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Lorsque Ie document est trop grand pour Atre reproduit en un seul clichA, 11 est filmA A partir de i'angle supArleur gauche, de gauche A droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant Ie nombre d'images nAcessalre. Les diagrammes suivsnts illustrent la mAthode. >y errata ed to nt na pelure, i9on A 1 2 3 32X 1 2 3 4 5 6 • • •; ', ' ^ 't' ' . , ^JV*- •y*,wi-,-.i /././,-/,/ ^<- ///,/,.,, >*v// /-^ r W^^^j^t'/V/''/^" * i { , ; •<» .• • • • ; • . • • • • • I • I » THE . C^'^TMAL RACES OJ. Ill A. \i ERICA; Pil SKKTfllES OF KMINENT INDlVIDUAfS. AH" Ifil' - ACW»' \T Hi? THK DIFFERKN'T "liTBE.^, rsox ;iE : iSf,' »i:iiv or Tin-: contin'fvt Tif' rsr.NT pEiiioD H.. ■ 'in . V Tar.lR , Ihrigin, ..:.iiqui!itf m^ CusiomH, ! T ' > i> 1 '. IATIVE8 AND ANECDOTE^', C « I' 5 U .; A N A L Y 1 1 C A L I N D F, X '^>r - \ MITEL G. .ldi.\KE. Plf^TfefNTH EDJTJON, '»SKI>, WITH TAH:a»:.JI ABDII!'''^?, BY J. W. O'NEILL. 5flj? into £ -^•^•rium3 (ilDlarcb Sictl-plati (gngmings. I ^-ww un; »}', Ilk* tb* April (unv )■> 4»* wimr< noon -^^^ |1^ri^k t»iiy; .V.IU Jlt> E s T I , V r I? i'lLBKT. i8DU. 'T'iifctP "a-T!;",, w 272./ THE ABORIGINAL RACES NORTH AMERIPA; CONPRISIHO BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF EMINENT INDIVIDUALS. AHD AN HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF THE DIFFERENT TRIBES, raoif THE FIRST DISCOVERY OF THE CONTINENT to THE PRESENT PERIOD WIT^ A DI88BBTATI0I( ON TBBIR (Drigin, IntiqultieH, Manners nnb Cnstoms, ILLUSTRATIVE NARRATIVES AND ANECDOTES, AMD A . COPIOUS ANALYTICAL INDEX BY SAMUEL G. DRAKE. FIFTEENTH EDITION, RKTISKD, WITH TALOABLl ADDITIONS, BY J. W. O'NEILL. « fllnstraUlr toit|f pmerous d^olorelr J^ttel-]|laU ^ngnbings. They wute ui; ky, like tbe April mow In Um wum noon «• ihrink away; And ftMt they follow u we (o Toward the letting day; Till tbey ihkll Bll the land, and w« Are drlTan Into the wMtem aaa. — BKTim. PHILADELPHIA: CHARLES r>ESILVER. No. T14 CHK8TNUT STREET. 1860. %■ \ Kntered, kooording to the Act of CoDgrem, In the year 1859, by CHARLES D88ILVER, _tn the Clerk's Office of the Dlntriei. Court of the United States for the Eastern DiKlrlct of PennsylTania. I PRINTED BY SMITH A PETKRS, Franklin ButlUings, Sixth Strt, Iwlow Arch. Philadelphia. PREFACE. TuE history of the aboriginal races of the American Continent is an interesting study, not only to the people of this Unit>n, but also to those of other lands, who regard then as the congeners of the nomadic hordes, which in times long past swarmed over the plains of now civilized Europe. In many respecis there is a very close resemblance between the characters and final fate of all the primitive tribes and nations of the wo.ld — their mode of government, habits, customs, &c., being somewhat similar — and their recession before the onward march of civilization, as well as their final absorption or disappearance, following an inexorable natural law, which decrees the submission of the animul to intellectual development. From the study of past events alone can an opinion be formed of the causes which gave origin to them, and for this reason should every American citizen, who desiro^ to understand the true history of his country, peruse with attention the records of the former owners of that soil, which ere long will no more give sustenance to any of their descendants. No ordinary task is it for the faithful chronicler to trace the history of a people who have no written annals, and no written language; whose only records are of a pictographic character ; and whose traditions are so vague and unconnected as to be very unreliable. Such are the difficulties he has to encounter anterior to the discovery of America by Columbus ; and even subsequent to that period, owing to the unsettled condition of the country until within the last half century, years of research and comparison are rendered necessary in order to reconcile conflicting statements, and unravel the tangled web of confused narra- tives. Believing, however, that the end to be attained, — ^that of giving to the world a reliable history of the Indians of the North American 4 PREFACE. Continent — was one which jiutified the author in making any sacrifice of time and labor in ita accomplishment, he, for many years, toiled unremittingly to accomplish this purpose; sparing neither trouble nor expense in the collection of facta and their sectional arrangement. Whether he has succeeded in accordance with his hopes he does not pretend to say; leaving to the judgment of the intelligent reader the decision of the question, after a thorough and attentive perusal of the work. The Indian has been traced through all his misfortunes, wanderings, and forced transmigrations, to his present home on the western shores of the Mississippi, where there is every prospect of his speedy absorp- tion in the Anglo-Saxon current wiiich is so steadily flowing toward the setting sun ; and the last remnant of the race will soon in spirit, if not in words, echo the language of a poetic writer, who thus portrays the sole survivor as apostrophizing the Deity : '* Where is my home — my forest home ? the proud land of my sires T Where stands the wigwam of my pride ? where gleam the council fires T Where are my fathers' hallowed graves? my friends so light and free? Gone, gone, — forever from my view I Great Spirit I can it be ? " CONTENTS. An Alphabetioal Enumbsatioic op THE Indian Tuibbs and Nations, 9 BOOK I. Orioin, Antiquities, Hannbbs and Customs, &o., op tub Ambbican In'- DIANS. Chi r. I . Orifin of Uie ntiM TndiBn— Why applied to the people found in America — AneieDt authora ■uppoeed to katre refoired to America in their writinjf—Theopompu*— Voyage ofHanno— Oi- odorui Sirulue— Plato— Arittotle—Sctieca, .19 Chaf. II. Modero tiieoriati upon the lirat peo- pling of Amorica, 39 CHir. III. Anecdote! and Narrativea, illuatra- tire of the Manner*, Cuiloim, Tradition!, and Anliaiiitiei of the Indiana, 34 Chaf, IV. American antiquitiea.— Few Indian antiquilie*— Of mounda and their content*— Account of tliiwe in Cincinnati — In the Miami eountnr — Wurki au|i|M)*od to have been built for detedition to Nantucket— E>enta of 1671— Begina the war of ICTS-Pinl ana of hoetllity— Fighta the Engliah under MoeeW— —The great Fight at Narragan*«t— Fliea hia country— Viaiia the Mehawk*— IH-deviwHl •''•tH"'n~B»enta of I67t>-la banted by Ca^ lain Church— Akkom|>oin — Ills wife and aao fall hilo the haiida of t'hurch— Fliea to Po- kanoket— la aurprised and alain— Bpecimrn of the Wampanoag Lr ngiinge, Ijfj Chap. III. Livaa or PniLip'a cHixr C»r- T*iwa — Nanuntenoo— Reason* for hi* aidiag Philip — ^^Hia former name — Meet* Ihe EnglieE and Indiana under Cnplain Peirae— Fighu and deetroy* hi* whole cumimny at Paw tucket Surprieod and taken— Ilia magnanimity— Speech to hi* captora— Is executed and hia hody burnt — Caasaaaii.. 'mon — Catiip,izet— .Mono, poide — Annawou i* put to death — Uuinoapin — Hia '.'onnection* oml mariioge — At the cap- ture of Lnncnster — Account uf hi* wivr*^ Wotamoo — lie i* taken and shot — Tuspequtn Hi* operation* in Philip's war — .''urrendrrs himself, and i* put to death — Tatwon — Captnrea a garriaon in Plimoutb— Tyaska— Other chief* and inr idonts, a30 Chap, IV. Chief women eonspicuou* in Pbilin'a war — Mognu* — Her country and rrlatiun* H«r capture and death — Awaahenks — Her men dio- armed — Philip endeavor* to engage herngriiiui the Engliah— la finally in the power ui' Philip- Reclaimed by Church— Some particular* of tmt fan li I V , 31^ Ohap, V. A nirtber account of chief* ron*piru- ou* in Philip's war— Pumham— Taken aud *laia — Hi* »on Quaqualh — Chickon— Hocononoro— Potock— Complaint again*! Wilaihow— Uebver* himaelf up— Put to death— Stone-wall-Jobo— A great captain — Hia men greatly annoy jha Engliah army in Narraganaet— Kilb *evrral of them — They burn a gnrriinn, and kill fit\ecn E Orson* — A traffic in Indian prisoners The urniiig of Rehoboth and Providence — John'* discourse with Knser William* — I* killed Sagamore John — Fnle of Matooiia* — Put to death on Boaton Common — His aon hanged for murder — Monoco — David — Andrew — Jumea- the-printer — Old Jelbero — Sely destroy* his village — Imprisoned for debt — Fa- vor* Cfhristianity — A speech — Webannwnowit, ■iichem of New Hampshire — Rohinhnoil— ||i« lalea of liind in Maine — Mniiqnini' — Kenncliis — 'Assiminusqua— Aldiiguda-iset — Their residin- ce* und aalea of Ino'J — Melancholy fate of Chocorua, 377 Chap. VIII, Squando aacliem of Saco^Atlack* C0NTEKT8. Ih* t jwn of 8«eo— Slnnhr >ecoaal of bim hy a lonlempocaijr— Tbr ill Itculnwnt of liU wife • c*u*e orwai— liif humaiiitjr in iritiirinf • cap- tive — HatliikawaiMto— CauM* or hia hwlilily — AiaiiniiMa<|U»— Hia aptwcb — B|M«ch of Tariim- kin — Mugg — la carriad la Boaloa to aiecuta a Irealjr — la Mailokawamto'a ambaaaador— Re- laaae oTTbaoMaCubbot- Madoluwaada'a kiiid- nu'a to pria<»e»— Mmua altacba Wclla ami ia beaten orT— Atlaakad tli« neit jraaf bjr ttia In- diana under Madokawando and a oompany of Frenchmen — Ar« rapulaad witb |raat loaa— lii- eidenu uf Iha aiago— Muoa. Caaliana— A further •ccouot of Moiua — Wanangooet — Aaaa c a m buit — Further account of Mugg— Hia death — Hy- mon, Andrew, JeoflTiey, Peter, aod Joaepb — Ac- count of their depredaliofw— Life of Kankama- |iia— Treated with neglect— Fliea bin country— Becomea an enemy— Suipriae of Dover anil murder of Major Waldron— Maaandowet— Wo- ronibo— Hia liict captured by Cburcb — Kankani- a— MegwuMway, . . . .9Bfi Chat. IX. BooiaiceD— Treachery of tiM whitea towarda hin>— la impriaooed at Boaten— AaToa the life of a female captive — Captnrea Baca— la killed— Anuhawikwabeml— Hie capture and death — Egeremel— tfeisad at Pemmaquid— Bar- baroualy murdered — Treachery of Chubb — Ita requiut— Captain Ton — tiurpriaea Hampton — Deny- Hia furt captured by Coloael Church — ETentaufChurcb'a expedition -Captain Simmo — TreaU with the Engliah atCaaco— Hiaapeech —Wattanummon— Captain Samuel— Hia fi«kt at Damarie Cove— Hegan— One of the -«jne bar- buroualy dealroyed by Iha whitea— Itogg— Weelbrook boma Nerigwok— Some account of the Jeauit Raale— Moultoo'a expedition to I'Ter- igwuk— Deiith of Mogg— Death of Father Ravle —Notice of MoultoD— Cbarlevoix'a account ol tliia aflair — Paugua — Bounty offered for Indian icalpa— CapUin John Lnvewell'e firat expedi- tion— Hia aecond hunt for Indiana— Falla in with Paugua — FighU him and ia clain — Incidenta — Song* com|MMed on the event, 903 Jhap. X. The 8t. Francia Indiana— Rogera'a ex- pedition againat them — Philip— Sabatia — Ar- Dold'a expedition — Natania — Tlie modem Pe- nobacota — Aitteon — Nrptune — Capt. Francia — Suaup murdera an Englialiman — Specimen of the Ponobacot languiige— Kowlea— Hi* prophecy- Blind Will— Killed by the Uohawka— Aaaacam- buit— ViaiU Franco and ia knighted b* the king — AtUcka and bum* Haverhill — Hia d«ath,.3l6 Cmaf. XI. Deatmciion of UeerfieM, and captiv- ity of Reverend John Williama and familytin 1704, 3» CHAr. XII. Varioua locidenU io the hiatory of the New England Indiana, embracing aeveral imporunt eventa, with a awjuel to aome pre- viou* memoir*, • .....396 — • BOOK IV. BlOOKAPHT AND HiSTORT OF THE SouTHERir Indians. Chat. 1. Preliminarr abacrvation* reapectiog the country of the »outhem Indian* — Win^ ina, the firat Virginia chief known to the Engliah — De- ■troya the fir«t colony aettled the s^Menatonon Skiko— Eosenore — Second colony abandon* the country — I'ubacco 6rat carried to Enj^laiid — Granganemeo— Hi* kindneaaea— Hia family- Hi* death — Powhatan— BouiidHrie* of hi* coun- try— Surpriaea the PavankaUnka — Captain Smith ficbta hi* people— Opekankanongh Ukea Smith priaonar— Takea him to Powhatan, who condemna him to be put to death — Smith'* life •aved at the intetceaaion of Pocahontaa— Inao- lence of Powhatan increaaed by Newport'* folly —Smith bring* bim to term* — A crown *ent over to Powhatan from Englanfl — 1* crowned em- perur — Speech— (J*e( atratagcm* to kill Smith — Ii baided in every attempt— Smith viait* bim -l>pe«cbe* — Poeahonia* again *ave* Smith and Ml romradp* from being murdeied by lier father — Tomocomn, .343 Chap. II. Kellcrtinn uiwn the chnrarlerof Piiw. hataiv— Pncuhontaa— She aingulurly cnleitaiii* Captain Smith— Diaaeter of a boat'* crew — Smith'a attempt to * at Graveaend — Her *on — Opekankanuugh — Made priioner by Smith — I* *el at libartv — Conduct* the mo»> aacre of l69!^PIoli tna extirpation of tha Eiuliili — Conduct* the horrid mi***rre of IM4 — U taken prlaooer— Hi* conduct tnon the oc- raaion — Baibarou*ly wounded by tne guard — I.apt apeeeh, and magnanimity in death — Re- fleet Ion* — Ntckotawanee — Totopotomoi — Join* the Engli*h Bgalnit the Rechahecrlani — I* ile« feated and*laln, 3AS Chap. III. Of the Creek Indian*— Mu*ko|eea — Prohibit tha nie of ardent ipirit* — Their ii*a *nd importance — Their origin — Cntawhtia — Chika«au»— Cherokcea — A mode of flattening their heada — Complexion lighter than other Indian* — Seminulea — Ruin* at Onkmiilnee Field*— Expedition of Soto— Ha kill* 9U0O In- dian* — Lnudonniere — Oourgea' expedition — Grijalva — Moytoy made emperor of the Cher- jkee^'— Sir Alexander Cumming— Hi* travel! among the Cherokee* — Seven chiefa accompany him (o England— Attakullakulla — Skijaguatah — Hiaapsech Io the king— hi* death, 363 Chap. IV. Snitlement of Carolina and Georgia — Tom.iebichi receiver the Engliah — Goe* to F%!and with General Oclelhorpe^Make* a apeeeh to the king — Hi* i^atli— War with tha Spaniard*— Outacitie — Malachty — Attakulla- kulla — Indian* murdered — Attakullakulla pre- vent* retaliation upon white* in hi* power- Cherokee war begin* — Governor Littleton'* expedition — Impri*oni their Amba**ador* — They are m8**aered — Colonel Montgomery lent again*t them — Battle near Keowee — Chero- kee* tuke Fort London — Siloue— Save* the lifn of Colonel Byrd— Colonel Grant eubduc* the Cherokee*, and they make peace with tha Whitea— Chlucco, 369 Chap. V. Moncachtape, the Yaxoo— Narrative of hi* adventure* to tlia Paciflc Ocean — Grand aim, chief of the Natches — Receive* great in- ju*tice from the French — Concert* their de- *truction — 700 French are cut oif— War with them— The Natchex deatroyed in their torn — Great-Mortar — H'Gillivray — Hi* birth and edu- cation^ Viait* New York — Trouble* of hi* na- tion— Hi* death— Tame-king— Mad-dog, ...380 Chap. VI. Wcatberford — Hi* character aud country — The coroer-atoneof theCieek confed- eracy — Favor* the deaign* of Tecumaeh — Cap- ture* Furt Himm* — Dreadful ma**acre— Sub- jection of the Creak* — Weatherfuid aurrender* himeelt- Hi* *peeche>— M'lnto*h— Aid* tha Americuni— Battle of Auto**ee— Great *laugli- ter of the Indian* — Battle of the Horae-aboe- bend--Late trouble* in the Creek nation^ H'Intoah make* illegal lale of land* — Exe- cuted for breaking the law* of hi* country — Menaw way — Tu*tenugge — Hawkini —Chilly M'lntoeh, *on of William— Marriage of hi* aii- ter— Lovett, 388 Chap. VII, Creek war continued — View of the Creek country — QaDeral Jackaon ordered out againat them— Relieve* Ohinnaby— Shelokta— Path-killer— Capture of Littafutche— The Tal- luabatche* de*troyed by General Cofffe— Battle of Talladega — Anecdote — Maaaacre of the Hallibee* — Further account of Autuaaee battle — Buttle of Camp Defiance — Tinipoochia — Battle of Eckanakaka — Pu*hamata — Weatli- erford — Jim Fife — Battle of Emukfuu — A *ec ond battle— Fife'* intrepidity — Battle of Enoto- chopko— Toliopoka— End of the Creek war— CONTENTS. Oatlh oribra* frophoti— Monohoe— M'Qamn — ut in ironi — Paifnt a tubmittion, and it re- aatad — Exaculai an agreeineni to comply wirh tha damandt of tha whilat — Tba pbyiieal con- dition of lbf> Indiana, 410 Oh*p. IX. The Indiiint prepare for war — Aflhir of lloftown — A mail carrier killed — Salct of the Indiana' naltia and honet adveriiaed by tlia Indian afnnt, but nona ukei place^Buminp and murdera are eommiltad--8altlemenl at New Hirer detlroyed — Remarkable preierva- tion of a Mr. Oodfray't iamily — Colunol War- ren't dereat— Swamp B(ht — Doalruotion of New Smyrna — Dereat and denth of Major Dade, with tha dettruction of nearly bit whole party — Viiit to b t battle-fround, 4M Chap. X. Uf tha piincipal chlera and war lead- art of the Semmolet — Otceola — Micanopy — Jumper— Mniiaere of General Thompton and othera at Fort King— Battle of the Ouithlo- aooehee — Fight near Watumka — Oreat dittreaa of the country — Action of Congreaa upon it — Battle at Muaquito— Many Craekt join the Baminolea — Fight on the Suanee River,..,. 430 Ohap. XI. Congreta maket an appropriation for carrying on the war — Romarkt in the Senate of the United Statei on the war with tba Semi- nolea — Debate In the Houae of Repreienlatire* on tha bill for the relief of the inbabitanta of Florida — Attack on tome Creekt at Bryant't Ferry — General Oainea'a campaign in Florida — Fighta the Indiana on the Ouithlecooobee — Hit conference with Oaeeola — Reaigiu hia com- mand, and learet the country — Oaptain Alli- •on'i tkirmiah— Tha chief Ouehee Billy killed —Siege of Oamp McLomore— Oreat auiferinga of ita gnrriaon — Delivered by Captain Read— The chief Had Wolf alain 496 Ohap. XII. Creek War— Murderi and devatta- tioni begin — Eleven penont killed near Colum- bui — Hail routei in poaiettion of the Indiana — A ateamboat attacked and men killed — Chielb of the war partiet — Mail ttagea deatroyed — The town of Roanoke burnt — Colonel Lindaay'a Florida aflhir — Exeetiive diamay of the people of Gaergia — Murder of familiet— Fight on the Obattahooehie — Capture of Jim Henry and Ne- amathia — Account of the chieft — Surrender of the Indiana, 433 Ohap. XIII. HMarf tf (JU eiftriatitn uf tike Chenktu, 437 Ohap. XIV. fxpotriotieii tf tkt Ckenkttt, (•«- MaaW,. 443 Chap. XV. HUtorf tf fJU Cktnkut, uMtm- ned, 449 Chap. XVI. flutory of Uu Cketvkiu, caiulud- *d, 454 Chap. XVII. The Seminole war returned — Further account of the eauaei of the war — Nu- mcront caiei of |rro«a impoaltion — Bnd conduct of government offii-cra — A new tronty of remo- val urged— A deputition viajta the weat — Their report — Another treaty — Spoechea ot the ehleft — Eiaminatlon of the policy of tna government relative tn a removal of the Indians — Character of bordercrt — Review of the manner treatioa of •ale wore procured — The praaident angry at the I jnicaaaauRwe,. • •••• ••• .v>4 XVIIL OvritMgltstMmli^lktwmm laa* «/<*• »Mr lUSft— Review of earljr diO- c»— The Hoglown murder- The inault to Indiana' pfeaamptlM— Barhaiam treataeat of three Miekaiauktee, 4«il Chap. XVIIL eullle»— The liafloii Oaoaula— Micaaopy— King Payne— General Cliiiob't expedition— Gen. Seott allaokad— Mattaert at Cbarlolta Harbor— Fort Mieanop* betiegod — Dvatli of oflcert— Ligbtbouta allkfr -Battle of Welika— Creekt and Cheroke* affair*— Indiana aurpriaao — Murder*— Battle of Ban Felatoo— Cot. Lana'i expeditino— Hia melanaboljr deatli — Gov. Call in eomnaad - Battlea of the Wahoo Swamp— Geo. Jaaup teaumee oommaod— Ula eipeditioa to the Wa- boo, 470 Ohap. XIX. JCmX* ^ lh$ tmr tmring Uu wmt 1837— Expedition to Ahapopka— Otuebe* killed ^eiup parleya wilb the ehiefa— Col. Header* •on'a axpadition— Battle of I.aka Monroe- Treaty of F»rt Dade — Unobe«rve tura of King Philip— Surpriae of the Uchee*— Surrender of obiafa — Mediation of Roe*— Cap. lure of Oaeeola and othera — View ofihe aflair —Wild Cat'* eaoape— Battle of Okechoboe, 177 Ohap. XX. timtradng tkt ntuU ^ 1838 and 1839— Battle of Wacaaa Swamp— Defeat of Lieut. Powell — Battle of Lueha ilatcha— Gen. Jeaup wounded— Death of Oaeeola — Ilia char* aoter — Gen. Jeaup deairea to give up the war, and allow the Indian* lo live in Florida— Not allowed by the government— Ilia talk with Toa- kegee— Indian* *eised at Fort Jupiter— Gen. Je«up leave* Florida — Death of Philip and Jumper — Capt. Elli*'* exploit — Indian* auipriaa Capt. Beall — Familiee murdered — Crew* of ve**el* murdered — Death of Muabalatubee^ Camp Furbea attacked — Numerou* murder*— Capt. Ruaaell and Mai. Noel killed— Capt. Rowell defeated^43en. Macomb lake* command In Florida — Endetvora to make a treaty — Lieut. Huliiert killed — Reward for Indiana — Maaaacra •t Colooabatcbie^Indiana aorpriaed al Fort Mellon — Murder* on the Wacolla — Blood- hound* to be employed agaioat the Scminolea — Depredatlona continue, 484 Ohap. XXI. £e(Nl* ^ O* pmr 1840— A train of wagon* taken — Lieut. Whedan killed— Dog exploit*— 'Familie* deetroyed^Oefent of Capt. Raina— Lieut. Banderaon'* defeat — l^ol. Riley'* exploit — Col. Green'*— Col. Harney 'a — A com- pany of player* attacked — Cow Creek akirmitb —Indian Kay deatroyed — Lieut. Arthur'a ex- ploit—Eleven familie* deatroyed — Cnpl. Beall'a nght — Lieut. Haiuon'a battle— Indian bnnged— Ficlfieation attempted Ihreogb a deputalioa of Seminole* from Arkanaae— It fail»— Whilea taken in aiding Indiana— Wild Oaf* *xplai^— Sad accident— Lieut. Judd ambuahed — Fort Hanaon burnt — Col, Harney'* voyage to tba Everglade* — Hann nine Indiana — The chief Chiakika killed— Fort Walker attacked— Capt. Davidaon diea — liieut. Sherwood'a ambuih, and death of Mr*. Montgomery, <91 BOOK T. BlOORAPHT AND HiBTORT OF THB ImO- QU0I8 OB Five Nations, and othbb MEIQUBOBINO TRIBES OF THB WEST. Ohap. I. Particular* in the hiatory of the Iro. qooia or Five Nation* — Extent of their domin- iont — Antlqultiea and Iradltiona — Deatroy tha Eriea — Wur with the Adirondaka — Speeimea of Ihpjr language — Account of the chief*— Grangula — Bluck-kettle — Hia bloody wara with the French — Adario— Hia aingular ttratagem to unite hia countrymen againat the Frcncb^De* atroya Montreal and near a tliouannd inbabitanta — Die* in peace with the French — Doknniaora a renowned orator — Feiakatot — The niiraculuua coinrEins. ■torlei eoncerninc him— Hiitory of the Jonrncj of 6vs Iioquoia cniafk to England, 499 Chav n. Tunany, a Cunooa aneient Delawara — Hii hbtorjr— ShikclI'mua— FaTora t>ie Mora- vian Brethren — Hii reeeptioB of Count Ziiiain- dorF— Hii death— Cnnaaaatejro—ViiiU Phila- delphia — Hit apeech to the Delawarea — Anec- dotet of hiin— Glikhikan— Hia apee h to Half- king — Hii BttAchnient to the Chriitiao Indiana — Meeta with much trouble fVom Captain Pipe — Conduct of UalMIng— or Pipe— Glikhikan per- iihei in the maaaacre at Onadenhuetten — Pa- kankfr -His hiiutry — NetawattTeea — Bucomei a Chr'.dtian— Hii ipeeeh to Pakanke — His doatli — raxnoui — Tadeiukund— Hia history and daath —White-eyes — Hia transactions with the niia- aiouariei— ^kenando— His eelebraied speech — Carious anecdote of him— Hia death, -"^IS Chaf, IH. Waahincton's embassy to the French OH the Ohio — Battle near Ureat Meadows, and death of Jumonville — Chiefs met with by Washington — ijhingis — Monacatoocha — Half- king — Juskukaka — White-thunder — Alliquipa — Capt. Jacobs — Hendrick — His history — Cu- rious anecdote of Logan — Cresan's war — Bat- tle of Point PInasant — Logiin's famous speech — -Cornelttlfc — His history— Red-hawk — Ellinip- aico — Tlie barbarous murder of these three — Melancholy death of Logan — Pontiuo — A re- nowned warrior — Colonel Roger's account of him — Hisfralicy — Fall of Michilir.iakin»k — Me- nehwelina — Siege of Detroit — Pontic's strata- gem to surprise it — la discovered — Official ac- count of the afluir at Bloo.'y Bridge — Pontiao abauilons the siege — Becomes the friend of the Engliflh — Is assassinated, 530 Chap. IV. Cnpt. Pipe — Situation of affairs on the frontiers at the period of the revolution- Bad condition of the Moravian Indiana at this period— Half-king engages to take them to Cau- ada — His speech to them — They remonstrate — Hnlf-king Inclines not to molest them, but Capt. Pipe's cour.scl prevails, and thejr are aeized — Pipe's ec'iduct thereupon — Missionaries taken to Detroit and examined — Pipe goes to accuse tliem — Changea hia conduct towards them, and they are acquitted — Remarkable deliverance — Captain White-eyes opposes the conduct of Pipe — His speech to his people— Colonel Broad- head's expedition — Brutal maaaacre of a chief— Gelelemend — Buokongaholas — Reproves the murder of Major Trueman and others — In the battle of Presq'Isle— His death— His intre- pidity — Further particulars of Captain Pipe — His famous speech — Expedition and defeat of Colonel Crawford, who is burnt at the stake — Ciiiktommo — Kine-crnne — Little-turtle — De- feats General St. Clair's army — Incidents in that affair — Iners-brother — His letter to the secretary of war — Nctiea of several other Boneea chieM- -Koyingquatah, or Young-king — Juskakaka, or Little-billy^Achiout, or Half- town— Kiandogewa, or Big-tree — Gyuntwaia, or Corn-plant — Address of the three latter to President Washington — Grant of land to Big- tree — His visit tu Philadelphia, and doatii — Further account of Curn-piant — His own ac- count of himself— Interesting event* in liis life — His sons, 593 Ohap. Vil. Teeuip:oh — His great exertions to prevent th some 200 years ago, — if they then existed as a tribe, and their tradition be true, — they were bounded on the north by one of the great lakes. And they are said to be descended from the Shawanees by some of tliemselves. We know an important community of them is still in existence in Florida. Have they created a new language in the course of their wanderings ? or have those from whom they separated done so? Such are the difliculties Ave meet with at every step of a classification. But a dissertation upon these matters cannot now be attempted. In tlie following analysis, tlie names of the tribes have been generally given in the singular number, for the sake of brevity ; and the word Indhns, after such names, is omitted from the same cause. Few abbreviations have been used : — W. R., west of the Rocky Mountains ; m., miles ; r., river ; 1., lake ; and perhaps a few others. In some instances, reference is made to the body of the work, where a more extended account of a tribe is to be found. Such references ure to the Book and Page, the same as in the Index. Abekas, probably MuskoRcca, under the French at Tombeckbee in 1750. Abenakies, over Miine till 1754, then went to Canada; 200 in 1089; IW in 1780. Absoroka, (Minetore.) 8. branch Yellowstone ; li.t. 46°, ion. 105^ ; lo.OOO in 1834, AcooKESAW, W. side Colorado, about '200 m. S W. Nacogdoches, in 1805. Acomak, one of the six tribes in Virginia when settled by the Knglish in 1007. An.viZK, 4 m. from Nachitoches, on Lake Macdon ; 40 men in IBOo. AotuoNDAKS, (Algonkin,) along the N. shore St. Lawrence ; 100 in 1786. 10 INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS. Affaqoitla, small clan in 1783, on Mississippi r., 8 m. abore Point Coup^. Aaxwou, (Wampanoags,) at Sandwich, Mass. ; otliers at Ipswich, in 1620, &e. Ahwahawat, (Minetare,) S. W. Missouri 1820, 3 m. above Mandans ; 200 in 180f. Ajoubs, S. of the Missouri, and N. of the Padoucas ; 1,100 in 1760. Alansar, (Fall,) head branches S. fork Sasliashawan ; 2,600 in 1804. Aloonkin, over Canada ; from low down the St. Lawrence to Lake of the Woods. Aliatan, three tribes in 1805 among the Rocky Mountains, on heads Platte. Alichb, near Nacogdoches in 1805, then nearly extinct ; spoke Caddo. Allakaweah, (Paunch,) both sides Yellowstone, heads Big Horn r. ; 2,300 in 1805. Allibama, (Creeks,) formerly on that r., but removed to Red River in 1764. Amali'«te8, (Algonkins,) once on St. Lawrence; 500 in 1760. An A8AOUNTAKOOK, (Abenaki,) on sources Androscoggin, in Maine, till 1750. ANDA8TE8, once on 8. shore Lake Erie, 8. W. Senecas, who destroyed them in 1672. Apaches, (Lapane,) between Rio del Norte and sources of Nuaces r. ; 3,500 in 1817. Afalachicola, once on that r. in W. Florida ; removed to Red River in 1764. APFALOuaA, aboriginal in the country of their name ; but 40 men in 1805. Aquanuschioni, the name by which the Iroouois knew themselves. Abaparas, S. side main Canada River ; 4,000 in 1836, on Kanzas River. ABMOUCHiauois, or Mabachite, (Abenaki,) on River St. John, New Brunswick. ARRENAMU8E, on St. Antonio River^ near its mouth, in Texas ; 120 in 1818. A88INNABOIN, (Sioux,) between Assmn. and Missouri r. ; 1,000 on Ottawa r. in 1836. Atenas, in a village with the FacuUi in 1836, west of the Rocky Mountains. Athapascow, about the shores of the great lake of their name. Atnas, (Ojibewas,) next S. of the Athapascow, about lat. 57° N., in 1790. Attacapas, in a district of their name in Louisiana ; but 50 men in 1805. Attapuloas, (Seminoles,) on Little r., a branch of Oloklikana, 1820, and 220 souls. ATTIKAMIOUE8, in N. of Canada, destroyed by pestilence in 1670. Aucosisco, (Abenaki,) between the Saco and Androscoggin River in 1630, &e. AuoHQUAOA, on E. branch Susquehannah River ; 150 in 1768 ; since extinct. AYAUAI8, 40 leagues up the Des Moines, S. £. side ; 800 in 1805. Ayutans, 8,000 in 1820, S. W. the Missouri, near the Rocky Mountains. Bayaqoula, W. bank Mississippi, opposite the Colipasa ; important in 1699. Bedies, on Trinity River, La., about 60 m. S. of Nacogdoches ; 100 in 1805. BiG-PEviLS, (Yonktons,) 2,.500 in 1836; about the heads of Red River. Biloxi, at Biloxi, Gulf Mex., 1699 ; a few on Red r., 1804, where they had removed. Blackfeet, sources Missouri ; 30,000 in 1834 ; nearly destroyed by small-pox, 1838. Blanche, (Bearded, or White,) upper S. branches of the Missouri in 1820. Blue-muu, W., and in the vicinity of the Rocky Mountains in 1820. Bbothebton, near Oneida Lake ; composed of various tribes ; 350 in 1836. Caddo, en Red River in 1717, powerful ; on Sodo Bay in 1800 ; in 1804, 100 men. Cadodache, (Nacogdochet,) on Angelina r., 100 m. 8^3ve the Nechez ; 60 in 1820. Caiwas, or Kaiwa, on main Canada River, and S. of it in 1830. Calasthocle, N. Columbia, on the Pacific, next N. the Chillates ; 200 in 18!A). Callihix, coast of the Pacific, 40 m. N. Columbia River; 1,200 in 1820. CAMANCHB8, (Shoshone,) warlike ana numerous; in interior of Texas. Canarsee, on Long Island, N. Y., in 1610, from the W. end to Jamaica. Cancbs, (Kansas,) 1805, from Bay of St. Bernard, over Grand r., toward Vera Crux, Canibas, (Abenaki,) numerous in 1607, and after; on both sides Kennebeck River. Caranxoua, on peninsula of Bay of St. Bernard, Louisiana ; 1,500 in 1805. Cabee, on the coast between the I^uaces and Rio del Norte ; 2,600 in 1817. CABKieas, (Nateotctains,) a name given the natives of N. Caledonia by traders. Camtahana, between sources Padouca fork and Yellowstone; 5,000 in 1805. Cataka. between N. and S. forks of Chien River ; about 3,000 in 1804. Ca. AWr.A, till late, on their river in S. Carolina ; 1,600 in 1743, and 460 in 1764. Cathi ACUMUF8, on main shore Columbia River, S. W. Wappatoo i. ; 450 in 1820. Catula::ahikit, at the rapids of the Columbia, 160 m. up; 000 in 1820. Cath'..akamafs, 80 m. up Columbia River ; about 700 in 1820. Catulamat, on the Pacific, 30 m. S. mouth of Columbia River ; 600 in 1820. Cathlanamenamen, on an island in mouth of Wallaumut River ; 400 in 1820. Cathl.anaqui\h, (Wappatoo,) S. W. side Wappatoo Island ; 400 in 1820. Cathlapootle, on Columbia River, opposite the Cathlakamaps ; 1,100 in 1820. Cathlafooya, 600 in 1820, on the Wallaumut River, 60 m. from its mouth. Catulasko, 90U in 1820, on Columbia River, opposite the Chippanchikchiks. Catiilathla, 900 in 1820, on Columbia River, opposite the Catnlakahikits. Catulath, 600 in 1820, on the Wallaumut River, 60 ni. from its mouth. Cattanahaw, between the Saskashawan and Missouri Rivers, in 1805. Cauohnswaoa, places where Christians lived were so called. Chactoo, on Red River; in 1803, but 100; indigenous; always lived there. Chaouanons, the French so called the Shawanese ; (Chowuns ?) Cheboee, (Cherokees,) 60 to 80 m. S. of them; called also Mid. Settlement, 1"80. Chehaw4, small tribe on Flint River, destroyed by Georgia militia in 1817. Ckkpeyan, claim from lat. 60" to 06°, Ion. 100° to 110° W. ; 7,600 in 1812. CuEUOKEE, in Georgia, S. Carolina, &c., till 1836; then forced beyond the Missiti, INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS. ii iSbbsxitalowa, (Seninolea,) 580 in 1820, W. side Chattahoochee. Chibn, (Dog,) near the sources Chien River; 300 in 1805; 200 in 1820. Chiheeleesh, 40 m. N. of Columbia River ; 1,400 in 1820. Chickasaw, between heads of Mobile River in 1780 ; once 10,000 ; now in Arkansaa, Chippanchikchiks, 60 in 1820, N. side Columbia River, 220 m. from its mouth. Chikamomim, on Kalapony River, Va., in 1661 ; but 3 or 4 in 1790 ; now extinct. Chikamauqas, on Tennessee River, 90 m. below the Cherokees, in 1790. CiiiLLATES, mo in 1820, on the Pacific, N. Cohimbia River, beyond the Quieetsoi. Chillukittequau, on the Columbia, next below the Narrows; 1,400 in 1820. Chiltz, N. of Columbia River, on the Pacific, next N. of the Killaxthocies. CuiMNAHPUH, on Lewis River, N. W. side of the Columbia ; 1,800 in 1820. Chinnook, on N. side Columbia River ; in 1820, about 400 in 28 lodges. Chippewas, about Lake Superior, and other vast regions of the N., v-y numeron" Chitimicka, on W. bank Mijs. River in 1722; once powerful, then slaves. Choktaw, S. of the Creeks ; 15,000 in 1812 ; in 1848 in Arkansas. Chopunnish, on Kooskooskee River ; 4,300 in 1806, in 73 lodges. CuowANOK, (Shawanese ?) in N. Carolina, on Beimet's Creek, in 1708; 3,000 in 1630. Ckowans, B. of the Tuscaroras in N. Carolina ; 60 join the Tuscaroras in 1720. Christrnaux, only another spelling of Knistenaux, which see. Clahclellah, 700 in 1820, on the Columbia River, below the rapids. Clakstak, W. R., on a river flowing into the Columbia at Wappatoo Island. Clamoctomioh, on the Pacific, next N. of the Chilti ; 260 in 1820. Clanimatas, on the S. W. side of Wappatoo Island ; 200 in 1820, W. R. Clannarminimuns, 8. W. side of Wappatoo Island ; 280 in 1820, W. R. Clatsops, about 2 m. N. of the mouth of Columbia River ; 1,300 in 1820. Clarkames, on a river of their name flowing into the Wallaumut ; 1,800 in 1820. Cneis, on a river flowing into Sabine Lake, 1690; the Coenis of Hennepin, probably. CouAKiES, nearly destroyed in Pontiak's time; in 1800, a few near Lake Winnebago. CoLAPissAS, on £. bank Mississippi in 1720, opposite head of Lake Puntchartrain. CoNCHATTAS Came to Appalousas in 1794, from E. the Mississ. ; in 1801, on Sabine. CoNOAREES, a small tribe on Congaree River, S. Carolina, in 1701 ; long since ^one. CoMOTS, perhaps Kanhawas, being once on that river ; (Canais, and variations.) CooKKOO-oosE, 1,500 in 1806, coast of Pacific, S. of Columbia r., and S. of Killawats. CoopsPELLAR, on a river falling into the Columbia, N. of Clark's ; 1,600 in 1806. CooBADAS, (Creeks,) onceresiaed near the River Tallapoosie. Copper, so called from their copper ornaments, on Coppermine River, in the north. CoEEES, (Tuscaroras,) on Neus River, N Carolina, in 1700, and subspquently. CoHONKAWA, on St. Jacintho River, between Trinity and Brazos ; 350 in 1820. CowLiTsiCK, on Columbia River, 62 m. from its mouth, in 3 villages ; 2,400 in 1820. Creeks, (Muscogees,) Savannah r. to St. Augustine, thence to flirt r., 1730. Crees, (Lynx, or Cat,) another name of the Knistenaux, or a part of them. Crows, (Absorokas,) S. branches of the Yellowstone River; 45,(X)0 in 1834. CuTSAHNiM, on both sides Columbia River, above the Sokulks ; 1,200 in 1820. Dahcota, or DocoTA, the name by which the Sioux know themselves. Delaware, (Lenna-lenape,) those once on Delaware River and Bay ; 500 in 1750, DiNONDADiES, (Hurons,) same called by the French Tionontaties. DoEOS, small tribe on the Maryland side Potomac River, in 1675. DooRiBS, (Blackfeet,) but speak a different language. Doos, the Chiens of the French. See Chibn. DoTAME, 120 in 1805 ; about the heads of Chien River, in the open country. Eamuses. See Euusas. EcHEMiNB, (Canoe-men,) on R. St. Johns ; include Passamaquoddies and St. Johns. Edistoes, in 8. Carolina in 1670 ; a place still bears their name there. Emusas, (Seminoles,) W. side Chattahoochee, 2 m. above the Wekisas ; 20 in 1820. Enesuuhes, at the great Narrows of the Columbia; 1,200 in 1820, in 41 lodges. Eries, along E. side of Lake Erie, destroyed bv the Iroquois about 1654. EsAWS, on River Pedee, S. Carolina, in 1701 ; then powerful ; Catawbas, probably. EsKELOOTS, about 1,000 in 1820, in 21 lodges, or clans, on the Columbia. EsauiMAUX, all a'.^ng the northern coasts of the frozen ocean, N. of 60o N. lat. Etohussewakkes, (Semin.,) on Chattahoochee, 3 m. above Ft. Oaines ; 100 in 1820. Facullies, 100 in 1820 ; on Stuart Lake, W. Rocky Mount. ; lat. 54°, Ion. 125o W. Fall, so called from their residence at the falls of the Kooskooskee Sec Alaksars. Five Nations, Mohawks, Senecas, Cayugas, Onondagas, and Oneidns ; which see. Flat-Heads, (Tutsecwas,) on a large fiver W. R. ; on S. fork Columbia r. FoLLES AvoiNES, the French so called the Menomiaies. FoNi) DU Lac, roam from Snake River to the Sandy Lakes. Fowl-towns, (Seminoles,) 12 m. E. Fort Scott ; about 300 in 1820. Foxes, (Uttagamics,) called licnards by the F'rench ; disposseiiscd by B. Hawk's war Ganawese, on the heads of Potomac River ; same as Kanhaways, probably. CJaviieai), Martha's Vineyard ; 200 in 1800; in 1820, 340. CiJt.vNU JliVEii, on Uraudr., N. side L. Ontario; Mohawks, Senecas, and oth.{ 2,000. 12 INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS. Guos Ybntbrs, W. Mississippi, on Maria River, in 1806 ; in 1834, 3,000. IIarb-foot, next S. of the Esquimaux, and in perpetual war with them. Hallibbbs, a tribe of Creeks, destroved in 1813. Hannakallal, 600 in 1820, on Pacinc, S. Columbia, next beyond the Luckliarso. Hassanambsits, a tribe of Nipmuks, embraced Christianity in 1660. HiiiiOHENiMMO, 1,300 in 1820, from mouth of Lastaw River, up it to the forks. Hellwits, 100 m. along the Columbia, from the falls upward, on the N. side. Herhino Pond, a remnant of Wampanoags, in Sandwich, Mass. ; about 40. Hiktanb, (Camanches,) erratic bands ; from Trinity to Brazos, and Red River. HiNi, (Cadodache,) 200 in 1820, on Angelina r., between Red r. and Rio del Norte HiTCHiTTEES, once on Chattahoochee r. ; 600 now in Arkansas ; speak Muskogee. HouiLPOs, (Tushepahas,) 300 in 1820, above great falls on Clark's River. Hi'MAS, (OHmas,) "Red nation," in Ixsussees Parish, La., in 1805, below Manchak. lIuuoNS, (Wyandots, Quatoghies,) adjacent, and K. gt. lakes; subd. by Iroq., 1650. Illinois, " the lake of men." both sides Illinois r. ; 12,000 in 1670; 60 towns in 1700 In:b8, or Tachibs, [Texas ?] branch Sabine ; 80 men in 1806; speak Caddo. I u WAYS, on loway River before Black Hawk's war; 1,100 beyond the Mississippi. Iiioauois, 1606, on St. Lawrencp, below Quebec ; 1687, both sides Ohio, to Miss. IsATis, sometimes a name of the Sioux before 1755. Itukyemamixs, 600 in 1820, on N. side Columbia, near the Cathlaskos. Jelan, one of the three tribes of Camanches, on sources Brazos, Del Norte, &e. Kadapaus, a tribe in N. Carolina in 1707. Kahunkles, 400 in 1820, W. Rocky Mountains ; abode unknown. Kaloosas, a tribe found early in Florida, long since extinct. Kanbnavish, on the Padoucas' fork of the Platte ; 400 in 1805. Kanhawas, Ganawese or Canhaways ; on the River Kanhawa, formerly. Kansas, on the Arkansas River; about 1,(' 'I in 1836; in 1820, 1,850. Kaskas&ias, (Illin.) on a river of same name flowing into the Mississ. ; 250 in 1707. Kaskayas, between sources of the Platte and Rocky Mountains ; 3,000 in 1836. Katteka, (Padoucas,) not located by travellers. See Padoucas. Keekatsa, (Crows,) both sides Yellowstone, above mouth Big Horn r. ; 3,500 in 1305. Kevche, E. branch Trinity River in 1806; once on tho Sabine; 260 in 1820. KiAWAS, on Padouca River, beyond the Kites ; 1,000 in 'm)G. KiaENE, on the shore of Pacific Ocean in 1821, under L.ke chief CVittegntcs. KiKAPUO, formerly in Illinois ; now about 300, chiefly beyond the Mis^)i8sippi. KiLi.AMUK, a branch of the Clatsops, on the coast of the Pacific Ocean ; about 1,000. KiLLAWAT, in a lurge town on the coast of the Pacific, E. of the Luktons. KiLLAXTHocLBS, 100 in 1820, at the mouth of Columbia River, on N. side. KiMOENLHS, a band of the Chopunnish, on Lewis's River ; 800 in 1820, in 33 clans. KiNAi, about Cook's Inlet, on the coast of the Pacific Ocean. Kites, (Staetans,) between sources Platte and Rock) Mountains; about 500 in 1820. Ki»iCAKONS inhabited Michilimakinak in 1680; a Huron tribe. Knistenau.x, on Assinnaboin River; 5,000 in 1812; numerous; women comely. KoNAOENs, Esquimaux, inhabiting Kadjak Island, lat. 58°, Ion. 152° W. KooK-Koo-oosE, on the coast of the Pacific, S. of the Killawats ; 1,500 in 1835. KusKA?iAWAOKS, one of six tribes on E. shore of Chesapeak in 1607 ; (Tuscaroras r^ Lahanna, 2,000 in 1820, both sides Columbia, above the mouth of Clark's River. Lapanne. See Apaches. Lautielo, 600 in 1820, at the falls of Lastaw River, below Wayton Lake. Leaf, (Sioux,) 600 in 1820, on the Missouri, above Prairie du Chien. Leech Rivek, about 350 in 1820, near Sandy Lake, lat. 46° 9' N. Lenna Lenapg, once from Hudson to Delaware River ; now scattered in the West LiPANis, 800 in 1816, from Rio Grande to the interior of Texas ; light hair. Loucueux, next N. of the Esquimaux, or 8. of lat. 67° 15' N. LiKAWLS, 800 in 1820, W. of the Rocky Mountains; abode unknown. Li KKAitso, 1,200 in 1820, coast of Pacific, 8. of Columbia r., beyond the Shallalah. Luktons, 20 iu 1820, W. of the Rocky Mountains ; abode unknown. Machapunoas, in N. Carolina in 1700 ; practised circumcision. Mandans, 1,2-50 in 1805, 1200 m. fm. mouth of Misso. ; 1838, reduced to 21 by sm. po« Manooaos, or Tutbloes, (Iroquois,) Nottoway River, formerly ; now extinct. Manhattans, (Mohicans,) once on the island where New York city now stands. Mannahoaks, once on the upper waters of the Rappahannock r. ; extinct long ago Marachites, (Abcnakies,) on the St. John's ; a remnant remains. Mausapeaoues, .)nce on Long Island, S. side of Oyster Bay ; extinct. MAK.SHP'iES, (Wamparoags,) 315 in 1832; Barnstal)le Co., Mass. ; mixed with blankr. Mascoutins, or Fire Ind., betw. Mississ. and L. Michigan, 1065; (Sacs and Foxe:« i*) Massachusetts, the state perpetuates their name. Mas.sawomes, (Iroquoiti,) once sf)read over Kentucky. Mathlanous, 500 in 1820, on an island in the mouth of Wallaumut River, W. R. INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS. 13 Mates, 600 in 1805, St. Gabriel Creek, mouth of Ouadaloupe River, Louisiana. Menohinies, (Algonkins,) once on Illinoifl r. ; now 300 W. Mississippi. ME88A8RAONES, 2,000 in 1764, N. of, and adjacent to, L. Huron and Superior. ^ MiAMis, (Algonkins,) once on the r. of their name ; now 1.500, beyond the Mississ. MiKASAUKiES, (Seminoles,) about 1,000 in 1821 ; very warlike. MiKMAKS, (Algonkins,) 3,000 in 1700, in Nova Scotia ; the Suriquois of the French. MiKauK8BALT0N, (Tushepaha,) 300 in 1820, Clark's River, above great falls, W. U. MtNETAKES, 2,500 in 180d, 5 m. above the Mandans, on both sides Knife River. MiNOAWAECAKTON, in 1805, on both sides Mississippi, from St. Peter's upward. MiNOOES, once such of the Iroquois were so called as resided upon the Scioto River. MiNSi, Wolf tribe of the Lenna Lenape, once over New Jercey and part of Penn. MissouBiES, once on that part of the River just below Grand r., in 1820. MiTCHiOAMiES, one of the five tribes of the Illinois ; location uncertain. Mohawks, her.d of Five Nations ; formerly on Mohawk r. ; a few now iu Canada. MoHBOANS, jr M0HEAKUNNUK8, in 1610, Hudson r. from Esopus to Albany. MoNACAKC, ('fuscaroras,) once near where Richmond, Virginia, now is. MoNoouLATCHES, On the W. side of the MississippL See Bataooulas. M0XTAONE8, (Algonkins,) N. side St. Law., betw. Saguenay and Tadousac, in 1609. MoxTAUKS, on £. end of Long Island, formerly ; head of 13 tribes of that island. M0BATOK8, 80 iu 1607 ; 40 in 1669, in Lancaster and Richmond counties, Virginia. Mgsquitos, once a numerous race on the £. side of the Isthmus of Darien. MuLTNUMAHS, (Wappatoo,) 800 in 1820, mouth of Multnomah River, W. R. Munseys, (Delawares,) in 1780, N. branch Susquehannah r. ; to the Wabash in 1808. MusKoOEEs, 17,000 in 1775, on Alabama and Apalachicola Rivers. See B. iv. Nabedaches, (Caddo,) on branch Sabine, Id m. above the Inies ; 400 in 1805. Nabijos, between N. Mexico and the Pacific ; live in stone bouses, and manufacture. Nanuakoes, 120 in 1805, on Sabine, 60 m. W. of the YatUssees ; (Caddo.) NAMTIK0KE8, 1711, on Nantikoke River ; 1755, at Wyoming ; same year went west. Narcotah, the name by which the Sioux know themselves. Narraqansets, S. side of the bay which perpetuates their name; nearly extinct. NashuayS) (Nipmuks,) on that river from its mouth, in Massachusetts. Natchez, at Natchez; discovered, 1701 ; chiefly destroyed by French, 1720. Natchitoches, once at that place ; 100 in 1804 ; now upon Red River. Nateotexains, 200 in 1820, W. R., on a river of their name, W. of the FacuUies. Natiks, (Nipmuks,) in Massachusetts, in a town now called after them. Nechacoke, (Wappatoo,) 100 in 1820, S. side Columbia, near Quicksand r., W. R. Neekbetoo, 700 in 1820, on the Pacific, S. of the Columbia, beyond the Youicone. Nehalquinneb, (Wappatoo,) 200 in 1820, N. side Wallaumut River, 3 m. up. NiANTiKS, a tribe of the Narragansets, and in alliance with them, p. 131. NiCARiAOAS, once about Michilimakinak ; joined Iroquois in 1723, as seventh nation. NiPissiNS, (original Algonkins,) 400 in 17m, near the source of Ottoway River. Nipmuks, eastern interior of Mass. ; 1,500 in 1775 ; extinct. See p. 82, 104, 164, 275. Nobridoewoks, (Abenakies,) on Penobscot River. See Book iii. 303, 311. NoTTOWATS, on Nottoway River, in Virginia ; but 2 of clear blood in 1817. Mtacks, (Mohicans,) or Manhattams, once about the liairows, in New York. Gakmuloes, (Muskogees,) to the E. of Flint River; about 200 in 1834. Ocamechbs, in Virginia in 1607 ; had before been powerful ; then reduced. OcHEBS. See Uchees. — Perhaps Ochesos ; 230 in Florida in 1826, at Ochee BlufH OCONAS, (Creeks.) See Book iv. 369. Ojibwas, (Chippeways,) 30,000 in 1836, abou^ < e great lakes, and N. of them. Okatigkinans, (Seminoles,) 580 in 1820, near Fort Gaines, E. side Mississippi. Omahas, 2,200 in 1820, on Elkhorn River, 80 m. from Council Bluffii. Oneidas, one of the Five Nations ; chief seat near Oneida Lake, New York. Onondaoas, one of the Five Nations ; formerlv in New York ; 300 in 1840. OOTLASHOOTS, (Tushepahas,) 400 in 1820, on Clark's River, W. Rocky Mountains. OsAOBS, 4,000 in 1830, about Arkansas and Osage Rivers ; many tribes. Otaoahies, (Winnebagoes,) %0 in 1780, betw. Lake of the Woods and the Mississ. Otoeb, 1,500 in 1820; in 1805, 500; 15 leagues up the River Platte, on S. side. Ottawas, 1670, removed from L. Superior to Michilimakinak ; 2,800 in 1820. OuiATANONS, or Waas, (Kikapoos,) mouth of Eel r.,Ind., 1791, in a village 3 m. long OuKAS, E. bank Mississippi in 1722, in 2 villages, quarter of a mile from the river. Owabsissas, (Seminoles j 100 in 1820, on E. waters of St. Mark's River. Okas, 2,000 in 1750 ; on Czaw River in 1780, which flows into the Mississippi. OziHiBS, one of the six tribes on £. shore of Maryland and Virginia in 1607. Paoanas, on Quelquechose River, La. ; 30 men in 1805 ; 40 m. 8. W. Natchitoches. Padouoas, 2,000 warriors in 1724, on the Kansas ; dispersed before 1805. Padowaoas, by some the Senecas were so called ; uncertain. Paiuh, 200 in 1820, on coast of the Pacific, N. Columbia r., beyond the Potoashs. Palaohks, a tribe found early in Florida, but long since extinct. Pamlico, but 15 in 1708, about Pamlico Sound, in N. Carolina ; extinct. Panoas, once on Red River, of Winnipeo 1. ; afterwards joined the Omahas. Panis, (Xonicas,) 49 villages in 1750, S. br. Missouri ; 70 villages on Red r., 1755. 4 14 INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS. Panneb. See Alijika .r bah, 2,300 m 18M, on heads Bib Horn RWer. Pascatavays, once » considerable tribe on the Maryland side Potomac River. Pascaooulas, 26 men in 1806, on Red r., 60 m. below Natchitoches ; from Florida. Passamaquoddib, on Schood»k t.. Me., in Perry Pleasant Point, a small number. Paumbe, 10,000 in 1820, on the Platte and Kansas: Republicans, Loupes, and Picts. Pawistucibkbhuk, 600 in 1820 ; small, brare tribe, in the prairies of Missouri. Fawtdckbts, (Nipmnks,) on Merrimac River, where Chelmsford now is ; extinct. Peoans, (Nipmnks,) 10 in 179S, in Dudley, Mass., on a reserration of 200 acres. Pblloatpallah, (Chopunnish,) 1,600 in 1820, on Xooskooskee r., above forks, W. R Fbnobsoots, (Abcnakies,) 330, on an island in Penobscot r., 12 m. above Bangor. Pbnnakooks, (Nipmuks.) along Merrimiio r., where is nov 'Concord, N. H., &c. Peokias, 97 in 1820, on Current River ; one of the five tribes ui the Illinois. Pbquakbts, (Abenakies,) on sources Saco River; destroyed by English in 1725. Pbquots, about the mouth of Connecticut River : subdued in 1637. PuiLLiMEBS, (Seminoles.) on or near the Suane River, Florida, in 1817. PiANKASHA'ws, 3,000 ouce, on the Wabash ; in 1780, but 950 ; since driven west. PiANKATANK, » trib« in Virgicia when first settled ; unlocated. PiNESHOW, (Siouju) loO in 1820, on the St. Peter's, 16 m. from its mouth. PiSHauiTPAR, 2,600 in 1816, N. side Columbia River, at Muscleshell Rapids, W. R. PoTOASH, 200 in 1820, coast Pacific, N. mouth Columbia, beyond Clamoctomichs. PoTTOWATTOMiE, 1671, ou Noquet i., L. Michigan ; 1681, at Chicago. PowHATANS, 32 tribes spread over Virginia when first discovered by the English. PuANB, the Winuebagoes were so called by the French at one period. QuABAOoa, (Nipmuks,) at a pince of the same name, now BrookSeld, Mass. QuAPAW, 700 in 1820, on Arkansas r., opp. Little Rock ; reduced by sm. poz in 1720. QuATHiiAHPOHTLBS, on S. W. side Columbia, above mouth Tahwahnahiosk River. QuATOOHiB, (Wyandots,) once S. side L. Michigan ; sold their lauds to Eng. in 1707- QUBSADAS. See COOSADAS. QniBETSos, on the Pacific 260 in 1820 ; N. Columbia r., next N. of the Quiiiilts. QciNiiLTS, on coast of the i'acific, N. of Columbia r. ; 260 in. 1820 ; nex/t the Pailshs. QuiNNECUART, coast Pacific, next N. Calasthocles, N. Columbia r. ; 2,000 in 1820. QuiNN.TPissA are those called Bayagoulas bv the Chevalier Tonti. QuoDDiES. See Passakaquoddie. — 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. i;.'. 181. Rapids. See Pawwtucienemuks. Redoround, (Seminoles,) 100 in 1820, on Chattahoochie r., 12 m. above Florida line. Redknife, so called from their copper knives ; roam in the refjion of Slave Lake. Beivstick, (Seminoles,) the Baton Rouge of the French. Red-'WINO, (Sioux,) on Lake Pepin, under a chief of their name ; 100 in 1820. RiCABBE, (Paunees,) before 1806, 10 large vill. on Missouri r. ; reduced by small pox. RiTBR, (Mohegans,) S. of the Iroquois, down the N. side of Hudson r. Round-heads, (Hurons,) E. side Lake Superior : 2,600 in 1764. Rtawas, on the Padouca fork of the Missouri; 900 in 1820. Bachdaouohs, (Powhatant,) perhaps the true name of the Powhatans. Sankhikans, the Delawares knew the Mohawks by that name. Saktbes, a small tribe in N. Carolina in 1701, on a river perpetuating their name. Saponies, (Wanamies,) Sapona Uiver, Carolina, in 1700 ; joined Tuscaroras, 1720 Satamas, a name, it is said, given the Shawanees by the Iroquois. Sauke, or Sac, united with Fox before 1806 ; then on Missies., above Illinois. Sadteurs, or Fall Indians of the Frc-nch, about the falls of St. Mary. Savannahs, so called from the river, or the river from them ; perhaps Vamasee* ScATTAKOOKs, upper part of Trov, N. Y. ; went f^om New England about 1672. Seminoles havu been established in Florida a hundred years. bENECAS, one of the Five Nations; " ranged many thousand miles" in 1700. Bepones, in Virginia in 1776, but a remnant. See Saponies. Sebbanna, (Savannahs ?) in Georgia; nearly destroyed by the Westoes about 1670. Sewbbs, a small tribe in N. Carolina, mentioned by Lawson in 1710. Bhallalah, 1,200 in 1816, on the Pacific, S. Columbia r. next the Cookkoo-oosee. Bhallattoos, on Columbia River, above the Skaddals ; 100 in 1820. Bhanvapponb, 400 in 1820, on the heads of Cataract and Taptul Rivers. Shawane, once over Ohio ; 1672, subdued by Iroquois ; l,o83 near St. Louis in 1820 Sheabtukle, 900 in 1820, on the Pacific, S. Columbia r., next beyond the Youit*. Shinikooks, a tribe of Long Island, about what is now South Hampton. SflOSHONEB, 90,000 in 1820, on plains N. Missouri ; at war with the Blackfeet. Shoto, CWappatoo,) 460 in 1820, on Columbia River, opposite mouth of Wallaumnt. SiCAUNiBS, 1,000 in 1820, amons the spurs of the Rocky MountainL W. of the Rapids Sioux, discovered by French, 1660 ; 33,000 in 1820, St. Peter's, Mississ., and Misso. I 8iss ATONES, upper portions of Psi r., of L. Winnipec and St. Peter's, in 1820. SiTiMACBA. See Chitimicha. B:tka, on King George III. Islands, on the coast of the Pacific, about lat. 67° N. Six Nationi), ilroquoib,) Mohawk, Seneca, Onondaga, Oneida, Cayuga, Shawane. Skaddals, on Cattrvet River, 26 m. N. of the Big Narrows ; 200 in 18*20. BtLBBTSOHiSH, 'ifiOO u 1820, on a river r" wheir name flowing into the Lastaw. INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS. 18 Skilioot, on Columb' \ River, from Sturgeon Island upward ; 2,500 In 1820. Skunnbmokb, or Tuckapas, on Vermilion River, La., 6 leaaues W. of N. Iberia. Smokshop, on Calurobia r., at the mouth of the Labiche ; 800 in 1830, in 2i elans. Snakq. See Auatans, or Shoshonbbs. SoKUKiB, on Saco River, Maine, until 1725, when .taev withdrew to Canada. SozuLK, on the Columbia, above mouth of Lewii 's River; 2,400 in 1820. SouRiavois, (Milimaks,) once so called by the eirly French. SouTin, (Ottowas,) a band probably mistaken ft'' '. tribe by the French. SoTENNOU, (Ohopunnish > on N. siae £. fork of Lewis's River ; 400 in 1820; W. B. Spokain, on sources Lewis's River, over a larse tract of countiy^W. Rocky Mts. Squannaboo, on Cataract r., below the Skaddala ; 120 in 1820 ; W. Rocky Mu. Stabtans, on heads Chien r., with the Kanenavish ; 400 m 1806 ; resemble Kiawas. Stockbbidob, Nbw, (Mohegans and Iro«uois,) collected in N. Y., 1786; 400 in 1820. Stockbbidob, Mass., (Mohegans,) settled there in 1734; want to Oneida in 1786. St. John's, ( Abenakies,) about 300 still remain on that river. SusauBHAMNOK, OH W. shore of Md. in 1607 ; that river perpetuatea their name. SussBES, near sources of a branch of the Saskashawan, W. Rocky Mountains. Stkebons, a numerous race, on the B. side of the Isthmus of Darien. Taoullies, " people who go upon water ; " on head waters of Frasier's River, La. Tahsaoboudib, about Detroit m 1723 ; probably Tsonothouans. Tahuacana, on River Brazos ; 3 tribes ; 180 m. up ; 1,200 in 1820. Taixahassb, (Seminoles,) 15 in 1820, between (Noklikana and Mikaaankie. Taxlbwheama, (Seminoles,) 210 in 1820. on B. side Flint River, near the Chebaws. TAMAB0K..8, a tribe of the Illinois ; perhaps Peorias afterwards. Tamatles, (Seminoles,) 7 m. above the Ocheeses, and numbered 220 in 1820. Tabbatinbs, £. of Pascataaua River; the Nipmuks so called the Abenakiee. Tattowhehallts, (Seminoles,) 130 in 1820; aince scattered among other towns. Taukaways, on the sources of Trinity, firasos, De Dios, and Colorado Rivers. Tawakbnob, "Three Canes," W, side Brasos r., 200 m. W. of Nacogdoches, 1804. Tawaws, (Hurons,) on the Mawme in 1780, 18 m. from Lake Erie. Tblmocbesbe, (Seminoles,) W. side Chattahoochee, 15 m. above fork; 100 in 1820. Tbnisaw, once on that river which flows into Mobile Bay ; went to Red r. in 1765. Tetons, (Sioux,) " vile miscreants," on Mississ., Misso., St. Peter's; " real pirates." Tionontaties, or Dinondadies, a tribe of Hurons, or their general name. TocKMrooKS one of the six tribes on the Chesapeak in 1607. Tonicas, 20 • drriors in 1784, on Mississippi, opp. Poiit Coup^ ; once numerous. ToNKAHANS, a nbtion or tribe of Texans, said to be cannibals. ToNKAWA, 700 in 1820, erratic, about Bay St. Bernardo. ToTEBOS, on the mountains N. of the Sapones, in N. Carolina, in 1700. ToTVSKBTS. See Mobatoks. TowAOANNO, or TowoASH, one of thro? tribes on the Bracos. See Tahitaoana. TsONONTHOUANS, Hennepin so called the Senecas ; by Cox, called Sonnontovans. Tvkabatche, on Tallapoosie River, 30 m. above Fort Alabama, in 1775. TcMiCA, (Mobilian,) on Red River, 90 m. above ito mouth ; but 30 in 1820. TuNXis, (Mohegans,) once in Farmington, Conn. ; monument erected to them, 1840. TtrsHEFAHAS, and OotlashooT8, 5,600 in 1820, on Clark's and Missouri Rivers. TU3CAB0HA, on Neus r., N. Carolina, till 1712 ; a few now in Lewiston, Niagara r. TcTELOBS. See Manooaks, or Manooaos. TuTSBEWA, on a river W. Rocky Mta., supposed to be a branch of the Columbia. TwiOBTWBES, (Miamies,) in 1780, on the Great Miami ; so called by the Iroquois. UcHEE, once on Chattauchee r., 4 towns ; some went to Florida, some west. Ufallah, (Seminoles,) 670 in 1820, 12 m. above Fort Gaines, on Chattahoochee r. UoALJACHMDTZi, a tribe about Prince William's Sound, N. W. coast. Ulseah, on coast of the Pacific, S. Columbia, beyond the Neekeetoos ; 150 in 1820 UNALACHTno, one of the three tribes once composing the Lenna Lenape. Unamies, the head tribe of Lenna Lenape. Unchaooos, a ttihv anciently on Long Island, New York. Upsaboka, (Minetare,) commonly caUed Crows. Waakicttm, 30 m. up Columbia River, opposite the Cathlsmats ; 400 in 1836 Wabinoa, (Iroquois,) between W. branch of Delaware and Hudson r. Waco, (Panis,) 800 in 1820, on Brazos River, 24 m. from its mouth. Wahowpums, on Tf. branch Columbia River, from Lapage r. upward; 700 in 1806. Warpatonb, (Sioux,) rove in the country on N. W. side St. Peter's River. Wahfacoota, (Sioux ?) in the country S. W. St. Petci's in 180.^ : never stationary. Wahesitb, (Nipmuks,) once on Merrimac River, where Lowell, Mass., now is. Wahpanoao, perhaps the 3d nation in importance in N. £. when settled by the Eng Wapfinos, at and about Esopus in 1758 ; also across the Hudson to the Minsi. Wabananconocins, supposed to be the same as the Wappings. Washaws, on Barrataria Island in 1680, considerable ; 1805, at Bay St. Fosh, 6 only. Watanons, or Weas. See Ouiatinoms. Watebees, once on the river of that name in S. Carolina, but long since extinct. Watefaneto, on the Padouca fork of the Platte, near Rocky MU. ; 900 in 1830. 16 INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS. Wawbnoks, (AbenakiM,) onc« from Sagadahoek to St. Oeorge Rirer, in Maine. Waxsaw, jae« in 8. Carolina, 45 m. aboT< Camden ; name ami oontinuea. Wkas, or Waas, (Kikrpoos.) See Odiatano^ts. Wbkisa, (Semin.,) 250 ^n 1820, W. side Chatuhooehee, 4 m. aboTe th« Cheikitaloaa. Wblch, Mid to be on a aoutbern branch of the Miatouri. Wbstobs, in 1670, on Aahley and Ediato F Wera, in S. Carolina. Wbtbpahato, with the Kiawas, i& 70 loagea in 180S, Padouca fork of Platte River. Whbblpo, on Clark'a River, from the mouth of the LatUw ; 2,S00 in 1820 ; W. R. "Whiblpoou, (Chikamao^ad,) so called from the place ot their residence. Whxtb, W, of Hiasissippi River ; mentioned by manytravellers. 'WioBOOiiocos, one of the six tribes in Virginia in 1607, mentioned by Smith. 'WiLLBVAHB, (Chopunnish,) 600 in 1820, on Willewah r., which falls into Lewis's. Winnbbaoo, on S. side Lake Michigan until 1832 ; Ottagamies, &c. Wolf, Loups of the French ; several nations had tribes so called. 'WoKKON, 2 leagues from the Tusoaroras in 1701 ; long since extinct. 'WoLLAWALLA, on Columbia r., from above MuscleaheU Rapids, W. Rooky Mt«. Wtandots, (Hurons,) a great seat at Sandusky in 1780 ; warlike. Wtcombs, on the Susquehannah in 1648, with some Oneidaa, 250. Wtmiawb, a small tribe in N. Carolina in 1701. Tam AORAW, at the bluff of their name in 1732, near Savannah, about 140 men. Yahasbb, S. border of S. Carolina ; nearly destroyed in 1715 by English. Yampbbaox, (ComanQhes,) 3 tribes about sources Brasos, del Norte, &c. ; 1817, 30,0001 Tamktons, in tne i>lane country adjacent to E. side of the Rocky Mountains. Tattassbr, in I-ouiaiana, 50 m. from Natchitoches, on a creek falling into Red r. Yazoos, formerly upon the river of their aame ; extinct in 1770. Ybahtbntanbb, on banks St. Joseph's r., which Jows into L. Michigan, in 1760. Ybhah, above the rapids of the Columbia in 1820 ; 2,800, with some others. Yblbtfoo, (Chopunnish,) 2bO in 1'820, on Weancum r., under S. W. Mountain. ToviooNB, on the Pacific, next N. of the mouth of Columbia River ; 700 in 1890. a BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA. BOOK I. B I I ' ,/-/"//■ BOOK I. OBlulN, AN'TIQI'ITIES, MANNERS AM) rrsTOMS Ac. OK THK AMKllICAN INDIANS. O rooM ili»ir iinei*iit fn'iw r><« *f iln, lluMT wotilil tlwy lakP U|> t.rml'a Imiitini atnin ! Aft ilioii i()o liillnii, Ibwii-i ' l>u vKi •<■« Thn i.)lih«r mill tlio niur.lcrcr weak nt wt> ? TSo'i, '! if hn«t wii"lml ••iitih. hihI iliri'J driipiMI A.-. •■' ■ V of Uiii «. M •|- And v«>ii(sanc« «>-'i-ii'.k> what j . — Oowrki CHAPTER T. Orqfit •>/ '*• •••»«« Indian. — Iffiij •;>/-.'-.frf''/ tht praplt found in Amtriea. — .InrienI aathort «i/7/i- r'i In hnrr rtj'rrrd Ir .•fmrrif/i :m tf"i' irritirtPi — Thtopomf-un — Voynet of y/iiniuK OitHlorut Suiilii—Fhilo — . lrufloH^~\nfj'a The imnip Indian wiw ciToneoiwlT H;>iiU«'d to tli* ori^innl rimn nf AiiM^rica* (•y its first diriroviu-frs. 'V\\>' n'ti-iiijit f > Mxivc at th« Kurt Indi' » by f^iilling w'St, (Miiwil tli«' disoovrry "t 'in- islnro'^ miH coiitiaoru of AuuTicu. WIkmi fdfv were nt fli"st (liwovi'red, Ccihimbvji, «ti'{ many after hnn, niiptKirifd tlipy lia(i nnived ' ilu; (>tmfi»rti ^ilorc> oC tlm cMi'inciii ot" Iritliu, uiid liou o lln' pno- l>i ■ tliey (b'uiii ilmn' ^w-'rc Ciillod ludiiins. 'I'tio rrror wns not (!i8covere(i (iiilil thn ii.'tmo liiiil so «>l)taiiir~l, tJrJif it could tiol w»'l! be changed. It is true, that it nmttfrs Init liith to us Ity '*hat ii'itrie thf '"dijfcnts of a country arc known, and osiwcinlly iiii>-''' "f Atiuricn, in ns fiu- .- th<' name is s«:ldom nscd among lis I'lit in njiplicui-;!'- to in' aixiriifiniil Amt'ricmH. Knt witli tlie pcopli; of Eiiropti it \Mi)< not « 'inimiH.-.-iicit. hitnntcd hetwf(.>n ilie two roimtrics, India and Amorii'!!, thi> saiM.i '■..■mh' ;.•» tho ndiahitanls of hotlnmst, nt first, lia>e pmdurod conRidi'ral>t< ■• nvt-i;. ■*, if nut cnnliision ; liocausi-, in P|)i-ul\ing of an Mian, no ^mv w^^ knf view, the error i:*, at )'■;•" *.■ mucii i • \hi dejilort'd as thiit the name of the foiuinent itself shonM liav: Jttj«i'i: dcri*-"! iVnrn jhiuncua instead of Columbus. * So r.iiino'l fr«in Vfxfnrfius Anf «. ihf coasi i>( Soiuh Ami.'M -n in \lv:' A^wricB] but Amcricus lia>.l the furlunc ' rinii'iu ; ■ who nn'lo a disoovprv of sniiip pnrt venrs ;.'■ .' ' itot haM oxplofev- ery might be to the neighboring nations, and which tiioy wii^lied to secure wholly to tliemselves. Diodorua Sicidus lived about 100 years before Christ Islands lying west of Europe and Africa ai'e certair>ly mentioned by Homer and Horace. They were culled Atlanlidts, and were su|)posed to be about 10,000 furlongs from Africa. Here existed the j)oets' fabled Elysian fields. But to be more particular with Diodonis, we will let him 8]>cak for himself. "After having passed the islands which lie beyond the Herculean Strait, we will speak of those which lie much farther into the ocean. Towards Africa, and to the west of it, is an immense island in the broad sea, many days' sail from Lybia. Its soil is very fertile, and its surface variegated with mountains and valleys. Its coasts are indented with many navigable rivers, and its fields are well cultivated ; delicious gardens, and various kinds of plants and trees." He finally sets it down as the finest country known, where the inhabitants have spacious dwellings, pnd every thing in the greatest plenty. To say the least of this account of Diodorus, it corresponds very well with that given of the Mexicans when fii"st known to the Spaniards, but pei'haps it will compare as well with the Canaries. Plato's accoimt has more weight, perhaps, than any of the ancients. He lived about 400 years before the Christian era. A \mn of his account is as follows : — " In those first times [time of its being first known], the Atlantic was a most broad island, and there were extant most powerful kings in it, who, with joint fcwces, appointed to occupy Asia and Europe : And so a most grievous war was carried on ; in which the Athenians, with the commo)i consent of the Greeks, opposed themselves, and they became the conquerors But that Atlantic island, by a flood and earthquake, was indeed suddenly destroyed, and so that warlike people ^^<■re swallowed up." He adds, in an- other place, " An island in the mouth of the sea, in the passage to those straits, called the Pillars o( Hercules, did exist ; and that island was greater and larger than Lybia and Asia ; from which there was an easy passjige over to othei islands, and from those islands to that continent, which is situated out of that region." * " Mptune settled in this island, from whose son, Mlas, its narno was derived, and divided it among his ten sons. To the youngest fell the extremity of the island, called Gadir, which, in the language of the country, signifies fertile or abounding in sheep. The descendants of J^eptunt reigned here, from father to son, lor a great number of generations in the order of l)rimogeniture, during the space of 9000 years. They elso possessed several other islands ; and, passing into Europe and Africa, subdued all Lybia as fiir as Egypt, and all Europe to Asia Minor. At length the island sunk under water; and for a long time afterwards the sea thereabouts was full of rocks and shelves." t This account, although mixed with fable, cannot, we think, be entirely rejected; and that the ancients had knowledge of countries westward of Europe appears as plain and as well authenticated as any passage of history of that period. Aristotle, or the author of a book which is generally attributed to him,), speaks of an island beyond the Straits of Gibraltar ; but the passage savors something of i earsay, and is as follows: — " Some say that, beyond the Pillars of Hercules, the Carthaginians have found a very fertile island, but without inhabitants, full of forests, navigable rivers, and fruit in abundance. It is several days' voyage from the main land. Some Carthaginians, charmed by the fertility of the country, thought to marry and settle there , but some sjiy tliat the government of Carthage forbid the settlement upon pain of death, from the fear that it would increase in power so as to deprive the mother- country of her possessions there." If Aristotle had uttered this as a prediction, * America known lo the Ancients, 10, 8vo. Unston, 1773. |- Enryclopcedia Perlhensis, art. Atlantis. i l)e I'nirnbil. auscultat. Opera, vol. i. Voltaire, says nf this book, " On en fesait honncui Bi X ('arlliaffir.ois, el on cilait un livrc d'Arislote qu'il n'a pas compose." Essai sur ht Mamrs el I'efj -it del tuUiotu, chap. cxlv. p. 703. vol iv of uis works. Edit. Paris, 1817, 11 8vo. V. • I n ON THE ORIGIN OP THE INDIANS. [DooK L timt such a thing would take place in regard to some future nation, no one, perhaps, would have called him a false prophet, for the American levohition w ould have heen its fulfilment. This philosopher lived about 384 years before Christ. Seneca lived almut the commencement of the vulgar era. He wrote trage dies, and iii one of them occurs this passage : — -" Venient annis Siecula seris, quibus oceanus Vinciila reruin laxet, el ingens I'aleat tcllug, Typhiscjue novos Dotcjral orbes ; iicc sit terris Ultima Thule." Medea, Act 3. v, 375. This is nearer pro|)hccy, and may be rendered in English thus : — " The time will come when the ocean will loosen the chains of nature, and we shall behold a vast country. A new Typhis shall discover new worlds: Thule 5hall no longer be considered the last country of the known world." Not only these passages from the ancient authors have been cited and re- cited by moderns, but many more, though less to the point, to show that, in some way or other, America must have been peopled from some of the eastern continents. Almost every country has claimed the honor of having been its first discoverer, and hence the progenitor of the Indians. But since the recent discoveries in the north, writers upon the subject say but little about getting over inhabitants from Europe, Asia, or Africi, through the diflicult way of the Atlantic seas and islands, as it is much easier to pass them over the narrow chan- nels of the north in canoes, or upon the ice. Grotius, C. Mather, Hubbard, and after them Robertson, are glad to meet with so easy a method of solving a question which they consider as having puzzled their predecessors so much. CHAPTER n. Of modem theorists upon the peopling oj Jimerica — St. Gregory — Herrera — T. Morton — Williamson — Wood — Josselyn — Thorowgood — Adair — R. Williams — C. Mather — Hubbard — Robertson — Smith — Voltaire — Mitchill — M' CuUoch — lard Kaim — Swinton — Cabrera. St. Greoort, who flourished in the 7th century, in an epistle to St. Clement, said that beyond the ocean there was another world.* Herrera argues, that the new world could not have been known to the ancients ; and that what Seneca has said was not true. For that God had kept it hid from the old world, giving them no certain knowledge of it ; and that, in the secrecy a"d incomprehensibility of his providence, he has been plcr.t>ed to give it to the Castilian nation. That Seneca's prediction (if so il may be considered) was a false one, because he said that a new world would be dis- covered in the north, and that it was found in tlie west.f Herrera wrote about 15U8,t before which time little knowledge was obtained of North America. This may account for his impeachment ofSenecaKs prophecy. Thomas Morton, who came to Now England in 1023, published in 1637 an account of its niitural history, with much other '3iU"ious matter. In speaking upon the peopling of Atnerica, he thinks it altogether out of the question to * " S. (Jrceoiro sur I'epislrc do S. Clomeiil, dit que pass6 I'occan, il y a vn autre niouil.'' (Herrera, I Dccailc, 2.) This is tlie wiiole passage. t Il)i should not paws without remark, that three most memorable things wiiich iiave borne a very great aspect u|K>n human affairs, did, near tlie same time, namely, at the conclusion of the RJleenth, and the beginning of the sixteenth, century, arise unto the world : the first was the Resurrection of Literature ; the second was the opening of America ; the third was the Reformation of Religion.''^ Thiu? far we have an instructive view of the sub jeet, calculated to lead to the conclusion that, in the dork ages, when literature was neglected and forgotten, discoveries might have been also, and hence the knowledge of America lost for a time. The reader must now summon his gravity. "But,"thip author continues, " as probably the Z}et>i7, seducing the first inhabitants of America into it, therc^in aimed at the having of them and tiieir posterity out of the sound of the silver trumpets of the gospel, then to be heiu'd through the Roman empire.* If the Devil had any expectation, that, by the peopling of America, he should utterly deprive any Europeans of tlwj tvo benefits, literature and reZigion,' which dawned upon the miserable world, (one just before, the other just after,) the first fumed navigation hither, 'tis to b^ hoped he will be disappointed of that expectation."t The learned doqt^r, having forgotten what he had written in his first book, or wishing to inculcate his doctrine more firmly, nearly repeats a passage which he had at firet given, in a distant part of his work ; | but, there being considerable addition, we re- cite it : " The natives of the country now possessed by the Ne wen glanders, had been forlorn and wretched heathen ever since their first herding here ; and though we know not ivhen or how these Indians first became inhabitants of , this mighty continent, yet we may guess that probably the Devil decoyed those miserable salvages hither, in hopes that the gospel of the Lord Jesus Christ would never come here to destroy or disturb his absolute empire over them. But our Eliot was in such ill terms with the Devil, as to alarm him %vith sounding the sU.ver trumpets of heaven in his territories, and make some noble and zealous attempts towards outing him of ancient possessions here. There were, I think, 20 several nations (if I may call them so) of Indians upon that spot of ground which fell under the influence of our Three United Colonies ; and our Eliot was willing to rescue as many of them as he could from th it old usurping landlord of America, who is, by the wrath of God, the prince t( this world." In several places he is decided in the opinion that Indians ar^ Scythians, and is confirmed in the opinion, on meeting with this passage of Julius C(Bsar : " DiMcilius Invenire quam interficere," which he thus rendei-s, " It is harder to find them than to foil them." At least, this is a happy appli- cation of the passage. Casar was speaking of the Scythians, and our histo- rian applies the passage in speaking of the sudden attacks of the Ikulians, and their agi'.ity in hiding themselves from pnrsuit.§ Doctor Mather wrote nt the close of the seventeenth century, and his famous book. Magnolia Christi Americana, was published in 1702. Adaii, who resided 40 years (he says) among the southern Indians, previ- ous to 1775, published a huge quarto upon their origin, histoiy, &c. He tor- tures every custom and usage into a like one of the Jews, and almost every word in their language into a Hebrew one of the same meaning. Doctor Boudinot, ia his book called " The Star in the West," has followed up the theory of Adair, with such certainty, as he thinks, as that the " long lost ten tribes of Israel" are clearly identified in the American Indians. Such * This, we apprehend, ia not entirely oneinal with our author, but borders upon plagiarism. Ward, the celebrated author of the " Simple Cobler of Aggawam," says of llie Irish, " These Irish (anciently called antliropophasi, man-eaters) have a tradition amon? them. lli;it when the Devi! showed our Saviour all tlie kingdoms of the earth, and their glory, ihat he would not show him Ireland, but reserved It for himself. It is, probably, true ; for he halh kept it ever since for his own peculiar: the old fox foresaw it would eclipse the glory of all the rest : he thought it wisdom to keep the land for a Boggards for his unclean spirits employed in this hemisphere, and the people to do his son and heir (the Pope) that service for whicli Letois the XI kept his Barbor Oliver, which makes tliem so bloodthirsty." — Simple Cobler, 86, 87. Why sc much gall is poured out upon the poor Irish, we cannot sntisfnclorily account. The circumstance of his writing in the time of Croniwell will erplain a part, if not the whole of the enigma. He was the first minister of Ipswich, Massachusetts, but was born and die4 m Enfflnnd. t Magnalia Christ. Amer. b. L | Ibid. b. iiu ( See Magnalia, b. tri 3 96 ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. [Book I 1? theories have gained many supporters, it is of much higher cntiquity than Adair, and was treated as such visionary speculations should be by authors as far back as the historian Hubbard, who wrote about 1680, and has this among other passages : " If any observation be made of their manne/s and disposi- tions, It's easier to say from what nations they did not, than from whom they Jid, derive their original. Doubtless their conjecture who fancy them to be descended from the ten tribes of the Israelites, carried captive by Salamanestr and Esarhaddon, hath the least show of reason of any other, there being no footsteps to be observed of their propinquity to them more than to any other of the tribes of the earth, either as to their language or manners."* This author was one of the best historians of his times; and, generally, he writes with as much discernment upon other matters as upon this. That because the natives of one country and those of another, and each un- known to the other, have some customs and practices in common, it has been urged by some, and not a few, that they must have had a common origin ; but this, in our apprehension, does not necessarily follow. Who will pretend that different people, when placed under similar circumstances, will not have simi- lar wants, and hence similar actions ? that like wants will not prompt like ex- ertions? and like causes produce rwt like effects? This mode of reasoning we think sufficient to show, that, although the Indians may have some customs in common with the Scythians, the Tartars, Chinese, Hindoos, Welsh, and indeed every other nation, still, the former, for any reason we can see to the contrary, have as good right to claim to themselves priority of origin as either or all of the latter. Doctor Robertson should have proved that people of color produce others of no color, and the contrary, before he said, " We know with infallible certainty, that all the human race spring from the same source,"! meaning Mam. He founds this broad assertion upon the false notion that, to admit any other would be an inroad upon the verity of the holy Scriptures. Now, in our view of the subject, we leave them equally inviolate in assuming a very different ground ; I namely, that all habitable parts of the world may have been peopled at the same time, and by different races of men. That it is so peo- pled, we know : that it was so peopled as far back as we have any account, we see no reason to disbelieve. Hence, when it was not so is as futile to inquire, as it would be impossible to conceive of the annihilation of space. When a new country was discovered, much inquiry was made to ascertain from whence came the inhabitants found upon it — not even asking whence came the other animals. The answer to us is plain. Man, the other animals, trees and plants of every kind, were placed there by the supreme directing hand, which carries on every operation of natui-e by fixed and undeviating laws. This, it must be plain to every reader, is, at least, as reconcilable to the Bible history as the theory of Robertson, which is that of Grotim, and all those wlio have followed them. When it has been given in, at least by all who have thought upon the sub- ject, that climate does not change the complexion of the human race, to hold up the idea still that all must have sprung from the same source, [Mam,] only reminds us of our jp-andmothers, who to this day laugh at us when we tell them that the earth is a globe. Who, we ask, will argue that the negro changes his color by living among us, or by changing his latitude ? Who have ever become negroes by living in their country, or among them ? Has the Indian ever changed his complexion by living in London? Do those change which adopt our manners and customs, and are surrounded by us ? Until these questions can be answered in the affirmative, we discard altogether that inntarian system of peopling the world. We would indeed prefer Ovid^s method : — " Ponere durttiem coepcre, suiunque rigorem -, Mollirique mora, molliiaque ducere formam. Mox ubi crevcrunt, naturaque mitior illis Conligit," &c. &c. Metamor. lib i. fab. xi. • * Hist. Now England, 27. t Hisl. America, book iv. X Why talk of a llieory's clashing with holy writ, and say nothing of the certainly of the iciencos of geography, astronomy, geology, &c. ? \ Ch.vp. II] ON Tlir OIliniN OF THE INDIANS. 97 TFmt is, Deucalion niid Pyrrha performed the office l)y tmvcUin<» over the country niul picking up stones, which, as tlicy cast tiietii over thtir heads, became young people as they struck the earth. We mean not to he understood that tiie exterior of the skin of people is not changed hy climate, for this is very evident; but that the children of pewons would be any lighter or darker, whose residence is in a climate difTcrent from that in which they were bom, is what we deny, as in the former case. As astonishing as it may appear to the succinct reasoner, it is no less true, that Dr. Samuel Stanhope Smith haa put forth an octavo book of more than 400 pages to prove the unity, as he expresses it, ' of the human race,' that is, that all were originally descended from one man. His reasoning is of this tenor : " The American and European sailor reside equally at the pole, and under the etpiator." Then, in a triumphant air, he demands — " Why then shoulil we, without necessity, assume the hypothesis that originally there existed different species of the human kind ?"• What kind of argument is contained here we leave the reader to make out ; and again, when he would prove that all the human family are of the same tril)e, he says that negro slaves at the south, who live in white families, are gradually found to conform in features to the whites with whom they livelf Astonishing! and we wonder who, if any, knew this, beside the author. Again, and we have done with our extniordi- nary philosopher. He is positive that deformed or disfigured persons will, in process of tmie, produce oflTsjmng marked in the same way. That is, if a man practise flattening his nose, his offspring will have a flatter nose than he would have had, had his progenitor not flattenr^d his ; and so, if this oflspring rej)eat the process, his offspring will have a less prominent nose ; and so on, until the nose be driven entirely off the face! In this, certainly, our autiior has taken quite a roundabout way to vanquish or put to flight a nose. We wish he could tell us how many ages or generations it would take to make this ft "niJ'i.able conquest. Now, for any reason we can see to the contrary. It would be a much less tedious business to cut off a member at once, and thus accomplish the object in a short period; for to wait severs I generations for a fp.«n, the same diurnal arch and direction of its rays, should also partjike of the same hue and conii)lexion, which, notwithstanding, they do not. For the iihabitani3 of the same latitude in Asia are of a different complexion, as are tl\3 inlial)it- ants of Cambogia and Java; insomuch that some conceive the ^?.gvo is pro]ierly a native of Africa ; and that those places in Asia, inhabit* \\ now by * Smilli nn Complexion, N. Rrunswiok, N. J. 1810, p. 11. t Ihid. 170, 171. t Till- author pleads not ffiilliy lo the charge of plag-iarism ; for it was not until some monlhi after the text was urilteu. that lie knew that even this idea had ocrurred to any one. He has liiice ri'Bil an e.xtrart very similar, in Dr. Lawrence's valuable I.eelures on Zoology, iV:c. ^ i)n reflection, we have lliought our remarks rather pointed, as ,'Mr. Smith is not a livin|« aiuihor ; but what called them forth must be their apology. i '1 I 11 h - i i m ' I'M • i I 28 ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. [BouK 1 Moors, aro Init the iiitruHions of iiegrops, arriving first from Africa, as we generally conceive of Madagascar, and the adjoining islands, who retain the sanie complexion unto tliis day. But this defect [of latitude upon complex- ion] is more rcmarkahle in America, wiiich, although subjected unto both the tropics, yet are not tlie inhahitaiifs black between, or near, or under either : neitiier to the southward in Hni/il, Chili, or Peru; nor yet to the norlli .vard in llispaniola, Castilia, del Oro, or Nicaragua. And although in many parts thereoi", there be at present, swarms of negroes, serving under the Spaniard, yet were they all transported from Africa, since the discovery of Columbus, and are not indigenous, or proper natives of America."* Hence it is evident, that 200 years before Dr. Smith wrote, the notion that situation of place affected materially the color of the human species, was very justly set down among the "vulgar and common errors" of the tinn s. Another theory, almost as wild, and quite as ridiculous, respecting the animals of America, as that advanced by Dr. S. S. Smith, seems here to jjre- seiit itself. We have reference to the well-known assertions of Buffbn and Rnj/nal,^ two philosophers, who were an honor to the times of fYnnklin, which are, that man and older animids in America degenerate. | This has been met in such a masterly manner by Mr, Jefferson, § that to repeat any thing here would be entirely out of place, since it has been so oflen copied into works on both sides of the Atlantic. It may even be found in some of the best English Encyclopaedias. || Sinith'i does not deal fairly with a passage of Voltaire, relating to the peo- pling of America ; as he takes only a part of a sentence to comment upon. Perhaps he thought it as much as he was capable of managing. ** The com- plete sentence to which we refer we translate as follows: — "There are found men and animals all over the habitable earth : who has put them upon it ? We have already said, it is he who has made the grass grow in the fields ; and we should be no more surprised to find in America men, than we shouhl to find flies." ff We can discover no contradiction between this passage and another in a distant part of the same work ; and which seems more like the passage Mr. Smith has cited: — "Some do not wish to believe that the cater- pillars and the snails of one part of the world should be originally from an- other part: wherefore be nstonislied, then, that there should be in Ameiica some kinds of animals, and some races of men like our oAvn?"|t Voltaire has written upon the subject in a manner that will a4ways be attracting, however much or little credence may be allowed to what he has written. Vve will, therefore, extract an entire article wherein he engages more professedly upon the question than in other parts of his works, in which he has rather incidentally spoken upon it. The chapter is as follows : §§ — "Since many fail not to make systems upon the manner in which America has been peopled, it is left only for us to say, that he who created flies in those regions, created man there also. However pleasant it may be to dis- jMite, it cannot be denied that the Supreme Being, who lives in all nature, |||| has created about the 48° two-legged animals "without feathers, the color of whose skin is a mixture of white and carnation, with long beards approaching to red ; about the line, in Africa and its islands, negroes without beards ; and * " Pseudodoxia Epidemica : or Inquiries into very many Heceived Tenenis, and common- Iv received Truths; together with the Kklioio Medici. By niomas Brmvn, Ki. M. D." Page 373, 6 edition, 4to. London, 1672. t After speaking of the eiTect of the climate of the old world in producing man and other animals in perfection, he ndds, " Combien, au contratre, la nature paroU avoir neglig* nouveau mond ! Les hommes y sont moins forts, moins courage"ic ; snns barbe et sans poil," &c. — Histoire Philos. des deitx Indes, viii. 210. Ed. Geneva, 1781. 12 vols. 8vo. X Voltaire does not say quite as much, but says this: — "La nature enfin avait donne aux Americanes beaucoup moins d'industrie qu'aux hommes de I'ancien monde. Toule'' ces causes ensemble ont pu nuire beaucoup k la population." — [Qiuvrei, iv. 19.] This is, however, only in reference to the Indians. ft In his Notes on Virginia, Quer. \\\. \\ Perlhcnsis, i. ^37. (Art. Amfr. ^ 38.) IT Samuel Smith, who published a history of New .lerjey, in 17fi5, printed at Burlinjlon. ** See Hist. N. J. 8. ft Essai sur les Mceurs et I'Esprit dcs Nations. ((F.uvres, iv. 18 ) tt Ibid. 708. ^ fEuvres, t. vii. 197, 198. Ill Will the reader of this call Voltaire an atheist 7 II p lux pes l.lv Chap. 11] ON THE ORIUIN OF THE INDIANS. 99 in tho snme latitude, otiier nef^oes with bt'nnls, some of them )in\ iiig wool niid it>ar what sliouid have prevented (•oil from piii< intr on another eontint-nt animals of the Btinie specie.'