock, " I cannot find it in '* the inftrument • It is not fo nominated in *' the bond !" Bifhop Horfley is an excellent moralift and politician. No doubt of it: but what of that ? Can he grant me a no/*' profsqui f Can I bring his fpecch into court, and offer it as a: writ " to fhew why judgment ihould not paf^ *' upon me ?" ^, Lord Grcnville, and the authors of the bill mean exadlly what bifhop Horfley has ex- prefTed. We will grant that; we will not flay to debate about trifles. But this afTump- tlon only exhibits in a more atrocious light the iniquity of the bill. Was the omiflion of every provilion ibr t^is purpofe an affair of accident ? We may hence learn what value they fet upon the liberties of F 2 Englifhmen, . ( 3-S ) Engliflimcn, and the moft important interefts of mankind. Was it defign ? Did they intend to have all the literature of England, original or tran- llated, and all its votaries at their mercy ? But the matter lies deeper than we have yet feen. It is worth our while to enquire what would be the penalty awarded to the author of Hume's Idea of a Perfedt Commonwealth, or RouiTeau's Treatife of the Social Compadt, if they were living, and if ihefe works were publilhed during the operation of Lord Gren- ville's bill. Hume and Rouleau appear in thefe trea-. tjfes to have been republicans. Republica- r*'''n is a dodirine mifchievous and falfe. Be it fo. But there can be no enquiry and no fcience, if I am to be told at the commence- ment of my ft'jdies, in what inference they Hiuft all terminate. Labouring under this reirraint, I c?nnot examine ; labouring under this rei'iraint, I cannot, flridly fpeaking, even attempt to examine. No matter how deci- fjve are the aiguments in favour of monarchi- cal government ; if men enter freely upon the difcuilion, there will be fome, from fin-? gularity of temper, or peculiarity of preju- dices i \ ( 37 ) dices which they are unable to correft, who . will determine in favour of republicanifm. The idea of combining uniformity of opinion ' ' in the fequel, with liberty of enquiry in the commencement, is the moft impoflible and frantic notion that ever entered into the mind , of man. What men imagine they fee in the way of argument, they can fcarcely refrain from fpeaking, and they ought to be permitted to J pnblifh. All republican writers (Hume is an eminent example) do not appeal to our paf- iions ; all appeals to our paflions do not me- nace us with the introduction of univerfal ' anarchy. Confidering how triumphant the arguments in favour of monarchy are affirmed to be, we furely ought not to bd terrified with every philofophical debate. It is a well known maxim of literature, that no principle upon any controverfial fubjedt, can be fo fe- r'ncly eftablifhed, as when its adverfarics arc - p. riitted to attack it, and.it is found fupc- , rior io every objedlion. A fober and confide- • rate obferver will have ftrange thoughts that fuggeft themfelves to him, refpedting the ' moft venerable and ger :rally received maxims,' Jf he find that every perfon who ventures to ( 38 ) enter upon an impartial examination of them, is threatened with the pillory. A few words are due to thofe perfons who, imbued with the fcepticifm incident to inqui- fitive habits, may be in doubt whether the mo- narchical or republican opinion will ultimately appear to be the moil found, or which of them will ultimately prove vid:orious. A dod:rine oppofite to the maxims of the exift- ing government may be dangerous in the hands of agitators, but it cannot produce very fatal confequencc the hands ofphilo* fophers. If it undermine the received fyftem, it will undermine it gradually and infenfibly ; it will merely fall in with that gradual prin- ciple of decay and renovation, which is perpetually at work in every part of the pniverfe. Having here endeavoured to define the ten- dency of what bifhop Horfley calls ** common ** fpeculative and philofophical difquifitions,f > let us fee whether they fall within the provi- fions of this bill, and what is the punifh- jnent adjudged againft them. Under the fe- ditious branch of the bill, we find thefe words ; *• If any perfon or perfons fhall malicioufly % and advifedly, by writing, printing, preach-* w <( & contains -/ ■: ( 42 > < t contains principles that arc cither true or falfc. Wc will :*appofe this wonderful genius, the great ornament of Engli(h literature, who gav new Iclicacy to human language, new |,f0iounclr. fs to hiftorical compofition, and new luflre to the events of the Britifh annals ; this genius, who dived into the depths of in- telled:ual fciencc, who difcovercd new trea- fures where the greateft men of every age had fearched before, and who, whether his conclulions {hall ultimately be admitted as true or rejedted as falfc, has certainly given that additional acutenefs to philofophical rca- foning by which mankind will be bcheftted as long as literature fhall endure — we will iuppofe, I fay, this wonderful genius to be arraigned as the author of the compoiltion juft mentioned^ What fhall be his behaviour at the bar ? shall he defcend to the pitiful artifice of difowning this able produdion, and trufl that government Will not be able to bring it home to him in the way of legal proof? Shall he allege, '* the principles of my performande 'f^ are falfe, they will be eafily refuted, and ** will never produce any percejjtible effedl ?** Or fhall hp affiV^n at opcc, <* the performance "'- •• ■■' ■ « u is « «c ( 43 ) " is mine, and its principles are true ?** In that cafe, the attorney-general retorts upon Jiim, ** they arc calculated to produce an efFe<5l 5 they tend *' to incite and llir up the people to hatred or Jt/like of the perfon of his tnajefty, &is heirs or Juccejjorsy or the eft^bliflied government and conjlitution q£ .f* this re;alm :** nothing more plain. They tend fooner or later to the difTemination pf republican principles." Hume then upon this charge is to be fined, imprifoned, and fet in the pillory ; and, if he afterwards authorize the republication of his efTay, he is to be tranfported to Botany Bay. Stop a moment. This was not the purpofc for which the queftion was here introduced. The buiinefs was to enquire, under lord Grenville's bill, whether or no he were guilty of high treafon. Hume, for publilhing his Idea of a Perfcdt Commonwealth, guilty of high treafon I conduced to the place of execu- tion, and there hanged, drawn, and quartered ! Nothing is more indifputable, than that he might, with equal propriety, be profccuted under the firft, as under the fecond branch of lord Grenville's bill. There is no reed of a laboured proof to (hew, that, in publi£h- I k J u •fis n "L. G % mg ( 44 ) t€ €C ing his Idea of a Pcrfedl Commonwealth, he had fome intention. His intention was to reconcile men by degrees to republican prin- ciples, or at leaft to wean them from the pre- vailing prcpoflefllons again ft thefe principles. He is guilty therefore under the claufe of** com- *' palling, imagining, devifing, inventing, or intending, to deprive, or depofe our fovercign lord the king, or his heirs and fucccflbrs, *' from the ftyle, honour, or kingly name ** of the imperial crown of this realm." But there is a more extraordinary circum- ftance behind. The authors of the bill, as if fearful that fome lenicni, or over-merciful judge might imagine that the publication of fuch a book as Hume's Idea of a Perfedl: Commonwealth, was not high treafon, have prpcceded more preeifcly to limit and define the meaning of the claufe, v/hich they do in the following words : " And [if fuch perfon or per- ** fons] fuch compaffings and imaginations, ** inventions, defires or intentions, or any of them (liall exprefs, utter, or declare, by any printings writing, preaching, or malicious and . advifed fpeaking, then every fuch perfon or perfons fhall be adjudged guilty of high * treafon." Thus *' cdinmon fpeculative and 5^ U ' « philofb- " «t tt <( tc ..« .,.■. (.45 ) , ' •♦ . ** philorophical difquifitions" arecxprefsly de- clared to come within the defcription of high trcafon ; and, what is more curious, nothing but printing, writing, preaching, or fpeaking^i is high treafon within the conftrudlion of this adl. I am perfcdly aware that lord Grenvillc and the other authors of this bill, will ftart with aftonifliment at the explanation I have given. They are innocent; they never had it in contemplation to involve philofophical writers, who fhould fcientifically difcufs the nature of the human mind, or the operations of man in a ftate of fociety, in the pains of high treafon. I have no doubt of it. But what follows from this ? Obferve, Englirti- men, " what manner of men" are your le- giflators ! Obferve " what manner of men" .are feledted for J\e king's minifters, and whofc peculiar office it is to make laws, upon which the tenure of human life is fufpended ! " They " know not what they do." Is this a fufficient .apology ? When they have made laws, no men fo much aftoniflied as they, if a fober enquirer comes and tells them the meaning of them. They ** breath out threatenings and *' flaughterj" they ** throw abput; firebrands," «? and h' m ( 4M and rifle at every moment a coivflagration of the edifice of our liberties ; and they ** iay> •* Arc we not in fport ?" Such is the go- vernment under which we live. They fhut up a magazine, containing an extradt of every human evil, in the fmalleft compafs, and then prefent it to us as an advantage. If at fome future time Pandora's box be unclofed» then, and not till then, they will know, that what they pafTed for an odoriferous perfume, is in reality the pioft deadly noifon. One obfervation more upon lord Gren* villc's bill, and it fliall then, for the prefent, be difmiflcd. Under both branches of the bill, "fpeaking," **expreffing, publifhing, ut- •* tering, or declaring any words, fentences, or ** other thing or things," make a part of the dcfcription of the offence hereby created. In the firft claufe indeed it is underflood that minifters, in their extreme benignity, intended to y/ithdraw fpeaking from the enumerations of the bill; and I am no longer to be liable, for faying in the courfe of a cafual converfation by my own fire-fide, that, ** in the abftradt, ** I like a republican government better ** than monarchy," to be hanged, drawn, and quartered. I am only, firfl, to be pilloried, and afterwards ( 47 ) afterwards tranfportcd to Botany Bay. " Tlicf •' tender mercies of the wicked" arc inftruc- tive. Nor is it Icfs cflential to the rightly underftanding thefc bills, that we fliould confider them as they originally flood, than as they may be fiibfequently altered. It is not cafy to pronounce whether this claufc, I mean the claufe fubjcding a man, for all manner of fpcaking, to imprifonment and tVanfportation, is to be confidered as more or lefs atrocious than the claufes reftraining the liberty of the prefs. In one refpedt it is worfe. It extends