*, of a copper color, in the Kime luiitude in which, in Africa and Asio, tlicy an? found black ; or even from making theni without lieardd in the very same latitude in wliich otliiTS |)Oiri8ing indeed that one half of our planet slioidd have retnritied without inhabitants during thousands of years, while the other half was peopled. What renders this opinion less probable is, that America is supposed in it to have hod animals, since we cannot bring those species of animals from the old world which do not exist in it^ as those of the tapir, the glumo, and the tajactu. Neither can we admit of the recent organization of mutter for the western hemisphere; because, independently of the accumu- lated difficulties in this hypothesis, and which can by no means be solved, we shall observe, that the fbesil bones discovered in so many parts of Ameri- ca, and at such small depths, prove that ceitain species of animals, so far from huvi:ig l)een recently organized, have been annihilated a long while ago." Before we had known, that, if we were in error, it was in the company of nhilosophers, such as we have in this chapter introduced to our readers, we tl'lt a hesitancy in avowing our opinions upon a matter of so great moment. Hut, at\er all, as it is only inatter of honest opinion, no one should be intoler- ant, although he may be allowed to make himself and eveii his friends merry at our ex|iense. When, in the days of Chrysostom, some ventured to assert their opinions of the rotundity of the e<»Tth, that learned father "did laugh at them." § And, when science shall have progressed sufficiently, (if it be possible,) to set- tle this question, there is a possibility that the Chrysoatoms of these days will not have the same excuse for their infidelity. But as it is a day of prodigies, there is some danger of treating lightly even the most seemingly iilisurd con- jectiues. We therefore feel very safe, and more especially as it required con- siderable hardihood to laugh even at the theory of the late Mr. Stjmmes. When we lately took up a l>ook entitled "Researches, Philosophical andAnli- quarian, concerning the Aboriginal Hislori/ of America, hy J. H. M'Cullou, Jr. M. D." 11 we did think, from the im))osing a))pearance of it, that some new n)atter8 on the subject had been diseovered; and itiore particularly when wo read in the preface, that "his first object was to explain the origin of the men and animals of Ami rica, so far as that question is involved with the apparent physical impediments that have so long kept the subject in total obscurity." hfovv, with what success this has been done, to do the author justice, he shall speak lor himself, and the reader then may judge for himself. " Before we attempt to explain in what manner the men and animals of America reached this continent, it is necessary to ascertain, if possible, the ciiciuiiHtances of their original creation ; for upon this esseutkl particular de- pends the great interest of our present investigation. [Wo are not able to discover that he has said any thing further upon it.l It must be evident that we can arrive at no satisfactory conclusion, if it be doubtful whether the Crea- tor of the universe made man and the animals but in one locality, from r * Or none but such as are at varianre with all history and rationality. f Archaeologia Americana, i. 325, 32G, 3-H, Slc. 6 See Acosta's Hiat. E. and \V. Indies, p. I. ed. London, 1G04. g Published at Baltimore, 1829, in 8\ o. i Art. America. CHAr. II.] ON THE ORIGIN OF TJIC INDIANS. 91 le 0- to at whence tliny were (I'mpcreed over the cnrth ; or whether lin rr(>at(;il tliem in each of those various situations where w« now find thetn livin^r. Ho far as this inquiry respects mankind, there con be no reasonnlilc ground to doubt the one origin of the species. This fact may be proved both physically and morally. [If the render can discover any thing that amounts to proof in what follows, he will have made a discovery that wo could not.] That man, notwithstanding all the diversities of their appcnranre, are but of one anecics, is a truth now universally admitted by every physiological imturalist. [That is, notwithstanding a negro l)e black, an Indian brown, a European white, still, they are all men. And then follows a quotation from Doctor Lawrenct* to corroborate the fact that men are all of one specie8.J It is true, this physiologist does not admit that the human species had their origi.-i but from one pair; for ho ol)8crvc8, tlie same species might have been crcatb I at the same time in very different parts of the earth. Hut when we liavo analyzed the moral history of mankmd, to which Mr. Lawrenct seems to have paid little attention, [and if our author has done it, we would thank him to show us where wo can find it,] we find such strongly-marked analogies in abstract matters existing among nations the most widely separated from each other, that we caimot doubt there has been a time, when the whole human family have intimately participated in one common system of things, whether it be of truth or of error, of science or of prejudice. [This does not at all agree with what he says afterwards, • We have been imable to disceni any traces of Asiatic or of European civilization in America prior to the discovery of Columbus.' And again : 'In comparing the barbarian nations of America with those of the eastern continent, we perceive no points of resend)lance between them, in their moral institutions or in their habits, that are not apjmr- ently founded in the necessities of human life.' If, then, there is no oftiiiity, other than what would accidentally happen from similar circumstances, where- fore this prating about ^ slronglif-marked analogies^ &c. just co[>ied ?] As re- spects the origin of animals, [we have given his best proofs of the origin of nmn and their transportation to America,] the subject is much more refractory. We find them living all over the surface of the earth, and suited by their phys- ical conformity to a great variety of climates and peculiar localities. Every one will admit the impossibility of ascertaining the history of their orisinn. (ik. ice that liie , or in the which is, of the old of many ie adduces lis opinion, jscrve. that nericans aa of Ameri- 774., at Edin- lesl point of 90 names nro I voyage into liversal Hi*- ca,* after stating the different opinions of various authors who have advocated in fiivor of the "dispersed people," the Phoeniciuns, and other eastern Uistiiinj:, observes, "that, therefore, the Americans in general were descended i'runi some people who inhabited a couiitry not so fur distant from them as Jifryp' and Phffinicia, our readers will, as we apprehend, readily admi-t. Now, no country can be pitched upon so proper and convenient for tills purpose as the north-easteni part of Asia, particularly Great Tartary, Siberin, and morn esjie- cially the peninsula of Kamtschatka. That jirobably was 'he ti-act thmugli which many Tartarian colonies jmssed into America, and peopled the mo.st considerable part of the new world." This, it is not to be denied, is the most rational way of getting inhabitants into America, if it must be allowed that it was peopled from the "old world." But it is not quite so easy to account ior the existence of equatorial animals in America, when all authors agree that they never could have passed that way, as they could not have survived the coldness of the climate, at any sea- son of the year. Moreover, the \ocabulMry we have given, if it prove any tiling, jiroves that either the inhabitants of North America did not come in from the north-west, or that, if they did, some unknown cause must have, I'or ages, susjionded all communication between the emigrants and their ancestors ujion the neighboring shores of Asia. In 1822, there appeared in London a work which attracted some attention, as iiiost works have upon similar subjects. It was entitled, " Description of the ruins of an ancient city, discovered near Palenque, in the kingdom of Guatemala, in Sjianish America : translated from the original manuscript re- port of Capt. Don Antonio Del Rio : followed by a critical investigation and research into the History of the Americans, by Dr. Paul Ftlir Cabrera, of the city of New Guatemala." CajHain Del Rio was ordered by the Spanish king, in the year 178G, to make an examination of whatever ruins he might find, which he accordingly did. From the manuscript he left, which afterwards fell into the hands of Doctor Cabrera, his work was composed, and is that part of the work which concerns us in our view of systems or conjectures concerning the peopling of America. We shall be short with this author, as his system differs very little from some winch we have already sketched. lie is very confident that he has settled the question how South America rect'ived its inhabitants, namely, from the Phronicians, who sailed across the Atlantic Ocean, and that the ruined city descril)ed by Caj.tain Del Rio Wiis built bv the first adventurers. Doctor Cabrera calls any system, which, in his view, docs not harmonize with the Scriptures, an innovation ujion the "holy Catholic religion ;" and rather than resort to any such, he says, "It is better to bi'lieve his [God's] works miraculous, than endeavor to make nn ostentJitions display of our tiili nis hy the cunning invention of new systems, in attributing them to natural caus< s."j The same reasoning will apply in this case as in a former. If \\e are to at tribute every thing to ijiracles, wherefore the necessity of invesiigaiion ? These authors are fond of investigating niattere in their way, but are dis- pleased if others take the same liberty. And should we follow an author in his theories, who cuts the whole business short by declaring all to be a mira- cle, when ho can no longer grojie in the labyrinth of his own fiiriiiing, oiu reader would be just in condemning such waste of time. \Vlieu every tiiiiia which we cannot at first sight imdei-stand or eomiirehend must not Ix; in quired into, fi'om siipei"stitious doubis, then and there will be fixed the Iioiiiids of all science ; but, as Lord Byron said u|)on anot' )r occasion, »,o< fill Van. "If it be allowed (says Dr. Lawrencf.U that all men are of tiie same sfiecies, it does not follow that they are all descended from the same family We have no data for determining this fioint: it could indeed only be settled by a knowledge of fiicts, which have long ago licen involved in the inipene liable darkness of antiquity." That climate has nothing to do with the com plexioii, he offers the fbllcwing in jiroof: — * IJiiivorsnl History, xx. \i\i, Wi. — Sou Malone'a edition of Ihisictll's Life Dr. Jdlnnon. V. 271. cd. in 5 V. Vimo. London, IB2I t I'ngo 30. } Lectures on Zoology, &c. -J-fS. cd. Hvo. Salein, 1828. C If I -I Hi!! :m INDIAN ANECDOTES AND NARRATIVES. TBooK I. "Tlje establish incnts of the Europeans in Asia and America have now siib- ■isted about three centuries. Vasqv£z de Gama landed at Calicut in 1498 ; and the Portuguese empire in India was founded in the beginning of the fol- Icwuig century. Brazil was discovered and taken possession of by the same nation in the very first year of the 16th century. Towards the end of the 1 jth, and the beginning of the IGth century, Columbus, Cortex, and Pizarro, subjugated for the Spaniards the West Indian islands, with the empires of Slexico and Peru. Sir fFaUer Ralegh planted an English colony in Virginia in 1584 ; and the French settlement of Canada has rather a later date. The colonists have, in no instance, approached to the natives of these countries, and thuir descendants, where the blood has been kept pure, have, at this time, the same characters as native Europeans."* The eminent antiquary De Witt CHntort\ supposed that the ancient works 'Sund in this country were similar to those supposed to be Roman by Pennant in Wales. He adds, " The Danes, as well as the nations which erected our fortifications, were in all probability of Scythian origin. According to Pliny, the name of Scythian was common to all the nations living in the north of Asia and Europe." f CHAPTER III. Jiiucdotes, JVarratives, fyc. illustrative of the Manners and Customs, ^nti^uitUs and Traditions, of the Indians. Iftt. — An Ottaway chief, known to the French by the name of JVhUejohn, \\i£ a great drunkard. Count Fronlenac asked him what he thought brandy to be made of; he replied, that it must be made of hearts and tongues — "For," said he, "when I have drunken plentifully of it, my heart is a thousand strong, and I can talk, too, with astonishing freedom and rapidity." \ Honor. — A chief of the Five Nations, who fought on the side of the English in tlie French wars, chanced to meet in battle his own father, who was fight- ing on the side of the French. Just as he was about to deal a deadly blow upon his head, he discovered who he was, and said to him, "You have once given me life, and now I give it to you. Let me meet you no more ; for I have paid the debt I owed you." § Recklessness. — In Connecticut River, about "200 miles from Long Island Sound, is a narrow of 5 yards only, formed by two shelving mountains of solid rock. Through this chasm are compelled to pass all the waters which in tlie time of the floods bury the northern country." It is a frightful passage of about 400 yards in length. No boat, or, as my author expresses it, " no living creature, was ever known to pass through this narrow, except on Indian woman." This woman had undertaken to cross the river just above, and alihongh she had the god Bacchus by her side, yet Neptune prevailed in spite of tiii'ir uniteay- inent lor his goods. The Indian heard his demand with great complaisance; then, looking him shrewdly in the eye, said, " JWe f,ay you when my powder glow." This was enough. Tiie guilty white man quickly retraced his steps, satisfied, we apprehend, to balance his account with the chagrin he had re ceived. Hunting. — The Indians had methods to catch game which served them ex- tremely well. The same month in which the Mayflower brought over the forefathers, November, 1620, tj the shores of Piimouth, several of theiti ranged about the woods near by to learn what the country contained. Having wandered farther than they weve apjirized, in their endeavor to return, tiiey say, " We were shrewdly puzzled, and lo.st our way. As we wandered, we came to a tree, where a young sprit wits bowed down over a bow, and some acorns strewed underneath. Stephen Hopkins saifl, it had been to catch some deer. So, as we were looking at it, fVilliam Bradford being in the rear, when he came looking also upon it, and as he went about, it gave a sudilen jerk up, and he was immediately caught up by the legs. It was (they continue) a very I)retty device, made with a rope of tlujir own making, [of bark or some kind of roots probably,] and having a noose as artificiajlv made as any roper in England can make, and as like ours as can be; which we brought away with us."* Preaching against Practice. — ^John Simox was a SogkonatP, who, about the year 1700, was a settled minister to that tribe. He was a man of strong mind, genendiy temperate, but sometimes remiss in the latter particular. The fol- lowing anecdote is told as characteristic of his notions of justice. Simon, on account of his deportment, was created justice of the peace, and when dif- ficulties occuiTed involving any of his peojile, he sat with the English justice to aid in making up judgment. It happened that Simon''s squaw, with some others, had committed some offence. Justice Jllmy and Simon, in making up their minds, estimated the amount of the offence differently ; ^Imy thought each should receive eight or ten stripes, but Simon said, " No, jour or Jive art enough — Poor Indians are ignorant, and it is not Cliristian-hke to punish so hardly those tcho are ignorant, as those who have knowledge." Simon's judg- ment prevailed. When Mr. ,ilmy asked John how many his wife sjiould receive, he said, "Double, because she had knowledge to have done better;" hut Colonel Jllmy, out of regard to John's feelings, wholly remitted his wife's punishment. John looked ■> ery serious, and made no reply while in i)iesen(e of the court, but, on the T , t fit opportunity, remonstrated very severely against his judgment, and ^A^d to him, " To what purvose do we preach a re/i- gion of justice, if we do unn'ghleousness in jwtgmev.t "? Sam Hide. — There are few, we imagine, who have not heard of this per- sonage ; but, notwithstanding his great notoriety, we might not be though serious in the rest of our work, were we to enter seriously into his biogriijiliy lor the reason, that from his day to this, his name has been a by-word in all New England, and means as much as to say tiie greatest of liars. It is on account of the following anecdote that he is noticed. * Muurl'ii KulHiiuii. 38 INDIAN ANECDOTES AND NARRATIVES. [Book I. Sam Hi'h uus a notorious cidor-rlrinkeras well as liar, and used to travel llie country to and (Vo bef^jrinj; it from tloor to door. At one time he happened (11 a region of country where cidejr was very luird to be i)rocured, either from Us scarcity, or from Sam^s frequent visits. However, cider he was iletcrniincd I.O have, if lying, in any sliape or color, would gain it. Heing not far from the house of an acquaintance, who he knew had cider, hut he knew, or was well satisfied, that, in the ordinary way of begging, he could not get it, he set his wits at work to lay a plan to insure it. This did not occupy him long. On arriving at the house of the gentleman, instead of asking for cider, he in- quired for the man of the house, whom, on appearing, Sam requested to go aside with him, as he had something of importance to conununicate to him. When they were by themselvea, Sam told him he had tli.t morning shot a fine deer, and that, if he would give him a crown, he would tell him where it was. The gentleman did not incline to do this, but offered half a crown. Finally, Sam said, as he had walked a great distance that morning, and was very dry, for a half a crown and a mug of cider he would tell him. This was agreed upon, and the price paid. Now »S«m was required to point out the sjiot where tht; deer was to be found, whicli he did in this manner. He said to his friend. You know of such a meadow, describing it — Yes — You know a big ash tree, with a big top by the little brook — Yes — Well, under that tree lies the deer. This was satisfactory, and Sam departed. It is unnecessary to mention that the meadow was found, and the tree by the brook, but no deer. Tlie duped man could hardly contain himself on considering what he had been doing. To look after Sam for satisfaction would Le worse than looking after the deer , so the farmer concluded to go home contented. Some yeara after, he hapj)ened to fall in with the Itidtan ; and he immediately began to rally him for deceiving him so, and demanded back his money and pay for his cider and trouble. ffliy, said Sam, would you find fault if Indian told tndh half the time ? — No — IVell, says Sam, you find him meadow 9 — Yes —You find him tret'^ — Yes — What for then you Jind fault Sam Hide, u'Aen he told you two truth to 07ie lie ^ The affair ended here. Sam heard no more from the farmer. This is but one of the numerous anecdotes of Sam Hide, whicli, could they be collected, would fill many pages. He died in Dedham, 5 January, 1732, at the great age of 105 years. He was a great jester, and passed for an un- common wit. In all the wars against the Indians during his lifetime, he served the English faithfully, and had the name of a brave soldier. He had himself killed 19 of the enemy, and tried liard to make up the 20th, but was unable. Characters contrasted. — "An Indian of the Kennebeck tribe, remarka- ble for his good conduct, received a grant of land from the state, and fixed himself in a new township where a number of families were settled. Though not ill treated, yet the common prejudice against Indians prevented any sym- pathy with him. This was shown at the death of his only child, when none of the people came near him. Shortly afterwards he went to some of the inhabitants and said to them. When white man's child die, Indian mail he soiry — he help bury him. — HTien my child die, no one speak to me — / make his grave alone. I can no live here. He gave up his farm, dug up the body of his child, and carried it with him 200 miles through the forests, to join the Canada Indians ! "• Jl ludicrous Error. — ^There was published in London, in 17(52, "The American Gazetteer," &c.t in which is the following account of Bristol, ".I. "A county and town in N. England. The capital is remarkable for the King of Spain^s having a palace in it, and being killed there ; and also for Crown the poet's begging it of Charles II." The blunder did not rest here, but is found in "The N. American and the West Indian Gazetteer," J &c. Thus Philip of Spain seems to have had the misfortune of being mistaken for Philip of tiie Wampanoags, alias Pometacom of Pokanoket. ^ ' • Tud.ir's Lelters on the Easlorn Stales, 294. i 2(\ ndilion, 12nio, London, 1788, also niinnymous. t 3 vols. 12mo. witliout name. 1 Chap. Ill] OF CUSTOMS AND MANNERS. 39 ^ Origin or Meaning of the JSTame Canada. — It is snid, tJint Canada was discov- ered l)y the Spaniards, Iwfore tiie time of Cartier, and that the Bay of Cha- leui's was discovered l»y tiiem, ami is the same as the Baife des Espagnoles ; and tlmt tiie Spaniard.-!, not meeting with any ajjpearances of mines of tiie precious metals, said to one another, aca nada, which in their language signi- fied, nothing here, and forthwith departed i'rom the country. The Indians, having heard these words, retained them in their memories, and, when the French came among them, made use of them, prohahiy by way of salutation, not understanding their import; and they were supposed by the voyagers to be the name of the country. • It was only necessary to drop the first letter, and use the two words as two syllables, and the word Canada was complete.* But as long ago as when Father Charlevoix wrote his admirable Histoky OF JVew France, he added a note upon the derivation of the name Canada, in which he said some derived it from an Iroquois word meaning an assem- blage of nouses.f Doctor J. R. Forster has a learned note upon it also, in hia valuable account of Voyages and Discoveries in the JVortL He objects to the ^ca jYada origin, because, in Spanish, the word for here is not orcr, but aqui, and that to form Canada from Aquinada would be forced and luuiatural. Yet he says, " In ancient maps we ofien find Ca: da JVada," that is. Cape Nothing. "But from a Canadian [Indian] vocabulary, annexed to the original edition of the Hecond voyage ot Jaques Cartier, Paris, 1545, it appears, that an assem- blage of houses, or habitations, i. e. a totcn, was by the natives called Canada. Cartier says, Ilz appellent une Vilie — Canada." Sir. Heckewelder is of much the same opinion as Charlevoix and Forster. He says, that in a prayer-book in the Mohawk language, he read ^JVe KAHAt)\-gongh Konwayatsk JVazardh," which was a translation of "in a city called Nazareth." Origin of the JVame Yankee. — Anbury, an author who did not resjiect the Americans, any more than many others who have been led captive by them, has the following paragraph upon this word| — "The lower class of these Yan- kees — apropos, it may not be amiss here just to observe to you the etymology of this term : it is derived from a Cherokee word, eankke, which signifies coward and slave. This epithet of yankee was bestowed upon the inhabitants of N. England by the Virginians, for not assisting them in a war with the Cherokees, and they have always been held in derision by it. But the name has been more prevalent since [1775] the commencement of hostilities; the soldiery at Boston used it as a term of reproach ; but afler the aflitir at Bim- ker's Hill, the Americans gloried in it. Yankee-doodle is now their pecan, a favorite of favorites, played in their army, esteemed as warlike as the grena- dier's march — it is the lover's spell, the nurse's lullaby. After our rapid suc- cesses, we held the yankees in great contempt ; but it was not a little n:orti- fying to hear them play this tune, when their army marched dovm to our sur- render." § But Mr. Heckeioelder thinks that the Indians, in endeavoring to pronounce the name English, could get that sound no nearer tlian these letters give it, yengecs. This was perhaps the true origin of Yankee. A sir^vlar Stratagem 4o escape Torture. — "Some years ago the Shawano Indians, being obliged to remove from their habitations, in their way took a Muskohge warrior, known by the name of old Scrany, \m8oacr ; they bas- tinadoed him severely, and condemned him to the fiery torture. He uuder- * The authors who have adopted this opinion, are Doctor Mather, [Maffnalia, B. vili. 71 :1 Harris, [Voya?os, ii.349 ;] Moll, [Geog. li. 194;] /. Long, [Voja^cs ancTTravels, 2 ;] Box- man, [Maryland, 35 ;] Moulton, [N. York, i. 131 ;] Martin, [I.ouisiana, i. 7.] Josselyn and Jefrys seem to be without company as well as authorities for their derivations. The former [N. England Rarities, .')] says, Canada was " so called from Monsieur Cane." The latter [Ilist. America, 1] says, " Canada, in the Indian language, signifies the Moitth of the Country, from can, mouth, and ailu, the country." t Quelques-unes dirivent ce nom du mot Iroquois Kannata, qui sc prononce Canada, et sig- nifie im amas de cabannes. Hist. Nouv. France, i. 9. t Travels through the Interior Parts of North America, 1776, &.c. vol. ii. 4<),47. Anburm was an officer in General Burgoyne's army, and was among the captives surrendered at Saratoga. ( This derivation is almoil ai ludicroui as thai pven by Innitg in his Knickerbocker. 40 ANECDOTES, &c., ILLUSTRATIVE [Book L wont a great deal without showing auy concern ; his countenance and beha- vior were as if he suffered not tiie least pain. He told his persecutors with a hold voice, that ho was a warrior ; that lie had gained most of his martial reputation at the expense of their nation, and was desirous of showing them, in the act of dying, that he was still as much their superior, as when he headec' his gallant countrymen : that although he had fallen into their hands, and for- feited the protection of the divine power by some impurity or other, when curiyiiig the holy ark of war against his devoted enemies, yet he had so much rnnainiug virtue as would enable him to punish himself more exquisitely than all tlieir despicable, ignorant crowd possibly could; and that he would do so, if they gave him liberty by untying him, and handing him one of the red-hot gim-barrels out of the fire. The proposal, and his method of address, appeared BO exceedingly bold and uncommon, that his request was granted. Then suddenly seizing one end of the red-hot barrel, and brandishing it from side to side, lea])ed down a prodigious steen and high bank into a branch of the river, dived through it, ran over a small island, and passed the other branch, amidst a shower of bullets ; and though numbers of his enemies were in close pursuit of him, he got into a bramble-swamp, through which, though naked and in a mangled condition, he reached his own country." An unparaUded Case of Suffering. — "The Shawano Indians captured a warrior of the Anantoocah nation, and put him to the stake, occording to their usutd cruel solemnities: having unconcernedly suffered much torture, he told them, with scorn, they did not know how to punish a noted enemy ; therefore he wus willing to teach them, and would confirm the iruth of his assertion if they allowed him the opportunity. Accordingly he requested of them a pipe and some tobacco, which was given him ; as soon as he had lighted it, he sat down, naked as he was, on the women's burning torches, that were within his circle, and continued smoking his pipe without the least discomposure : On this a head warrior leaped up, and said, they saw plain enough that he was a warrior, and not afraid of dying, nor should he have died, only that he was both spoiled by the fire, and devoted to it by their laws ; however, though he was a very dangerous enemy, and his nation a treacherous people, it should be seen that they paid a regard to bravery, even in one who was marked with war streaks at the cost of many of the lives of their lieloved kindred ; and then by way of favor, he with his friendly tomahawk instantly put an end to all his pains." * Ignorance the Offspring of absurd Opinions. — The resolution and courage of the Indians, says Colonel Rogers, "under sickness and pain, is truly surpris- ing. A young woman will be in labor a whole day without uttering one groan or cry; should she betray such a weakness, they would inmietliately say, that she was unworthy to be a mother, and that her of!spring could not tail of being cowards." f A JVorlhem Custom. — When Mr. Heame was on the Coppermine River, in 1771, some of the Coj)per Indians in his company killed a number of Esqui- maux, by which act they considered themselves unclean ; and all concerned in the murder were not allowed to cook any provisions, either for themselves or others. They were, however, allowed to eat of others' cooking, but not until they had painted, with a kind of red earth, all the space between their nose and chin, as well as a greater part of their cheeks, almost to their cars. Neither would they use any other dish or pipe, than their own. J Another Pocahontas. — While Lewis and Clarke were on the shore of the Pacific Ocean, in 1805, one of their men went one evening into a village of the Killamuk Indians, alone, a small distance from his party, and on the opposite side of a creek fiom that of the encampment. A strange Indian happened to be tliere also, who expressed great respect and love for the white * Tlie two preceding relalions are from I.rtiir's Vnii'iges ami Travels, 72 and 73, a book of (mail pretensions, but one slow in his retreat, and ordered him to make more haste : "IJut he replied, 'No — thoug: rouR gover.nok LEAVES TOU, I WILL NOT STIR TILL I HAVE SEEN ALL MY MEN BEKORE ME.' " Indifference. — Archihau was a sachem of Maryland, whose residence was upon the Potomack, when that country was settled by the English hi 1633-4. The place of his residence was named, 'i'.e the river, Potomack. As usual with the Indians, he received the English under Governor Calvert ^Yith great attention. It should be noted, that Archihnu was not head sachem of the Pofomacks, but governed instead of his nephew, who was a child, and who, like the head men of Virginia, was called werowance. From this place the colonists sailed 20 lcagu(;s farther up the rivtjr, to a place called Piscattaway. Here a werowance went on board the governor's pinnace, to treat with him. On being asked whether he was willing the English should settle in his country, in case they found a place convenient lor them, he maile answer, " / will not bid you go, neillur will I bid you slay, but you may use your own discretion." * Their Notions of the Learning of the Whites. — At the congress at Lancaster, in 1744, between the government of Virginia and the Five Nations, the Indians were told that, if they would send some of their young men to Vir- ginia, the English would give them an education at their college. An orator replied to this offer as follows: — "We know that you highly esteem the kind of learning taught in those colleges, and that the maintenance of on young men, while with you, would be very expensive to you. We are onvinced, ihereforc, that you mean to do us good by your proposal, and wo 'hank you heartily. But you who are wise must know, that different nations have differ- ent conceptions of things; and you will therefore not take it amiss, if our ideas of this kind of education happen not to be the same witli yours. We have had some experience of it : several of our young people were formerly brought U|) at the colleges of the northern provinces ; they were instructed in all your sciences ; but when they came back to us, they were bad runnei-s ; ignorant of eveiy means of living in the woods; unable to bear either cold or hunger ; knew neither how to build a cabin, take a deer, or kill an enemy ; spoke our language imperfectlv; were therefore neither fit for hunters, warriors, or counsellors; they were totally good for nothing. We are, however, not the less obliged by your kind offer, though we decline accepting it : and to show our grateful sense of it, if the gentlemen of Virginia will send us a dozen of their sons, we will take great care of their education, instruct them in all we know, and make men of them." \ Success of a Missionary. — Those who have attempted to Christianize the Indians complain that tliey are too silent, and that their taciturnity was the greatest difficulty with which they have to contend. Their notions of pro Oldinixmi, [Hist. Maryli upon their minds at the time of delivery. In tiiis they [lave a proper advantage; for liow often thies it hn])pen that people would answer very differently ii|Hm a mutter, were tliey to consider upon it but a short time ! The Indiana seldom answer u matter of importance the same day, lest, in so doing, they should be thought to have treated it as though it was of smuli consequence. We oHener repent of a hasty decision, than that we have lost time in maturing our judg- ments. Now for the anecdote: and as it is from the Essays of Dr. Fiaiklin, it shall lie told in his own way. "A Swedish minister, having assembled the chiefs of the Susqueliannah Indians, made a sermon to them, acquainting them with the principal historical facts on which our religion is founded ; such as the fall of our first parents by eating an apple ; the coming of Christ to repair the mischief; bis miracles and sufterings, &c. — When he had finished, an Indian orator stood up to thank him. ' fFhat you have told us,' said he, 'ia all very good. It is indeed bad to eat apples. It is better to make them ail into cider. We are much obliged by your kitulness in coming so far to tell us those things, which you have heard from your mothers.' "When the Indian had told the missionary one of the legends of his nation, now they had been supplied with maize or corn, beans, and tobacco,* he treated it with contempt, ond said, * What I delivered to you were sacred truths ; but what you tell me is mere fable, fiction, and falsehood.' The Indian felt indignant, and replied, ^My brother, it seems your fnends have net done you justice in your education ; they have not well instructed you in the rules of common civility. You see that we, who understand and practise those rules, believe all your stories : why do you refuse to believe ours ? ' " Curiosity. — "When any of the Indians come into our towns, our people are opt to crowd round them, gaze upon them, and incommode them where they debire to be private; this they esteem great rudeness, and the effect of the want of instruction in the rules of civility and good manners. ' We have,' say they, ' as much curiosity as you, and when you come into our toiims, toe wish for opportunities of looking at you ; but for this purpose ice hide ourselves behind bushes where you are to pass, and never intrude ourselves into your company.' " Rules of Conversation. — "The business of the women is to take exact notice of what passes, imprint it in their memories, (for they have no writing,) and communicate it to their children. They are the records of the council, and they preserve tradition of the stipulations in treaties a hundred yeara back ; which, when we com^re with our writings, we always find exact. He that would speak rises. The rest observe a profound silence. When he has finished, and sits down, they leave him five or six minutes to recollect, that, if he has omitted cny thing he intended to say, or has any thing to add, he may ris,e again, and deliver it. To interrupt another, even in common conversa- tion, is reckoned highly indecent. How different this is from the conduct of a jwlite British House of Commons, where scarce a day passes without some confusion, that makes the speaker hoarse in calling to order ; and how different from the mode of convereation in many polite companies of Europe, where, if you do not deliver your sentence with great rapidity, you are cut off in the middle of it by the impatient loquacity of those you converse with, and never Buffered to finish it!" — Instead of being better since the days of Franklin, we appreliond it has grown worse. The modest and unassuming oflen find it exceeding difficult to gain a hearing at all. Ladies, and many who consider themselves examples of good manners, transgress to an insufferable degree, in breaking in upon the conversations of others. Some of these, like a ship * The story of the beautiful woman, who descended to the earth, and was fed by the Indians, Black-Hawk is made to tell, in his life, pa^e 78. It is the same ollen told, and alluded to by Franklin, in the text. To reward the Indians for their kindness, she raused corn to G^row where iier right hand touched the earth, bcaus where the left rested, and tobacco where she was sealed. Chap. Til.] OF CUSTOMS AND MANNERS. 43 le er er in ed CO driven i)y a nnrtli-wfster, Iwnring down the small rrall in Jut ronrsc, ronie npon n.s Ity Hnrprisc, jnortant information. The people accordingly assend)led, but when the messenger had with great anxiety delivered Iiia niessjige, and waited for an answer, none was given, and he soon ol)served that he was like- ly to be lefl alone in his place. A stranger present asked a principal chief the meaning of this strange jirocecdiiig, wlio gave this answer, ^ He once told us a lieJ" Comic. — An Indian having been found frozen to death, an inquest of bis countrymen was couventd to determine by what means he came to such a death. Their verdict was , "Death from the freezing of a great quantity of water inside of him, whicii they were of opinion lie had drunken for rum." w3 serious Q^uestion, — About 1794, an officer presented a western chief with a medal, on one side of wliich President Washington was represented as armed with a sword, and on the other an Indian was seen in the act of burying the hatchet. The chief at once saw the wrong done his countrymen, and veiy wisely asked, " fVhy does not the President bury his sword too?"* Self-esteem. — A white man, meeting an Indian, accosted him as brother. The red man, with a great e.xprebsion of meaning in his countenance, inquired how they came to be brothere; the white man replied, O, by way of Adam, I suppose. The Indian added, " Me thank him Great Spirit we ;w nearer brothers." A Preacher taken at his Word. — A certain clergyman had for his te.vt on a time, " Vow and pay unto the Lord thy votes." An Indian happened to lie 1)resent, who stepped up to the priest as soon as he had tinished, luid sai.i to lim, "Now me vow me go home with you, Mr. Minister." The priest, having no language of evasion at command, sjiid, " You must go then." When he Jiad arrived at the home of the minister, the Indian vowed ij^ain, saying, " iN'ow me vow me have supper." When this was finished he said, " Me vow me stay all night." The priest, by this time, thinking himself sufficiently taxed, re- plied, " It may be so, but I vow you shall go in the morning." The Lxlian, judging from the tone of his host, that more vows would be useless, departed in the morning sans cirimonie. A case of signal Barbarity. — It is related by Black Hawk, in his life, that some time before the war of 1812, one of the Indians had killed a French- man at Prairie des Chiens. " The Britit i soon afler took him prisoner, and said they would shoot him next day ! His family were encamped a short dis- tance below the mouth of the Ouisconsin. He begged permission to go and see them that night, as he was to die the next day! They permitted hini to go, after promising to return the next morning by sunrise. He visited his family, which lonsisted of a wife and six children. I cannot describe their meeting and parting, to be understood by thi whites ; as it appears that their feelings are acted upon by certain rules laid down by their /?rfacAers / — ^whilst ours are governed only by the monitor within us. He parted from his wife and chil- dren, hurried through the prairie to the fort, and arrived in time ! The sol- diers were ready, and immediately marched out and shot him down !! " — If thia were not cold-blooded, deliberate murder, on the part of the whites, I have no conception of what constitutes that C4'ime. What were the circumstances jf the murder we are not inform,?d ; but whatever they may have been, they cannot excuse a still greater barbarity. I woidd not by any means be under- stood to advocate the cause of a murderer; but I will ask, whether crime is to be prevented by crime : murder for murder is only a brutal retaliation, ex- cept whore the safety of a community requires the sacrifice. • EUiol's Works, 178. 44 N VKK.VTIVES, ic, H.LUSTUATIVE IBuoK I Mouminfr much in a short Time, — " A young w'ulow, whoso iiuslmnd liitd bci'ii il< ad ulxiiit I'iju;!!! duvH, was liasteiiing to fiiiiHli licr grief, in order tiiat «lic Mii^lit lie inarri)(l to u joiiiig wurrior: slie wuh dettrinini'd, tiiercforc, to frrievt! iniicli in a .siiori tinii- ; to iliis end siie tore her liair, drank H|>irit.M, and leat her hreast, to make the tears flow abun(hmtly, hy whieli means, on tiio i-v< iiinv of the eigliili ^ratifi- cation. The chief was a Creek, named Flamingo, who, in company with another called Double-head, visited Philadelphia as ambassadors, in the sum- mer of 1794. Vew travellers discover such scrupulousness, especially those who come to America. That Flamingo was more bloody than other Indian warriors, is in no w\sti probable ; but a mere report of his l)eing a great slied- der of blood kept 31r. If'ansey from saying any more about him. Just Indignation. — Hatuat, a powerful chief of Ilispaniolo, having fled from thence to avoiil slavery or ; l)nloii>5(Ml to a B|)ei'ies of animal long fnice extinct. Thi-y Imvc hitn It.nini ill various parts of the country ; hut in the f.'reat<'st aliniiiiiince alioiit thi" s;i!t licks or sjirings in Kentucky and Ohio. There has never hem an entire skeleton font"' although the one in Peale^s niiiscuin, in IMiiladelphia, was h) near p<^rfeet, that, hy u little iiigeniiity in Bupplying its delects with woimI- work, it piiHses extremely well for sueli. The tradition of the Indians concerning this animal is, that he was carniv- orons, and existed, as lato ns 1780, in the northern jiarts of America. Some Delavvares, in the tim(! of the revolutionary war, visited the governor of \'ir- ginia on husiness, which having hcen finished, some (;ucstioii8 were put t(» them concerning their country, and especially what they knew or had lii;ard respecting the animals whose hones had Imhmi found al)>)Ut the mlt licks on the Ohio River. "The chief speaker," continues our author, Mv. Jtjfirson, " immediately put himself into an attitude of oratory, and, with a pomp suiteil to what he conceived the elevation of his suhject," hegan and repeated as follows : — " In ancient limes, a herd of these tremeniloxis animalu came to the Big-bone Licks, and began an universal destruction or the bear, deer, elks, buffa- loes, and other animals, ivhich iw I been created for the vse of the Indians : the fyeat man above, looking down and seeing this, was so enraged, that he seized his ighlning, descended to the earth, and seated himself on a neighboring mountain, on a rock of which his seat and the print of his feet are still to be seen, and hurled his bolts among them till the whole tvere slaughtered, except the big bidl, lolio, presenting his forehead to the shajis, shook them off as they fell ; but missing one at length, it wounded hln in the side ; whereon, springing round, he bounded over the Ohio, over the Wah ,7i, the lUinois, and, finalbj, over the great lakes, where he is living at this day^ Such, say the Indians, is the account handed down to them from their ancestors, and tliey could furnish no other information. JVarralive of the Captivity and bold Exploit of Hannah Duston. — ^The rela- tion of this affair forms the XXV. article in the Decennium Luctuosum of the Magnalia Christi Americana, hy Dr. Cotton Mather, and is one of the liest- written articles of all we have read from his pen. At its head is this signifi- cant sentence — Dux Fiemina Facti. On the 15 March, 1(197, a band of about 20 Indians came unexpectedly upon Haverhill, in Massacliu setts ; and, as their ntmihei's were small, tliey made their attack- with the swiflness of the whirlwind, and as suddenly disap- peared. The war, of which this irruption was a i)art, had continued nearly ten years, and soon afterwards it came to a close. The house which this fiarty of Indians had singled out os their object of uttaei , iKlonged to one Mr. Thomas * Duston or Dunstan,j in the outskirts of the to vn. | Mr. Duston was at work, at some distance from his house, at the time, and whether he was alarmed for the safety of his family by the shouts of the Indians, or other cause, we are not informed ; but he seems to have arrived there time enough Iwfoi-e the arrival of the Indians, to make some arrangements for the preserva- tion of his children ; but his wife, who, but about a week before, had been confined by a child, was unable to rise from her bed, to the distraction of her agonized husband. No time was to be lost ; Mr. Duston had only time to direct his children's Hight, (seven in number,) the extremes of whose ages were two and seventeen, and the Indians were upon them. With his gun, the distressed father mounted his horse, and rode away in the direction of the children, whom he overtook but about 40 rods from the house. His first intention was to take up one, if possible, and escape with if. He had no sooner overtaken them, than this resolution was destroyed ; for to rescue eitln'r to the exclusion of the rest, was worse than death itself to him. He thei'efoie faced about and met the enemy, who had closely pursued him ; each fired * Mr. Mijrick's Hist. Haverhill, 8G. t Ihitrhinaon. } Kin^hl houses were destroyed nt this time, 27 persons killed, and 13 carried away captivo. In Mr. li. L. Myrick's History of Haverhill, are the names of the slain, &c. 46 EXPLOIT OF HANNAH DUSTON. [Book 1, i npon the other, and it is almost a miracle that none of the little retreating party were hurt. The Indians did not pursue long, from fear of raising the neighboring English before they could complete their object, and hence this part of the family escaped to a place of uifety. We are now to enter fully hito the relation of this very tragedy. There was living in the house of Mr. Duston, as nurse, Mrs. Mary JVeff,* a widow, whose heroic conduct in sliaring the fate of her mistress, when escape was ill her power, will always be viewed with admiration. The Indians were now in the undisturbed possession of the house, and having driven the sick woman from her bed, rf^'n()elled her to sit quietly in the corner of the fire-pl.ice, while they compn.:ed the pillage of the house. This business bciii^r riuished, it was set on fire, and Mre, Duston, who before considered herself unable to walk, was, at the approacn of night, obliged to march into the wilderness, and take her bed u|)on the cold ground. Mrs. JK'eff too late attem[)ted to escajie with the infant child, but was intercepted, the child taken from her, and its brains beat out against a neighboring apjde-tree, while its nurse was com|»ellcd to accomp.iny her new and frightful masters also The ca])tivc8 amounted in all to 13, some of whom, as they became unable to travel, were murdered, and left exposed upon the way. Aitliough it was near night when they quitted Haverhill, they travelled, as they judged, 12 miles iHifore encamping; "and fl.en," says Dr. Maiher, "kept up with their new masters in a long travel of >. KiRB. Mtjrirk, Ilisl. Havl. 87. t Tliulr course was i>rol)iil)ly very indirect, to eludo tuirsuil, X Hist. Mtivcrliill, li9 Chap. Ill] DESTRUCTION OF SCHENECTADY. 47 111 All WM over before the dawti of day, and nil things wore got ready for leaving this place of blood. All the boats but one were scuttled, to i)revont being |)ni*sued, and, with what provisions and arms the Indian camp ailbrdcd, they finbarked on board the other, and slowly and silently took the course of thc'ftlerrimack River for their homes, where they all soon after arrived with- out accident. The whole country was astonished at the relation of the affair, the truth of "which was never for a moment doubted. The ten scalps, and the arms of the Indians, were evidences not to be questioned ; and the general court gave them fifty pounds as a reward, and numerous other gratuities were showered upon them. Colonel JVicholson, governor of Maryland, hearing of the transac- tion, sent them a generous present also. Eight other houses were attacked besides Duaton^s, the owners of which, says the historian of that town, Mr. Mynck, in every case, were slain while defending them, and the blood of each stained his own door-sil!. JVarrative of the Destriution of Schenectady.* — This was an event of great distress to the whole country, at the time it happened, and we are able to give some new facts in relation to it from a manuscript, which, we believe, has never before been published. These facts are contained in a letter from Gov- 3rnor Bradstreet, of Massachusetts, to Governor Hinckley, of Plimouth, dated about a month after the affair. They are as follow: — " Tho' you cannot but have heard of the horrid massacre committed bv the French and Indians at Senectada, a fortified and well compacted to\vn 50 nules above Albany (which we had an account of by an express,) yet we think we have not discharged our duty till you hear of it from us. 'Twas upon the Eighth of February, [1G89-90] at midnight when those poor secure wretches were surprised by the enemy. Their gates were o[)en, no watch kept, and hardly any order observed in giving and obeying commands. Sixty of them were butchered in the place ; of whom Lieut. Talmage and four more were of Capt. BidCs com- pany, besides five of said company carried captive. By this action the French have given us to undijrstand what we may expect from them as to the fron- tier towns and seaports of New England. We are not so well acquainted what number of convenient Havens you have in your colony, besides those of Plimoutli and Bristol. We hope your prudence and vigilance will lead you to take .such measures as to prevent the landing of the enemy at either of those or any such like place." f We now proceed to give such other facts as can be gathered from the numerous printed accounts. It appears that the government of Canada had planned several expeditions, previous to the setting out of this, against various important points of the English frontier, — as mucli to gain the warric rs of the Five Nations to their interest, as to distress the English. Governor De JSTon- ville bad sent over several chief sachems of the Iroquois to France, where, as usual upon such embassies, great pains were taken to cause them to enter- tain the highest opinions of tho glory and greatness of the Fi-encli nation. Among them was Taweraket, a renowned warrior, and two others. It appears . that, during their absence in France, the great war between their countrymen and the French had ended in the destruction of Montreal, and other i)laees, aa will be seen detailed in our Fifth Book. Hence, when Count fVonteiuie arrived in Canada, in the fall of 1089, instead of finding the Iroquois ready to join him and his forces which he had brought from France for the conquest of New York, ho found li'inself obliged to set about a reconciliation of them, lie tiiereforo wisely despatched Taweraket, and the two others, upon that design. The Five Nations, on being called U|)on by these chiefs, would take no step without fii"st notifying tho English at Albany that a council was to be called. The blows which had been so lately given the French of Canada, had lulled the English into a fatal security, and they lei this council pass with too little attention to its proceedings. On tho other baud, the French wcr» ^ * 'I'liis was the (iprmnn name ofn pine barren, such as strclplics itself bolweoii Albany anil Silioni'claily, over whioli is now n rnil-road. t FreiK'ii ships, witli land I'lrcci ami munitions, had, but a short time before, hovered upoa tbo coaaU ■'t 48 lESTRUCTlON OF SCHENECTADY. [Book 1 "M fully and ably ivprcsented ; and tlie result wns, the existing breach was set in n fuir way to bo closed up. This great council was bogun 22 Januaiy, 16!)0 and consisted of eighty sachems. It was opened by Sadekanaghtie,* a groat Oneida chief. Meanwhile, to give employment to the Indians wiio yet remained their friends, the expedition was begun which ended in the destruction of Schenec- tady. Chief Justice Smith\ wrote his account of tliat affiiir from a manuscript letter left by Colonel Schuyler, at that time mayor of Albany; and it is the most particular of any account yet published. It is as follows, and bears date 15 February, 1G89:— After two-and-twenty days' march, the enemy fell in with Schenectady, February 8. There were about 200 French, and perha|)s 50 Cuughnewaga Mohawks, and they at first intended to have surprised Albany ; but their march had been so long and tedious, occasioned by the deepness of the snow and coldness of the weather, that, instead of attemjrting any thing offensive, they had nearly decided to surrender themselves to the first English tliey should meet, such was their distressed situation, in a cam[) of snow, but a few miles from the devoted setdement. The Indians, however, saved them from the disgrace. They had sent out a small scout from their |)arty, who entered Schenectady without even exciting suspicion of their errand. When they htid staid as long as the nature of their business required, they withdrew to their fellows. Seeing that Schenectady offered such an easy prey, it put new courage into the French, and they came upon it as above related. The bloody tragedy commenced between 11 and 12 o'clock, on Saturday night; and, that every liouse might be surprised at nearly the same time, the enemy divided them- selves into parties of six or seven men each. Although the town was impaled, no one thought it necessary to close the gates, even at night, presuming the severity of the season was a sufficient security ; hence the fii"st news of the approach of the enemy was at every door of every house, which dooi*s were broken as soon as the profound slumbers of diose they were intended to guard. The same inhuman barbarities now followed, that were afterwards perpetrated upon the wretched inhabitants of Slontreal.J "No tongue," said Colonel Schnyk)', " can express the cruelties that were committed." Sixty-three houses, and the church, § were immediately in a blaze. Enciente women, in their expiring agonies, saw their intiints east into the flames, being first delivered by the knife of the midnight assassin I Sixty-three || persons were put to death, and twenty-seven were carried into captivity. A few persons fled towards Albany, with no other covering but their night- clothes ; the horror of whose condition was greatly enhanced by a great fall of snow ; 25 of whom lost their limbs from the severity of the frost. With these poor fugitives came the intelligence to Albany, and that place was in dismal confusion, having, as usual upon such oceaiions, supposed the enemy to have been seven times more numerous than they really were. About noon, the next day, the enemy set off from Schenectady, taking all the plunder they could carry with them, among which were forty of the best horees. The n st, with all the cattle and other domestic animals, lay slaughtei-ed in the streets. One of the most considerable men of Schenectady, at this time, was Captain Jilcxander Glen. If He lived un the opposite side of tlie river, and was sufi'ered to escape, because he had delivered many French prisoners ii'om torture and slavery, who had been taken by the Indians in the former wars. They had passed his house in the night, and, during the massacre, he had taken ihe alarm, and in the morning he was found ready to defend himself. IJefore leaving the village, a French officer sunnnoiiec^ him to .i cc uncil, upon the shore of the river, with the tender of peixmal safely. lie at length adveiiiuicd (iown, and had the great satisfaction of having all his captured friends tind relatives delivered to him ; and the enemy departed, keeping good their promise that no injury should be done him. {{ ftiulasrenmcldie in Powiuii on tlie Colonies, I. 3!)!!. See 15oi)k V. ^ l^pajj'onl, I Vharlevoh: colls iiim The Sieuv Coiidre. t Hist. \. Voik. II Coklen. I I'l Chap. III.] DEST^iUCTION OF SCHENECTADY. 49 The great Mohawk castle was ahout 17 miles from Schenectady, nrul thoy did not hear of the niussaere until two days a'ter, owuig to the state of travelling. On receiving the news, tlmy immediately joined a party of men from Albany, and pursued the enemy. Al\er a tedious pursuit, they fell upon their rear, killed and took 25 of them, and did them some otlier damage. Sev- eral chief sachems soon assembled at A'.bany, to condole with the peojjle, und animate them against leaving the place, which, it seems, thoy were ahout to do. From a speech of one of the cliiels on this occasion, tlie following extract is preserved : — " Brethren, we do not think that what the French have done can bo called a victory ; it is only a further i)roof of their cruel deceit. Tlie governor of Canada sent to Onondago, and talks to us of peace with our whole house ; hut war was in his heart, as you now see by woful experience. He did tiie same formerly at Cadaracqui,* and in the Senecas' country. This is the tliird time he has acted so deceitfully. He has bioken open our house at both ends; formerly in he Senecas' country, uud now here. We hope to be revenged on them." Accordingly, when messengers came to renew and conclude the treaty which had been begun by Taweraket, beibre mentioned, they were seized and handed over to the English. They also kept out scouts, and harassed the French in every direction. We will now proceed to draw from Charlevoix' account of this affair, which is very minute, as it respects the operations of the French and Indians. Not- withstanding its great importance in a correct history of the sacking of Sche- nectady, none of our historians seem to have given themselves the trouble of laying it before their readers. Governor Frontenac, having determined upon an expedition, gave notice to M. de la Durantaye, who then commanded at Michilimakinak, that he might assure the Hurons and Ottawas, that in a short time they would see a groat change in affairs for the better. He pre)>arcd at the same time a large convoy to reinforce that post, and he took measures also to raise three war parties, who should enter by three different routes the country of the English. The fii-st assembled at Montreal, and consisted of ahout 110 men, French and Indians, and was put under the connnand of M.M. tVJlUlebout de Mantel, and le Maine de St. Helene, two lieutenants, under whom MM. de Repentigmj, d^ Iberville, de Bonrepos, de la Brosse, and de Montigm, requested perm is- eion to serve as volunteer. This i)arty marched out before they had determined against what part of the English frontier they would carry tiieir arms, though some j)art of New York was understood. Count Frontenac had left that to the two conmumdors. Aller they had marched five or six days, they called a council to determine upon what place they wotdd attempt. In this council, it was debated, on the part of the French, that Albany would be the smallest place they ought to undertake; but the Indians would not agree to it. They contended that, with their small force, an attack upon Albany would be attended with extreme hazard. The French being strenuous, the debate grew warm, and an Indian chief asked them "how long it was since tiicy had so nmch courage." To this severe rebuke it was answered, tiiat, if by some past actions they had discovered cowardice, they siiould see that now they would retrieve llicir character ; they would take Albany or die in the attempt. The Indiiins, iiow- ever, would not consent, and the council broke up without agreeing upon any tiling but to proceed on. They continued their march initil they came to a place where their path divided into two; one of which led to Albany, and the other to Schenectady: hero Manlet gave up his design upon Albany, and they marched on harmoni- ously for the former village. The weatlier was very severe, and for tlie nine following days the little army suffered incredible hardships. 'I'lio nun wore oflen obliged to wade through water up to their knees, breaUuig its ice at every step. • See Book V. 1) 60 DESTRUCTION OF SCHENECTADY. [Book 1 At 4 o'clock in the morning, the beginning of February, they arrived within two leagues of Schenectady. Here they halted, and the Great ^gnier, chief of the Iroquois of the Falls of St. Louis, made a speech to them. He exhorted every one to forget the hardships they had endured, in the hope of avenging the wrongs they had for a long time suffered from the perfldious English, who were the authors of them; and in the ch)se added, that they could not doubt of the assistance of Heaven against the enemies of God, in a cause so just. Hardly had they taken up their line of march, when they mot 40 Indian women, who gave them all the necessary information for approaching the place in snft-'y. A Canadian, named Giguiere, was detached ii imediately with nine Iiid'ans upon discoveiy, who acquitted himself to the entire satisfiiction of his officers. He reconnoitred Schenectady at his leisure, and then rejoined bis comrades. It had been determined, by the party to put off the attack one ,, / longer; but on the arrival of the scout under Giguiere, it was resolved to proceed without delay. Schenectady was then in form like that of a long square, and entered by two gates, one at each end. One opened towards Albany, the other upon the great road leadmg into the back country, and wiiich was now possessed by the French and Indiana. Mantet and St. Helene charged at the second gate, which the Indian women before mentioned had assured them was always open, and they found it so. D'RerviUe and Repentigni passed to the left, in order to e"ter by the other gate, but, after losing some time in vainly endeavoring to find it, were obliged to return and enter with their comrades. The gate was not only open but unguarded, and the whole j)arty entered withoiir, being discovered. Dividing themselves into several parties, they wuy.iuid every portnl, ind then the war-whoop was raised. Mantet formed and attacked a garrisoi;, where the only resistance of any account was made. The gate of it was soon forced, and all of the English fell by the sword, and the garrison was burned. Montigni was wounded, in forcing a house, in his arm and body by two blows of a halberd, which put him hor3 du combat; but St. Helene being come to his assistance, the house was taken, and the woimda of Montigni revenged by the death of all who had slnit themselves up in it. Nothing was now to be seen but massacre and pillage in eveiy place. At ilie end of about two hours, the chiefs, believing it due to their safety, posted bodies of guards at all the avenues, to prevent surprise, and tlie rest of the night was spent in refreshing themselves. Mantet had given orders that the minister of the place should be spared, whom he hud intended for his own prisoner; but he was found among the promiscuous dead, and no one knew when he was killed, and all his pupcra were burned. After the place was destroyed, the chiefs ordered all the casks of intoxicat- ing liquors to be staved, to prevent their men from getinig drimk. They next set all the houses on fire, excepting that of a widow, into which Montigni had been carried, and another belonging to Major Coudre : they were in num- ber about 40, all well built and furnished ; no booty but that which could bo easily transyiovted was saved. The lives of about 60 persons were spared ; chiefly w- • ion, children, and old men, who had escaped the fuiy of the onset, and 30 Indians who happened to be then in the place. The lives of the Indians were spared that they might carry the news of what had happened to their countrymen, whom they were recjuesti'd to inform, that it was not ajininst them that they intended any harm, but to the Engliish only, whom tlicy had now desi-oile'l of property to the amount of four hundred thousand pounds. They were too near Albany to remain long among the ruins, and tlioy (Icc'junped about noon. Tlio plunder — .Montigni, whom it was necessary 10 carry — the prisoners, wlio were to tiie niunber of 40 — and the want of provisions, with which they had in their hurry neglected to i)rovi(Ie them- selves — retarded mnch then* retreat. Many would have even died ot" (amine, had they not had 50 horses, of which there remained but six when tiity 1^' Ch\p. HI] MURDER OF MISS M'CREA. 51 lat- ley rut iet, lie to Kit )in nd (-y IV f)? II- ie, arrived nt Montreal, upon the 27 March following.* Their want of provisions oliliged them to separate, and in an attack which was made upon one party, llinje Indians and six Frenchmen were killed or taken ; an attack, which, for want of proper caution, cost the army moie lives than the capture of Sche- nectady ; in which they lost but two men, a Frenchman and an Indian. Murder o/" JVii'ss Jane McCrea. — ^This young lady " was the second daughter of James McCrea^ minister of Laming'ton, New Jersey, who died before the revolution. After his death, she resided with her brother, Colonel JohnMcCrea of Albany, who removed in 1773 to the neigh'iorhood of Fort Edwai'd. His house was in what is now Northumberland, on the west side of the Hudson, three miles north of Fort Miller Fails. In July or August, 1777, being on a visit to the family of Mrs. McjYeil, near Fort Edward, at the close of the week, she was asked to remain until Monday. On Sunday morning, when the Indians came to the house, she concealed herself in the cellar; but they dragged her out by the hair, and, p!."-''-ff her on a horse, proceeded on the road towards Sandy Hill. They soo, r«^ another party of Indians, returning from Argyle, where they had killed the family of Mr. Bains ; these Indians disapproved the pur- pose of taking the captive to the British camp, and one of them struck her with a tomahawk and tore off her scalp. This is the account given by her nephr- The account of Mrs. McJSfeil is, that her lover, anxious for her safety, «,.nployed two Indians, with the promise of a barrel of rum, to bring her to him ; and that, in consequence of their dispute for the right of condii't- ing her, one of them murdered her. Gen. Gaies, in his letter to Gen. Bursoyne of 2 September, says, ' she was dressed to receive her promised husband.' " Her brother, on hearing of her fate, sent his family the next day to Albany, and, repairing to the American camp, buried his sister, with one Lieutenant Van Vechten, three miles south of Fort Edward. She was 23 years old, of an amiable and virtuous character, and highly esteemed by all her acquaintance. It is said, and waa believed, that she was engaged in marriage to Captain David Jones, of the British army, a loyalist, who survived her only a few years, and died, as was supposed, of grief for her loss. Her nephew, Colonel James McCrea, lived at Saratoga, in 1823." f Under the name of Lnidnda, Barlow has dwelt upon this murder in a strain that may be imitated, but not surpassed. We select from him as follows : — "One deed shall tell what fame great Albion draws From these auxiliars in her barb'rous cause, — Lncinda's fate. The tale, ye nations, hear j Eternal ages, trace it with a tear." The poet then makes Lucinda, during a battle, wander from her home to watch her lover, whom he calls Heartly. She distinguishes him in the con- flict, and, when his squa Iron is routed by the Americans, she proceeds to the contested ground, fancyi. ig she had seen him fall at a certain point. But " He hurries to his tent ;— oh, rage ! despair ! No glimpse, no tidings, of the frantic fair; Save that some carmen, as a-camp they drove, Had seen her coursing for the western grove. Fainl with fatigue, and choked with burning thirst, Forth from his friends, with bounding leap, he burst, Vaults o'er the nalisade, with eyei on flame, Aii.l:'3fy myself whetiier any, and which of these opinions were just. For this ooi,e, I determined to open and examine it thorouglily. It was situated on I. (ow grounds of the Rivanna, about two miles above its principal fork, and oj.(josite to some hills, on w liich had been an Indian town. It wa« of a spheroidal form, of about 40 feet diameter at the base, and had been of about V2 feet altitude, though now reduced by the plough to seven and a half, having been under cultivation about a dozen yi.-ars. Before this it was covered with trees of 12 inches diameter, and round the base was an excavation of tive feet depth and width, froni wiionce the earth had been taken of which the hillock was formed." In tliis mound my author found abundance of human bones, which, from their position, it was evident had been thrown or piled promiscuously there together ; bones of the head and feet being in contact ; " some vertical, some oblique, some horizontal, and directed to every point of the compass." These bones, when exposed to the air, crumbled to dust. Some of the skulls, jaw- bones, and teeth, were taken out nearly in a perfect state, but would fall to pieces on being examined. It was evident that this assemblage of bones was made up from persons of all ages, and at different periods of time. The mound was composed of alternate strata of bones, s'ones, and earth. Hence it would seem that barrows, or mounds, as they are most usually called, were formed by the Indians, whose custom it was to collect the bones of their de- ceased friends at certain periods, and deposit them together in this manner. " But," Mr. Jefferson observes, " on whatever occasion they may have been made, they are of considerable notoriety among the Indians: for a party pass- ing, about 30 years ago, through the part of the country where this barrow is, went through the woods directly to it, without any instructions or inquiry, and having staid about it some time, with expressions which were construed to be those of sorrow, they returned to the high road, which they had left about half a dozen miles to pay this visit, and pursued their journey." In these tumuli are usually found, with the bones, such instruments only as appear to iiave been used for superstitious purposes, ornaments or war. Of the latter kind, no more formidable weapons have been discovered than toma- hawks, spears and arrow-heads, which can be supposed to have been deposited before the arrival of Europeans in America. What Mr, Jefferson found in the barrow ho dissected besides bones, or whether any thing, he does not inform us. In several of these depositories in the city of Cincinnati, which Dr. Daniel Drake examined, numerous utensils were found. He has given a most accurate account of them, in which he has shown himself no less a phi- losopiier than anti oiit.sido avoratre only of five I'o(!t high. Tliia foriiiH a i)!iHsii;,ffi of about UdO fcot in Icii^'tli, leadiiif; by a (rradiial descent to the low grounds, wliore it, probably, at the timo of iU con- struction, reached the niiirjfin of tho river. Its wulla commence at (JO fool from tlie rampirta of tho fort, and incroiiso in elcv!iti(ni aa the way dosconda tawarda tho river; and the bottom ia crowned in tho centre, in tho manner of a weil-for' led turnpike road. Within the walla of the fort, at the north-west corner, is an obionir, elevated square, 188 feet lonjj, lliti broad, and nine feet high; level on the sinnmit, and nearly perpendicular at the sides. At tho centre of eiich of the sides the earth is projected, forminjj gradual ascents to the top, eciually regular, and about aix feet in width. I^ear the south wall ia another elovittcd (pmre, I. "iO feet by ItiO, and eight feet high. At the south- east corner is tlit third elevated scpuire, 108 by .54 feet, with ascents at tho ends. At the sonth-oiist cornrr of the fort ia a semicircular parapet, crowned with a mound, which guards tho opening in the wall. Towards the south-east is A SIMILAR KOKT, Containing liO acres, with a gateway in the centre of each side and at each conu-r. These openinga are defended with circular mounds." There are also other works at Alarietta, but a mere description of them can- not interest, as then; is so much of sameness about them. And to describe all that ni;iy be met with would till a volume of no moderate size: for Dr. Harris says, " Vou cfiniiol ride 20 miles in any direction without finding some of tho nioundft, or vestiges of the ramparts." VVe shall, therefore, only notice the most promiiient. Of first importance are doubtless the worka upon the Scioto. Tho most magnificent is situated 2H miles south from Columbus, and consists of two nearly exact figures, a (urcle and a square, which are contiguous to each other. A town, having been built within the former, appropriately received the name of Circleville from that circumstance. According to Mr. Jltwater, who haa surveyed thfse works with great exactness and attention, the circle was origi- nally 11384 feet in diameter, from external parallel tangents, and the square was !)074 feet upon a side ; giving an area to the latter of -iifZa square rods, and to the circle 3739 nearly ; both making almost 44 acres. The rampart of tho circular fort consists of two parallel walla, and were, at .oast in the opinion of my author, 20 feet iu height, measuring from the bottom of the ditch between the circumvallations, before the town of Circleville was built. "The inner wall was of clay, taken up probably in uie northern part of tho fort, where waa a low place, and is still considerably lower than any other part of the work. The outsido wall was taken from the ditch which ia be- tween these walla, and ia alluvial, consisting of pebbles worn smuoth in water and sand, to a very considerable depth, more than 50 feet at least." At the time Mr. Jllwaler wrote his account, (about 1819,) the outside of the walla waa but about five or six feet high, and the ditch not more tl>dn 15 feet deep. The walls of the square fort were, at the same time, about ''0 feet high. This fort had eight gatewaya or openings, about 20 feet broad, each of which was de- fended by a mound four or five feet high, all within the fort, arranged in the most exact manner ; equidistant and parallel. The circular fort had but one gateway, which was at its south-east point, and at the place of contact with the square. In the centre of the square waa a remarkable mound, with a semicircular pavement adjacent to its eastern half, and nearly facing the pas- sage way into the square fort. Just without the square fort, upon the north side, and to the east of the centre gateway, rises a large mound. In the op- posite point of the compass, without the circular one, ia another. Theae, probably, were the places of burial. As the walls of the square fort lie pretty nearly in a line with the cardinal points of the horizon, some have supposed they were originally projected in strict regard to them; their variation not being more than that of the compass; but a single fact of this kind can estab- lish nothing, as mere accident may have given them such direction. " What surprised me," says my authority, " on measuring these forts, waa the exact manner in which they had laid down their circle and square ; so that after every effort, by the most careful survey, to detect some error in their meaairo" ment, we found that it waa impossible." Il 60 AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. [Book I. As it IS not my design to wnjte time in conjectures upon the autliois of these antiquities, or tlie remoteness of the period in which they wt re con- Btructe'l, I will continue my account of them, utler an observation upon a siiijilo circumstance. I refer to the fact of the immense trees found gowing upon the mounds and other ancient works. Their having existed for a thou- sand years, or at least some of tiiem, can scarcely be questioned, whon we know from unerring data that trees have been cut upon them of tiie age of near 500 years; and from the vegetable mould out nf which they spring, there is every appearance of several generations of decay uil noes of tlie same kind; and no forest treeo of the present day appear older than those upon the very works under consideration. There are in the Forks of Licking River, above Newark, in the county of Licking, very remarkable remains of antiquity, said by many to h^: as much so ns any in the west. Here, as at Circleville, the same singular fact is observa- ble, respecting the openings into the forts ; the square ones having several, but the round ones only one, with a single exception. Not far below Newark, on the south side of tlie Licking, are found numer- ou' wells or holes in the earth. " There are," says Mr. Mwaier, '' at least a thousand of them, many of which are now more than 20 feet deop." Though called wells, my author says they were not dug for that purpose. Tiiey have tlie appearance of being of the same age as the mounds, and wt re Joubtlesa made by the same people ; but for what purpose they could have been made, fetv seem willing to hazard a conjecture. Four or five miles to the north-west of Somerset, in the county of Perry, and southwardly from the works on the Licking, is a stone fort, inclosing about 40 acres. Its shape is that of a hcartj though bounded by straight lines. In o/ near its centre is a circular stone mound, wliioii rises like a sugar-loaf frr'u 12 to 1.5 feet Near this large work is anotlior small fort, whose walls are -■'' earth, inclosing but about half an acre. I give these the name of forts, al- tliougii Mr. Alwaler says he does not believe tliey were ever constructed for defence. There are curious remains on both sides of the Ohio, above and opposite the mouth of the Scioto. Tiiose on the north side, at Portsmouth, are the most extensive, and those on the otiier side, directly opposite Alexandria, are the most regalar. They are not more remarkable than many already de- Bcrihed. Wiiiit the true height of these ruined works originally was, cannot be very well ascertained, as it is almost impossible to know the rate of their diminu- tion, even were the space of time given ; but there can be no doubt that most of tliein are much diminished from the action of tempests which have swept over them for ages. That they were the works of a ditlerent race from the present Indians, has been pretty confidently asserted ; but as yet, proof is en- tirely wanting to support such conclusion. In a few instances, some European articles have been found deposited in or about some of the works ; but few persons of intelligence pronounce them older tlian others of the same kind belonging to tiie period of the French wars. As it respects inscriptions upon stones, about which much has been said and written, I am of the opinion, that such are purely Indian, if they were not made by some white maniac, as some of them most unquestionably have been, or other persons who deserve to bo classed among such ; but I would not be rnlerstood to include those of South America, for there the inhabitants evidently had a hieroglyphic language. Among tlie inscripti'>ns upon stone in New England, the " Inscribed Rock," as it is called, at Dighton, Mass., is doubtless the most remarkable, it is in Taunton River, about six miles below the town of Taunton, and is partly immersed by the tide. If tliis inscription was made by the Indians, it doubtless had some meaning to it ; but I doubt whether any of them. ev'-,;pi such as happened to know wiiat it was done for, knew any thing of its import. The divers faces, figures of li.iil-liirmed animals, and zigzag lines, occupy a space of about 20 stpiure feet. The whim- eical conjectures of many persons about the origin of tiie inscription might niinise, but could not instruct; and it would bo a wusto of time to give au account of them. CH/.r. IV.J AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. 61 de- tlie cn- kind said ould anta tone , is !low ition oubt lone nied liin- un A stone, once thought to contain some marvellous inscription, was deposit- ed a few years since in the Antiquarian Hall, at Worcester, Mass.; and it was with soiiir surprise, that, on examininjT it, I found nothing but a few lines of quartz upon one of its surfiiccs. The stone was singular in no respect beyond what may be found in half the farmers' fields and stone fences in New Eng- land. In a cave on the bank of the Ohio River, about 20 miles below the mouth of the Wabash, called Wilson's or Murderer's Cav.', ere figures engraven upon stone, which have attracted great attention. It v^as very early possessed by one Wilson, who lived in it with his family. He a' length turned robber, and, collecting about 40 other wretches like himself alout him, took all tiie boats which passed on the river with any valuable goods in them, and murdered the crews. He was himself murdered by one of his own gang, to get tlio reward which was offered for his apprehension. Never hiving had any drawings of the hiorcglypliics in this cave, we cannot form any very conclusive opinion upon them. As a proof of their antiquity, it has been mentioned, that among those unknown characters are many figures of animals not known now to be in existence ; but in my opinion, this is in no wise a conclusive argument of their antiquity ; for the same may be said of the uncouth figures of the Indian nianitos of the present day, as well as those of the days of Powhatan. At Harmony, on the Mississippi, are to be seen the prints of two feet imbed- ded in hard limestone. The celebrated Ruppe conveyed the stone containing them from St. Louis, and kept it upon liis premises to siiow to travellers. They are about the size of those made by a common man of our times, unac- customed to shoes. Some conclude them to be remains of high antiquity. They may, or may not be : there are arguments for and against such conclu- sion ; but on whicii side the weight of argument lies is a matter not ea. ily to be settled. If these impressions of feet were made in the soft earth before it was changed into fossil stone, we should not expect to find impressions, but a fonnation filling them of another kind of stone (called organic) from that in whicii tiie impressions wore made ; for tiius do organic remains discover them- selves, and not by their absence. A review of the theories and opinions concerning the ruoo or races anterior to the present race of Indians would perhaps be interesting to many, and it would be a pleasing subject to write upon : but, as I have elsewhere intimated, my only object is to present facts as I find them, without wasting time in com- mentaries ; unless where deductions cannot well be avoided without leaving tlie subject more obscure than it would evidently be without tiiem. Every conjecture is attended with objections when they are hazarded upon a subject that cann- 1 be settled. It is time enough to argue a subject of the nature of this .le are upon when all the facts are collected. To write volumes about Shem, Ham, and Japhot, in connection witli a few isolated facts, is a most ludicrous and worse than useless business. Some have said, it is an argument that the first population came from the north, because the works of which we have been speaking increase in importance as we proceed south ; but why they should not begin until the people who constructed them had ar- rived within 40" of the equator, (for this seems to be their boundary north,) it is not stated. Perhaps tiiis people came in by way of the St. Lawrence, and did not need any works to defend them before arriving at tiie 40° of north latitude. The reader will readily enough ask, perhaps. For what purpose could fortifications have been built by the first people ? To defend themselves from wild beasts, or from one another ? With this matter, however, we have nothing to Jo, but were led to these remarks, preparatory to a comparison bci tween the antiquities of the north witli those of the south. On tlie otiier hand, it is said the original i)eople of North America must have come from the soutii, ard that their progress northward is evident from tlie same works; with tiiis dift'eronco, that as the people advanced, they dwindled into insignificance ; and hence the remains whicii they letl are proiiortionato lo their ability to make them. But there is nothing artificial among the aiuMcnt ruins of North America that will compare with the artificial mountain of Ana huac, called Cholula, or Chloluia, which to this day is about 1()4 feet in perpen- dicular height, whose base occupies a square, the sides of which meusuro 1450 !K1 ilii i 62 AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. [Book I 1 i feel. Upon tliis the Mexicans had an immense wooden temple when Cortez overrun their empire. A city now bears tlie name of Cliolula, in Puebla, CiO miles east of Mexico. Yet it appears from Dr. Beck's Gazetteer of Illinois, that there is standing between Belleville and St. L^iiis, a mound (iOO yards in circumference at its base, and 90 feet in heif^ht, Alount Joliet, so named from the Sieur JoUet, a Frcnciiman, who travelled upon the Mississippi in 1G73, is a most distinguished moimd. It is on a plain about GOO yards west of the River Des Plainos, and 1.50 miles above Fort Clark. Mr. Schoolcrajl computed its height at 60 feet, its length about 450 yards, and its width 75. Ita sides are so steep that they are ascended with difficulty. Its top is a beautiful plain, from whicii a most delightful prospect is had of the surrounding country. It seems to have been composed of the earth of the plain on which it stands. Lake Joliet is situated in front of it; being a small body of water about a mile in length. Although the remains of the ancient inhabitants of South America differ consideratily from those of North America, yet I have no doubt but that the people are of tlic same race. The condition even of savages changes. No nation remain- stationary. The western Indians in the neighborhood of the lakes do not make pottery at the present day, but earthen utensils are still in use among the remote tribes of the west, which is similar to that dug up in Ohio, and both are similar to that found in South America. In speaking of ancient pottery, Mr. Sdioolcrqft observes, "It is common, in digging at these salt mines, [in Illinois,] to find fragments of antique pottery, and even entire pots of a coarse earthenware, at great depths below the sur- face. One of these pots, which was, until a very recent period, preserved by a gentleman at Shawaneetown, was disinterred at a depth of 80 feet, and was of a capacity to contain eight or ten gallons." We see announced from time to time, in the various newspapers and other periodicals, discoveries of wonderful things in various places ; but on examina- tion it is generally found that they fall far short of what we are led to ex- pect from tlio descriptions given of them. We hear of the ruins of cities in tlie banks of the Mississippi ; copper and iron utensils found at great depths below the surface, and in situations indicating that they must have been de- Sosited tiiere for three, four, or five hundred years ! Dr. McMurtrie relates, in is " Sketches of Louisville," that an iron hatchet was found beneath the roots of a tree at Shippingsport, upwards of 200 years old. He said he had no doubt that the tree had grown over the hatchet after it was deposited there, because " no human power could have placed it in tlie particular position in which it was found." Upon some other matters about which we have already remarked, the same autlior says, " That walls, constructed of bricks and hewn stones, have been discovered in the western country, is a fact as clear as that the sun shines when he is in his meridian splendor ; the dogmatical assertion of writers to the contrary notwithstanding." My author, however, had not seen such remains himself, but was well assured of their existence by a gentleman of undoubted veracity. Unfortunately for the case he relates, the persons who discovered tlie ruins came upon them in digging, at about 18 feet below the surface of the ground, and when about to make investigation, water broke in upon them, and they were obliged to make a hasty retreat. " A fortified town of considerable extent, near the Uivci- St. Francis," upon the Mississippi, was said to have been discovered by a Mr. Savage, of Louis- ville. He found its walls standing in some places, and " part of the walls of a citadel, built of liricks, cemented hif trwrtar." Upon some of these ruins were trees growing whose annual rings numbered 300. Some of the bricks, says Dr. jMcMuiirie, were v ' Louisville when he wrote his Sketches ; and tiiey were "comi)osed of clay, mixed with ciioppcd and twisted straw, of regular figures, hardened by tlio action of fire or tlie sun." Mr. Priest, in his •' American Antiquities," mentions the ruins of two cities within a few miles of each other, nearly opposite St. Louis ; but from what he Bays of them I am unable to determine what those ruins are composed of. Alter pointing out tlie sight of them, he continues, " Here is situated one of those pyramids, which is 150 rods in circuuiforcnce at its base, uud lUO i'cut Chap. IV] AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. 63 lupon louis- la of ■wore Isays (were ftii-es, lities It lie |i of. of feet high." He speaks of " cities," but describes pyramids and mounds. If there be any thing liive the works of men, at tiie places he points out, different from what "is cominon in the west, it is very singular that they should not have at- tracted the notice of some one of the many thousands of people who have for 50 years passed by them. Mr. Brackcnrid^e speaks of the antiquities at this place, but does not say any thing about cities. He observes, "The most re- markable appearances are two groups of mounds or pyramids, the one about 10 miles above Cahokia, the other nearly the same distance below it, which, in all, exceed 1.30, of various sizes. The western side also contains a considera- ble number. " A more minute description of those about Cahokia, which I visited in the fall of 1811, will give a tolerable idea of them all. I crossed the Mississippi at St. Louis, and after passing through the wood v.'hich borders the river, about half a mile ir. width, entered an extensive open plain. In 15 minutes I found myself in tie midst of a group of mounds, mostly of a circular shape, and at a distance resembling enormous haystacks scatteiod through a meadow. One of tiie largest which I ascended was about 200 paces in circumference at the bottom, tlio form nearly square, though it had evidently undergone considerable alteration from the washing of the rains. The top was level, with an area suf- ficient to contain several hundred men." Wiien Mr. liariram travelled into South Carolina, Georgia and Florida, be- tween the years 1773 and 177(), h'" """' many interesting antiquities. At the Cherokee town of Cowe, on the Tennessee River, which then contained about 100 houses, he noticed that " The council or town-house was a large rotunda, eapable of accommodating several hundred people : it stands on the top of an ancient artificial mount of earth, of about 20 feet perpendicular, and the ro- tunda on the top of it being about 30 feet more, gives tiie whole fabric an elevation of about (JO feet from the common surface of the ground. But," Mr. Baiimin continues, " it may be proper to observe, that this mount, on which the rotunda stands, is of a much ancientcr date than the building, and perhaps was raised for another purpose. The Cherokees themselves are as ignorant as we are, by what people or for what purpose these artificial hills were raised ; they have various stories concerning them, the best of which amount to no more than mere conjecture, and leave us entirely in the dark ; but they have a tra- dition common with the other nations of Indians, that they found them in much the same condition as they now appear, when their forefathers arrived from the west and possessed themselves of the country, after vanquishing the nations of red men who then inhabited it, who themselves found these mounts when they took possession of tlie country, tlie former possessors delivering the same story concerning them." Hence it is to be observed that the mounds in tlie south are not only tlie same as those in tlie north, but Indian traditions concerning them are the same also. At Ottasse, an important town of the Cherokees, the same traveller saw a most singular column. It stood adjacent to the town, in the centre of an ob- long square, and was about 40 feet high, and only from two to three feet thick at its base, and tapered gradually from the ground to its top. What is very remarkable about this pillar is, that, notwithstanding it is formed of a single stick of pine timber, the Indians or white traders could give no account for what purpose it was erected ; and to the inquiries which Mr. Bartravi made of the Indians concerning it, the same answer was given as when questioned about the mounds ; viz., that their ancestors found it there, and the people that those ancestors dispossessed knew nothing of its origin. This is not singular when reference is had to mounds of earth, but when the same account is given con- cerning perisliahle material, the shade, at least, of a suspicion is seen lurking in the back ground. As nrioliior singular circumstance, it is observed that no trees of the kind of which this column was made {jnn. patuslris) were to be found at tlint time nearer than 12 or 15 miles. In the groat council-houses at Ottasse were observed, upon the pillars and walls, various paintings and sculptures, supposed to be hieroglypiiics of his- torical legends, and political and sacerdotal afi'iirs. " They arc," ub.servca Mr. Buiiram, "extremely picturesque or caricature, as men in a variety of at- ,r li! 64 AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. [Book I titudes, some ludicrous enough, others having the head of some kind of ani- mal, as those of a duck, turkey, bear, fox, wolf, buck, &c., and again those kind of creatures are represented having the human head. These designs are not ill executed ; the outlines bold, free and well proportioned. The pillars supporting the front or piazza of the council-house of the square are ingenious- ly formed in the likeness of vast speckled serpents, ascending upwards ; the Ottasses being of the Snake tribe." In tlie fourth book of this work mention has been made of the great high- T/ays in Florida. Mr. Bartram mentions them, but not in a very particular manner, upon the St. John's River. As his sentiments seem to be those of a man of mtelligence, I will offer here his concluding remarks upon the Indian antiquities of the country he visited. " I deem it necessary to observe, as my opinion, that none of them that J have seen discover the least signs of the arts, sciences, or architecture of the Europeans or other inhabitants of the old world, yet evidently betray every sign or mark of the most distant antiquity." The above remark is cited to show how different different people make up their minds upon the same subject ; it shows how futile it is for us to spend time in speculating upon such matters. And, as I have before observed, it is time enough to build theories after facts have been collected. It can add noth- ing to our stock of knowledge respecting our antiquities, to talk or write forever about Nebuchadnezzar and tiie lost tribes of Jews ; but if the time which has been spent in this manner had been devoted to some useful pursuit, some use- ful object would have been attained. As the matter now stands, one object, nevertheless, is clearly attained, namely, that of misleading or confounding the understandings of many uninformed people. I am led to make these observa- tions to put the unwary upon their guard. In the preceding cliapter I have given various accounts of, or accounts from various authors, wiio imagine that a colony of Welsh came to America 7 or 800 years ago. It is as truly astonishing as any thing we meet with to observe how many persons had found proofs of the existence of tribes of Welsh In- dians, about the same period. As a case exactly in point with that mentioned at the beginning of the last paragraph, I offer what Mr. Brackenridge says upon this matter. " That no Welsh nation exists," lie observes, " at present, on this continent, is beyond a doubt. Dr. Barton has taken great pains to ascertain the languages spoken by those tribes east of the Mississippi, and the Weisij finds no place amongst them ; since the cession of Louisiar the tribes west of the Mississippi have been sufficiently known ; we have had intercourse with them all, but no Welsh are yet found. In the year 1798, a young Welshman of the name of Evans ascended the Missouri, in company with Makey, and remained two years in that country ; he spoke both the ancient and modern Welsh, and addressed himself to every nation between that river and New Spain, but found no Welshmen." This, it would seem, is conclusive enough. Mr. Peck, in his " Gazetteer of Illinois," has aimed so happy a stroke at the writers on our antiquity, that, had I met with his rod before I had made the previous remarks, I should most certainly have made use of it. I shall never- theless use it. After saying something upon the antiquities of Illinois, he pro- ceeds : " Of one thing the writer is satisfied, that very imperfect and incorrect data have been relied upon, and very erroneous conclusions drawn, upon west- em antiquities. Whoever has time and patience, and is in other respects qual- ified to explore tins field of science, and will use his spade and eyes together, and restrain his imagination from running riot amongst mounds, fortifications, horseshoes, medals, and whole cabinets of relics of the ' olden time,' will find very little more than the indications of rude savages, the ancestors of the present race of Indians." END OF BOOK FIKST. if BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA. BOOK II £ !«!< BOOK II. BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE NORTHERN OR NEW ENGLAND INDIANS. *' 'Tis good to muse on nations passed away Forever from the land we call our own," Yahotder. CHAPTER I. Conduct of the early voyagers towards the Indians — Some account of the individ- uals Donaconn — J}gon. ""ng with them, bu( as she made a violent outcry, they contented themselves with taking a 'loy away with them."t The name of New France was given to North Amf rica in this voyage. In another voyage here, Verazzini was killed, and, as some say, eaten by the Indians. In the year 1576, Capt. Martin, afterwards Sir Martin, Frobishcr sailed from England for the discovery of a north-west passage; " the only thing of thp world," says a writer of his voyage, " that was left yet vndone." After the usual vicissitudes attending such an undertaking, at this early period of Eng lish navigation, he discovered a strait which has ever since borne his name. About 60 miles within that strait, he went on shore to make discovery of the country, and was suddenly attacked by the natives, " who had stolen secretly behinde the rockes ;" and though he "bent himselfe to his halberd," he narrowly escaped with his life. Hence there was a well-grounded suspicion in all future communications with the Indians in this region ; yet, after coi. iderable intercourse, Frobisher'a men became less wary, and five of them, going on shore from a boat, were sur- prised and carried off, and never heard of again. After this "the subtile trai- tours were so wary, as they would after that never come within our men's danger." Notwithstanding, Frohisher found means to entice some of them alongside of his ship, and after considerable manuoGvering, one of them had his fears so far overcome by the alluring sound of a cow-bell, that he came so near in his canoe, to obtain one of them, that " the captain, being ready pro- vided, let the bell fall, and caught the man fast, and plucked him with maine force, boat and all," into his ship. Whereupon this savage finding himself in captivity, " for very choler and disdaine he bit his tongue in twaine within hia mouth: notwithstanding he died not thereof, but lined vntil he came in Eng- land, and then he died of cold which he had taken at sea." The next year (1577) Frohisher made another voyage to the same coasts of America, and on some excursion on land he was attacked and wounded by the Indians. In York Sound he attacked a party, and killed five or six of them, and shortly after took two women prisoners. Such were the impressions given and received between tlie Europeans and Indians in that early day of American history. This was indeed a comparatively barbarous age. Few of the early voyagers were better than demi-savages ; for they measured the conduct of the Indians by their own scale of justice ; in which might was too often taken for right But we of tliis age — what will be said of us by generations to come, — by rouges, et d'autrcs choscs digues d'admiraiion qui n'atioient iamais esti veii/'s en Espa^jne." Hist, dcs Indi's Occident, i. 1U2. Ed. 16G0, 3 tomes, 4to. See also Harris, Voyai/es, ii. 15. ed. 17G4. 2 v. fol. ; Robertson, America, i. 94. cd. 1778, 4to, * Uerkcly's Naval Iliat. Brit. 268. ed. 17o0, fol. and Harris, Voyages, ii. 191. t Forster, 432. J Ibid. 434, 435. Ciii p. I.] TOWARDS THE INDIANS. 69 leasts of by the jf them, lans and loyagers 1 Indiana Dr right Ic, — by \.ipa{/ne. \jay gave me of those parts where they did inhabit, as proper for our uses ; esjjecially when I found what goodly rivers, stately islands, and safe harbors, those |)arts abounded with, being the special marks I leveled at as the only want our nation met with in all their navigations along that coast. And hav- ing kept them full tlirce years, I made them able to set me down what great rivers run up into the land, what men of note were seated on them, what power tlicy were of, how allied, what enemies they had," &c. Thus having gained a knowledge of the country. Sir Ferdinando got ready " a ship furnished with men and all necessaries " for a voyage to America, and sent as iicr captain Mr. Henry ClMllovng,] with whom he also sent two of his Indians. The names of these were Jlssacumet and Manida. Chalons, having been taken sick in the beginning of the voyage, altered his course, and lost i^ome time in the West Indies. After being able to proceed northward, he departed from Porto Rico, and was soon after taken by a Spanish deet, and carried into Spain, " where their ship and goods were confiscate, themselves made prisoners, the voyage overthrown, and both my natives lost." One, however, Assacumd, was afterwards recovered, if not the other. This voyage of Chalons was in lUOG. It appears that the Lord Chief Justice Popham X had agreed to send a vessel to the aid of Chalons, which was accordingly done before the news of his being taken was known in England. For Sir Ferdinando Gorges says, " It pleased the lord chief justice, according to his promise, to despatch Ciipt- [Martin] Prin from Bristol, with hope to have found Capt. Chdlounge;" "but not hear- ing by any means what became of him, after he had made a perfect discovery of all those rivers and harbors," "brings with him the most exact discovery of that coast that ever came to my hands since, and, indeed, he was the best able to perform it of any I met withal to this present [time,] which, with his relation of the country, wrought such an impression in the lord chief justice, and us all that were his associates, that (notwithstanding our first disaster) we set up our resolutions to follow it with effect." Deliamda and Skettwarroes were with Prin§ in this voyage, and were, with- out doubt, his most efficient aids in surveying the coast. It appears from Gorges, that Dehamda was sent by the chief justice, who we suppose had con- sidered him his property,|| and Skettwarroes by himself. They returned again to England witli Priri. * It seems, from this part of his narrative, that he had but three of them, but from subsequent passages, it appears he had them all. Sec also America painted to the Life. f C/iut/uns, by some. Gorges has sometimes, C/mlowns, Chaloit, &c. j 'J"he same wlio presided at the triiil of Sir }V. Ralei/h and his associates, in 1603. See Pniicc's Worthies of Devon, 672, 673. Fuller, in his Worthies of Em/land, ii. 284, Bays, " Travelers owed their safety to this judge's severity many years alter his death, which hapjjened Anno Domini IG**," thinkinu;, no doubt, he had much enlightened his reader by definitely stating that Sir John Popham died some time within a hundred years. The severity referred to has reference to his importuning King Junies not to pardon so many robbers and thieves, which, he said, tended to render the judges con- t,eniptil)lo, and " which made him more sparing afterward." § (jur^n-. Chap. I.] TOWARDS THE INDIANS. 71 but from \t/ie Life. . in 1603. . ii. 284, lis death, |ghteiieil \/iu>i(lrcd not to Igcs con- rnunt we Jlohncs's Ir of this Int cora- Ivith the The next yaar, 1607, these two natives piloted the first New England colony to the moutli of Sajjfadahock River, since the Kennebeci<. They left England 30 May, and did not arrive here until 8 August following. " As soon aa the president had taken notice of tiie place, and given order for landing the pro- visions, he despatched away Captain Gilbert, with Skitwarres hia guide, for the thorough discovery of the rivers and habitations of the natives, by whom he was brought to several of them, where he found civil entertainment, and kind respects, far from brutish or savage natures, so as they suddenly became famil- iar friends, especially by the means of Dtlutinda and Skitwarrers." " So as the president was earnestly intreated by Sassenow, Jlhenmtt, and otfiors, the princi pal Sagamores, (as they call their great lords,) to go to the liashabas, who it eeems was their king." They were prevented, however, by adverse weather, from that ^ourney, and thus the promise to do so was unintentionally broken, " much to the grief of those Sagamores that were to attend him. The Bashe- bas, notwithstanding, hearing of his misfortune, sent his own son to visit him, and to beat a trade with him for furs." Several sad and melancholy accidents conspired to put an end to this first colony of New England. The first was the loss of their store-house, contain- ing most of their supplies, by fire, in the winter following, and another was the death of Lord Pophnm. It consisted of 100 men, and its beginning was auspi- cious ; but these calamities, together with the death of their president, broke down their resolutions. So many discouragements, notwithstanding a ship witii supplies had arriv^ed, determined them to abandon the country, which they did in tlic spring.* What became of Dthaimia and Skellwarroes there is no mention, but tliey probably remained in the country with their friends, un- less tiio passage which we shall heret'ler extract be construed to mean differ- ently.! To return to Tixquantum. Tiiere is some disagreement in the narratives of tlie contemporary writers in respect to this chief, which shows, either that some if them are in error, or that there were two of the same name — one carried away by JFaymoulh, and the other by Hunt. From a critical examination of the accounts, it is believed there was but one, and that he was carried away by Waymoidh, as Sir Ferdinando Gorges relates, whose account we have given nbcjve.}: It is impossible that Sir Ferdinando should have been mistaken in the names of those he received from WaymoiUh, The names of those carried oft" by Hunt are not given, or but few of them, nor were they kidnapped until nine years after WaymoidhJs voyage. It is, therefore, possible that Squantum, having returned home from the service of Gorges, went again to England with some other person, or perhaps even with Hunt, But we are inclined to think there was but one of tlie name, and his being carried away an error of inad- vertence, Patuxe:, afterward called Plimouth, was the place of residence of Squantutn, who, it is said, was the only person that escaped tlie great plague of which we shall particularly speak in the life of Massasoit ; where, at the same time, we shall take up again the life of Sqiuintum, whose history is so intimately con- nected with it. It was in IGll that Captain Edward HarIow§ was sent " to discover an He supposed about Cape Cod," who "falling with Monahigan, they found onely Cape Cod no He but the maine ; there [at Monhigon Island] they detained three Saluagcs aboord them, called Pechmo, Monopet and Pekenimne, but Pechmo leapt ouerboard, and got away; and not long after, with his consorts, cut their Boat from their sterne, got her on shore, and so filled her with sand and guarded her with bowes and arrowes, the English lost her."|| This exploit of Pechmo is as truly brave as it was daring. To have got * They had " seated themselves in a peninsula, which is at the mouth of this river, [Sai^iidahock,] where they built a fortress to defend themselves from their eiK:nios, which they named St. GvOfs^c." America I'aintcdto the Life, by Fcrd. (Jor^es, L.^rj. \>. 19. t Sec life Massasoit. X It is plain, from Prinee Chron. 134, that his authors had confounded the names of these Indians one with another. 4 Sir Fred. Gors;e.i is probably wrong in calling him Ilcnry Harley. 11 Capt. Smith's Gen. Hist. N. Ens.] ii. 174. * { 72 HUNTS VOYAGE. [Book I. under the stern of a ship, in the face of armed men, and at the same time to have succeeded in his desijrn of cutting away and carryinjr off the boat, was an act ns i)ohl nnd daringf, to say the least, as that performed in the harbor of Tripoli by our countryman Decatur. I torn iMoniiiiron Harlow, proceeding southward, fell in with an island called then by the Indians JVohono. From this place "they tooko Sakawes- ton, that after he had lived many years in England, went a soldier to the wars of Bohemia."* Whether he ever returned we are not told. From this island they proceeded to Capawick, since called Capoge, [Martha's Vineyard.] Here " they tooke Coneconam and Epenow," and " so, with tine Saluages, they returned for England." Epenow, or, as some wrote, Epanow, seems to have been much such a character as Pechmo — artful, cunning, bold and daring. Sir Ferdlnando Gorges is evidently erroneous in part of hia statement about this native, in as far as it relates to his havmg been brought away by Hunt. For Harlow's voyage was in 1611, and Epanow was sent over to Cape Cod with Captain Hobson, in 1614, some months before Hunt left. As it is peculiarly gratifying to the writer to hear such old venerable writers aa Smith, Gorges, &c. speak, the reader perhaps would not pardon him were he to withhold what the intimate acquaintance of the interesting Epanow says of him. Hear, then, Sir Ferdinando : — " While I was laboring by what means I might best continue life in my languishing hopes, there comes one Henry Harleif} unto me, bringing with him a native of the Island of Capawick, a place seated to the southward of Cape Cod, whose name was Epenewe, a person of goodly stature, strong and well proportioned. This man was taken upon the main, [by force] with some 2U | others by a sjjip of London that endeavored to sell them for slaves in Spaine, out being understood that they were Americans, and being found to be unapt for their uses, they would not meddle with them, this being one of them they refused, wherein they exprest more worth than those that brought them to the market, who could not but known that our nation was at that time in travel for Betling of Christian colonies upon that continent, it being an act much tending to our prejudice, when we came into that part of the countries, as it shall further appear. How Capt Harley came to be possessed of this savage, I know not, but I understood by others how he had been shown in London for a wonder. It is true, (as I have said) he was a goodly man, of a brave aspect, stout and sober in his demeanor, and had learned so much English us to bid those that wondered at him. Welcome, welcome ; this being the last and best use they could make of him, that was now grown out of tiie people's' wonder. The captain, falling further into his familiarity, found him to be of acquaintance and friendship with those subject to the Bashaba, whom the captain well knew, being himself one of the plantation, sent over by the lord chief justice, [Popham,] and by that means understood much of his language, found out tlie place of his birth," &c. Before proceeding with the history of Epanow, the account of Capt. Tkoma3 Hunfs voyage should be related ; because it is said that it was chiefly owing to his perfidy that the Indians of New England were become so hostile to the voyagers. Nevertheless, it is plain, that (as we have already said) Hunt did not commit his depredations until after Epanow had escaped out of the hands of the English. Capt. John Smith was in company with Hunt, and we will hear him relate the whole transaction. After stating that they arrived at Mon- higon in April, 1614, § spent a long time in trying to catch whales without success; and as "for gold, it was rather the master's device to get a voyage, tliat projected it;" tliat for trifles they got "near 11000 beaver skins, 100 * Capt. Smith's Gen. Hist. N. Eng. ii. 174. t Perhaps not the Capt. Harlow before mentioned, though Prince thinks Gorges means him. J If in this he refers to those taken by Hunt, as I suppose, he sets the number higher than others. His grandson, F. Gorges, in America Fainted, &c., says 24 was tho number seized by Hunt. { Smith had an Indian named Tan^um with him in this voyage, whom he set on shore at Cape Cod. Chap. I.] EPANOW. 73 yhomas (owing I to the int did hands ^e will Mon- athout loyage, \a, 100 Gorges Iwusthe set on martin, and as many ottf re, tlie most of thorn within the distance of 20 leagues," and his own departure for Europe, CapL Smith proceeds: — "The other ship etaid to fit herself for Spain with the dry fish, which waa sold at Malaga at 4 viala the quintal, each hundred weight two (juintala and a half. — But one Tkomaa Hunt, the master of this ship, (when I was gone,) thinking to prevent that intent I had to make there a pluntdtion, thereby to keep tiiis abounding country still in obscurity, that only he and some few mer- chants more might enjoy wholly the benefit of the trade, and profit of this country, betrayed four and twenty of those poor salvages aboard his ship, and most dishonestly and inhumanly, for their kind usage of me and all our men, carried them with him to Malaga ; and there, for a little private gain, sold these Billy salvages for rials of eight; but tliis vilo act kept him ever after from any more employment to those parts." F. Gorges, the younger, is rather confused in his account of HunVa voyage, as well as the elder. But the former intimates that it was on account of Hunfa Belling the Indians he took as skves, the news of which having got into Eng- land before Epnnow was sent out, ciiuspd this Indian to make his escape, and consequently the overthrow of the vogage ; whereas the latter. Sir Ferdinando, does not attribute it to that. We will now hear him again upon tliis interest- ing subject : — " ITie reanona of my undertaking the employment for the island of Capawick. "At the time this new savage [Epanoiv] came unto me, I had recovered Jlssacumet, one of the natives I sent with Capt. Chalownes in his unhappy em- ployment, with whom I lodged Epenaio, who at the first hardly understood one the other's speech, till after a while ; I perceived the difference was no more than that as ours is between the northern and southern people, so that I was a little eased in the use I made of my old servant, whom I engaged to give account of what he learned by conference between tliemselves, and he as faithfully performed it." There seems but little doubt that Epanoio and J}ssacumet had contrived a fdan of escape f^efore they left England, and also, by finding out what the Eng- ish most vaiii> d, and assuring them that it was in abundance to be had at a certain place i;i their own country, prevailed upon them, or by this pretended discovery we^e the means of the voyage being undertaken, of which w are now to speak. Still, as will be seen. Sir Ferdinando does not speak as though he had been quite so handsomely duped by his cunning man of the woods. Gold, it has been said, was the valuable commodity to which Epanow was to pilot the Eiiglish. Gorg-es proceeds : — " They [Uapt. Hobson and those who accompanied hin ;et sail in June, in Anno 1614, being fully instructed how to demean themselves in every kind, carrying with them Epenow, Assacomet, and Wanape,* anotlier native of those parts sent me out of the Isle of Wight,t for my better information in the parts of the country of his knowledge : when as it pleased God that they were arrived upon the coast, they were piloted from place to place, by the natives themselves, as well as their hearts could desire. And coming to the harbor where Epenow was to make good his undertaking, [to point out the gold mine, no doubt,] the principal inhabitants of the place came aboard ; some of them being is brothers, others his near cousins, [or relatives,] who, after they had commui. BKEX GIVEN CERTAINLY TO KNOWE, THAT WITHIN THESE LATE YEAUES THERE HATH, BY OOd's VISITATION, RAIONED A WOMtEUEUL PLAOL'E, TO- GETHER WITH MANY HORRIBLE SLAUGHTERS AND MURTHERS, COMMITTEn AMOUNGbT THE SAl GES AND BRUTISH PEOPLE THERE HEERTOKORE INHABIT- ING, IN A MANNER TO THE UTTER DESTRUCTION, DEVASTACION AND DEPOP- ULACION OF THAT WHOLE TERRITORYE, SO THAT THERE IS NOT LEFT, FOR MANY LEAGUES TOuETHER IN A MANNER, ANY THAT DOE CLAIME OR CHAL- LENGE ANY KIND OK INTERESTS THEREIN."! This wns, doubtlcss, as wel known, if not better, to the Pit!rriiiu!(iis they were aptly called) as to King James After numerous delays and disappointments, the Pilgrims, to the number of 41, with tlieir wives,! children, and servants, sailed from Plimouth, in England, in one small ship, called the MayHower, on VVednesdny, the fltli of Septomhcr. Their passage was attended with great peril ; but they siifely arrived at C.ipo Cod, 9 Nov. following, without the lo^s of any of tiieir innuber. Tiicy now pioceeded to make the necessary discoveries to seat themselves on the barrru coast. One of the first tilings they found necessary to do, to preserve ordei among themselves, was, to forin a kind of constitution, or general outline of government. Having done this, it was signed by the 41, two days after tiieir arrival, viz. 11 Nov. The same day, 15 or 1(5 o'" their number, covered witli armor, proceeded to tiie land, and commenced discoveries. The Indians did not siiow tiiemselves to tiio Englisii until the l.^th, and then tiiey would have nothing to say to tliem. About .') or (! at first only appeiu'cd, who fied into tlio woods as soon as they had discovered themselves, 'I'lie iMiglislimcn tc)llowed thciii many miles, hut could not overtake tiiem. First Jiallle with the huliuns. — Tiiis was upon H Doc. 1()'20, and wo will give the account of it in tlie lan less than 100 years old, who came to sec them, because sho had never ■ . ,j English; "yet (say they) [she] could not behold us without breaking lor;- ;.. j great passion, weeping and crying excessively." They inquired the reason of it, and were told that she had three sons, " who, when ni.'ister Hunt was in these parts, went aboard nis ship to trade with him, and he carried them captives into Spain." Squanto being prt;sent, \vho wius carried away at the same time, was acquainted with the circumstances, and thus the English became knowing to her distress, and told her they were sorry, that Hunt was a had man, bui that all the other Eng- lish wore well disposed, and would never injure her. They then gave her a few trinkets, which considerably appeased her. Our voyagers now proceed to Nausot. accompanied by lyanough and two of his men. .flspind was the sachem of this place, to whom Squanto was sent, Ii/nno)igli and his men having gone before. Squanto having informed .^spinet that his [Mijflish friends had come for the boy, he "came (they relate) with a great train, and brought the boy with him," one carrying him through the water. This biung at or near the place where an attack was made en the l']nglisli, ' '. their first arrival in the coiintiy, as has been related, caused them to be on tliiir guard at this time. At tills time, .flspinct had in hi'< company "not less than an hundred;" half of v'.hoiu attended the boy tr the boat, and the n^st "stood aloof," with their bowfi r.vA arro'vs, looking o", Aspimi delivered up the boy in a formal man- lier. -1)1 hung with beads, and mad(! jjcace witli us ; Wf bestowing a knife on hii,., n'ld di idler/' 'ikewise on u'luthcr, tJiat first entertained the boy, and brought him t ■y-'- Di. ■<*-^„ Chap. II.] IYANOUGH - VSPINET.— DEATH OF SQUANTO. r9 hut vith and er a itha the I the hem half hell lon- on him I Lianoush did no; accompnny tin; expedition in their n'tiirn from Naiisct, hut weiit home i)y land, and Wiis ready to entertain the com[)any on tlieir ritiirn. From contrary winds and a want of Iri-sli water, the voyajiera wen; ohlijicd to touch again at Cununuquid. "Tli(;re (say they) we met again with Ii/nnoui^h, ami tlie most of his town." "He, heing still willing to gratify iis, look a ruud- et, and led our men in the dark a great way for water, hut could find none good, yet brought such as there was on his ne(;k with tliern. In the meantinie the women joined hand in hand, singing and dancing hefore the shallop ;* the men also showing all the kindness they could, Ii/anough Jiimself taking a bracelet from about his neck, and hanging it about one of us." They were rot able to get out of the harbor of Cummacpiid from badling whids and tides, which Ij/anough seeing, the next morning he ran along the slioi-e after them, and they took him into their shallop, and returned with him to his town, where he entcrtai'ied them in a manner not inferior to what he had done bef(jn!. They now succeeded in gettuig water, and shortly after returned home in safety. While at Nauset, the English lieard that Massasoit had been attacked and carried oft' by the Narragansets, which led to the expedition of Standisli and Alhrlon against Caunbitant, as will be fomid related in his life. About this time, six sachems of the neighboring country had their fidelity tested, by being called upon to sign a treaty subjecting tlirinsijlves to King James, as will be found, also, in tliat life. But to return again to Jlspinet, and otlier sachems of Cajjc Cod. By tlie improvidence of a company settled at Wcssagusciis, under the direc- tion of Mr. Thomas fVeston, in lG'i2, they had been brought to the very brink of starvation in the winter of that year. In fact, the Plimoiith people wen; but very Ihtle better oft'; and but for the kindness of the Indians, the worst of consequences might have ensued to both these infant colonies. As the winter progressed, the two colonies entered into articles of agreement to go on a trading voyage among the Indians of Cape Cod to buy corn, and whatever else might conduce to their livelihood. Squanlo was pilot in tliis expedition; but he died before it was accomplished, and the record of his death stands thus in Wi.vslow's Relation : — "But here [at Manamoyk, since Chatham], though they had determined to make a second essay [to pass within the shoals of Ca|)e Cod] ; yet fJod had otherwise disposed, who struck Tisiiuantum with sickness, insomuch as he there died, which crossed their southward trading, and the more, because the master's sufliciency was much doubted, and the season very t(>mpestuous, and not fit to go upon discovery, having no guide to direct them." His disonhir, according to Prince, was a fever, "bleeding much at the nose, which the Indians reckon a fatal symptom." He desired the governor would ])r:iy fir him, that he might go to the Englishmen's God, "l)equeathing his tliiiigs to sundry of his English I'riends, as remembrances of his love ; of wiioni we have a great loss." Thus died the famous Squanto, or Tasquantum, in December, 1G22. To him the pilgrims were greatly indebted, although he often, through extreme folly and shortsightedness, gave tliem, as well as himself and others, a great deal of trouble, as in the life of Massasoit and Hohomok will appear. Thus, at the coinmencement of the voyage, the pilot was taken away by death, and the expedition came near being abandoned. However, before Squanto died, he succeeded in introducing his friends to the sachem of IMana- nioick and his people, where they were received and entertained in a manner that woidd do honor to any people in any age. It is tiie more worthy of remark, as none of the English had ever been there before, and were utter strangers to them. After they had refreshed them "with store of venison and other victuals, which they brought them in great abimdance," they sold them " 8 hogsheads of com and beans, though the people ivere but few" From Mimamoick they proceeded to Massachusetts, but could do nothing * ll was a oiistom willi most hidian nntioiis lo clanro when strariRors rni o iimonff tlicm. Bnroi! I thontan snys it was the maimer of llie Irocii'ois to dance " lorsqif les I'lran^era u;;« -" j.i,>s leiir paiit, ou qui' li'urs etitiemis envtncnl aes imbassadeurs pour fairt dea propon of tiie account, he proceeds thus: "But contrary wise, [the ln>.ii':i>>; 1 iiv'i j said "tl'.ey were so many that Uod could not kill them," when iiie d' the i i^nehmen rebuked them for their "wickedness," telling them tiod wouh' d'l. t"i)y them,] in short time after, the hand of (jod fell heavily upon vh^in, x.'tli sucii si mortall stroake, that they died on heaps, as they lay in thf'ir hous. -, and the living, that were able to shift for themselves, would runne away and let thorn dy, and let their carkases ly above the ground * 'I'lio year Ifil" seems to have been very fruitful in comet.*, "as therein no le.sa than four were observed, ' /. Mtither'n JJiiicouise cnncevniiiij Cometa, 108, lioston, 12nio. 1(183. There may be seen a euiious passage concerning the comet of 1618 in Ruahworth'a Hint, i'ni. of that year. t New English Canaan, 23, by Thomat Morton, 4to. Amsterdam, 1037. [Hook 11 nricli for a L'y rctunit'd H3 governor Ix'uiih: also It and corn cir |)iniiiici', I stuck of it, L-. Jhjnncl , until tlicy li. All this iving great great sick- if not tlio 1(1, as usual, lia|>|)( niiig it guard, ho I'liicli when h iiini, and ■s; the same Ihi m bi.J^re imlness they )f his men, rifles;" for prehejision at Patuxet, ct to Hnd it II of it, not , as near as t|>s Penob- Migth of its ^vas nearly that they the lOng- in many as it hud le ci IOSCO by some ?arance op iilered by itithor, an iry of the lie fate of of Mas- •ary wise, II thnm," tolling God fell lion]is, as eniselvesi, e ground less thnn hiM. ir,S3. rth'ii Jlist, Chap. 11] SQUANTO— MASSASOIT. 81 without burial]. For in a place where many inliabiteil, then; hath been but one left alive to tell what became of the rest ; the living being ^as it seeuh;) not able to bury the dead. They wi all its particulai-s. We have now come to one of the most interesting characters in Indian history. MA^is vRoiT, ehii'f of the Wampanoags, resided at a place called Pokanoket or Pawknnnawkut, by the Indians, which is now included in the town of l$ris- tol, Rliode Island. He was a chief i-enowned more in ])eace than war, and was, as long as he lived, a friend to the English, iiotwilhstanding they cominitteil repeated usnqiations upon his lands and libertii s This chief;- name has been written with great variation, as Wonnameq. it\,^Rsuh- mequin, Oosntnequen, Osamekin, Owsainequin,Ow!iamequine,Us.'n, Wasnm- tfrin, &CC. ; but tin; name by which he is generally known in histoiy, is that with which we commence! his lift .§ Mr. Prince, in his Annals, says of that name, "^ir. M'nrtnn first ciimi' over in lli;!^. Ho s-cltliMl iKNir W'cvinoiilh. A(\<'r groat IroiiMf! ami losses I'roin iliose of ii ilill'orenl nliuion, lie w;is lmiiisl)i'>i mii of (lie coiiiilry. liiiil liad his proiKTIy seqiii'SH'rt'tl, but soon at\i'r retiirneil. lie died in Vork, Mo., Uitfi. If it Ix; prcleuded that Aftiitoii litui no rfliirioii, wo say, " .Iiuljjo not." Ho profcssi'd to liiTve. t .Mr. Rich,inl Vini:i. Aiifrira fMinlnl In thfi Lift', l>y f'enl. (t'nrnf.i. F,si|. ilo. I.ond. Ui.V.l. } A Efrniil war arnonies helonging only to few. That he was not a warrior no one will allow, when th(^ testimony of .'Innawon is so direct to the ])oint. Tor that great chief gave (^"a|)t. Church "an account of what mighty success he had had formerly, in the wars against many nations of ludiaHS, when he served .flsuhmcijuin, 1 hilij)\i father." Tli(! limits of his coimtry towards the iVipundcs, or iidand Indians, are not precise, hut upon the east and west W(,' are sure. It is evident, however, from the following extract, that, in 1(147, the Nipnniks were rather uncertain ahout their sachem, and ])rolialtly helonged at one time to Massasoit, and at another to th(! Narragansets, or otiiei-s, as circmnstances impelled. "Tin; Nopnat (Nipnet, or JS'i|)mnk) Indians having noe sachem of tlieir own are at liherty ; part of them, Ity their own choice, doe appertaine to the Narraganset sachem, and |iarte to the IMohegens." * And certainly, in IGtiO, those of Quahaog helonged to .Massasoit or trassaincffiii, as he was then called (if he he the same), as will he evident from facts, to he fonnd in the life of Uncas. He owned Cajie Cod, and all that part of Alassachusetts and Rhode Island hetween Narraganstit and IMassacIuisetts hays ; extending inland hetween Pawtucket anil Cliarles rivers, a distance not satisfiictorily ascertained, as was said hefore, together with all tho contiguous ishuids. It was filled with many trihes or nations, and all looking np to him, to sanction all their e.\j)editions, and settle all their dilKculties. And we may remark, further, with regard to tho I\'ipnndeen aide to discover thai Mon-top is derived from Indian word or words, and do not liesilalo to pronounce it a corruption of ihi; Iwc Liijfli.sli words coiiinionlj used in naminy il. [GooR II (/ writes )in tlii'lf %vo find i liccn !-o iisL-lf, he it should ll NVllfll vcss iind wtctisivc cuds and ! tlmt we 1)11, hi iui inv tril»'9 w'. 'J'hat 'i(V))i is so •coiiiit oi' y iKitioiirt a, arc not ■vcr, from ain ahoiit t another ;i Ncjpiiat It liberty ; t wichciii, Quahang he ho the nais. He (1 between l*awt\icket lid hefore, y tribes or and settle rd to the the more een them, into the |h(' Nami- r from tiie Is of some first tired lit, lu.' was Hint Hope, l)nt from tount Hope Ive an; not ■hiefs, he- I'ill give a \te of Fall l)out four Ithe state- ■» ■* icim the Bliii li of Massa- lllic socoml lot so ill ilip |; is ticrived of llifl iwc h2 MASSASOIT. [Rook 11 "tho liiiti priiitod nrcomits pcncrally pprll liiin ^fassasoU ; Gov. Brai(ford writes .U/l»«'<»..>'' ■'•••' lf.<-"<' "' • '■■•* • t'-- ' •' ..IM-ifill pM|t|c-. {'■<■>, lluif r. ;iii .■,.1,1.,.-. .1 ,-..,.,, Mil-: <-M, ." r*l|ll .■..•fni'i ■M» X 1 .- ii" .-i »\r'.tfr hitiVi • 111 '(•■,11 !i I'l'iititr \', ;iii I <'i»i < 'i.li • I |u,-. ■! --iiiii.-i iir" •' ' .\\ ..f .- ■ iiii:il li> <■' • JliMiVitU'ill i'. 111 ,1 -il-^'i pfu}!. ,ill, :i .\ii iiU -iii'i'l 1 l)c,- ■ ■ . VfllS' ,1 ■N' h" , ..; .■. , i 11.' ,,'.ii xlii 'li.i ,. i,» iii.'M -,> tiinii'. t'i'.ti •< (• I ,,n.i!ili ■ '.M'lcnuiii r "! '. :" ti '•. 'I'lml (, f 'i=|!{V :::(•" .' Hi'' iNniTi'.^iriSct ■'., li-'lll, .1 I'lf Mill -riiH."* \ii,l (•••riiuiily, in l^Hi'l, Un'»,- oi' «^.;i! ;'i ;. t" .v./ ■•,'•.,' ,ii- ii'n<>nn::.':nii, ii-i In V ■■■:'" '!,•■! 't! !•• t.' iii-' of ii«r i'' ili''ra>. I'll', 111 JIT' ■'' ,! ill th<- • -.vl I •• ^ i\:. i;ii ru 1. • : 1 il lllv I.' IX TL- iliiiTtly i:. > '\\'. .t I,' ;\'. ■ "i! the iNiirr.i - 'lii'T i'roiu '.11'' a 1..,, liM'l-, III'- .'i .■!•.<■ i .1- [';.II ihi! "■•Ill- [Rook 11 rtl writci 1 ilii'ir \\i ^- luiA i\\< li ■.' ii 1 fif ni.il ' ; \^ .■ ,1 111) * i! ^ \^ ^ IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) &^ ■i^^ {./ ^ .^. /. V 1.0 I.I 12.5 ;^ b£ 12.0 u IL25 in 1.4 ik 1.6 V] Photographic .Sciences Corporation 23 WIST MAIN STRKT WnSTIR.N.Y. MSM (716) 173-4303 ^ .^. .«* 4^^ ^ 4^ w Chap. II.] MASSASOIT. 83 house in Boston, as seen from many places in the vicinity, at four or five tnilc-s di»tan'*e. Its liciglit by admeasureinent is stM to he iilktut '-200 feet.* It im very steep on tlie siile towards l'oojL«set, umi its appenrunce is very regular To its natural appearance a gentleiiuui of itristol lius contributed to add materially, by placing uirau its sunnnit a circular sunuuer-liouse, and this is a principal reason why it so much resembles the Massachusetts gtate-hoiiSi\ This mount, therefore, since some time previous to 1824, does not ajipear a.s in the davs of Massasoit, and as it did to his early friends and visitors, ti'insloio and liamden. ^ . was sullicicntly picturesque without such athiitioii, as an immense stone originally formed '\\a sunnnit, and completed its domelike ap|>carunce. The octiigonal summer-house being |)laced U|)on this, comidctes the cupola or turret. From this the view of Providence, Wurren, Bristol, and, indeed, tlie whole surrounding country, is very beautiful. This eminence was known among the Norragansets by the name Pokanokel, which signified in their language the tcood or land on the other side of the witter, and to the VVampanoags by the name Sowwanis. And it is worthy remark hero that Kuequenuku was the name of the |)lace where Philadelphia now stands. Mr. Heckewelder says, it signified the grove of the long pine trees. There wjis u place in Middleborough, and another in Ilaynham, where he spent some part of particular seasons, perhaps the sunnner. The place in Ilaynham was near Fowling Pond, and he no doubt had many others. Sir trancis Drake is the first, of whom wo have ony account, that set foot u])on the shores of New England. This was in 158(i, about seven years at\er he had taken possession, and named the same countiy New England or iXew Albion, U|)on the western side of the continent. It is an error of long standing, that Prince Charks named the coimtry New England, and it even now so stands upon the pages of history. But it is vry clear that Sir IVancis is justly entitled to the credit of it. American historians seem to have looked no fur- ther than Prince and Robertson, and hence ass«;rt that Ca|)t. Smith lamed the country New England. We will now hear Smith \ on this matter. " New Enghmd is that part of America, in the Ocean sea, op|)osite to Aoua Jllbion, in the South Sea, discovered by the most memorable Sir Francis Drake, in his voyoge aliout the world, in regard whereof this is stiled New England." Capt. SmiUi, in 1614, made a survey of the coast of what is now New Eng- land, and because the country was already named New England, or, which is the same. New Albion, upon its western coast, he thought it most proper to stamp it anew upon the eastern. Therefore Capt Smith neither takes to him- self the honor of naming New England, as some writers of authority assert, nor does he give it to King Cltarles, as Dr. Robertson and many others, copying liim, have done. The noble and generous minded Smith, unlike Americns, would not permit or suffer his respected friend and cotemporary to l>e deprived of any honor due to him in his day ; and to which we may attribute the revival of the namo New England in 1014. It was upon some part of Cape Cod that the great circumnavigator landed. lie was visited by the "king of the country," who submitted his territories to him, as Hioh had done on the western coast. After several days of mutual trade, and exchange of kindnesses, during which time the natives beriu.ic grtuUly attached to Sir Francis, he departed for England. Whether the '• king of the country " hero mentioned were Massasoit, we have not the means of knowing, as our accounts do not give any name ; but it was U|)on his domin- ions that this first landing was made, and we have therefore thought it pro|>er to be thus particular, and whi^li, we venture to predict, will not be uiuicirpta- ble to our readers.^ * Viim<)VvLi<-ii now licars that name. Our accounts make Capt. Barlholometo Goanold the next visitor to the sjiorrs of Massaaoit, afier Sir I'Vancis Drake. His voyage was in IGCi, and he was the first who came in a direct course from Old to New England. He landed in the same place where Sir Fraricis did 1(5 years Iwfore. The route had hith- erto been by the Canaries and West India Islands, and a voyage to and from New England took up neorly a year. We cjui know nothing of the early times of Mnssnsoit. Our next visitor to his country, that we shall here notice, was Capt. Thomas Dermer. This was iu May, 1619. He sailed for Monhigon ; thence, in that month, for Virginia, in un op(;n pinnace; consequfutly was obliged to keep clos«' in slH)n'. He found places which had Ihm;u inhabited, but at thut time contained no peopji' ; and farther onward nearly all were deaci, of a gn'at sickness, which was then t»revailing, but nearly abated. When he came to Plunouth, all were dead, '^rom thence he traveled a day's journey uito the country westword, to Na- niasket, now Middleborough. From this place he sent a measenger to visit Massaaoit. In this expedition, he rcdeegied tv.-o Fn-nchmen from MatDasoiCs people, who had been cast away on the const three years lielore. But to be more particular with Capt. Dermer, we will hear him in his own manner, which is by a letter he wrote to Samuel Purchaa, the com|>ilcr of the Pilgrimage, dated 27 Dec. 1G19. "When I aiTived at my savage's [Squanlo's] native country, ((inding all dead,) I travelled alongst a day's journey, to a place called ,Yummasta(finft, where finding inhabitants, I despatched a messenger, a day's journey fartli<>r west, to Pocanokit, which bordereth on the sea ; whence came to see me two kings, attended with a guard of 50 armed men, who l>eing well satisfied with that my savage and I discoursed unto them, (lieiii" desirous of novelty,) gave me content in whatsoever I demanded ; where I found that former relations were true. Here I reded manner], under the government of Mr. Ralph Lane, wlio continued there (yet he is speaking of N. Eiig.] till the next year (158fi), but, upon some extraordinary occasion, returned, with Sir Francis Drahf, into England, being accounted by some the first discoverer thereof." Blame's work was printed in IfiS?, anif may have l)een Oldmixon's authority. In the Genl. Mag., Vol. XXV., p. 21)1. it is said, " Sir Francis Drake, who made a ilisci. " on the coast, continued there biil a very short time, so that whatever had been known of this country >vas so much forgotten in lfi02, that Gosnolil fell in with the coast by accident, as he was pursuing another design." Fortter'a error about Sir Francis's being on the coast in 1.585, is surprising; but it is still more surpris- ing that any one, pretending to be an historian, should copy it. See Corster, 29.5, and ArifjHtch, Newfoundland, 74. In J'rinr''s Worthies of Deio , an account of Sir Bernard Drake's expedition to the New England seas, in 1585, may be seen ; also in Purchase, v. 1882. Queen Elizaheth sent over Sir Bernard, with a naval force, to dispossess any Portuguese, or otiirra, that he might find fishing there. He found many vessels employed in that business, some of which he captured, and dispersed the rest, ami relumed to EnglaiKl v.i'.i. several Portuguese prizes. Now it is not at all improbable that Etizatiflh had inslricled Sir Francis to coini up into these seas, when he had finished his designs in South America and Virginia, to see if there were any vessels of oilier nations usurping the rights of her citizens ; ancT hence iiiiiltpiitive writers liave confounded the names of Sir Bernard and Sir Francis, they being Imili distin- guished admirals at that time, and both having ihe same surname, and originally of the same i'amily. The expedition of .Sir Iternnrd was the year before that of Sir Francis, and Ik nee arose the anachronism. Several English navigators had been on this coast liefore IGIK). Capt. Georire Drake made a voyage to the river St. Lawrence in 1593; but wiicthcr a.ny of then landed in what is now New England, is at present unknown. Chap. II] MASSASO 85 cliiisit, M'ho three years since escaped 6hip>vreck at the north-east of Cape Co«l." \Vc linve mentioned liis interview with Mcuaaaoit, whom we suppose waa one of the kings mentioned in tlio letter, and Quadequina was no doubt tlie other. In another letter, Mr. Dermer says tlie Indians would have killed him at Namasket, had not Sqitanto entreated hard for him. " Their desire of revenge (he adds) was occasioned by an Englishman, who, having many of them on lioanl, made great slaughter of them with their murderers and small shot, when (a-s they say) they offered no injury on their parts." Mr. Thomas Morton,* the author who made himself so merry at the cx[)cnse of *hc I'ilgrims of Plimouth, has the following passage concerning these Frt'nchmen: — "It fortune«l some few ycares before the English came to inhabit at new Plinnnouth in New England, that, u|>on some distast given in the Mussachusscts Bay, by Frenchmen, then tradiiig there with the natives for iM'aver, tliey set u|»on tlie men, at such advantage, that they killed manie of them, burned their sliipp, then riding at anchor by an island there, now called Peddock'a Island, in memory of Leonard Peddock that landed there, (where many wildeaitckiesf haunted that time,wlrich hee thought had bin tame,) dis- tributing them unto five sachems which were lords of the severall territories ailjoyniiig, they did keep tliejn so long as they livetl, only to sport themselves ut them, and made these five Frenchmen fetch them wood and water, which is' the generall worke they require of a servant. One of these five men outliving the rest, hml learned so much of their language, as to rebuke them for tlu-ir bloudy «lcede: saying that God would Ik; angry with them for it ; and that he woul(l in his displeasure destroy them ; but the salvages (it seems, Iraoisting of tlieu" strength) replyed, and said, that they were so many that Go«i could not kill liiem." This seems to be the same stor}', only differently told from that related above from Smith. Dec. 11, O. S4 lb'20, the pilgrims had arrived at Plimouth, and possessed themselves of a |)ortion of MassasoiCs country. With the nature of their proceedings, he was at first unacquainted, and sent occasionally some of his men to ol>serve their strange motions. Very few of tliese Indians, however, were seen by the pilgrims. At length he sent one of his men, who hml been some time with the English fishing vessels about the country of the Kenne- beck, and had l°nmed r. Tittle of their language, to observe more strictly what was progressing jn^ the strangers at his place of Patuxct, which tliese intruders now called Phmoutli. This was in March, 1G21. • III liis " New Canaan." 22, 23. t Modern naturalists do not seem to have been acquainted with (his animal ! t The leneth of a year was fixed by Julius drsar at 365 days and 6 hours, or 3C51 days. This .j of a day being omitted for 4 years amounted to a whole day, and was then ailded to the 3(>l in the month of Febntanj, which 4th year was called leup year, because it leaped forward one d-y. Hut by this supputation it was perceived that the year was loo lonjj, and consequently the seasons were js^ettiiig out of place. Pope Gregory' (oum\, in 1382, lliat the vernal equinox, which at (he time of the Nicene council, A. D. 325, fell on 21 March, fell now 10 days l>eyond it ; Iherefore he ordered 10 days to be struck out of October, 1582 ; and to prevent the recurrei o of the difficulty in future, decreed Uiat 3 day* should be abated in every 400 years, by restorinis^ leap years to 'common years at the end of 3 successive centuries, anil making leap year again at ihe close of every 4th century. Thus 1700, 1800, 1900, 2100, See. though divisible by 4, are common years, "but 2000, 2400, 2800, &c. are leap years. This method of keeping the year is called New Style, and that before the reformation by Gregory, Old Style. Even this correction docs not set the year exactly right ; but the error is so small that it nmounts to scarce a day and a half in 5000 yean, and we need not trouble ourselves about a nearer approximation. Itcrause this correction had a Catholic or Popish origin, Protestants would not for a long time adopt it. At length, in the year 1751, the English Parliament enacted, that the 3d of Sept. of that year should be called the 14th, thereby striking out 1 1 days, which their calendar at that late period renuired, to reduce it to the Gregorian. And hence the reason of our calling the 11 Doc. O. S.. the 22 N. 8. The reason also of our adding 11 days instead of 10 is obvious, because, in adopting the Catholic method 170 years after ■' had been introduced by Gregory, mother day was gained, and therefore 10-{-l^ll. 'JM '1 86 MASSASOIT. [Rook II Wo Imvo, ill spnakinj^ nf Samosii nnd Sqnanto, ohscnnd tlint it wns tlirniigli flio (i;.'»'iicy ol'tlic foriiHTiliiit a knowledge wu.s gained lijtiic pilgririi^ ot'.Mas- itsuil. Il \vu8 upon 'i'i March, KWI, tiiat llu'y Itnmjrlit llic woIcoiik; news to I'liiiMintli, t!iat their chief was near at hand ;'* "and they hrungiit with them (say the I'iljirinis) some lew skins to truck, anil some red lierriniis, newly taken nnd (hied, liut not salted ; nnd signified unto ns, that their u;r<;at sagainorc, .Maisiinoit, was iiard hy, with (^uuik(jinn(i, his brother. They could not well express in Knglisli what tliey would ; l>nt after nn honr the king cume to tint top of an hill [supposed to he that now called ff'atson'n, on the south side of Town-hrook] over against us, and had in his train {ji) men, that wc could w«!ll liehold them, nnd they us. Wo were not willing to send our governor lo them, nnd they unwilling to come to us: so Squanio went ugain unto him, will) hronght word that we should send one to purley with him, which w» did, which was Edward fVinslow, to know his mind, and to signily the mind and will (if our governor, which was to have trading and peace with iiim. We sent lo tlh! king n pair of knives, and n cop|)cr chuin, with a jewel in it. To ({u(iiltvithal a (lot of strong water, a good quantity of biscuit, and some butter, which were all willingly accepted." Tlie Englishman then made a s|H>rch to him nlmiit his king's love ».nd good- n(>ss to him and bis people, nnd that he accepted of him as his ti'iend and ally " He liked well of tlic speech, (say the English,) nnd heard it attentively, though the interiiretera did not well express it. At\er he bud eut(Mi and drunk himself^ and given the rest to his company, he looked upon our messenger's sword nnd armor, which he bad on, with intimation of his desire to buy it ; but, on the other side, our messenger sIiowimI his unwillingness to part with it. In the end he lell him in the custody of Ouadcquinn, his brotb(!r, nnd came over the brook, and some 30 nicu following liim. We kept six or seven as bosUiges for onr messenger." As Afitssaaoil proceeded to meet tlie English, ihcy met him with six soldiers, who saluted each other. Several of his men were with him, but ail left their liiiws and arrows behind. They were conducted to a new house which was partly tinished, ond n green rug was spread upon the Hoor, nnd several cush- ions for Massasoit nnd his chiefs to sit down upon. Then cnine the English govi^rnor, followed by n drummer nnd trumpeter nnd n few soldiers, nnd alter kissing one another, all sat down. Some strong water being brought, the governor Irank to Massasoit, who in bis turn "drank a great draught, that inaile IiiiiifJM'eat nil the wliilj.after." They now proceeded to make ntrcnty,whicii stipulated, that neither J)/(T5ja- soit nor any of his peojile should do hurt to the English, and that if they did they should be given up to be ])unislicd by them ; and that if the Englisn did any harm to him or any of his people, tlM>y (the English) would do the like to tliem. That if any did unjustly war against him, the English were to aid him, and he was to do the same in bistuni,and by so doing King James would esteem him his friend and ally. "All which (they say) the king spcmed to like well, and it was applauded of his followers." And they add, " All the while he sut by the governor, be trembled ler fear." At this time he is described na "a very lusty man, in his best years, an able body, gr^ive of countenance, nnd spare of speech ; in his attire little or nothing ditfering tVoin the rest of his followers, only in a grcnt chuin of white bone bends about his neck; and at it, behind his neck, linngsa little bag of tobncco, which be drunk, and gave us to driiik.f His face wus puinted with a sad red :H • Moiiii's nnrrativn is licre continued from the hisl extrnct in p. 10, witlmiit any omission. 1 1 |irn>umo llint l>y " drinking tobacro," .smokinf^ is meant. Tlic |>il<;rinis were [iroliably not iii'(|nuinle(l with the prnrlice of smokinj^ nt ntl, nnd hcnre this sort of misnomt-r is not striui;;!', dioniijh it may be thought a little odd. How lonf>' smoking went l>y the name oi diinkin's at I'limontli 1 do not learn ; but in Ki Ui Uiis entry is found in tlio Plimoulh records : — " Aiillinntj ThachernwA George Pole were chosen a committee to draw up an cvder con- cerning disorderly drinkini; of Tobacco." Riigfr Williams says, 1n his Key, " Gciicrnlly all the men throughout the country have a lohniH'n-biig, widi a pipe in il, hanging at their bnrk." Dr. 77i(ic/(«r says, that art aged man in Plimouth, who was a great smoker, used lo term Chap. II.] M.\SS.VSOIT. 87 like iiiiirrfy, and oiletl l>otli lirnil anti fiico, tliut lie loctked }rr*'Hsily. .Ml iii» followfiN likcwi. wcri', in llii-ir fiici-s, in [lart or in wIhjIc, p.-untcii, sonif lihick, soni*,' rt'tl, jionu! ycllciw, unil w»nie wliiti' ; mmtf. wjtli cnissrs and oilirr nniic works; sonu; liad skins un tia-in, nnd somt; naked ; all Mtron niarveiled nnicli nt our trumpet, and s^tnii; of liis men would soinid it iia well an they could. Samostt and Squanlo stayed all night with us." .Massasuil retired into the woods, ahout lialfu mile from tlie English, and there •>neani|)ed at night with his men, women and children. Thus ended .March 'i-^d, Ki'-jl. During his first visit to tlie English, ho expressed great signs of fear, and during the treaty could not refrain from tremliling.* rinis it is eitsy to sco how nnii'h hand he hail in making it, hut would Ihui there had never been icofse oiif.i made. It was agreed that some of his people should come nnd plant near hy, in a few days, and live there all suiumer. "That night we ke|»t good watch, hut there was no appearance of danger. The next morning clivers of their pi-oplo cnnie over to us, hoping to get some victuals, as we imagined. Some of them told us the king would have some of us come to sec him. Caj)t. Standinh nnd Isaac .llderton went vi-nterously, who were welcomed of him after their man- ner, lie gave them three or four grotind nuts and some tohacco. We cannot yet conceive, (they continue,) but that he is willing to have peace with us; for tln-y have seen our people sometimes alone two or three in the woods at work auil fowling, when as they ottered them no harm, as they might easily have done i and especially because he hath a potent adversjiry, the NarrohigiUisets,f that are at war v.'itli him, against whom he thinks we n:ay he some strength to him ; f<)r our pieces are terrihic unto them. This morning they stayed till 10 or II of the clo ..; and our governor hiil them send the king's kettle, and tilled it with peas, which ]ileased them well ; and so tlu'y went their way." Thus ended the first visit ol' AfassnsoU to tlm pilgrims. We should here note that he ever after treaterl the English with kinilness, and the peace now concluded was undisturhcd for nearly 40 years. Not that any writing or articles of a treaty, of which he ne.er had any adequate idea, was the cause of his friendly behavior, but it was tin.' natural goodness of his heart. The pilgrims report, that at this time he was at war with the Narragiuisets. Itut if this were the case, it could have been nothing more than some small skirmishing. Meanwhile Squanto ami Samoset remained with the English, instructing them how to live in their country ; equal in all respects to Robinson Crusoe's man Fridaji, and had De Foe lived in that age he might have made as good a story from their history as he did from that of Alexatuler Selkirk. — "S'juanto went to fish [a day or two after .Massasoit left] for eels. At night he came home with as many as he could lift in one hand, which our people were glad of. They were fat and sweet, lie trwl them out with his feet, and so caught them with his hands, without any other instrument." It drinking toliucco. Hist. Plim. W. This wc infer was wiihin the recoilcclion of the au- thor. The nolinii that tobacco is so railed from the islnnd Tol)a50, i? crronpously cnterlainod liy many. When Sir Francin Drake (hsrovcrcd the coniitry lo llie iiorlli of California, in lo7!>, the writer of the account of his vovago says, ihe Indians presenled the aihniral with a >niall basket niii'dc of nish«-s, filled with an herb ihcy callo|>cars, that Ihc Indians of that rci|;(on. like those of New E'igland, had bags in which tobacco vas carried. linmey's Votjages, I. 3H— 7. * Ann with this fact before him, the author of " Tahf of thf Indians " says, the treaty was madu wilh deliberation and cheerfulness on Ihe part of .Massasoit ! t Few luilian names have been spelt more ways Ician tliis. From Ihe nature of the Indian lani;iiH<;o, it is evident thai no r shonhl be used in it. Nahiiron-iik and Naiiligansirk, K. M'illinnis. — Nccheffansilt, Oookin. — Nantyaf^aiisiks, Cullender. — N^inohisfsjanset, M'iiistoit's Good News from N. /vi;,'.— Nanhy^aiiset, Jiidxe Johnson's Life of den. Greene. — 1 hese are but few of the |M>rmulalii>ns without the r, and those with il are still more numerous. TKv meaninji; of tiie name is still uncertain. Madam Knisrh'., in her Journal, !^ and 2.3, says, at a place where she happened lo put up for a nighl in that country, she heard some of Ihe " town loners " dispuUni^ about Ihe oriirin of the word Narraganset " One said it was so named bv Indians, l)ecause there grew a brier Ihere of a prodigious height and bi^ucss, who quoted an Indian of so barbarous u name for his author that she could not write it.'* Another said il meant a celebrated spring, which was very cold in summer, aud " as hot as could be imagined in the winter," i m I i (J 88 MASSASOIT. [Book II Tliifl Sqtutnto bncame aAerwonls an important personage in Indian politirt«, and HDiiio ut' his niaiKBUvn's rciiiiiul im of aoino managing poiuicioiia of qui own limcH. In WiSi, he foribitod liiu lilb l»y plotting to destroy tiiat of Massa soil, IIS will Im- found related in the life of Hobomok, On that oi'caaion, MaaaitaoU went himself to Plimoiith, " tN^ing much offended and enniged ngniiifc brought to him. IMeantimo SqtuiTUo came and d<;livered himsi^lf up to the governor, charging Hohomok with his overthrow, and telling him to deliver him or not to the mcs- Hcngers of MasaaaoU, as he thouglit fit. It seems from the narrative that, ns the governor wits about to do it, they gn)W imiiatient at the delay, and went off in a nige. The delay was occasioned by the appearance of a Ixiut in tlio harbor, which the governor [;r«!tended might l)e that of an enemy, as then; had been a rumor that tlie French had meditated breaking up the siUtlement of the Kngjish in this region. This, however, was doidnless only a pn-tence, ond (•mployed to wear out the patience of his unwelcome visitors. Hencj! that .Mii.fsaaoit should for some time after "seem to frown" on tho English, as they complain, is certainiy no wonder. The next sinnmer, in June or Jidv, Maaaaaoil was visited by sevend of tho English, among whom was Mr. Edward fVinslow, Mr. Stephen Hopkins, and Squanio as their interpreter. Their object was to find out his place of resi- (itnct;, in case they should have to call upon him for assistiuice ; to keep good the friendly com>8]>ondeiice commenced at Plunouth ; and especially to cause him to |)revcnt his men from hanging al>out them, and living upon them, which was then considered very burdensome, as they had l)egim to grow shoit of provisions. That their visit might Iks acceptable, they took along, for a present, a trooper's red coat, with some Ince upon it, and a copper chain ; with these Maaaasoil was exceedingly well pleased. The chain, they told !iim, ho must seiul us a signal, when any of his men wished to visit them, so that they might not Ite imposed u|K)n by strangers. When the English arrive*! at Pokanoket, Maaaaaoil was alwent, but was immediately s<>nt for. Being informed that he was conung, the English Ix'gan to prepare to shoot off their guns ; t .lis so frightened the women and children, that they ran away, and would not return until the i!)ter|)reter assunul them that tlu'y need not fear ; and wlieii Mnaaasoit arrived, they saluted him by a diseiiarge, at which he was very naicli elated ; and "who, after their manner, (s{iys one of the company,] kin(hy welcomed us, and took us into his house, and set us down by him, where, having deliverecl our message and presents, and having put the coat on his bacs, and the chain about his neck, he was not a little jiroud to l)ehold himstdf, and his men also, to sen their king so bnively uttired." • A new treaty was now held with him, and he very gooroiight two large fishes anil lM)iled them ; but the iiilgrims still .'nought their chance for nfresliiiieiit vc-ry small, as "there were at least forty looking for a share in them;" hut scanty as it wiL-^, it came very tiiii' \y, as tiiey had fastiMl two nights rtiul u day. The English now left him, at which he was very sorrowful. " Vr-i-y iin|)ortunate ho was (says our author) to have us stay villi them longer. But we d«'s;red to keep the s-.bbath at home, and fearetl we should either lie Ijght-lieaih'd for want of sleep ; for • /hat wiih Ijad lodging, the sav- ages' Imrlmrous singing, (for they used to sing themselves aslee|»,j lice and fleas witliin doors, and miisketoes without, w<; could hardly slee|) all tin; time of our luliig there ; we much fearing, that if we should stay ony longer, we siiould not Im! able to recover home lor want of strength. So that, on Friday morn- ing, before sunrising, we took our leave, and departed, Massasoi/t Ining both gri(;ved and ashamed, that he could no Ix-tter entert.iiii us. And retaining Tis(iuantum to send from place to place to procure truck for us, and a|>p(>iiiting another, called Tokamahamon, in his place, whom we had found faitht'ul before and atler upon all occa.sions." This faithful 8cr^'ant, Tokamahamon, was in the famous "voyage to the kingdom of Nauset," aiid was conspicuous for his courage in the expedition against Caunbilant. In IG23, Massasoit sent to his friends in Plimoutl to inform them that he was very dangerously sick. Desiring to render him aid if jiossible, the gov- ernor despatclied Mr. H'inslow again, with some mecucines and cordials, and i/ofcfco/reot as interjiretor ; "having one MuaU^r John Hamdcn, a gentleman of London, who then wintered with us, and desired much to see the country, for my foii80it."t In their way they found many of his subjects were gone to Pokanoket, it being their custom for all friends to attend on »ucli occasions. " When we came thither (says Mr. Hinslow) we ibiiiid the hoiis*; so full of men, us we could scarce get in, though they used their best diligence to make way for ms. There were they in the midst of their charms for him, making such a helli-sli noise, as it dist«'m|K'n'd us that were well, and, therefore, unlike to ease him that was sick. Aliout him were six or eight women, who ciiKfed his urins, legs uiid thighs, to keep heat in him. When they had made an end of their charming, one told him that his friends, the English, were come to see him. Having undei'standnig left, but his sight was wholly gone, he asked, t/^Ao was come. They told him l^vianow, (for they cannot pronounce the letter (, * La fiiili' says ( Ex|)Cililioii in Amorica, p. II.) of tlie Imliaiis' biuls in general, llial " they arc made up witli some pieces of wood, upon which they lay skins full of wool or slraw, bul, for Iheir covcrinor, t'ley use (lie finest sorl of skins, or else mats finely wrought." t Wiiislow^s llflalion. The IMr. Ilamden mentioned, is supposed, by sonu', to be the colebrattMl John Hamd- n, fanioHs mi the time of Charles I., and who died of a wound received in an attempt to intercept Prince liiiprrt, near Oxford, while supporting the cause of the parliament. See Rapin'a England, ii. 477, and Kewiet, iii. 137. It would be highly gratifying, could the certainty of this matter bo known ; hut, as yet, we must acknowleiige that all is mere speculation. Nevertheless, we are pleased to meet with the names of sucli valued martyrs i-f lila-rty upon any page, and even though ihey should someliines Jeem rather mal npro/KH to the case in hand. We cannot learn that any of Hitmden'n biographers have discovered that he visited America. Still there is a presumptioi: ' ' " The villaie /{ampd'-it, thrv', with (l'ii!>itlesR hreniit, The little tyrant uf his H slds witlisitoucj."— UHir'i Kmot I \'M V-h IN) MVSSASOir. I Hook II but ordiiuiiily ». in tlic pin/c tlMn'ol'.j* lit- dcHin-il f«> s|M'fik «itli iiir. Wlirn I caiiif to liiiii, mill tlu'y told liini iil it, lit; |iiit I'ouli his liiiiid to iiir, wliicli I look. 'rii< II lie miid t\vi«'i', tliiiiixli vd, Ahhe, that is, }V.«. Tliiii In; diiidiled tli'.s*' words: Mitlla wen wonrkniiH iKimcn, h'iiuvww ! — tiiiit iH to say, () Hvts- liiu, I slinll nrvtr »cf. tlice Pffain!" IJiit rontiary to his own r.\|Mcliitioiis, an well as ail his friends, h^ the kind cxrrtions of.Mr. H'inalow, lie in u short time ciitirt'ly recovered. Tliw lM!iiig a puiuvigi; of great inten'st in the life of the great Miissimoit, we will here go inon; intodetuil eonccniiiig it. When he had iN-eonio nhle to s|)euk, he desired Air. U'itislow to provide him a lirotli from some kind of fowl : "so (sayH he) I took a man with me, and made a uliot at a eoiiple of dneks, some sixBcoro jmces otf, and killed one, at which he wondered : so w« returned forthwith, and dressed it, making more broth therewith, which he niiicli desiretl ; never did I s«'e a man so low bn>iiglit, recover in that measure in MO short u time. The fowl being e.xtmordinary i'at, I told IJobbnmork I must take off the top thereof, saying it would make him very sick again if he did eat it; this lie ac(|uainted Mnssnsaowat tlier(>witli, who would not lie |M-rsuaded to it, tliough I pn-ssed it very inneli, showing the strength then-of, and the weak- ness of his stomach, wliieh could not possibly liear it. Notwithstanding, he made a gross meal of it, and ate as much ns would well have satisfied a man in health." As ff'inslow hud said, it made him very sick, and he vomited with such violence that it made the blood 8tr<>uin from his nose. This bleeding caus(Hl them great alarm, as it continued for four hours. When his nos*; cens<>(l bleeding, he fell asleep, and did not uwake for (> or 8 hours tnon>. At\er ho awoke, Mr. Winsloio washi;d his liicc "and supplied his beard and nose with a iinuen cloth," when taking a quantity of water into his nose, by fiercely eject- ing it, the blood b(?gan again to flow, and again his attcndonts thought he could not recover, but, to their great satisfaction, it soon 8top|)C(l, and he gained strength mpidly. For this attention of the English he wns very grnteful, and always believed that his preservation at this time was owing to the lienefit he received from Rlr. ff'inslow. In his way on his visit to Mnssaaotl, Mr. Winslow broke a bottlo containuig some preparation, and, deeming it necessary to the sachem's recov- ery, wrote a letter to the governor of Plimouth for another, and some chickens in which he gnve him an account of his success thus fur. The intention was no sooner made kno^vn to Massasoit, than one of his men was sent off, at two o'clock at night, for Plimouth, who returned again with astonishing quickness. The chickens Ixjing alive, Massasoit was so pleased with them, and, iR'ing better would not suffer them to be killed, and kept them with the idea of rais- ing more. While at McuisasoiCs residence, aiifl just as they were about to depart, the sachem told Hobomok of a plot laid by some of his subordinate chiefs for the purjrose of cutting off the two English plantations, which ho charged him to acquaint tlic English with, whicJi ho did. Massasoit stated tliut he had been urged to join in it, or give his consent thereunto, but hud always refused, and usctl his endeavors to prevent it. The particulars of the evils which that plot brought upon its authors will be found in tlio history of Wittuwamet. At this time the English l)ccamo moi-e sensible of the real virtues of Massa- soit than ever before. His great anxiety for the welfare of his people was manifested by his desiring Mr. Winslow, or, as Winslow himself expivsses it, "He caused me to go from one to another, [in his village,] n^questing me to wash their Mionths also, ^many of his people being sick at that time,] and give to each of them some ot the same I gave him. Buying they were good folk" * Every people, and ronscqucntlv eve rv lan|rungc, have their peculiarities. Haron Lahon- tan, Memoires lie la Amerique, ii. '23(i, 'i.'i7, says, " Je tlirai ile la laiisve des Ilitrnus et lies Jioqiwis une chose assez curieiise, qui est qii'il iie s'y trotive j)oiiU tie If It res lahiales ; cV*/ a dire, de b, f, m, p. Cependant, cetle laiirii Mtt»»iu>i>\t ami Vitnnninis, tim wifliciii of till' ^llrl-apln^M'ts, lint tlir [''.n);lisli intrrfcrin^ wiili ii lorrc iinili r tins spirited l'a|iinin Slnndiah, nulcd it with very little lilotHlshi'd. Miis.visoil (>xpi>cti-red to reside; nnti, nioreovur, he had iMinght and paid for all he iMtssesxcd, of the Narnigaiiwt luiclieniH. It wiw in WiiTt that .Mr. he i)osses.sc( M ncil to thii If iltiiiiM tfeil to that conntry, to avoid being tu-i/ed atid sent to Knglund. Ilo found that Viinoninis and Mimitunnomoh were at bitter enmity with Oximme- iinin, but by his great exeitionn he restort'd iwucr, without wiiich he could not have been s»'Ciire, in a iKjnIer of the doininion of either. Oiisnmequin was well ac(|iiain(ed with Mr. H'illiams, whom he ha« of Imlh, and nitoiit tlic ncfk called Chnrlinriiflt, also Papniuiiuwli nock, iiUm) iIiu iikmkIow Irotn llic Iwy to Krcfonicwctt," Sec. For dim tlit; c-oii8itl*'iu- lion wiw " ilX) sterling." Hy a wriliiiv iN'oring dato "tliiri twt-nty-onc of Ht*|itcnil)rr, KiTi/," Otigame- TMi/i .xjiyis " i I Mam«yMfn do liy tlii>Mu |ircm>ntN rutiiy unii allow tlit; niIo of ii ffrtniii inland rallt.'d CiatM-waniN'kc, or Hogg lHlund, but it is an em>r of liulchinson^t tnuinplanting trom Air. lluhbanPa work into hiH own. That an error should flourish in so good a soil as that of the "History of the Colony of Massachusi>tt8 ]iay," is no wonder; but it is a wonder that the "accunite //u/rAuMon" hhou Id M't down tliat date, from tluit IHissngc of the Indian Wars, which was evidently niadi; wilhout n flection, t iN'ing nt that time thought a circumstance of no consequence. That the sachem of I'okanoket should be scarcely known to our n'cords lietween 1(J57 and KKil, a space of only aiiout three years, as we have shown, is not very sur|>rising, wIk n we reflect tiiat he was entirely sid)servient to the English, (U)«i nearly or quite all of his lands l)eing l)efore disposed of, or given up to them. This, therefore, is « plain reason why we do not meet with his name to deeds and other instrupients. Amf. iH'sides this consideration, another sachem was known to l»e avwiciated with him at the fonner iieriod, wlio seems to have Bctefl nt wciiifr lii'ii cotniii? in rninpnny ^vitli (hisnriefjuitu ^^ lion it >vnH known ntnon^' tli«> |h'I)|i|c tliiit tlu- Mii-lirin IkuI sent thin iwvn to tlicni, tlic y «lcninnili>(i why lie nlionld tliU!4 drciivi- tln'ni. lie ri'iiru-tl tlint it wiiH to Miukf liini tin' nion> wvlconio wiicn lu; did ntiirii, tind tlint this wuh n niHtoin ofliiH |"'oplc. One of the tiicmt renowned captainM within the dominioiiN nl' A!ii$sn.v>it wii.s Cai'.'vhita.nt,* whose n'Hidoiire was at a phiiM- calleil MttUtpumt, in the preHcnt town ofSwiinsey. Hi« character was much the winie an that of the fntnoUH Mttaromet. The En;;liHh were nlwavM viewed liy liiin a.s intruders and eneniicH of hiH race, and there in little douht luit lie intended to wn>t the country out of their hands on the tirxt opportunity. In AiijfiiHt, 1<)'2I, Cnunhihint \\n» niipposetl to Im' in the interest of the Nar- rairans4-tH, and plotting with them to overthrow .If^rMrMoi'/ ; and, lieinir at NumiiHket seeking, eny the l*il;:rims, "to draw the lii'iirts of Mnamsoj/tx siil>- jects ti'oiii him ; Hpeuking also distlaintiill^ of us, stormiiif; at the peace !ie- tween Naiiset, Ciimnmqiiid and lis, and nt 7V,f»i(nn/um, the worker of it ; niso at Tokamahamon, and one IMiomok, (two IiidiaiiH or Lemes, one of which hn would treacherously have murdered a little iM-l'ore, lieiiig a special nnd trusty man of Mnasnsotfts,) Tokamahamon went t<» him, hut the other two would not ; yet put their lives in their hands, privately w«iit to see if they could hear of their kiiifr, and, lodging at Namaseliet, were dicovered to Couhalnnt, who set a gtiard to Ijeset the lioiise, and took Tia(punitinn, (li)r he had sniil, if he were dead, the Knglisli had lost their tongue.) Hohbitmok see- ini; that Tisquantum was taken, nnd Coubntant held [holding] n kniti; at his liuast, heiiig a strong and stout man, brake from them, and came to New I'li- inoiith, full of fear and sorrow for Tisquantum, \ slain." t'pon this the IMimoutli peojile sent un expedition, under SlantHsh, of 14 iiien,+ " and Hohhnmok l()r their guide, to revenge the supposeromitied to return them as soon as it was day, whieii they prohahly did. They kept p^Rsession of tlie captured wijrwam until daylight, when they re'w.sed their prisoiiers, ami marched into the town (as they call it) of the NduiaKkcts. llcre, it ajtpears, Sqtuinto had a house, to which they went, and t jok hreakfast, and held a coin't afterward, froui which they issued forth the (bllowidjif decree against Cmmhilnnt : — " Tliither came all whose heartu were upright towards us, hut all Covha- tnnVs faction were fled awa)'. There in the midst of them we manifested again our intendment, assuring thciu, that, although Covbilnnt had now escaped us, yet there was no place shoidd secure him and his from us, if he continued his threutenin.; us, and provoking others against us, who had kindly entertained him, and never intended evil towards him till he now so justly destirved it. Moreover, \t' Massasoyl did not return in safety from Nar- roliigganset, or if herealler he slioidd make any insurrcciion against him, or ofli'r violence to Tisijtimitmn^ Hohomok, or any of J\lnssaso;iVs snhjects, wo wouhl revenge it \ipon him, to the o'orthrow of him and his. As lor those [who] were wounded, [how m-.iiy is not mentioned,] wo were sorry for it, though themselves procured it in not staying in the house at our conunand : yet, if they wou]'l return home with ns, our surgeon should heal them. At this otter one man and tt woman that were wounded went home with us, l^isquanhim and many other known friends accompanying us, and offering all help that might he by carriage of any thing we had to ease us. So that hy God's good providence we safely returned home the morrow night after we set forth." * Notwithstanding these rough passages, Caunhitant became in a])pearance reconciled to the English, and on the IHth Sept. following (1()21) went to Plimonth and signed a Irefity o*'amity. It was through the intercession of Mttssasoit that he became again reconciled, hut the English always doubted his sincerity, as most probably they had reason to. The treaty or eubmission was in these words : — " Know all men by these presents, that we whose names are underwritten, do acknowledge ourselves to be the royal subjects of King Janics, kiiig of Great Itritain, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. In witness Avhercof, and as a testimonial of the same, we have subscribed our names, or marks, as Iblloweth ; Ohquamehud, CaWxNACOME, Obbatinnua, NATTAWAHlirTT, Caunbatan". CniKKATABAK, quadaquina, huttmoiden, Apannow." Of some of these sachems nothing is known beyond this transaction, and of Others very little. Obbatinua is supposed to have been sachem of Shawinut, where IJostou now stands. Cawniicome and t^pnnvcw may he the same before spoken of as Conccojwtn and Epnnow, though I am rather of opinion that ^'Ipannoiv means .flspinrt of Nauset.f JSiattmmhunt we sliall again meet witii, mider the name JViishoonon. Coneconiwi was sachem oi' Miinomd, on Cape Cod. When, in tlic winti'r of Ki'iU, the English traversed the coimtry to trade with the Indians for corn, they visited him among other clfKjfs; who, tlie\ say, " it seemed was of good resfjcct, and authority, amongst the Indians. For whilst the; governor was there, within night, in hitter cold weather, came two men from Manamoyck, before spoken of, and having set aside their bows * Frdin i}foiiii. lit .iiipra. niiil sisfiiccl only uitli llio onpiliil Icdpr A, wliirli is stippnsi'il to „„in(l for hilar Al/i'i-toii, «lio »priiiii|iiiiii(Ml Slmiilish porliiips. I'nini the use of lh« proiiuua in llu; lirst person, llio writer, whoever he wns, iiiust hiive heen prcsuiil ' Sol' chapter i. ul'li. 11, Rtnn CHAT II.J CAUNHITANT. 05 and (juivri's, acconlmg to tlicir nininipr, snt down by the fire, and took n pipe oftnliacro, not nsing nny words in that tnn«', nor any otiier to tliein, l)Mt ull rcniainod silent, expecting v lien they wouiti speul<. At lengtli tliey looked toward Canacum ; and one tlieui made a 8liort speech, and delivered a present to liini, from hissii aim, Avhicli was a Imsket of tobacco, and many lieads, which the otiier received tlmnkfidly. Aller which he made a long speocli to him," the meaning of which Hobomok said was, that two of their men li-ll ont in a game, " for they use gaming as much as any where, and will play away all, even their skin ti'om their backs, yea their w ive's skins also," and one killed the other. That the nnirderer w as a powow, " one of special note amongst them," and one whom they did not like to part with ; yet they were threatened with war, if they did not kill the murderer. That, tlierctore, their sachem deferred acting until the advice of Coneconam won first obtained. AOer consulting with this chief, and some of hia head men, these messen- gers desired //biomofr's judgment upon the matter. With some delerenco he re|>rKMl, that " he tliouglit it was better that one should die than many, since! lie had deserved it;" "whereupon he passed the sentence of death upon iiini." We shall have occasion again to notice this chief, at whose house the first act of a tragic scene was acted, which in its coinse brought ruin upon its projectors. >\'lien Mr. Edward Jnnslow and Mr. John Hamden went to visit Maasasoit in his sickness, in Ki'iJJ, they heard by some Lidians, when near CaiinbitanVa residence, that Mnssn.soit was really dead : they, therefore, though with much hesitation, vent\neil to his house, ho])ing they might treat with him, he being then thought the successor of Massasoit. But he was not at home. The squaw sachem, his wife, treated them with crcat kindness, ami learning here that Massasoit was still alive, they made all haste to Pokanoket. When they returned, they staid all night w ith Catmbitanl, at his house, who accompanied them tiiere from MassasoiCs. Mr. fyinslow gives the account in these words : — "That night, through the- earnest request of Conhatant, who, till now, remained at Sowaams, or Puckanokick, we lodged with Jiim at Mattapuyst By the way, I had nnich conference with him, so likewise at his house, he being a notable politician, yet full of merry jests and squibs, and never better pleased than when the like arc returned again upon him. Amongst other things he asked me, if in case lit were thus dangerously sick, as Massasoit hod been, and shoidd send word thereof to Patuxet, for maskicst* [that is, physic,] whether their master governor wouhl send it; and if he would, whether I would come therewith to him. To both which I answered, yea ; whereat he gave me many joyful thanks." He then expressed his surprise that two Englishmen should ad- venture so far alone nito their countiy, and asked them if they were not afraid. Mr. tHnsloio said, " where was true love, there was no fear." "But," said Caunhitant, '^ if your love be s%ich^ and it bring forth such fruits, hoic cometh it to pass, Dial u'hcn tee come to Patuxet, you stand upon your ^«m/, with the mouth of your pieces presented towards us?" Mr. If'inslow to\i\ him that was a mark ot'res|»ect, and that they received their best friends in that manner: but to this he shook his head, ami answered, that he did not T.ke such sahi tatioiis, f Wlicn Caunbitant saw his visitors crave a blessing before eating, and retiuii thanks ailerwards, he desired to know what it meant "Hereupon 1 took occasion (says om- inilhor) to tell them of God's works of cnMUion and preservnti.in, of the laws and ordinances, especially of the ten con.Mand nients." They foimd no partictilar fault with the commaiulments, except the seventh, but said there were many inconveniences in that a man should be tied (o oiwi woman. About which tli(>y reasoned a good while. When Mr. ff'inslow explained the goodness of (lod in bestowing on tliein all their comforts, ami that for this reason they thaidied and blessed hinij * In Willinms's Kov, Af'>slainst the English fro.n the many abuses some of them had practised upon his countiymen. This will account, perha])s, lor all the severity and malignity i)ortrayed by the foreliithers iu his character. He was one of those, they say, who murdered some of the crew of the French ship, cast away upon Cape Cod, as we have before mentioned. That fVittuwamet, Peksitot, and some other chiefs, intended to have freed iheir countrj' of intruders in the year IG23, there can be no doubt, and in re- lating the rise, progress and termination of their league to effect this object, we shall, to avoid the charge of partiality, adhere closely to the record. We have before, in speaking of Cavnecum, or Coneconam, mentioned the voyage of the governor of Plimouth to that sachem's country to trade lor corn ; that was in January, 1023. Not being able to bri ff awav all he ob- tained, Cajitain Miles Siandish was sent the next month to take it to Plimouth, also to purchase more at the same place, but he did r.ot meet with vei"y good reception, which led him to apprehend there was mischief at hand. And immediately after, while at ConeconamUs house with two or three of his com- pany, "in came two of the Massachusetts men. The chief of them was called Wittmcamat, a notable insulting villain, one who had formerly imbrued bis hands in the blood of English and French, and had oft boasted of his own valor, and derided their weakness, especially because, as he said, they died crying, making sour faces, more like children than men. This villain took a dagger from about liis neck, which he had gotten of Master Wtstoii'a people, and presented it to the sachem, [Conecter Mr. Morton |)rocoed8 io narrate the circumstances of the "massacre" of ff'ittuwamet, Peksuot, v.nd oiliL-r Massachusetts Indians, and the consequences of it. But we shall now * Eiiiitlcd Now Eiifflish Ciinniin,4io. Ainstprdam, 1037. t Against (hi!