to every man, and no man can pretend fuccefsfuUy to guard himfclf againft its fandtions. But in other refpedts it is lefs iniquitous. It is impofllble to be carried into general execution. It does not reach fo high, or wound fo effedually. Com- mon converfation indeed may, at firft fight, appear to be more emphatically the general intereft and concern of mankind. But per- haps, upon farther confideration, we fhall retrad that opinion. It is not upon common coni^erfation, but upon fcience and the art of writing, that all that is dignified, all that is ennobling, all that is exquifite and admirable in butaan nature, depends. Brutes have a .... • " fort i 'IV ' ■di '^■i W ( 48 ) fort of common converfation -, and, if we had nothing higher to depend upon for our wel- fare but common converfation, wc (hould ipeedily degenerate into a fpecies ot brutes. Having thus endeavoured to guard againil the laying too much flrefs upon this prohibi- tory claufe,,again{l fpeaking: or rather having endeavoured to (hew, that it is not the worfl of the overfights of lord Grenville's bill, let us attend a little diftindly to its operation. It might moft properly be terrri'^d, a claufe for creating a national militia of fpies and in^ formers. Henceforwaid it will be idle to fup^ pofe, that any man (efpecially any man who is unacceptable to his majefty's minillers) is fafc. He may be unalterably determined againil: every fpecies of confpiracy or political confultation. He muy throw away his ink and his pens, and determine never to commit another word to paper. He may refolve never, upon any account, to fell, give, or lend &ny book, paper or writing. I'hefe are no trifling precautions ; thefe are precautions that ought, in all reafon, to indemnify a mau againil the penal provifions of a political a(^ of parliament. He may go farther than this \ }ie may deternin? never more to open hi.^ :ioI ' 3 \ mouth wmmmmi ^ \ \., ( 49 ) ■^^k "^.. V mouth upon any political topic, dircd or in- dired. He may confine himfelf to diredti^ns to his fervants, aud counting the clock. Nay, . if that (hall not be thought refining too idly, h€ may enter into a vow not to utter any ar- licukte found j yet he is not fafe. If he fpeak, his words may be diilorted ; and, if he be lilcnt, he may be proved, by legal evidence, to have damned the king, and may he fent to Botany Bay. Againll this laft fuppofition perhaps it may be alleged, ** that the defedt of lord " Grenville's bill, is a defed that it pofTcfTes " in common with every penal Adt of Parlia- " ment. Any innocent man may be proved ^* by legal evidence, to be guilty of any crime, *' and may be punifhed accordingly.*' But no : lord Grenville's bill is not upon a level wii-h every penal Adl of Piirliament. It is not eafy to prove any man guilty of any crime ; and exculpatory circum/lances, of various kinds, and of the moft fatisfadtory nature, may be colhdicd, to refute a calumniatory accufation. But fj)eaking is a crime that require no inge- nuity to invent, and no contrivance to fupport; gnd it is a crime [Good God I fpeaking in any i^i H manner ^Mf^.\:{:l:.i:t^i(''.^' x TSTT- ( SO ) manner, a crime !] the moil difficult of all others to be difproved. It will perhaps be ^hqught too trite j if we were to dwell, in this place, upon the ill confequenccs to refult from inftituting a n^-l tional militia of fpies and informers. What kind of a man is a fpy ? He is a man that in- linuates him^lf into your confidence in order to betray you. He pretends to be uncom-^ monly vehement and intemperate, that he ;nay excite yoi^ to be the fame. He watches your unguarded moments, he plies you with wine, that he may excite you to fpeak with- out reftraint. He undertakes to remember words, and he .has an invincible bias up on his mind, inducing him to conftrue thein in a particular way, and infcnlibly to change them for words more definite and injurious. His very income depends upon the frequency of Jiis ^ales, and he is paid in proportion as the tales that he brings, whether true or falfe, tend to the deftrudion of the perfons to whonci they relate, ' Miferable beyoAd compare muft be the ftate of that cr luy, where fuch men as this are to be found in every town, in every ftreet, in every village, and ii every houfe. " Evil ".communication* VHP'"-' '* communications corrupt good mdnners." It Is impoflible that I (hould continually affoci- atc with knaves, without lofing fomething of the unfullied luftre of my virtue. Two vir- ^ tuies are moft important in civil ibcietyj frankncfs, that t fhould pradlifc no duplicity; that I fhould play no part under a mafk ; and mutual tfuft and confidence: Now, what confidence can there be, whcri men are fur- roundfed with fpieS and informers ? When; from the frequency of the phenomenon, I am unable certainly to tell, whether my friend or my brother be not a man, whofe trade is ac- cufation, and who will one day caufe me to be te tranfportcd or hanged ? In a country where the exiftence of fpies and informers is frequent, the whole nation muft, of neccffity, be made iip of two clafies of hypocrit*"*^ : hypocrites^ who hold out a falfe appearance, the better to enfnare ; and hypocrite^, who hcVa out a falfe appearance, that they may not be en- ihared. '^ - ; ■* So muchj for :he prefeiiti for lord Grert- ville'sbill. ' ' We will now proceed to the confideratidri of Mr. Pitt*s bill. Lord Grenvillc's bill is probably the moft atrocious, becaufe writing H 2 and , H. if" ,1 ( 52 ) and the publication of fcience, are probably^ of all imaginable things, the n^oft eficntial to the welfare of mankind. Mr. Pittas bill however is of no trivial importance. It is, as we have already faid, a diredl attack upon the moft effential pro- vifion of the Bill of Rights, the proTifion, that authorizes the inhabitants of Great Bri- tain, to confUlt refpedting their grievances, and to demand redrefs. This is, in many refpe6ls, like moft of the fundamental topics of government as they re- late to a great nation, a fubjcdi of extrenoe de- licacy. For men to aflemble in confiderablc^ numbers, particularly with a view to the re- formation of abufes, is perilous, and may lead to violence. To prohibit them from aflcm- bling, may lead to the fame thing in a worie form. The longer difcontents are pent up and concealed, the more furioufly they may be exped:ed to break out at laft. The Bill of Rights has folved this aenigma in political fcience, fo far as relates to the people of Great Britain, and has authorized the people to meet,, of courfe expedling from government a vi- gilant attention to tlieir fublequcnt procced- 'i.iJ'ii^v^ Ur ;H'^ lilt. - i. «. ( 53 ) The firft ftrong meafure that was takeir* reftraining, within narrower limits than thole of the Bill of Rights, the right of the inhabitants of this country to afTcmble, was the a6l of i George the Firft, cap. v. commonly crlled the Riot Adt» That aft has been thought by fomc of the bcft judges and ftatefmen who have ex- ifted (Ince that period, to be the capital ble- mish of the Englifh ftatute book. It was the fifth public adt of the firft year of George the Firft; and the period at which it was made, is to be confidered as perfeAly unique. The king landed from Hanover on the i8th of September ; and his predeccflbr, queen Anne, died on the firft of Auguft precediiig, At the moment of her death it was a matter of com- plete uncertainty, whcthfer the fon of king James the Second, or the eledlor of Hanover, would be her fucceflbr. Men's minds were divided between the two claimants ; and it is commonly fuppofed that the majority of the nation was in favour of the reprefentative of the houfe of Stuart. At this period the Riot A^ was pafled, when king George was no( yet warm in his throne, when it was uncer- tain how long he would remain the acknowl- edged fovereign of Great Britain, and when a rebellion a k 3 ;.» ?ii;i ( 54 ) rebellion was already fermenting iri tHe king- dom, which broke out a few months after. The exprefs and avowed ptirpofe of this lav^ was to counterad the alarming fpirit of difafi* fcdionj but it unfortunately happened that the proper claufe for declaring the aft to be tem- porary was omittcdj and it followed in this, as in other memorable in (lances^ that an aft^ made to provide againft a tranfitory emer- gency, has becnj in a blind and indiriedl wayi placed in perpetuity upon the ftatute books^. Mr. Pitt's bill however goes infiriitely farther than the Riot Adi I fhall only infift upon a few leading particulars and not go into the fame detail refpeding it, that I have done re-^ fpeding lord Grcnville's bill; The moft flriking provifion of Mr. Pitt's! bill, relates to the necefiity under which every perfon iis placed, of diredtly fummoning a magiftrate to attend the meeting which he has called together ; and to the powers to be ex- crcifed by that magiftrate, when prefent. The magiftrate is empowered to filence any ipcaker in any part of his fpeech, and to dif- perfe the meeting in any ftep of its proceed- ings. He is to employ his own judgment and difcrction^ as to whether that part of the ( 55 ) speech, or flep of the procecdlngs,is in any way dangerous or unauthorized, and every per- fon, who is purpofely, or cafually prefent at the meeting, is required, under heavy penalties, to yield him implicit and inftant obedience, and repair to his own home at the word of com- mand. . It is improbable that a greater infult was ever put upon any thing appearing in human form, than is contained in thefe enadtments. Was ever an authority created more defpotic» more difgraceful, and that it was lefs practica- ble to endure ? Better, much better, and in- finitely more manly, would it have been, to- tally to have prohibited all meetings out of the ordinary courfe, than thus impudently to have exhibited the mockery of permitting them. What fort of materials muft that man be- made of, who will refort to any meeting under fuch reftriftions ? It is impofllble to conceive that any perfon upon refledlion will, after the. pafllng of this bill, refort to any meeting of a political nature, unlefs it be one of thofe por- ^ntous meetings, of which we have fome- times heard, where men come together with the refolution to " fucceed or die.'* Who will anfwer for himfelf that, in the adt -T-i^; 1 . f Pf ( 5* ) ©f fpeaking,he fliall con fen t to ceafe,at the mo- ment the audioiicering magiftratcfhall give the fignal with his hammer? Who will anfwcr for himfelf that, though not fpeaking, his thoughts fliall be under fuch Icvere difcipline, as to leave him in readinefs to depart the inftant he is bid to do fo ? Who will anfwer for himfelf that the folly, the mifcondrudion or the ma- lice of this infblcnt magiftrate [even magiftrates have been known to be infolent] (hall not ex- cite in him the fmallefl: indignation ? No ftate of a human being can be dcvifed more flavifh, tjjjan where he is told, that he muft not expof- tulate ', he mufl: not anfwer ; the mafter claps a ^ padlock upon his lips and he muft be filent ; he muft not have an opinion of his own. Even foppofing a m.an to be imbued in the highcft degree with the principles of paffive obedi- ence, if the whole alTembly be not fo drilled as to obey the word of command, he may be hemmed in, in fpite of his efforts, and commits ted for trial, or (hot by the military. .