> seiiloiice, in llie margin, is — " A poor comp'aiiil." i i Chap. II.] WASSAPINEWAT.— .MASSACRK AT WEt-SAGUSCUS. 09 draw from tlie Pliiiiouth historian, and aflcrwnrds use Morlon^s cliapter aa we find occasion. Mr. Winslow says that Mr. Wcsloii's men " knew not of tliis conspiracy of tlie Lidians before liis [John Sanders, tUv'ii 'overseer'] jroing; neither was it known to any of us till our return from Sowaams, or ruckanokick : at which time also another sachim, culled Hassapincwat, brother to Obtaklcst, the sachini of the Massachusets, who had formerly smarted ibr ])artaking with Conbalaut, and fearing the like again, to ]iur<;c himself, revealed the siL'ue thing," las Massaaoit had done.] It was now the 23d March, 1G23, " a yearly court day" at Plimouth, cu which war was proclaimed, " in public court," against the Ma.ssachusetts Lidians. "We came to this conclusion, (says ff'inslow,) that Captain Standish should take so many men, as he thought sufHcient to make his party good f^rainst all the Indians in the Massachusetts Iky; and as because, as all men know that have to do with them in tJiat kind, it is im|)ossihle to deal with them upon open defiance, but to take them in such traps as they lay for othera: therefore he should incteiid trade as at other times: but fu-st go to the English, [at Wessaguscus,] and acquaint them with the plot, and the end of their own coming, that, coinpai'ing it with their own carriages towards them, he might better judge of the certainty of it, and more fitly take opportunity to revenge the same: but should forbare, if it were Eossible, till such time as he could make sure ff'iltuwamat, that bloody and old villain before spoken of; whose head he had order to bring with him, tliat he might be a warning and terror to all that disposition." We will now hear a word of what Mr. Morton has to say upon this trans- action. "After the end of that Parliament, [which ended in the hanging of one,*] soine of the plantation there, about three persons, went to live with Checaiawback and his company, and had very good quarter, for all the former quarrel with the Plimouth i)lanters.t They are not like JFill Som- mers, J to take one for another. Tliere they purposed to stay until Master Weston^s arrival : but the Plimouth men intending no good to him, (as appeared by the consequence,) came in the mean time to Wessaguscus, and there jiretended to feast the salvages of those parts, bringing with them pork, and things for the jiurpose, which they set before the salvages. They eat thereof without suspicion of any mischief, [and] who were taken upon a watchword given, and with their own knives (hanging about their necks) were, by the Plimoutii planters, stabbed and slaiu. One of which was hanged up there, after the slaughter."^ When this came to the knowledge of ChikataubuPs people, they nnu'dered the three English who had taken up their residence with them, as they lay asleep, in revenge for the murder of their countrymen.|l After Standish was ready to proceed against Jfittutcamet, but before he set out, one arrived from Wessaguscus almost famished,1I and gave the people of Plimouth a lamentable account of the situation of his fellows; that not the least of their calamities was their being insulted by the Indians, 'whose boldness increased abundantly; insomuch as the victuals they got, * As mnitionod in our last extract from this author. t Referring, it is supposed, to the quarrel with Cuunbitant. i The person who proposed hanging a sick man instead of the real ofrcnder. 6 New English Canann, 111. J| Ibid. V His name was Phinelms Prat. An Indian followed him to kill him, but, by losing t..j direct path, the Indian missed him. In XCiOl, the general court of Massachusetts, in answer to a petition of Phinelms Prat, then of Charlestown, which was accompanied " with a nar- rative of the straights and hardships that the first planters of this colony underwent in their endeavors to plant themselves at Plimouth, and since, wlicreof he v*as one, the court judgeth it meet to grant him 300 acres of land, where it is to be had, not hii Uering a plantation.'' 3/.S. ammivr the^les in our slate-hniise. I have not been able to disrover the narrative of Prat, after long sv-arch. Mr. Hubbard protialily used it in compiling his Hist, of New England. At the court. .1 May, llili."), land was ordered to l)e laiil out for Prut. " in the wilderness on the east orihe Meirimnck I?'-er, near the upper end of Nacook Ilroiik, on the south-east of it." Conrt Fi/f.i. ul siiprn. I'l-il married, in I'limoutli, a daughter of Cnthhert Cuthbertson, in Ifi30. See 2 Col. Hist. Sor. vii. 1:2'J. *i 100 MASSACRE AT WKSISAGUSCUS. [Book II they I the Indianb] would take it out of their pots, and eat faces, and that it they tried to prev [it] befj liold n :ore their revent tiicni, tiicy would Iiold n knife at their breasts: and to satisfy tlieiii, tliey had hanged one of tlieir couijiany: " That they had sold tiieir clothes lor corn, and were ready to star^e I)otii with cold and hunger also, because they eou!d not endure to get victuals by reason of their nakedness." This truly was a wretched picture of this srcotid colony of Massachusetts, the knowledge of which (says H'in ' •) "gave us good encoura^renient tc proceed in our intendments." Accordingly, the next day, Stanuisk, with Hobomok and eight Eiiglislinien, set out u|ion the eN]iedition. His taking so lew men shows how a few English guns were yet fear<'d by the Indians. Nevertheless, the historians would have us understand that Slamlish would take no more, because he would not have the Indians mistrust tl-at he came to fight them; and they wculd insinuate that it was owing to his ^reat valor. When Siandish arrived at Wessagnscus, he found the peojile scattered about, apprehending no danger whatever, engaged in their ordinary afliiirs. When he told them of the danger they were in lioni the Indians, they said " they feared not the Indians, but lived, and suflercd them to lodge w ith them, not having sword or gun, or needing the same." Standish now in- formed them of the plot, which was the first intimation, it apjjcars, they had of it. He ordered them to call in their men, and enjoined secrecy of his intended massacre. But it seems from Winslow^s Relation, that the Indians got word of it, or mistrusted his design ; i»robably some of the Wessagns- cus uje. warned them of it, who did not believe there was any plot. Meantime, an Indian came to trade, and ailerwards went away in friend- ship. Standish, more sagacious than the rest, said he saw treaehei-j' in bis eye, and suspected his end in coming tlu.-e was discovered. Shortly after, Peftffwof, "who was a panicse,* being a ma. of a notable spirit," came to Hobomok, and told him. He vnderstood the captain was come to kill him and the rest of the Indians there. "Tell him, (said Peks>:ot,) we know it, but fear bun not, neither will we shun him ; but lot him begin when he dare [s], he will not take us unawares." The Indians now, as we might expect, began to prepare to meet the danger, and the English say many of them came divers times into their presence, and " would whet and sharpen the jwint of their knives," "and use nu.ny other insulting gestures a.id speeches. Amongst the rest, Witlv- wanud bragged of the excellency of his knife. On the end of the handle there was pictured a woman's fiice ; but, said he, I have another at home, tvh^etirith 1 have killed both French and English, and that hath a man^sface on it ; and by and by these two must marry." To this he added, IIinnaim namen, HI^^'AIM bii- CHEN, MATTA ccTs ! that is. By and by it shoidd see, and by and by it should eat, hut not speak. "Also Pec/rswof, (continues WtWom,) benig a man of greater stature than the captain, told him though he were a great captain, yet he was but a little man : and, said he, though I be no sachem, yet I am a man of great strength and courage. These things the captain observed, yet bare with pa- tience for the present" It will be seen, in what we have related, as well as what we are about to add, that Thomas MortorCs account, in some of the ^nain frets, a,Tree8 with that of Winsloto. From the latter it appears that Standish, after considerable manoDUvering, could get advantage over but few of the Indians. At length having got PfiA»uo< and Wittuwamat ^^ both together, with another man, and a youth of some eighteen years of age, which was brother to Wittuwamat, and, villain like, trod in his steps, daily putting many tricks upon the weaker sort of men, and having about as many of his own company in a room with them, gave the word to his men, and, the do ir being fast shut, began himself with Fecksuc*, and, snatching hw ovm knife from his neck, though with much • " The Paniesns are men of i^eal courage and wisedome, and to these also (he Deuill appearelh more familiarlv than to others, and as wee conceiue, maketh couenant with them to presenie Ihem from de'''. by wounds with arrows, knives, hatchets, &c." ^^'iIlslo1c's Rela- tion, In speaking of tlie origin of calumet, Charlevoix says, some Indians told him that i was given by the sun (o Panis, a nation upon the Missouri. Voyage dans I'Ameriqu. I Chap. II] OBTA KIEST.— HOBOMOK. 101 •tnigglinjr, and killed him therewith — tliP point whereof lie liad made ns sharp as a needle, niid groinirl the hark u\sc to an edge. Wittuwantet and tlie other man the rest killed, and took the yoidh, icho.n the captain caused to be hanged." We could now wisli this hk)0(iy talc; were finished, but we have promised to kfciip close -"> tiie record. IVIr. ffv^low continues, "But it is incredible how many wounds these two priniescs received be/ore they died, not Tiuiking any fearful noise, but catching at their weapons, and striving to the last. "Hcbbamock stood by all tliis time,* and meddled not, observing how our men demeaned themselves in this action." After the affray was ended, lie said to Slandish, "Yesterday Pecksuot bragged of his own strength and stature, said, though you were a gieat captain, yet you were but a little man but to-day I see you are big enough to lay him on the ground." Slandish was now sent to a company of Westov^s men, who ordered them to kill the Indians that were among them. They killed two. Himself with some of his men killed another, at another place. As they were pursuing this business, intending to kill all they could lay hands upon, " through tho negligence of one man, an Indian escaped, who discovered [disclosed] and ctv^ssed their proceedings." Joined by some of Mr, JVeston^s men, Standish discovered a few Indians, and (tursucd them. Standish gained a hill which the Indians also strove to occupy, and who, after shooting a few arrows, fled. " Whereupon Hobba- mock cast off his coat, and being a known panicse, theirs being now killed, chased them so fast, as our people were not able to hold way with him." One who made a stand to shoot Standish had his arm broken by a shot, which is all the advantage claimed by the English. The Indians got into a swamp, and after some bravadoing on both sides, the parties separated. After issisting the settlers of Wessaguscus to leave the place, the English returred to Plimouth, taking along the head of fVittuwamet, which they set up in their foit Meanwhile the Indian that followed Prat from Wessaguscus, as he returned from Manomet, called at Plimouth in a friendly manner, and was there seized and put in irons. Being asked if he knew the head of Wittuwamet, said he did, and "looked piteously" upon it. "Then he confessed the plot," and said his sachem, ObtaJciest, had been drawn into it by the impor- tunity of all the people. He denied any hand in it himself, and begged hia life might be spared. Said he was not a Massachuset, but only resided as a stranger among them. Hobomok " also gave a good report of him, and be- sought for him ; but was bribed so to do it" They finally concluded to spare him, "the nither, because we desired he might carry a message to Obtakiest.^^ The message they charged him with was this, tliat they had never intended to deal so with him, until they were forced to it by their treachery, and, therefore, they might thank themselves for their own overthrow ; and as he had now began, if he persisted in his course, " his country should not hold him : " that he should forthwith send to Plimouth " the three Englishmen he had, and not kill them." f The English heard nothing fi-om OWoiiea^ for a long time ; at length lie sent a ^vl)man to them, (probably no man would venture,) to tell them he was sorry that the English were killed, before he heard from them, also that he wished for peace, but none of his men durst come to treat about it. The English learned from this woman, that he was in fereat consternation, " having forsaken his dwelling, and daily removed from place to place, ex- jtecting when we would take further vengeance on him." The terror was now general among them, and many, as we have elsewhere said, died through fear and want To this dismal narrative Mr. fFinslow adds, " And certainly * This, we suppose, is the affair to which President Allen alludes, in his American Bio^- raphy, (SJ<1 ed.) when he says, " he [Hobomok] fought bravely by liis [Standisli's] side, m 1623." If standing and looking on be fighting, tJien did Hobomok JiglU bravely on this occasion. t Morton, in his New Canaan, 111, says, these three men went to reside wilh Cliikataubiit ; hence Morton very reasoniilily suggests, that if the Plimouth pcof)le inlciulcd the men of Wessaguscus any good, why did they not first see thai all of them were out of danger befort I>eginniiig war? 9* M 102 II,)nOMOK.— vSCiUANTO'S PF.RFIDY. [Rook II. it is Ktniii'ic to licar liow ninny t)f liitc liavr, nnil still daily «lio ninoiifrsi tlu'iri; iicitlicr is tlier*' niiy iikcliliood it uill <>asily rciisi; ; lu'cniisi; tliriiii<:li fear they 8»!t lilfli; or no corn, wliich is tliu stall' »if lili', and without wiiicli tiicy cannot lun^ preHenu licaltli and Ktn;n<;tli." 'I'lifso ufliiii'H cull for no coinnicntary, tiiat inti{lace, were joined in confederacy with the Nanohig^anneuks, a people of Nanohigganset, and that they, therefore, would take this opportunity to cut of[' Ci\\>X. Standish and his company abroad ; but howsoever, in the mean- time, it was to be feared, [he said,] that the Nanohigganeuks would assaidt tiie town at home ; giving many reasons for his jealousy ; as also that Tia- quantum was in the confederacy, who, [he said,] we should find, Avould use many jiersuasions to draw us from our shallops to the Indians' houses for their better advantage." Nevertheless, they proceeded on their voyage, and when tlioy had turned the point called the GumeVs Nose, a fidse messenger came running into Plimouth town, apparently in a great fright, out of breath, and bleeding from a wound in his fiice. He told them that Caunbilant, with many of the Narragansets, and he believed Massasoit with them, were corning to de- stroy tilt) English. No one doubted of his slnceri /, and the first tliought of the peo|)le was to bring back their military leader, who had just gone in the boat with Hobomok. A piece of cannon was immediately discharged CuAr. II.] IIonoMOK— SdUVNTO'S rRllFIDY. 103 ltd Into ln'g Itlie |(le- of iu led wliicli, to tlioir p»'oiit j«»y, sdoii ciinscd tlie Ixnit to return, not liiivintr L'ot oni of luNiriii^. Tlicv liail no soonrr iirriv. d, tliaii lloliomok uM llicni ilicrc w.is no tnitli ill tlio n'|iort, iiiul saiil it wiis a pi. it of Sijwinlo, m ho was tinii with tliciii. and cvt'ii oin' of tliosf in the boat; tliat lie knew .Mn.imiifoit would not undertake siudi an enliM'prise witliont coiisnltinj^ him. llultDniok was r-duli- dent, hecuuse lie was hiinself a jrreat cliieli aiul one of .Mits.vinoirit counsel- lors. S(iuanto denied all knowledjre of any jilof, and thus ended the atliiir The Fniflishj howc^ver, seemed well satisfied that Siiuanio had laid this shal- low plot tu set them against J\fassasoit, thinking tliev would d(-stroy him, hy which meuna lie expected to bocoiiie chief sachem liiiiiself; and thi.-* seem.'* th(! iii.-ire prolmhie, as .Mn.txasoit was (or some time irreconcilahle hecaii.st! they withheld him from him, when lie had forfeited his life, as in niir nar- ration has heoii set forth. But entirely to Hatisly the Kiij-lish, Ilohomok sent his wile to I'okanuket privately to gain exact intelli'ience, and her return only verified what ! < ' liiishaiid had said. " ThiLs hy deifrech ^continues tyinslow) we began to discover Tl.i(]umtlum, wliosc ends were only to make himself great in the eyes of his countrymen, by means of his nearness and favor with us ; not caring who lill, so he stood. In general, his course was, to ptsrsuade tluMii he could lead ns to peace or war at his phuisure ; and would oil threaten tin; Indians, sending them woril, in a i)rivate manner, we were intended shortly to kill them, that thereby he might get gitls to himself, to work their peace, insoninch as they liad hiin in greater esteem than many of their sachems , yea, they them- selves sought to him, who promi.sed them peace in respect of ns; yea, and protection also, so as they would resort to him. So that whereas divers were wont to rely on Massassowat for i)rotection, and resort to his aliode, HOW they began to leave him, and seek atler Tisqiianlum. Iliit w Ih'ii we uinlerstood his dealing.s, we certified all the Indians of our ignorance and iunocency therein ; assuring them, till they begun with us, they should have no cause to fear : and if any herealler should raise any such reports, they shoidu punish them as liars, luid seekers of their and our disturbanci! ; which gave the Indians good satisfaction on all sides." "For these and the like abuses, the governor sliar|)ly reproved him, yet was he so necessary and profitable an instrument, as at that time we could not miss him." To the end that ' „■ might j)ossess his countrymen with great fear of the English, Tisquanlwn told them the English kept tlie plague buried in their store-house, and that they could send it, at any time, and to any jtlace, to destroy whatever persons or jieoplc they would, though they themselves stirred not out of y to h(! reconciled towards such us lind oticndcd him ; that his reason wa? such as to cause him to receive advice of mean men ; and that he governed his |)e()jile lietter with few blows, than others did with many." Ill the division of the land at Plimouth among the inhabitants, Hohomok received a lot as liia share, on which he resided ailer the English manner and died a Christian among them. The year of his death does not appear, but was previous to 1G42. It has already been mentioned that the pilgrims made a voyage to Massa- chusetts in the autumn of l(j21. It was in this voyage that they became acquainted with the fame of JS'ampashcmtt. The I'Inglish had heard that the Indians in the Massachusetts had threatened them, and they went (says Mouii) "partly to see the country, partly to make peace with them, and partly to procure their truck." Sqtuinto was pilot in this voyage. They went ashore in the bottom of the bay, and landed under aclift'which some* have supposed was what has been since called Copp's llill,t now the north part of Boston. This was on yOth Sept. 1621. lliey saw no Indians until some time after they went ashore, but found a parcel of lobsters which they had collected, with which they refreshed themselves. Soon after, as they were j)rocee, deeded to Jolhiun Gihbonen "the reversion of all that |mrcel of land which lies against the ponds of IMystic, together with the said ponds, all which we reserved from Cliarhsstown and (Jamhridge, late called New- town, after the death of me, the said Sijuaw-Sacfum." Tlie consideration was, "the many kindnesses and henefits we have received from the hands of Captain lidward Gibbones, of Boston." The Squa-Sachem's mark '-^v- Webcowit's mark -" — "- i^M hi ■ai Webcowlt was a powwow priest, or magical physician, and was considered next in importance to JVanepashemet among the snhjccts of that chief, aflcr his death ; as a matter of course, his widow took him to her bed. It does lot iip|)ear, that he was either much respected or thought nuich of; especial- ly hy his wite, as in the ahove extract from their «' d, no provision seems to have been made lor him allcr her death, if , .; outlived her. At all events, we may conclude, without hazard we tin .k, that if breeches had been in liishion among Indians, the wife of JVebcowit would have been ac- couiitahlo for the article in this case. In um^, Massachusetts covenanted with " Wassamequm, ^aahoonon, Kutch- ama/]um, Massaconomet, and S(piaw-Sa/:hem,"\\ to the end that mutual bene* fit might accrue to each party. The sachems put themselves under the government of the English, agreeing to observe their laws, in as far as they «liould be made to uiulerstand them. For this confidence and concession of their persons and lands into their hands, the English on their part agreed CO extend the same protection to them and their people as to their English suhjccts.1T What had become of JVebcoioil at this time does not appear ; perhaps he ivas off powwowing, or at home, doing the ordinary labor of the household. We hear of him, however, ioiT yeais aller,( 1647,) "taking an active part" HI the endeavors made by tlii> English to Christianize his countirmen. " He asked the English why some of them had been 27 years in the land, and never taught them to know (Jod till then. Had you done it sooner, (said he,) wc might have known nuich of God by this time, and much sin might have been prevented, but now some of us are grown [too] old in sin." * Miiflil not, 'hen, ihe western mounds have bei n formed by Indians ? t mil. Lynn, 16. i Sliattuc/c, lb. who fixes her residence at Concord ; she, doubtless, had several places of resiilencu. ^ His name is spelt \Vebroieits to MS. deed in my possession, and in Mr. Shatttic"i MSS HililMcowitts, as appears from his History. \\ 111 the History of the Narnignmet Country, these names are written Was.^amegiin, J\tiiiliawanon, Cutshanuuke, Massattomell, and Squa- Sachem. Sue 3 Col. ALus. Hist. Hoc i. 212. 1i' See Gookin's MS. Hist. Praijirig Jndic ns. M Ill lOG SO.MK ACCOUNT OF THE MASSACIIIIHF.TT.S. [Book II. TIk! I'lii^'li.Hli hiikI tliey ro|)i>iil(*(l of tiieir ri(>^'l<>ct ; lint iTcollortiiiirtlif>inR<>lvrsiipprvo(l, tlint uiiiomk tlin iiccoiints oC the (*iitTn>!«t writrrx, tiic ildii'inioim of' iIh' dirtt-rcnt wiriiniiis with coiisifjcri'd as i-oinpn'lH'inlt'd witliiii \t'ry dilli'iriit liiiiit.s ; a kitut of iri'tii-ra! iilm, tlirn-lorc, can luily lii> iiatl }5, to the advanta<;e of the I*ei|not»' We shall now proeeed tf) speuk ot' the ehiels ajrreeahly to onr pint). Chikntaubut, or Chikkatahak, — in Knlace, until at length, as some were going ashore in a boat, they fell upon them, but gained no advantage. Atlcr maintaining the tight (or some time, and being driven from tree to tree, the chief captain was wounded in the arm, and the whole took to flight. This action caused the natives id)ont Plimouth to look upon th English as invincible, and this was the reason why peace was so long maintained between them. Of the tune and circumstances of this battle or fight we have detailed at length in a ])revious chai»ter. MourCs Relation goes far to establish the main facts in the above accoimt. It says, "We brought sundry of the prettiest things away with us, and cov- ered tl°, corpse up again," and, "there was variety of opinions amongst ua uKjuI the end)almed person," but no mention of the bear-skins. From a comparison of the difleront accounts, there is but little doubt, that the English were attacked at Namskekit, in consequence of their dei)reda- tions upon the graves, corn, &c. of the Indians. In l(i'21, Chikatauhut, with eight other sachems, acknowledged, by a writ- ten instriunent, whicn we have already given, themselves the subjects of King James. Ten years oiler this, 23 March, 1631, be visited Governor Wmthrop at Boston, and presented him with a hogshead of corn. Many of "his sannops and squaws" came with him, but were most of them setit away, " aller they had all dined," although it thundered and rained, and the governor urged their stay; Chikataubut probably feared they would be voyage lo .Mnssacliusctts before spoken of, and from Squanio who was with them it probably recfived its name. * If litis be fiction, a modern compiler has doceivcd some of his readers. The artirle in the Analrrtic Mairazine may liave been his source of Information, but llie original may ba seen u: M'r'.m'' N'w Canwn. 106 npH im. 'i 1: 103 CIIIKATAUBUT— ins DEATfl. [Boor II. biirdiMisome. At this time he wore English clothes, and sat at the govern- or's tulile, " where he behaved himself us soberly, &c. as an Englisliman." Not long after, he called on Governor fVinthrop, and desired to buy clothes for himself; the governor informed him that " English sagamores did not use to truck;* but he called his tailor, and gave him order to make him a suit of clothes ; whereupon he gave the governor two large skins of coat beaver." In a few days his clothes were ready, and the governor " put him into a very good new suit from head to foot, and after, he set meat before them ; but he would not eat till the governor had given thanks, and after meat he desired him to do the like, and so departed." June 14, 1631, at a court, Chikalauhid was ordered to pay a small skin of beaver, to satisfy for one of his men's having killed a jjig, — which he com- plied with. A man by the name ot'Plastowe, and some others, having stolen corn from him, the same year, the court, Sei)t. 27, ordered that Plastowe should rt Jtore "two-fold," and lose his title of gentleman, and pay £5. This I sup- pose they deemed emiivalent to four-lbld. His accomj>lices were whipped, to the same amount. The next year we find him engaged with other saclicms in an expedition against the Pequots. The same year two of his men were convicted of assaulting some persons of Dorchester in their houses. " They were put in the bilboes," and himself required to beat them, which he did.f The small-pox was very prevalent among the Indians in 1633, in which year, some time in November, ChikataubiU died. The residence of the family of Chikataiibut was at Tehticnt, now included in Middleborough. He was in obedience to Massasoit, and, like other chiefs, had various jjlaces of resort, to suit the different seasons of the year; sometimes at Wessaguscusset, sometimes at Neponset, and especially upon that part of Namasket}: called Tehticnt. This was truly a river of saga- mores. Its abundant stores of fish, in the spring, drew them from all parts of the realm of the chief sachem. In deeds, given by the Indians, the place of their residence is generally mentioned, and from what we shall recite in the ])rogress of this article, it will be seen that the same chief has ditferent residences assigned to him. August 5, 1665, Quincy, then Bruintree, was deeded by a son of Chikalau- but, in these terms : — § "To all Indian people to whom these presents shall come; JVampattick^ alias Josiah Sagamare, of Rlnssathusetts, in Newengland, the son ofClakatau- but deceased, sendeth greeting. Know yoo that tiie said JVampatuck, being of fiill age and power, acconling to the order and custom of the natives, hath, with the consent of his wise men, viz. Sqvamos;, liis brother Daniel, and Old Hahalun, and William Mananioinott, Job JVassoU, Manuntago William Aa/ianton|| " "For divers goods and valuable reasons therunto; and in special for "£21 10s. in hand. It was subscribed and witnessed thus : — JosiAH, alias Wampatuck, his |0 marke. Damel Squamog, and a mark. Oi,D Nahaton, and a mark, William Manunion, and a mark. Job Noistknns. lioBERT, alias Mamuntago, and a mark, William Hahatiin. In presence of Thomas Ketahgunsson, and a mark O. Joseph Manunion, his | — marL Tjomas Wetmocs, his O mark. * Howovor true lliis might have been of the governor, at least, we think, he should iio» have used the plurul. t " The most usiuil custom amongst thorn in exercising punishments, is, for the sachem either to bent, nr whin, nr put to death with his own hand, to which the common sort most quietly submit." U illittmJt. t Namai'iasuck signified in their lanBruageyi.sVic*, and some early wrote Namascheuck. \ History of (iiiincy, by Rev. Mr. WlUtiieij, taken front the original in the possession of the Hon. J. Q. Ailam.i. Jl iVi'/m^on, or Ahaton, and the same sometimes written AWioWen. See Worlhinglo it niy. 'Vi/zVnn, 21 lid sold laiius iiiou lyl.'iiries Kiver in 1680. lA. Chap. III.] WAMPATUCK.—IIIS MOHAWK WAR. 109 lOt 'm )Sl lie Tliere is a quit-claim deed from " Charles Josias, alias Josins ffaiDpaliick, grandson of Chikataubut, dated 19 Mar, 1(J95, of Boston and the adjiiccnt country, and tlie islands in the harbor, to the "proprietated inhabitants of the town of Boston," to be seen among the Suffolk records.* fVampatuck says, or some one/or him, "Forasnuich as I am informed, and well assured fioui several ancient Indians, as well those of my council as others, that, upon the first coming of the English to sit down and settle in those parts of New England, my above-named grandfather, Chikatauhit, by and with the advice of his council, for encouragement thereof moving, did give, grunt, sell, alien- ate, and confirm imto the English planters," the lands above named. Besides Josias, there signed this deed with him, Jihuvton, sen., IVUliam Ha- haton, and Robert Momentauge. Josias, or Josiah Wampaiiick, was sachem of Rlaltakeesett,! and, from the deeds which he gave, must have been the owner of much of the lands southward of Boston. In 1G53, he sold to Timothf Hather^j, James Cudworth, Joistpk Tilden, Humphrey Turner, fyHliam Hatch, John Hoare, and James Tor- rey, a largo tract of land in the vicinity of Accord Pond and North River. In IGG'2, he sold Pachage Neck, [now called Ptchade,] "lying between Namas.sakett riuer and a brook fullmg into Tcticutt riuer, viz. the most westerly of the three small brookes that do fall into the said riuer;" like- wise ali the meadow upon said three brooks, for £21. Also, another tract bounded by Plimouth and Duxbury on one side, and Bridgewater on the other, extending to the gi'eat pond Jlattakeeset ; provided it included not the 1000 acres given to his son and George fFampei/, about those ponds. This •kateesett to beloirig vnto Plymouth men," &c. In lG{i8, "Josias C/«'cAYjfu6MM, sachem of Namassakeesett," sold to Robert Studson of Scituate, a tract of land called J\ranumackeuitt, for a "valuable consideration," as the deed expresses it. This tract was bounded on the east by Scituate. Josias had a son Jeremy ; and " Charles Josiah, son of Jeremy, was the last of the race."J Of Josiah, Mr. Gookin gives us important information. ft'ar between the Massachusett Indians and Mohawks. In the year IfiHO, " the war having now continued between the Matpias and our Indians, about six years, divers Indians, our neighbors, united their forces together, and made an army of about G or 700 men, and marched into the Maquas' country, to take revenge of them. This enterprise was contrived and undertaken without the privity, and contrary to the advice of their English friends. Mr. Eliot and myself, in particular, dissuaded them, and gave them several reasons against it, but they would not hear us." Five of the Christian Indians went out with them, and but one only returned alive. "The chief- est general in this expedition was the principal sachem of Massachusett.s, named Josiah, alias Chekatabidt, a wise and stout man, of middle age, but a very vicious person. He had considerable knowledge in the Christian religion ; and sometime, Avhen he was younger, seemed to profess it for a time ; — for he was bred up by his uncle, Kuchamakin, who was the first sachem and his people to whom Mr. Eliot preached." § Of those who went out with Wampatuk from other tribes we have no rec- ord ; but there were many, ])robal)ly, as usual u{)on such exjjcditions. This army arrived at the Mohawk fort afler a journey of about 200 miles ; when, upon btsieging it some time, and having some of their men killed in sallies, and sundry others sick, they gave ui) the siege and retreated. Mean- while the Mohawks i)Uisued them,' got in their front, and, from an ambush, * Priiilfd at length In Snow's Hist. Boston, 389, et cet. \ Ih-itm's Hist. Scituate, 111, t ll>iil. Stpiamnus: was n hrollicr of Josiah, and ruled "as sachem during the minorily " otJeremii. Dr. Harris, Hist. Dorchester, IG, 17. i 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Hoc. i. IGC. 10 110 MASCONONOMO OF AGAWAM. fKooK II nttaekcd tlipni in a defile, nrd a great fight ensued. Finally the Mohawks were put to flight hy tiie extraordinary bravery and prowess ol" Chikataubut and iiis cai)tains. Kut what was most calamitous in this disastrous expedi- tion, was, the loss oftiic great cliief Chikalauhvt, who, afU-r |)eribrminc. Mistakes of this kind wore not uncommon before our fathers became acquainted with the i.ountry. Winllirop says, too, the Mohaw s was a great sachem. Now, who ever thought there was a chief of thai name ? X Probably so named from the Maidstone minister, who nourished in Wat Tyler's rebellion, and whose real name was Jtnn Ball, but afterwards nick-nanicd Jack Straw. He became chaplain to Wat's army, they having let him out of prison. A text which he made great use of in preaching to his liberators was this : — When Adam dnlfe and Eve span. Who was tlien a gentleman .' Tliis we apprehend was construed, Down with the nobility! See Rapin's Eng. 1. 457. In Kennet, i. 247, John Wrote is called Jack Straw. He was beheaded. ^ " The imputation of the first bringing in of tobacco into Rngland lies on this heroic knight." Hinstaiiley's Worthies, 259. " Besides the consumption of the purse, and impairing o( our inward parts, the immoderate, vain and phanlastical abuse of the lii-llish weed, corriiptelh the natural sweetness of the breath, sliinilicth the brain ; and indeed is so prejudicial to llic general esteem of our country." iLid. 211. Whether Jack-straw were the ser\anl who acted a part in the often-told anecdote of Sir Waller Rale2;h's smoking tobacco, on its first being taken to England, we shall not presume to assert ; but, for the sake of the anecdote, we will admit the fact; it is variously related, but is said to be, in substance, as follows. At one lime, il was so very unpopular to use tobacco in any way in England, thai many who had got atlnchcd to it, used it only privaiely. Sir Walter was smoking m his study, at a certain time, anl, being thirsty, called to his servant to bring him a tankard of beer. Jack hastily olx-y-.d the summons, and Sir Waller, forgetting to cease smoking, was in the act of spouting a volume of smoke from his mouth when his servant entered. Jack, seeing his master smoking prodigiously at il;e mouth, thought no other but he was all on fire insiile, having never seen sndi a plienumenoii in all England before ; dashed the quart of liquor at once inliis face, and ran out screaming, "Massa's a fire ! ftlassa's a fire ! " Ihuiiig dismisned the servant, every one might reasonably expect a few words concerring his master. Sir Walter Ralegh may truly be said to have lived in an age fruitful in great and Worthy characters^ ^^aptaiii John Smith comes to our notice through his agency, and the iV'i ■' 11 10' H 114 JAMES-PRINTER, OR JAMES-THE-PRINTER. [Book II came by him, does not satisfactorily appear. Captains Amidaa and Barlow Bailed to America in his employ, and on their return carried over two natives from Virginia, whose names were Wanchese and Manteo.* It is barely possible that one of these was aftenvards Jack-straw. A Nipmuck Indian, of no small note in his time, it may in the next place be proj)er to notice. James Printer, or James-tlu-prirUer, was the son of JVaoas, brother of Tuka- jiewillin] and Anaioeakin. When a child, he was instructed at the Indian charity school, at Cambridge. In 1G59, he was put apprentice to Samuel Green, to Icam the printer s business ; \ and he is spoken of as having run away from his master in 1G75. If, after an apprenticeship of 16 years, one could noi leave his master without the charge of absconding, at least, both the master and apprentice should be pitied. In relation to this matter, Mr. Hub- renowned first English circumnavigator was his contemporary. He, lii, Indian, who could not only read and write, but had Icarnrcl the art of printing, notwithstanding his apostasy, did venture himself upon the mercy and tru'h of the English declaration, which he had seen and read, promising for tlie future to venture his life agiunst the common enemy. He and the other now ome in, aflirm that very many of the Indians an; dead shice this war began and i v\X more have died by the hand of God, in res|)(ct of diseases, fluxes and fevers, which have been amongst them, than have been killed with the sword.'' Mr. Thomas says, J it was owing to the amor patrire of James-printer that he left his master and joined in Philip^s war. But how much amor patriae he must have had to have kept him an apprentice 10 years is not mentioned. It was in l(>t;5 that the second edition of the famous Indian Bii)Ie was completed. From the following testimony of Mr. Eliot will be seen how much the success of that luidertaking wjis considered to depend on James- the-prlnter. In 1683, in writing to the Hon. Robert Boyle at London, ,"\lr. Eliot i*ays, "I desire to see it done before I die, and I am so deep in years, tli;it I cannot expect to live long; besides, we have but one man, viz. the Indinn Printer, that is able to com|)ose the sheets, and correct the press with under- standing." In another, from the s«une to the same, dated a year after, he says, " Our slow progress needeth an ajwlogy. We have been much hindered liy the sickness the last year. Our workmen have been all sick, and we have hut few hands, (at printing,) one Englishman, and a boy, and one Indian," &c. This Indian was undoiil)tedly James-the-printer. And Mr. Thomas adds, " Some of James''s descendants were not long since living in Grafton ; they bore the surname of Printer."^ There was an Indian named Joh JVesutan, wlio was also concerned in the first edition of the Indian Bible. He was a valiant soldier, and went with the English of Massachusetts, in the first expedition to Mount Hope, where he was slain in battle. "He was a very good linguist in the English tongue, and was Mr. ElioVs assistant and interpreter in his translation of the Bible and other books in the Indian language."ij In a letter of the commissioners of the U. C. of New England, to the corporation in England, we find this postscript. — "Two of the Indian yoiuhs formerly brought up to read and write, are put apprentice; the one to a carpenter, the other to Mr. Green the priuter, who take their trades and follow their business very well." James-the-printer was probably one of these. j\'estUan^ we presume, was only an inter[)reter. The above-mentioned letter was dated 10th Sept. KSGO. In 1698, James was teacher to five Indian fan.ilics at Hassinammisco.H In 1709, he seems to have got through with his ajtprenticeship, and to have hail some interest in carrying on the printing business. For, in the title pages of the Inilian and English Psalter, printed in that year, is this imprint: "BOSTON, N. E. Upprinthomimne au B. Green, & J. PRINTER, tviUche guhtinntamwe Chapanukke nt J^ew Ensj^land, &c. 1709." We shall now pass to notice a Massachusetts sachem, who, like too many others, does not appear to the best advantage; nevertheless, we doubt not but as much so as he deserves, as by the sequel will be seen. We mean KiUchmakin, known also by several other names, or variations of the same Hume ; as, Kutshamaquin^ Cutshajiwquen, Cutchamokin, and many more, as, in *4l * Niirrntive, Dfi. t Brief Hist. B9, i|IIu), &ic. TnnhUissxick liad Itiit two cliililrcii, n ROM iiikI (laiiglitcr; tlu'sc lio joitiod in nmrriagt*, hccunse liu vjoulil find none woriliy of tliein out of his family. Tlio i)ro(luct of this inurriugo was four Botis, of whom Canonicus was the oldest.* ('A.N0Mcus,t the great sachem of the Narraganscts, was contemporary with Miantunnomoh, wlio was liis nephew. We know not the time of iiis birth, hut a son of his was at Boston in 1031, the next year after it was settled. JJiit the time of his death is minutely recorded by Governor If'inthrop, in his "Journal," thus: "June 4, 1(547. Canonicus, the great sachem of Narraganset, tlied, u very old man," He is generally supposed to have been about ti3 years of age whin he died. The Wainpanoag3 were in great fear of the Narraganscts about the time the English came to Plirnouth, and at one time war actually existed, and .Massaaoil fled before Canonicus, and applied to tlie English for j)rotection. Edward Jfinslou relates, in his Good News from New England, that, in Feb. l(j'22, Canonicus sent into Plimouth, by one of his men, a bimdlo of arrows, bound with a rattlesnake's skin, and there left them, and retired. The Narraganscts, who were reported at this time " many thousand strong," hearing of the weakness of the English, "began, (says the above-named author,) to l)reath forth many threats against us," although they liad the last summer " desired and obtained peace with us." — " Insomuch as the common talk of our neighbor Indians on all sides was of tlie preparation they made to come against us." They were now imboldened from the circumstance that the English had just added to their, numbers, but not to their arms nor" provisions. The ship Fortune had, not long before, landed 35 persons at Plimouth, and th(! Narraganscts seem to have been well informed of all the circumstances. This, (says Mr. Wins/oio,) " occasioned them to slight and brave us with so many threats as they did. At length came one of them to us, who was sent by Connmus, their chief sachem or king, accompanied with one Tokamahamon, a friendly Indian. This messenger inquired lor Tisquantum, our interjireter, wlio not being at home, seemed rather to be glad than sorry; and leaving for hiui a bundle of new arrows, lapped in a rattlesnake's skin, desii'ed to depart with all expedition." When S(puinto was made acquainted v/ith the circumstance, he told the English that it was a challenge for wor. Governor Bradford took the rattle- snake's skin, and filled it with powder and sliot, and returned it to Canonicus ; at the same tune instructing the messenger to bid him defiance, and invite him to a trial of strength. The messenger, and his insulting carriage, had the desired eff'ect upon Canonicus, for he would not receive the skin, and it was cast out of every community of the Indians, until it at last was returned to Plimouth, and all its contents. This was a demonstration that he was awed into silence and respect of the English, by the decided stand and hostile attitude they assumed. In 1()21, soon after the war with Caunbitant was over, among those who sought the friendship of the English, was Canonicus himself, notwithstanding ho was now courting war again so soon. He had doubtless nearly got rid of the fiar that the news of Slawfish's conduct first inspired, and ha!d taken up again his old resohition of fighting tlie strangers at Plimouth. He is mentioned with great res[)ect by Rev. Roger JViUiams, X in the year lO.^. After observing that many hundreds of the English were witnesses to the friendly disposition of the Narraganscts, he says, "Their late famous long- lived Caunonicus so lived and died, and in the same most honorable manner and solemnity, (in their way,) as you laid to sleep your prudent peace-maker, Mr. JVinthrop, did they honor this their prudent and peaceable prince ; yea, * Hutchinson, i. 458, who met with this account in MS. ; but we do not give implicit credit to it, its, at best, it is tradition. t'I'his spelling' does not convey the true pronunciation of the name; other spelliign will b« noticed in the course of his biography. Its sound approached so near the Latin wotl cann, dated Xarm- panset, Id June, KJd'i, and, altlitdigii varyiii;,' a little \'\u\\\ the nhoxe, eoniains fiiets very i)ei-tinent to onr jiurpost!. He says," I testily that it was the general und constant , great command of his men, and marvellous wisdom in his answei*s; and in the earriag<; of the whole treaty, clearing liimself and his neighbors of the nmrder, and otlering revenge of it, yet upon very safe and wury conditions." This sachem is said to liave governed in groat harmony with his ne|iliew, "The chiefest government in the country is divided between a yoimger sachem, Miantunnomu,VLm\ an elder sachem, Crtu/iaujiacus, of about fom'scon,' years old,* this young man's uncle ; and their agreement in tlie government is remarkable. The old sachem will not be ofiended at what the young sachc^m doth ; and the young sachem will not do what he conceives will displease his uncle."} Willi this passage before him, Mr. Durfee versities as follows, in his poem called }f'hatcheer : — " Two miglity cliicfs, one cautious, wise, and old. One young, and stron", and terrible in tiglit, All Narraganset and Cort-eset liold ; One lodge they build— one counsel fire tliey liglit." " At a meetitjg of the commissionei's of the United Colonies at Boston, vij Sept., ir43," it was agreed that Massaclmsetts, in behalf of the other colonies, "give Conoonacus and the Nanoliiggtinsets to nnd(!rstand, that from time to time" they have taken notice of their violation of the covenant between them, notwithstanding the great manifestations of their love to them ! y the English ; that they had concm-red with .Mianlunnomoh in his late mischievotis plots, by which he had intended "to root out the body of the English" from the coun- t^T) l»y g'^^s ""fl allurements to other Indians"; and that he liiid invadetl Uncas. contrary to the "tripartie covenant" between himself, Unnis, iuid Coniieeiicut. Therefore, knowing "how i)eaccahle Conanacus and Mn,vii.t, the late liitht^r ying some of the islands, Caiwnicus, he says, desired he would accept of half of it, " it being spectacle-wise, and between a mile oi two in circuit;" but Mr. Williams wrote to inform them that, if he Jiad any he desired the whole. This was not long before the Pequot war, which probably put a stop to further negotiation upon the subject. There was another chief of tli'- same name in Philip's war, which Mr. Hubbard denominates "the great sachem of the Narragansets," and Avho, "distrusting the proffers of the E'lglish, was slain in the woods by the Mohawks, his squaw surrendering herself: by this means her life was spared." He was probably a younger son of Canonicus, or an immediate descendant. Ill 1G;32, a war broke out between the Narragansets and the Peqiiots, on neeount of disputed right to the lands between Paueatuek River and Wecapaug IJrook.* It was a tract of considerable consequence, being about ten miles "''The natives are very exact and pmicluni in (lie buumls of llieir lauds, belun^iiig lo this III* Chap. IV] CANONICUS.— SOKOSO. 191 wido, ami fifteen or twenty lonjy. Canonicus drew nlnnp witli liim, l)f>ii,|c« liiit own (iicii, scvorul of the MiiMwieliiiwtts Hiij^ariions. Tliiswn.s iii.iKilaiiird with ferocity and various Hiicces-s, until WM, when th(! P(M|uots wcie (hiviii Iroin if, hut wlio, it would seem, eonsidtsred thenisclvcM !):!t litllt; worsted ; for ('(iiioiiinin, ddulitiu^r hid ahility to hold posHrssion loiiir, and nHJuuiied to iinve it ntaken from him, mad" a |)re8ent of it to one of hi;' ea|i!.iins. wiio had foui^ht heroically in con(|Uerinj( it; hut he never held poHscswii;:! : however, alter th(! l'e(|Uots were Buhdued hy the Kiiglisli, these lands wert- possessed hy the Narrapm.S4ts aj^ain. The name of this Peipiot eaptain was tioKCso, Hometimes called Soiio,Sjsna, &,c. lie had killed one of his countrymen and lied to the Narniffanscts, who Iiroteeted him. This tmct of country was allerwr.rds in dispute hetween the •inglisli. Sokoso having deeded it to some of them, (U June, l(iUunnonujli, there was doiibtless some false swearing about it. It was reckoned to contain 'iO,000 acre*, and the following is attested concerning it: — "1, I t'a walonm, i\o allirm it to ix Socho's or his assigns', and further, whereas my uncle At/iPif/W sayeth that it is his land, 1 do utterly deny it hefore all men ; for it was coiKpiered hy my hushand Mianlononuj, and my uncle Caiwniciis, long lieforc the liiiglisli had any wars with the I'etiuots; and my uncle Ampgrac/ had no hand in the war. This land was given and past over to the valiant Captain Soclto, for sei-vice done for us before the English had any wars with the Pecpiots." * It is said that, in the war between Uncas and Miantunnomoh, two of the sons of Canonicus fought on the side of Miantunnomoh, and were wounded when he was taken prisoner at Sachem's Plain. Canonicus has been the subject of a poem which was published at Boston, ill 1803. t Among the tolerable passages are llie following : — " A miglily prince, of vciieraMe agfe, A peerless warrior, bul of peace llio friend ; , Ilis lireast a Ireasury of maxims sa^e — His arm, a host — to puiiisli or deteiid." Canonicvj, at the age of 84 years, is made to oiuiounce his approaching dissolution to his people thus: — " I die. — My frienlcr fiands my regal power I leave. Our god commaiids — to fertile realms I liasln. Compared with wliicli your gardens arc a waste. There in full bloom eternal spring abides, And swarming lishes glide through azure tir all to die." The Mohegan sachem, Uncas, was at the same time ordered to a[)pear at Hartford, to give an account of the Pecpiot warrioi-s, or riiurdcrei-s, as the English called them, in liis keejiing, as well as to eflect a reconciliation of differences between him and Mianluimomoh ; but, instead of appearing, he sent a messenger, with word that he was lame and could not come. The governor of Connecticut, Mr. Haynes, at once saw through the artifice, and observed that it was a lame excuse, and immediately sent for him to come without delay. Whether cured of his lameness or not before coming, we are not informed ; but, in a few days afler, the subtle sachem apjieared, not daring to forfeit the frieiidslii|) of the English, which, it seems, he i)referred to hiding longer his guilty face from the ])resence of the magnanimous .Miavtimnomoh. Now before the English, Uncas was charged with the depredations, some of which were too well attested to admit of a denial, and others were dis- owned in part. Thr> inquiry seems to have ended afler the parties were tired of it, without any advantage to the injured Narragauscts, aud we hear of no measures taken lor their relief. The next thing in order was a call upon Uncas for an account of the Pequots which he was sheltering, which resulted only in a new series of falsehoods fioin him. When he was requested to give their names, he said he knew none of them, and that there were but 20 in his dominions. Whereupon witnesses were called, whose testimonies [)roved, in his presence, that hia statement was false. "Then he acknowledged that he had 30." At length Mr. Haynes dismissed him, with ordere to bring in their names in 10 days, or he would take those Indimis by force out of his country. But, when Mian- lunnomoh was called upon for the names of those with hhii, nothing waa withheld. At lliis time, at the request of the English, jli7anomoh.] The mark of A) Meantinomie. The mark of , — ■> Asotamnet. The mark of w*^ Meihammoii, Canonicus his son. "This witnesseth that I, Wanamatanamet, the present sachem of the island, have received five fathom of wampum and consent to the contents. The mark of 4) Wanamatanamet. "Memorandum. I, Osemequon, freely consent" that they may "make use of any gi-ass or trees on the niaui land on Pocasicke side," having receiued five fathom of wampum also. The mark of /\ Osamequen. As late as 21 Sept 1038, the hand of Mianttmnomoh is set to an instrument, with that of Uncas. Said instrument was a treaty of peace, a bond for the iettling of diflicultics between tliese two sachems and their men, and an •"The law of the Indians hi nil America is, tliat the inrcrior snrhnms anil siihjrcls shall plant and remove nl the pleasure of the hie;hesl and supreme sachems." Hotter Williams This is uuthorily, and we need no ullicr commentary on tiie arbitrary proceedings of .:ic court nf MiissHcliiisein. t In maiitiscnpl on file, at the stato-liouse, Uostou. Chap. IV] MIANTUNNOMOH.— TREATY WITH UNCA3. •T. 12 obligation from both to appeal to the English when any difficnlty should tivhc between thcni. This treaty was done at Hartford, the substance of which follows : 1st. Peace and friendship is established between Miatilunnomoh on the j)art of the Narragansets, and Poqnim, as Uncas was then sometimes called, on the part of the Mohegans. And all former injuries and wrongs to be forgiven, and never to be renewed. 2d. Each of the sacliems agree, "that if there fall out injuries" from either Bide, they will not revenge them, but that they will appeal to the English, whose derision shall stand; and if either piu'ty refuse to submit, "it shall be lawful for the English to compel him." 3<1. The sacliems further covenant with the English, that they nor none of their people shall hai'bor any Indians who shall be enemies to them, or shall have murdered any white people. They further agree that they will, "as soon as they can, either bring the chief sachem of our late enemies the Peaquots, that had the chief hand in killing the English, to the sd English, or tJike of " his head. As to the "murders that are now agreed upon amongst us that arc living, they shall, as soon as they con possibly, take off their heads." 4th. And whereas it is agreed that there are now among the Narragansets and Mohogans, 200 Peipiot men, besides squaws and ])a|)oosi!s; this article is to provide, that the Narragansets have enough of them to make up 80, with the 11 they have already, "and Poquime his number, and that after they, the Peaquots, shall be divided as above, shall no more be culled Peaquots, but Narragansets and Rlohegans." They agree to pay for every sanop one fathont of wanq)om, and for every youth half as nrnch — "and for every sanop papoose one hanil to be paid at killing-time of corn at Connecticut yearl}', and shall not suiter them for to live in the country that was formerly theirs, but is now the English's. Neither shall the Narragansets or Mohegana possess any part of the Pcquot country without Icaue of them." John IIaines, Rog'r Ludlow, Enw^ao Hopkins. MlANTINOMMY, •, PoQuiAM, aliaa Unjlas. -j-" ivr an 1 The wift! of JMiantunnomoh, named Wawaloam, was alive as late as IGfil, as appears by an information which she gave, dated 25 June, concerning the right of Sokoso to sell the lands adjacent to VVecapaug. On a time previous to liUS, Roger /ri7/ia'»w delivered a discourse to some Indians at their residence, as he was passing through their country. Miari' ttinnomoh was present, and seemed inclined to believe in Christianity. Mr. JVillinms, being much fatigued, retired to rest, while Miantunnomoh and others i-emained to converse ujon what they had heard. One said to the chief, " Our fathera have told ds that our souls go to the south-west ; " Miantunno- moh rejoined, "How dr you know your souls go to the south-west? did you ever see a soul go that way ? " (Still he was rather inclined to believe, as Mr. If'illiams had just said, that they went up to heaven or down to hell.) The other added, "When did he (meaning fyUliams) ever see a soul go up to heaven or down to hell ? " Wo have given the above anecdote, which is thought a good illustration of the mind of man under the influence of a superstitious or prejudiced education. When it was reported, in 1G40, that Miantunnomoh was plotting to cut off tile English, as will be found mentioned in the account of ATnigre/, ami several English were sent to him in July, to know the truth of the mutter, he would not talk with them through a Pequot interpreter, because ho wjls then at war with that nntion. In other respects he complied with their wish(!.s, and treated them resi)ectfully, agreeing to come to IJoston, for the gratifiofition of the government, if thcsy would allow Mr. ffillittms to arrompanv iiim. Tills they would not consent to, and yet he eaine, agreeably to their desiresi \Ve shall presently see who acted best the part of civilized nieu in this uliiiir 11* f 126 MIANTUNNOMOH ACCUSED OF A CONSPIRACY. [Hook 11 t^'^m He had refused to use a Pequot interpreter for good reasons, but when he was at Boston, and surrounded by armed men, he was obliged to submit. "The governor being as resohite as he, refused to use any otiier interpreter, tiiinking it a dishonor to us to give so much way to them ! " The gi'eat wisdom of the government now displayed itself in the pci-son of Governor Tlionuis Dudky. It is not to be exi)ected but that Miantimnomoh should resent their proceedings ; for to the above insult they added others ; " would show him no countenance, nor admit him to dine at our table, as formerly he had done, till he had acknowledged his failing, &c., which he readily did." * By their own folly, the English had made thf-mselves jealous of a jrowerful chief, and they appear ever ready afterwards to credit evil reports of him. That an independent chief should be obliged to conform to transitory notions upon such an occasion, is absolutely ridiculous ; and the justness of •he following remark from him was enough to have shamed good men into their senses. He said, " When your people come to me, they are permitted to use tlieir own fashions, and I expect the same liberty lohen I come to you." In 1 1)42, Connecticut became very sus|)icious of Miantunnomoh, and urged Massachusetts to join them in a war against him. Their feai"s no doid)t grew out of the consideration of the probable issue of a war with Uncos in his favor, which was now on the point of breaking out. Even Miissachusetts did not think their sus|)icious well founded ; yet, according to their request, they sent to Miantunnomoh, wiio, as usual, gave them satisfactoiy answers, and, agreeably to their request, came again to Boston. Two days were employed by the court of Massachusetts in deliberating with him, and we are aston- ished at the wisdom of the great chief, even as reported by his enemies. That a simple man of nature, who never knew courts or law, should cause such acknowledgments as follow, from the civilized and wise, will always be contemi)lated with intense admiration. "When he came," says H'inthrop, "the court was assembled, and before his admission, we considered how to treat with him, for we knew him to be a very subtle man." When ho was admitted, " he was set down at the lower end of the table, over against the governor," but would not at any time speak upon business, unless some of his counselloi-s were present; saying, "he would have them present, that they might bear witness with him, at his return honie, of all his sayings." The same author further says, "In all his answera he was very deliberate, and showed good undei-standing in the principles of justice and equity, and ingenuity withal." lie now asked for his accusers, urging, that if they could not establish their allegations, they ought to suffer what he expected to, if they did; but the court said 'hey kneio of none ; that is, they knew not whom they were, and therefore gave no credit to the reports until they had advised him according to a former agreement. He then said, " If you did not give credit to it, wliy then did you disarm the Indians?" Massachusetts having just then disarmed Borne of the Merrimacks under some pretence. " He gave divers reasons," Bays Governor JVinthrop,\ ^^ why we should hold liim free of any such con- epiracy, and why we should conceive it was a report raised by Uncns, &c. and therefore offer(!d to meet Uncus, and would [trove to his fiice liis treachery against the English, &c., and told us he would come to us at any time," al- though he said some had tried to dissuade him, saying that the English would put liiin to death, yet he feared nothing, as he was innocent of the charges agiiinst him. I The punishment duo to those who had raised the accusations, bore heavily upon Ills breast, and "he j)ut it to our consideration what damage it had been to hiiii, in that he was forced to keep his men at hoJkie, and not suffer them to go forth on hunting, &c., till ho had given the English satisfaction." Afler two (lays spent in talk, the council issued to the satisfaction of the English. During the council, a table was set by itself for the Indians, which Mian- t f^cR book ill. clmr leuiler inny willi propriety exdiiini, wns nnnllior Michael Servetiis : — " I'mir' " Willi limp's .loiirii.il } MiTClllO B'lnii, Afi'.'ini-i^nt'nni, if demaiulc ipie ill). ! ou's L(u X. iv. 457. an. vii. Mirlme on faulx acciisati'uf soil |)Uiii poena lalioiiis," kVc Crap. IV.] MIANTUNNOMOH.-HIS WAR WITH UNCAS. 127 HI"- cc tiinnomoh appenre not to have liked, and " would not eat, until some food had been sent him from that of the governor's." That wisdom seems to have dictated to Massachusetts, in her nnswei to Connecticut, must be acknowledged ; but, as jnstice to Miantunnomoh a!>nn- dantly demanded such decision, credit in this case is due only to them, as to him who docs a good act because it was his interest so to do. Tiicy urged Connecticut not to commence war alone, "alleging how dishonoralile it would be to us all, that, while we were upon treaty with the Indians, they should make war upon them ; for they would account their act as our own, seeing we had formerly professed to the Indians, that we were all as one ; and in oiir last message to Miantunnomoh^ had remend)ered him again of the same, and he had answered that he did so account us. Ujion receipt of this our answer, they forhare to enter into a war, but (it seemed) unwillingly, and as not well pleased with us." The main consideration which 'paused Mas.sacluisetts to decide against war was, "That all those informations [furnished by Connecti- cut] mifeiit arise from a false ground, "iud out of the enmity which was between the Narraganset and Mohigan " sachems. This was no doubt one of the real causes; and, had Miantunnomoh overcome Uncas, the English would, from policy, as gladly have leagued with hiui as with th.e latter; for it Avas constantly pleaded in those dajs, that their safety nmst dei)en(l on a union with some of the most powerful tribes. There can be no doubt, on iuiriy examining the case, that Uncus used many arts, to influence the English in his favor, and against his enemy. In the progress of the war between the two great chiefs, the English acted precisely as the Indians have been always said to do— stood aloof, and watciied the scale of victory, determined to join the conquerors: and we will here liigresa for a moment, to introduce a character, more fully to illustrate the cause of the operations of the English against the chief of the Narragansets. Miantunnomoh had a wretched enemy in Waiandance, a Long Island sachem, who had assisted in the destruction of the Pequots, at their last retreat. He revealed the plots and plans of Miantunnomoh ; and, says Lion Gardener, " he told me many years ago," as all the plots of the Narnigansets had been discovered, tliey now concluded to let the English alone until they had destroyed Uncas and himself, then, with the assistance of the IMoliawks. "and Indians beyond the Dutch, and all the northern and eastern Indians, would easily destroy us, man and mother's son." Mr. Gardener next relates tiiat he met with Miantunnoynoh at Mcanticut, Waiandance^s country, on the east end of Long Island. That Miantunnomoh was there, as IFaiandaiKC said, to break up the intercourse with those Indians. There were others with Miantunnomoh, and what they said to JVaiandance was as follows: — " You must give no more wampum to the English, for they are no sachems, rMi" none of their children shall be in their place xf theij die. They have 710 tribute given them. There is but one king in England, who is over them all, and if you should semi him 100,000 fathom of wampum, he woidd not give you a knife for it, nor tlumk you," Then said ^^aianrfance, " They will come and kill us all, as they did tlie Pequits;" but replied the Nan-agansets, "jVo, Vie Pequots gave them wampum and beav/'r, tchu! i',ey loved so iocll,but they sent it them again, and killed them because they had killed an Englishnuin; hut you have killed none, therefore give them Twthing." Some time after, Miantunnomoh went again, "with a troop of men, to the same ])lace, and, instead of receiving presents as formerly, he gave presents to Waiandance and his people, and made the following speocli:— " Ihotiiei-s, wo must be one ns the Engiisii are, or we shall soon all 1x5 destroyed. You know our fathers had plenty of deer and skins, and onr plains were full of d(!cr and of turkeys, and onr e< vos and rivers were full of lisli. Hut, brothers, since these English have seized u|.ot« o.ii lonntry, they cut down the grass with scythes, and the trees with iixes. Their cows ,ind horses cat up the grass, and their hogs sfioil our beds of clams ; and liiMilly we shall starve to death ! Therefore, stand not in your own lignt, I bisi-ecli yon, lint resolve with us to act like men. All the sachems hotli to thi' iJist und west have joined with us, and we are all resolved to lidl upon thiin, at c m ¥: m ■M ill 128 MIANTUNNOMOII liEFEATF,!) AND TaKEN PRISONER. [Dook It day appointed, and therefore I have come secretly to yon, because you can ))('rsim(lc tlie Iiidians to do wliat you will. Brothers, I will send over .'iO Indians to xManisscs, and 30 to you from thence, and take an 100 of Soutliaiiipton Indians, with an 100 of your own here. And, when you Bee the three tires that will be made at the end of 40 days hence, in a clear night, then act as we act, and the next day fall on t.nd kill men, women and children, but no cows; they must be killed as we need them for pro- visions, till the deer come again." To this 8i)eecli all the old men said, " JFiirregen," i. e. "It is well." But tliis great plot, if the account given by ffaiandance be true, was by him brought to the knowledge of the English, and so failed. " And the plotter," says Gardener, " next spring after, did as Ahab did at Uamoth-Gilead. — So lie to Mohegan,* and there had his fall."t Capture and death of Miantunnomoh. — The war brought on between Uncas and Miantunnomoh was not within the jurisdiction of the English, nor is it to be expected that they could with certainty determine the justness of its cause. The broil liad long existed, but the open rupture was brought on by Uncos' making war upon Scquasson, one of the sachems under Miantunnomoh. The English accounts say, (and we have no other,) that about 1000 warriors were raised by Miantunnomoh, who came upon Uncas unprepared, having only about 400 men ; yet, after an obstinate battle, in which many were killed on both sides, the Narraganscts were put to flight, and Miantunnomoh taken prisoner ; that he endeavored to save himself by flight, but, having on a coat of mail, was known from the rest, and seized by two J of liis own men, who hoped by their treachery to save their own lives. Whereupon they imme- diately delivered him up to the conf]iieror. Uncas slew them both instantly ; probably with his own hand. This specimen of his bravery must have had a salutaiy effect on all such as afterwards chanced to think of acting the part of traitors in their wars, at least among the Nan-agansets!. The English of Rhode Island rather favored the cause of the Narraganscts, nor could a different course be expected of them, satisfied as they were, that that nation were greatly wronged ; while, on the other hand, Connecticut and Massachus(?tts rather liivored the Mohcgans. That Miantunnomoh should not suffer in his pereon, in battles which, it was now seen, were inevitable, Samiiel Gorton furnished him with a heavy old English armor, or coat of mail ; and this, instead of lieing beneficial, as it was intended, j)roved the destruction of his friend. For, when a retreat became necessaiy, not being used to this kind of caparison, it both obstructed his efforts at resistance and his means of flight. About 30 of his men were killed, and many more were wounded. Being brought before Uncas, he remained without spraking a word, until Uncas spoke to him, and said, "If you had taken me, I would have besought you for my life" He then took his prisoner to Hartford, and at his request left him a prisoner with the English, until the mind of the United Colonies should be known as to what disposition should be made of liim. The sorrowful part of the tale is yet to be told. The commissioners of the United Colonies, having convened at Boston, "taking into serious considera- tion, they say, what was safest and best to be done, were all of opinion that it would not be safe to set him at liberty, neither had we sufficient ground for us to jHit him to death." § The awful design of putting to death their friend they bad not yet fixed upon ; but, calling to their aid in council "five of the most judicious elders," " they all agreed that he ought to be put to death." This was the final decision ; and, to complete the deed of darkness, secrecy was enjoin- ed upon all. And their determination was to be made known to Uncas * This e;oes lo show that Miantunnomoh was not killed al)ove Hartford, as Winthrop states ; for the coiiiilry at some ilisl;uicc from the mouth of Pequot River was cai'.ed Mohegan. It probably inrhulcd Windsor. t 3 Coll. Mass. Ifisf. Son. iii. KM. \ In the records, (Hazard, ii. <18,) but one person is mentioned as liaviiif taken Mianlmno moh, whose name was Tantoqueson : and there lie is railed a Mohegan e-.ptnin. That there- fore the Niirraffansels tried to kill him; came upon him onre in the nlshl, and dangerouslj wounded him, as lie lay in his wigwam asleep. See vole in the Life of Ninigret. § VVinlhrop, ii. 131 Chap. IV.] MIANTUNNOMOII.— CONDUCT OF THE ENGLI.SH. 12!) privately, with direction that he should execute him within his own jiiiisdir- tion, and without torture. From tlieir own account of this affair, the English (of the T'liiti^l Ci)lonirs) stand condemned in the trial of time at the har of history. It i.< iiliowed iliat Uncos had made war upon Sequasson, in July, 1G43, and doin; him miicli injury ;* and that, according to a previous agreement with tin- Ijiglish, M!an- lunnotnoh had complained to the governor of Massachusetts of the conduct of Uncas, and had received answer from him, "that, if Uncas had done him or his friends wrong, and would not give satisfaction, he was lefl to ttika his own course." No account is given that Seqitasson had injured Uncas, l)ut that Uncas "set upon Sequasson, and killed 7 or 8 cf his men, wounded 13, hurnt his wigwams, and carried away the booty." * We will now go to the record, which will enable t>^ to judge of the justness of this matter. When the English had determined that linens should execute Miantunnomoh, Uncas was ordered to be sent for to Hailford, "with some considerable number of his best and trustiest men," to take him to a place for execution, "carrying him into the next part of his own government, and there Eut him to death: provided that some discreet and faithful persons of the higlish accompany them, and see the execution, for our more full satisfac- tion ; and tliat the English meddle not with the head or body at all."t The commissioners at the same time ordered, "that Hartford fnniish Uncas with a competent strength of English to defend him against any present fury or assault, of the Nanohiggimsetts or any other." And "that in case Uncas shall refuse to execute justice upon Mi/antenomo, that then Myantenomo be sent by sea to the Massachusetts, there to be kept in safe dunmcc till the com- missioners may consider further how to dispose of hini."1 Here, then, we see fully developed the real state of the case. The Mohe- gans had, by accident, captured J\Kanlunnomoh, after which event, they were more in fear of his nation than before ; which proves, beyond doubt, that they would never have dared to put him to death, had they not been promised the protection of the English No one can rend this account without being reminded of the fate of JVapo- leon. We do not say Uiat the English of New England dreaded the power of Miantunnomnh as much as those of Old England did that of JVapoleon afterwards ; but that both were sacrificed in consequence of the fears of those into whose power the fortune of wars cast them, will not, we presume, be denied. When tlie determination of the commissioners and elders was made known to Uncas, he "readily undertook the execution, and taking Minntunnomoh along with him, in tiie way between Hartford and Windsor, (where Uncas hath some men dwell,) Uncos' brother, following after Miantunnomoh, clave his head with an hatchet." J Mather says, they "very fairly cut off hi^ head."§ Dr. Trumbull || records an account of cannibalism, at this time, which we ought to caution the reader against receiving as true history, as it no doubt rests on the authority of tradition, which is wont to transfer even the transac- tions of one continent to another, which is this : — " Uncas cut out a large piece of his shoulder, and ate it in savage triumph ; " saying, " ' it was the sweetest meat he ever ate ; it made his heart strong.' " IT * Iluhbard, N. E. 450. f Records of tlie U. Colonics. X H'inthrop's Journal, ii. 134. As to the place of Miantunnomnh' s execution, IViiillimp M'ems to have been in a mistake. It is not very likely that he was taken in the opposite direction, from Uuca^'s own country, as Windsor was from Hartford. It is also unlikely that f'licas had men dtoell so far from his country upon the Thames. A gentleman who lately visited his sepulchre, says the wandering Indians have made a heap of stones upon his grave. It is a well-known custom of the race, to add to a mrmu- nii-]ilnl pile of the dead whenever they pass by it. See 3 Coll. Mans. Hist. ^nr. iii. 135, and JfiYerson's Notes. [Jj* Some wretchedly ignorant neighbors to this sacreil pile (whites, of course) have, not long since, taken stones Irom it to make wall ! but enough remain to mark the siHit. It is in the east part of Norwich. Colls. Ihid. ^ Mi>gnalia. _ l| History of Connpfticul, i. 135. 1' That this is tradition, may be inferred from the circumstance of an eminently obscure tvritc's publishing nearly tlie same story, which he says, in his book, took place upon in« «''l A%\ 130 DEATH OF MIANTUNNOMOH.— TRADITIONS. [Book II. We are now certain that what Dr. Trumbull has given us as unquestionable hist(jry, from a " manuscript of Mr. H}ide" is only tradition. Having been put ill |i().«s('i«sioii of a copy of that manuscript,* we deem it highly important tiint it slionlil be laid before the world, that its true weight may be considered by «ll who would be correctly informed in this important transaction. \\\ way of preliminary to his communication, Mr. Hyde says, "The follow- ing facts being communicated to me from some of the ancient fathers of this town, who were contemporary with Uncos," &c. ''That before the settlement of Norwich, the sachem of the Narraganset tribe [Miantunnomoh] had a per- sonal quarrel with Uncos, and proclaimed war with the Moheg[anls: and marched with an army of 900 fighting men, equipped with bows and arrows and hatchets. Uncos be[ing] informed by spies of their march towards his seat. Uncos called his warriors together, about 600, stout, hard men, light of foot, and skilled in the use of the bow ; and, upon a conference. Uncos told his men that it would not do to let y« Narragansets come to their town, but they must go and meet them. Accordingly, they marched, and about three miles, on a large plain, the armies met, and both halted within bow-shot. A l)arley was sounded, and gallant Uncos proposed a conference with the Narra- ganset sachem, who agreed. And being met. Uncos saith to his enemy word[s] to this effect: ' You have got a number of brave men xoith you, and so have 1. Ahd it n pity that such brave men should be killed for a quarrel between you and I? Oidy come like a man, as you pretend to be, and we unllfght it out. If you kill me, my men shall be yours; but if I kill you, your men shall be mineJ Upon which the NaiTaganset sachem replied: 'J% men came to fight, and they shall fight.'' " Thu:as having before told his men, that if his enemy should refuse to fight him, he would fall down, and then they were to discharge their artillery [arrows] on them, and fall right on them as fast as they could;" this was done, and the Mohegans rushed upon JViiianhmnomo/i'j army " like lions," put them to flight, and killed "a number on the spot." They "pursued the rest driving some do\vn ledges of rocks." The foremost of Uncases men got ahead of Miantunnomoh, and impeded his flight, drawing him back as they passed him, "to give Uncas opportunity to take him himself." " In the pursuit, at a place now called Sachem's Plain, Uncas took him by the shoulder. He then set down, knowing Uncas. Uncas then gave a whoop, and his men returned to him ; and in a council then held, 'twas concluded by them, that Uncas, with a guard, should carry said sachem to Hartford, to the governor and magistrates, (it being before the charter,) to advise what they should do with him." " Uncas was told by them, as there was no war with the English and Narragansets, it was not proper for them to intermeddle, in the affair, and advised him to take his own way. Accordingly, they brought said Narraganset sachem back to the same spot of ground where he was took : where Uncas killed him, and cut out a large piece of his shoulder, roasted, and eat it; and said, '/t was the sioeetest meel\ he ever eat; it made him have strong hart.^ There they bury him, and made a pillai', which I have seen but a few yeare since." This communication was in the form of a letter, and dated at Norwich, 9 Oct. 1769, and signed Richard Hide. The just remark of Mr. Ely upon it I cannot withhold, in justice to my subject. " The obove ' Manuscript of Mr. Hyde^ as a tradition, is a valuable paper, and worthy of preservation ; yet, being written 15i5 years affcr the event wlii(!h it describes, it is surprising that Dr. Ihumhidl should have inserted it, ill his History of Connecticut, in its principal paniculiu-s, as matter of fact."}: In the proceedings of the commissioners of the United Colonics, the main flojitli of Philip. Otflco, be snys, cut out a pound of Philip's bicedinp body and ate it. The book is by one Heitnj Tiiimhiill, and purports to be a iiislory of the disrovcry of Amer- ica, the Indian wars, &c. The reader will fnid it about stalls by llie street-side, but rarely in B respectable book-slote. It has been forced through many editions, but tiiere is scarce a Word of true history in it. * Hv Rev. Wm. Klij, of Connecticut. t Tnimbtil/ says vieat, but the .MS. is plain, and means mtal, * Manuscript letter, 1 Mar. 1833. r^HAP. IV.] NINIGRET— TROUBLE WITH MIANTUNXOMOFI. 131 fncts in reference to the death of Miantunnonwh, contained in the almve account, are corrohorntcd. Tlie records of tiie commissioners sny, tlint Uncas, l)efore the hattle, told Miajitunnomoh^ that he had many ways sought liis hfe, and now, if he dared, he would figiit him in single comhat; hut that .l/irwi- t demanded their delivery to the English. JVinigret was very loath to coni|)ly with the demand ; but, finding he could get no answer to his propositions without, he consented to give up the Pequots, after a day's cjusideration. The governor shortly after dismissed him, with instructions f treat with the English captains then in the Pequot country. On the 9 Mar. 1638, ^^Miantunnomoh came to Boston. The governor, deputy and treasurer ti'eated with liim, and they parted upon fair teiuns." " We gave him leave to right himself for the wrongs which Janemoh and Wequash Cook had done him ; and, for the wrong they had rlone us, ^ve would right ourselves, in our own time."|| Hence, it appears that, at this period, they were not so closely allied as they were afterwards. The next year, Janemo was complained of by the Long Island Indians, who paid tribute to the English, that he had committed some robberies upon them. Captain Mason was sent from Connecticut with seven men to require satisfac- tion. Janemo went unmediately to the English, and ttie matter was amicably BL'ttied. H When it was rumored tlmt Miantunnomoh was plotting to cut off the t'lil * See Hazard's Historical Colleclions, ii, 7, 10. t So wriltcii by Ros;tr Williams. t Mr. Prince, in his edition of Hubbard's Narrative, prnbal>lv mistook }Vivthrop's MS., iiuil « role Asaueiiio nisU'ud of Aija/wiiio. See llie edition l77o. of Nar. p. 40, and Winthrop, Jour. i. -Jai" ^ I'liiicf snvs lie was uiicle to Muiutwinoiiioh, (Chronolo^, Ii. 59.) but thai could no! n:ive biTii. U WiiUhroii's Journal, i. 243. IT Ibid. i. 2()7. l:» NINIGRET.— DUTCH AND INDIAN WAR. [Book II. Eiurlii*!!, and using liia endeavors to unite other tribes in tlic enterprise, tlie J'',n!iii.sli sent deputies to him, to Icurn the trutii of the report, as will he found «lsc\\ here fully stated. The deputies were well satisfied with the carriage of JMiantunnomoh ; l)ut, they say, " Jancino/i, the Niantit.k saelu.'in, carried iiimself |)i()U(lly, and refuse*! to come to us, or to yield to any thing; only, he saiM'uld /lot harm us, except we invaded iiini."* Thus we cannot but Ibrm an e.\ulted opinion of AYnigrtt, in tlie person of Janemo. »'i Dukli and liulian toar raged at this time, and was conducted with unrelenting barbarity by the former party. It grew out of a single murder, an Itidian having killed a Dutchman in a drunken frolic. The murderer was immediately demanded, but could not be obtained ; and the governor was urged to retaliate, and ollen called ujion to take revenge. lie waived the Bubject, foreseeing, no doubt, that retaliation was a bad course to pursue for satisfaction, especially with Indians. However, it soon ha{ipened that the Mohawks iell upon those Indians, killed about 30 of them, and the rest fled their country ; many of wlrom sought jirotection from the Dutch themselves. Some evil-miiuletl pereons now thought to revenge themselves on these Indians, without the danger of suffering from resistance. It is reported that an inhuman monster, named Marine, a Dutch captain, obtained the consent of the governor to kill as many of them as he pleased ; and, acting under that autJiority, surprised and murdered 70 or 80 of them, men, women, and children. No sooner was this blow of assassination struck, than the Indians flew to their ai-ms, and began hostilities of the same kind ; and, with such fury was their onset made, that they cut olf 20 j)ei-sons or more, before the alarm could spread ; and they were soon masters of their settlements, and the Dutch were confined to their fort. IJy emjiloying Ca|)tain Underhill, however, an exfierienced English oWeer in the Indian wars, and some otliei-s of the English, the Dutch were enabled to maintain their ground ; and, fortufitely. Boon after, iJo^er jyilliams accidentally arrived there, through whose mediation a peace was effected, and an end was put to a bloody war. This Marine, who was the j)rincr])al cause of it, quarrelled with the governor, on account of his employing Umkrhill instead of him, and even atteni|)ted his life on the account of it. He jireacnted a pistol at his breast, which, being turned aside by a bystander, the governor's lite was presei-ved. A servant of Marine's then discharged a gun at the governor, but missitig him, one of the governor's guard shot the servant dead, and Marine was made prisoner, and forthwith Bent into Holland. Williams, having been denied a passage through N. Eng- land by iiie law of banishment, was forced to take passage for England at N. York in a Dutch ship, by way of Holland; and this was tlie reason of his l)eing there in the time of this war. IV.'fore this war was brought to a close. Captain Underhill, with his comi)any of Dutch and English, killed about 300 Indians on the main, and 120 more on Long Island. The Dutch governor's employing the English was charged ujion him as a "plot" to engage the English in his quarrel with the Indians ; " which," says WinihrQp,\ " we had wholly declined, as doubting of the justice of the cause." It was about the beginning of this war, Sept. 1G43, tliat "the Indians killed and drove away all the English" on the coast, from Manhattan to Stamford, the extent of the Dutch claim to the eastward. They then passed over " to Long Island, and there assaulted the Lady Moodey in her house divers times ; " but she, having about 40 men at her place at that time, was able to defend herself. "These Indians at the same time," continues }Vinthrop,t" Bet upon the Dutch with an implacable fury, and killed all they could come by, and burnt their houses, and killed their cattle without any resistance, so as the governor and such as escaped, lietook themselves to their fort at Monhaton, and th(!re lived and eat up their cattle." Among the English people who were murdered when this war began, was a Mrs. Ann Hutchi)iso7i, fi-om whom was descended the historian of ftlassa- chusetts. She, having given offence to the Puritans of the Bay state, (as Massachusetts was then called,) by her peculiar religious notions, to avoid * Wintlirop's Journal^ ii. b. t Ibid. ii. 157. \ Ibid. ii. 13G. riivr. IV.J NINIGRET— MOHEGAN WAR. 133 porscriitioii, fled rirst to Rhode Island, and afterwards to tlie Dutch possow- fions, not fiir beyond Stamford. This van in KJ42. When the Indians hroke nj) tiie settlements there, in Sept. I(i43, they fell ii|ion the (iimily of tlii.s wnnmn, killed her, a Mr. Collins, her son-in-lnw, and all her family ex- I'ept one daughter eight years ohi, whom they cariied into captivity, and such of two other families, TTirockmorton and ComhUCs, as were at liome ; in all lij persons. They then collected their cattle into tlie houses and set tlieni on fire and burned them alive! A greater slaughter would have been made at this time and place, but for the arrival of a boat while the tragedy was acting, into which several women and children escaped. Hut two of the boat's crew were killed in their humane exertions to save these distressed jieople. The daughter of Mrs. HiUrhinson remained a prisoner four years, when she was delivered to the Dutch governor at New York, who restored lier to her friends. She had forgotten her native language, and was unwilling to be taken from the Indians. This governor, with a kindiicss not to be Ibr- gotten, sent a vessej' into Connecticut River, where its captain contrived to get several Pequo s on board, whom he secured as prisoners. He then informed their friends, that they would not be set at liberty until the captive girl was delivered to him. This had the desired effect, and she was accordingly rescued. Notwithstanding a jieaco was brought about in the manner l)efore stated, vet it was of short duration, and the sparks of war which had for a short time laid hid in its own embers, was by sordid spirits fanned again into a flame. The scries of murdero-is acts which followe*!, are nowhere recorded within my researches, hut an end waM not put to it until 1G46. It ended in a san- fuinary battle at Stricklaial's Plain, iiear what is since Horse Neck in New 'ork, about 37 miles fi'om the city. The numbers engiiged on each side are not known, nor the numbers slain, but their graves are still pointed out to the curious traveller. To return to our more immediate subject. We hear little of JVimsrct until after the death of Mtantunnotnoh. In 1C44, the Narragansets and Nianticks united against the Mohcgans, and for some time obliged Uncas to confine himself and men to his fort. This affair prol)ably took place early in the spring, and we have elsewhere given all the particulars of it, both authentic and traditionary. It appears, by a letter from Tho. Peters, addressed to Governor Winihrop, written about the time, that there had been some hard fighting ; and that the MohegauH had been severely beaten by the Narragansets. Mr. Peters writes: — " I, with your son, [John fVinthrop of Con.,] were at Uncos' fort, where 1 dressed seventeen men, and left plasters to dress seventeen more, who were wounded in Uncas' brother's wigwam before we came. Two captains and one common soldier were buried, end since we came thence two captams and one common man more, are de:,d also, most of which are wounded with bullets. Uncas and his brother told me, the Narragansets had 30 guns which won them the day, else would not care a rush for them. They drew Uncos' forces out by a wile, of 40 appearing only, but a thousand [lay hid] in am- busl), who pursued Uncas' men into their o\vn land, where the battle was iought vario marte, till God put fresh spirit into the Moheagucs, and so drave the Narragansets back again." So it seems that Uncat had been taken in his own play. Tho letter goes on: — "'Twould pity your hearts to see them [Uncus' men] lie, like so many new circumcised Sechemites, in their blood. Sir, whatever information you have, I dare boldly say, the Narragansets first brake the contract they made with the English last year, for I helped to cure one Taiitiquieson, a Mohcague captain, who first fingered [laid hands on] Miantinomio. Some cunning squaws of Narraganset led two of them to Tantiquieson's wigwam, where, in the night, they struck him on the breast through the coat with an hatchet, and had he not fenced it with his arm, no hope could be had of his life," &c. * " The English thought it their concern," says Dr. 7. Mather, t " not to suffer him to be swallowed up by those adversaries, since he had, (though for his • Winlhrop's Jour. ii. 380, 381. 