^ Let us pafs from the enadlment of the bill in this refpedt, to the penalty by which it is to be inforced. Three days* imprifonment would be too great a puniftiment in this cafe, and would be altocjether intolerable to a man of a lofty .-^ 's o "1 f.'w^-V*!. - ..J*^' ■ - ■ . ■ ( 57 ) . . : lofty and independent fpirit. What then muft be the feelings of any man imbued with the principles of morality or hOmanity, when he , finds that the penalty, as ftated by Mr. Pitt in opening the nature of the bill, is that of felony without benefit of clergy ? What fort of hearts are thefe men endued with ? What f^* : of un- derftandings ? They fcatter about punifhments upon every occafion, and the punifhmcnt of the flighted offence is death. They know no principles of comparifon, they are dead to every feeling of the heart, they pronounce with total indifference the punifliment of deatHr Upon multitudes yet unborn ^ In the fpirit of king Richard in the play, ** I will not dine, ** until his head be brought me!'* Well may thefe men be the enemies of fci- ence, well may they declare every philofopher who inveftigates the nature of man or fociety fubjed to the pains of high treafon j well may they emulate the irriiptions of the Goths and Vandals, who fpread barl^rifm and intellec- tual darknefs over the whole face of the earth ! They know no touch of civilization; they were never humanized by fcience or art ; they come forth in all the pride of ignorance; laugl> at the fcruples of human kindnefs, and tram- I . • pie i!l!i ''i:; ( 58 ) pie upon all the barriers by which civil fociety can alone le pefcrved. Having commented upon the principal branch of Mr. Pitt's bill, it feems as unnc- ceffary as it would be odious, to follow him throuoh all its detail I will not attend him through all his fplittings and diftindtions, of fixpenccs to be paid at the door, or tickets to be delivered or fliewn j of the number of per- fons that may be prefent in any one houfc without a licence ; or the claufes and riders by which he will perhaps hereafter endeavour to c^ave card-clubs and ladies* routes from the ge- neral devaftation. It would, no doubt, be in- ftruftive to purfue him through all thefe la- byrinths ; it would detcd his flerility, and un- cover his nakednefs. But this office will be performed by fkilful hands ; and it is neceflary to the purpofe of thefe pages, that the argu- ment they contain iliould be comprefled and ftriking. We have now gone through, as far as feems to be neceffary upon the prefent occafion, the dired confideration of the two bills. There . is however one hiftorical confideration, to which it is material to turn our attention, be- fore we proceed to fum up the different parts of \f--r --'t'-r.: the • , ( 59 •;• ■■ the argument. Lord Grenville, in opening the nature of his bill in the houfe of lords, ob- ferved, :hat it was founded in the precedents of other times, and therefore could not be re-* garded as an innovation. The precedents to which he referred, were from the reign of queen Elizabeth and of king Charles the Se- cond. In this ftatemcnt he was, no doubt, for the mod part well founded. The bill he in- troduced is, in feveral important refpedls, a tranfcript of a temporary adt of 13 Elizabeth, ' and 13 Charles the Second. , .•? - f j In referring us to thefe precedents, lor(^„ Grenville is to be regarded as the vehicle of an important inftru61ion. When ihe meafures of th'' prefent day are borrowed from former times, it is one of our indifpenlible duties, to look to thofe times, and coniidcr the fpirit in which the meafures originated. . . One of the lirft confiderations that fuggefts itfelf refpeding the precedents of lord Gren- ville is, that they are drawn from times an- terior to the revolution. They are not there- fore fuperior to all fufpicion. It was once the mode to talk of ** the Engliih conftitution ** a^ fettled by the glorious revolution." Whe- ther it be the purpofe of lord Grenville and I 2 Mr. ( 6o ) / Mr. Pitt to cure us of this antiquated prcju* dice, time will eiFedtually (hew. I remem- ber to have heard lord chief baron Macdon- ald, then attorney- general, upon the trial of Thomas Paine, obferve, '* that our glo- " rious and incomparable conftitution exifted •• from the earliefl accounts of time, and ". was recognized by Julius Caefar." But other men, better informed, or more modefl than lord chief baron Macdonald, will pro- ■ bably acknowledge, that England, like the other countries of Europe, was, at a period greatly fubfequent to Juhus Caefar, fubjev> t? ,. (• '". in) hient. Or the tendency of their operations would have been more formidable ; and, by ^i continually gaining ftrength, they would at laft have been able to overturr the conftitu-. * tion. But, to accompliili that purpofe, it would have been neceflary, that they ihould have been peculiarly tranquil and orderly in their appearance ; that they fhould have watched their opportunity with unalterable patifence ; and that they fliould have fuffercd years to elapfe before they broke out into adt. ■•■ " :..- ^-''i '■■-■■ ■ *-■" ' -■ '•\.'",tr. \ It may well be doubted, whether an evil thus diftant, though unqueftiOnably entitled to the attention of minifters, required the in- trodudlion of any new adt of parliament to encounter it. It may well be believed, that the laws already in exiftence, fagacioufly ad- miniftered, would have been abundantly fuf- ficient for the purpofe. I think this would have been the cafe, even if we had torn the Riot Adt from our ftatute book, and introduced fome more humane and wholfome regulation in its place. . *" The nature of the proper remedy was ge- nerally delineated in the firft pages of this enquiry. But it may not be ufelefs, to reca- L pitulate r ( 74 ) pitulale and cvpand vvhat was there dclivcrcJ- The circutnftance, as we tlien obferved, prin- cipally to be regretted was, that the pro- ceedings of the London Correfponding Society and its partizans, were of fuch a nature, that, in endeavouring to check thcrn, the flatcfman would be perpetually in dan;!:cT of intrenching upon the freehold of our liberties. In this cafe it would be incumbent upon him, to tread with wary fleps, and to handle every thing that related to the tranfadion with a tender hand, and a religious fear. ' Before he , fet out upon his- expedition, he would fvvear upon the altar of his country, that, in dealing with her internal foe, he would not infringe upon her liberties. ' , It is no eafy matter to lay down the precife conduLb he would purfue. It would be idly to detrad from the ufcfulnefs of thefe pages, to offer any undigefted opinion upon that fub- jecl. Undoubtedly he would fit down, with the matured deliberation, with the moft un- alterable conftancy, with the moft perfect coolnefs of temper, and with the pureft kind- nefs towards all the parties concerned, to me- ditate upon this critical queftion. He would certainly prefer means of conciliation to means of v" ( 75 J • of force. Means of conciliation will always offer themfclvf 8 in abundance, to the man of Itrong undeiltanding, and of ardent benevo- lence. Such then is the nature of the prelimi- nary circumftances, and fuch the general na- ture of the rc'oedy to be applied. It will not be neceifary to outer into a long recajMtula- tion of the meafures propoft-d by lord den- ville and Mr. Pitt, in order to ihew how far they correfpond with the conditions of the re- medy. It is not probable that their warmell advocates will pretend, thut they have pro- ceeded with a very cautious ftep / that they have {hewn any uncommon folicitude for the prefervation of our liberties, through all their minuteft 'particles, and their wideft and ten- dereft ramifications. Their warmeil advocates will not pretend, that they have not advanced to this bufinef'^' with a fort of youthful alacrity ; and that they have not rather feized a pretext, than been prelTed into the fervice by an occa- fion. They have no fympathy with the friends of liberty. They confult not the coolnefs of philofophy, but the madnefs of paflion. When the time calls upon them to reafon, they be- gin to rail. Their profefTion is that of invec- L z tive 5 ( 76 ) ( tlvci and in.ve^live has been their principal mediiini for working on the minds of their countrymen, for the laft three years. They adt vvkh the unfleadincfs and vehemence of pafiion ; and, if they produce a falutary -eifcd:, it will be by the lame icind of accident, as the painter, who produced upon his canvas the appearance he v^iflied, by throwing his bruili at it from the impulfe of impatience and defpair. Such are the miniflers to whom the affairs of a great country are confided ; and fuch is the fhaiiow pohcy, mifnamed exquifite an4 profound, by which the interefts of mankind have been managed, in too many inflances, in all ages of the world. There is a curious fadl relative to this fub-» jed, which defcrves to be ilated, and upon "VV'hicIi the reader will nvake his own reflec- tions. From the beginning of the prefent reign, there have been two parties conilantly conctrned in the governnienl of this country j certain individuals in habits of perfonal inti- niacy with the king ; and his oitenfible ad- vifcrs. Betvyeen tlijtfe two parties it has been nec.eilary that there (hould be a conftant fpirit gf compromife ^ the king's minifters would PQt 1 I .» , ( 77 ) not confent to be the nominal condudors of affairs, without having an occafional voice ia the meafures ihty undertook to recommend and to vindicate. This compromife has been A matter of increafmg difficulty and delicacy, during that part of the king's reign which is now elapfing. In earlier periods, it was thought proper for him to maintain a certain fort of indifference for his miniflers, and, if a prcfent fet were not found fufficiently com- plying, to have recourfe to others. During the adminiftration of Mr. Pitt, he has fcarcely at any time had the choice of fuch an aher-» native. Of confequence, the commerce has been carried on upon more equitable terms. As the miniiler has often zcaioufly exerted himfelf to perfuade parliament into the :^iop- tion of meafures which he perfonaliy difap- proved, fo the king has been obliged repeat- edly to make a fimilar conceffion. Thus two men, one of whom at leafc is fuppofed to en- tertain a mortal antipathy to the other, have found the fepret of going on very amicably together. In the inftance to which this pam- phlet relates, it h^s it feems been the king'3 jurq to concede. His moft intimate and