12 t Relation, 53. '11 M l:U NI.NIGRET— NARRAGAN.SET WAR. [HODK II. own ends,) iipprovcil liiinscirrHitlifiil to tlu; Eii;:lisli from time to tinic." A.i army wiis nfcor(liri>:ly r(ii.> willin<; to HulMiiit to wiiat terms the English hIiouUI see caime to impose npon them. It was lU'inaiuled of tliom, that they Hlionhl defray tlie cliar^'es they had put the EiigMnli to,f and that the BncheniH ehouhl 8end their sons to he ke|>t an liosta^a-s in the huiiils of tlie Kii^Hsli, until sucli time lus tiic money shouhl lie paid." Al\er rcinarkin^r tiiat from tliis time the Nurra^'aii- Betf hurlM>red venom in tiieir hearts aguinHt the Englisii, Mr. Mather pro- ••eedH:— "III tlie first ])lace, they endeavored to play legerdemain in tiieir eeiiding hostages; for, instead of sachems' ciiildren, they tiiought to waid some other, and to niul^e the Englisii believe that those base papooses were of a royal progeny; but they bad those to deal with, who were too wise to he HO eiu(led. Atlcr the expected hostages were in tlic hands of the Englisii, tlie Narragansets, notwithstanding that, were slow in the performance of what they stood engaged for. And when, upon an impartial discharge of the debt, their hostages were restored to them, they became more backward tliaii formerly, until they were, by hostile pre|)arntions, again and again ti-rritied into l)ctter obedience. At last, Capt. Jltherton, of Dorchester, was sent with a small party J of 20 English soldiers to demand what was due. He at first entered into the wigwam, where old JVitiigret resided, with only two or three soldiers, appointing the rest by degrees to follow him, two or tlircH! dro|>piiig in at once ; when his small com|)any were come about jiim, tlio Indians in the mean time su|)posing that there had been many more behind, he caught the sachem by the hair of bis head, and setting a pistol to his breast, protesting whoever escaped he should surely die, if he did not fortli- witii comjily with what was re(]uired. Hereupon a great trembling and consternation sur|iriscd the Indians ; albeit, multitudes of them were then present, with spiked arrows at their bow-strings ready to let fly. The event was, tiie Indians submitted, and not one drop of blood was slicd."§ This, it must be confessed, was a high-handed proceeding. "Some sjiace after that, J\/inigret was raising new trouble against us, amongst his Nianticks and other Indians ; but upon the speedy sending up of Capt. Davis, with a party of horse to reduce him to the former peace, who, ii|)oii the news of the captain's a])proach, was put into such a ]ianic fear, tiiat he durst not come out of his wigwam to treat with the captain, till seciiri (1 of his life by him, which he was, if he quietly yielded to bis message, al)()iit which he was sent from the Bay. To which lie freely consenting, that storm was graciously blown over." || Thus having, tiirough these extracts, summarily glanced at some prominent passages in the life of JVinigretf we will now go more into particulars. The caae of the Narragansets, at the period of the treaty before spoken of, had become rather desperate ; two years having passed since they agreed to ])ay '2000 fathom of "good white wampum," as a remuneration for the trouble and damage they had caused the English and Mohegans, and they were now pressed to fulfil thek engagements. JVinigret, then called Janemo, wjLs not at IJoston at that tunc, but Aumsaaquen was his deputy, and signed tile treaty then made, with Pessacus and others. At their meeting, in July, 1G47, Pessacus and others, chiefis of the Narragansets and Nianticks, were * Tlie editor of Johnson's Wonder-working Providence, in Coll. Mass. Hist. Sac. makes a great mistake in noting lliis cliief as Mianlunnomoh. Mnksali, Mixanno, Meika, &.c., are iianies ol' the same person, who was llie eldest son of Canonicus. After the death of his falhor, he was chief sachem of the NarraMiiscts. Jle married a sister of Niiii^ret, who was " a woman of great power," and no other than the famous Quaiapen, at one lime called Matan- tuck. Iroin which, probably, was derived Magnus. By some writers mistaking hiin for Mian- liimiomoh, an error has spread, that has occasioned much confusion in accounts of their gene- t A yearly tribute in wampum was agreed upon. Manuscript Narrative of the Rev. T Cobbet, which places the affair in 164o. I MS. document among our state papers. <( HeUuioii of the Troubles, dtc, 4io, 1077. || Cobbet's MS. Narrative Chat. TV] NiNioRKT— v.')iii".(a\ r >.Ni I! )v:;i!SY 135 sent to liy tlii^EnjjIisli rotiitMissioiKTs, us uill he (imihl in lli" WW- ni' Pixsanis, JJciii;; wiiriirMi to CDiiK! to IJostoii, l'i:s.vt iJ.f, not liciii!.' williii!,' to jrct any I'tir- tliiT into tronhlt! liy hoiii;; ()lili;,'t;Tf/. Tliis si-cins to liav<; Imicii wril niHlcrstoml, and we Nliall next hoc with what ^rnre JViniicret acted his part with the coni- inissionei!*, at HoHton. Their record runs thim: — " A ,..ini 3d, [1<)-J7,] JVinecrratt, with some ofthe Nyantick Indians and two of PesiKiik\i in»!n, came to JJoston, and desiring Mr. John IViixthrop, that cnnie t'roiM ['('([iiatt i)lantation, niij.'ht he prenent, they were admitted. The eoni- missioners asked J\'inefp-alt for whom lie caiiio, whidier as a piddick prison .III the hehaif of Ptaaack^s and tiie rest of the Nai ras^ansets' confederates, or only for hiinself as a particular sajramore ? He at fust answered that he h;i(l sfiokewitli Peaaack, hut liad no such comiiiission from him;" and said tii- re had not heen so pood an iinderstaiidiiig lietweeii tlnMii as he desired ; hitt, from Mr. ft'inllirop'a ti'Stiiiiony, niid the answer Tfwa. Slanton and lientilirt Jlrnold hroiijriit Irom Peamnis, and also the testimony of Pcasnrva' two men, "it apitean.'d to the commissioners that whatever formalitv iiii^'lit Ik; « anting in Peaaack'a expressions to jVinefrratl, yet Peaaack had liilly enpajred himself to stand to whatsoever .Vinefrrnlt should conclude." Tliereliin; they pr(»- ceeded to demand of him why the wampum had not heen paid, and why the covenant liag a pound. Their weight was 285 lbs., (not altogether so contemptible as one might be led to imagine,) which came to 14£. bs., and the wampum to 4£. 4a. C)d.\ Ofthe amount hi Mr. Shrimpton^s hands, the n.cssengers took uj) 1£. probably to defray their necessary expenses while at Boston. The remainder an Englishman attached to satisfy "for goods stollen liom him by a NaiTagan- set Indian." JS/inigret said the attachment was not valid, "for that neither the kettlea nor wampum did lielonge to Peaaacks himself, nor to the Indian that had stollen the goods," and therefore must be deducted from the amount now due. "The commissioners thought it not fit to press the attachment," hut reckoned the kettles and wampum at 70 fathom, and acknowledged the receipt of 240 fathom, [in all,^ besides a parcel sent by jYinigret himself to the governor ; and though this was sent as a present, yet, as it was not acccjited by the governor, they left it to JVinigret to say whether it should be now so r on- * Samuel f^linrnpton, proI>al)ly. who bought a house and lands of Ephrain Turner, brasier, lituatod in Roston, in 1G71. t Hence i£. 4s. Gd. -^ 15 = 5s. l-^d. = value of a fathom of wampum in Ifit?. Ma 136 NIiNIGRET.— MOHEGAN CONTROVERSY. [Book II. sidered, or whether it should be taken in payment of tlie debt. JVinlgrit said tlie governor sliould do as he pleased about it. It was then inquired how niucii he liad sent ; (it being deposited in Culshamokin^s hands, as we Imve elsewlierc stated ;) lie said he had sent 30 fatlioin of black, and 45 of white, in value together 105 fatliom. Cutshainokin was sent for to state what he had received in trust. He had produced two girdles, "with a string of wanipinn, all which himself rated at 45 fathom, affirming he had received no more. e,\cej)t 8*. which he had used, and would repa}'." lie was brought before JVinjffret and questioned, as there appeared a great difference in their ac- counts, "lie at i;;3it persisted," sa3's our record, "and added to liis lyes, but was at last convinced [confronted] by JVinif^ret, and his messengers who then brought the present, and besides Cu.shamokin had sent him at the siune time 10 fathom as a present also." It still remained to be settled, whether this watni)um should be received as a part of the debt, or as a present; and JVtnigret was urged to say how it should be. With great magnanimity he answered : — " My tongue shall not belie my heart. Whether the debt be paid or not, I in- tended it as a present to the governor" It is unpleasant to conti-ast the oharacters of the two chiefs, Culnhamokiti and JVinigret, because the former had long had the advantage of a civilized neighborhood, ut.[ the latter was from the dejUlis of the forest, where he saw an Englishman but seldom. We could stiy nuich upon it; but, as it is thought by many that such disquisitions are unprofitable, we decline going into them > ie. What we have related seems to have finished the business of the day, and doubtles'^ the shades of iiiglit were very welcome to CiUsliainokin. The next day, JVinigret came into court, with the deputies of Pessacus, luul spoke to the following effect : — " Before I came here I expected the burden ha «as better provided." They therefore gave him to understand that they were altogether dissatisfied, and that he might go his own way, as they were determined to protect Uncas according to their treaty with nini. The. commissioners now expressed the opinion among themselves, that aflairs looked rather turbulent, and advised that each colony slioidd hold itself :n readiness to act as ciieumstaiices might reipiire, " wliich they t!n^ rather present to consideratioM, from an inlbrmation they received since tliiir sitting, of a marriage shortly intended betwixt JVinigrcVs daughter, and a brother or brother's son of Sassaquan, tla; malignant, furious Pcfpiot, wliereby probably " (ih\(l, no (liiiilil, lo rill llM'ni'ii'hi"i oCllii' cxpciKi- dC kiTpiMy llicin ; (or it niiiv| lie rcincin. l)oro(l, llial ilio English took llicni upini tlio i onililion llial llicy slioulil siii>;i* 138 WAIANDANCE SEIZES jMIAN rUNNOfllOH'S MESSENGER. [Look II their niiiia arc to gutlier togntlirr, and reunite tlie scattered conqiierc.l Pe- qiiates into one body, and set tlieni ii|) again as u distinct nation, wiiicli liutli always been witnessed against i)y tlio Englislj, and may hazard tiie peace ot'tlie colonies." The four years next succeeding are fidl of events, but as they linijpencd chiefly among the Indians themselves, it is very diflicult to learn the purticu- lai-s. JVmigref claimed dominion of the Indians of a part of Long Island, as did his predecessors; but those Indians, seeing the English domineering over the Narragausets, became altogether independent of them, and even waged wars upon thetn. ^scassasotick was at this period tiie chief of those Indians, a warlike and courageous chief, but as treacherous and barbarous as he was brave. These islanders had, from the time of the Pequot troubles, been protected by the English, which much increased their insolence. Not only had JVini^ret, and the rest of the Narragansets, suilered liom his insults, but the Mohegans had also, as we shall more fidly make ajjpear hereailer. When the English conimissioners had met at Hartford in 1G50, Uncos came with a complaint to them, "that the Mohansick sachem, in Long Island, had killed som of his men ; bewitched diners others and himself also," which was doubtless as true as were most of his charges against the Narragansets, "and desired tiie commissioners that bee might be righted therjn. But because the Raid sachem of Long Island was not there to an- swer for himself," several Englishmen were a|)poiuted to examine into it, and if they found him guilty to let him know that they " will bring trouble upon themselves." At the same meeting an order was passed, " that 20 men well armed be Bent out of the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts to Pessiciis, to demand the said wampum, [then in arrears,] which is 308 fathom;" but in case they could not get tlie wampum, they were ordered " to take the same, or the vallew therof, in the best and most suital)le goods they can find." Or, if they could not find enough to satisi'y all demands, tliey were ordered to seize and " bring away either Pessacus or his children, or such other considerable sachem or persons, as they prize, and may more probably bow them to reason." From Pessaais, they were ordi red to go to JS/ini^d, and inform him that the conmnssioners had heard " that he had given hs daughter in marriage to Sasecos his brother, tcho gathers Pequots under him, as if eillter he woiUd become their sachem, or again possess the Pequot country," which was contrary to •' engagements," and what they would not allow, and he must inform them wheilier it were so. To inform him also that Waiuash Cook "comitlains of sundry wrongs." And that, as to his hunting in the Pe(iuot country, to udbrm liim he had no right to do so, as that c juntry belonged to the English. The termination of this expedition, in which .'ViWafrfi was taken "by tiie hair," has been previously mentionecl in our extract liom Dr. Mather. We have in the life of Miantunnomoh given some account of the acts of a chief called fVaiandance, especially relating to the disorganization of tlio plans of that great chief We come, in this place, to a parallel act in relation to JVinigret. About a year afkr tiie death of Miantunnomoh, JVinigret under- took to organize a plan for expatriating the EngUsh; and sent a messenger to Maiamlance, the Long Island sachem, to engage him in it. Instead of listening to his message, JVaiandanre seized upon JVinigreCs messenger, bound liini, and sent him to Ca|)taiii Gardener at Saybrook ibrt. From tiicnco he was sent, under a guard of 10 men, for Ifartlbrd. But they were wind- bound in tiieir passage, and were oi)liged to put in to Shelter Island, where an old sachem lived, who was Haiandance\i elder brother. Here they let Mnigrcl^s ambassador escape, and thus he had knowledge that his plan was discovered and overthrown. Since we have here introduced the sachem Waiandanre, we will add the account of his last acts and death. One William Hammond being killed "by a giant-like Indian" near New York, about l(i;i7, Ca|)tain Hardener told Waiaiulance that he nnist kill that Indian ; but this being against the advico of tlie great sachem, his brother, he declined it, and told the captain that that Chap. IV.] NINKillKI ACCU.Si:i) OF .V I'l.Or WITH TIIF, IHrTCII. I'W Iiuli.ni was a mi. Whether, con- trary to their engagement, they were resolved to tight against the English. — G. If they are so resolved, lolial Ihcy think the English will do. — 7. VVhethcr they liad not better be true to the English. — 8. Similar to the first. — d. What were their grounds of war against the English. — 10. Whether they had not better come or send messengers to treat with the English. — 11. Whether they iiad hired the Mohawks to help them. "The answare of the sachems, viz. J^Tinigrdt, Pessecus and Mixam, vnto the queries and letters sent by the messengei-s, Sarjeant fVaile and Sarjen.nt John liarrell, the 18th of the second month, 1(553." Mernin seems to have been the first that answered ; aud of tJic firai query he said : — "I speak nnfeignedly, from my heart, and say, without dissinndation, that I know of no such plot against the English, ?ny friends; implicating either the Dutch governor or any other person. Though I be poor, it is not goods, guns, powder nor shot, that shall draw me to such a jnot as this against the English, my friend.>J. f If the Dutch governor had made known any such intention to me, I would have told it, without delay, to the English, my friends. With respect to your second questitm, I answer, JVb. What do the English sachems, my friends, think of lis? — do they think wo should prefer g.iods, g!in«; powd(>r and shot, before om* lives? our means of living? both of us and ours? As to the 4th query, I speak from my heart, and say, I know of no such j)lot by the Dutch governor. There may come fiilsc news and rejiorts against us; let them say what they will, they are false. It is un- necessary to say more. But in answer to the 10th query 1 will say, It is just messengers should be sent to treat with the English sachems, but as for mysell", I am old, and cannot travel two days together, hut a man shall be sent to speak with the siicliems. I have sent to Mr. Smith, and Volll his man, to speak to IMr. Brown, and to say to him, that I love the English sticbems, and all Englishmen in the Bay: And desire Mr. Brown to tell the sachems * The lliird p'Tsoii siiiu;iil;ir, /ic, is iisoil lliroiislinut, in llic ori!;;innl, as it waii sujiposcd by llie |ir()|ioiiii(lurs ihiU oiii'li clii< ' can the Dutch shelter us, being so remote, against the power of the English, our friends — we living close by the doors of the English, our friends? We do profess, we abhor such things." Lastly, we come to the chief actor in this affair, JVinigret. He takes up each query in order, and answere it ; which, for brevity's sake, we will give in a little more condensed foi-m, omitting nothing, however, that can in any degree add to our acquaintance with the great chief. He thus commences: — "I utterl*' deny that there has been any agreement made between the Dutch governor and myselfj to fight against the English. I did never hear the Dutchmen say they would go ancl fight against the English ; neither did I hear the Indiana say they would join with them. But, while I was there at the Indian wigwams, there came some Indians that toUl me there was a ship come in from Holland, which did report the English and Dutch were fighting together in their own country, and there were s(;veral other ships coming with ammunition to fight against the English here, and that there would be a great blow given to the English when they came. But this I had from the Indians, and how true it is I cannot tell. I know not of any wrong the English have done ine, therefore wnv should I fight against them? Why do the English sachems ask me the same questions over and over again ? Do they think we are mad — and would, fi)r a few guns anf! swords, sell our lives, and the lives of our wives and children ? As to their tenth question, it being indiflferently spoken, whether I may go or send, though I krow nothing myself, wherein I have wronged the English, to i)revent mv going ; yet, as I said before, it being left to my choice, that is, it bring indilferent to the conmiissioners, whether 1 will send some one to speak with them, I will send."! To the letters which the English messengera can-ied to the sachems, Mexam and Pessacus said, " IVe desire there may he no mistake, but that ive may be undei stood, and that there viay be a true iinderstandir.^ on both sides. We desire to know tohere you had this news, that tliere icas such a league made betioixt the Dutch and us, and also to know our accusers" JVinigret, though of the most importance in this affair, is last mentioned in the records, and his answer to the letter brought him by the messengers is as follows : — "You are kindly welcome to us, and I kindly thank the sachems of Massa- chusetts tliat they should think of me as one of the sachems worthy to be inquired of concerning this mutter. Had any of the other sachems been at the Dutch, I should have feared their folly might have done some hurt, one way or other, hut they have not been there. / am the man. I have been there myself. I alone am answerable for what I have done. And, as I have already declared, I do utterly deny and protest that I know of no such i)lot as has been apprehended. Wliat is the story of these groat nimora that I hear at Pocatocke — that I shoidd be cutoflT, and that the English had a quarrel against • So printed in Hazard, but probnlily moans the same as Voll; V, in the latter case, liavins; been taken for P. Wo liiwe known siicli instances. t 'I'lic procodinf^ sonloiico of our text, llio nnllior of Tnh's of the Ititlimis Xh'mVn, " \\o\M ptiz/le llie most myslifiiiiiu- politician of niodorn linios." Indeed ! What ! a I'iiiiadolphia lau'ijer? Really, we oannol conceive lliat ll oiip;lit in the least to pnzzle even a Uostou Liuyer. If a puzzle exist any wliere, we apprelienil it is in some inij-ilifyiiig word. Chap. IV.] NINIGRET.— AWASHAW. 141 me ? I know of no such cause at all for luy part. Is it because 1 weiii tiiitiior to take [tliysic fur my healtli .'' or what is the cause.' I found no surh entLTtaininent from the Dutch governor, when I was tliere, as to give me any encouragement to stir me up to such a league against tlie English, my fricndH. It was winter time, and I stood, a great part of a winter day, knocking at door, and he would neidier o|)en it, nor sufler others to open iu. 1 was not wont to iind sucli carriage from the English, my the it, to let me friends." Not long after the return of the English messengers, who brought the above ndation of their mission, AwosJmw arrived at Boston, as "messenger" of JWnigret, Pessacua, and Meiam, with "three or four" othere. An hitiuisition was immediately held over him, and, from his cross-examhiation, we gather the following answers: — "jViHi£7'f< told me that he went to the Dutch to be cured of his disease, liearing there was a Frenchman there that could cure him ; and Mr. John n'inthrop knew of his going. He carried 30 fathom of wampum, gave the doctor 10, and the Dutch governor 15, who, in lieu thereof, gave lum coats with sleeves, but not one gun, tliough the Indians there gave him two guns. That, while JVinigrel was there, he crossed Hudson's River, and there an ■'in told him about the arrival of the Dutch ships. As to the com sent to the Dutch by jYini^et, it was only to pay his passage, the Dutch liaving brought him home in a vessel. Five men went with JVini^ret. Four came home with him in the vessel, and one came by land before. One of his company was a Mohcgan, and one a Conecticott Indian, who lived on the other side of Hudson's River. A canoe was furnished witli (JO fathom of wampum, after jYinigreCs return from Monhatoes, to be sent there to pay for the two guns, but six fathom of it was to have been paid to the doctor, which was then il;") to iiiin. There were in it, also, two raccoon coats, and two beaver skins, and seven Indians to go with it. They and the canoe were captur(.'d by Uncus" An Indian named ^^ J\'ewcom-Mahixes, sometimes of Rhode Island," waa one that accom[)anicd Awashaw. " One John Ligldfoot, of Boston," said J\Iaiiu:es told him, in Dutch, (he had lived among them at Southhold, and learned their language,) that tlie Dutchmen would "cut off" the English of Long Island. "Mwcom also confes,seth [to him] that JVinigret said tliat he licanl that some ships were to come from Holland to the Monhattoes to cut otl* the English." "Tliat an Indian told him that the Dutch would come against the English, and cut them oft*, but they would save the women and children and guns, for th mselves. But Capt. Siinkins ami the said lAghlJbot do both nftirm that the sail A^(cco»i told them that the Dutchmen told him, us before [stated,] though hi now puts it oflj and saith an Indian told hijn so." Siinkins ulfirmed also that \cifco//i told hhn that if he would go and serve the Dutch, they would give h m £100 a year. On examining jVeivcom, the commissioners gave it as their opinion that lie was guilty of i)erfidy, and that they should not have let him escape without punishment, but for his being considered as an ambassador. They, there- ibre, desired Awashaw to inibrm J^'inigret of it, that he irnght send him to them again, " the better to clear himseitl" This we apprehend was not done. Awashaw next notified the court that he had not done with them, " where- upon he was sent for to speak what he had further to propound." He de- manded how they came by their information "^f all these things touching J^nigrd." They said from several Indians, particularlif " the Monheage In- dian and the Narraganset Indian, which were both taken by Uncus his men, who had confessed the i)lot before Mr. Haines at Hartford." Awushaw also demanded restitution of the wampum taken by Uncus. The commissioners told him that they had not as yet understood of the truth of thai action, but when they had thoroughly examined it, he should have an answer. So, all this Itigislating was about jYinigreVs going to the Dutch; for as to a j)U)t tlu-re appears no evidence of any ; but when Uncas had committed a great depredation upon Mnigrd, why — "that altered the case" — they must in(iuirc into it, which doubtless was all right so ftir; but if a like complaint u i!'" 142 NlMaRET.-UNCAS'S PERFIDV. [UooK 11 hnd Itpen preferred ngainst JS/inigret by Uncos, we liave reason to tliink it woulii liave been fortliwitb "iiKjuired into," at least, without an if. A story, it cannot be culled evidence, told by Uncus, relating to JVIuigrefs visit to tlie Diitcli, is recorded by the coniniissioners, and which, if it amount to any thing, goes to prove himself guilty, and is iudecnl an acknowledgment of liis own perfidy in taking jYinigrefs boat and goods, as charged by ./Iwa- shaio. It is as follows : — " Uncos, theMohegan sachem, came lately to Mr. /fo/ns' house at Hartford, and informed him that JVinnigrett, eachem of the Niantick Narragansetts went diis winter to the Monhatoes" and made a league with the Dutch gov ernor, and for a large ijresent of wampum received SO guns and a great box of powder and bullets. JS/^nigret told him of the great injuries he had sustained from Uncas and the English. That on the other side of Hudson's River, JVinigret had a conference with a great many Indian sagamores, and desinid their aid to cut oft'theMohegans and English. Ahio, that, about two years since, JS/inigret "sent to the Jluidieage sachem, and gave him a present of wampum, pressing him to procure a ni:"u skilful in magic workings, and an artist in poisoning, and send unto him ; and he should receive more one hundredth fiithom of wampum, which was to have been conveyed to the Monheage sachem, and the powaugh at the return of him that was to bring the poison. Uncas having intelligence of these things, caused a narrow watch to be set, by sea and land, for the apprehending of those persons j and accordingly took them returning in acaiioo to the number of seven: whereof four of them were Narragansets, two strangers and one Pecjuatt. This was done in his absence, while he was with Mr. Haines, at Conecticott, and carried by those of his men that took them to Mohegan. Being there examined, two of them, the [Wampeage*] sachem's brother, and one NaiTaganset freely con- fessed the whole plot formerly expressed, and that one of their company was that powaugh and prisoner, pointing out the man. Upon this, his men in a rage slew him, fearing, as he said, least he should make an escape, or other- wise do either mischief to Uncas or the English, in case they should carry him with the rest before them, to Conecticott to be further examined. And being brought to Conecticott before Mr. Haines, and examined, did assert these particulars." An Indian squaw also informed " an inhabitant of Wethersfield, that the Dutch and Indians generally were" confederating to cut off the English, and that election day, [1654,] was the time set, " because then it is apprehended the plantations will be left naked and unable to defend themselves, the strength of the English colonies being gathered from the several towns. And the afon-said squaw advised the said inhabitants to acquaint the rest of the Eng- lish with it, desiring they would remember how dear their slighting of her former information of the Pequots coming upon the English cost fhem."t It would seem, from a careful examination of the records, that something had been suggested either by the Dutch or Indians, about " cutting off the English," which justice to jYinigret requires us to state, might have been the case without his knowledge or participation. For, the testimony of the mes- sengers of "nine Indian siigamores who live about the Monhatoes" no how implicates him, and, therefore, cannot be taken into account, any more than * 8i'0 (lecliiralioii onward in the rocnrds, {flaz. ii. 22i.) t Kcli'iring- lo an ali'air of l(iJ7, wliicli Dr. /. Mather relntos as follows: " In the interim, [wiiilc ("n|>l. Miison was protci'linsf Havlirook fort,] many ol' the I'equods went to a place iiDU iMJIcd Wftliersjield on Connccticnr Jlivor, and liaving cont'ederaled with the bidians of that |)lace, (as it was rfcnprally tlionjjiil,) llicy laid in anihnsh for the English people of that place, aii(l divers of them froinfr lo thi'ir labor in a larfre field adjoining to the town, were set upon iiy the hidians. Nine of llie English were slain npon the place, and some hordes, and two young women were taken captive.'' Relation of the Troubles, iic. 26. — Dr. Trumbull says this happened in April, llht. Con. \. 77. The cause of this act of the I'e<|uols, according to WInlhrop, i. 2G0, was this, An Indian called Si''iiiiii had given the English hinds at U'elhersfiold, that he might live hy them and lie proiecled from other Indians. I!ut when he came there, and had set down his wigwam, the English drove him awav l>y force. And hence it was supposed that he had plotted the'r lieslruclion, as ahove related, wilh the I'eqnols. Chap IV] NINIGRET— ADDAM. 143 what an Indian named Ronnessoke told JVtcholrts Tanner, as intorprnted by another Indian caWvAlMdam; the Inttor, tliougli relating to JVtHi>/-f<'* visit, wa«i only a iieareay affair. Ronnessoke was a sagamore of Long Island. Ji.iiUvn also interpreted the story of another Indian, called Powanefre, " who saitli he came from the Indians who dwell over the river, over against the Moniiatoi-s, where the plot is a working, that was this: that the Dntchinen fwlccd the Indians whether they would leave them at the last cast, or stand up with them. And told the Indians they should fear nothing, and not be dis- couraged because the plot was discovered," Sec. Allium the interpreter had also a story to tell. He said, " this sjjring [1(5.5:3, O. S.] the Dutch governor went to Fort Aurania, [since Albany,] and first \vent to a jilace called Ackicksack, [Hackinsack,] a great place of Lulians, from thence to Alonnesick, [Minisink,] thence to Opingona, thence to VVarmnoke, tlien^-e to Fort Aurania: And so far he went in his own person. From thence lie sent to Pocomtock, [Deerfield, on the Connecticut,] and he cairicd with him many note of sewan, that is, i)ags of wampum, and delivered them to the sagamores of the places, and they were to distribute them amongst their men ; and withal he carrieil powder, shot, cloth, lead and guns ; and told them he woidd get all the great Indians imdcr him, and the English should have the scum of the Indians, and he would have those sagamores with their men t'< cut off the English, and to be at his coitunand whenever he had use of them, and he was to find them powder and shot till he had need of them. Further he s^'nt one Govert, a Dutchman, to Marsiey, on Long Island, to JSnitnnahom, tiie sagamore, to assist him and to do for him what he would have [iiim] do : But the sagamore told him he would have nothing to [do] with it: whereupon Govert gave the sagamore a great kettle to be silent. JViitanaham told iiim he had but 20 men, and the English had never done him wrong, [and] he had no cause to fight against them. Further, he saith that jMinnegrett, the fiscal,* and the Dutcii governor were up two days in a close room, with other sagamores ; and there was no speaking with any of them except when they came tor a coal of fire, t or the like. And much sewan was seen at that time in ./V7nnegre< j hand, and he carried none away with him ; " and that Ronnesseoke told him tlu.t tlic governor bid him fly for his life, for tiie plot was now discovered. Nevertheless, as for any positive testimony that JVinigret was plotting against the English, there is none. That he wjis in a room to avoid company, while his piiysician was attending him, is vei-y probable. In a long letter, dated 2(ith May, 1(553, which the governor of New Amster- . dam, Peter Sluyvesant, wrote to the English, is the following passage : — " It is in part true, as your worships conclude, that, about Januaiy, there came a strange Indian from the north, called JS/^nmgrett, commander of the Nan'agtn- sets. But he came hither with a pass from Mr. John Winthrop. Upon which Itass, as we remember, the occasion of his coming was expressed, namely, to le cured and healed ; and il^ upon the other siile of the river, there hath been any assen.hly or meeting of the Indians, or of their sagamores, we know not [of it.] We heard that he hath been upon Long Island, about Nayacke, where he hath been for the most part of the winter, and hath had several Indians with him, but what he hath negotiated with them remains to us imknown : only this we know, that what your worships lay unto our charge are false re|)orts, and feigned informations." The war with Ascassasulk, of which we shall give all the particulare in our possession, was the next affair of any considerable moment in the life of ATnigTf/. In 1654, the government of Rhode Island communicated to Massachusetts, that the last siunmer, Ninigret, without any cause, " tiiat he doth so much as allege, tell upon the Long Island Indians, our friends and tributaries," and killed many of them, and took othera prisonei*s, and wo>dd not restore them. "This summer he hath made two assaults upon tluun; in one whereof he killed a iimii and woman, that lived upon the land of the English, and witliii. * A I/iilcli iidlcer, whose duly is similar to lliiil of Ireiisiirer iiimin>r the Kiip;lish. t I'd I'lfli! Ilioir |)ipcs, doubtless — the Diilcli n/rreoing woll, In ilio |)arliriilur of sni ikiii;^ tvitli tlic lit liaiis. \ !•> 144 ISINIGRET.— ASCASSASOTICK'S WAR. tHooK II. one of tlieir to\vn8lii|)s ; and niiother Indian, thnt kept the co^va of the Enjf- lisli." He Imd drawn many of the foreign Indians down from Conncrticiit and Hudson Rivers, wlio rendezvoused upon Winthroji'a Island, wiicre flicy killed some of his cuttle.* This war hegan in IGSIJ, and continued "acviral years." f Tiie commissioners of the United Colonies seemed blind to all con)y)laints against Unc(vi ; hut the Narragnnsets were watched and harassed without ceasing. Wherever we meet with an unpublished document of those times, the fact is veiy apparent. The chief ot the writera of the history of that period copy from the records of the United Colonies, Avhich accoimts tiir their making out a good case for the English and Mohegans. The spirit which actuated the grave commissioners is easily discovered, and I need only refer my r»?aders to the case of Miantunnomoh, Desjierate errors rccpiire others, oftentimes still more desperate, until the first appear small nomparcd with the magnitude of the last! It is all along discoverable, that those venerable records are made up from one kind of evidence, and that when a Narragimsct appeared in his own defence, so many of Ids enemies stood ready to give him the lie, that his indignant spirit could not stoop to contra- dict or parley with them ; and thus his assumed guilt passed on for historj'. The long-silenced and borne-down friend of the Indians of Mooseliansic,|: no longer sleeps. Amidst his toils and perils, he found time to raise his pen in their defence ; and though his letters for a season slept with him, they are now awaking at the voice of day. When the English had resolved, in 1654, to send a force against the Nar- ragansets, because they had had difficulties and wars with Jlscassasolk, as we liave related, JMr. JVUhams ex[)ressed his views of the matter in a letter to the governor of Massachusetts as follows : — "The cause and root of all the present mi.schicfs is the pride of two barbarians, Jlscassas6lick, the Long Island sachem, and JVenekunal of the Narigensct. The former is proud and foolish, the latter is proud and fierce. 1 have not seen him these many years, yet, from their sober men, 1 hear he pleads, 1st. that Ascassasolick, a very inferior sachem, (bearing himself upon the English,) hath slain three or four of his people, and since that sent him challenges and darings to fight and mend himself. Sd. He, A^enc/cMTia/, consulted by solemn messengers, with the chief of the Eng- lish governors, Maj. £n(/ico<, then governor of the Massachusetts, who sent him an implicit consent to right himself: upon which they all plead that the English have just occasion of displeasure. 3d. After he had taken revenge upon the Long Islanders, and brought aAvay about 14 captives, (divers of them chief women,) yet he restored them all again, upon the mediation and desire of the English. 4th. After this peace [was] made, the Long Islanders pretending to visit J^cnckimat at Block Island, slaughtered of his Narragansets near 30 persons, at midnight ; two of them of great note, especially Wtpiteamviock^a son, to whom J^cnekunat was uncle. 5th. In the prosecution of this war, although he had dra^vn do^vn the inlandera to his assistance, yet, u])on pro- testation of the English against his proceedings, he retreated and dissolved his army. § The great Indian apostle looked not so much into these particulars, being entirely engaged in the cause of the praying Indians: but yet we occasionally meet with him, and will here introduce him, as an evidence against the jn'oceedings of Uncus, and his friends the commissioners : " Tlie case of the Nipmuk Indians, so far as by the best and most credible in telligence, I have understood, presented to the honored general court, [of Mas- sachusetts,] \.*Uncas his men, at unawares, set upon an unarmed poor people, and slew eight persons, and carried captive twenty-four women and children. 2. Some of tiiese were subjects to Massachusetts government, by being the subjects of Josias. ]| 3. They sued for relief to the worshipful governor and magistrates. 4. Tliey were pleased to send, (by some Indians,) a commission to Capt. Denison, [of Stonington,] to demand these captives. 5. Unca3 liis Manuscript tlociiments \ \Vood's Hist. Lone;' Island. i Providonce. From the oi-ii^inil lelUr, in manuscript, among tlie files in our state-house Eion of Cliikalaubut Chap. IV.] NINIGUET. 145 G. answer was, (as I lieard,) insolent. by filthiness, but have, since this demand, sold away (as I lipur) some or Tlicv did not onlv abuse tbe women .. ■' all ot' tliose captives. 7. The poor bereaved Indians wait to see what you please to do. 8. You were j)leased to tell them, you would present it to the free court and tlicy sliould expect their answer from tliem, which they now wait for. !•. J^enccrofl, yea, all the Indians of the country, wait to see the issue of this matter." * This memorial is dat..d 12th May, 1659, and signed by John Eliot ; from which it is evident there had been great delay in relieving those distressed by tlie haughty Uncos. And yet, if he were caused to make remuneration in anv way, we do not find any account of it. In 1(J(J0, " the general court of Connecticut diart of tiie I'eipiots, of whom Pomioiain was one. He was aflerwurds called u Niantick and brother to JVinifrreL* Pessacls, often mentioned in the preceding |)ages, thongh imder a viniety of names, was horn ahoiit 1G23, and, consequently, was ahont 20 years of tige when his brother, Miantunnomoh, was killed. f The same arbitrary course, as we have seen already in the present chapter, was pursued towards luin hy the English, as had been before towards Miantunnomoh, and still continued towards ^nigrct, and other Narraganset chiefs, Mr. Cobbetl makes this record of him : " In the year 1G45, proud Pessacus with his Narragansits, with whom JVintgrct and his Niantigs join ; so as to provoke the English to a jiisit war against them. And, accordingly, forces were sent from all the towns to meet at Boston, and did so, and had a party of fifty horse to go with them under Mr. Leveret, as the ca|)tain of the horse." Edward Gibbons was commander in cliielj and Mr. Thompson, pastor of the church in Braintree, " was to sound the silver trumpet along with his army."§ J5ut they were met by deputies from Pessacus and the other chiefs, and an accommodation took place, as mentioned in the accoimt of JVinigrct. The commissioners, having met at New Haven in September 164(1, expected, according to the treaty made at Boston with the Narragansets, us particu- larized in the life of Uncas, that tiicy woidd now meet them here to seit'e the remaining difficulties with that chief. But the time having nearly expired, and none a[)pearing, " the commissioners did seriously consider what course should be taken with them. Tlicy called to minde their breach of couenant in all the articles, that when aboue 1300 fadome of wampan was due they sent, as if they would put a scorne vpon the [English,] 20 futhome, and a few old kettles." The Narragansets said it was owing to the backwardness of • the Nianticks that the wampum had not been paid, and the Nianticks laid it to the Narragansets. One hundred fathom had been sent to the governor of Massachusetts as a present by the Nianticks, they promising "to send what was due to the colonies uery speedily," but he would not accept of it. He told them they might leave it with Cuchamakin, and when they had performed the rest of their agreement, " he would consider of it." The commissioners had understooil, that, in the mean time, the Narragansi t sachems had raised wampum among their men, "and by good ouidence it appeared, that by presents of wampum, they are practisinge with the Mohawkes, and with the Indyans in those parts, to engage them in soine designe against the English and Fncics." Therefore, " the commissioners haue a cleare way open to right themselues, accordinge to iustice by war; yet to shew how highly they prize peace with all men, and particularly to manifest their forbearance iuid long sufFeringe to these barbarians, it was agreede, that first the forcmentioned present should be returned," and then a declai-ation of war to follow. At the same court, complaint was brought against the pooj)le of Pessacus by "Mr. Pelham on behalf of Richard Woody and Mr. Pincham," [Pir.chnn,'^ that they had committed sundry thefts. Mr. Brown, on behalf of Wm. Smith of Rehoboth, preferred a siiriilar charge ; but the Indians having no knowledge of the procedure, it wa^ suspended. Thus the Nairagansets were sufTered to remain unmolested until the next year, and we do not hear that the story about their hiring the Mohawks and othei-s to assist them against Uncas and the English, turned out to be any thing else but a sort of bugbear, probably invented by the Mohegans. " One principall cause of the comissioners meetinge together at this time, [20 July, l(i47,] being," say the records, " to consider what course should bi; lield with the NaiTaganset Indyans ; " the charges being at this time much the same as at the previous meeting. It was therefore ordered that Thomas Stanton, * .Seo Hazard, ii. 152. \ M.S. letter, subscribiid with the mark of llie sachem Pntnham, on the filo at our oapital, (Ma>s.) t .MS. Narrative. $ Mather's Relation, and Hazard. ,1 -.v 148 I'ESSACUS KILLED BY THE MOHAWKS. [Rook II Beneilirt Jlrnold, nnd StTgcant ffaite should he sont to Peasacks, A'enegralt nnd H'ehetnmuk, to know wliy they \\m\ not |)ai(l the wnrnpiiin vm tliey agreed, mid why they ihd not come to ^ew llavitn ; and that now they might meet Unrns at lioston ; nnd therefore were ndviscd to attend tliere without diday ; lint "yf they refuse or ddny, they intend to send no more," and they must hliidt! tlic consequences. When the English messengers had delivered their message to Pes.mcus, he sjioke to them iis follows: — "The reason I did not meet the Knglish saehems at New Haven last year, is, they did not notify me. It is true I have hroken my covenant thes«; two years, nnd that now is, and constantly has heen, the gri«-f of my spirit. And lh(.' reason I do not meet thctn now at Boston is hecanse I am sick. If I were luit pretty well I would gf). I have sent my mind in fidl to ATnigre/, and what he does I will altide hy. I have sent Potcpijnnmdt and Pomiimsks to go and hear, and testify that I have hetrusted my full mind with Mnefrralt. You know well, however, that when I made that covenant two yeare ago, I did it in f lis speech to Governor Winthrop — Sped- me,i of the jMohciran laoifuagc — Sc(iuas.<, the charitable Mr. Hubhard, when he wroio Ins Narrative, seems to have liad some hopes tliat lie was a L'hristi-.n, with about the same grounds, nay better, perhaps, than those on w'lidi JJisliop IVarhurlon declared Pope to be such. Uncus l'.\ud to a great age. He was a sachem before the I'cquot wars, and was -uive in KidO. At this time, Mr. //ittfcarrf makes this remark upon liim: •He is alive and well, and may T>robably live to see all his enemies buried before him."f From an ejjitaph on one of his sons, copied in the Historical Collections, we do not infer, as the writer there seems to have done, "that the race of Uncas ^^ was "obnoxious in colloniril history ;" but rather attribute it to some waggish Englishman, who had no other design than that of making sport for himself and others of like humor. It is upon his tond)-stoue, and is aa follows : — " Here lies (lie body of Sanseeto Own son to Uncas granilson to OnekoX Wild were: tlic famous sacliems of Mohecan But now tlicy are all dead 1 tliiiik it is icerlieegen." ^ The connections of Uncas wore- somewhat numerous, and the names of several of them will be ibund as we proceed with his life, and elsewhere. Oneko, a son, was the most noted of them. In the beginning of August, 1075, Uncas wm- ordered to appear at Boston, and to surrender his arms to the English, and give such other security lor hia neutrality or cooperation in tho war now begun between tho English and Warnpanoags, as might be required of iiim. Tlie messenger who was sent to make this reipiisition, soon returned to Boston, accomi)aiiiod by three sons of Uncas and about (JO of his men, and a quantity of arms. The two yoimger sons were taken into custody as hostages, and sent to Cambridge, where they were remaining as late as the 10 November following. They are said to have been at this time not far from 30 years of age, but their names are not men- * 1 Coll. Muss. Ilisl. Soc. i. 208. flloheek, since Mcntville, Connecticut, about 10 miles north of Now London, is the place ''where Unkas, and his sons, and Waniiho, are sachems." Ibid. t Hist. New En^. 4G4. — " Alihoii?h he be a friend to the English, yet he and all liis men continue pagans still," imC. Mt. I. Mather, Brief Hist. 45. X The writer or sculptor no doubt meant the contrary of this, if, indeed, he may be said to have meant any thing. $ A genuine Indian word, and, as it is used here, means, simply, icell. " Then they bid me stir my instep, to see if that were frozen : I did so. When they saw that, they said that was icurregen." Slocheell's Nar, of his Captivity amone the Indi<'ns in 1G77. 13* 150 UNCAS ASSISTS IN DESTROYING THE PEQUOTS. [nooK I). t'oned.* Oncko was omployud with his 60 iiien, aiid proceeded on uii expo ditioii, ns will he found stated elsewhere. Uncus was originally a Pequot, and one of the 20 war captains of tlial fiunoiis, hut ill-fated nation. U|iou some intestine commotions, he revolted nsraiiist his sachem, and set up for liimself. This took place ahout the time that nation became known to the Englisli, j il ;ij»s in 1634 or 5; or, as it would seem from some circumstances, in the beginning of the Pequot war. Peters, j an author of not much authority, says, that the "colonists declared liim King of Mohegan, to reward him for deserting Sassacus.''^ We are told, by the same author, that, after the death of Uncos, Oneko would not deed any lands to the colony ; tipon which he was deposed, and his natural brother, Jibimilcck, was, by die English, advanced to the office of chief sachem. Oncko, not acknowledging the validity of this procedure, sold, in process of tin:", all his lands to two individuals, named Mason und Harr'ion. But, meantime, JIbimileck sold the same lands to the colony. A lawsuit followed, and was, at first, decided in favor of the colony ; hut, on a second trial. Mason and Harrison got the case — but not the property ; for, as Petcm tells us, " the colony kept possession under Abimileck, their created King of Mohegan," and "found means to confound the claim of those conipetitoi"s without estahlis;jing their own." By the revolt of Uncas, the Pequot territories became divided, and that part called Moheag, or Mohegan, ^gW generally under his dominion, and exf.nded from near the Connecticut River on the south, to a space of disputed c juntry on the north, next the Narragansets. By a recurrence to our account of the dominions of the Pequots and Narragansets, a pretty clear idea mo; * J had of all three. This sachem seems early to have courted the favor of the Englif^h, which, it is reasonable to suppose, was occasioned by the ii i- ho was in from his potent and warlike neighbors, both on the north and ,i the south. In May, J():j7, he was prevailed upon to join the English in their war upon the Peipiois. Knowing the relation in which he stood to them, the English at firet were nearly as afraid of Uncas and his men, as they were of the Pequots. But when, on the 15 of the same month, they had arrived at Saybrook ibrt, a circumstance happened that tended much to remove their suspicions, and is related by Dr. Mather as follows: "Some of Uncas his men being then at Saybrook, in order to assisting the English against the Pequots, espied seven Indians, and slily enconq)assing them, slew fi\e of them, and took one prison- er, and brought him to the English fort, which was great satisfaction and en- couragement to the English ; who, before that exploit, had many fears touch- ing the fidelity of the Moheag Indians. He whom they took prisoner was a perfidious villain, one that could speak English well, having in times past lived in the fort, and knowing all the English there, hacl been at the slaughter- ing of all the English diat were elaughtered thereabouts. He was a contin- ual sjiy about the fort, informing Sassacus of what he could learn. When this bloody traitor was executed, his limbs were by violence pulled from one another, and burned to ashes. Some of the Indian executionei-s barbarously taking his flesh, they gave it to one another, and did cat it, withal singing about the fiie."| ;^fotw ithsi'inding, both Uncas and Miantunnomnh were accused of harboring fugitive l'e(iuots, after the Mystic fight, as our accounts will abundantly prove. It is true they had agreed not to harbor tlieni, but fierliaps the philanthropist will not judge them harder ibr erring on the score of mercy, than their Eng- lish fricnils for their strictly religious jiersc-verance in revenge. A tradiiidiiary story of Uncas pursuing, overtaking, and executing a Pequot sachi'iu, as I'ivi"' ;., ttiw Historical Collections, may not be un(]nalifiedly true. It was afn'r Mystic fight, and is as fi)llows: Rlost of the English forces jinr- sued th(! fiigitives by water, westward, wliiK; some followed by land with U7icns and liis Indians. At a jioint of land in Guilford, they came ujion n great Pi <|uot sachem, and a few of his men. Knowing they were pursued, * Old Indian Cliriinirlf, 15. { lUliitkin ol' ilic Tronbk's, ikc. 46. t In \\\i Hist, of Conncclicul, Chap. V.] UiNCAS.— MOHEG A.N LANGUAGE. 151 they had gone into ua a Ijiicent |)(3iiiii.siil;i, "lioping iht'ir imrsuers woiih) hiive pasjicd hy thuiii. JJiit Uiicas knew Indian's emit, and ordered some ot his men to siurch tliat point. Tlie IViinots perceiving;- tliat thiy were pnr sni'd, swam over tlie month of the harbor, whieh is narro\v, JJnt thoy wen. waylaid, and taicen us they landed. Tlie sachem wa.s sentenced to l)(; uhot to death. Uncas shot him with an arrow, en' oil" liis head, and stnck it np in the crotch ofa large oak-tree near the haiboi. where the skull remaiiied lor a great many years."* This was the oriijin of tSACiiKM'a Ukad, by which nanu! the harbor of Gnillbrd is well-known to coasters. Dv.MiUher records the expedition of the r.nglish, hut makes no menticn of Uiwas. lie says, they set out from Waybroek fort, and "sailed westward in piwsnit of the IVcjuots, who wereHed that Wiiy. Sailing along to the westvvard of Mononowuttuck, the wind not answering their desires, tliey cast anclixr.'* " Some scattering I'equots were then taken and sl.'in, as also the l'«'4not sachem, belbre exi)ressed,f had his head cut otlj whence that place d]d b(.'ar the name of Sachem's Head." J Uncas's tear of the Pecpiota was doubtless the cause of his hostility to them; and when he saw them vanquished, he ])robal)ly began to relent his unprovoked severity towards his countrymen, many of whom were his near relations ; and this may account for his endeavors to screen some of them from their more vindii-live enemies. The next spring after the war, 5 March, l(>Jd, " Unkus, alias Okoco, the Monahegan sachem in the twist of Pequoil River, came to iJoston with 37 men. lie came from Connecticut with .Mr. Hdyncs, and tendered the governor a present of ^0 liithom of wanipmn. This was at court, ami it was thought lit by the council to refuse il, till he hud given satisliiction about the IVcpiols he kej>t, &.e. Upon this lie was much dejected, and made aecoinit we woidd have killed him ; but, ttvo days aller, having received good satisliiction of his imiocency, i5L-c. and he promis- ing to submit to the order of the English, touching the reipiots lie had, and the differences between the Narragansetts and him, we accepted his present. And about half an hour after, he cjune to the governor," and made tk»e follow- ing sjieech. Laying his hand ui)on his breast, he said, " 7'lns heart vi not mine, but jjoars. I have no men : they arc all yours. Com- mand me any d\Dicull thing, I will do it. I will not believe any Indian.s'' worils against the English. If any man sluill kill an linglishnMn, I will j)ut him to death, were fie never so dear to me." "So th(! governor gave him a fair red coat, and defrayed his ami his men's diet, and gave them corn to relieve them homeward, and a letter ol protection to all II'"!:, »\:c. and he departed very joyfui."§ For the gratification of the etirious, we give, from Dr. Edwnrds^s "Observa- tions on the Muhkekaneew [Mohegan] Language," the Lord's j)rayer in that dialect. ^^ .Vogh-nuh, ne spummuck oi-e-on, tutigk mau-weh wnth wtu-ko-se-uuk ne-an-ne an-nu-woi-e-on. Taiigh ne. aun-chu-wut-am-mun wu-weh-tii-sitk ma- weh noh pum-mclu JVe ae-noi-hit-teeh mau-weh aiu-au-neek noh likey oie-cheek, ne aun-chu-untt-am-inun, ne au-noi-hit-teti neck sjmm-muk oie-cheek. Mcn-e, naii-nuh noo-nooh wuh-ham-auk tptogh nnh uh-huy-u-tum-auk ngum-mau-wih Ohq-u-ut-a-mou-we-mtu-nuh au-neh mu-ma-clwi-e-au-kch he anmh ohq-u-ut-a- fnou-woi-e-atJ{ num-peh neek mu-ma-chih an-neh-o-quau-kiet. Cheen hqu-nk- (piitu-cluh-si-u-kch an-nth-c-henau-nuh. Pun-nee-wih htou-we-nau-nuh neea maum-tth-keh. Ke-ah ng-weh-cheh kwi-ou-wau-weh mau-weh noh pum-meh; kl- fin-woi ; es-tah aw-aun tv-tin-noi-yu-wun nt au-noi-e-yon ; han-wce-weh ne kl- in-noi-een." Sui'h was the language of the Moiiegans, tlie IVcpiots, the Narragansets and Nipmueks; or so near did they ap|)roaeh oik' aiiotiier, that each couI-(; { Kcliilioii, l!i. I[ AliS. c'Dii.miiiiiiiMiDii ol' lli'v. !Mr. f'ly 152 UNCAS.— TREATMENT OF MIANTUNNOMOH. [Book IL To the inhabitants of this town the Mohegans seemed more particularly attiiched, probably from the circumstance of some of its settlers liaving relieved them when besieged by JVinigret, as will be found related in the ensuing history. The remnant of the ftlohegans, in 1768, was settled in the north-east corner of New Loudon, about five miles south of Norwich ; at which place they had a reservation. The Mohegans had a burying-place called the Royal burying-gromid, and this was set apart for the family of Uncas, It is close by the lails of the stream called Yantic River, in Norwich city ; " a beautiful and romantic spot." The ground containing the grave of Uncas is at present owned by C. GocUlard, Est|. of Norwich. This gentleman has, very laudably, caused an inclosure to be set about it.* When the commissioners of the United Colonies had met in 1643, com- plaint was made to them by Uncas, that Miantunnornoh had employed a Peqiint to kill him, and that this Pequot was one of his own subjects'. He shot Uncas with an arrow, and, not doubting but that he had accomplished his purpose, " fled to tlie Nanohiggansets, or their confederates," and proclaimed that ho had killed him. " But when it was known Vncas was not dead, though wounded, the traitor was taught to say that Uncus had cut through his own arm with a flint, and hired the Pequot to say he bad shot and killed liiiii. .Myatdinomo being sent for by the governor of the Massachusetts upou another occasion, brought the Pequot with bi;n : b\it when this disguise would not serve, and that the English out of his [the Pequot's] own mouth found him guilty, and would liave sent him to tlnctis his sagamore to be j)rocee(k'd against, Mi/antinomo desired he might not be taken out of bis hands, j)roniising [that] he would send [him] liiiiisclf to Vncus to be examined and punished ; but, contrary to his ])roinise, and fearing, as it ap|)ears, his own treachery might be discouered, he within a day or two cut off the Peacott's head, that he might tell no tales. Alkr this some attempts were made to poison linens, and, as is reported, to take away his life by sorcery. That being discovered, some of Sequasson^s company, an Indian sagamore allied to, and an intimate confederate with Myantinomo, shot at Uncus as be was going down Conectacatt River with a arrow or two. Vncus, according to the foresaid agreement," which was, in case of difficulty between them, that the English should be applied to as umpires, com})lained to them. They endeavored to bring about a peace between Uncas and Seqtiasson ; but Sequasson would hear to no over- tures of the kind, and intimated that he should be borne out in his resolution by Miantunnornoh. The result was the war of which we have given an account in the life of Miantunnornoh. We have also spoken there of the agency of the English in the aftiiir ol' Miantunnornoh^ s death ; but that no light may be withheld which can in any way reflect upon that important as well as melancholy event, W(! will give all that the conuiiissioners have recorded in their records concerning it. But firstly, we should notice, that, af\er Miantun- nornoh was taken prisoner, the Indians affirmed, (the adherents of Uncas doubtless,) that Miantunnornoh bad engaged the Mohawks to join him in his wars, and that they wisro then encamped only a day's journey frxim the fron- tiers, v.aiting for him to attain his liberty. The record then proceeds: — " These things being duly weighed and considered; the commissioners ajiparently see that f^ncus camiot be safe whilr Myantenomo lives ; but that, either by secret treachery or open force, Irs life will be still in danger. Wherefore they think he may justly put such a false and blood-thirsty euemv to death ; but in his own jurisdiction, not in the English i)lantat'ons. And advising that, in the manner of his death, all mercy and moderation be showed, contrary to the j, Hice of the Indians who exercise tortun-s and cruelty. And Vncus having hitherto shown himself a friend to the English, and in this craving their advice ; [thert.'lbre,] if the Nanohiggansitts Indians or others pliall unjustly assaidt Vncus lor this execution, upon notice and request the Liiiglish promise to assist and protect him, as far as they may, against such violence." We presume not to commentate upon this affair, but we would ask vvhetlief * 3 Cull. Mnss. Ilisl. Soo. iii. IJJ. Chap. V.] UNCAS. 153 it does not appear as prolmble, that Uncos had concerted the plan with liis Peqiiot suliject for tlie destruction of Mianiunnomoh, as timt the latter had plotted for the destruction of the former. Else, why did Mianiunnomoh put the Pe(|uot to death ? The commissionci-s do not say that the Pe(]not had by his confession any how implicated Mianiunnomoh. Now, if this Pequot had been employed by him, it does not seem at all likely that he would have put him to death, especially as he had not accused him. And, on the other hand, if he had acknowledged himself guilty of attcuipting the life of Ids own sachem, that it might be charged upon oihei-s, it is to us a plain re;.son why Miantunnomah should put him to death, being lully satisfied of his guilt ufion his own confession. It may be concluded, therefore, that the plot against Uncos was of his own or his Pequot subject's pin'ming. The Pefjuot's going over to Mianiunnomoh for protection is no evit Jo'tn Dames, [Davis ?] Benedict Arnold, and Francis Smyth, on their first aj'-'.val at Narraganset, were welcomed by the sachems, w)io offered them guides to conduct them to Uncas; but, eithcv having understood their intentions, or judging from their appearance '.hat the English messengers meant them no good, changed their de])ortnient altogether, and in the mean timt; secretly despatched messengers to the Nianticks before them, giving them to miderstand what was going forward. After this, say the messengers, " there was nothing but proud and insolent Chap, v.] UNCAS.— DKFENUEn 15Y THE ENGLISH, 155 passages [from JVirdsp^e.t.] The Indian f^iiidea which iJiey liad hroufriit witli fhoni (Vom PHmhamtnu\ Sokakanoco were, hy frowns and threateniii!^ speochoii, discoiiniired, and returned; no other s^uides conhl l»e obtained." Tiie sachems said they knew, hy what was done at Hartfbitl last year, that tiio English would tn-ge peace, "6i(t thty were resolved, tfiey said, to have no peace wUhoul Uncas his head." As to who began the war, they cared tiot, hut they were resolved to continue It ; that if the English did not withdraw their soldiers from Uncos, they should consider '-■<:. a breach of former covenants, and would j)rocure as many Mohawks as the English had soldiers to bring against tiiem. They reviled Uncos for having wounded himself, and then charging it upon tliem, and said he waa no fi-iend of the English, but would now, if he durst, kill the Englisii messengers, and lay that to them. There- fore, not being able to proceed, the English messengers returned to the Nar- ragansets, and acquainted Pessocus of what had passed, desiring he would furnisli them with guides; "he, (in scorn, as they apprehended it,) offered them an old Pracott sqnaw." The messengere iiow thought themselves in danger of being mas- sacred ; "thr«!e Indians with l- tciiets standing behind the interpret.^r in a suspicious manner, while lie wass s|)eaking witii Pessocus, and the rest, frowning and ex])ressing nnich distemper in their countenance and carriage." So, witiiout nuicli loss of time, they began to retrace their steps. On leaving Pessacus, they told him they should lodge at an Etgiish trading house not far off that night, and if he wanted to send any word to the English, he might send to them. In the morning, he invited them to return, and said he would furnish them with guides to visit Uncos, but he would not suspend hostilities. Not daring to risk the journey, the messengera returned home. Arnold, the interpreter, testifitMl that this was a true relation of what had passed, wiiich is necessai-y to be bo "ne in mind, as something may appear, as we proceed, impeaching the veracity of Jlrnold, Meanwhile 'le commissioners set forth an armament to defend Uncos, at all hazards. To justify this movement, they declare, that, " considering the great provocations offered, and the necessity we should be put unto of making war upon the Narrohiggin, &c. and being also careful in a matter of so great weight and general concernment to see the way cleared and to give satisfaction to all the colonists, did think fit to advise with such of tho magistrates and elders of the Mast-achnsetts as were then at hand, and also with some of tho ohi(>f military connnanders there, who being assembled, it was then agreed : Fii-st, that our engagement bound us to aid and defend the Mohegan sachenu Secondly, that this aid could not be intended only to defend him and his, in his fort or habitation, but, (according to the common acce|)tation of such covenants or engagements considered with the ground or occiision thereof,) so to aid him as liei^ mii^rht be preserved in his liberty and estate. Thndly, that this aid nni.st be speedy, least he might be swallowed up in tho mean time, and so come too late." " According to the counsel and determination aforesaid, the commissioners, considering tlie present danger of Uncas the Mohegan sachem, (his fort havin" been divcre times assaulted by a great army of the Narrohi^gansets, &c.) aj^reed to have 40 soldiere sent with all expedition for his defense." Lieu- tenant Athcrton and Sergeant John Davis led this company, conducted by two of " Culchomakin^s" Indians as guides. JUherton was oniered not to make an "attempt upon the town otherwise than in Uncos' defence." Captain Mason of Connecticut was to join him, and take the chief command. Foi'ty men were ordered also from Comiecticut, and 80 from New Haven under Lieu- tenai.t Seahj. In their instructions to Mason, the commissioners say, "We so now aim at the protection of the Mohegans, that we would have no opportimity neglected to weaken the Narragansets and their confederates, in thei„' number of iiicp, their cane canoes, wigwams, wampum and goods. We look uj)on the Manticks as the chief incendiaries and causes of the war, and s'lonhl be glad tl ley might first feel the smart of it." The Niantieks, therefore, were particularly to be had in view hy Mason^ and he was informed at the same time that Massachusetts and Plimouth were forthwith to send "another array to invadt; the Narragansets." ■ ; ;,:i 156 UNCAS— BESEIGED IN HIS FORT. [Book tl. The commissioners now proceeded to mnke choice of a commander in chief of the two armies. Major Edward Gibbons was unanimously elected. In his instructions is this passajrc: "Wlieioas tlie scope and cause of tiiis expedition is not only to aid tiie Mohejjans, but to offend the Narrngunsety, Nianticks, and otiier their confederates." He was directed also to conclude a peace with them, if they desired it, provided it were made with special reference to damages, &c. And they say, "But withal, according to oin* engagements, you are to provide for Uncos' future safety, that his plantations be not invaded, that his men and squaws may attend their planting and fishing and other occasions without fear or injury, and Vssamequine, Pomham, Sokakonoco, Cutchaniakin, and other Indians, friends or subjects to the English, b' lot molested," &c. Soon after the death of Miantunnomoh, which was in September, 1G43, his brother Pessacits, "the new sachem of Narraganset," then "a yoimg man about 20," sent to Governor fVinthrop of Massachusetts, as a present, an otter coat, a girdle of wampum, and some of that article besides, in value about £15. The messenger, named JFashose,* also a sachem, told the governor that his chief desired to continue in peace with the English; but that he was about to make war upon Uncas, to avenge the death of his brother, and liojied they would not interfere, nor aid Uncas. The governor said they wished to be ut peace with all Indians, and that all Indians woidd be at peace among themselves, and that they must agree to this, or they could not accept their present. IVaskose said he was instructed no further than to make known his mission and leave the j)resent, which he did, and returnl)viuus that (he tradition could not have l)eeu strictly preseivod (or 130 years." i1/^'. latter. Chap. V] INTF.RFERENCE OF THE ENGLISH. 157 their provision, in tiie niglit srnsons, upon wliicli the enemy raised the siege." • 111 consideration of wliich, " Uncas gave sundry donations of hind," &e.t At tiie congress of the counnissioners at Boston, in KMS, ahove mentioned, it was ascertained tliat tiie jnesent from Pessacus still remained among them, and therefore lie might think it was probable that the English had complied with their desires, as they had not returned it. Lest this should be so under- stood, Cajitain Harding, Mr. IVelbome, and Benedict Jimold, were ordered and commissioned to repair to the Narraganset country, and to see, if possible, " Piscus, Canownacus, Janemo," and other sachems, and to return the pres(;nt before mentioned, and to inform them that the English were well aware of their beginning: and prosecuting a Avar upon Uncas, and tlieir "having wounded and slain divers of his men, seized many of his canoes, taken some prisoners, sjioiled much of his corn," refused to treat with him, and threaten- ed the English. Nevertheless, if they would come themselves forthwith to Boston, they should be heard and protected in their journey, but that none «xce|it tli(>msclves would be treated with, and if they refused to come, the English were prepared for war, and would proceed immediately against them. Harding and Welhorne proceeded to Providence, where Arnold was to join them. But he was not there, and they were inlbrmed that he dared not venture among the Narragansets. Wliether he had been acting the traitor with them, or soinuthing (piite as much to merit condemnation, we will leave the reader to judge from the relation. Tlie two former, therefore, made use of Reverend Mr. If'illiams as interpreter in their business, but were reprimanded by the commissioners for it on their return. On going to the Narraganset sachems, and opening their business, it ap|)eared that all they were ordered to charg* them with was not true; or, at least, denied by them. These charges, it appeai-s, had been jireferred by Arnold, and sworn to u])on oath. The chiefs said "that lanemo, the Nyantick sachem, had been ill divera days, liiit had now sent six men to present his respects to the English, and to declare his assent and submission to what the Narroliiggenset sachems and the Eng- lish should agree upon." It ivas in the end agreed, that the chiefs, Pessacus, Mexam, and divers others, should proceed to Boston, agreeably to the desire of the English, which they did, in company with Harding and Welhome, who brought back the old jnesent, and for which they also received the censure of the congi-ess. They arrived at Boston just as the second levy of troops were marching out for their country, and thus the expedition was stayed until the result of a treaty should be made known. It ajipcarcd, on a conference with the commissionei*s, that the sachems did not fully understand the nature of all the charges against them before leaving their country, and in justice to them it should be observed, that, so far as the record goes, their case ajipears to us the easiest to be defended of the three parties concerned. They told the commissioners of sundry charges they Lad against Uncas, but they said they could not hear them, for Uncas was not * Some very bcamiful verses appeared several years since iii llio Connecticut ftlirror, to which it seems the above had g'iveu rise. 'I'liey were prefaced with the following among other observalions : " In the neighborhood of iVlohpgan is a rude recess, environed by roiks, which still retains tlie name of iTie ' clinir of Uncus;' and tliat the people of Uiicas were pensliiiig with hunger wiien LeJ/bigwell brouglit him relief. We give the following stauzaj i'roiii it: — " The monarch sat on his rocky throne, Before him the waters lay ; His guards were shapeless columns of stone, Their lot^y helmets with moss o'ergrown, And their spears of the bracken gray. " His lamps were tl:e fickle stars, that beamed Tlirongl) the veil of their midnight shroud, And the reddening flashes that fitfully gleamed When the distant (ires of the war-dance streamed Where his foes in frantic rtvel screamed 'Neath their canopy of cloud," &.c. t MS letter to Dr. Trumbull, before oiled, and life of Miantunnomoh, 14 \i 158 UNTAS— TREATY MADE AT BOj^TON. [Rook II. till re to s|'C!ik for liiiiiself ; and that they liud hindered his being notified of tilt if CDii mg. As to a hreacii of covenant, tiiey maintained, for some time, tii( y hu(' coiiiiniited none, and tliat their treatment of tlie Enj?ii»li had been uiisrc prcaented. "Hut, (says our record,) alter a long deijatu and sonio priuate coMfenencc, tliey liad witli Serjeant Cullicutt, they acknowledged they had brooken jjroniise or couenant in the afore nieneoned warns, luid od'eired to make another truce with Vncas, ehher till next planting tyrne, as tiiey had done last yeare nt Hartford, or lor a yeare, or a yeare and a quarter." They had been induced to make this admission, no doubt, by the persua- sion oi' CtdUcnt, who, jirobabiy, was instructed to inform them that the safety of their country depended upon their compliance with tlie wishes of the Eng- hsh at this time. Ar nrmy of soldiers was at tiiat moment parading tho streets, in all the po-up'- ity of a modern training, which nnist have reminded them of the • jIi^ destruction of their kindred at Mystic eight years before. The proposit of a ti 'ce being objected to by tlie English, "one of the sachems offered . •, ick or '.und to the commissi mcrs, expressing himself^ that therewith they jiut the ; : er and disposition cf the war into their hands, and desired to know tvhal the English would require of them." They were answered that the exjienscs and trouble they had caused the Englisli were very great, "besides the damage Fncas had sustained; yet to show their vwderacon, they would require of them hut twoo Vwiisanil fathome of wliite wampon for their owne satislU'-'con," but tliat they should restore to Uncas all the captives and canoes taken from him, and make restitution for all the cl rn they had spoiled. As for the last-mentioned offence, the sachems asserted there had been none such ; for it was not the manner of the Indians to de- stroy/ com. I'^his most excellent and indirect reproof must have had no small effect on those who heard it, as no doubt some of the actors as well as the advisers of the destruction of the Indians' corn, previous to and during the Pequot war, were now present: Block Island, and the fertile fields upon the shores of tlio Connecticut, must have magnified before their imaginations. Considering, therefore, that this charge was merely imaginary', and that Uncas had taken and killed some of their people, the English consented that Uncas "might" restore such captives and canoes as he had taken from them. Finally, they agreed to pay the wampum, " t. auing onely some case in the mauiier and tymes of payment," and on the evening of " the xxvVjth of tite 6 month, (August,) 1G45," articles to the following effect were signed by the principal Indians present: — 1. That the Narragansets and Nianticks had made war upon the Mohegans contrary to former treaties; that the English liad sent messengers to them without success, which had made them prepare for war. 2. That chiefs duly authorized were now at Boston, and having acknowl- edged their breach of treaties, having " thereby not only endamaged Vncas, but had brought much charge and trouble vpon all the English colonies, which they confest were just they should satisfy." 3. That the sachems agree for their nations to pay to the English 2000 fathom "of good white wampum, or a third i)art of good black wanipem- peago, in four payments, namely," 500 fatiiom in 20 days, 500 in four montlis, 500 at or before next jilaiiting time, and 500 in two years, which the English agree to accept as full " satistiiccoii." 4. That each party of the Indians was to restore to the other all thinga taken, and where caiiois were destroyed, others "in the roome of them, full as good," were to be given in return. The Englisli obligated themselves tor Uncas. 5. That as many matters cannot be treated of on account of the iibsence of Uncas, tiiey are to be dclerred until the next meeting of the eoiiiinis^'ioners Ht Hartford, in Sept. 1()4(), where both parties should be iieanl. G. The Narragansct and Niantic; saclieins bind themselves to keep peace with the English and their successors, "and with Fncas the Mohegaii sache/n Chap. V.] UNCAS— MEXAM. 159 le charge of and liis men, with Vsaamequin,* Pomham, Sokaknooco, Cxdchamakin, Sltoanan,^ Pussaconnway, and all otliurs. And that, in case diilicuitiea occur, they am to apiily to the English. 7. Tlioy promise to deliver np to the English all fugitives who shall at any time he found among them ; to pay a yearly tribute, " a month before Indian harvest, every year after tliis, at Boston," " I'or all such Pecotta as live amongst them," according to the treaty of l(i.'l8;t "namely, one fathom of white wampum for each Pequot man, and half a fathom for each Peacott youth, and one hand length of wampum for each Peacott man-child; and if H'cek' wash Cake§ refuse to pay this tribute for any Peacotts with him, tiie Narro- higganset sagamores promise to assist the English against him ;" and to yield up to the English the wiiole Pequot counti-y. 8. The sachems promise to deliver four of their children into the hands of the English, "viz". Pissaais his eldest sonn, the sonn of Tas.iwpiannwitt, brother to Piisacits, .^wtt,ihanoe his soiui, and Ewanf^eso^s sonn, a Nyantick, to be ke|>t as j)ledgesor hostages," until the wampum should he all ])aid, and they had met ifncas at nartt()rd, and Janemo and Ih/pdockn had signed the-.e arti- cles. As the children were to he sent for, fyUowash, Pomam.ie, Jawa^soe, and iraus^hivamino offered their i)ersons as security lor their iivery, who were accej)ted. 9. Hoth the securities and hostages were to be supportea at tho Enjilish. . 10. Tiiat if any hostilities were committed while this treaty was making, and before its provisions were known, such acts not to be considered a viola- tion thereof, 11. They agree not to sell any of their lands without aie consent of tho commissioners. 12. If any Pequots should be found among them o had murdered Eng- lish, they were to he delivered to the English. Here Ibllow the names, with a mark to each. Pessecus, AUMSAAQUEN, H ikpiltjf for the JVianlicla, Abdas, POMMCSH, Cutchamakins, Weekesanno, Wittowash. We do not see Mexam^s or Mixanno's name among the signers, although he is mentioned as being present, unless another name was then applied to him. Tiiere were four interpreters em))loyed upon the occasion, namely, Sergeant CuUicut and his Indian man, Cidchamakin and Josias.** From this time to tho next meeting of the commissioners, the counti-y seems not to have been much disturbed. In tlie mean time, however, Uncos, without any regard to the promise and obligations the English had laid them- selves under for him, undertook to chastise a Narraganset sachem for some alleged offence. On opening their congi'ess, at New Haven, letters fiom Mr. Morton and Mr. Peters, at Pequot, were read by the commissioners, giving accounts of Uncases perfidy. The complainants were sent to, and informed that Uncas was shortly to be there, and that they should bring their proof in order to a trial. Rleanwhile Uncas came, who, after waiting a few days, and his accusers not appearing, was examined and dismissed. It appears that the English at Nameoke, since Saybrook, were tlio suffering party, as their ncMghhorhood was tlie scene of Uncases depredations. Of some of the charges he acknowl- edged himself guilty, especially of fighting JVeckwash [Weciiiasli] Cooke so near te the [ilantation at Pequot ; although he allegcnl that some of tlie Fjitf- lisli there had encouraged fVequash to hrnt upon his lands. He was intoi nied IT Aii.asrijuiil. t I'prlmps t^hri'hdmin, or Sholini. ^ i\'eiiuasli Cook. || iVi'jnleamnrk. ** Son of ChikatauliHl , prdlni! ii: ly. m ' » 160 UNCAS— NUMKROU.S "IIARGCS AGAINST IIIM. [MooK n Jliat liis brother Imd nlso licnn Kiiilty of some oirciiro, hut ncithi-r the accuser nor the nccuwcrl were |)r('seiit, iiiid, llicrcforf, it could not he iictcd upon. So, nth'r a kind of reprimand, Unraa was diHinixscd, a.s vvc have Jn«t mentioned. Hut iH.'foru he had iell tlie town, Rlr. fVm. Morion arrived at court, wilii lluee Indians, to maintain the action nf;ainst liim; he was, tlierel'ore, calli-d in, and ;i hearing wa.s iiad, "hut the commissiont-rs founde noe caune to alter the CoriiK r writinge giuen him." This was as reganled the afliiir with It'eijuash. Air. Morton tlnii produced a I'equot powwow, named WitmpuKlut, who, he s.iid, had charged Uncus witii having hired Inm to do violence to another Indiiui, or to procure it to he done, which accordingly was eflected, tlu; Indian heing wounded with n lintchet. Tliis crime was at fiint laid to the charge of" Iti- (juash, as Uncus had intended. "IJut after [wards,] tlu; l*er|uat's powwow, troubled in conscience, could have no rest till h»! had fliscoured /';iri(» to he the author." lit; fii-st related his guilt to Roinn,* an Indian servant of Mr. H'inthrop ; hut, to the 8ur])risc of the whole court, jyampiishit, t\H\ only wit- ness, on being on. Hence, when he had committed the grossest insnifs on other Indians, the wheels of justice oflen moved so slow, that they arrived not at their object until it had become quite another matter. It must, however, be considered, that the English were very peculiarly sit- uated — ujion the very margin of an unknown wilderness, inclosed but on one side by Indians, whose chief business was war. They had destroyed the Perpiots, but tiiis only added to their fears, for they knew that reven^'e lurked still in the breasts of many, who only were waiting for an opportiuiify to gratify it; therefore, so long as one of the most numerous tribes could possi- bly be kept on their side, the English considered themselves in safety. They had madt) many missteps in their proceedings with the Indians, owing some- times to one cause and sometimes to another, for -which now there was no remedy; and it is doubtful whether, even at this day, if any set of men were to go into an unknown region and settle among wild men, that they would get along with them so much better than our fathers did with the Indians here, as some may have imagined. These are considerations which nnist be taken into account in estimating the " wrongs of the Indians." They seem the mon necessary in this place; for, in the biography of Uncas, there is as much, I'vrhaps, to censure regarding the acts of the English, as in any other article "i Indian hietory. The narrative just recited, being sent in to the court of Massachusetts, was referred to a select committee, who, on the 1 Jime, reported. That letters should be sent to Uncas, signifying how sensible the court was of the injuries he had done them, by his outrage upon the Indians of Quaba- conk, who lived imder their sagamore, fVassamagin, as set forth in the narrative. That, therefore, they now desired him to give up the captives and make restitution for all the goods taken from them, and to forbear lor time to come all such unlawfid acts. That, if Wassamagin or his sidyects had or should do him or his subjects any wrong, the English would, upon iis were from Narraganset Ray to Hudson's River, in the direction of the .jca-coast. Long Island was also under him, and Ids authority was tmdispiitcd fiir into the roimtrj'. A brother of Sass'icus, named Tassaqiianott, survived the Pequot war, and was one of those eoi.ijilained of by Uncas in 1(547, for giving his countrymen "crooked counsell" about a present of wampum, which he had advised to be given to the English instt-iid of him. It appears that on the death of a child of Uncas, the Pequots had presented him with 100 fathom of wampum,1[ which, when Tassaquanott knew, he disajiprcved of it, politicly urging, that if the English were conciliated by any means towards them, it mattered not much about Uncas. * Narrative, i. IIC. t We bolicve lliis iminc meant Gray foxes, hence Gray-fox Indians, or Pcqiiots. i Misl. New KiiRlnmljSa. \ See his Collections in I Coll. Muss. Hist. Soc. i. 147. || Ibid. 1J Hazard, Hisl. Col. ii. 90. V:- 166 SASSACUS.