con--- |^dcnt;ial ailvifers have been hoftik to the pre^ lent fent meafure. They liavc conceived that it tended to create danger, where it proielled to comriumicate fecurlty. Thus niinifters have, with a conl'irtency and candour fufficiently meiKorablc*, brought in a bill; the entire and exclulive pnrpofe of whicl) is to fecure them- felves in their places, under the title of An AB for the Jafety and prefcrvation of bis tna-^ jcfiy's per/on and government, (J^ainfi treafon- able and Cediiious praBices and attempts, Mr. Pitt ftands upon fo high ground in the ca- binet upon the prefent occafion, that it was not thought fafe, on the part of the king's friends, to refufe their acquiefcence to the bills. Lord Thurlow alone has difplayed a fort of ambiguous oppofition, juft fulHcient to (liew, that he did not confider the prefent nieafurcs as by any means entitled to his ap- probation. An idea will inevitably fuggefl: itfelf in this place to one clafs of readers. They ^viH con- fcfs, " that they are not very folicitous., as to ** Vv'hether the bills of lord Grenville and ** Mr. Pitt be fomewhat ilrongjr than the ** occafion demanded. They are not abfo- ** lutcly determined againfl all ideas of li-i ** berty; but they conceive that, in the pre- ** fent ( 79 ) C( <( i< i'( €6 €t ft €C '* Tent times at lead, liberty muft: be viewed as a fubordinate coniideration. A grand ifTue is now depending, between the ftrengthening the powers of government, ** and extending what is called, our liberties ; and they prefer without hefitation an eftab- lifhed defpotifm to the apprehcnfions of anarchy. The only queftion about which they are felicitous, is. Will thefe bills, granting that they are faperfluoufly ftrong, " anfwer their oftenfible purpofe, keep out ** innovation, and perpetuate the domeilic ** peace of Great Britain ^" This is a queftion to which we cannot turn without fome degree of pain ; but it is necef- fary that it fhould be examined. The fol- lowing reafons induce us to think, that the bills will not anfwer their ofteniible purpofe. The human fpecies, as has already been obferved, is arrived, in a certain fcnfe, at years of maturity. It can no longer be treated with the rigours of infantine difcipline, nor can it be moulded into every form that its governors (hall plcafe to prefcribe. The materials have already aifumed a decided charadler, and go- vernment has nothing left but to make the befl of thefe materials. Cardinal Wolfey faid ■pMmpi J. r H ^ ,f ,, ■ < feicf -n tfie reigri of king Henry the Eicihtn, /peaking of the papal fupefftition, **^ If we do •* not deftfoy thie prefs, the prcfs will deftrojr •^ us,** It will be doubted by a careful rea- fciier. Whether cardinal V/olfey fpoke in time, and whether the daring projc6l at which he hinted could, even then, have been execut e But it cannot now be executed. The prefs is •• a ftone againft which vs^hofoever ftumbles, ** (hall be broken -, but whofoever (hall pull it '* upon his own htad,'fhall be crufhed in " pieces.** , ' No infatuation can he more extraordinary than that which at prefenr prevails among the alarmed adverfaries of reform. Reform muft come. It is a refiftlefs tide ; and, if we endeavour to keep it out too long, it will overwhelm us. You are friends to the peace and tranquillity of human fociety. So is every reafonable and confcicntious man that lives. But, take heed left your miftaken friendfliip flionld produce the effeds of hatred* In order to maintain the peace and tran- quillity of Ibciety, it is neceflary to temporize. We muft both accommodate ourfelves to the empire of old prejudices, and to the ftrong and decifive influx of new opinions. We muft ". , >•: gg^_|gg|y|j||_|^ ■te^ ■■■liliMiMiii !Kiv, ;■':', ( 8. ) muft look far before us. To promote greatly our own interest, we must think a little of the interest of posterity. We must not fpend the whole capital of our estate, in the first year that we come into poiTeffion. If we would preferve in the community any reverence for authority, we must exercife it over them with frugality. We must not ftretch the Itrings of our instrument fo far, as to put them in instant danger to fnap. The London Correfponding Society has been thoughtlefsly purfuing a condu6t, which was calculated fooner or later to bring on fcenes of confufion. They have been to blame. But it is fcarcely poffible for a fe- rious enquirer to pronounce, that the king's ministers^ and the opulent and titled alarm- ists, are not much more to blame. Thefe were men who, by their ^ ion and in- fluence in the country, were peculiarly bound to hold the balance even, and confult for the interests of the whole. But, they have been the first to violate the general compadt. They have thrown down the gauntlet. They have had recourfe to every kind of irritation. They have laid afide the robes and infignia of authority ; and leaped, like a common M wrestler. \ .L^lijfifcjfiki'' '.