— PEQUOT WARS. [OooK 11 We are informed,* that Connecticut was claimed by right of conquest at s»nc time by the first white setth;rs, who found much of it cultivated and set- ti;;d by its Indian inhabitants, altliough tiiey endeavored that it slioiiid be understood otherwise. The numbers of the natives in that region were " tliousands, wlio liad three kings, viz. Connedicote, Qtdnniviog, and Sassa- cus." Connedicote was "emperor," or chief of cliiefs, an elevation in wliieh lie and his ancestors had stood for about 400 years, according to their ta-a- ditions. About tlie time the English bad determined on the subjugation of the Pe- quots, Roger Williams wrote to Governor Winthrop of IVIassachusctta, giving him important directions how they should proceed to advantage, and what was very important then, gave the Ibllowhig rude draft of their country : — River Qiinnihticiit,)' O a fort of Uio Niantaquitj: men, confederate \\'i\\\ the IVquts. Moliiganic River. Oliorn- I I I I owaiiko,^ the O VVeinslinukn, wliero swiiinp | | | | y or 4 miles from Sasacous, the chief aacliim, ia. Mis- tick, where is Mainoho,\\ another chief sachim. River. Najnri- O laqiiit,t where is H'rpileammok and our friends River. In the same letter, Mr. Williams urges the neces&ity of employing faitliful guides for the English forces; "as shall be best liked of [to] be taken along to direct, especially two Pequts; viz. Wequash^ [wliose name signified a swan, and Widtackquiackommin, valiant men, especially the latter, who have livec these three or four years with the Nanhiggonticks, and know every pass anc passage amongst them, who desire armor to enter their houses." In 1(534, as lias been before incidentally mentioned, one Captain Stone was killed by the Pequots, while upon a trading exjiedition in Connecticut River. Without knowing the reason of their killing Stone, the English demanded the murderers soon after, and as Sassacus was involved in troubles with the Nar- ragansets and all iiis neighbors, he thought it not best entirely to slight the demand of the English ; he therefore sent mosw-ngers to Boston, where they arrived (i November, with ofl«;rs of peace, which, after considerable delibera- tion on the i)art of the English, were accepted, and a treaty was entered into on the !Hh following. A messenger had been sent, in October, upon the same errand, but was dismissed with orders to inform Sassacus, that he must send persons of greater quality, and then the English would treat with him. "He brought," says Wintlirop, " two bundles of sticks, whereby he signified how many beaver and otter skins he would give us for that end, and great store of wampompenge, (about two bushels, liy his descrii)tiou.)" He had a small present with him, which was accepted by the English, who gave him in return, "a moose coat of as good value." The treaty entered into on the 9 Noveinber, 1(534, between the Pequots and English, stipulated that the murderers of Cajjfain Stone should be given up to the English, of whom there were at that time left but two, as attested by the ambassadors of 5as.?rtctM, who fiirther observed in ex[)lanation, that the sachem in whose time the act was committed, was dead, having been slain in a war with the Diiteli, and that all the men conci^rned in it, except two, Imd also died of the small-pox. This, together with the facts giv^n in concerning the death of Stone, inclin(>d the English to b«!li(>ve the account altogether; and, but lor what liajipened idlerwanls, it is probable that the hiatoriiins of tlial * Bill willi whnt Irulh I know iidi, for it ro^ls iipoii llic niilhorily of I'rters. t ('oiiiu'clicut. X Ni'uilicli. ^ A iiiiuK; si!jiiil\ iiifj an Oii7',v itcsl. Sidiif Utter II Pfoliulily Mmionolto. Chap. VI.] SASS.VCUS.— TIIK.\TY. 1G7 period would Imvc relied more ui)on the Pecjiiot.s' own nccou.it tliaii tlie gen- erul rmiior Sin'li ure tlie events ot' time — a oircunistanre may cliiuigo tlio (hte, nay, tlie ciiaracter of a nation, for a period, in the (^yes of many genera tions! iiut " O Time ! tlic beaiilifier of llic dead ! Adorncr of llu; riiiu 1 — lomforirr, Ami only healer, wlieii llio heart hath bled! Time, tlic corroeler where our judj^meiits err." In the progress of the treaty, the Peqtiot ambas.sador.s said, that if the two men then hving who had been eonc(!rned in Stone^s death, " were worthy of death, they would move their sachem to deliver them" to the I'higlish, luit thtit fis to themselves, they had no ])ower to do so, and at once urgeti the jtistn(!.s.s of their act without qualification. Stone, they said, came into their river tiiid seized u|»on two of their men, tmd hotmd them hanil and foot, and, in tlitit situation, obliged them to pilot him up the river. Wht'ii he had gone ti|) as far as he desired, himself and two other white men, and the two manacled Indianr,, went on shore, RIeanwIiile they had been watcher! by nint; Indians, who, when they found the Englishmen asleep on the following night. Cell upon them and massacred them. Considering the state of the Indians, no blame cotdd be attached to them for this act ; two of their countrymen were in the hands of an tntknown jxiople, who, from every ap[)earance, were about to put them to death, iiiid it wiis by an act of pure benevolence and heroism that they delivered them out of the hands of an invjiding foe. Therefore, being siitisfied with the accoimt, the English agr(ed to iiave peace witii them,i(rovided they wotild give up the two men when they should send for them; "to yeld up Connecticut ;" to give 400 liithom of Wiunitom, and 40 beaver and 30 otter skins ; and that the English should immediiitely send a vessel with a cargo of cloth to trade with them The names of these ambassadors an; not recorded ; but one signed the treaty with the mark of a bow and arrow, and the other with that of a hand. The .«ame day about 2 or 800 Narragansets were discovered at Neponset, who had nitirched out for the ptirpose of killing these ambassiulor.*". This discovery being made befon; the treaty was concluded, the lOnglish met them ut Koxbury, and there negotiated a treaty between the I'eqiiots and them. l''or the fm-therancc of which, the Peqtiots instructed the l''ngli'h to present them with a portion of the wampom which they vere to give to them ; btir not its coining from them, because tliey disdained to ])>irchiis<^ jietice of that iitition The Narragansets readily conceding to the wishes of the English, all |)iiitieu retired satisfied. Distrttst soon grew again into antipathy ; it having been reported that St>ne and tlios'^ with him were treacherotisly sin-prised by the i'eiittots who liiid gone on noard his vessel in a fiMendly niiuiner to trade ; inid seeing (Jiiptiiiii Slone asleep in his cabin, they killed him, and the other men one atler the other, except t;a|)tain JVorton, who, it seems, was with him ; he being a resolute man, d(;fended himself for .some time in the cook-room, but at length, some powder, which for the more ready use he had placed in an o[)en ves.sel, took fire and exploded, by which he was so seriously injured, especittlly in his eyes, that ho cotiid hold out no longer, and he was fbilhwith despatched by them. This matter at length having become fixed in the minds of the English according to the latter relation, they were the more retidy to charge other circumstmices of a like nature u]ion the Petiuots. On tht! 20 .Inly, KilU!, as l\Ir. John Olilham was on his |)assage passing neiu* iManisses, that is, IJlock Island, in a small pinntice, 14 Narritganset Indians attacked :ind kilii'd him, and mad(; his crew prisoners, which consisted only of cwo boys luid two Narraga.i.-ict Indians. The same ihiy, as John llallop was on his passage from Coimectictii, in a bark of 20 ton.s, an adverse wind drove him neiu* the same island. On seeing a vessel in possession of Indians, he bore down upon her, and im mediittely kninv her to be Captain Olilhamlt. He hiiiled those on boani, but receiv 'd no answer, and soon saw n boat pii.ss from the v(>ssel to the shore full of men and goods. As Gallop neanid the siispiciotis vessel, she slipped her fasti'iiing, and the wind being ofi' the land drilled h(;r towarils Nurnigan- ^r-f ,'C8 EEA-FIGIIT.— JOHN GALLOP. [Book fi Bou Not\vit}istan(1ing some of tlic Indians were armed witli giws nnd sv.cjrds Gallop, l)i'iiij5 ill a stouter vessel, resolved on rniming tlieiii down; lie tlicre- fijrt! made all sail, and iiiiiiiediately stemmed the pirate vessel on the quarter with such foree as nearly to ovei-set her, and in their fright six Indians jumped overhoard and were drowned. The rest standing upon the defensive, nnd being yet (iu- superior in niimi)ers to Gallop^s crev/, which consisted of two little boys ui.l one n.au, to board them was thought too hazardous ; Gallop therefore stood off to repeat his broadside method of attack. Meanwhile he contrived to lash his anelior to his bows in such a manner, that when he come down upon the Indians a second time, the force was sulHcient to drive the fluke cf the anchor through their quarter ; which, holding there, l)oth vessels flouted along (xgether. The Indians had now become so territied, that they stood not to the fight, but kept m the hold of the ])iimace. Gallop tired in upon them sundry times, but without much execution, and meaiitiine the vessels got loose Trom one another, and Gallop stood ofl" again for a third attack. As soon as ho was clear of them, four more of the Indians jumped overboard, and were also drowned. Gallop now ventured to board his prize. One of the remaining Indians came up and surrendered, and was bound ; another came up and subniitled, whom they also bound, but fearing to have both on lioard, this last was cast into the sea. Two out of the 14 now remained, who had got posses- sion of the hold of the pinnace, and tnere successtiilly del'cnded themselves with their swords against tiu'ir enemy. Captain Oldham was Ibund dead in the vessel, concealed under an old s(Mne, and as his body was not entirely cold, it was evident that lie had been killed about the time his pinnace was discov- ered by Gallop. From the condition in which Ohlhaui's body was found, it was quite uncer tain whether he had fallen in an affray, or been murdered deliberately ; but it is very jirobable that the former was the fact, because it was uncommon for the Indians to disfigure the slain, unless killed as enemies, and Ol(lhan.\'i body was shockingly •'angled. IJut Cajitain Oldham had been killed by the Imvians, nnd the cry of vengi-aiice was up, and cool investigation must not be lOoked for. The murder had been committed by the Inilians of ^lanisses, but JMa- iiisses was under the Narragansets ; t'lerefore it was believed that the Narra- gansets had contrived his death becau o he was carrying into efti3ct the articles of the late treaty between the Peqnot:. and English. Tlie U\o boys who were with INl r. Oldham were not injured, and wen; immediately gi"en up nnd sent to Bo ton, where they arrived the 30th of the same month. As soon as Miantunnomtii lieard ol ihe affair of Captain Oldham, lie ordered JVinifi;rH to send for the boy« .■■ l ,., -ods to Block Island. The l)oys he caused to lie deliverei' io iMr. Iftllhi.ur, u ,d the goods he held subject lo the order of the English of iMassachusetts. Meanwhile, 2t).Iiily, the two Indians who were in Mr. Oldham^s pinimce when she was taken, were sent by Cavonicus to Governor J'ane. They hro;'ght a letter from Roger tf'Uliams, which gave uii account of the whole afliiir, and some circumstances led the I'higlish to believe these messengers were accessory to tin; death of Oldham ; but we know not if any thing further were ever done nbout it. The saiiK- letter infbrund the governor 'hat jMian- iunnomoh had gone, with 200 men in 17 canoi's, "to take revenge, &c." These events and transactions soon caused the convening of the governor nnd council of Massachusetts, who forthwith declared war against the Indians of Maniss(^s. Accordingly J)0 men were raised and jiut uiuler the commaia' of Captain John fhvlerolt, who was general of the expedition. John UnderhUl iuid JVathamel Turner were captains, and Jenysi n and Davenport ensigns. Endccott^s iiistrnclions were to put to tieatli the men of Block Island, but to make captives of tlie women nnd childri>n. This armament set forth in three pinnacf s with two Jndians as gnidi's, 2.5 September, l().'J(i. On li.'i ving at Manisses they saw many Indians, but could not get near them. At Pequot harbor, a part of the; armament seized a quantity of corn I' 'longing to tin; Peqnols, ai d were attack-d and obliged to fly However, the rSaria^nn.'^ets reported fhuf .Here were 1.'} J'tMjnots killed durina -he exjiedition. T'lf iMiglisI were satisfied ihattlny had li.irbored the nnirdi rers of Oldham, w iii'li oecasiuncd ilieir sailing to l'e(|uot harbor. It I'l'lng now late in th»3 gt'USOJi, the expedition wm given up, to be resumed early in the s|)ring. £ m<^ "H"'*" Chap. VI.] PEQTIOr DEPREDATIONS. 169 The Pcquots, being now left to themselves, commenced depredations wher- ever they tlured a|)[)enr. About the beginning of C)ctol)er, as five men from Saybrook were collecting bay at a meadow four miles above that j)laee, they were attacked, and one of them, named BiiHcrfidd, was taken ai.d killed ; frc.ni which circinnstance the meadow still bears bis name. About 14 days alter, two men were taken in a cornfield two miles from Saybrook fort. There wero eix of the whites, and they were surrounded by 2 or 300 Indians, yet all escaped but two. Thus imboldened by success, they carried their depredations within bowshot of Saybrook fort, killing one cow and shooting arrows into sundry others. On the 21 October, Miantminovioh, fearing ft)r the safety of bis English friends, came to Boston, accompanic d by two of Canonic I's's sons, another sachem, and about 20 men. Kiitshaniakin had given notice of his coming, and a company of soldiei-s met him at Roxbnry and escorted him into the town. Here he entered into a treaty with the Ijiiglish, by which it was nnitually agreed that neither should make peaces with the I'ecpiots without the consent of the other ; and to put to death or deliver up nnu'derers. About the same time, John Tillci/ was taken and killetl, and tortured in a most barbarous manner. As he was sailing down Coimecticut River in his bark, he landed about throe miles above Saybrook fort, a;>d having shot at some fowl, tb(! report of bis guii directed the Indians to the spot. They took him prisoiK-r at first, and then cut off bis hands and feet. He lived three days after his hands were cut off, and bore this torture without comjilaint, which gained him the reputation of being "a stout !nan" among his tormentors. These fiicts were rejjorted by the Indians th(!mselves. Another man who was with Tillcij was at the same time killed. On tlu^ 22 February, Lieutenant Gardner and nine men went out of Saybrook fort, and wt>r(! drawn into an ambush, where lour of them were killt.'d, and the rest escaped with great difKculty. On April 12, six men and three women were killed atWeathei-sfield. They nt the same time kdled 20 cows and a boi-se, and carried away two young women. Alarm was now general throughout the English plantations. Miantunnonwh having sent a messenger to Boston to notify the English that tbt; Pecpiots had sent away their women and children to an islami, 40 men were immediately sent to Nari'aganset to join others raised by Miantunnomoh, with the mtention of falling upon them by sur|)rise. In the mean tinie, Captain Mason, with a company of 90 men, had been raised by Connecticut and sent into the Pequot country. He was accoin- j)anied by Uncas and a largo body of bis warriors, who, in their march to Saybrook, 1.1 May, fell upon about 30 Pequots antl killed 7 of them. One being taken alive, to their i^verlasting disgrace it will bo rcmendiered, liiat the English caused him to be tortuied ; and the heads of uU the slain were cut off", and set up on the walls of the l()rt.* Innnediatoly after Captains M/uson and UntlcrhiU set out t" attack one of the forts (if Sa.isacun, This fort was situated upon an eminence in the present town of Groton, Connecticut. The English arrived in its vicinity on the 25th of May ; and on the 2()lh, bofon; day, with about .500 Indians, encompassed it, and began a furious attack. The jNlohi'gans and Narragansets discover"d greit far on a|>proacbing the fort, and could not believe that the English would dare to attack it, When they came to the foot of the hill on which it v/iis situated, Captain Mason wt\s ai)prehensive of being abandoned by them, and, making a halt, sent for Uncas, v/lio led the Mohegans, and fVeqxuish, their pilot, who was a fiigitive I'equot chief,+ and urged them not to desert him, but to follow liiin at any distance they ploiised. These Indians had all along told the English they dared not fight the Pocpiots, but boasted how they themselves Mason told them now they should see whether Englishmen woidd fight. * ]yiiithrop's .louriinl, mid Mitsuti's Ili.sl. l'ec|uol War. — Dr. Mather's account of lliU alliiir lias t.i'cii given in llio life of I 'urns. t 'I'lio same, il is bclicvod, olsowiicro called TI'i^mks/i Cnok ; " wtiirh Wpz/miIs/i (says Dr i. M'ltlii'r) was lir liirlii a sachiMii of llial place [wlicre Sitssnnis lived), hut upon some dispisl rer< '.veil, lie weiil Iroin llic I'ecimils to ilk- Nair.igaiisols, and bucaiue a cliief cajilaiii under Mi .ntHitiioiHok."-^lielatwii, n. 15 % 1 1l 1'" ' 170 DESTRUCTION OF THE PEQUOTS. [HnoK n would (li " 30 Indians taken intt) a vessel, carried out to sea, murdered, and, in the agonu's of death, tin own overboard, to be bin-ied luider the silent wave." I \Vhei«- ibouts they were ca]ilured, or "without" what "harbor" they periwic:' we ar.' twu infi)rmed ; but, (rom the nature of the circumstances, it woui.i boe.-ii tl a' il.ey were taken on the borders of the Narraganset country, and 'lunleini ;it liie MOUth of some of the adjacent harbors. That ini'se yow \\retches were thus revengefidly sacrificed, should have been enough i > allay the hatred in the human breast of all who knew it, especially the 'uXoiiV? /I.' Iiut he must imagine that, in their |)assage to their grave, they did not go in a vessel of human contrivance, but in a boat belong- ing to u river of ln^ll! thereby forestalling his reader's mind that they had been sent to tha! "bode. * Allen's History of the Peqiiot War. It siffnifiod, lhi::lislimen.' Englishmen! hi Mason's hi itory, it is \ T'ltun Oicminx Allen nicrcly oo|>ied (Vi.ni I/ouk, with a linv such variations. t " II was supposed." savs Mitthvr. '■ that no loss than .')()() or (illO I'cqnol souls wore hrougSil down to hell that day." Jlelulinn, 1-7. ^Vc in charily suppose, that by hell the doctcr ouly uieuut death. Chap. VI.] LETTER OF CAPTAIN STOUGHTOX. 171 Notwitiistanding tlii! irrent sltuiglitcr at Mi^tick, tlicn" were jrrfat niimlx-rs of Pcqiiots ill the coii'itry, who wt-re hmitt'il from s\vaMi|) to swuinj), ami their iiiinilteis thinned coiitimially, until a remnant promised to ajipear no more as a nation. The Enf^lisii, under Captain Slovs^hton, cnine into Peqiiot River aI)OHt a foilnigiit alter tiie Mistieit figiit, and a.-'sisted in the woriv of tiieir e.xtermina- lion. After his arrival in the enemy's country, he wrote to the governor of IMa.ssaehusetts, as follows: " lly tiiis piinince, you shall receive 48 or 50 women and ehildren, unless there st;iy any hen^ to he helpful, &c. Concern- ing which, there is one, I formerly mentioned, that is the iliire.st and largest that I saw amongst them, to whom I have given a coate to cloatho her. Jt is my desire to have lier for a servant, if it may stand with your good liking, else not. Then; is a little squaw that steward Culacul desiretli, to whom he hath given a coalc. Lieut. Davenport also desireth one, to wit, a small one, that hath three strokes upon her stomach, thus: — ||| -|-. II(! desireth her, if it will stand with your good liking. Sosomon, the Indian, desin^th a young little B(|uaw, which I know not. " At present, Mr. Haijnes, Mr. Ltullo, Captain Mason, and 30 men are with us in Pecjuot River, and wo shall the next week joine in seeing what we can do against i^iassacus, and another great sagamore, Monoivaltuck, [Mononotto.] Here is yet good work to he done, and how dear it will cost is unknown. Sassacus is resolved to sell his life, and so the other with their company, as dear as they can." * Perhaps it will be judged that Stoiighlon was looking more after the j)rofit arising from the sale of captives, than li)r warrioi-s to fight .ith. Indeed, Mason^s accoimt does not give him much credit. Speaking of the English employed in this expedition, Jf'olcott thus im- mortalizes tliem : — " These were tlie men, this was the little l);in(1, That (Uirsl the forrc ol" llie new worhl wiihstniul. These were the iiioii that liy iheir swords iiiadu way For peace and safety in America." Vacant Hours, 4-1-. There was a manifest disposition on the pait of Tineas, Canonicus, Miaiitunnnmoh and jYiniE^et, and [)erhaps other chiefs, to screen the ])oor, denounced, tmd flying Pequots, who had escaped the flames and swords of the English in their war with them. Pait of a correspondence about these sachems' harboring them, between R. fViUiams and the governor of Massachusetts, is preserved in tin; Collections of tin; 3Iassachusetts Historical pDciety ; from which it a|)pears, that Massachusetts had re(juestt!d Mr. ff'illinma to e.\])lain to the chiefs the cons(;quences tc b(! depended iq)on, if they did not strictly observe their agreement in regard to the fugitive Pecpiots. Ofashj earned io Mr. Jf'illiams a letter from the ftliissachnsctts governor itpon this siibjeci. After he had obeytul its contents, as far as lie was able;, he aiiswereil, that he went with 0/as/i" to the Nanhiggonticks, and having got ( iinounicm and MiaiUunnomn, with their council, together, I acquainted them fiiith fully with the contents of your letter, W/i f^ievances and threateninns ; and to demonstrate, I jiroduced the copy of the league, (which Mr. [Sir Henry] Vane sent me,) and, with breaking of a straw in two t iiree places, I eliowed them what ihey liad done." These chiefs gave Mr. fVillianiS to undei-stand, that, when Mr. Govenior understood what they hail to say, he would be satisfied with their conduct; that they did not v/isli to make ti()iibl(>, but they "cuuhl relate many particulars wlicrcin the EnsrliKh had broken their promises" sinc(! the war. In regiu'd to some squaws that had escaped from the English, Canonicus said h«! iiad not seen any, but hetud of some, and immediately ordered them to be carried back again, and had not since heard of them, but would now have the country searched for them, to satisly the governor. Miatitunnomoh said he had never heard of but si.x;, nor saw l)ut four of them ' Mni"'. > npl letter of Cnplain Sftmighton, on tile among our stale papers. 'totuash, Mr. Williitms writes his name. . if 172 OF THE PEQUOT NATION. [Book II. which being brought to hitn, lie wa.s angry, and asked those who brouglit thciii why they did not carry them to Mr. Williams, tiiat he might convey them to the English. They told him the sqnaws wore lame, and could not go ; upon '.vliich Mianlunnomoh sent to Mr. fyilliams to come and take them. Mr. }f'il- liams could not attend to it, and in his turn ordered Miantunnomoh to do it, who said he was busy and could not; "as indeed he was (says Williams) in a strange kiii(' uf solemnity, wherein tlie sachims eat nothing but at night, and all th(! natives round about the country were feasted " In the mean time the squaws escaped. Miantunnomoh said he was sorry that the governor shoidd think he wanted these squaws, for he did not. Mr. Williams told him he knew of his sending for one. Of this charge he fairly cleared himself, saying, the one sent for was not for himself, but for Sassamun* who ^^^s lying lame at his house; that Sassamun fell in there in his way to Pequt, whither he had been sent by the governor. The s(piaw he wanted was a sachem's daugiiter, who had been a [)articidar friend of Miantunnomoh during his lifetime ; therefore, in kindness to his dead friend, he wished to ransom her. Moreover, Miantunnomoh said, he and his people were true "to the English in life or death," and but for which, he said, Okase [Unkus] and his Mohiga- noucks had long since proved false, as he still feared they would. For, he said, they had never foimd a Peqtiot, and added, " Chenock ejuse wdompali- mucks?" that is, "Diil ever friends deal so with friends?" Mr. Williams requiring more |)articular explanation, Miantunnomoh proceeded :— • " My brother, Yotaash, had seized uj)on Puttaquppuunck, (^uame, and 20 Pequots, and (iO squaws ; they killed three and bound the rest, whom they watched all night. Then they sent for the English, and delivered them in the morning to ihem. I came by land, according to \)romise, with 200 men, killing 10 Pequots by the way. I desired to see the great sachem Puttaquppu- xinck, whom my brother had taken, wlio was now in the English houses, but the ICnglish thrust at me with a pike many times, that I diu'st not come near tlie door." Mr. Williams told him they did not know him, else they would not ; but Miantunnomoh answered, "All my company were disheartened, and they all, and Cutshamoquene, desired to be gone." Iksides, he said, "two of ?ny men, Wagonckwhut] and Maunamoh [Meihamoh] were their guides to Sesquankit, fron» the river's mouth." Upon which, Mr. Williams adds to the governor: " Sr', T dare not stir coals, but I saw them too much disregarded by many." Mr Williams told the sachems "they received Pequts and wampom without Mr. Governor's consent. Cannounicus re})lied, that although he and Miantun- no7nu had paid many hundred fathom of wampum to their soldiers, as Mr. Governor did, yet he had not received one yard of beads nor a Petpit. Nor, saith Miantunnomu, did I, but one small present froiii four women of Long Island, which were no Pequts, but of that isle, being afraid, desired to pul themselves under my protection." The PiMjuot war has generally been looked upon with regret, by all good men, since. To exterminate a ])eoplo before they had any opportunity to become enlightened, that is, to be made acquainted with the reason of other usag(>s towards their fellow beings than those in which they had been brought up, is a gnat cause of lamentation ; and if it proves any thing, it proves that great ignovance and barbarism lurked in the hearts of their exterminators. We do not mean to exclude by this remark the great body of the j)resent inhabitants of the earth from the charge of such barbarism. In the records of the United Colonies for the year 1G47, it is mentioned that " IMr. John Winthrop making claim to a great quantity of land at Niantic by |)urchjise from the Indians, gave in to the conunis.sionei-s a petition in those woi'ds : — ' Whereas I had the land of Niantick by a deed of gill and purchase from the Mchem [Sassacus] before the [Pequot] wai*s, I desire the conunis- Bioiiers will be i)leased to confirm it unto me, and clear it from any claim of • Prnhalily ilic s;iiiii' nu'.auincd afterwards. He might have been the fainous John Sassa- mon, or his liriilhcr liaii lend. t J'L'rliii|)S \\'ulijfiimii(i/l, or ]\'aligiitiiiicut. Chap. VI.) MONONOTTO. 173 Englii^h and Indians, according to the equity of llio case.' " Jfinihrop liad no writing from Sitssnciui, niid full ten years liad tla|)scd .since tlic transaction, but FrouuUush, fVamberqmtske, iiiu\ JhUitppo tesiificd some time aller, that "ii[>()n their knowledge before the wars W(^re against the I'diiiot.", Sasmriin iheii Bacliein of Niantic did call them and all lii.s men together, and told that In; was resolved to give his country to the governor's son of the Mas.sa(^husetts, who lived then at Pattuquassat alias Connecticnt Uiver'.M month, and all his men declared themselves willing therewith. Thereupon he went to him to I'atta- quasset.«, and when lie came back he told them In; had granted all his country to him the said governor's son, and said lu; was his gooci friend, and he hoi)e(l be would send some Engli.sh thitlu'r some tina; hereafter. Moreover, he told bim he had received coats from him for it, which they saw him bring home." This was not said by those Indians themselves, but several English siwl theij heard them say so. The commissioners, however, set aside his claim willi considerabl(! n]i|)(;arance of independence. Dr. Dwight thus closes his poem upon tlie destruction of the Pequots : — " Undaunted, on their foes tliey fierrcly flew ; As fiort'e the dusky warriors crowd the fijjlit ; Despair inspires ; lo ooinhal's lace they ^Uir ; With f^roans and shouts, Ihey rage, uiikno\MU!j fli;^ht. And close their sullen eyes, in shades of endless iii-rlit. liulnli^e, my native land, indulge the tear That steals, impassioned, o'er a nation's doom. To mo, each Iwi^ from Adam's stock is near, And sorrows fall upon an Indian's tomb." And, O ye chiefs ! in yonder starry home, Accept the humlile Irihule of this rhyme. Your ffallant deeds, in Greece, or hauglily Rome, i>V .Maro suns, or Homer's harp suliliine, Had charmed the world's wide round, and triumphed over I'me.'' Another, already mentioned, and the next in conseqtience to Sassaciut, wag Mo.\o.\oTTO. Hubbard caWs him a "noted Indian," whose wife and children fell into the hands of the English, and as "it was ktiown to be by her media- tion th;'t two I'^nglish maids (that were taken away from Wetithersfield, upon Connectictit River) were saved from death, in requiltal of whose pity and humanity, the life of herself and children was not only granted her, but she was in spcicial recommended to the care of Gov. fFinthrop, of Massachusetts." fllononntlo iled with Sassaais to the Mohawks, fo," protection, with stiveral more chiefs. He was not killed by them, its Sassacu- was, but escaped from thcin wotnided, tind pro lably (hed by tiie hands of his English enemies. He is thtis mentioned by Governor JVolcott, in his poem upon Winlhrop's agen- cy, &c. " Prince Mnnonotto sees his squadrons fly, And on our general having fixed his eye, Rage and revenge his spirits quickening. He set a mortal arrow in the siring." On the 5 August, WyJ?, Governor JVinlhrop makes *he following entry in hia journal : — " Mr. Ludlow, i\Ir. Pinchcon, and about 12 more, catne by land from Connecticut, atid liioiight with them a i)art of the skin and lock of hair of Sasacus and his broiher and 5 other Pequod sachems, who being fled to the Mohawks for shelter, with their watnpom (being to the value of £500) were by them surpiis(;d and slain, with 20 of their best irien. Mononottoh was also taken, but escapi'd wounded. Thej* brotight news also of divers other Pequods which had been slain by other Indians, ai\d their heads brought to the English ; so that now then; had been slain and taken between 8 and 900." The first trouliles with the Peqtiots have already been noticed. It waa among the people; of Monnnnttn, that the English caused the; blood of a Pequot to flow. Some English had beisn killed, bu* there is no more to excuse the murder of a Peqitot than an I'^nglishtnan. The English had injured the Indians of Hlock Island ail in their power, which, it seems, did not .satisfy them, and tiiey next undertook to make spoil upon them in theii- own country 15 * J' 174 mONONOTTO.-CASSASSlNNAMOX. [no5 Several niaimsrript tlociinieiils. 11 Hubbard. U 1 Coll. Mass. nut. Sue. X. 101. Chap. VII] PllAVING INDIANS. 175 CHAPTKR VII. Df tlir. Prni/lng or Christian Indians in. A'rw F,neeediiire, is driven hy reason, or the light of sc-ience, from his stronii-hold of ifrnonmce, or, in other words, superstition, he is cxtrenady lialile to tidl into the; ojiposite extreme, to whicli rdlusion luis just heen made, hecans*; he will unhesitatingly Fay, what once ajjpeared past all discovery has been shown to be most |)laih, niid thereti)re it is not only possible, but even probable, that others will be disclosed of a like charact<;r. It so happeiKS, that in altem|)ting to substitute one faith for another, in the minds of India. is, that the one jiroposed admits of no better demonstration than the one already jiossessed by them; for their manner of transmitting things to he remembered, is the most impressive fuid sacred, as will he else- where observed in our work. That any thing lidse should be handed down from tlieir a;;ed matrons and sires, conid not be for a moment believe> ^ / Hiotographic Sciences Corporation ^^ &^ \ :\ ^ 6^ 23 WIST MAIN STRUT WnSTIR.N.Y. 14SM (716)t72-4»03 %^^* ^ r-**V'^ 176 PRAYING INDIANS.— NESUTAN. [Hook II. I ■ sider the natural distrust that must necessarily arise in tlie minds of every |)copie, at the sudden influx of strangers among them. When any new theory was presented to their minds, the tirst rpiestions that would present themselves, would most unquestionably he. What are the real motives of tiiiH new ])eoi)le ? — Do they really love us, as they pretend ? — Uo they really love one another? or do they not live, many of them, upon one another? — Is not this new 8tate of things, which they desire, to enable them to subsist by us, and in time to enslave us, or de|>rive us of our possessions? — Does it nut oppear that these strangers arc full of nclfishness, and, therefore, have every motive wirch that passion gives rise to for deceiving us? — Hence, we rcj)eat, that it can hardly be thought strMUge that Chriutiauity has made bo slow progress aniong the Indians. Notwithstanding one of the ostensible objects of nearly all the royal char- ters and patents issued for liritish North America was tlic Christianizing of the Indians, few coidd be found c(]ual to the task on arriving here ; where wants of every kind required nearly all their labors, few could be found willing to forego every comfort to engage in a work which presented so many difliculties. Adventurers were those, genendly, who emigrated with a view to bettering their own condition, insteai) of that of others. At length Mr. John Eliot, seeing that little or nothing coold lie effected through the medium of his own language, resolved to make himself mastei of the Indian, and then to devote himself to their service. Accordingly he hired * an oldf Indian, named Job JVe»utan,\ to live in his family, and to teach him his language. When he had accomplished this arduous task, which he did in "a few months,"^ he set out upon his first attempt; having given notice to some Indians at JVonantum,\\ since Newton,!! of his intention. With three others he met the Indians for the first time, '.J8 October, lG4(i. Jf'uau- bon,** whose nai» 'j signified toind,\\ "a wise and grave man, though no Sachem, with five or six Indians met them at some distiuice from their wig- wam.s, and bidding them welcome, conducted tliem into a large apartment, where a great inunlwr of tlie natives were gathered together, to hear this new doctrine." \l Afler jjrayers, and an explanation of the ten conuuandments, Mr. Eliot informed them "of the dreadful ciuse of (iod tu Air. Eliot, and in a few days after, tVampas, "a wise and sage Indian," and two others, with some of hia children, came to the English. lie desired that these might be edu- cated in the Christian faith. At the next meeting all the Indians prt^sent " offered their children to be catechised and instructed by the English, who upon this motion resolved to set up a school among them." Mr. Eliot, notwithstanding his zeal, seems, well to have understood, that something beside preaching was necessary to reform the lives of the Indians ; and ttiat was, tlieir civilization bv education. It is said that one of his noted sayings was, Thf. Indians must oe civilized as well as, if not in order to their being. Christianized.* Therefore, the request of the Indians at Nonantum was not carried into effect until a place could lie fixed upon where a regular settlement should be made, and the catechumens had shown their zei*. for the cause by assembling themselves there, and conforming to the English mode of living. In the end this was agnu'd upon, and Natiok was fi\eii a.s the place for a town, and the following short code of laws was set ui) and agreed to: — I. If any man be idle a week, or at most a fortnight, he sh'ill pay five shillings. — II. If any unmarried man shall lie with a young woman unmarried, he shall pay twenty shillings. — III. If any man shall beat his wife, his hands shall be tied behind him, and he shall be carried to the place of justice to be severely punished. — IV. Every young man, if not another's servant, and if unmarried, shall be compelled to set up a wigwnm, and plant for hnnself, and not shifl up and down in other wigwams. — V. If any woman shall not have her hair tied up, hut hang loose, or be cut as men's hair, she shall pay five shillings. — VI. If any woman shall go with naked breasts, she shall pay two shillings. — VII. All men that wear long locks shall pay five shilling, — Vin. If any shall kill their lice between their teeth, they shall pay five shillings. In January following another company of praying Indians was established at Concord ; and there were soon several other places whore meetings were held throughout the country, from Cape Cod to Narragansetf Of these, Sir. Eliot visited as many and as oflcn as he was able. From the following pas- sage in a letter which he ^vroto to Mr. Winslow of Pliinouth, some idea may be formed of the hardships he under^vent in his pious labors. lie says, " I have not been dry night nor day, from the third day of the week unto the sixth, but so travelled, and at nigiit pull off my Imots, wring my stockings, aiid on with them again, and so continue. But iim\ steps in iind helps." }^ The chiefs and powwows would not have suffered even so much groimd to have been gained by the gospel, but for the awe they were in of the Eng- lish power. "Nor is this to be wondered at," says the very good liistor-in, Mr. N'eal, "for if it be very difficult to civilize barbarous nations, 'tis m eli more so to make them Christians: All men have naturally a venerntior for the religion of their ancestors, and the prejudices of education ^ are insupera- ble without the extraordinary grace of God." " Tlie Monhcgin Indians were so jealous of the general court's obliging them to pray to God, that Uncas, their sachem, went to the court at Ilartt<)rd to protest against it. Cutshamoquin^ another sache>n, came to the Indian lecture, and openly protested against their building a town, telling the Eng- lish, that all the sachems in the country were against it. Ho was so lioneMl as to tell Mr. Eliot the reason of it; for (says he) the Lidians that pray to (Jod do not pay mo tribute, as formerly they iJid ; which was in part true, for when>as before the sachem was absolute moster of his subjects ; their lives and fortunes being at his disposal ; they gave him now no more than they thought reasonable ; but to wipe off the reproach that Cvtshamonuin had laid u|)on them, those few praying Lidians present, told Mr. Eliot wliut they liad • Hiilrhimon, Hist. Mass. i. lfi.3. f Neal, i. 220— ^.TO. t Miisni'tli", iii. I'Jfi. ^ This word, when applied to Iho education of Iho Indians uninnf^ ihein.st'lvos, is lo hi; uii dentmid in an opposite sense from its conimon acceptation : llius, to instruct in siipeislitiuua Mid idolatry, ii wlial is not meant by education among us. *y i .[li 178 PRAYING INDIANS.— INDIAN BIBLE. [Book II. 1 ; done for their sachem the two last years, leaving him to judge whether their ttrince had any reason to complain." They said they had given him 26 tushels of corn at one time, and six at another ; that, ui hunting for him two days they httt Saturday, others Sunday, and others no day at all for worship ; so that if his people should have a mind to turn Christians, they could not tell what religion to be of. JVinigret fiirther added, that Mr. Maykew might try his skill first with tlic Pequots and Mohcgans, and if they subniittcd to the Christian religion, possibly he and his pcojue might, but they would not be the first.* In the meanwhile, Mr. Eliot had translated the whole Bible into Indian, f also Baxter's Call, Mr. ShephereTs Sincere Convert, and his Sound Be- liever, I besides some other performances, as a Grammar, Psalter, Primci-s, Catechisms, the Practice of Pietv, &c. § It is amusing to hear what our old valued friend, Dr. C. Mather, says of ElioPs Bible. "This Bible;," he says, "was printed here at our Cambridge; and it is the only Bible tiiat ever wua printed in all America, from the very foundation of the world." || The same author obsei-ves, thut " the whole translation was ^vrit with but one pen, which pen had it not been lost, would have certainly deserved a richer case than was bestowed upon that pen, with which Holland^ writ his translation of PliUarch" It was long since inquired, " What benefit has all this toil and suffering Croduced ?— .s there a vestige of it remaining ? — Were the Indians in reality ettcred by the great eflbrts of their friends ? " " Mr. Eliot," says Dr. Doug- lass, " with innnense labor translated and printed our Bible into Indian. It was done with a good, pious design, but it must be reconed among the Otto- torum hominum negotia: It was done in the Natick [Nipinuk] language. Of the Naticks, at present, there are not 20 families subsisting, and scarce any of these can read. — Cut boni!"** By the accounts left us, it will be perceived, that for many years after the exertions of Eliot, Gookin, Mayhem and others, had been put in operation, there was no inconsiderable progress made in the great undertakuig of Christianizing the Indians. Nutick, the oldest praying town, contained, in 1G74, 29 fiiniilies, in which perhaps were about 145 persons. The name Mdick signified a place of hills. iVabcn was the chief muu here, " who," says Mr. Gookin, " is now about 70 yeare of age. He is a person of great prudence and piety : I do not know any Indian that excels him." Pakemitt, or Pimkapuog, (" which takes its name from a s])ring, that riseth out of red earth,") is the next town in order, and contained 12 families, or • Neat's N. England, i. 257. f See book ii. chap. iii. p. 67, ante. \ Moore's LifeKlidt, 141. $ Ma^nalia, b. iii. l'J7. || Ibid. IT Philemon Ilollnml was railed the translator-general of liis age ; he wrote several of hit IranslntioDS with one pen, uiinn wliirli l.c made the following verses : With one solo pen I writ this book, Made of a grey goose quill j A pen it WHS, when I it took, And a pen I leave it still. Fuller's Worthies of England. •• Douglass, Hist. America, i. 172, note. See also IlaUcel, Hist. Notes, "JW, iStc. Doug*^ lati wrote aSout 17'1<>. Chap. M] PRAYING INDIANS— WAUBAN. 179 about 60 persons. It was 14 miles south of Boston, and is now included in Stoughton. The Indians here removed troni the Neponsct. llasHaiDiincsit is tlie third town, and is now includetl in Cirnllon, mid rontninoil, like the second, 00 souls. Okommakamesit, now in Alarlhorou^h, contained about 50 people, and was the fourth town. VVamesit, since included in Towks- bury, the fifth town, was upon a neck of land in Merrimack Kivcr, and contained about 75 souls, of five to a family. Nasiiohah, now Littleton, wa.s the sixth, and contained but about 50 inhabitants. Magunkaqiio;,', now Ilop- kinton, signified a place of great trees. Here were about~ 55 |>ei>>ons, and this was the seventh town. There were, besides these, seven other towns, which were called the new praying towns. These were among the Nipmuks. The first vva.s Maiiclia^re, since Oxford, and contained aliout 60 inhabitants. The second was nhoiil six miles from the first, and its name was Chabanakongkomiin, since Dudley, and contained about 45 persons. The third was Maancxit, in the north-cak part of Woodstock, and contained about 100 souU The fourth was l^uan- tisset, also in Woodstock, and containing 100 persons likewise. Wab<|uissit, the fifth town, also in Woodstock, (hut now included in Connecticut,) con- tained 150 souls. Pakachoog, a sixth town, partly in Worcester and (tartly in Ward, also contained 100 people. Weshakim, or Nashaway, a seventh, contained alwut 75 persons. Wacuntug was also a praying town, included now by Uxbridge ; but the number of jjeople there is not set down by Mr. Gookin, our chief authority. Hence it seems there were now supposed to be al»out 1150 praying Iiulians in the places enumerated alxive. There is, however, not the Iciist probability, that even one fourth of these were ever sincere believers in (.'liristiiinity. This calculation, or rather supposition, was made the year beluie Philip's war l)egan; and how many do we find who adhered to their profession through that war ? That event not only shook the fiiith of the conmion sort, f)Ut many that had been at the head of the praying towns, the Indian iiiinis- turs themselves, were found in arms against their white Cliristian neighbors. At the close of Philip's war, in l(i77, Mr. Gookin enumerates ".seven places where they met to worship God and keep the sabltath, viz. at Nonatum, at Pakemit, or Pimkapog; at Cowate, alias the Fidl of Charles River, at Natik and Aledficld, at Concord, at Namekeake, near Chelmsford." There were, at each of these places, he says, "a teacher, and schools for the youtli." But, not\vithstanding they had occupied seven towns in the spring of ](i7G, on tlieir return from imprisonment upon the bleak islands in Bo.-slon harbor, they were too feeble long to maintain so many. The ajtpearance of some straggling Mohawks greatly alarmed these Indians, and they were glad to come '.vithin the protection of the English ; and so the remote towns soon became abandoned. We have seen that 1150 praying Indians were claimed before the war, in the end of the year 1074, but not half this number could be found when it was [iroclaimed that all such must come out of their towns, and go ity themselves to a place of safety. Mr. Gookin says, at one time there were about 500 upon the islands ; but when some had been employed in tiic army, and other ways, (generally such as were indifterent to religion,) there were but about 300 remaining. Six years after that disastrous wai-, Mr. Eliot could claim but four towns! \'u. "Natick, Punkapaog, Wamcsit, and Chachaubunkkakowok." Before we pass to notice other towns in Plimouth colony, we will give an account of some of the most noted of the praying Indians. H'nulian we have several times introduced, and will now close our account of him. He is supposed to have been originally of Concord ; hut, at the time Mr. lUiot began his labors, he resided at Nonantum, since Nmvton. At Natik, or Natick, he was one of the most efhcieiit oHicers until his dentil. Wlion a kind of civi' community was established at Natik, frituban was tn.'ide a ruler of fifty, and subsequently a justice of the peace. The lollow- iii^ is said to b« a copy of a warrant which he issued against some of tlio 180 PRAYING INDIANS.— PIAMBO.—TUKAPEWILLIrt. [Book 11 iraiiflgrcssora. " You, you big constable, quick you catch urn Jereinia]i Offscow ttrojig you hold um, safe you bring um, afore me, Wahan, justice peace," * A young justice uhkou IVauban what ho wouhl do when Iniliuns got dnink und quiirrelled ; he replied, " 3Ve um all up, and lohip um plaintiff, and whip umfendant, and whip um viilnesa" We liuve not loarned tlie precise time of Wauban^s death, f but ho was certainly alive in tlie end of the year 1()7(), and, we think, in 1677. For he- was among those sent to Deer Island, HO Ortoh(;r, 1()7.), and was among the sick that returned in May, 1U7U; and it is particularly mentioned that he waH one that recovered. PiambouhouX wnn the next man to fVauhan,M\A the next after him that received the gospel. At tlie second meeting at Nonantiun, he brought a great many of his pcoi>lo. At Nalik ho was made ruler of ten. When the church at Ilas-sanamesit was gathered, he was called to be a ruler in it. When that town was broken up in Philip'a war, he returned again to Natik. where he died. He was one ot those also confined to Deer Ishmd ; hemu;, he lived until ailer the war. The ruling elder of llassananiesit, called by some Pinmbmo, was the same persttn. John Speen was another teacher, contem,»orary with Piambo, and, like him, WJLS a "grave and pious man." In IGGl, 'limothy Dwighl, of Dedham, sued John Specn and his brother, Thomas, lor the recovery of a debt of sixty ])Ounds, and Mr. Eliot bailed them. This he probably did with safety, as John Speen and" liiH kindred" owned nearly all the Natik lands, when the Christian commonwealth was established there. This valuable possession he gave up freely, to bo used in common, in 1650. Notwithstanding "he was among the first that prayed to God" ut Nonantum, and " was a diligent reader," y»!t he died a drunkard ; having been some time before discarded from the church at Natik. Pennahannil, called Captain Josiah, was " Marshal General " over all the praying towns. He used to attend the courts at Natik; but his residence was at Nashobah. Tukapewillin was teacher at ITassanamesit, and his bruth(!r, Anaiceakin, ruler, lie was, according to Major Gookin, "a pious and able man, und ai>t to teach.'* He Buffered exceedingly in Philip's war; himself and his congregation, together with those of the two praying toAviis, " Magtuikog n'ld Cholionekonhonom," having l)een enticed uvvuy by Philip's fbllower.s. His fiither, JVaoas, was deacon of his church, and among the number. They, however, tried to make their escape to the English foon af\er, agree- ttl)ly to a i)lan concerted with Job Kaltenanit, when he was among Philip's Iteople as a spy ; but, as it happened, in the attempt, they fell in with an •jiiglish scout, mider Captain Glhbs, who treated them as prisoners, and witli not a little barbarity; robbing them of every thing they had, even the minis ter of a pewter cup which he used at sacraments. At Marlborough, though under the protection of oflicers, they were so insulted and abused, " e8|i(!- cittlly by women," that 7\ikapetinllin's wife, from fear of being murdertid, escaped into the woods, leaving a sucking child to be taken care of by its father. With her went also her son, 12 years old, and two others. The others, JVaoas and TukapewUlin, with six or roven children, were, soon atler, sent to Deer Island. JVaoas was, at this time, about 80 years old. Oonamog was ruler at Marlborough, and a sachem, who died in the summer of 1674. His death "was a great blow to the place. He was a pious and discreet man, and the very soul, as it were, of the place." TIic troubles of the war fell very heavily upon his family. A burn containing corn and hay was burnt at Chel.msford, by some of the war party, as it jiroved afterwards; but some of the violent English of that place determined to make the Wamcsits suffer for it. Accordingly, about 14 men armed • Allen's Biojj. Diet. art. Waban. t Dr. I/omer, Hisl. Newton, says ho died in 1674, but gives no niithorily. several aulhontics, slinwing that he wos alive a voar la(or, (see I., iii. pp. 10 and 7!'.) X Piam Boolum, GookMs Hisl. Coll. IftJ..— /*i«;/iAou!, his liisl. Praying ludiaus. We have cilcJ Chap. VII.] PRAYING INDIANS.— WANNA LANCET. 181 themselves, and, under a pretence of scouting, went to the wigwams of the VVatiicsifs, and ordered tiiem to come out. 1 liey olh yed witliont hi-Hitation, being chiefly helpless women and children, and not conceiving any harm could be intended them; but they were no sooner out than fired upon, when five were wounded and one killed. Whether the courage of the brave Eng- lish now failed them, or whether they were satisfied with what blood wiis already shed, is not clear; but they did no more at this time. The one sluiii was a little son of Tahatooner ; and Oonamog'i widow was severely wounded, whose name was Sarak, "a wo.iian of good rejiort for religion. Sha wua Juiigluer of Saeamore-John, who lived and died at the same place, before the Wfir, " a great friend to the English." Sarah hod had two huslMinds : the first was Oonamog, the second Tahatooner, who was son of Tahallatoan, sachem of Musketaqui(L This affair took place on the 15 Novemlier, l(i75. JVumphotc was ruler of the praying Indians at Wamesit, and Samuel, his son, was teacher, "a young man of good parts," says Mr. Gookin, "and con speak, read and write flnglisii and Indian com|)etently ; " being one of thosi; tiinghtat the expense of the corporation. jYumphow exfierieneed wretched trials in the time of the war; he with his people having fled away from their homes immediately after the horrid liarimrity of which we have just spoken, feoruig to Ite murdered if they should continue there. However, after wandering n while up and down in the woods, in the dismal month of Decemlier, tlie^ returned to Wumcsit, in a forlorn condition, and hoped the carriage of their neighl)ors would be such that they might continue there. It did not turn out so, for in February they again quitted their habitations, and went oft' towards Canada. Six or seven old jiersons remained Ijehind, who were hindered from going by infirmity. These poor blind and lame Indians were all burnt to death in their wigwams. Tiiis act, had it occurn'd by accident, would have called forth the deepest pity from the breast of every human creature to whose knowledge it should come. Hut horror, anguish and indignation take the Clace of |)ity, at being told that the flames which consumed them were lighted y the savage hands of white men ! ! It was so — and whites are oidy left to remember in sorrow this act of those of their own color ! But to return — During the wanderings of JVumphxno and his friends, famine and sickness destroyed many of them. Himself and Mislic Geor/re, or George JMistic, a teacher, were nmnbered with the dead. The others, having joined IVanmdan- cet to avoid fulling in with war jmrties on lioth sides, at the close of the war, surrendered themselves to the English, at Dover, in August, 1076. New troubles now came upon them. Some English captives testified that some of tliem had been in arms against them, and such were either sold into slavery, cr executed at Koston. Sevend sharcMl the latter fate. JVumpkow^a son Samtiel barely escaped, and another son, named Jonathan George, was pardoned ; also Symon Betokam. JVumphow was in some public business as early as 1G56. On 8 June that vear, he, John Line and George Mitlic, were, upon the part of thr " Indian court," employed to nm the line from Chelmsford to Wamesit.* And 23 years after he accompanied Captain Jonathan Danforth of Billcrica in renew- ing the iKtimds of Brenlon''s Farm, now Litchfield, N. H.f fVannalancet, whose history will lie fbund spoken U[)on at large in our next book, countenunced religion, and it was at his wigwam that Mr. Elioi and Mr. Gookin tield a meetit^g on the 5 May, I(]74. His house was near Pawtucket Falls, on the Merrimack. " He is," said Major Gookin, " a sober and grave person, and of years, between 50 and (JO." John Ahatawunce was ruler of Nashobah, a pious man, who died previous to 1674. After his decease, Pennahannit was chief. John Thomas was their teacher. " His father was munlered by the Maquos in a secret manncT, as he was fishing for eels at his wear, some years since, during the war" with them. fVattatacompnnum, called also Captain Tom, is thus s|)oken of by Mr. Gookin, who was with him at Pakochoog, 17 September, 1674. " My chief os-sistant was Waitaaacompanum, ruler of the Nipmuk Indians, a grave and jjious man, of the chief sacliem's blood of the Nipmuk country. lie resides at Hassana- li_ ■ » Allen's llist. Chelmsford. 10 t MS. letter of John Farmer, Esq. PRAYING INDIANS.— IIIACOOMES. rnooK IL ::i' I-?;- 1^ iii<'!-Il ; Ijiit liy foriiuT u|i|iointincnt, cnllctli here, tog(!thor with some othrrs." Captain Tom wuh among TukapcwiUhCa cutripniiy, tlitit went oil' with the cni'iiiy, UH in H|M>uking uf liini wu liavc inailo nicntiim, la thiit company there were alMint 5iOO, men, women and children. The enemy, being altoiit yOO strong, ohhgcd tlie pruying Iniiians to gootl' with, or bo killed by them. There wore, liowever, many who donbtleas preferred their company to '.hat of their friends on Deer Island. This was aiNiiit the beginning of Decfmlter, 1G75. CapUiin Tom aAerwards fell into the hands of the English, and, Ijeing tried and condemned as a relxd, wa<«, on 2() Jnnc, 167(), executed at lioston ; much to the grief of such excellent men as Gookin and Miot. Although something had l>een done towards Christiani/ing the Indians in I'iinioiith colony, about a year bttfore Mr. ElioVa (in<' visit to Nonaiitum, yet for .soine years after, Massachusetts was considernbly in advance in this re8|>cct. Si mi; of the principal congregations or praying towns follow : — At ."Meeshawn, since Provincetown or Truro, and Ptmoiiakanit, since Bil- [ingsgate, were 72 i)er8ons ; at Potanumaquut, or Nau.^ut, in Eoiitiiam, 44 ; at Monamoyik, since Chatham, 71 ; at Sawkattwkett, in Harwich ; Nol)84]as8it, in Yarmouth ; at Mutakees, in Barnstable and Yarmouth ; and Weequakut, in Banisudili.*, 1?2 ; at Satuit, Paw|ioesit, Coatuit, in Karnstablc, Ma8h[)ee, VVako> (juet, near Mash|)ce, 95 ; at Co74, by the Rev. Richard Bourne of Sandwich. Philip^s war broke up many of these communities, but the work coiitinueil long afti-r it dwindled to almost nothing in Massachusetts. In lti85 then; were 1439 considered as Christian Indians in Plimouth colony. Mr. Thomas Mnuheio Jr. settled in Martha's Vineyard, called by the Indians JSTopr, in 1042. lie was accom|)anicd by a few English famili'is, who made liiiii thrir minister; but not Iteing satisfied with so limited usefulness, he learn- ed ilie Indian language, and lM*gan to preach to them. His first convert was Iliacoomes, in ir>43, a man of smnll rei>ute among his own people, whost) resilience was at Gn-at Harbor, near where the English first settled. He was regularly ordained 22 August, 1670, but he began to preach in 1646. John Tokinosh was at the same time ordained tcaciier. His residence was at Ninn- |mng, on the east end of the island. He died 22 January, 1<>84, and Hiacoomea prtiaciied his funeral sermon. For some yearn before his death Hiacoomea was ijiiahle to preach. Ho was supposed to have been about 80 years old at the time of his death, which hap|)ened al>out 1690. Pahkvhpunnassoo, sachem of Chappequiddik, was a great opposcr of the gospel, and at one time lieat Hiacoomea for professing a belief of it. Not long alter, us hii iself and another wi-re at work upon a chimney of their cabin, they were both knocked down by lightnin.', and the latter killed. Pahkehjnmnaaaro fell |)artly , end was better oft' by so doing, Miohqaoo said, he would forthwith throw away his, which he did, and became one of the most eminent of tiiu Indian converts. One of his children, a son, sailed for England in |i)57, with Mr. Thomaa Mayhew Jr., in a ship commanded by Cnptam Jamea Garrdt, and was never heard of after. The time of the death of Miohqaoo is nnkniiwn, but he lived to a great age. Among the Mohegans and Nurragansets nothing of any accoimt was efl'ect- ed, in the way of Christianizing them, for a long time. The chief sachems of those nations were determined and fixed airaiiit-t it, and though it was from time to time urged upon them, yet very liuji; was ever done. Chav. VII 1 PRAYING INDIANS.— OCCUM. 183 Sami'som Occi'M, or, ns his nniiio is HjM^It in a scnnon * of lii^i, Ocron, was a M()li<-piii, (if tilt! fiimily of Btmni Occum, who rtwidcd near IS'ew IjoikIoii, in ('onnertic-nt. Hi! was tlic first of llmt tril)c who was conHpionons in r«>lif;ioii, if not tlie only one. lie wna horn in 172!i, and lM>roming itttuclitHl to the Ri'V. Eleazar U'heelotk, the niiniHtcr of Lvbiinon in Connecticut, in 1741 he li(>t*nino a CliriHtian.f PoascHaing talcnta and great pioty, Mr. ffluelock enti-it»ini>(l snnguliie ho(>e8 that he would be able to effect much among his coniitrY'iicti 08 a preacher of the gospel. Me went to England in 17()5 to procure nid for the keening up of a school for tlie instruction of Indian children, which was l)egun ny Mr. fftieelock, and furthered by a Mr. Moor:, by a donation of a Mrhool house and land, about 1763. While in England he was introductMl to Lord Dartmouth, and other eminent pfrsons. He preached there to crowds of people, and returned to America in Septcnilicr, 17(>8, having landed iit BoHton on his return, t It is said he was tho first Indian that ]treuniied in England. He was ordained, in 1751), a preacher to the Montauks on L. Island. About 'iiis time he visited the Cherokees. He finally settled among the Oneida Indians, with many of his Mohegan brethren, altout 1768; they liaving been invited by tlie Otieidas. He died in July, 1792, at N. Stock- bridge, N. York, aged &). Titulia is noticed in the annals of New England, from her participation in the witch tragedies acted here in 1()!)1. In a valuable work giving a history of that horrible delusion, § mention is thus made of her. " It was the latter end of Februaiy, 169'., wheii divers young persons lielonging to [Rev.] Mr. Parria' \ family, and one more of the nei^rhlmrhood, began to act afler a strange uiu unusual manner, viz., as by getting into holes, and creeping under chairs ant stools, and to use other sundry othi pcafures, and antic gestures, uttering fool- ish, ridiculous speeches, which neitiier they themselves nor any others could make sense of." " March the 11th, Mr. Parria invited seven'il neighlioring ministers to ioin with him in keeping a solemn day of prayer at liis own house ; the time of the exercise those pcraons were, for tho most part, silent, out afler any one prayer was ended, they would act and 8|K3ak strangely, aiul ridiculously, ye' were such as had l)ecn well educated and of good lM;huvior, the one a girl of 11 or 12 years old, would sometimes seem to lie in a convul- sion fit, her liiiibs being twisted several ways, and very stif!^ but pn>s(>ntly her fit would Imj over. A few days l)cfore ibis solemn day of prayer, Mr. Parria' Indian man and woman, made a cake of rye meal, with the children's water, and Imkcd it in the ashes, and, as it is said, gave to the dog ; this wnf done as a means to discover vatchcrail. Soon afler which those ill-affected or afflicted persons nimed several that tney said they saw, when in their fits, afflicting of them. The first compluhied of, was the said Indian woman, named TUuba. She confessed that the devil urged her to sign a book, which he presented to her, and also to work mischief to the children, &c. She was afterwards com- mitted to iirison, and lay there till sold for her fees. The account she sinco gives of it is, that her master did beat her, and otherwise abuse her, to make her confess and accuse (such as he called) her sister witches ; and that what- soever she said by way of confessing or accusing others, was the effect of such usage ; her master refused to pay her fees, urdess she would stand to what she hod said." We are able to add to our information of T^uba from another old and curious work,ir as follows: — ^That when she was examined she "confessed the making a cake, as is alrave mentioned, and said her mistress in her own country was a witch, and had taught her some means to be used for the discovery of a witch and for the prevention of being l>ewitched, &c., but said "that she herself was not a witch." The children wfio accused her said "that she did pinch, prick, and grievously torment them ; and tliat they saw her here • At ilic execution of Moses Paul, for murder, at New Haven, 2 September, 1772. To liis letter (o Mr. Keen, his name is Occum. t Life Dr. Wheelock, Ifi. t His Letter to Mr. Keen, in Life Wlieelock, 175. & Wonders of the Invisil)le World, by R. Calef, 90, 91. 4to. London, 1700. 11 " Samuel Paris, pnslor of the church in Salem- village." Modest Enquiry into the Naturt tf Wilclicra/l, by John Hale, pastor of tlie church in Beverly, p. 23, IGmo. Uoston, 1703. IF Modest Enquiry, Si.c. 25. :4^ t !'i I n ^1 11 1^: •' 184 TITL'BA .—WITCHCRAFT. [BooilL niul there, where nobody else could. Yea, they could tell where she was, and what shft (lid, when out of tlieir human sight." Whether the author was a witness to this he does not say ; but probably he wait not. Go throush the tvhole of our early writers, and you will scarce find one who witneasecl such matters : (Dr. Cotton Mather is neorcst to an cxcrption.^ But they generally preface such marvellous accounts by observing, " I am slow to believe rumors of this nature, nevertheless, some thmgs I have had certain infonnation of." * The Rev. Mr. Felt f gives the following extinct from the " Quarterly Court Papers." ** March 1st Sarah Otbom, Smvh and Dorothy Good, Tituba, servant of Mr. Parrit, Martha Cory, Rebecca JVUrse, Sarah Clowe, John Proctor and his wife Elizabeth, all of Salem village, are committed to Boston jail on charge of witchcraft." The other ser/ant of Mr. Parria was the husband of Tihiha, whose name was John. It was a charge against tliem that they had tried rnnans to discover witches. But there is little probability that these ignorant and siiiiple Indians would ever have thought of "trying a project" for the detection of witches, had they not learned it from some more miserably superstitious white per^ns. We have the very record to justify this stricture. % Take the words. " Mary Sibly having confessed, that she innocently coimselled John, the Indian, to attempt a discovery of witches, is permitted to commune with Mr. Parrwl' church. She had been previously disciplined for such counsel and appeared well." We are not told who diaciplintd her for the examination. Was it Mr. Parria 9 This is the only instance I have met with of Indians being implicated in tMte witchcraft. • /. Mather's Brief Hisl. Philip'i War. 34. t In his valuable Annals of Salem, 303. I Danvers Records, published by the author last cited. li KMD or BOOE BBCOND. '■■'-* BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY oy THE INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA. BOOK III. 10' !i ■!l 1 . ;. BOOK III. BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE NEW ENG- LAND INDIANS CONTINUED. CHAPTER I. Ufe of AtzxANnen aliag Wamsutta — Events which led to the war teith Philip— Wketamoo his wife — Early events in hrr Ufe — Pf.tanasubt, her second Ititshand — Weetamoo's latter career and death — •Jfini^el — Death of Alexander — John S.is- 8AM0N — His country and connections — Becomes a christian — Schoolmaster — jMin- ister — Settles at Assawomset — Felix marries his daughter — Sassamon di.irorers Uit plots of Philip — Is murdered — Proceedings against the murderers — Thej/ are condemned and executtd, Alexander was the English name of the citlcr son of Maaaaaoxl. His real name appears at first to have l)ocn Mooanam, and afterwards fVamsutta, and \aBt\y Jllexander. The name of jt/ooanam lie bore us early as lG:ji) ; in l(i41 we find him noticed under tlie name IVamatUla. About the yeai' 105*!, lie and his younger brotlier, Metacomet, or rather Pometacom, were brougiit to the court of Piimouth, and being solicitous to receive English namoM, the gov- ernor culled the elder Alexander, and the younger Philip, proliahly from the two Macedonian heroes, which, on being explained to them, might have flut- tered their vanities ; and which was probably the intention of the governor. JUexander appears r>i-etty early to have set up for himself, as will be seen in the course of this chapter ; occasioned, perhaps, by his marrying a female sachem of very considerable authority, and in great esteem among her neighbors. Namumpum, afterwards called Weetamoo, squaw-sachem of Pocasset, was the wife of Alexander ; and who, as says an anonymous writer,* was more willing to join Philip when he began war upon the English, being persuaded by him that they had poisoned her husband. This author calls her " as potent a prince as any round about her, and hath as much com, land, and men, at her command." Alexander having, in 1653, sold a tract of the territory acquired by his wife, OS has been related in the life of MaaaaaoU, about six years after, H'eetam.oo came to Piimouth, and tlie following account of her business is contained ui the records. " I, J^amumpum, of Pokeesett, hauing, in open court, June lost, fifty-nine, [1G59,1 before the govcrnour and majestrutcs, surrendered up all that right and title of^ such lands as IVooaamequin and Wamaetia sould to the purchasers ; as appeeres by deeds giuen vnder theire hands, as alsoe the said JVamumpum promise to remoue the Indians of from those lands ; and alsoe att the same court the said Wamautla promised J^amumpum the third part of tlie pay, as ia * Old Indian Cliroiiicle, p. 6 W- 188 ALEXANDER.— WEETAMO. [Book III expressed in the deed of which payment Mamumpum haue receiued of John Cooke, tliis 6 of Oct 1G59 : these particulars as folioweth : item ; 20 yards blew trading cloth, 2 yards red cotton, 2 paire of shooes, 2 pairt stockings, Q broade hoes and 1 axe ; And doe acknowledge receiued by me, Namumpum." Witnessed by Squabsen, fValuUunchquatt, and two Englisli. Thus this land affair seems to have been amicably setded ; but the same ycju" o( Alexander's death, whether Iwfore or after we are not assured, J^amum- imm api)eared at Plimouth, and complained tliat Wamsutta had sold some of icr land without her consent " The court agreed to doe what tliey could in conuenient time for her relief." We apprehend there was some little difficulty between Alexander and his wife airaut this time, especially if her complaint were before his death, and we arc rather of the opinion tliat it was, for it was June when her com|>laint was made, and we should assign a little later date for the death of her husbauvl ; and therefore all difficulty was settled in his death. On the 8 April, 16G1, Wamsutta deeded the tract of countiy since called Rcholwth to Thomas tViUet " for a valuable consideration."* What that was the deed iloes net inform us ; but we may venture to question tlie fact, for if the coiitii'icration had in truth l)een valuable, it would have appeared in the dee^!, and not have been kept out of sight What time JVamum/Jum deeded hind to /oftn S'ari/br'/ and John Archer, wo are not informed, but it was probably about the beginning of IGG2. It was a dee«I of gift, and appears to have l)een only deeded to them to prevent her huslunul's selling it; but these men, it seems, attempted to hold the land in violation of their promise ; however, lieing a woman of perseverance, she so managed the matter, that, in the year ItJUri, she found witnesses who de|K>sed to the true meaning of tlie deed, and thus was, we presmue, restored to her rightful [wssessions. Since we have been thus particidar in acquainting tlie reader with the wife of fVamsutia, we will, before proceeding with our account of the husband. Bay all tliat we have to say of the interesting fVeetamoo. Soon after the death of Alexander, we find JSTamumpum, or Jfeetamoo, asso- ciat«!d with another husband, named Petonowowet. He was well known to the English, and went by the familiar name of Ben. Now, unless Ptto-now- owet, or Pe-tan-a-nuet has been corrupted into Peter Ndnndit, we must allow her to have had a third husband in Ki75. We, however, are well satis- fied that tliese two names are, us they appear to l>e, one and the same name. This husband of fVeetamoo does not appear to have been of so much impor- tance as her first, fVamsvita; and as he only appears occasionally in the crowd, we are of opinion that she took good care in taking a second husbtmd, and fixed upon one that sh> I'as better able to manage than she was tiie de- tennitied fVamsuitcu On the 8 May, 1673. Tatamomoek, Petonotoowett, and William alias ^asocke, sold to JValhaniel Paine of Rehoboth, and Hugh Cole of Swansey, a lot of land in Swansey, near Mattapoisot, and Sliowamet neck, for £ii5 5s. Weelamoo, Philip alias Wagusoke, and Steven alias JSfucano, were the Indian witnesst-s. About the same time, one Piowant was intruded upon by some others rlaiming his lands, or otherwise molesting him, and the business seems to have undergone a legal scrutiny ; in this affair both Weelamoo and her hus- band appear upon our records. They testify that the tract of land Ixxnided !iy a small river or brook cuWed Mastucksett, yvh'xch compasseth said tnict to Assoiu'tt River, and so to Taunton River, [by trees, &c.] hath for many vcars bwn ill the pousession of Piowant. The place of the bounds on Taunton River was called Chippascuitt, which was a little south of Mastucksett Pantauset, (^uanotcin, JSTescanoo, and Panowwin, testified the same. It (Iocs not appear that Pela-nan-u-et was at all concerned in Philip's war ngaiiiNt the Kiiglish, but, on tiie contrary, forsook his wife and joined them ngaii'st her. Under such a leader as Church, he must have been eiiii)loyed n^jaiiiHt his couiitiymen with great advantage. At the time he came over to • Si'o the Hist, of Atlleboroiii'li, by John Daggett, Esq., p G, uiicro the clued is prcsvrved. Chap. I.] ALEXANDER— WEETAMO. 189 the EiigliiUi, lie no doubt expected his wife would do the same, as slie gave Church to undcretniid as much. A tier the war he was honored with a coiu- mand over the jtriHoners, who wore jiennittod to remde In the country Imj- 'Wiicn Sc|)ecari and Dartmouth. JVum/nu, or JVompth fFee^amoo and hor huslmnd at I'ocasset. He first met with the husband, Petananuet, who had just arrived in a canoe from Philip''$ nead (|U(u1er8 at Mount Hofie. He told Church there wouhl cerbiinly l>e war, for that Philip had held a war dance of several weeits, and liad entertaine(l tlie young men from ail parts of tlie coinitry. He said, also, that Philip ex- pected to be sent for to Plimouth, aliout Sassamoti's deatii, knowing hiinsel<* guilty of contriving that nmrder. Petananuet further said, that be saw Mr. James Broum of Swanscy, and Mr. Samttel Oorton, wlio was an interpreter, and two otiier men that brought a letter from the govt^nior of I'hmouth to Philip. Philip's young warriors, he said, would liave killed Mr. liroton, but Philip told them they must not, for his father had charged him to show kind- ness to him ; but to satisfy them, toUl them, that on the next Simday, when the English had gone to meeting, tliey might plunder their houses, and aller- ^vards kill their cattle. Meanwhile fVeetamoo was at her camp just back from Pocasset shore, on tlip high hill a little to the north of what is now Howland's ferry, and Petana- nuet requested Mr. Church to go up and see her. He did so, and found her in rather a melancholy mood, all her men having left her and gone to Phllip'a war dance, mucli, she said, against her will. Church, elated with his success at Jlwaahonks' camp, and thinking Imth "queens" secured to the English interest, hastened to I'limouth to give the governor an account of his discoveries. — This was a day big to Philip ; he immediately took measures to reclaim ffeetamoo, and had nearly drawn off Jlwashonks with the vivid hopes of conquest and l)ooty. IVeelnmoo could no longer remain neutral ; the idea still harrowed upon her mind, that the authorities of Plimouth had |)oisoned her former husband,* and was now sure that they had seduced her present one ; therefore, from tho power of such arguments, when urged by the artful Philip, there was no esca|H; or irsistan^-c Hence his fortune became her own, and she moved with him from jilace to ])lace al)out her dominions, in ihe country of Pocasset, until the MU July, wIkmi all the Wampanoags escaped out of a swamp, and retired into the country of the Nipmuks. From this time U'eelamoit's o|M'ra- tions become so blended with those of her allies, that the life of Philip takes up the narration. When, by intestine divisions, the power of Philip was destroved arv <>ri;- the Nipmueks, H'eetamno seems to have been deserted oy almost alf her ; : . ers, anil, like Philin, she eoughr refuge again in her own country. It was ^/m the (> August, lt>7(>, when she arrived upon the western bank of Tehticut Iliver in Mettapoiset, where, as was then supjwsed, she was drowned by accident, in attempting to cross the river to Pocasstit, at the same |)oint she had crossed the vear iMiforo in her flight with Philip. ifer company consisted now of no more than 2G men, whereas, in the be- ginning of the war, they amounted to 300 ; and she was considered by the I'-nulish "next unto Philip in 'cspect of the mischief that hath been d(>ne."f The English at Taunton were notified by a deserttT of her situation, who olli-red to lead any tliat would go, in a way that they might easily surprise her ami her company. Acconlingly, 20 men volunteered u|M)n this enterprise, and siieceede»l in cajituring all but /r«ffrtmoo, " who," according to Mr. Hub- barril " intending to make an escape fi-om the danger, attemptefl to get over a river or arm of the sea near by, upon a raft, or some pieces of broken wood; but whether tired and s)H>iit with swimming, or starved with cold and hunger she was found stark naked in Mebqioiset, not far from the water side, which iimdt' HoiiK! tiiink she was first half drowne■-: Indinns then prisoners [there,] which set them into a horrible lamentation." Mr. Mather ini|)roves upon this passage, giving it in a style more to suit the ta«te of the times: "They made a most horid and diabolical lamentation, crying out that it was tlieir queen's head." Tlie authors of Yamoyden thus represent Philip escaping fi-oni the colil gi-Bsp of the ghostly form of fVeetamoo ;— ' As from the water's depth she Ctime, With dripping^ locks and bloated frame, Wild her discolored arms she threw To grasp him ; and, as swill he flew. Her hollow scream he heard behind ('omj mingling with the iiowling wind : 'Why fly from Welumot? she died Bearing the war-axe on thy side.' " Although Wtetamoo doubtless escaped from Pocasset with Philip, yet it tppcars that instead of flying to the Nipmuks sli' soon went down into the Niaiitic coimtry, and the English immediately had news of it, which occa- sioned their sending for JS/tnigret to answer for harboring their enemy, as in his life has been related. In this connection it should be noted, that the tune had expired, ir which .Mnignt by his dcptities agreed to deliver U|) fVeetamoo, some time previous to the great fight m Narraganset, and hence this was seized upon, as one pretext for invading the Nariiigansets. And moreover, it was saitl, tliat if she were taken by that formidable army of a 1000 men, " her lands would more than pay all the charge " the English had been at in the whole war.* fVeetamoo, it is presumed, left J^nigret and joined the hostile NarragansetH and the Wampanoags in their trong Ibrt, some time previous to the English e?{pcdition against it, in December. And it was about tliis time that she connected herself with the Narraganset chief Qtdnnapin, as will be found related in his life. She is mentioned by some writers as Philip^s kinswoman, which seems to have been the case in a two-fold manner; first from her being sister to his wife, and secondly from her marrying Alexander,h\s brother. To return to fVamsutta. A lasting and permanent interest will always be felt, and peculiar feelinvards with Philip, who, it ap- pears, employed him on account of his learning. Always restless, Sassamon did not remam long with Philip before he returned again to the English ; " and he manifested such evident signs of repentance, as that he was, after his re- turn from pagan Philip, reconciled to the praying Indians and baptized, and received, as a member, into one of tlie Indian churches ; yea, and employed as an instructor amongst them every Lord's day."t Previous to the war, we presume in the winter of 1672, Sassamon was sent to preach to the Namaskets,): and other Indians of Middleborough, who, nt this time, were very numerous. The famous Waluspaquin was then the chief of this region and who appcara to have been disposed to encounijre the new religion taught by Sassamon. For, in 1674, he gave him a ti» ct of land near his own residence, to induce him to remain among his jieople. The deed of gift of this land was, no doubt, drawn by Sassamon, and is in these words : — Know all men by these presents, that I, Old Watuspaquin, doe graunt vnto John Sassamon, allies fVassasoman, 27 acrees of land for a home lott nt Assowomsett necke. This is my gift, giuen to him the said John Sassamon, by me the sold Watuspaquin, m Anno 1673, [or 1674, if between 1 Jan. an»l 2o March.] Old Wai'OSPAQUIN (D his mar/ce. WiLLiARi TusPAQUiN dV his morke. Witness, alsoe, Nanehecnt § -|- fcis markeJ* As a further inducement for Sassamor^ to settle here. Old Tuspa^ birth a Massachusett, his father and mother living in Dorchester, ui(l thev both died Christians."—/. Matlter. t Mather's Relation, 74. \. The inhabitants of the place call it Nemasket. Namiiisakelt. ^ Spelt also MemthnUt. 17 In the records, it is almost always written N •■•1. Ivi 1 194 SASSAMON. [Book III This daughter of Sasaamon wa8 called by the English name Betty,* but her orig- inal name w us Assowetouoh. To his son-iu-'aw, Snssamon gnve his land, by h kiud of will, which he wrote himself, not long before his death ; probau'y about tlie time he became tired of his new situation, which we suppose was al^o about the time that he discovered tiie design uf Philip and his captains to bring about tlieir war of extermination. Old Tuspaquin, as he called himself, and his son, not only confirmed Sassa- mon^s will, out about the same time made a bequest themcelves to his daugh- ter, whicli, . ,• say, was "with the consent of all the chieffe men of Asso- wamsett." This deed of gift from them waa dated 23 Dec. 1G73. It was of a neck of land at Assowoinsett, called Nuhtcawr.met. The names of ^ome of the places which bounded this tract were Mashquomuh, a swamp, Suaon- kususett, a pond, and another lar^e pond called Chup-poggui. Tobias, Old 7Ti)mas, Pohonoho, and Kankunuki, were upon this dc«?d as witnesses. iTei-ix served the English in Philip's war, and was living in 1G79, in which year Governor Wi»:«Zou' ordered, " tliat all such lands os were formerly JoAre Sassamon's in our colonic, shall be settled on Felix his son-in-law," and to re- main his and his heirs " foreuer." Felix's wife survived him, and willed her land to a daughter, named Mercy. This was in 169G, ond Isacke Wanno wit- nessed said will. Thcire was at a later period an Indian preacher at Titicutf named Thomas Felix, perhaps a son of the former.^ But to return to the more immediate subject of our discourse. There was a Sassaman, or, as my manuscript has it, Soifomon, hnown to the English as early as 1(>37 ; but us we have no means of knowing how old John Sassamon was when he was murdered, it cannot be decided with probability, whether or not it were he. This Sosomon, as will be seen in tlie life of Sassa- ats, went with the English to fight the Pequots. Sassamon acteJ os inter|)reter, witness or scribe, as the case required, on many occasions. \V}75, fVatiban "cairie to one of the magistrates on purpose, and informed him that he had ground to fear that sachem Philip, and other Indians his confederates, intended some iDischief shortly." Again in Mav, ahout six weeks l)efore the war, he came and said the same, adding that Philip's men were oidy waiting for the trees to get leaved out, that they might prosecute their design with more ettl'ct. To return to Stusamon: In the mean time, some circumstances happened that gave further grounds of suspicion, that war wa8 meditated, and it was intended that messengers shoidd he sent to Philip, to gain, if possible, the real state of the case. But before this was etl'ected, much of the winter of 1(574 had passed away, and the Rev. Smsamon still resided with the Namaskets, and others of his countrymen in that neighborhood. And notwithstanding he had enjoined the strictest secrecy upon his English friends at I'limouth, of what he had revrialed, assuring them that if it came to Philip's knowledge, he should he immediately murdered by him, yet it by some means got to the chief's knowledge, and Sasmmon was considered a traitor and an outlaw ; and, by the laws of the Indians, he had forfeited his life, and was doomed to s"'»cr' death. The manner of effecting it was of no consecpience with their, so Jong as it was brought about, and it is probable that Philip had ordered any of ins subjects who might meet with him, to kill him. Early in the spring of 1(575, Sassamon was missing, and, on search being made, his body was foimd in Assawomset Pond, in Middlehorough.t Those that killed him not caring to be known to the English, letl his hat and gun upon the ice, that it might be sup|)osed that he had drowned himself; but from several marks upon his bor answer to suoli interrogatories as siiall Itc reipiired ot' iiini, in reference to tlio snddcn and violent death of an Indian culled John Sassamon, late dfceased." This was in March, 1074, O. S. It appears that Tobias was present, altliongh it is n»-t so stated, from the fact tli'U Tuspaquin and ids son ff'illiam entered into bonds of £100 '"jr the ap|>earance of Tobias at the next court in June following. A mortgage of land was taken as security for the £100. June linvin;^ arrived, three instead of one are arraigned as the nnirderers of Sassamoiu There was no intimation of any one hnt Tobias being guilty at the i)revion8 court. Now, Wampapaquan, the son of Tobias, and Malta- ihuminnamo * are arraigned with hnn, and the bill of indictment runs as fol- lows: " For that lieing accused that they did with jo\nt consent vpon the 52!> of Jamiary ann" lti74, [or 167.5, N. S.l att a i)laceci^led^Mojffl>n«f// Pond, wilfully and of sett pur|)ose, and of nmllice fore thought, and by force and amies, murder John Saseamon, an othci- Indian, by laying violent hands on him, and striking him, or twistting his necke vntill hee wa j dead ; and to hytle and conceale this theire said nnirder, att '.he tynio and i)lace aforesaid, did cast hi» dead body through a hole of the iyce into the said pond." To this they pleaded •' not guiltj'," and put themselves on trial, say the records. The jury, however, were not long in finding them guilty, which they express in these words : "Wee of the jury one and all, both Englinii anil Indians doe joyntly and with one consent agree upon a verdict." Upon this they were immediately remanded to prison, " and from thence [taken] to the place of execution and there to be hanged by the head f vvitill theire bodies aie death" Accordingly, Tobias an7d — First acts of hostUilij — Sioiimp Fight at Pocasset — JVarrotelij escapes out of his ovm country — is pursued by Oneko — Fight at Rehoboth Plain — Cuts off a company of English under Captain Beers — Incidents — Fight at Sugar-loaf Hill, and destruction of Captain Lalhrop's company — Fights the English under Mosehj — English raise 15(10 men — Philip retires to Mirraganset — Strongly fortifies himself in a great swamp — Description of his fortress — English march to attack him — The great Fight at Jfarragansrt — ^gain flies hiscounlry — Visits the Mohawks — lll-demsed stratagem — Eventsof l(w(i — Returns again to his country — Reduced to a wretcheA condition — Is hunted by Church — His chief counsellor, Mkompoin, killed, and hissister captured — His wfe and sun fall into the hands of Church — fVie* to Pokanoket — Is surprised and slain. — Speci- men of the Wampanoag Language — Oth'r curious matter. In rrgard to the native or Indian nornc of Philip, it seems a mistake has al- ways prevailed, in printed accounts. Pometacom gives as near its Indian sound as can be approached by our letters. The first syllable wus drop|»ed in familiar discourse, and hence, in a short time, no one imagined but what it had always been so ; i i neatly every original deed executed by him, which we hove seen, and they are many, his name so appears. It is tnie that, in those of different years, it is spelt with some little variation, all which, however, conveyed very nearly the same sound. The variations are Pumnlacom, Pamatacom, Pometa- come, and Pomttacom ; the lust of which prevails in the reconls. Wc have another impoilant discovery to communicate : f it is no other than tiie name of the wife of Pometacom — the innocent VVoovonekanuske ! This was the name of her who, with her little son, fell into the hands of Captain Church. No wonder that Philip was "now ready to die," os some of his trai- torous men told Chuixh, and that "iiis heart was now ready to break ! " AH rhut was dear to him was now swallowed up in the vortex ! But they still liv«'(l, and this most harrowed his soul — lived for what ? to serve as slaves in an unknown land ! could it be otherwise tlian that mtidness should seize u[>on hitn, and despair torment him in every place ? that in his sleep he should hear the anguishing cries and lamentations of H^ootonekanuske and his son ? But we must change the scene. It seems as tliougli, for many years before the war of 1075, Pometacom, and nearly all of his people sold oft their lands as fiist as purchasers presented them- selves. They saw the prosperity of the English, and they were just such phi- losophers as ore easily captivated by any show of ostentation. They were forsa- Ving their manner of life, to which the proximity of the whites was a deadly poison, and were eager to obtain such things as their neighbors possessed ; these were only to be obtained by parting with their lands. That the reader may form some idea of the rapidity with which the Indians' lands in Plitnouth colony were disposed ofj we add the following items : — • Present Slate of New England, by a mcrcliant of Bo9..iii, in respect to the present Bloody Indian Wars, pag'o 3, folio, London, 1676. This, with four olher trarts upon Philip's War, (covering liie whole period of it, With nolcs by myself, accompanied by a Phronolooy of all Indian events in America from its discovery to the present lime, (March 7th, 1836,) has jasl been pulilished under the title of the Old Indian Chhonici.e. t The author fuels a pciiliar satisfaction that it has fallen to his lot to be the first to publish the real name of the jrreat sachem of the Wumpanoags, and also that of the sharer of hit perils, Wootoiiekanuski:, h: 17 7» fl % .