■'■'^^i^jj(i£ ( 8s ) wrestler, upon the stage. They have been loudest in increafuig the broil; they have urged on the animofity of the combatants j and they have called for blood. Neither the prefent times nor posterity will forget the trials for high treafon last year at the Old Bailey ; a meafure which, for preci- pitation, folly, and an unfcrupulous and fanguinary fpirit, has never been exceeded, This was one of the early meafurcs, by which government confpicuoufly forced the moderate and the neutral, to take their ftation in the ranks of the enemy. But the prefent bills will have still more strongly, and, if they pafs into a law, much more permanently, the fame efFed. What is it that we are called upon to part with, and what to admit, that we may enter into a treaty, offenfive and defcnfive, with the prefent ministers ? We must part with the Bill of Rights, with the liberty of the prefs, and the liberty of fpeech. We must place ourfelves in the fituatirjn, which is delcribed in the preamble of the A6t, i Henry 1\ , when, *♦ no man could know *' how he ought to behave himfclf, to do, ♦* ff)eak or fjiy, for doubt of the pains of *Mreafon.'' \ I ' C «3 ) , Treafon." We must admit a national mi- litia of fpies and informers. This is a price that fcarcely any man will be content to pay. If it be paid for want of rcfledion at first, men will full furely awake ; they will loudly reclaim their birth right ; and the in- dignation they will conceive at having been thus overreached, will probably produce a convulfion. The prefent bills force men into the extremest state of hostility ; they leave no opening for treaty ; they offer no compromile ; they inculcate an obstinate and imprafticable temper upon both parties. At a time when conciliation is most necef- fary, they most deeply infpire into us lenti- ments of animofity* The nature of Mr. Pitt's bill defcrves particularly to be recolle(!iled in this place. It abrogates the fundamental provifion of the Bill of Rights. When the Bill of Rights authorized men to confult refpeding griev- ances, and u> demand redrefs, it is not pro- bable that its authors were unaware of the danger attendant upon crowded affemblings of the people. But they rcafoned upon the nature of the cafe, and they thought the legal permiflion of thefe aflcmblies, under M 2 certain k ( 84 ) Certain conditions, the leaft evil. Thery knew that, when the people thought them- lelves aggrieved, they muft be redrefled. They knew that difcontent was one of the moft undelirable ftates of the public mind. They knew that difcontent, when (hut up, grew Wronger and more menacing ; and they conceived that it was true political wifdom to provide it a channel by which to exprefs itfelf, Mr. Pitt is determined that there ihall be no difcontent. At leaft he is deter- mined, that difcontent fhall not declare itfelf, and that no clamours (liall be heard. He muts up every avenue, of open confult- iiig, of political publications, and of private converfation. Minifters will be found per- haps, to be fufficiently ignorant at prefent of the ftate of the public mind. It is one of the great problems of political govern-^ ment to be adequately acquainted with it. The moft fatal efFe6ls have always followed from this ignorance. The American war was begun, from a perfuafion that the ma- jority of the people were loyalifts : and the. prei'ent war would probably never have been undertaken, if the Englifli govern- mwiU had not believed, that the great mais • . ^ of \ ( 85 ) of this inhabitants of France were concealed adherents of the dethroned fovcreign. The prcfent bills are calculated to fwell this fpecies of ignorance to its greateft dimenfions. Mr. Pitt is determined that we fhall not hear the tempeft, till it burft upon us in a hurri- cane, and level every thing with the duft. Having, in this inftance, affigned rtafons why thofe perfons, who are under no appre- henfions from the extenfion of authority ought yet to difapprove of the pr efent bills, we will conclude, in conformity to the mo- derate and conciliating fpirit with refpedl to the two oppofite political fyftems, that we hope has pervaded thefe flieets, with offer- ing a few confiderations to perfuade thole perfons who are enthufiaftic advocates for the extenfion of liberty, that they ought not to conceive too vehement an animofity, and to be pofleired with too profound a dcfpair, if thefe bills fhould^ ultimately pafs into law. The enthuiiaflic advocates for liberty are too apt to exclaim upon every new encroach- ment, " This is the laft degree of hostility ; " every thing depends upon our prefent fuccefs; «' if wemifcarrynow, the triumph of defpotifm ** is final, and there is no longer any hope that " remains I " remams to U8." The precifcly oppoiite of this is the tme inference in the prcfent inftance. Thefe bills arc an unwilling ho-* mage, that the too eager advocates of authority pay to the rifing genius of freedom* Why will you always fliut your eyes upon the real nature of your fituation ? Why will you believe, while every thing is aufpicious, that every thing is defperate ? If you can- not fee how deeply more liberal principles of freedom have flruck their root into the foil of Britain, how widely they have dif- fufed theml'elves, and how faft they are ripening for the purpofes of reform, you have here the testimony of your enemies to convince you. You are mistaken: the prefent effort of intemperate alarm, is not the a6t of of prefumptuous confidence ; it is dictated by a fentiment of dejedtion and defpair. Be tranquil. Indulge in the most flattering profpedts. Be firm, be a6live, be temperate. If alarmifts are refolved no lon- ger to keep any terms with you, you then^ in all just coniideration, fucceed to the double office, of the advocates of reform, and the moderators of contending tod unruJy animdities. ';?!.■ y / THE END. * .^., ■ir t '• .. (_i-. iti r ' ♦' ••n, ■A ■i.* ., >• .«»•• i »" * • I k .'\- ' t * -':,«■ ^^ ^ ■ .. »i^ ^ f-'--f^ 'i*^' '^. "^r: * >