(J^, '1' • ii': ^iil tw rillMP.— SAI.KS OF HIS LANDS. [Rook 111 III n (l(!(5(I (lutt!(l a."} Jiiiin, IfiThl, « fVillinm lirrnton, of Newport, K. I. ntcr- clwint," " for a vuliiuhlc coiiHidcnition " pnid l>y iiiin, liiiyH ]>luta|iois4!tt of Philip 1'liw (li'cHit mid of all ti-rritoricB tlirrcuiito hrioii^iiif;." Philip mu\ iim wife Dtli wigiicil tliifl dfcd, und Toekomock, H'tcopauhim,* JVetetwjunaon, Pompa- itiitsr, Jlpeminiate, Taquankaicke, Pfupionackf Walnpulahut, ^hntelatjuish, John Stissnmon liio iiiter})rctor, Rowland Saaaainon, and two EngliNlinii'ii, ttigiicd iih WitlK'HSCH. Ill KM).'), he sold the country nlioiit Aciisiiena, [now New Itodford,] and Coaxct, [now in Coinpton.] Philip'a father havinir previously sold Bonie of the Haiiic, £10 was now given him to prevent any cTaini from him, and to pay for his marking out the same. John h'ooaansman [one of the names of Sitssa moiil witnessed this deed.* Tlie same year the court of Pliniouth presented Philip with a horse, hut on what account we are not infomiecl. Ill U'AJii, Wrentham was purchased of Philip by the EngliKh of Dcdhain. It was then called tVollomonopoagf and, by the amount ass? .-««;d, ap|No8(M>ble hu can to speak with you, and no I rest, your very loveing friend I'hilip P dwelling at mount ho|m nek." * In iri<17, Philip sells to CorutatU Soulhicorth, and others, nil the meadow lands from Dartmouth to lVlata|»oisett, for which he had £15. Particular bounds to all tracts are mentioned in tlie deeds, but as they were generally or otien stakes, trees, and hea|is of stones, no one at this time C!Ui trace many of them. The same year, for " £10 sterling," he sells to T%o.i. JFilki and others, " all that tract of liuid lying between the Kiuer Wanascottaqu(;tt and Cawatocpiissett, being two miles long and one broad." Pau>sa(iuens, one of Philip^s counsel lors, and Tom alias Sawsuetl, an interpreter, were witnesses to the miU: 111 HH>8,^ Philip Pometacom,tinii Tatatnunuupie \ aVius Cashewashe J, miclwinfi," for a " vtduahle consideration," sell to sundry English a tract of scuue stpiare miles. A part of it wa.s adjacent to Pokanoket. In describing it, Memenuek- quage and Towansett neck are mentioned, which we conclude to be in 8wau- sey. liesides two Englishmen, Sompointeen^ alias Tom, and JVunanunlnew, sun of Thomas PiatUs, were witnessi^s to this sjile. The next year, the same sachems sell 500 acres in Swunsey for £20. ffantieo, a counse conveyed in a former deed, by Ossame- quin and fFamauUa, to certain English, " although it appears, says the record, pretty clearly so express«'d in siiid deed," "yet that peace and friendship may be continued," " Capt. If Hid, Mr. Broum and John Mien, in the behalf of them- selves and th" rest," agree to give Philip and Uncompawen the sum of £11 in goods. Philip Nanoskooke t A^s tl mark, Vncompawen Am X mark. Tom Sansuwest, interpreter. And N1.MR00. The same year, we find the following record, which is doubly intere.sting, from the plan with which we are able to accompany it, drawn by Philip him- self. He contracts or agrees, by the following writing under his hand, m these words : " this may inform the honoured court [of Plimouth,] that I Philip ame willing to sell the land within this draught ; but tlie Indians that are vpon it may liuc vpon it still ; but the land that is [waste]§ may be sould, and H'atiach- jjoo is of the some minde. I have sed downe all the principall names of thu lund wee are willing should bee sould." " From Pacanaukett Phillip p Ma marke." Uie24ofthel2mo. 1668." t^ nhli .y ^ 1 I'S * 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soe. ii. 40. The original was owned by a Mr. While of I'liinouth, about 30 years 350. It is probably another production of John Sa-tsamon. t Written in another deed, Aturiiaim>maif. This deed was in the next year. It was of 600 acres of land, " more or lesse," in Swansey ; and £20 the consideration. Ilii^h Cole, Josias WinsloWfJohn Cogsreshall, and Constant Soulhtoorthwete the purchasers, and Waiiueo, a counsellor, one of the witnesses. X I'his double name, we suppose, was meant to stand for the signature of himself and wife ^ So in the records. soo Wanaicohocliott. PHILIP.— SALES OF HIS LANDS. Weweniet. SooB IIL Thxa line ia a path. Sepa- conetl. Ascopompsmocke. Panhanak Patantatonel. Aseoochames. Macliapquiike. AponeccU. This ia a path. Ancqiicassctt. Cultoyowsekceselt. " Osamequen^ havine, "for valuable considerations," in the year 1641, sold to John Brown and Edward Winsloxo a tract of land eight miles square, situ- ated on both sides of Palmer's River, Philip, on the 30 Mar. 1068, was re- quired to sign a quit-claim of the same. Inis he did in presence of Umpta- kvioke, Phillip, and Peebe,* counsellord, Sonconewlitw, Phillip'a brother, and Tom the interpreter.f This tract includes the present town of Rehoboth. Also in 16C)9, for £10 " and another valuable and sufficient gratuity," he sells to John Cook of Akusenag in Dartmouth,^ " one whole island uere the townc," called Nokatay. Tlie same year, Philip and Tuapaquin sell a considerable tract of land in Middlcborough, for £13. Thomas the interpreter, ff'illiam, tlie son of 7Si9- paquin, and Benjamin Church, were witnesoes. In 1671, Philip and " Monjokam of Mattapoisett," for £5, sell to Hugh Cole, of Swansey, ship\vright, land lying near a i)lace called Jlcashewah, in Dartmoutlu In 16^2, Philip sold to William Brenton and others, of Taunton, a tract to the southward of that town, containing twelve square miles, for £143; and, a few days ailer, adjoining it, four square miles more, to Constant Southworlh. Others were concerned in the sale of the larger tract, as is judged by the deeds being signed by JVunkampahoonett, Umnnihum, alias JVimrod, Chee- maughton, and Captain Annawam, besides one Philip. Thomas, alias Sank- suit, Avas among the witnesses. The sale of the last tract was witnessed by Munashum, alius JVimrod, Woackompawhan,^ and Captain .^nnowan. These are but a part of the sales of land by Pomelacom: many other chiefs sold very largely, particularly Watttspaquin and Josiaa Wampatuck. At the court of Plimouth, 1673, "Mr. Peter Talmon of Rhode Hand com plained against Philip allies Wewasowanuett, sachem of Mount Hope, brother or predecessor of Pakanawkett as heire adminnostrator or successor vnto bis brother or predecessor Wamsitta, Sopaquitt,\\ or Alexander deceased, in an action on the case, to the damage of £800 forfeiture of a bond of such a value, bearing date, June the 28th, 1661, giuen to the said Peter Talman, obliging * Called, in Mr. Hubbard's history, Ththe ; he was afterwards killed at Swansey, in the beg^inniiiff of ihe war. There is a pond in Narraganset of the same name. \ JtU.iilUs, in his HisToar of Rehoboth, 64, 65, has prinicd this deed from the original. X 'J'he place where Cook lived is now included in New Bedford. i Probably " Philip's old uncle Akkompoin." li 'I'hat is, nicknamed Alexander, according to Ihe French mode of expression 5 ow par sobri- qui't Alexander, as I imagine. Mr. Hubbard says of Philip, (Narrative, 10,) that, " for hil aiiiLiiiious and haughty spirit, [he was] nicknamed King Philip." :J >li4 Chap. II] PHILIP— MAKES A TREATY AT PLIMOUTII. 901 liim tho Mid ff'amtitta allirs Jilexandtr to ninke good to liim, \\'w licirPH nn'«<,] for wrong done bv liim to one of his men about a ^un taken from him by the sai«l il'aat; as also for %vrong done unto some swme of the said Indian's. The court have ordered th .. case to be heard and determined by the selectmen of Taunton ; and in '.^se it be not by them ended, that it be referred unto the next March coin at Plinioutii to be ended." How the case turned we have not ibund. Bi'! for an Indian to gain his point at an English court, unless his case were an ex- ceeding strong one, was, we apprehend, a rare occurrence. "He was no sooner styled sachem," says Dr. /. .Mather,* "but immediately, in the year 16G2, th^re were vehement suspicions of his bloody treachery against the English." This author wrote at the close of Philip^s war, when very few could speak of Indians, without discovering great bitterness. Mr. Morton f is the first who mentions JV/e/acome/ in a printed work, which, being before any difliculty with him, is in a more becoming manner. "This year, 11GG2,) he obser\'es, " u])on occasion of some suspicion of some plot intended ly the Indians against the English, Philip, the sachem of Pokanoket, other- wise called Metacom, made his appearance at the court held at Plimoutb| August G, did earnestly desire the continuance of that amity and friendship that hath formerly lieen between the governor of Plirnouth and his deceased father ond brother." The court expressing their willingness to remain his friends, lie signed the articles prepared by them, acknowledging himself a subject erf the king of England, thus : — " The mark of ^ Phillip, sachem of Pocanakett, The mark of <] Vncumpowett, vnkell to the above said sachem," The following persons were present, and witnessed tliis act of Philip, and his great captain Uncompoin : — "John Sassamon, The mark m q/" Francis, sachem ofJViittsetf The mark DI o/*Nimrod alias Pumpasa, The mark ?j> q/^PuNcxquANECK, The mark 5 o/'Ay .Mr. Xiicrlifiis Mucij, whoso niiceslor, il is said, a.>»i>le(l in (.t'creliiig Assasiiiiiii(ii:h, 111 il laii' work. IIiy were prevented by the conuuissioners from Massachusetts, who met here with the governor of Plimoutli to confi-r with Philip. In the end it was agreed that a council should be held hi the meeting- house, one side of which should be occujiied by the Indians, and the other by the English. Philip had alleged that the English injured the planted limds of his peoph biit this, the English say, was in no wis«! sustained, lie said his warlike tin parations wtTe not against the Englisii, but the Nurnigansets, which the English also say was proved to his fitce to be false ; and that this so confbundeon that relx'llion, and nothing of any provocation from the English."* Therefore, with four of his counsel- lors, whose names wert! Titvoser, Captain H'ispoke, fyoonkapunehunl, [Unkom- voin,] and jYlmrod, lu; signed a submission, and an engagement of frienuship, whicli also sti[)ulated that he should give up all the arms among his people, into the hands of the governor of I'limouth, to be ke]it as long us the govern- ment should "see reason." f The English of lMassachus(!tt.s, having acted as umpires in this afTnir, were looked to, by both parties, on the next cause of complaint. Philip having delivered the arms which himself and men hud with them at 'launton,| promised to deliver the rest at Plimouth by a certain time. 13ut they not being delivered according to agreement, and some other differences occurring, a messenger was sent to Boston fi'oin Plimouth, to make complaint ; but Philip, perliaps, imderstanding what was intended, was (^uite as early ut IJos- ton in person ; § and, by his address, did not fail to be well received, and a favorable rejtort of liim was returned to Plimouth ; und, at the simw time, proposals tiiat commissioners from all the United Colonies should meet Phili at Plimouth, where all difhculties might be settled. This meeting took j)lace the same year, September, 1G71, and the issue of the meeting wus very nearly the same as that at Taunton. "The conclusion was," says Mr. Mitther,\\ " Philip acknowledged his otfence, und was appointed to give u sum of monev to defray the chiu'ges which his insolent clamors had put the colo- ny unto.'' As usual, si>veral articles were drawn nj) by the English, of what Philip was to submit to, to which we find the names of three only of his captains or counsellors, Uncompmn, who was his uncle,1I h'ctokom, and Samkmna. Great stress in those days was laid on the Indians submitting themselves as "8id)jects to his majesty the king of England." This they did only to get rid of the importunity of the English, as their course irmnediutely aflerwurdH invariably showed. Tiie articles whicli tlie government of Plimoutli drew up at this time, for Philip to sign, were not so illilM-rul as might be imagined, were we not to produce some of them. Article second reads, — " I [PhUip] am willing, and do jironiise to pay unto the government of Plim- outh £100, in such things as 1 have; but I would entreat the favor that I might have three years to i>ay it in, fbrasmiieh us I cannot do it at present." And in article thinf, he promises " to send unto the governor, or whom he shall a|)point, live wolves' heads, if lie can get them; or as many us ho can procure, i " (-, • * Ifiihliaid, l''''iuii Wbi's, 11, 1st cclitinn, t Tlie !irtioli^» ol tills treaty may be seen in IliMard, Miitlter, and Ilutchiiuct's histohci thev iiiiioiiiit In lilllr, uiid wu lliuielbro uinit tlioin. t Miitlier's Relation, 73. ^ P»rliii|)s this wus the lime Mr. Josselyn srw him lhor« rirhly caparisoned, as will hera aHir tie meiitiuiiod. "|| Mittlier't RelHlion, 73. 11 Called by Church, Akkompoin. Hist. King I'hxiip't War, 110 of my edition. H'' 1; i; w' W" ■) 1 1 204 PHILIP^PLIMOUTH ACCUSATIONS OF 1671. [Book III. until they come to five wolves' heads yearly." These articles were dated * 2U S jpt 1G71, and were signed by ITie mark P q/" Phillip; The mark T q/" Wohkowpahemtt ; TTie mark V o/'Wuttakooseeim; 5n^e mark T of Sonkanuhoo ; Tlie mark 2 o/'Woonashum, alias NiMROD ; TTumark Y o/'V/oospascck, alias Captain. On the 3 Nov. following, Philip accompanied Takanumma to Plimouth, to make his submission, which he did, and acknowledged, by a writing, tliat he would adhere to the articles signed by Philip and the others, the 29 Sept. l)efore. Tokamona was brother to Awashonks, and, at this time, was sachem of Seconet, or Saconett. He was afterwards killed by the Narragansets.f A general disarming of the neighboring Indians was undertaken during the spring and summer of 1G71, and nothing but trouble could have been expect- ed to follow. That nothing may be omitted which can throw light upon this important era in the biography of Philip, we will lay before the reader all the unpub- lished information furnished by the records.| Having met in June, 1671, "The court [of Plimouth] detcrmins all the guns in our hands, that did be- long to Philip, are justly forfeit ; and do at the present order the dividing of them, to be kept at the several towns, according to their equal proportions, until October court next, and then to be at the court's disjiose, as reason may appear to them, and then to belong unto the towns, if not otherwise disposed of by the court " That which the court groum s their judgment upon is, — For that at the treaty at Taunton, Philip and his council did acknowledge that they had beeii in a preparation for war against us ; and that not grounded upon any injury sustained from us, nor provocation given by us, but from their naughty heai'ts, and because he had formerly violated and broken solenm covenants made and renewed to us; he then freely tendered, (not being in a capacity to be kept faithful by any other bonds,) to resign up all his English arms, for our future security in that respect, lie fiiiled greatly in tlie performance thereof^ by secret[ly] conveying away, and carrying home several guns, that migiit and should have been then di-livered, and not giving them up since, according to his engagement; nor so fiir as is in his power; as appears in that many guns are known still to be amongst the Lidians that live by him, and [he] not so much as giving order to some of his men, that are under his immediate com- mand, about the bringing in of their arms. " In his endeavoring, since the treaty [at Taimton,] to render us odious to our neighbor colony by false reports, complaints and suggestions ; and hia refusing or avoiding a treaty with us concerning those and other matters that are justly offensive to us, notwithstanding his late engogeinent, as well us for- mer, to submit to the king's autiiority, and the authority of this colony. " It was also ordered by the court tliat the arm 3 of the Indians of Namaa- sakett and Assowamsett, that were fetched in by Major Winslow, m\d tiiose that were with him, are confiscated, and forfeit, from the said Indians, for the grounds above expressed ; they being in a compliiuice with Phillipe in his liite plot : And yet would neither by .ur governor's order, nor by Phillipe's desire, bring in their arms, as was engaged by the treaty ; and the said guns are ordered by the court to the major nd his company for their satisfiiction, in that expedition. " Tliis court have agreed and voted to send "some" forces to " Saconett to fetch in " the arms among the Indians there. * There is no tlnle, biii: llie year, set to any printed copy of tiiis treaty. Mr. Ifiibhard by mistake oiniKud it, aniier, and invited the com- missioners of the Massachusetts and Connecticut, they [the latter] then being there in the Bay, [Boston,] and some other gentlemen to come to Plymouth and afford us their help: And, accordingly, on the 24 of Sept. 1671, Mr. John Win- throp, Gov. of Connecticut, Maj. Gen. Levtretl, Mr. That. Danfoiih, Capt. fFnu, Davis, with divers othere, came to Plimouth, and had a fair and deliberate liearing of the controversy between our colony and the said sachem Phillip, he being personally present ; there being also competent interpreters, both English and Indians. At which meeting it was proved by sufficient testimony to the conviction of the said Phillip, and satisfaction of all that audience, both [to] the said gentlemen and others, that he had broken his covenant made with our colony at Taunton in April last, in divers particulars : as also carried very un- kuidly unto us divers ways. "l.In that he "had neglected to bring in his arms, although " competent time, yea his time enlarged " to do it in, as before stated. " 2. That he had caiTied insolently and proudly towards us on several occasions, in refusing to come down to our court (when sent for) to have speech with him, to procure a right understanding of matters in difference betwixt us." This, to say the least, was a wretchedly sorry complaint. That an independ- ent chief should refuse to obey his neighbors whenever they had a mind to command him, of the justness of whose mandates he was not to inquire, surely calls for no comment of ours. Besides, did Philip not do as he agreed at Taunton ? — which was, tlmt in case of future troubles, both parties should lay their complaints befr-ie Massachusetts, and abide by their decision? The 3d charge is only a repetition of what was stated by the council of war, namely, harboring and abetting divers Indians not his own men, but " vaga- bonds, our profev>)sed enemies, who "'saving their own sachem were hai-bored by him." The 4th has likewise been stated, which contains the comi)laint of his going to Massachusetts, " with several of his council, endeavoring to insinuate him- self into the magistrates, and to misrepresent mattcre unto them," which amounts to little else but an accusalion against Massachusetts, as, from what has been b('l()re stated, it seems tlmt the "gentlemen in jjlace there" had, at least in part, been convinced that Philip was not so much in fault as their friends of Plim- outh had pretended. ".'). That he hud shewed great incivility to divers of ours at several times; in special unto Mr. James Brown, who was sent by the court on special occasion, us a messenger unto him ;aiid unto Hugh Cole at another time, &c. "The gent'emen fbrenumed takuig notice uf the premises, havhig fully heard CHvr. ir.] PHILIP. 207 wliat the said Phillip could say for himself, having free liberty so to do without interruption, adjudged tii&t he hud done us a great deal of >vrong and injury, (respecting the preniiaes,) and also unused them by carrying lies and false stories to them, and so misrepresenting matters unto them ; and they persuaded him to make au acknowledgment of his fault, and to seek for recuiiciliatiun, expressing themselves, that there is a great difference between what he asserted to the government in the Bay, and what he could now make out concerning his pretended wrongs ; and such had been the wrong and damage that he IuhI done and procured unto the colony, as ought not to be borne without comj)e- tent reparation and satisfaction ; yea, that lie, by his insolencies, had (in Droba- bility) occasioned more mischief from the Indians amongst them, tl had fallen out in many years before ; they persuaded him, therefore, to humlh liim- eelf unto the magistrates, and to amend his ways, if he expected peace ; and tliat, if he went on in his refractory way, he must expect to smart for it." The commissioners finally drew up tlie treaty of which we have before sjo- ken, and Philip and his counsellors subscribed it ; and thus ended the chief events of 1G71. A very short time before the war of 1G75 commenced, the governor of Massachusetts sent an ambassador to Philip, to demand of him why lie would make war upon the English, and requested him, at the same time, to enter into a treaty. The sachem made him this answer: — " Your governor w but a subject of King Charles * of England. I shall not treat with a subject. I shall treat of peace only unth the king, my brotlier. fVhen he conies, I am ready." f This is literal, although we have changed th- >rder of the words a little, and is worthy of a |)lace upon the same page with the speech of the famous Porus, when taken cajrtive by Alexander, % We meet with nothing of importance imtil the death of Sassamon, in 1G74, the occasion of which was charged upon Philip, and was the cause of l)ringing about the war with him a year sooner than he had expected. This event pre- maturely discovered Ids intentions, which occasioned i\.e part'al recantation of the NaiTagansets, who, it is reported, were to furnish 4000 men, to be ready to fall upon the English in 1676. Concert, therefore, was wanting ; and although nearly all the Narragansets idtimately joined against the English, yet the pow- erful effect of a general simultaneous movement was lost to the Indians. Philip^s own peopii,, many of whom were so disconcerted at the imexpected beginning of the war, continued some time to waver, doubting wluch side to show themselves in favor of; and it was only from thteir beaig without the vicinity of the English, or unprotected by them, that determined their course, which was, in almost all cases, in favor of Philip. Even the praying Indians, had they been lefl to themselves, woidd, no dorjt,manyof them, have declared in his tlivor also, as a great many really did. Until the execution of the three Indians, supposed to be the murderers of Sassamon, uo hostility was committed by Philip or his warriors. AI)out the tune of their trial, he was said to bw marching his men " up and down the country in arms," but when it was known that they were executed, he could no longer restrain many of his young men, who, having sent their wives and children to Narraganset, upon the 24th of June, nrovoked the people of Swan- sey, by killing their cattle, and other injuries,^ u.itil they fired upon them and * Chiir :i II., whose rciffii was from 1660 to 1676. t Old Iiidiiiii Cliroiiiclo,()!). t The (•ouqiieror askod hiin how he would bo treated, who, in two words, replied, " Like a kill!?." IJeiiig' asked if he had no other request to make, he said, " No. Every thiiipf is coiiiprehciuhMl in that." (Pliilarck's Life of Alexander.) We couM wish, thiil tlfe English conquerors had acted with as much magnaiiiiiiitv towards the Imhans, as Alexander did towards those he overcame. Poms was treated as he had desired. vS " III the mean time King Philip muslerc-d up ahout .^)00 of his men, and arms them com- pU-at ; and had gotten about 8 or DtX) of his neiy ihoring Indiit/if, ami likewise arms iheiii com- pli-al ; (i. e. guns, powder and bullets;) but how many he hiilh engaged to he of his |)iirlv, IS uiikiiown to any among us. The last spring, several Iiniintis were seen in small parties, about liilinholh and fiivanseij, which not a liltle all'riglited the inhabitanls. Who demiindiiig the reason of them, wherefore it was so ? Answer was made. That the}' were op'v on tlici'r •wn defence, for they uiidcr-lood tliat ihc liiiglisli intended to cut them off. .AKoiu tin- '.JOth 208 PHILIP— BEGINS THE WAR OF 1676. [Book III. killed one, wliich was a signal to commence the war, and what they had de- sired ; for the Hiipcrstitious notion prevailed among the Indians, that the party who fired tlie first gun would be conquered.* They had probably been made to believe tliis by the English themselves. It wus upon a fast day that this great drama was opened. As the pco])le were returning from meeting, they were fired upon by the Indians, when one was killed and two wounded. Two others, going f r a surgeon, were killed on their wuj'. In another jiart of the town, six others were killed the same day. Swansey was in the midst of Philip's country, and his men were as well acquainted with all the walks of the English as they were themselves. It is not su])posed that Philip directed this attack, but, on the other hand, it has been said that it was ogainst his wishes. Hut there can be no doubt of his hostility and great desire to rid his country of the white intruders ; for had he not reason to say, " Exarsere ignes animo : subit ira, cadcntem Ulcisci patriain, et sccleratas sumero |>oeiias ? " The die was cast. No other alternative appeared, but to ravage, bum and destroy as fast as was in his power. There had been no considerable war for a long time, eidier among themselves or with the English, and, therefore, nu- merous young wan'iors from the neighboring tribes, entered into his cause with great ardor ; eager to perform exploits, such as had been recounted to them by their sires, and such as they had long waited an opportunity to achieve. The time, they conceived, had now arrived, and their soids expanded in pro- portion to the greatness of the undertaking. To conquer the English ! to lend captive their haughty lords ! must have been to them thoughts of vast magni- tude, and exhilarating in the highest degree. Town after town fell before them, and when the English forces marched in one direction, they were burning and laying waste in another. A part of Taunton, 3Ii(ldleborough, and Dartmouth, in the vicinity of Pocosset, upon Narraganset Bay, soon followed the destruction of Swansoy, which was burnt immediately after the 24th of June, on being abandoned by the inhabitant.^. Though now in great consternation, the people of Swansey and its vicinity did not lorg ^ or dead ; that they shall use all acts of hostility against Philip and his subjects, to kill them wherever they can be found; that if they seize Phil.^ and deliver him alive to the English, they shall receive 40 trucking cloth coats ; and for his head alone, 20 of said coats ; and for every subject of said sachem 2 coats, if alive, and one if dead. This treaty is dated Petaquanscot, 15 July, 1675 ; In presence of and signed by the marks of Daniel Henchman, Tawaoeson, Thomas Prentice, Taytson, JS/icholas Paige, Aoamaco, Joseph Stanton, Interpreter. Wampsii, alias Henry Haiolaws, i [Indians, Corman. Pecoe Bucow, ( probably.] Job Mff. Philip commanded in person upon Pocasset, where, upon the 18th of July, he was discovered in a "dismal swamp." He had retired to this place, which is adjacent to Taunton River, with most of his Wampanoags, and such others as had joined him, to avoid falling in with the English army, which was now pursuing him. From their numbers, the English were nearly able to encompass the swamp, and the fate of Philip they now thought sealed. On arriving at its edge, a few of Philip's warriors showed them- selves, and the English rushed in upon them with ardor, and by this feint were drawn far into an ambush, and "about 15 were sluiu." The leaves upon tlie trees were so thick, and the hour of the day so late, that a friend could not be distinguisiied from a foe, " whereby 'tis verily feared," says Dr. Mather, "that [the English themselves] did sometimes unhapi)ily shoot Eng- * Probably ilie same railed iii another pince Nowequa. % m m PHILIP.— FIGHT AT REHOBOTH PLAIiN. [Book III. %\^ •1' lisliiiien iiiNteml of Indians." A retreat was now ordered, and, considering Philip's escape in)possible, tlie most of tiie forces leil the place, a few ordy reinuiiiing, "to starve out the enemy." That Philip's force was great at this time is certain, from the fact tliut a hundred wigwams were found near tlio •*(lge of tlie swam]), newly constructed of green burk. In one of those the Enghsh found an old niun, who informed them that Philip was there. He lost hut few men in the encounter, though, it is said, he had a brother killed.* The idle notion of building a fort here to starve out Philip, was suffi- ciently censured by the historians of that dny. For, as Cantuin Church ex- presses It, lo build a fort/or nothing to cover the people from nooodij,\ was rather a ridiculous idea. This observation he made U|)on a ibrt's being built upon Mount Hope Neck, some time aller every Indian had lell that side of the country, oud who, in fact, were hiying waste the towns before mentioned. The swamp where Philip was now confined, was upon a piece of country which projected into Taunton River, and was nearly 8«!vcn milts in extent. Afier being guarded here 13 days, which, in the end, was greatly to his advan- tage, and aflorded him sufiieient time to provide canot^s in which to make his escape, he passed the river with most of his men, and made good his retreat into the country u|)on Connecticut River. In efiecting this retreat, an acci- dent hap])cned which deprived him of some of his choicest and bravest ca]>- tains, as wo shall proceed to relate. About the 26 July, 1G75, Oneko, with two of his brothers, and about 50 men, came to Boston, by direction of tineas, his fatlier, and declared their desire to assist the English against the Wamponoags. A few English and three Nuticks were added to their company, and immediately despatched, by way of Pli- mouth, to the enemy's country. This circuitous route was taken, perhaps, that they might have their instructions immediately from the governor of that colony ; Massachusetts, at that time, probably, supposing the war might be ended without their direct interference. This measure, as it proved, was very detrimental to the end in view ; ibr if they had proceeded directly to Seekonk, they would have been there in season to have met Philip in his retreat from Pocasset ; and this force, being joined with the other English forces, then in the vicinity, they in all ])robabllity might have Ihiislicd tiie war by a single fight with him. At least, his chance of escaj)e would have been small, as he had to cross a large extent of clear and open eoinitiy, where many of his men must have been cut down in flight, or fought man to man with their pursuers. Whereas Oneko was encamped at some dis- lance, having arrived late the night before, and some time was lost in rally- ingt after Philip was discovered. They overtook him, however, about iO o'clock in the morning of the 1st of August, and a smart fight ensi^od. Philip having brought his best men into the rear, many of them were slain ; among these was Nimrod, alias Woonashum, a great captain and counsellor, who hud signed the treaty at Taunton, four years before. From what cause the fight was suspended is unknown, though it woidd seem from some relations, that it was owing to Oneko's men, who, seeing themselves in pof^ession of considerable plunder, fell to loading themselves with it, and thus gave Philip time to escape. From this view of the case, it would appear that the Mohegans were the chief actors in the offensive. It is said that the Naticks urged immediate and further pursuit, which did not take place, in consequence of the extreme heat of the weather ; and thus the main body were permitted to escape. Mr. JVewwkin, of Rehoboth, gave an account of the afiair in a letter, in which he said that "14 of the enemy's principal men were slain." He also mentioned, in terms of great praise, the Naticks and Mohegans imder Chwko, Philip having now taken a position to annoy the back settlements of • This is upon the aiitliority of llm anonymous author of tlie "Present Slate," &.c.,o( which we shall eisewliere have occasion to take notice. That author seems to have co» founded the fight between Thebe and Lieut. Oukes with that of Rehoboth Plain. t Hist. Philip's War, p. 6. ed. 4to. ; Govkin'i MS. Hist. Praying Indians. ^ ( , Chap. 11] AMBUSH AT WlKABAUa. 2i:J Mass^clmsotts, his warriors fell vigorounly to tlie worit On 14 Jiilv, fivo people arc killed ut Meiuloii, in Muhs., which ia the first hlood hIuhI hi tin; coio'iy in thij wur. Those that were killed were about their work in ilie fielii, and knew not their murderers ; and whether they were killed hy Phili|)*s men is unknown. Soon ufler the war begun, Maswichiisetts, fearing the Niitmuks might join ivilh Philip, sent messengers to treat with them. The yoimg Indians were found "surly," but the old men were for a renewal of friendship; but tho person or persons sent upon this business did not acquit themselves in a manner that gave satisfaction ; (uid Philip, being now in tho country of the Nipmuks, it was concluded by the authorities of Massachusetts to make u further test of their intentions. Accordingly, on tho 28 Jidy, Captains Hutchinson and Whteltr, with a company of 20 mounted men, and 'A Christian Indians iw pilots and interi»relers, viz. Memecho, Joseph, and Sampson, went with Kotne of the inhabitants <)f Drookfield, agreeably to appointment, to meet tiio Nipmuk sacliems. It had been agreed by these saehems to meet the English in a treaty at a certain tree at Quabaog on the 2 August, on a plain 8 miles from Brooktield village. Having arrived here aeeording to agreement, the English found no Indians to treat with. It was now a question with all l)ut the Brookfield men, whether or not they should pro- ceed to a c(!rtain ;ilace where they IM-Iieved the Indians to bt;; at hsngth the confidence of the Brooktield people in the pacific disposition of the Indians, prevailed, and tin v marched on. The way was so bad that they cotild march only in single file, an they approached the jtlace where they expected to find the Indians, and wlieu they came near Wikabang Pond, between a swamp on the lell and a very abrupt and high hill on the right,* suddenly 2 or liOO Indians rose ii|), encompassed, and fired ufton them. Eight were killed out- riL'ht, and three fell mortally woundiul. Of the latter nmnber was Captain Hutchinson, who, though carried otf by the survivors, died on the 19 August following. Captain fVheeler had his hors(; shot under him, and himself was shot tiirough the body ; but his life was saved through the bravery and presence of mind of a son then with him. This son, though his own arm was broken by a bullet, seeing the peril of his father, dismoimten from his horse, and suc- ceeded in mounting his father upon it. A retreat now began, and, by cutting their way through the Indians, the email renmunt of English got back tu Br()okfield.t The tiiree Christian Indians of whom we have spoken, rendered most eminent service on this day ; for had they not been there, there had been no possibility of one Englishman's escaping. One of them, George Memecho, ii-il into the hands of the Indians: the other two, by skill and l)ravery, led the English, by an unknown route, in safety to Brookfiehl. Yet these In- dians were afterwards so Iwdly treated by the English, that they were forced to fly to Philip for protection. Sampson was afterwards killecl in a fight by the English Indians, and Joseph was taken in Pliinouth colony, and sold for a slave, and sent to Jamaica. lie afterwards was suffered to return, at the iiit(Tcessioii of Mr. Eliot. Menucho escaped from his caj)tors, nnd brought beneficial intelligence to the English of the state of Philip's affai's. | The English having now arrived at Brookfiehl, as just relat3d, the In- dians pursued them, and arrived almost as soon ; fortunately, hov over, there was barely time to alarm the inhabitants, who, to the number of about 80, flocked into a garrison house, where, through persevering efforts, tiiey were enabled to maintain tlumselves until a force under Major WUlard cairie to their relief, Augusf 4. He was in the vicinity of Lancaster, with 48 dra- goons and lour friendlv Indians, when be received the intelligence of the perilous condition of Brookfield, and had^ ist taken up his line of march to sm-prise a lodge of Indians not far from that ])lacc. He now (piiekly * According to all traililion this place is at the north end of Wickahoajj pond, and the hill was u cemetery for the Indians; for when cultivated allerwards Ity the whiles, numtTous Ixniirs were exhumed. Fool's Hist. Urookficid, 30. t Narrati.e of the affair by Captain Wheeler himself, p. 1 to 5. X Gookin's MS. History of the I'rayini; Indians.— Joifp/i and Sampson were brothers *oiis of "old KuBiN Petuha.vit, deceased, a good man." lb. 4? % if' t 914 nrUMNO OF DRCMUvFIKLD [DuoK III "hail).'*!!! \m roiirs*! for Krookfioltl, distant nimnt 30 miles, which, by n forced nmrch, \w, renclicd in snlUty tlio ni;5ht followinj,'. Tliat h« was not uttarkod OS lit; np|)rnachi;d tho distr(!SHe/>cr, of Roxbury, was taken cap- tive, and the others efVected their escape. Philip's men had the advantage of attacking them in a place of their own choosing, and their first fire was very destructive. Beers retreated with his men to a small eminence, and maintained the unr(piul fight until their anmiunition was spent, at which time a cart containing annnunition fell into the hands of the Indians, and, the captain being killed, all who were able took to flight. The hill to wiiich the English fled, at the i)eginning of the fight, was known aflerwards by tiie name of Beers's Mountain. "Here," says Mr. Hvhbard, " the barbarous vil- lains showed their insolent rage and cruelty, more than ever before ; cutting off the heads of some of the slain, and fixing them upon poles near the highway, and not only so, but one, if not more, was fcund with a chain hooked into his under-jaw, and so hung up on the bough of a tree, ('tis feared he was hung up alive,) by which means they thought to daunt and discourage anv that might come to their relief!" 'The place where this fight occurred was within about two miles of tlie gar- rison at Squakkeag, (Northfield,) and the plain on which it began is called Beers''s Plain. Meanwhile the garrison was reduced to the brink of ruin, and, like that at Brookfield, was saved by the arrival of a company of soldiers. Two days after Captain Beers was cut off, Major Treat arrived there with 100 men, and conveyed the garrison safe to Hadley. Philip probably conducted both aflTairs; this of Cajitain Beers, and that of Captain Thomas Lothrop, about to be related, although it is not positively known to be the fact. Some time in the month of August, "King Philip^s men had taken a young lad alive, about 14 years old, and bound him to a tree two nights and two days, intending to be merry with him the next day, and that they would roast him alive to make sport with him; but God, over night, touched the heart of one Indian, so that he came and loosed him, and bid him run grande, (i. e. run apace,) and by that means he escaped." § About this time, some English found a single Indian, an old man, near Quabaog, whom they captured. As he would not give them any information respecting his countrj^men, or, perhaps, such as they desired, they pro- nounced him worthy of death ; so " they laid him down, Cornelius, the butch- man, lifting up his sword to cut off his head, the Indian lifted up his hand be- tween, so that his hand was flrst cut off, and partly his head, and the second blow finished the execution." {| * Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. I, 293 — ♦. n. t Hubbard, Nar.36, 37.— Chronicle, W.—Hoyt, 102, 103. ) Manuscript documents. ^ Chronicle, 25. || Manuscript in library of Mass. Hist. Soc. i i ' ■'] I- !■!.■ i' V i i I ■ i; 1 r r f .i N '■ i t: ) "5. 216 PHILIP.-.LOTHROP CUT OFF. [Book III. It was about this time, as the author of the " Present State " relates, tliat " King Philip, now beginning to want money, having a coat made all of wunipunipeag, (i. e. Indian money,) cuts his coat to pieces and distributes it pItMititiilly among the Nipmoog sachems and others, as well as to the east- ward as southward, and all round about" * On the 18 Sept. Captain Lothrop, of Beverly, was sent from Hadley with about 88 men, to bring away the corn, grain, and other valuable articles, ti-oni Deerfield. Having loaded their teams and commenced their march homewaid, they were attacked at a place called Sugarloaf Hill, where almost every man was slain. This company consisted of " choice young men, the very flower of Essex county, ' none of whom were ashamed to speak with the enemy in the gate.'"t Eighteen of the men belonged to Deerfield-J Cap- tain Mosdy, being not far off, upon a scout, was drawn to the scene of action by the report of the guns, and, having with him 70 men, chai^^^ed the Indians with great resolution, although he computed their numbers at 1000. lie had two of his men killed and eleven wounded. The Indians dared him to begin the fight, and exultingly said to him, " Come, Mostly, come, you seek In- dians, you want Indians ; here is Indians enough for you.''^ § On tliis occasion the conduct otMosely's lieutenants, Savage and Pickering, are mentioned in high terms of praise, "as deserving no little pait of the honor of that day's senice." After continuing a fight witli them, from eleven o' clock until almost night, he was obliged to retreat. || The Indians cut open the bags of wheat and tlie feather-beds, and scattered their contents to the winds. § After Mosely had commenced a retreat. Major Treat, with 100 Eiiglitjh and (iO Mohegans, came to his assistance. Their united forces obliged the Indians to retreat in their turn.H The Indians were said to have lost, in the varioii"* encounters, 96 men. It was a great oversight, that Captain Lothrop should have suftered his men to stroll about, while passing n dangerous defile. "Many of the soldiers having been so foolish and secure, as to put their arms in the carts, and step aside to gather grapes, which proved dear and deadly grapes to them." ** The same author observes, " This was a black and fatal day, wherein there were eight persons made widows, and six-and-twenty children made fatherless, all in one little plantation and in one day ; aud above sixty persons buried in one dreadful grave ! " The place of this fight and ambush is in the southerly part of Dcerfield, on which is now the village called B1.00DT Brook, so named from this memora- ble tragedy. A brook which passes through the village is crossed by the road not far from tlie centre of it, and it was at the point of crossing that it happened, ff Until this period the Indians near Springfield remained friendly, and re fused the solicitations of Philip, to undertake in his cause. But, now that Northfield and Deerfield had liillen into his hands, they were watched closer by the whites, whose cause tlirse great euccosscs of Philip had occasioned them to look upon as rather precarious. They therefore, about 40 in number, on the night of the 4 Oct., admitted about 300 of Philip's men into their fort, which was situated at a place called Longhill, about a mile below the village of Springfield, and a plan was concerted for the destruction of that place. But, as in many cases afterwards, one of their number betrayed tlieni. ToTO,tt • Old Ind. Chronicle. If this were ihe case, Philip must iiave hnd nn immense big coat— vca, even bigger than Dr. Johnson's great coal, as rc|>rcsenlcd l>y liosivell ; the side pockets of wliich, he said, were largo enough each lo cont{.in ot;c of the huge volumes of his Iblio dictionary I t lluhhard's Narrative, 38. X These were the teamsters. 6 Slanuscript letter, written at the time. II " Whereupon, allor having killed several of the Indians, he was forced lo retreat, and con- tinued fighting for all the lime that he and his men were rcirealing nine miles. Cnpl. Mostly lost out of his company 9, and 13 wounded."— Old. Ind. Chron. 29. This author has nleixlod the two accounts of Beers and Lothrop together, and relates ihcm as one. 11 /. Mather's Ilisloryof the War, 12. *» Ibid. tt Last year, (iy.J5), a splendid celebration was held at Bi.oodv niiooK, in commemoration •f the event, and an oration was pronounced by our Prince of Orntors, the present governor if this commonwealth. His Kxcellency Euwaud I'.vkiiktt, LI.. D. \^ Hubbard.— 'lor , Hutchinson. CHAr. II.] PHILIP.— SURPRISE OF HATFIELD. 217 \'M an Indian at Windsor, revealed the plot, and the peoj)le of Springfiehl had time otilj' to escape into tiieir garrisons. The whole force of ihe IndianH came like a torrent upon the place the next day, and burnt the deserted houses and bai*ns, in all 57 buildings. In this business, however, some of their number were killed * i)y tii ■ puople in the garrisons ; but it is not known how many. They would have succeeded against the lives of the English as well as against their proj)erty, had not u force arrived about the same time for their nlirf Animated bv his successes, Philip aimed his next blow at the head quar- ters of the wfiites in this region. With 7 or 800 of his men he fell upon Hatfield on the 19 Oct., wliicli, had it not been well provided with men, would have shared the fate of Springfield ; but Captain Mosely and Captain Poole, with their companies, were in the place, and Ca|)tain Samuel Appkton was at Iladley on the opposite side of the river; and against such commanders they could hardly have expected success. Ilowever, they made a bold attempt on all sides at once ; but their greatest force fell on the |)oint where Captani Jlppleton commanded. His sergeant was mortally wounded by his side, and a bullet passed through the hair of his own head; "by that whisper telling him," says Hubbard, "that death was very near, but did bin no other harm. Night coming on, it could not be discerned what loss the enemy sustained ; divers were seen to fall, some run through a small river, [now called JMi/i River,] others cast their guns into the water, (it being their manner to ven- ture as nuich to recover the dead bodies of their friends, as to defend them when alive.)" And thus they were driven from the place, after killing but three, and wounding 10 of the whites, and burning a small number of buildings. They had, Ixifore their attack on the town, killed three belonging to some scouts, and seven others of Captain Mosely^s men. This was among their last iinportant efforts on the Connecticut River before retiring to the country of the Narragaiisets. The Nipnmck sachems had well contrived their attack on Hatfield ; having made fires in the woods about seven miles from it, to draw out the soldiers, lor whom they had jirepared ambushes ; but only ten of Moseli/s men were sent out to learn tlie cause of the fires. These were all cut oA' except one, according to the Chronicle, but according to Hubbard, seven only were killev !i l>all Iroiii tli(> (rurrisoii lit lliis time. An liinsl doterinina- lion uilio tills ojif was. Mr. liubburd calls lilni a I'ugilivu Irom llie Narraguiisuts. A/ i.ii^iiiia, IM.T-' ■'■. J. lui.t.fc, . Hollow troes, cut ofl' about llie length of a barrel, wor» )V tlie Indians for tubs. In such (liey secured their corn and other {grains. a. cominunicatioii of Reverend .Mr. Elij, accouipanied by a drawing of the island. Its is very similar to the shell of an oyster. Average rectanguicu lines ihrouffli it niei measure, .s'-^'t wJAP. II.] PHILIP.— NARRAGANSET SWAMP FIGHT. 219 surrounded it, encompassing an area of about five acres. Between tlie fort aftd tlie main land was a body of water, over whicli a great tree bad been felled, on which all must pass and repass, to and from it. On coming to this place, the English soldiers, as many as could pass upon the tree, which would not admit two abreast, rushed forward upon it, but were swept off in a moment by the fire of PhUip'a men. Still, the English soldiers, led by their captains, supplied the places of the slain. But again and again were they swept from the fatal avenue. Six captains and a great many men had fallen, and a partial, but momentary, recoil from the face of death took place. Meanwhile, a handful, under the fortunate Mosely, had, as miraculous as it may seem, got within the fort. These were contending hand to hand with the Indians, and at fearful odds, when the cry of " l^ey run ! they run ! " brought to their assistance a considerable body of their fellow-soldiers. They were now enabled to drive the Lidians from their main breastwork, and their slaughter bncame immense. Flying from wigwam to wigwam — men, women and children, indiscriminately, were hewn down, and lay in heaps upon the snow. Being now masters of the fort, at the recommenda- tion of Mr. Church, who letl the second party that entered the fort. General Winslow was about to quarter the army in it for the present, which offered comfortable habitations to the sick and wounded, besides a plentiful supply of provisions. But one of the captaius * and a surgeon opposed the meas- ure ; probably fiom the apprehension that the woods was full of Indians, who would continue their attacks upon them, and drive them out in their turn. There was, doubtless, some reason for this, which was strengthened from the fact that many English were killed after they had possessed themselves of the fort, by those whom they had just dispossessed of it. Notwithstantling, had Church's advice been followed, perhaps many of the lives of the wounded would have been saved ; for he was seldom out in hia judgment, as his continued successes proved aflerwards. After fighting three hours, the English were obliged to march 18 miles, before the wounded could be dressed, and in a most dismal and boisterous night. Eighty English were killed in the fight, and 150 wounded, many of whom died afterwards. The shattered army left the ground in considerable haste, leaving eight of their dead in the fort. Philip, and such of his warriors as escaped unhurt, fled into a place of safety, until the enemy had retired ; when they returned again to the fort. The English, no doubt, apprehended a pursuit, but Philip, not knowing their distressed situation, and, perhaps, judging of their loss from the few dead which they left behind, made no attempt to harass them in their retreat. Before the fight was over, many of the wigwams were set on fire. Into these, hundreds of innocent women and childi'en had crowded them- selves, and perished in the general conflagration ! And, as a writer of that day expresses himself, "no man knoweth how many." The English learned afterwards, from some that fell into their bands, that in all about 700 perishcd.f The sufferings of the English, after the fight, are almost without a par- allel in history. The horrors of Moscow will not longer be remembered. The myriads of modern Europe, assembled there, bear but small ]iropor- * Probably Mostly, who seems always to have liad a large share in the dircciion of all af- fairs when present. t There li printed in Hiitchinsoii's Hist. Mass. i. 300. a letter which ^vcs the partirulars of the Narraganset tight. I have compared it widi the original, and lind it correct in the mala particulars. He mistakes in ascribing it to Major Bradjord, for it is signed by James Oliver, a Massachusetts captain. Hutchinson copied from a copy, whicli was without signature. He omils a passage concerning Tijl, or Tiffe, who, Oliver says, confirmed his narrative. That man had " married an Indian, a Wompanoug— and, says Oliver, he shot ^) times at us in the swamp—was taken at Providence, [by Captain Fenner,] Jan. 14th— lirought to us the Kilh — i^xccuted the l!Jlh ; a sad wretch. He never heard a sermon but once this ll years ; he never hoard of the name of Jfsiis Christ. His father going to recall him, lost his head, and lii's unl)uried." Hubbard says, (.Narrative, b'i,) that "lie was condemned to die the death of a ir^titor," and traitors of those days were i|uarturcd. *' As to his religion, he was found as giionuit as an heailu'ii, which, no doubt, caused the fewer tears to be shed a> his fui'eral." A sorrowful record ! ! 'i* ■V f • 220 PHILTP. [Rook III tloptothe number of thtir countrymen, compared with that of the army of Now Enfrliiiid and th'Mrs, at tlie fight in Narruganset. * Colonel Church, then only a volunteer, was in tliis fight, and ue will hear a few of his observations, "By this time, the English people in the fort had begun to set fire to the wigwams and houses, which JMr. Church labored hard to prevent ; they told him they had orders lioin the general to burn them; he begged them to Ibrb.ar until he hiid disconrs;'d the general," Then, hastening to him, he urged, that "the wigwams were musket-jjroofj being all lined with baskets and tubs of grain, and other provisions, sutfi- cient to 8U])ply the whole army until tlie spring of the year; and every wounded man might have a good warm house to lodge in ; which, other- wise, would necessarily j)erish with the storms and cold. And, moreover, that the army had no other jjrovision to trust unto or depend upon ; that he knew that Plymouth forces had not so much as one biscuit left," The gen- eral was for acceding to Churches proposition, but a captain and a doctor prevented it, as we have before observed ; the former tlireatening to shoot the general's horse under hiai, if he attempted to march in, and the latter said. Church should bleed to death like a dog, (he having been badly wounded on entering the fort,) before he would dress his wounds, if he gave such advice. Church then proceeds : " And, burning up all the houses and pro- visions in the fort, the army returned the same night in the storm and cold. And, I sujtpose, every one that is acquainted with the circumstances of that night's march, deeply laments the miseries that attended them ; especially the wounded and dying men. But it mercifully came to pass that Capt, Andrew Belcher arrived at Mr, Smithes, [in Narraganset,] that very night from Boston, with a vessel loaden with provisions for the army, who must other- wise have perished lor want " * After the English army had gone into quarters at Wickford, the Connecticut troojjs returned home, which was considered very detrimental to the service by the other colonies ; and soon after a reinforcement of 1000 men was as- sembled at Boston and ordered to the assistance of their countrymen. In their march to Narraganset in the beginning of Jan, 167G, they suffered intol- erably from the cold ; no less than 11 men were frozen to death, and many others were taken sick by reason of their exposure in that severe season. Meanwhile the Indians had sent deputies to the commander-in-chief to treat of peace ; but it was judged that they were insincere in their overtures, and no terms were settled. While matters were thus progressing, Philip removed his provisions, women and children to a strong place j)rotected ny rocks, in a swamj), about 20 miles from the late battle-ground in Narraganset, into the country of the Nipmuks. At length, the weatlier having become mild, and the Connecticut Ibrces returned, together \ 'ith a body of Mohegans under Uncas, it was resolved to su prise Philip in his rocky fortress. Accordingly the army, consisting now of lUOO men, marched out on this enterprise. On its approach, the Indians abandoned their position and fled farther noi-thward. They were [)ursued a small distance, and about 60 or 70 of them killed and taken, (probably women and children.) The army soon after returned home, and was chiefly disbanded. On 27 Jan., while the army was pursuing the main body of the Indians, a i)arty of about 300 attacked Mr. JVilliam Carpenteh^s plantation, and attempted to burn his house, which they set on fire, but those within succeeded in put- ting it out. In the skirmish, one of their number was killed, and two of the whites were wounded. The assaulting party collected and drove off from this place 180 shei p, 50 large cattle, and 15 horses, and from a Mr. Harris another drove of cattle, and killed his negro servant.f Soon after this, Philip, with many of liis followei-s, left that part of the * " Our woiiniled men, (in iiuml)cr alxinl 150,) lioiiig dressed, were sent into Rhode Island, ns die liosl place for llieir arconuiiodiilion ; wlicre, accordinnly, diey were kindly received l>y llic irovernor and olliors, onlv some (Inirlisli tiuukers were nol free to enterlnin llicin, nnlij r(nn|><'llcd liy llie {>ovrrn()r. (>l so i;iliiiinaiie, |ieevisli and inilowarich\ 'i\. t>ld liidiun Chronicle, M, ii\).—lli,li!Mid, JU. H.vr. II. PHILIP.— MEDFlEI.n ATTACKED. 221 coiiiiti-y, uii'.l rcsiiled in tlfforent places upon Connecticut River. Some report tiiar lit; fook up liis residence near Albany, and that lie solicited the Mohawks to iiid iiiin against the English, but without success. Tiie story of the foul stratagiin said to have been resorted to hy Philip (or this object, is, if true, tlie deepest stain upon his character. According to one oi' tlie historians* of the war, it was reported at Boston, in tiie end of June, or beginning of July, 1076, that " those Indians who are known by the name of Muuquawogs, (or Mohawks, i. e. man-eaters,) had lately fallen upon Philip, and killed 40 of his men. And if the variance between Philip and tlie Mauquawogs came to pass, as is commonly reported and appi-ehended, there was a niai*vellous finger of God in it. For we hear that Philip, being this winter entertained in the Mohawks' country, made it his design to breed a quarrel between the English and them ; to effect which, divers of our returned captives do report, that he resolved to kill some scattering Mohawks, ond then to say that the English had done it ; but one of these, whom he tiiought to ' :ve killed, was only wounded, and got uway'to his countrymen, giving them to understand that not the English, but Philip, had killed the laen that W(;re murdered ; so that, instead of bringing the Mohawks upon iJie English, he brought them ujion himself." The author of the anonymous " Letters to London" has this passage f concerning PhUip^a visit to the Mohawks. " King Philip, and seme of these northern Indians, bchig wandered up towards Albany, the Mohucks marched out very strong, in a warlike posture, upon them, putting them to flight, and |)ursuing them as far as Hassicke River, which is about two days' march iiom the cast side of Hudson's River to the north-east, killing divers, and bringing away some prisoners with great pride and triumph, which ill suc- cess on that side, where they did not expect any enemy, having lately en- deavored to make u|) the ancient animosities, did very much daunt and dis- courage the said northern Indians, so that some hundreds came in and sub- mitted themselves to the Enghsh at Phnioiith colony, and Philip himself is run skulking away into some swamp, witli not above ten men attending him." Aldiough Philip was sup[)Osed to be beyond the frontier by some, and by others to be " snugly stowed away in some swamp," yet his warriors, whether directed by him m person or not, is immaterial, as every thing was done against the English that could well he under such broken circumstances aa he now labored. On the 10 Feb. 1676, they surjirised Lancaster w ith com- plete success, thu particulars of which we shall fully narrate in our next chapter. Eleven days after, (21 Feb.) about 300 Lidians attacked Medfield, and in spite of 200 soldiers stationed there to guard it, burnt about 50 houses, killed 18 of its inhabitants, and wounded 20 others. Among the slain were Lieutenant Mams and his wife : the latter was killed accidentally by Cap- tain Jacob, She was in bed in a chamber, under which was a room occupied by the soldiers ; as Cajjtain Jacob was about to leave the house, his gun went off, the ball from which passed through the chamber floor and killed her. The Lidians managed this attack with their usual skill ; having placed some of their number prepared with fire imiilements in various parts of the town, they set the houses on fire, " as it were," says Major Gookin, " in one instant of lime." And as the people issued out of them, jiarties lay ready and shot tliein down. As soon os the whites were mustered to oppose them, they retired over the bridge towards Sherburne, and set it on fire, so that the sol- diers could not pursue them. In the jiride of their success, they now wrote H hitter to the whites, and stuck it up on a post of the bridge. It readsi, " Know by this paper, that the Indians that thou hast provoked to wrath ami ansrer will war this 21 years if you ivill. There are many Indians yet. We come 1^00 at this time. Yuu mjist consider the Indians lose nothing but their life. You must lose your fair hoitses and frt houses, was burnt, except one gaiTisoii,§ by shots from which several Indians were said to have l)een killed. ♦ Dr. /. Mallier, nrief Hisl. 38. f ("liroiiiclp, '.•'.». t (Jonkin's MS. Hisl. Prnviiig Iiulians.— The above letlor wus doublloss written l>y soiii' ■)! llie Cliristian Indians wlio liad joined Philip. ( In our Chronicle, 8'J, ii is said tiiat Groion vi&i burnt on the 14th ; that Major WiUarvn, near where a body of about 500 Indians had pre- pared an ambush behind the hills. From thence they sent out two or threo of their party, who crossed the march of the English, and, being discovered by them, affected to fly through fear, to decoy them intO' a pursuit. This stratagem succeeded, and with great boldness the Indians began the attack. For some time the English maintained good order, and, having rrtreated to an adjacent hill, lost but five men for near four hours. Meantime the Indians had lost a great number, which so increased their rage that they resolved to put in practice another stratagem, which it seems they had not before thought of! They immediately set the woods on fire to windward of the English, which spread with great rapidity, owing to an exceeding high wind and the dryness of the grass and other combustibles. This stratagem likewise succeeded, even better than the first ; that, although it served to bring on the attack, was near proving fatal to its originators, but this was crowned with complete success. The fury of the flames soon drove the English from their advantageous position, which gave the Indians an opportunity to liiil upon them witii their tomahawks! Many were now able to fall upon one, and resistance fust diminished. All but about twenty were killed or fell into the hands of the conquerors; among the former were the two captains; some of tiiose that esca|)ed took shelter in a mill not Ihr off, and were saved bv the iirrivul of a few men under Captain Prentice, and a company under Cai)t!iiii Crowell. Both of these officers and their men .'ery narrowly es- cai)0(l tiie liite of fVadsworth.* As the former was about to fall into a fatal lioiisi! was biiriil first, aixl tlia '• afterwards ihey destroyed 66 more there, leaving but six houses sliuidiiiir iu the whole town." * " So insoli'iit were the In.liniis grown upon their first success against Coptain IVatlsworth, " od cheer j for they intended to dmc with us fal that iliey sent us word, to provide store of good IJosloiiJ on the election day." CItrcmicle, 95. Chap. 11] LIFE OF KING PHlLtP. 223 Biiare, he was rescued by a company from a garrison ; und as tlie Inttor np- proiiclied Sudbury, he saved himself by pursuing an unexpected routf ; and, though attaciii\-* of tlie two faniniis chiefs gave the alarm to botli cnmps nf the Kami; tiiiio; but, unhappily for Philip, h\s antagonist was jtrnparcd for tlie event, while ho was not. "All fled at the first tidings, [of tlie .xjiies,] jell tlieir kettles boiling, and meat roasting upon their wooden spits, and run into a swamp with no other breakfast, than what Ca])t, Church atlerwards treated them with." Church sent his lieutenant, Mr. Isaac Howlmul, on (»ne side of the swamp, while himself ran upon the other, each with a sfiiidl party, ho|)ing, as the swamp was small, to prevent the escape of any. Ex- pecting that when Philip should discover the English at tlio liirtlier extrenii- ry of the swamp, he would turn back in his own track, and so escape at tlio Bame place he entered, Church had, therefore, stationed an ambush to entrap him in such an event But the warinesfi of Philip disappointerwiso naked, and drew liim through the mud uito the ii|(hiiid ; and 11 doh-lid, great, naked dirty bcuHt, he looked like." Captain Church tlien said, ^Forasmuch as he hns catised nuiny an Eng- liahmcn^a body to lie unhwried and rot above growid, not one of his bonca shitll be buned > " With thf ereat chief, fell five of his most trusty followers, one of wliom was his chiei captain's son,* and the very Indian who fired the first gun at tlie commencement of tiie war. " Philip having one very remarkable hant' being much scarred, occa8i«ie)iul is iiiic<:rtuin, but tl.»t n jmrt of it is I liavc uo doubt. Tliut Philips cuni|> wuh near tlio top of Moiuit li(>|ii; ut thi! time lie was surprised, is contrary to rutional conclusion, but .seems rather to have been tixetl tliere by the imagination of some one, for tlie pU'asure it miglit afford them in contemplating the maimer of the chicrs escape by rolling down a rugged precipice. During tlie bloo\liere Philip and his Indians were lately worshipping of the devil." ** The error that Philip was grandson to Massasoit, is so well known to be such, that it would hardly seem to have required notice, but to inform the * In his " Pfvalency of Prayer," page 10. t Ibid, page 7. X .*'iich a.s dogs, wolves, blood-hounds, demons, devils-incarnate, caitiffs, hell-hounds, Jitndt, monsters, beasts, &.C. Occasional quotations will show what authors have used these. § The author of " Indian Tales" has falliored all he could think of upon Mr. Hubbard. He viiiy he called upon to point out the passage in that valuable author'^ works where he has called one or any of the Indians " hell-kounds." Such loose, gratuitous expressions will not do at the bar of history. II Magnalia. IT 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 200. ** Mr. Lee was taken by the French in a voyage to England, and carried into their country, where he died, in Ifi'Jl. This event, it was thought, hastened his end. Perhaps the sur- viving natives did not attribute the disaster to his usurping their territory, and teaetiinK a religion they could not believe ; but might thev "ot with equal propriety ? ClAP. II.] LIFE OF KING PHILIP. 229 redder of its origin. Tlie following pnsHuge from John Joaselifn's work • will, hcsides proving hitn to be tlio author of tlio error, at leiist tin; first writer that HO (It'norniniitcH him, fiirniHlt somo vaiualilc iiiformution. Sp(>aking ut' liiii Indiims in general, ho mys, "Their bends ai-u their money; of tiiese, there lire two HortH, blue b«;ad« and white beads; the first is their gold, tiio lust their silver. These they work out of certain shells, so ciuuiingly, that neither Jew nor Devil can countorftMt.f They drill them and string them, and make many curious works with them, to adorn the persons of their sjig- nmores and principal men, and young women, as belts, girdles, tablets, borders (rince Philip, alius Metacon, the grandson of Masacuoit." \ While Mrs. Jiowlandson was a captive in the wilderness with the allies of Philip, she mentions meeting with him ; and although she speaks often with bitterness of the Indians in general, yet of him nothing of that nature a|)j>ears in her journal. The party she wjts with visited Philip on the west side of tlic Connecticut, about five miles above Northfield, tlien called Squakeag. Having arrived at the j)oint of crossing, Mrs. Rowlandaon says, " We must go over the river to Philip's crew. When I was in the canoe, I could not but l>e amazed at the numerous crew of pagans that were on the Iwnk on the other side." She wos much afraid they tiH'ant to kill her here, but, being assured to the contrary, become more resigned to her fate. "Then came one of them, (she says,) and gave me two spoonfuls of meal (to comfort me,) and another gave me half a pint of peas, which was worth more than many bushels at another time. Then I went to see King Philip ; ho bade me come m and sit down ; and asked me whether I woidd smoke it; (a usual compli- ment now a days, among the saints and sinners ;) but tliis no ways suited me."§ " During my abode in this place, Philip spake to me to make a shirt for his boy, which I did ; for which he gave me a shilling." " Afterward he asked me to make a cap for his boy, for which he invited mo to dinner , I ^^ ent, and he gave me a pancake, about as big as two fingers ; it was made of parched wheat, beaten and fried in bears' grease ; but I tliought I never ta.sted pleasanter meat in my lifj." || It is extremely gratifying to liear any testimony in favor of the humanity of a cliief who in his time was so much execrated. To say the least of Philip's humanity, it was as great towards captives, so far as we have any knowledge, as was that of any of the English to the captive Indians. As the Indians were returning from their recesses upon the Connecticut, (in what is now New IIamt)shire and Vermont,) towards Wachuset, "having indeed my life, (says Mrs. Rowandson,) but little spirit, Philip, wlio was in the company, came up, and took me by the hand, and said, ' Two weeks more and you sluill he mistress againJ' I asked him if he spoke true : he said, ' Yes, and quickly you shall come to your nutster H again,^ who hud been gone from us three weeks." ** In bringing our account of this truly great man towards a close, we must not forget to present the reader with a specimen of the language in which he si)oko. The following is the Lord's prayer in Wampanoag : — .Yoo-shun kes-vJc-qiU, qiU-tian-at-am-unch koo-we-su-onk, kuk-ket-as-soo-tam- oonk pey-avrnwo-utch, kut-te-nan-tam-oo-onk ne nai, ne-ya-ne ke-suk-qiU 1 I * Account of two Voj'ages to New EiiglanH, 142, 143. ~ t Of this he was misinlormed. There was much spurious wampum, which became a sul) j.;cl <.f legislation. See Hazard's Hi.il. Col. vol. ii. t .Vrcounl of two Voyages to New England, lUi. He is also called grandson of 7l/a«.?'i. toi;. ill the work entitled Present State of New England, in resiiect to the Indian VVar, Ibl London, 1676 i the auihor of (hat work doubtless copied from Josselijn. j Xan-alii'e of her CaptivHu, 38, 39. || Ibid. 40 Ii Quiitnaf in. See his Lif« ** Narrative of Mrs. Rowtaiulson, C3 20 1 q 1 5 IK!'.- ih .. . 230 LIVES OF PHILIP'S CHIEF CAPTAIN'S— NANU.NTENOO. [I!.,..* Ill kah oh-ke-it. Jls-sa-ma-i-in-nt-an ko-ko-ke-suk-o-da-e nut-as-e-svk-ok-ke pe tuk-qun-iieg. Kah ak-quo-an-tam-a-i-in-ne-an nuni-matcli-e-se-orur-iin-on-ash, ne-ivulch-e ne-na-toun wonk nut-ah-quo-an-tam-au-o-vn-non-og 7iish-noh pasiik noo-na-rmn-tuk-qtwh-who-nan, kah ahque sag-kom-pa-gin-nt-an en qvich-e-het- tu-ono-a-nit, qtit poh-qua-ivus-sin-ne-an tvutch nudai-i-tut.* Since we are upon curiosities, the following may very projjcrly be added. Tliere is to be seen in the library of the Mass. Hist. Society a large skimmer, which some have mistaken for a bowl, cut out of the root of ash, that will Hold about two quarts. On this article is this historical inscription, in gilt letters: "«3 trophy from Ute ungioam q/" Kino Philip; when hewastlainin l(>7Gj by Richai'd ; presenled by Ebenezer Richard, hia grandson." \ 9eiti CHAPTER m. LIVES OF PHILIP'S CHIEF CAPTAINS. Nandntenoo — Reasons for his aiding Philip — His former name — Meets the English and In Hans under Captain Peirse — Fights and destroys his whole company at Pate- tucket — Incidents relating to that fight — JVotice of Captain Peirse — JVanuntenoo sur- frised and taken — His magnanimity — Speech to his captors — Is executed and his ody burnt — Cassassinnamon — Catiipuzet — Monopoide — Annawon — His escape from the swamp when Philip was killed — Captain Church sent out to capture him — Discovers his retreat — Takes him prisoner — His magnanimous behavior — Hit speech to Church — Presents him rcith Philip's ornaments — Description of them— Church takes AnnaiEon to Plimouth, where he is put to death — Quinnapin — His connections and marriage — M the capture of Lancaster — Account of his wives—- If'eetamoo — He is taken and shot — 'Tuspaquin — His sales if lands — His opera- tions in Philip's War — Surrenders himself, and is put to dtath — Reflections upon his executioners — Tatoson — Early notices of — Captures i garrison in Plim- outh — Trial and execution of Ketceenam — Totoson dies of a broken heart — Bar- row cruelly murdered — Tyasks. NANUNTENOO, son of Mianiunnomolt, " was chief sachem of all the Narragansets, and iieir of all his father's pride and insolency, as well as of his malice against the English." | Notwithstanding this branding character, drawn by a contemporai-y, we need only look into the life of Mianiunnotnoh, to find excuse for " malice and insolency " tenfold more than was contained in the breast of JVanunlenoo. The English had cut to pieces the women and children of his tribe, burned them to dc th in their wigwams, and left their mangled bodies bleaching in the wintry blast ! The swamp fi^ht of the 19 Dec. 1675, could not be for- gotten! JVanunlenoo escaped from this scene, but we cannot doubt that ho acquitted himself agreeably to the character we have of him. The first name by which he was known to the English was Canonchet, tiiough, like others, his name was written with many variations. In 1674, he was styled "chief surviving sachem of Narraganset," and in a deed in which he was so styled his name is written " JVatonawnoantonneto alias QunnancAi/, eldest son now living of Miantomomio" ^ He had been in Boston the Octo- ber before the war, upon a treaty, at which time he received, among other prisents, a silver-laced coat. Dr. Mather says, speaking of the Narragansets, " their great sachem called Qtianonchet, was a principal ringleader in the Narraganset war, and had as great an interest and influence, us can be said of ♦ FJiot's Indian Bible, Luke xi. 2--1, t No mention ia mndo to whom, or whon it via* presented, it docs not appenr to us to be of such antiquity as its inscription pretends ; and the truth of which may very reasonal)ly b« questioned, in this particular, when the more glaring error of the n!\me of the person said to hnve killed Fliilip, is stariu? us iu the fare. t Hubbard, 67.— Mr. Oidmixon calls liim " the mighty sachem of Narraganiet."— Z/>-t( F.inj>ire. $ Potter'i Hist. Narraganset, Coll. R. Hist. Soc. iii. 172. ".j'i \ fvvl Chap. Iir.] NANUNTENOO.— PAWTUCKET FlUHT. 231 any among the Indians ;" * and that, " when he was taken and slain, it was an amazing stroke to tiie enemy," f Tlie name of Canonchd stands first to the treaty, to which we have just alhided, wliich was entered into at Boston, 18 Oct. 1675. By that treaty, tiio Narragansets agreed to deUver to the English in 10 days, "all and eiiery one of the said Indians, whether belonging vuto Philip, the Pocasset Sqva, or the Saconett Indians, Quabang, Hadley, or any other sachems or people that haue bin or are in hostillitie with the English, or any of their allies or abet- tors." I The names to the ti-eaty are as lollows : "Quananchett'h \/ mark, sachem in behalf of himaelf and Conanacus and tlie. Old Queen and roinham and Quaunapeen, (seal) Manatannoo couuceller his -\- mark, and Cannonacus in his behalf, (seal) Ahanmanpowett's -\- mark, Witnesses. Richard Smith, James Browne, Samuel Gorton, Jr. Interpreters. John Nowhenett's X mark^ Indian interpreter. coum:eller and his (seal) CoRNMAN, cJiciffe counceller to Ninnegrett, in his belialfe, and a seal (S.)" The Indians having carried their whirlwind of war to the very doors of Plimouth, caused the sending out of Captain Peirce, (or as his name is uni- formly in the records, Peirse,) to divert them I'rom these ravages, and destroy as many of them as he was able. He had a large company, consisting of 70 men, 20 of whom were friendly Indians. With these, no doubt, Peirse thought himself safe against any power of the Indians in that region. Meanwhile this most valiant chief captain of the Narragansets, JVanwn/e noo,§ learning, we presume, by his spies, the direction the English were tak ing assembled his warriors at a crossing place on Pawtucket Riv<'r, at a point adjacent to a place since called Altkborougan their march into the enemy's country the next day after Pawtucket fight. Among the captains of these comiMinies, George Denison of Southerton was the most consi)icuous. TJie others were commanded by James JJveiy, John Staunton, and Major Pft/»«r, who also had the chief command. With these were three comj)anies of Indians ; one led by Oneko, comjiosed of Mohcgans ; one of Pequots, by Cas- sasinnamon ; and the other of Nianticks, by Caiapnzet; in all about 80. When this fonnidable army came near to JVdnunltnoo^s camj), on the first week in April, 167(5, " they met with a stout Indian of the enemie's, whom they ))rrsently slew, and two old scjuaws," who informed them of the situation of J^atmnienoo. At the same time, their own scouts brought the same intelligence. The news of the enemy's approach reached the chief in his tent when but seven of his men were about him ; the rest wore probably in the neighborhood attending to their ordinary affairs. And although he had stationed two senti- nels upon an adjacent hill, to give him timely notice if any ap])earcd, their surprise was so great, at the sudden a|)proach of the English, that, in their fright, they ran by their sachem's wigwam, " as if they wanted time to tell what they saw." Seeing this, the sachem sent a third, to learn the wiuse of the flight of tlie two fii-st, but he fled in the same manner ; and lastly he sent two more, one of which, " either endued with i..ore courage, or a better sense of his duty, informed him in great haste that all the English army was upon him : whereupon, having no time to consult, and but little to attein|)t an escape, and no means to defend himself, he began"* to fly with all speed. Running with great swiftness around the hill, to get out of sight upon t'tc oppasite side, he was distinguished by his wary pursuers, and they immediately followed him with that eagerness their important object was calculated to inspire. The pursuers of the flying chief were Catapazet and his Nianticks, "and a few of the English lightest of loot." Seeing these were gaining upon him, he first cast ofl' his blanket, then his silver-laced coat, and lastlv his belt of peag. On seeing these, a Joubt no longer remained of its being J^ununtetwo, which rged them, if possible, faster in the chase. Thero was in the company of Catapazet, one Monopoide, a Pequot, who outran all his companions, and who, gaining upon JS/'anuntenoo, as he fled ujmn the side of the river, obliged him to att(unj)t to cross it sooner than he intended. Nevertheless, but for an accident ill his passage, he would doubtless have eflTected his escajie. As he was wa- ding through the river, his foot slipped upon a stone, which hrouglit his gun uniler water. Thus losing some time in recovering liiniself, and also the use of his gun, it probably made him despair of escaping ; for Monopoide came up and seized upon him, " within iiO rods of the river side." JVanuntenoo, having made up his mind to surrender, made no resistance, although he was a man of great physical strength, of superior stature, and acknowledged bravery ; and tlie one who seized upon him very ordinary in that respect. One of the first Englishmen that came up was Robert Staunton, a young man, who presumed to ask the captured chief some questions. Ho a|)i)eared at first to regard the young man with silent indignity, but at length, casting a disdainfiil look u[)on his voutlifid fiice, "this nianlv sjicliem," said, in broken English, "YOU MUCH CHILD! NO UNDERSTAND MATTERS OF WAR! LET YOUR IJROTIHJl OR CHIEF COME, HLM 1 WILL ANSWER." And, adds Mr, Hubbard, he " wius as good as his word : acting herein, as if, by a Pythagorean metempsychosis, some old Roman ghost had possessed the borly of this western pagan. And, like .Attilius Iieg}Uu8,\ he * This elRgnnt passage of Mr. Hubhard brings to our mind that inimitHble one of ( 'tnrigero, in iiis account of llie woful tlajj's of llio Mexicans : " They had ni'ilhor anus to repel the multitude and fury of Iheir enemies, strength to cleft'nd themselves, nor spare to (ijllit upon ; the ground of the citv was covered with dead bodies, and tiie waier of every diuli and canal purpled with blood. Hist. Affxiro, iii, 7.J. t Afitrcua AUiliiis Regulus, a Roman consul and general, taken prisoner by the Curtha- ii.; '•■■\m ! t« i \ Id !i Hulir 234 NANUNTENOO. [Rook HI. m would not accept of his own life, when it was tendered him." This tender of life to JVanurUenoo was, no doubt, upon the condition of his obtaining the sub- mission of his nation. He met the idea wich indignation; and when the Enghsh told him that he should be put to death if he did not comply, in th( most composed manner he replied, that killing him Avould not end the war. Some of his captors endeavored to reflect upon him, by telling him, that Im had said he wovld hum the English in their houses, and that he had boasted, in defiance of his j)romise last made to the English, which was to deliver the Wampanoags to them, that he would not deliver up a fVampnnoag or the pnn'ns; of a IFampam.is's nail. To this he only replied, " OTHERS WERE AS FORWARD FOR THE WAR AS MYSELF, AND I DESIRE TO HEAR NO MORE ABOUT IT." Had the EnglisI not burned his people in their houses ? Did they ever deliver up any the i ad committed depredations upon the Narragansets ? No ! — Who, then, will ask for an excuse for the magnanimous JVanuntenoo ? So indignant was he at their conduct, that he would hear notliing about peace ; "refusing to send an old counsellor of his to make any motion that way," on a promise of life if he would do so. Under the eye of Denison, JVanuntenoo was taken to Stonington, where, by the " advice of the English commanders, he was shot." His head wa- cut off and carried to Hartford, and his body consumed by fire. The English Srevailed upon some of each tribe of their allies, viz. Pequots, Mohegans and fianticks, to be his executioners, " thereby the more firmly to engage the said Indians againsi the treacherous Narragansets." * "Herein," says another writer f of that day, " the English dealt wisely, for by this means the three Indian nations ai*e become abominable to the other Indians." And a respectable writer X of our own times says, " It may be pleasing to the reader to be informed " of the fate of JVanuntenoo ! When it was announced to the noble chief that he must be put to death, he was not in the least daunted, and all he is reported to have said is this : — "I LIKE IT WELL ; I SHALL DIE BEFORE MY HEART IS SOFT, OR HAVE SAID ANY THING UNWORTHY OF MYSELF." With JVanuntenoo, fell into the hands of the English 43 others. § The author of the anonymous '^Letters to London " || says the Indians were "commanded by that famous but very bloudy and cruel sachem, Quononshot, other^vise called Jifmntonomy," whose "carriage was strangely proud and lofty cfter he was taken : being examined why he did foment that war, which would certainly be the destruction of him and all the heathen Indians in the country, &c., he would make no other reply to any interrogatories, but this : that he was born a prince, and if pi inces came to speak with him he would answer, but none j)resent being such, he thought himself obliged, in honor, to hold his tongue ; " and that he said he would rather die than remain a prisoner, and requested that Oneko might y)ut him to death, as he was of equal rank. " Yet witliall threatened, he had '2000 men, [who] would revenge his death severely. Wherefore our forces, fearing an escape, put the stoutest men to the sword, but preserved J\Ii/antonomy till they returned to Stoneington; where our Indian friends, and most of the English soldiers, declaring to the commanders their fear that the English should, upon con- ditions, release him, and that then he would, (though the English might . They sent liiin to Rome to use his endeavors to efTccl a peace, b_v tnrn williin a given period. The most excrurlaling tortures awnitcci ginians, 251 yo.nr< B. C. fiis solemn pminiM^ lo return withui a given period. 'J'he most excruriating 1 him, should he not execute his mission according to his instructions. When arrived at Kninc, he exhorted his countrymen to hold out, and maintain the war against the Cartliiigininns, stating their situation, and the great advantages that would accrue. He knew what would be his fate on returning to Carthage, and many a noble Roman besought him not to rcuirn, and thus sacrilice his life ; but he would not break his promise, even with his barbarous ene- mies. This is what is meant by not accepting his own lil'e when tendered him. He returned, and, if history be true, no Indian nation ever tortured a prisoner, beyond what the Cariiia- ginians inflieied upon Marcus Atiiliu.i lii'sniliis. See Echard's Hnman Hist. i. 181) — !). * HiiIiImiiI. t /■ Mather. t Dram, Hist. Scilunle, 12i. ^ Manuscript letter in Hist. Library. Both Hubbard and Mather say 44; perhaps they in eluded Nanimleiwo. H Elsewhere cited as The Old Indian Chroniclo., Chap llll ANN A WON. 2aj have ppiiro witli liim,) be very jiornirions to tlinsn Tndians that now assisted IIS, the said Indians, (on tiicse considerations, and the n.'isehiel's and initr- thers he liad done dnring this war,) permitted to i)nt him to death.* And tliat all niiiriit share in the glory of destroying so great h prince, and con^e under the ohiigiition of fidelity, each to other, the Pequo(l> shot hitn, the Mihegino cut oft' Ills head and q)iartered his body, and the JW '..n-no/?* men nicde tlit fire and burned his quarters, and, as a token of their !t)> "; and fidelity tc I Je English, j)rosented bis head to the coimcil at Hartford! ' .^JVJVJlfVOJV was a Wampanoag, and one of Philip's n>.st famous coim- sellors and captains. He was his fast friend, and resistev' is long as there was a beam of hope; and when at last every chance of siooess had fiiiltd, he gave liimself up in the most heroic manner, as will appear ivi the follow- ing account. At the swamp, when Philip was killed, he escaped with most vH his men, as has been related, by his thoroughly understanding Hie sitiut.on of his enemies. "Perceiving (says Church) they were waylaid on the ea>'t side of the swamp, tacked short about. One of the enemy, who seemed to be a great surly old fellow, hallooed with a loud voice, and often called out, I-oo- tash, I-oo-tash. Captain Chtirch called to his Indian Pee on his side, prayed that he might have liberty to go and fetch in his father, who, he said, was about four miles from that place, in a swamp, with no other than a young s(]uaw. Captain Church inclined to go with him, thinking it might be in his way to gain some intelligence of Annaioon; and BO taking one Englishman and a few Indians with him, leaving the rest there, he went with his new soldier to look his father. When he came to the swiimp, he bid the Indian go and see if he could find his father. He was no sooner gone, but Captain Church discovered a track coming down out of the woods, upon which he and his little company lay close, some on one side of the track, and some on the other. They heard the Indian soldier making a howling for his father, and at length somebody answered him ; but while they were listening, thc^ thought they heard somebody com- ing towards them. Presently they saw an old man coming up, with a gun on his shoulder, and a young woman following in the track which they lay by. They let them come between them, and then started uj) and laid hold of them both. Captain Church immediately examined them apart, telling them what they must trust to if they told false stories. He asked tl.e young woman what company they came from last. She said from Captain Anna- won'ar. He asked her how many were in comj)any with him when she lei^ * This seems to us ihe mosl probable arcouiil of the affair of all we have seen, t The soil uf Awatlionks, it is supposed. 1 , '1 M m: 236 ANNAWON. [Book III- liim. She eaid 'fifty or sixty.' He asked her how many miles it was to the place where she left him. She said she did not understand miles, hut he was up in Sqiiannacoiik swamp. The old man, who had been one of Philip's council, upon examination, gave exactly the same account." On being asked whether they could get there that night, answered, " If we go pres- ently, and travel stoutly, we may get there by sunset." The old man said he was of Annawon^s company, and that Annawon had sent him down to find some Indians that were gone down into Mount Hope neck to kill pro- visions. Captain Church let him know that that company were all his prisoners. The Indian who had been permitted to go after his father, now returned with him and another man. Captain Church was now at great loss what he should do. He was unwilling to miss of so good an opportunity of giving a finishing blow to the Indian power. He had, as himself says, but " half a dozen men beside himselfj" and yet was under the necessity of sending some one back to give Lieutenant Howland, whom he left at the old fort in Pocasset, notice, if he should proceed. But, without wasting time in pon- fltring upon what course to pursue, he put the qtiestion to his men, " whether they would willingly go with him and give Annawon a visit." All answered in the affirmative, but reminded him "that they knew this Captain Annawon was a great soldier ; that he had been a valiant captain under Asuhtnequin, [Woosamequin,] Philip's father; and that he had been Philip's chieftain all this war." And they further told Captain Church, (and these men knew him well,) that he was " a very subtle man, of great resolu- tion, and had often said that he would never be taken alive by the English." They also reminded him that those with Annawon were " resolute fellows, some of Philip's chief soldiers," and very much feared that to make the attempt with such a handful of soldiers, would be hazui'dous in the extrenie. But nothing could shake the resolution of Captain Church, who remarked to them, " that he had a long time sought for Annawon, but in vain," and doubted not in the least but Providence would protect them. All with one consent now desired to j)roceed. A man by the name of Cook,* belonging to Plimouth, was the only Englishman in the comjiany, except the captain. Captain Church asked Mr. Cook what his opinion of the undertaking was. He made no other reply than this: "I am never afraid of going any where when you are with me." The Indian who brought in his father informed Captain Church, that it was impossible for him to take his horse with him, which he had brought thus tin*. He therefore sent him and his father, with the horse, back to Lieuten- ant Rowland, and ordered them to tell him to take his prisoners immediately to Taunton, and then to come out the next morning in the Rehoboth roud, where, if alive, he hoped to meet him. Things being thus settled, all were ready for the journey. Captain Church turned to the old man, whom he took with the young woman, and asked him whether he would be their pilot. He said, "You having given me my life, I am under obligations to serve you." They now marched for Sqnan- naconk. In leading the way, this old man would travel so nnich faster than the rest, as sometimes to be nearly out of sight, and consequently might have escaped without fear of being recaptured, but he was true to his word, and would stop until his wearied followers tame up. Having travelled through swamps and thickets until the sun was setting, the pilot ordered a stop. The captain asked hiui if he had made any dis- covery. Ho said, " About that hour of the day, Annawon usually sent out his scoutb to see if the coast was clear, and as soon as it began to grow dark the scouts returned, and then we may move securely." When it was sufficiently dark, and they were about to proceed. Captain Church asked the old man if he would take a gun and fight for him. He bowed very low, aiul said, "I pray you not to impose such a thing upon me as to figiit against Captain Annawon, my old friencl, but I will go along with you, and be helpful to you. and will lay hands on any man that shall offer to hurt you." Tlicy * Caleb, doubllcss, wlio was present al the lime Philip was killfid. Chap. Ill] ANNAVVON— ins CAPTURE AND DEATlF. 237 li had prornofled but a short space, when they hean' a noise, wliich fhcv coiichiduil to be the pounding of a mortar. This warned tlieni that thcv were in tlie vicinity of Annawon^s retreat. And here it will be very proper to give a description of it. It is situated in tiie south-easterly corner of Rehohoth, about eight miles from Taunton Green, a few rods from the road which leads to Providence, and on the south-easterly side of it. If a straight line were drawn from Taunton to Providence, it would pass very nearly over thia place. Within the limits of an immense swamp of nearly 1000 acres, there is a small piece of upland, separated from the main oidv by a brook, which in some seasons is dry. This island, as we may call it, is nearly covered with an enormous rock, which to this day is called Annawim^s Rock. Its south-east side presents an almost perpendicular precipice, and rises to the height of 25 or 30 feet. The north-west side is very slo|)ing, and easy of ascent, being at an angle of not more than 35 or 40°. A more gloomy and hidden recess, even now, although the forest tree no longer waves over it, could hardly be ibimd by any inhabitant of the wilderness. When they arrived near the foot of tJie rock, Coptain Church, with two of his Indian soldiers, crept to the top of it, from whence they could see distinctly the situation of the whole company, by the light of their fires. They were divided into three bodies, and lodged u short distance li-om one another. Annawori's camp was formed by lelliug a tree against the rock, ^vith hushes set up on each side. " He passed, in the hcari of that ancient wood— Nor paused, till the rock where a vaulted bud Had l>oeri hewn of old lor the kingly dea3amassakett " River,§ bounded "on one end "by the pond called BlcLck-saxhenCs Pond, or, in Indian, JVanpaiocult ; on the other end, by a little pond called Jisnemscutl. How mucli was included in the given bounds, is not mentioned, nor could we now by the description jjossibly tell how far said tract extended back from the river. With Tuspaquin, his wife, Amey, signed this deed, and it was witnessed only by two liUglish- nieii. On 17 July, 1(369, Tuspaquin and his son William sell for £10 a tract or parcel of land near " Assowampsett," half a mile wide, and " in length from said ponds to Dartmouth path." Besides two English, Samuel Henry, Daniel and Old Harry were witnesses. Evperience Mitchell, Henry Sampson, of Dux- borough, Thomas Little, of Marshfield, and Thomas Paine, of Eastham, were the purchasers. * Narrative, 7»— 75. t Captain More's account of " Tlic Warr in N. E. visibly ended," &.c. in our ItroiAN Chron icLE. t PoUer's Narragansel, 98. ij He, however, reserved the right " to getl ceder barke in the swamps." 21 Q 3. 242 TUSPAQUIN— BURNS BRIDOEWATER. [Book III if-' ■ irs June 10, 10)70, TuspaquinanA his son William sold for £G, to Edward Gray, "in tlio helmll" of the court of Plinionth," "ull that our nieddow tiiut lyeth in or iieurc the town of Mi(hlleberry," on tlie west side of a tract bclon^intf to John Jllden and Contiai^ Southworth, "and is between Assowainsett Pond and Taunton path, Innng in three parsolls vpon three brookcs;" also anotlier parcel on the otlit-r side of Taunton patli. Witnessed by " Amic" tl>e wilb of Tuyjaquin, and two English. 30 June, 1072, Tiumaquin, " sachem of Naniassakett, and Mantowapuct alias fyUliam his Bon,"^sell to Edward Gray and Josias ff'inalow, lands cm the easterly side of Assowarnsett, to begin where Naniasket River fallctli out of the pond, and so south by tlie pond ; thence by |)erisliable boinids to Tuspaquin^a Pond, and so home to the lands ibrmcrly sold to Henry Wood. 3 July, 1673, Tuspaquin and his son William sell to Benjamin Church of Duxborough, house carpenter, and John Tompson of Barnstable, lands about Middleborough, lor which they paid him £lh. It is described as " lying att and neare the township of Middleberry," bounded westerly by a river called JMonhiggen, which runs into a pond called (^uisquasetl, and so by a cedar swamp to Tuspaquin's Pond ; thence by Henry WooiTa land to a jilace called Pochaboquelt. Nainidset River is named as a noithern boundary ; and the two " places " called Tuscomanest and Massapanoh are also named, like- wise a pond called Snipttiett, and a " river's mouth called Tvppaluett which rinmeth into a pond called QuiUiiioasheU," Two English, San Harry, and Joseph of Namasket, were witnesses. 1 November 1673, William Waluspaquin, Jlssaiceta, Tobias and Betoat, for £10 sell to three English of Barnstable a tract of land bounded by Que- tatpiash Pond northerly, by Quetaquash River easterly, Snepetuitt Pond, &c. 14 May, 1675, the two Tuspaquins, father and son, " make over to John Tompson, Constant Souihioorth and others, of Middleborough, " all that tract of land which we now have in possession, called commonly Assowatnaet neck or necks, and places adjacent," as a security against the claims of others, &c. of other lands deeded at the same time ; it, therefore, they are not dis- turbed in the possession of the former lands deeded, then they "are not to be outed of Assawamsett neck." Pottawo, alias Daniel, Payman, Pagalt,* alius Joseph, were witnesses. For the land deeded they received £33, " sterling." It consisted of uplands and meadows about the pond culled JSTinipoket, Quiticu8,\ &c., and, judging from the price paid, was, no doubt, a very large tract. Thus are a few of the acts of Waluspaquin sketched previous to the war. We are now to trace his operations in quite another sphere. In our opinion, Mr. Hubbard was right in styling him " the next noted captain to Philip,^ but erroneously calls Old Tuspaqmn " the Black-sachem's son." He does not appear to have known of the son William^ Indeed, we hear nothing of him in the war, but it is probable he shared the late of his father. In the spring of 1676, Tuspaquin was marching from place to place with about 300 men, and was doubtless in high expectation of humbling the pride of his enemies, and, but for Philip's western disasters, occasioned by the disaffection of his Pocomptucks and others, his expectations might have been realized. It was doubtless under his direction that 19 buildings in Scituate were burnt on 20 April ; and on the 8 May, had not a shower pre- vented, most, if not all, the houses in Bridgewater would have shai'ed the same fate. Tuspaquin was known to have led his men in tliis attack.^ The inhabitants exerted themselves to repel the Indians, but, conscious of their strength, they maintained their ground until the next day, when they retreated. Notwitiiscanding the rain, they succeeded in burning 17 buildings before they decamped. On 11 May, 1676, there were eleven houses and five barns burnt in Plim- Dwth, and a few weeks after, seven houses more and two barns. Tliese * Two names, probably ; but in (lie MS. llicrc is no comma between, as is often the ca'.e. t Titicut, probably, now. X Mr. Huhhard .says, (Nar. 71.) the Indians were led by one Tusgnogen, but we are satis- fied Tuspaquin is meant. Cii p. Ill] Tt.SPAJUTlN.— H!S COMPANY SflRriMSni). 211 ivi^ro pmltiilily stu'li ;is were at a ronsidoriililo ilistaiiri; frooi tlio villnijp, iiiul Imd rliit'tly Ihmmi dcs'itctl. This " iiiiMcliieJ" wiih uitribiitcd to Tiispiuium Hiul hifl iiicii, Altout thin time, Benjamin Church wns coiniiiist^ioiif^d hy tho govt-'.iuiH'tit of Pliiiiotitli to lead parties in diflercnt directions over the colony ; and liom tlie time he commenced operations, the Indians found hut (iw opportunities to do mischief in Phmoutii colony. Tuapaquin still kept his pronnil in the Assawoinsnt countrj', nnd for a Ion;' time iMilHed all the skill Captain Church was mantt-rof in his eiuleavoi's to tiiko him prisoner. Church receive's captains, in our arraii_ement, is IVtTOSO.Y, also a great captain in the war of 1(575. h seems rather un- certiiin whether he were a Narragansct or Wampanoag. lie (or one bearing the same name) signed the treaty made with the Narragaiisets in the beginning of the war. It is quite ci-rtain that his residence allerwards was in Sandwich, since Rochester;* and when he .'-igiied the treaty just named, it is probable he was only lunong the Narragaiisets upon a mission or visit. He was a son of the "noted Sam liarrow," but of his own limiily, or whether he had any, we are not iiilbrmed. We first meet with Talnson,j or, as his name is commonly printed, T^oto- so«, in l()(i(), in the respectable company of Mr. Secretniy .1/orfon of Plim- outli, and Jlcanootun, H'annoo, two "graue and sage Indians," and a niunber more, of whose characters we are not so well prejiiircd to speak. AiiMiig this nssemhiagi! he is only conspicuous, however, as a witness to a deed of liie lands iiiion fyeequancett neck. Mr, Morloii's name follows Tn^osoii'a, on this instrument. There was a general disarming of the Indians in 1(171, as will elsewhen; be mentioned. Among a great number onlcred to appear at Plinioiith the same year, to bind themselves more strongly in allegiance to the I'',nglisli, we find the name of Tatoson, or, as his name was tlien written, Tuuloztn. Also Tobij, alias JVauhnocomwit, | and If'ill, alias Washa%oanna, On the I2th of June, 1(57(5, several Indians, who liad been sent in by /irar'« men had deserted him, and fii;it he had only a few old men and hoys remaining. At this time were jtrcsciit three other Indians, wlioso names were Woodcock, Quanapawhan and John- nnm. The two first were accused hy a squaw of destroying Ctark^s garrison :it Ei'l River in Plimouth, and murdering the inhabitants. This had been done tn t!ie 12 March previous, and with such secrecy and effect, that tlie Englisli knew not whom to accuse of it Many supposed that JVaiusuaqum conducted the aftiiir, and Mr. //itifcortf charges it upon lim without liesita- tion, hi.t it is now quite certain that he had nothing to Co with it, as in the sequel ve shall show. The I.WO just mentioned, finding themselves detected, accused their fellow prisoner, John-num, It apfiears that .Viim not only owned himself guilty of this charge, but ocknovv-ledged, also, that he was concerned in the nmrder of ^^ Jacob Milchel and his wife, and John Popt,\ and soe centance of death was pronounced against them, which accordingly emediately was executed." Uelore these were executed, they implicated a fourth, whose name was Kf.wkenam. Although Tatosun commanded the company that put to death the peo|ile at ClnrK's garrison, yet Keweenain set the expedition on foot, llo lived at Sandwich, and was probably one of TalosorCs men. However, on Saturday, the 11 March, he was at Mr. William C/arA'«, aiid observed how every part of the garrison was conditiojicd. lie then went to his chief, Taloson, and told liim that it could ho easily taken, as it was hut slightly foriilied; and that the next day, being Sunday, would be the proper time to execute their plan, as the residents would mostly be gone to meeting; "and in case they left a man at Inme, or so, they might soon (liH|)atch him." This intelligence was pleasing to Ihloson, and he ibund himself at the head of ten warriors the same day. Their names were as follows : ff'oo- nasltenah, Musquash, Wapanpowtlt, Tom, "the son of Tatosoii!s brother," Utlsoowecst, a.nA Tom Pianl ; which, with the three belbre 'lamed, made up the whole company. Connuencing their march before night, they arrived in the hordei-s of Plimouth, where they lay concealed until the i)eople had gone to public worship. About 10 o'clock in the morning, they eamo upon 'the garrison, which fell easily into their hands. After killing all they niet with, they took what ])luiider they could carry, and burned the builtlings ; then again dispersed into the woods. There were some of two other families in this garrison, mostly women aiul children. Three only were of Mr. Clark^s family, hut there were eight others belonging to the other two. Airs. Elaabeth Clark,t one of the heads of the family, was among the slain. § • This Iiulian, wlioin wc sliiill luivc oci-ivsloii sevcrnl limes lo menl n, was not oiic of lliciso sent ill hy llrailford, ns appoiirs rrtiin Mullier, (Brief Hist. 'U) ) liut tlioy " iiiforiiicil llial ii lilimily liulinii cnlltMl Tiirkpuo, (who the hisl stiniiiier iimnlcTeil a man of nusloii, nl Nainas- kol,) with nlioiil '20 Iii, [ 1()75 7] a man and a woman were slain hy the Inilians ; nnolher woman was wounded nnd taken ; but beenuse she had kepi an lu'lian rliild liil'oie, so mnrh kindness was showed her, ns that she was 3enl bark, al\er they hauw ^". When he had taken a few whiffs, he said, 'I am ready ; ' upon which one of Captain Churches Indians sunk his hatchet into his brains." TL1SHQ* or TYJlSKS^" was the next man to Philip," says Church; there were others also said to be " next to him," and it may be all reconciled by supposing these chiefs as having the chief command over particular tribes. Mr. HuhhardX says only this of the famous Tiashq: " In June last, [1G70,] oite Tiashq, a great captain of Philip's, his wife and child, or children, bi'ing taken, though he escaped himself at first, yet came since and surrenderee! himself." Dr. /. Mather, writing under date of 22 July, 1076, says it was " this week" that Captain Church and his Indian soldiers fell upon Tiashq and his company. It appears therefore that Mr. Hubbard is in error, as the account given by Church corroborates that of Mather, who speaks thus of his opera- tions: "It having been his manner when he taketh any Indians by a promise of favor to them, in case they acquit themselves \ve\\, to set them an hunting af\er more of these wolves, whereby the worst of them sometimes do sin- gular good service in finding out the rest of their bloody fellows. In one of these skirmishes, Tiashq, Philip's chief captain, ran away leaving his gun bo- hind him, and his squaw, who was taken." § These Indian soldiers, who performed this exploit, were forced upon it by Church, They had been seeking Indians about Aponaganset River, and discovered that a large com- pany of them had just been gathering tiie apples at a deserted settlement on the east side of it. The English and Indians immediately pursued in their track.|| "Traveling three miles or more, they came into the country road, where the track parted: one paicel steered towards the west end of the great cedar swamp, and the other to the east end. The captain halted and told his Indian souldiers that they had heard as well as he what some men had said at Plymouth about them,1[ &c., that now was a good opjmrtunity for each ])arty to prove themselves. The track being divided, they should fol- low one, and the English the other, being equal in number. The Indians declined the motion, and were not willing to move any where without him: said tkejf should not think tJiemselves safe iviihout him. But tin; ca|)tain insisting iijion it, they submitted. He gave tlie Indians thi-ir choice to follow which track they pleased. They replied, TTietj were light and able to travel, therefore i/he pleased they woidd take the west track. And appointing the ruins of John Cooks house at Cushnet** for the place to meet at, each company set oir: briskly to try their fortunes." ff When the parties met, "they very remark ably found that the number that each company had taken and slain was efpial. The Indiana had killed three of the enemy, and taken 6!3 jjrisoneifs, as tile English had done before theni."}:}: Both j)artios were much njoiced at their successes, but the Indians, told Captain Church " that they had missed a brave opportunity by parting. They came upon a great town of the enemy, viz: Captain Tyaafo' company. (Ti/asks was the next man to * Ifiihhtird, Mather. f Church. t Niirralivp, lOfi. vS Uriel' Hist. 4';. || C7iMrc/i, 3,5. 1l Till! ilot(!stalion in which the Indians were held by " some men," in nmiiv other phices as roll as in I'limoiith, will often appear in this work. Such people eonid know nolliin>f oC inniaii nature, and many wonld not have helieved the Indians capable of good actions, Ihoiigli oil'' from the dead had assured iliem they were. ** Abbreviated from Acushnet. See Vnnirlass, Snmniary, i. 40.1, who write"! it Acnislinot. Tims many bidian names are ehanped. Inslend of Aponatfaii^el. we Iii-it I'niiniiniiset , am) fur Asoiiet, Sonet, &c. Cushnet Is the river on which New Bedford mid Kairlriveii stand. ft Church, St. U Il'id. •W h ':'i''3 f 1 '.■,'«: 1' iii H Hli ppii ass m ' tf ,.' .' '■1* h ' ' 248 MAGNUS— HER SURPRISE AND DEATH. [Book III Philip.) They fired upon the enemy before they were discovered, and run upon them with a shout. The men ran and left their wives and chihhen and many of them their guns. Tliey took TyaM wife and son, and thought that if their captain and the English company had been with them they might have taken some hundreds of them, and now they determined rot to part any more." * This transaction, in the opinion of Captain Church, was a "remarkable providence," inasmuch, perhaps, as the equality of their suc- cesses prevented either party from boasting, or claiming superiority over the other. Nevertheless, Church adds, — " But the Indians had the Ibrtune to lake more arms than the English." It would add not a little, perhaps, tc the gratification of the reader, could he know the name of the Indian captain in this far-famed exploit, or even that of one of his men; but at present they are hid alike from us and from him. CHAPTER IV. Chief iciomen conspicuous in. Philip's war — Maoncs — Her country and relations — Her capture ana death — Awashonks — Is greatly annoyed in the events of 1071 — Her men disarmed — Philip's endeavors to engage her against the English — Church prevents her — Isjinnlhj in the power of Philip — Reclaimed by Church — Some par- ticulars of her family. Although, before we had finished the life of Weetamoo, we deemed it proper to havo deferred it to this chapter, but as we had been led rather im- perceptibly into many particulars concerning her in that place,t we could not break off our narrative witiiout a greater impropriety than an omission here would have been, and shall tlierefbre begin licre with one of iicr con- temporaries, the bare facts in whose life are suflicieut to maintain a high interest, we believe, in the mind of every reader. MAGJ^US was squaw-sachem of some part of the extensive country of the Narragansets, and was known by several names at different and the same times ; as Old Queen, Sunk Squmo,l Quaiapen, and Mataniuck. She married Mtiksah, or Mr "'m, a son of Canonicv^s, and was sister to JVinigret, She had two sons, Scuttup and Quemiaqtu..zuct otherwise Qnequef^nent, called by the English Girfeon, and a daughter named Quincmiquet. TJiese two died young. Gideon was alive as late as 1661 ; Scuttup, and a sister also, in 1664. She was, in 1675, one " of the six present sachems of the whole Nar.aganset country." In the beginning of Philip's war, the English army, to cause the Narragan- eets to fight for them, whom they had always abused and treated with con- tempt, since before the cutting off of MiantunnomoKs head, marched into their country, but could not meet with a single sachem of the nation. They fiiii in with a few of their people, who could not well secrete themselves, and who concluded a long tr(!«ty of mere verbosity, the import of vhich they could know but little, and doubtless cared less; for when the army loll their country, they joined again in tlie war. We hear no more of lier until the next year, when herself and a huge company of her men were discovered by Major Talcot, on the 2 July, in Narniganset. Tiie English scouts discovered them from a hill, having j)itclied their tents in a valley in the vicinity of a swamp, as was usually their custom. About 300 of the English, mounted upon fleet horses, divided into two squadrons, and fell upon them before they were aware of their ap- proach, and made a great slaughter of tliem. The Mohegans and P^quots came upon them in the centre, while the horsemen beset them on each side, and * Church, X. t Book iii. rlinp. I. t Trumbull, i. MT. from Iluhhard, I suppose, i. 51. Femalo cliiofs wore called na.'iiks by Ihe Indians, which signified wife of tho sachem ; hut writers, l-rinsf icfnorant of that fart Ihouifht il a proper name of a particular oersun, and liencc (lie appellations of Snuke, SuiJkt. Sjtake, &LC. applied to Magnus. Chap. IV.J AWASHONKS— TREATS WITH THE ENGLISH. 249 thus prevented many froin escaping into the swamp. When all were killeose was done by Mngmufs peojde, as they made no resistance, hut rather by themselves, in their iiny mistaking ono another. Ninety of the captives were put to death ! among whom was Mag- nus.} The swamp where this affair took j)lace is near the present town of Warwick, in Rhode Island ; and thus ends our short history of Masrmis. AfVJiSHOJ^KS, squaw-sachem of Sogkotiate,t was the wife of an Indian culled ToiiONT, but of him we learn very little. From her imj)ortant stand- ing among the Indians, finv deserve a more particular attention ; and we shall, therefore, go as minutely into her history as our documents will eiiiihin us. The first notice we have of Awashoffiks is in 1671, when she entered into articles of agreement with the court of Plimouth as follows: — "In admitting that the court are in some measure satisfied with your voluntary coming in now at liist, and submission of herself unto us; yet this toe expect that she give some meet satisfaction for the charge and trouble she has j)ut us upon by her too long stiinding out against the many tendera of peace we have made to her and her people. And that we yet see an intention to endeavor tiiR roduci'ment of such as have b;;en the incendiaries of the trouble and disturbance of her people and ours. And as many of her people as shall give themselves and arms unto us, at the time ai)pointed, shall receive no damage or hurt from us, which time appointed is ten days iiom the date hereotl Thus we may the better keep off such from her lands as may hproaf>er hring upon her and us the like trouble, and to regulate such as will not bo governed by her, she having submitted her lands to the authority of the government. And tliat, if the lands and estates of such as we are neces- sitated to take arms against, will not defray the charge of the expedition, that she shall bear some due proportion of the charge. In witness whereof^ and in testimony of the sachem, her agreement hereunto, she hath subscribed her hand in presence of Samuel Barker and John Almey. Mark X of the squaw-sachem Awasuncks ; the mark X ({/"Totatomet, and Somagaonet." JVitnessed althe same time by " Tattacommett, Samponcut, and Tamoueesam, alias JEFFERr. PUmoidh, 21 Jid;f, 1071." The last-named witness appeared again, in the same capacity, 4 September following, when "between 40 and 50 Indians, living near or in the town of Dartmouth, made a like submission." Ashaioanomulh^ JVomnn, Marhorkum, Jame.% and John, were other witucsses. .flwnshonks was at Plimouth when the former articles wore executed, from which it appears there was considerabh! alarm in Plimouth colony. There were about this time many other suhmi.ssions of the Inclians in difli;rcnt plac(!s. This step was taken to draw thcin from Philip, or at least to give a check to their joining with hiui, as he was now on the point of attacking the English settlements, under a j)retence of injury done him in his planting lands. Not only the chiefs of tribes or clans subscribed articles, but all their men, that could be prevailed with, did the same. The August following, 42 of Awashonks^s men signed a paper, approving what she had done, and binding * TnimlMill. 200 says Cobhot's manuscript; 2W, HiiMiard. I Hiihl)ard, Ind. Wars, 1. 97, 98. I. Madier's Brief Hist. 39. Truinbiili's Hist. Con- iK-clinil, i. 317. \ TIk- nnint of land holow Pooassel, and now cliiofly Included in the town of Complnn RImi'u Island, and commonly called Second. 1 ^ 'k fe 250 AVVASHONKS— HER CORRESPONDENCE. [Book III themselves in like manner. Out of 42, we can give names of three only — 'Totatomet, Tuniiokum and Sausaman. It ap[)eai-s from the ibilowing letter from Awashonks to Governor Prince, that those who submitted themselves, delivered up their arms to the English : — "Au^'ist 11,1671, Honored sir, I have received a very great favor from your honor, in yours of the 7th instant, and as you are i)leased to sifrnily, that if 1 continue faithful to the agreement made with yourselves at Plini- outh, I may expect all just favors from your honor. I am fully resolved, while I live, with all fidelity to stand to my engagement, and in a peaceiiblt submission to your commands, according to the best of my poor ability. It is true, and I am very sensible thereof, that there are some Indians who do seek an advantage against me, for my submitting to his majesty's authority in your jurisdiction, but being conscious to myself of my integrity and real intentions of peace, I doubt not but you will afford me all due encourage- ment and protection. I had resolved to send in all my guns, being six in number, according to the intimation of my letter ; but two of tliem were so large, the messengers were not able to criy them. I since proffered to leave them with Mr. Barker, but he not having any order to receive them, told me iie conceived 1 might do well to send them to Mr. Almy, who is a person concerned in the jurisdiction, which I resolved to do; but since then an Indian, known by the name of Broad-faced- mil, stole one of ihcm out of the wigwam in the night, and is run away with it to Mount Hope ; the other I think to send to ftlr. Jllmy. A list of those that are obedient to me, and, I hope, and am persuaded, faithful to you, is here enclosed. Hon- ored sir, I shall not trouble you further, but desiring your peace an 1 pros- perity, in which I look at my own to be Included, I remain, your u '^'gned eei-vant, X Awasuncks." This letter was very probably written by Mr. Barker, named in it. October 20, 1071, Governor Prince wrote to Jlwashonks, that he had received the list of names of her men and husband, that freely submitted themselves to his majesty's authority ; and assured her that the English would befriend her on all just occasions ; but intimates her disappointment and his own, that she had succeeded no better in procuring the submission of her subjects. "Though," he continued, "I fault not you, with any failing to endeavor, only to notice your good persuasions of them outwent their deserts, for aught yet appeareth. I could have wished they had been wiser for themselves, especially your two sons, that may probably succeed you in your government, and your brother also, who is so nearly tied unto you by nature. Do they think themselves so great as to disregard and affront his majesty's interest and authority here ; and the amity of the English? Cer- tainly, if they do, I think they did much disservice, and wish they would yet show themselves wiser, before it be too late." He closed by recom- mending her to send some of hers to the next court, to desire their arms, that her people might have the use of them in the approaching season. Desires her to let him hear from her and her husband. On the 20 June, 1672, tiie following writing appears on record : Whereas Awashunckes, squa-sachem, stand indebted vnto Mr. John Almey the sume of £25 to be paid in porke att three pence a pound, or peage att 16 peney, and 20 pole of stone wall att £4, which stone wall, or £4, is to be Miderstood to be prte of the lino and twenty pound," therefore Awashonks, having failed to pav agreeably to her promise, agrees to set off land on the north side of "the Indian field," next Punkateesett, on the east line till it meets with "a great runing brooke," thence northerly to afresh meadow, tiieiice bounded to the river by a salt cove : — this " is morgaged vnto the court of Plymouth " for the payment of said debt, which debt is to bej)aid 10 of February, 1672, O. S. " TVie mark X of Awashu.nkks." To illustrate the connections and genealogy of tiie family of Awashonks we give fiom the Records of Pliiuouth the liillowing exceedingly valuablo lai'ts ; — Chap. IV.] AWASHONKS— r.EJE TS PIIIIJPS (AT.RTLUKS. 251 July 14, 1()73. " Wlnireas Mmnanewni/ [n son of J]washonks] Imth by ("nil and fl(?iir testimony proved to tliis conn, in holiall' of liiinsulf and hretliren, tlie sons of Toloiiey, and u kinsman of tlicir* called ^Inumpash, [connnonly written JS'umposk,] jou to Fokuliawai!^^, that tliey are the chief i)roj>rietors and sachems of riaconett, or places connnonly so called ; and yet it heing also probable that Tatuckamna * ^Iwashunckis and those of that kindred who ore of the same stock, the more remote may have some right to lands there, as th(W are relations to the above said MaiiMnewny, &.c. and have been long inhabitants of that place. This conrt adviseth that convenient proportions ot" land be settled on the above said Tatucamarui Jhoasltanks, &c. at Saconett albresaid ; concerning which, the above said Mamaneway and his brethren anil kinsman who have proved their right to those lands do not or cannot agree, tliis court do a|)point that somfj meet i)ersons, by order of tliis court, shall repair to the jjlace, and make settlement ol' the said lands by certain and known boundaries to intent that peace may be continued among the said Indians, and they may all be accommodated for tlieir subsisting and payment ol' ♦heir debts in an orderly way." The same year, we hear again of 2'okamona, or, as ho is then called, Totonionna, who, with his brother Squainalt, having endeavored to hinder the English from jtossessing some lands in Dartmouth, was, from some consideration, not named, induced to relinquish his right to them. And the next year, lt)74, Mammiawachi/, or, as bis name was belbre written, Mama- neivai/, surrendered his right also. The rights of these Indians, it is said, had been sold by others. We hear no more of ^'Iwashonks until about the connnencemcnt of Philip's war. The year before this war, Mr. Benjamin Church, allervvards the lamous and well-known Colonel CVatrc/i f settled upon the peninsula of Sogkonate, in the midst oiAwashonks's people. This peninsula is on the north-east side of Narraganset Bay, against the south-east end of the island of Rhode Island. Here he lived in the greatest I'riendsbip Avith these Indians, until the spring • " the year 1G75, when suddenly a war was talked of, and messengers were sei.t by Philip to Awashonks, to engage her in it. She so far listened to their i)ersua- sions, as to call her princi|)al people together, and make a great dance ; and be- cause she respected Mr. Church, she sent privately lor him also. Church took with him a man that well understood Indian, and went directly to the place ap|)oint- ed. Here they found hundreds of Indians gathered together Irom all parts of her dominions. Jlwaslionks herself, in a foaming sweat, was leading the dance ; but when it was announced that Mr. Church was come, she stopped short, and Kat down ; ordered her cliiels into her presence, and then invited Mr. Church. All being seated, she inlbrmed him that Metacomet, that is, Philip, had sent six of his men to urge her to join with him in prosecuting a war against the English. She said these messengers informed her that the Umpamea,\ that is, i'limouth men, were gathering a great army to invade his country, and wished to know of hini if this were truly the case. He told her that it was entirely without foundation, lor he had but just come from Plimoutli, and no preparations of any kind were making, nor did be believe any thoughts of »var were entertained by any of the head men there. "He asked her whether she thought he would have brought up his goods to settle in that ])lace," if he in the least ajiprehendcd a war; at which she seemed some- what convinced. Jhuushonks then ordered the six Pokanokets into their presence. These made an imposing appearance, having their faces painted, and their hair so cut as to represent u cock's comb ; it being all shaved from each side of tlie head, left only a tult upon the crown, which extended from the forehead to the occiput. They had jjowder-horns and shot-bugs at their his liorso stumbled and threw Tiiiu. hi the fall iivjini- V%^-33i;i w (IS I ujjiuiuii, cill'i in; i(ii;\iiii iiirdllt 1 -. llOlirS. X Umpame and Apauin were bidimi iiuincs ol' I'linioullj. ■ ii last liirewell." As he was retiiriiinjr hon n hlood-vcssel was ruptured, mid he died in about 12 hours h '■ Wi ■/» i.l 253 AWAS HONKS— TREATS WITH CHURCH. [Book III. backa, which denoted warlike messengers of their nation. She now in- formed them of what Captain Church hud said. Uponwliiuh they discovered disButisfaction, and a warm talk followed, but Jlwashonks soon put an end to it ; aller which she told Mr. Church tliat Philip had told his messengers to tell her, tliat, unless she joined with him, he would send over some of his warriors, j)rivately, to kill the cattle and burn the houses of the English, which they would think to be done by her men, and consequently would liill uj)on her.* Mr. Church asked the Mount Hopes what they were going to do with the bullets in their jiossession, to which they scoffingly answered, " to shoot pigeons with." Church then told Awashonks that, if Philip were resolved on war, " her best way would be to knock those six Mount Ilopes on the head, and sheller herself under the protection of the English." When they under- stood this, they were very silent, and it is to be lamented that so worthy a man as Church should be the first to recommend murder, and a lasting re- membrance is due to the wisdom of Awaslwnks, that his unadvised counsel was not [ut in execution. These t ix Pokanokets came over to Sogkonate with two of Awashovks^s men, wh< seemed very favorably inclined to the measures of Philip. They expressec themselves with great indignation, at the rash advice of Church. Another of her men, called lAttle-eyes, one of her council, was so enraged, that he would then have taken ChurcKs life, if he had not been prevented. His design was to get Mr. Church aside from the rest, luider a jircteuce of private talk, and to have assassinated him when ho was off his guard. But some of his friends, seeing tiu'ough the artifice, prevented it. The advice of Church was adopted, or that part which directed that Awashonh should immediately put liersolf under the protection of the Eng- lish, and she desired him to go immediately to Piimouth and make the ar- rangement, to which he agreed. After kintUy thanking him for his informa- tion and advice, she sent two of her men with liim to his house, to guard him. These urged him to seciu'e his goods, lest, in his absence, the enemy should come and destroy them ; but he vvoidd not, because such a step might be thought a kind of preparation lor hostilities ; but told them, that in case hostilities were begim, tliey might convey his effects to a place of safety. He then proceeded to Piimouth, where he aiTived 7 June, 1C75. In his way to Piimouth, lie met, at I'ocasset, the husband of fFeetamoo. He w^s just returned from the neighborhood of Mount Hope, and confirmed all that had been saitl about Philip's intentions to begin a war. But before Mr. Church could return again to Awashonks, the war commenced, and all com- munication was at an end. This he very much regreti-id, and the benevolent Awashonka was carried away in the tide of Philip's successes, which, as she was circumstanced, was her only alternative. Mr. Church was wounded at the great swamp fight, 10 December follow- ing, and remained upon Rhode Island until about the middle of May 1676. He now resolved to engage again in the war, and, taking passage in a sloop bound to Barnstable, arrived at Piimouth the first Tuesday in .Tune. The governor and other officers of government were highly ])leased to see him, and desired him to take the command of a co.npany of men to be inune- diately sent out, to which he consented. We thus notice ChurcKs proceed- ing, because it led to important matters connected with the history of Awa- ahonks. Before he set out with the soldiers raised at Piimouth, it was agreed that he should first return to Rhode Island, for the purpose of raising other forces to be joined with them. In his return to the island, as he passed from Sogkonesset, now calhid Wood's Hole, to the island, and when he came against Sogkonate Point, some of the enemy were seen fishing upon the rocks. He was now in an open f^anoe, which he had hired at Sogkonesset, ajid two Indians to paddle it. He ordered them to go so near the rocks that he might speak with those upon them ; being persuaded that if he could have an op- portunity, he might still gain over the Sogkonates to the side of the English, * This inav strena;llion the bolief thai Philip put in praclioc a similar expedioiu to gain tlie ftli>hu»ks tu liis cause, as we have seen in his hie. the Chap. IV] AWASHONKS.— CHUUCH-g HAZARDOUS VISIT. 253 for he knew they never hart any real attachment to Philip, and were now in Ills interest only lioni necessity. Tiiey accordingly imddiod towards them, who made sif^ns lor tiietn to approach ; bnt when they had got pretty near, tiiey sknlkrd away among the rocks, and conid not be seen. The canoe tlien paddled ort" again, lest tiiey should be fired - :i ; which wiien tliose among the rocks observed, they showed themselves ■ .ain,und called to them to comu ashore ; and said they wished to speak wilii diem. The Indians in the canoe answered them, but those on shore inlbrn.'jd them that the waves dasheil so upon the rocks that they could not understand a word they said. Church now made signs for two of them to go along upon the shore to a beach, wliere one could see a good space round, whether any others were near. Jinmediutely two ran to the place, one without any arms, but the other had a lance. Knowing Church to be in tiie boat, they urged him to come on siiore, and said tiiey wanted to discourse with him. He told him that had the lance, that if he would carry it away at considerable distance, and leave it, he would. Tiiis he readily did. Mr. Church then went ashore, left one of his Indians to guard the canoe, and the other he stationed upon the beach to give notice if any should approach. He was surjjrised to find that Geors^e was one of tliein, a very good man, and the last Sogkonate lie had spoken with, bi ^ one of those sent to guard him to his house, and to whom he had givei. Jia> ' of his goods when he undertook his mission to I'limouth. On he'iAj/ t ed wiiat he wanted tliat he called him asiiore, answered, "that !■ took 'imi for Church, as soon as he heard his voice in the canoe, and tliat he .vas glad to see him alive." He also told him that .^iva- shonks was in a swamp about three miles off, and tliat she had Ictt Philip and did not intend to ivturn to liiiii any more ; and wished Mr. Church to stay while he should go and call her. This Church did not think prudent, but said he would ^ome again and speak with .1waslu)nks,tmd some other Inrtiunti that he siiouU uiie. He tiierelbre told George to notify Awashonks, her son Pelcr, their chict cajUain, and one JVompash, to meet him two days alter at a certiiin rock, "at tlie lower end of Capt. Richmond's fiirm, wliich was u vei-y noted place." It was provided that if that day should prove stormy, the next pleasant day should be improved. They parted with cordiality, George to carry the news to Awashonks, and Church lor Newport. On being made accpiaintod with ChurcKs intention to visit those Indiana, the government of Rhode Island marvelled much at his presumption, and 'voiild not give him any permit under their hands ; assuring him that the Indians would kill him. They said also that it was madness on his part, af\er such signal seiTices as he had done, to throw away his life in such a manner. Neither could any entreaties of friends alter his resolution, and he made ready for his departure. It was his intention to have taken with him one Daniel fVilcox,* a man who well understood the Indian language, bnt the government utterly refused him ; so that his whole retinue, in this im- portant embassy, consisted only of himself, his own man, and the two Indians wlio conducted him from Sogkonesset. As an important item in his outfit, must be mentioned a hotlle of rum, and a roll of tobacco. The day appointed having arrived, after paddling about three miles, they came to the appointed rock, where the Indians were ready to receive them, and gave him their hands in token of friendship. They went back from the shore about fifty yards, for a convenient place for consultation, when all at tiiiee rose up from the high grass, a great many Indians, so that tliey were t'litirely encompassed. Tliey were all armed with guns, spears and hatchets tiices jiainted and hair trimmed, in complete warlike array. If ever a man knew fear, we should ajiprehend it would discover itself upon an occasion like this. But, judging from his conduct, we should say he was one of those '• wiio never felt fear." As soon as he could be heard, Mr. Church told Awashonks that George had said that she desired to see him, about making peace with the English. She ^ \r>C,l, " Danii'l WiUcocki's tooke tlio oath off fidelitic lliis court." Plim. Rec. Ill nil'-, (iiK! Wilcox set up a trading house in ilie Narraganset country. S';e Callewler't Cent. Discourse, 38. If he were the same, it will well account for his being an hitcrpreter. 22 4 i;W S54 AWASHONKS— CIlUIlCll ENGAGES HER MEN. [Uook III. 1% I'i ■ sui; 258 PUMHAM.—SOCONONOCO.— QUAQUALir. [Book III. our English men, women and children, and cattle, to the yearly damage of GO, 80 und 100 £. The remedy is, (under God,) only your pleasure that Pumham shall come to an agreement with the town or colony." * Now it ehould he reiiiemhered, that when Warwick was purchased, Pumham and Bome other inferior sachems received presents for their particulai' interests in what was sold, agreeahly to the laws and usages of the Indians. The I'limouth people had their share in the Warwick controversy, having caused Ousamaquin to lay claim to the same ])lace, or a sachem who lived with him, named JVawtvaslvawsuck ; hetween whom and Pumfutm the quarrel ran so hifili that the former stahbed the latter. The atlairs of Warwick had been under consideration by the commis- sioners of the United Colonies for several years before this, and in 1G49, they say, '* Vpi)on a question betwixt the two collonies of the Massachuseta and Plymouth, formerly proj)ounded, and now again renewed by the com- missioners of the Massachusetts, concerning'a tract of land now or lately InMoiiging to PamJmm and Saconoco, two Indi.m sagamores who had sub- mitted themselves and their pcoi)le lo the Maj^sachusctts govermcnt, vj)|ion part of which landsom English, (besides the said Indians,) in anno l(J4;i, were planted and settled." The decision was, that though the said tract of land fidi witliin I'limouth bounds, it should henceforth belong to Massachusetts. About l(i4(i, we find the following record f of these chiefs: — "Pomihom and Saconanoro complaining to us [the court of Mass.] that many Indians dwelling 20 miles beyond them, (being friends and heljieu to the Narragan- Betts in their presint wars with Uncas,) are come upon their lands, ar ' planted upon the same against their wills, they not being able of theinselvc to remove them, and therefore desire our counsel and help, AVe shuL therefore advise them, if the deputies agree thereunto, to send a messenger to the sachem of those intruders to come to us to give an account of such his intention ; and if he come to us, then to otier him i)rotection upon the siune terms that Pumham hath it, provided they satisfy Uncas for any injuiy they have done him. If he refuse to come, then we would have our mes- senger charge them to depart from Pomlmrn and Soconanocho their lands, which also if they refuse, then we shall account them our enemies." j Though, by the aid of the English, Pumham had been able to ma'ntain a kind of independence for some years after the death of the chief sachem, yet he was among the first who esi)oused the cause of Philip in his war, as it would seem from his not attending at the treaty in June, immediately after hostilities commenced. The army who went to make that treaty i)assed through his eountiy in their march, and, as IVIr. lluhhard states, "They found tho Indians iu Pomham^s country (next adjoining to Philiiis fjorders) all fled, and thi'ir wigwams without any peo])ie in tlieni." The J'.nglish army also m.nrch- ed through his coimtry, in their return frotu the attack on Philip and his con- federates in Narraganset, in December, l(i75. At this time a small light took place between some of the English and a niunber of Pumham^s men, imder a chief whose name was UnAUUALH, who gained some advantage of tho English, wotiuding four of their men. The wi.ites, however, report that they killed five of ilie Indians, lluaqualh himself wa3 wounded in the knee. At the same time they burnt Pimham^s town,); which coi?tained near 100 wig- wniu:*. The English were commanded by Captnin Pixnlicc, § Pumham was not the chief captain in the fight at «l'.e great fidls in the (Con- necticut, which took place 1!) Ma)', l()7(i, although we jiresume, fWun the known character of him, that he was the most conspicuous in it on the sidi; of the Indians; being a man of vast jjhysical powers and of extnioidiiiaiy bravery. In this affair the English acteil a most cowardly part, having every advantage of tlicir eneihv, who acipiired credit upon the occasion, even at the time, from the lii.storian. The Eng'i.di came upon them hcl'ore day, while none were awake to give the alarm, and, "finding them seciu'e iiidee>iiiis and arrow-heads ; that ainoii^ other ho' el ihev InirnI his, deniolished his lor^e, and e.rricul away his tools. ** N.irrative, 100. iu>. edition. '}¥,'' 260 POTOK.— DEATH OF PUMIIAM. [Hduk ;M and took tliiity-five of tliein witliout resistance* TJicy foimd licio coii- Bidemble plunder; "besides kettles, there was ubont half a biisliel of \v;.ii;- jtumpeag, which the enemy lost, and twelve jjounds of powder, wliirii ilic captives say they had received from Albany but two days belbre."f A i^(/ii of Pumham was among the captives, "a very 1'k.ely youth," says Hubbard, \ '•and one whose countenance would have Ik sjjoke favor for him, had in? not belonged to so bloody and barbarous an Indian as his father was." It would seem fi'om this unteeling account that he was put to death. Dr. Matlier says he was carried j)risoner to J5o^^ton. From the same author wo must add to the revolting picture of the iiitlicr's death. " This Pumham, after he was wounded so as iliat he could not stand upon his legs, and was thought to have been dead, made a shift, (as the soldiers were pursuing others,) to crawl a little out of the way, but was found again, and when an Englishman drew near to him, though he could not stand, he did, (like a beast,) in rage and revenge, get hold on the soldier's head, and had like to liave killed him, had not another come in to his hel[), and rescued him out of the enraged dying hands of that bloody barbarian," j That it may be seen how the same story, recorded at the same time, at the same place, and by different individuals, varies on comparison, we give here the account of the fight in which Piiinliayji was slain, from an author in the Chronicle ; in which it will be observed that a difl'erent date is given to the event. "Upon the 27 of July it was, that about 20 Lidians were slain, and MO taken prisoners. We had 5 and 20 English, and 20 of our Indian friends in this exploit. One of these that were slain was Pomhnm. After lie had received a deadly shot in his back, he withdrew himself from his men, (for they were all his relations and subjects that were slain and taken at this time,) and thought to hide himself in a bushy hole, but was found out by an Englishman, who, as he went to apprehend him, found that the stout sachem was unwilling to fall into the hands of the English, for he gave him a stunning blow with his hatchet, which he had reserved of all his weajjons, and perhaps hiid slain the Englishman, but God ordered it so that he had a sudden revival, and took courage and grajjjjled with him, \Piimhnm,'\ and threw him under him, jind others coming in to his assistance, Pumham was Boon despatcheil. I'liere was about £20 of Ind/un money found in their baskets," which the English gave to their Indian friends, and their guns they took to themselves. A short time before this, a grtndson of this chief was killed liy a party under Ihnison,^ "who was also a sachem, and another sachem called Chkkon." I'O'J'OK, a Narraganset chief, we may pro|terly, in the next place, notice. None of his acts in Philij/s war are recorded, at least none have come to our knowledge, but they coi'.ld :iol have been inconsiderable, in the opinion of his enen:i.s, as fiis lile utoncul for tliem. ^Ve find him first mentioned, on accoimt of his o|)position to the introduction of Christianity into his nr.tion. Wlici;, in the begitming of PhiUti's war, the English army marched into tiic Narraganset country, to treat or figlit with tluit nation, as they nfight be found inclined, Polok ajipeared as the principtil chief. In the treaty which was concluded at that time, a condition was urged by him, "that the English should not send any among them to preach the gospel or call ii])on them to |»ray to Cod." Ihit the English would not admit such an article ; but if an article of tliis character had been urged on the other hand, we doidit \vheflier there would have been any objection urged by the Inditm!-. On this policy of the I'^nglish /loj^cr ff'illiams should be heard, as, at thia day even, we need no better commentaiy on the matter in liiuid. If, is con- tained in a letter II to the governor of ftlassachusetts, and is as fbllowg: — "At my last departtn-e for I'aigland, I was importuned by y" Narraganset Bachems, j".id especially by JVcnecimat, to present their petition to the high • M.S. Niirralivo of llev. 7'. Cobhrt. f Mather's Briuf Hist. '13. t Niirriilive, iit .supra. 6 Many write Denni.ion, ImU his owti aiMalurc, in iny possession, is as in llie text. i lu MS. dated Providence, 6:8: Uidi. E9 Chap. V.] STONE- WALL-JOHN.— OLIVKRS JOURN.VL. 261 sachems cf England, tliat tlicy might not be forced from their religion ; and, lor not changing thoir religion, Ije invaded by war. For they said they wore daily visited with threatenings by hidians, that came from abont the Massa- chusetts ; that if they would not ;>ray, they should be destroyed by war." And again, in the same letter: "Are not all the English of this land, (gener- ally,) a persecuted people liom their native soil? and hath not the (iod of peace and Father of mercies made the natives more iriendly in this than oiu* native countrymen in our own land to ns ? have they not entered leagues of love, and to this day continued peaceable conmierce with us .'' are not our ffunilies grown up in [)eace amongst them ? Upon which I humbly ask how it can suit with Christian ingenuity, to take hold of some seeming occasions lor their destruction." We are able to fix the ])laceof his residence in the vicinity of Point Jxdilh. [n the year 1()(J1, Polok, with sevcnd other chiefs, complained to tlie court of Massachusetts, that *^ Samuel fVildhow, ami otiiers of l.is companie," claimed jurisdiction at Point Judith, in their country, and lands adjacent. They came on and possessed themselves forcibly, bringing their cattle and other effects witii them.* What order the court tdok ni)on it does not ajjpear. About the close of Philij.^s war, Poioh came voluntarily to Rhode Island, no doubt with the view of making friends again with his enemies; but was sent to Boston, where, after answering all their incpiiries, he was put to dt.'ath with- out ceremony. It IS related by an author in the Oi.n I.ndian Chronicle, that Potok was captured by the Ibrces under Majnr Takot, in June, 1(J7(), at or near the same time Stone- La;/cr-Johv was. In closing his account of the cajjlure of John, he add.s, " Likewise i^oiiicA'e, tlu; great Indian coun.sellor, a man con- sidering his education of wonderfid subtletv, was brought j)risoner into Rhode Island." In the account carried to London by Captain More, mentioned in the last chapter, is thi>: notice of Po/o/i : — "'i'here is one /^ ca[me hi] John a rogui!, with a jircience of peacv\ ainl was dismissed with [this] errand: That we might speak with sachems. That eveifmg, he not being gone a (juarter of an hour, his company, that lay Md behind a hill of our (piarlers, killed two Sidem men, and wounded ii 1 "'1 within a mile of us, that he is dead. Av\ at a lions(! three; miles off, where I had ten men, they killed two of them. Instantly Capt. jMo.iel;/, myself iukI Capt. Gardner were sent to letch in Major .'Ippkton^s company, that kept three nfiles and a half of^', and coming, they lay behind n stone wall, uiid fired on us in sight of tiie garrison, we kilhsd the captain that killed one of the Salem men, and had his ca])." Mr. Iluhliard says, "A ihw desperate Indians, creeping undcjr a stone-wall, fired twenty or thirty guns at .Moseljj in particular, a commander well known amongst them, but the rest of the coni- * M.S. Slate Papers. i Old Indian Chroiiirlc, lU. X 111 manuscript. See uii account of it in a nolo to tiic life of Pliitip, %Ml(\. 262 STONE WALL-jOJI"; .-.pp.07; DENCE, die. BURNT. [Uook HI pnny iiinirmg down upon th m, kMi-'d oni of them and scatterul the rest." Thus did tlie scouts I'viiii ihe ini .ji hnt^y of t!i'! Indians, under such captains a.s the Slone-lnijer, aiUH)y tiie Enghsh in their inarch into their country. Iin- incdiately after tlicse skirniishes, "tiiey hurnt Jerry BiUrs* house, and killed seventeen [persons.]! Dec. 1(5, came that news. Dec. 17, came news tiiat Connecticut forces wore at Petaquaniscut ; kiiletJ four Indians and took si.x prisoners. Tliat (hiy we sold Capt. Davenport 47 Indians, young and old, ibr £dO in money." t How much John had to do in the devastations which h^d been perpetrated the previous season, is unknown, hut ^ve are told that lie had no small agency in "the sr.cking of Proviilence, "§ and Rehoboth al.so, without doubt. In the fori'iijr about 30 hoiisis |{ were burned, and in the latter place " near upon 40" houses and 30 barns. Shme-ivnll-John was doubtless one who conversed with the Reverend Mr. JfilliaDis at the time Providence was burned. The sub.stance oi'that conver- sation is related by our anonymous author, already cited, in these words : — "IJut indeed the reason that the inhabitants of the towns of Seaconick and Providence generally escaped with their lives, is not to be attributed to any com])assionor go.d nature of the Indians, (whose very meniies are inhumane cruelties,) but, [the author soon contradicts himself, as will lie seen,] next to God's providence to tiiijir own prudence in avoiding their fury, when they found themselves too weak, and unable to resist it, by a timely flight into Rhode Island, which now bcc'Mie the common Zoar, or place of refuge for the distressed ; yet some remained till their coming to destroy the said towns ; as in particular Mr. Williams at Providence, who, knowing several of the chief Indians that came to fire tl»'it town, discoursed with them a consider- able time, who pretended, their iii oatest quarrel was against Plimouth ; and as lor what they atlem|)ted again a the other colonies, they w'ere constrained to it, by the spoil that was done t.iein at Narraganset.1l They told him, that when Cajit. Pierce engagftii them near Mr. Blackslone,^, they were hound for Plimouth. They gloried much in their success, pro.'?iishig themselves the conquest of the whole country, and rooting out of all tht Eii,','lish. Mr. Wil- liams reproved tlaiir confidence, minded them of their c.-iiellics, and told them, that the Bay, viz. Bosi:';',i, could yet spare 10,000 men ; and, if they slioidd destroy all tliem, yet it was not to l)e doubted, but our king would send as many every year from Olil Ehigland, rather than they should share the country.** They answered proudly, that they should be ready for them, nrto that eflTect, but told Mr. Williams that he was a good man, and had been 'vi'l to them formerly, and therefore they would not hurt him." i liis agrees well with Mr. Hubbard's account of the carriage of John at the ii i><: he went to the English army to talk about peace, already mentioned. His words are, "yet could the messenger, [Jb/m,] hardly forbear threatening, vaporing of their numbers and strength, adding, withal, that the English durst not fight them." We have now to close the career of this Indian captain, for which it re- quires but a word, as he was killed on the 2 July, 1(370, at the same time the old squaw-gachern Qjnaiapen and most of her people were fallen upon by Major Talcot, as we iiave related in a ibrmer chapter. Many Lidians bore the name of John, hut when they were any ways con- epicuoiis, some distinguishing prefi.x or affix was generally added, as we have seen in several instances in the preceding chapters. We have already * Ji'iah was pri)bal)ly liis name. t "en iiiei' and tivo" women and children. Hubbard, 50. "About 14." 1. Mather,^, "Eiphlecn, men, women and ••lilldren." Clirimicle, 46. { Ciipiain Oliver's MS. leltcr. 6 OluIndianChuoniclKjOB. y Tliu building conlaining llie rorords of R. I. was con.sumcd at this 'ime, and part of il.i contents. Some of tliem were saved by l)eing llyown out of a window into some water. Tiicy l)ear to tliLs timo the marks of their immersion.— Oral information of W, R. Staplrs, Esq. of Providence. \ And who could p ik for a better reason 7 •• Tliir' was rather gasconading for so reverend a mBn ! Had he li»'e'' sincf .'uo revoluo lionary war, he would hardly liavc meant so, whatever he migi.'. have Mid. I '^m'^'mi '''^^^tii •i«.*v. '• ■> i ,''a Chip, v.] fllATOONAS.— EXF.CUI'ED \V VCSTf^N. 2f53 {liven the lift of one Sagnn. ore- John, but unoilicr of tint t.. vap, r.tW uiore conspicuous, (for his treachery to iiis own nation, ) Ji'j-t pi- soiuh iinself. This Samimore-John was a Nipmuk saclieni, and n .rairor t > Jiin countrj' On the 27th of July, 1G76, doubtless from a convvjtii>" cl" li.o iiojjclos.siies-a " : JD »I J Ui ;roy of the / Vkith i ini about IdO n thcii elemejicy, he M. Kiiglish to be frrcat- Oj) death's being ini- of his cause, he came to Boston, and tiircw lii^n? English. They paidoned him, as he enticed ai- others. And, that he might have a stronger claiui seized Matoonas, and his son, against whom he knew iy enraged, and delivered them up at the same time. mediately assigned as the lot of Matoonus, Sagamcre-John requested that he might execute him with his own hands. To render still more horriil this story of blood, his request was granted; and he took Matoonus into the coiri- nion, bound him to a tree, and there "shot him to death." To tiio above Dr. Mather adds,* "Thus did the Lord retaliate upon him the innocent blood which he had shed; as he had done, so God requited him." Although much had been alleged against John, before he came in, atlcr- wards the most favorable construction was put ujion his conduct. Mr. Hub- bard says, he "affirmed that he had never intended any mischief to the Eng- lish at Brookfield. the last year, (near which village it seems his jdace was,) but that Philip, coming over night amongst them, he was forced, for tear ot his own lite, to join with tiicm against the English."! MATOONAS was also a Nipmuk cliiefl A son of his was said to liave murdered an Englishman in l(i71, when " traveling along the road," which Mr. Hubbard says was " out of mere malice and s|)ite," because he was " vexed in his mind that the design against the English, intended to begin in that year, did not take place." This son of Matoonus was hanged, and atterwards beheaded, and his head set upon a jiole, where it was to he seen six years after. The name of the murdered Englishman was Zachary Smith, a young man, who, as he was passing through Dedham, in the month of April, put up at the house of Rlr. Caleb Church. About half an hour alter he wad gone, the next morning, three Indians passed the same way; who, as they passed by ChurcKs house, behaved in a very insolent manner. They had been employed as laborers in Dorchester, and said ti'ey belonged to Philip; they left their masters under a suspicious j)retencc. Tii ■ bodyof the >.nurti(!red man was soon after found near the saw-mill in Dedham, and these Indiums were apprehended, and one put to death, as is stated above. % Mr. Hubbard supposes that the father, " ■ n old mu' "lOus villain," bore "an old grudge against them," on the accoun* thvj ex' '^ution of hit' son. And the lirst mischief that was done in Massac-I' . 1:8 col. 'iiy was charged to him; which was the killing of four or five pcf .s at .'imdon, a town ujion I'uw- tucket River; and, says /. Mather, "hai" .- amended our ways us wc should have done, this misery would iiave been I'reventel," § AVhen Maioonas was brought before s .'; ccunci) of M;, sachiisctts, he "confessed that he had lightly deserved death, a d could expect no other." " He had often seemed to favor the pniyirg Iji'';"M;;, and the Christian reli- gion, but, like Sim a Magus, by his after ; v.ctice, 'liscovered quickly that he had no part nor portion in that matter." || The following is the statement of this affair in the Oi.n Indian Cnr nici.e. John "declared himself sorry that he had fo-t^ht against the Eni: and promised to give some testimonial to them soon of his fidelity; ar ' m his return now with his men, women and children, he brought down, boi...u wiui cords, old Mattoonu^ and his son prisoners, 'fh'*- .M .i.'v mis' eldest son had been tried at Boston, and executed, 5 or 6 years ago 'or 1 1\ < Kecrable murder by hin^ committed on a young maid 1[ of the Englisli o:i> V> jburn, and his head was * Hriof History of the War, 4,1. ( N.irralivo, 101. 4lo edition. Iftliis be true, Philip had (l;o chief direction in the i.mbiislilns; gf flii/rhinsnn and MHieeler at Wicka'.)aug', as related in the life of Philip , but in our opinion iiol niiK h credit should bo given to any tlii-iif coming from a traitor. X Maniiscrint anionsr the files in the office of the secretary of the state of Mussnchiinclti. « Urief Hist. 5. 11 «i/Mr ■■• . IDl. ff This anlhor is evidently in error about the Woburn murder. Dr. /. Mall'T -i* Ucla lion, 75, "Some few private murthers there have been, as namely lliose at [Maiili.'Cl;. (, and Uiat by Matoonas his son, and that at Woburn." No other particulars are given by Mathtr m 'k ■■> m 264 NETUS.—MONOCO— MURDERS AT SUDRURY. [Rook mi fiistcnetl to a pole nt one end of the {.'allows. This old Mattoomui' fiitlu r l,;:d given it (Hit tliat lie would he avenged of us Ibr his bou's death, which eomiiij:- ;o the knowledge ol" the council, he was sent ibr and examined ahout it ; and liaviii;,' denied it, and tliere not heiiig suflicieiit evidence of it, lie was diMiiissed, having only confessed this, that considering the death of his son, he found his heart so biir hot tcithin him, but that he resolved to abide a faithful friend to (he Enirlish, and so that accusation ended. But after sachem Fhilijj had begun liis niiirders in Plimouth colony, this savage first appeared an enemy to us, Mid slew the two first men that were killed within the limits of our colony (to wit, at Mendham) and in that cruel and outrageous attempt at Quahaog this old Mattoonvs was the princijial ringleader. Ueing now brought a prisoner to Boston, he was by the council the same day, [28 July,] adjudged, to be shot to death, which was executed in Boston common, by three Indians. His head was cut off and placed upon a pole on the gallows, opposite to his son's that was there formerly hanged. His son, brought along with him, remains still a prisoner." While JMatoonas belonged to the Christian Indians, his residence was at Pakaclioog. Here he was made constable of the town.* On joining in the war, he led parties which committed several dejiredations. lie joined the main body of the Nipmuks in the winter of 1()75, when James ({itanavohit was among them as a spy, who saw him arrive there with a train of Ihllow- crs, and take the lead in the war dances, f Doubtless (luanapohifs evidence drew Ibrth the conlessions which he made, and added to the severity exer- cised at his execution. X A Nipmuk captain we will in the next jilace notice, who makes a sudden inroad upon the frontier of Massachusetts, and who as suddenly dis- appears. NETUS, on the 1 February, 1670, with about 10 followere, attacked the house of one Thomas Eanies, 4 or 5 miles bejond Sudbury, and took his and his son's families prisoners. They then destroyed every thing upon his iiirni, burnt up his house and his barns Avith the cattle and corn in them, aiul withdrew beyond the reach of the English, as Totosonhad done at Eel Jtiver. \' .(Ui this onset was made, Eames himself was absent at Boston to piocuro ammunition. In all, seven § persons were killed or lell into the hands of this party of Indians. About three months allerwards, one of the children tjikr ii at this time escaped, and alter wandering 30 miles alone through the \\ iider- ness, under extreme sufferings, arrived among the English settlements. t)n the 27 March following, ^Vetus was killed near Marlborough, by a party of f^nglish under Lieutenant Jacobs, with n.bcjt 40 oihers.|| VVe have yet to notice a distinguished Nipmuk sachem, called 3IOjSOCO by his countrymen, but, by the English, generally, One-eyed- John; as though deficient in the organs of vision, which jirobably was the case, lie was, '^ays an early writer, " a notable iellow," who, ■when Philiii's war began, lived near Lancaster, and consecniently was acquainted with every jmrt of the town, which knowledge he improved to his advantage, on two occasions, in that war. On Sunday, 22 August, 1675, a man, his wile bill Huhhard, in llic prrfnop to his iNarralive, edition of 1677, snys, " a murlher was comniilled at Farmiiisjioii, anoilicr at Wobiirn, hy some Indians in their drunken humors upon a maid servant or two, wlio denied them ihink.' * tihalluck's Hist. Coneor.l, 31. 1 1 <'ri)l- Mass. Ifist. Soc. vi.St.t). t The Nipmuks were at this time chiefly under iivo sachems, which, Mr. //wW/k;*/ says, were " four too many to govern so small a people." The same author suys, " Tlie Nipnets were under the command of tiic sachem of Mount Hope," which fad is verified l)v numerous passages of our iiistory. Tlic names of the five principal sadienis were MoNoco, Mautamp, tjuosTiANiM, Matoonas, and Sagamouk John. I According to the Cntlon MSS. seven were killed and two children only taken. This agrees with our Chuonici.k, 77, where it is said " they killed seven people in a barbarous manner, and carried some away captive." Unhburd, 8't and Table, says liames' wife was killed, and his son's wife died the next dav, but says nothing of the numl)er killed or taken. II Compare Hvbhard, 79 and fit.— This was the alVair which he says was done " when it wa i so dark that an Indian could hardly be discerned from a better man." Sec Rook III. Chap. II. On !21 Sept. following, three Indians were hanged as concerned in the murder of Eantes's family. ClIAP. V.J MONOCO— PRAYING INDIANS I'KRSFX'UTED. 205 and two chililicn <\eic killed at tliat place.* At this time the Ilassanurnesit prayiii:;' indiaiis were placed at .Marlhoroiigli by uiiiliority. No siooiier was it known tliiit a murder was commilted at Lancaster, than not a few were wantin;; to charge it upon the llassanamesits. Captain Moselij,v,'\u> it seems was in the neighborhood, sent to their qiiart(!rs, and found " mucii suspicion against eleven of them, for singing and dancing, and having bullets anil slugs, and much powder hid in their baskets." For this offence, these eleven were sent to IJoston 30 August, on sus|)icion, and there tried. " JJut njion trial, the 8. lid prisoners were all of them ac(|uitted from the fact, and wen; either released, or else were, with others of that fort, sent for better security, and \hr jjre venting tiitui-e trouble in the like kind, to some of tin; islands below JJoston, towarils Nantasket." Fifteen was the lunnbcr brought down to Boston, but eleven only were su8|)ected of the alleged oftonce. The others, among whom were wibram Speen and John Choo, were taken along and imprisoned, for no oilier reason but their being acciilentally, at that time, at Marlborough, or the crime of being Indians. It appears some time had elapsed after the nnu'tler was comnfitted, before they wore sent down lor trial, or more probably they were siilfered to return home before being sent to IJeer Island. For Ephraim Tunier and }Villiam Kent were not sent up to find out where " they all were," and what answers they could get from those they slioidd meet, until the I)eginning of October; at wliicii time these eleven Indians were scattered in various directions, about their daily callings. And all the information Turner and Kent lianded into court was, that they were thus dispersed. IViiban and 3Ir. John Wdtxon, who had been ajipointed to reside among those Indians, were the only persons (piestioned. What steps the court took upon this int()rniation, we are not informed, but they were about this time sent to Doer Island. The names of these Indians, concerning whom more particular inquiry may hereafter be made by the benevolent antiipiary, it is thought should be given ; especially as they may not elsewhere be preserved. They were, Old-jelhro and two sons, Jamcs-thc-pririter, James Jlcowpanrt, Daniel Munups, John (.\juiis(]U(iconet, John ^'h(jaenet, George JVonsequesewit, Thomas Mamuxon- i>i/d John aci'uses Sagamore John tu have lired the first gun at Quabaog and killed Capt Hutch. iiison." Chap. V.] SHOSHANIM.— OLD JETIIRO. 867 to ascertain the cause, and was ambushed by tliem, as we have in the h)i; of Philip related. At this time, " Sam, saciiem of Wesliacum," and Nktaumh, are particularly mentioned as having been lianged at Bonton. It was reported, (no doubt by the Indians, to vex their enemies,) that Mrs. Rowlnndaon had married Monaco. " But," the author of the Present State, &e. says, " it was soon contradicted," and, " that she ajipeared and behaved herself ainouf^st them with so much courage and majestic gravity, tliat none durst ofFt r any violence to her, but on the contrary, (in their rude maimer) seemed to show her great respect." In the above cpiotation from Mr. Hubbard, we have shown at what time several of tiie Nipmuck chiefs were put to death b'side Morwco. OLD-JETHRO was little less noted, though of quite a different character. His Indian name was Tamtanwus, He was |)resent at the sale of Concord (Mass.) to the English, about which time he lived at Natick. In 1(574, he was appointed a misssionary to the Nipmuks living at Weshakim, since Sterling, but his stay there Mas short.* He and his family (of about 12 persons) were among thos'! ordered to Deer Island, on the breaking out of the wai the next yeiir. Their residence then was at Nobscut Hill, near Sudbury His spirit could not brook the indignity offered by those English who were sent to conduct the praying Indians to Boston, and in tlie night he escaped, witli all liis family, into his native wilds. His son Pettr had been so long under tlie instruction of tlie Englisli, that he had become almost one of them. He deserted his father's cause, and was the means of Ids being exe- cuted with the other Nipmuk sachems already mentioned. This occasioned /)r. /. Mather to say of him, " That abominable Indian, Peter-jethro, betrayed his oum father, and other Indians of his special acquaintance, unto death." It seema he had been employed by the English for this purpose. About a month befor« the fall of Philip, the Nipmucka became fully aware of their wretched condition, who, on the 6 July, 1676, sent an Indian messenger to the English with a white flag. He came, says our Chronicle, " from Sagamore Sam of Nassoway (a proud Salvage, wlio two months since insulted over the English, and said, if the English would first begge Peace of him, he would let them have Peace, but that he would never ask it of them ;) This Indian was sent from him with Letters, desiring Peace of us, and expressely praying us in the name of Jestts Christ, and for his sake to BTaut it whose holy name they have so much blasphemed. Thus doth the Lord Jesus make them to bow before him, and to lick the dust And having made mention of his letter it will not be unacceptable to transcribe some copies of the Letters sent by him, and others on tins subject, which take as foUoweth. Tlie reader must bear with their barbarisms, and excuse the omission ot some expressions in them, that can hardly admit of good English." -i « I'he first Letter, My the &h, 1676.t " Mr. John Leverett, my Lord, Mr. JVaban, and all the chief men our Breth- ren, Praying to God : [This Mr. Waban is a Prayins Indian, faithful, and a Ruler anwmst them ; by their Brethren praying to God, they mean those of the samt A/'ation.] We beseech you all to help us ; my wife she is but one, but there be more Prisoners, which we pray you keep well : Mattamuck his wife, we entrt'ai you for her, and not onely that man, but it is the Request of two Sa- chems, Saia Sachem of IVeshakum, and the PaJcashoag Sachem. " And that further you will consider about the making Peace : We have spoken to the People of Nashobah (viz. Tom Dubler and Peter,) that we would agree with you, and make a Covenant of Peace with you. We have been destroyed by your Souldiers, but still we Remember it now, to sit still ; do ' Mr. ShattHck's Hist. Concord, 30. t 'I'lie tenor of the I'ollowiii^ letters, is very ditrerent from those in April previoyf), which 1 liiiil disi overed in MS. and printed in the former editions of the Book of the Indians. TheM v\cre llien unlle rojiilition ! Lillle to subsist upon — the northern and rt'estern wilderness so full of their native tueinies, that a retreat upon those liunliiiff-s^rounds was cut oir — all the fisliinj^ places near and upon the coast watched by their successful enemy — hence nothinn; now remained but to try the efl'cct of an olVer of unconditional sub- mission I — This letter, however, must not be re«farded as the Ian juaafe of the warriors, it was the language of the Christian Indian-!, in l)ehalf of them and themselves. t The name of this sachem a|)proa( Inu^ nearly in soinid to that of the place since called Worcester, of which Sa^amnre-Jolin was chief, almost induces the belief that hi' is the same. A sachem of the name having deeded Worcester to the whites in 1G71, is additional proof. See the elaborate history of that town by It'm. Lincoln, Esq., now In course of publication. J This letter will be regarded as an admirable specimen of Indian sentiment, and its value IS much enhanced, as it unfolds truths of great value — truths that lay open the situation of things at this period that will be gladly received. Sum was a magnanimous sachem. So was Monaco. We doubt if any thing can in truth be brought against either, that would not comport with a warrior of their time, but they did not come within the limits of a pardon oflered in the Proclaination ! When messengers were sent to treat with the Indians for the redemption of prisoners, to prevent the evil such negotiation was calculated to produce, and which I'liitip, doubtless, foresaw, he ordered such to be summarily dealt with. Qiianapohit was suspected ' r a spy, and Philip had ordered him to be killed, but Monaco said, " I will kill whomsoevei shall kdl Qitanapoliil." S/ios/iamm afterwards said the same when visited by Mr. Hoar and Nepanft, who were sent to treat for the ransom of Mr. Rowlandson's fam- ily. " If any kill them, I will kill them," that is, he would kill the murderer. But these kind offices were forgotten in the days of terror ! ^ The same person, whose name to the last letter is spelt PottoqjMm, and in Book ii. Chap, vii., /Sflokam \\ This stands in the MS. records, \Veu'(isovanuett. See Hook iii. Chap. ii. IF There is some error concerning this pt rson's name. John U. Line means the same per- son, I thnik, in (innkiu's MS. history. See Hook ii. Cluip. vii.; an account of several others licre mentioned may there also be found. ClIAl-. VI.] SHOSIIANIM-AMOS. 2(]a joyne. His liidian name was at one time Slwshanini, but in Philip's war it appears to have been changed to Uskatulii^un ; at least, if hi! be the Hauii", it was so subscribed by Feler-jeUiro, when tin; letter was sent by the Imlians to tiie English about the exchange of INIrs. Rowlandson and others, as will be found in the life of JVepanet. He was hang'.'d, as has been before noted. Slioslutnim was successor to Matthew, who succeeded Sholan. This last-iuentioned sachem is probably reli-rred o i)y the author quoted in Mr. Thoroirgood's curious book. In the sunuinr . '' i l.'i'i, Ueverenil John Ktiot intended to visit theNashuas, in his evangelical caj)aci y, but understanding there was war in that direction among the Indians,* delayed his journey (i)r a time. The sachem of Nashua, hearing of Mr. Eliofs intention, "took *^0 men, armed alter tlieir manner," as his guard, wit.'i many others, and con- ducted him to his country. And my author adds, " this was a long journey into the wilderness of (iO nfiles: it proved very wet and tedious, so liat he was not dry three or tour days together, night nor day." \ One ol'tl:. Indians at this tinie asked j\lr. Etiol why those who prayed to God an ong the English loved the Indians that prayed to (iod " more than their own breth- ren." The good man seemed some a; a loss for an answer, and waived the subject by several scriptural (juotations. We may be incorrect in the siq)position that the sachem who conducted Mr. Eliot on this occasion was Sholan, as jierhaps Passaconaway would suit the time as well. CII.VPTER VI. Frtcndlij Indians — Captais Amos — Pursues Tntoson and Pcnachrtson — Escapes the sliiughtcr at Pawtuckct — Commands a companij in the eastern war — Captain LiGUTFooT — His services in Philip's war — In the eastern loar — Kkttkmanit — His services — QuANNAPonrr — His important services as a spy — Mautamp — Monoco — Nkpankt — Employed to treat with the enemy — Brings letters from them— Effects an exchange of prisoners — Petkk Conway — Peter Ephkaim. A3IOS, commonly called Captain Amos, was a Wampanoag, whose residence was about Cajjc Cod. We have no notice of him until Pliilip\y anotlier, entitled This Americans no .Jews. 23* ^, ^ ^ ^o. A^ IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I 11.25 l^|2£ 121 m ■ 2.2 :^ 1^ 12.0 u us I m ■lUU Hiotographic Sciences Corporation 33 WIST MAIN STRUT WnSTIR.N.Y. MS80 (716)«72-4S03 ^70 INDIAN STRATAGEMS.— LIGHTFOOT. [Book III H »nd tn take into that aervice any of his fViends. Meantime, Tcdoton had fled to Elizabeth bland, in company with Penachason, another chief who was alHO to be taken, if he could be ibund. This Petutchaaon waa probably Tato- sotCa brother's son, sometimes called Tom, who, if the same, was alno at the destroying of Clark's garrison. Yet the wily cliiefs eluded the vigilance of Captain ^mos, by flying from that region into the Nipmuks' country, where they joined PkUip. To encourage greater exertion on the part of the friendly Indians, to execute their commission, it was ordered, that in case they captured and brought in either Tatoson or Penaihason, " they may expect for their reward, for each of them four coats, and a toat apiece for every other Indian that shall prove merchantable." We have mentioned in a former chapter the horrid catastrophe of Captain Peirte and his men at Pawtucket Captain ^moa e8ca])cd that dreadful slaughter. He fought there with 20 of his warriors, and when Captain Ptirat was shot down by a bail which wounded him in the thigh, he stood by his side, and defended him as lon^ as there was a gleam of ho|)e. At length, seeing nearly all his friends slam, with admirable presence of mind he made his escape, by the ibilowing subtle stratagem : — J^anunttnoo'a warriors had blackened their faces, which Captain Amos had observed, and by means of powder contrived to discolor his own unobser>'ed by them. When he had done this, he managed, by a dextrous manteuvre, to pass among the enemy for one of them, and by these means escaped. What were Captain Jlmos's other acts in this war, if any, we have not learned ; nor do we meet again with him until 1689. In that year, he went widi Col. Ciiurch against the eastern Indians and French, in which expedi- tion he also had the command of a company. Church arrived with his forces in Sept. at Casco, now Portland, and, having lanctid secretly under cover of the night, surprised, on the following morning, about four hundred Indians, who had come to destroy the place. Although the Indians did not receive much damage, yet. Governor Sullivan says,* the whole eastern country was saved by the timely arrival of this expedition. In the light at Casco, 21 September, eight of the English were killed and many wounded. Two of Captain Amoa's men were badly wounded, and iSizin Moses, another friendly Indian, was killed. There was another Indian company in this expedition, commanded by Captain Danid, out of which one man waa killed, who was of Yarmouth on Cape Cod.t LIGHTFOOT, of the tribe of the Sogkonates, distinguished in Philip's war, was also in the aervice under Church at Casco ; a memorable expedition, on more than one account One circumstance we will name, as it well nigh [troved the ruin of the undertaking. Wiien, on the following morning, after the arrival of the forces, the attack was begun, it was, to the uiexpressible Rurpr*- of the English, found, that the bullets were much larger than the calib if their guns. This was a most extraordinary and unaccountable occurrence, and great blame was chargeable somewhere. In this wretched dilemma, the fight having already begun, Church set some at work making the bullets into slugs, by which resort he was able to continue the fight U being high water at the time, an estuary separated the battle-ground from the to>vn. The bullets were to be carried to the army engaged, m buckets, after being hammered. When the first recruit of slugs was nMde up. Colonel Church ran with it to the water's edge, and, not caring to venture himself to wade across, called la those on the other side to send some one to take it over to the army. None appeared but Lightfoot. This Indian dextrously repassed the estuary, with a quantity of powder u|)on his head, and a " kettle " of bul- lets in each hand, and thus the fight was maintained, and the enemy put to flight In Philip's war, LishlfooVs exploits were doubtless very numerous, but few of them have come down to us. He volunteered to fight for the English, at >4(m»AonA'a great dance at Bu/zrtrd's Bay, air 3ady mentioned. When Lilllt' tyes was taken at Cushnet, in 1G76, Lighifoot was sent with him to what is • Hist DUtriet of Maine, 102. t MS. letter of Captain Basset of the expcditioD' X- 1 to nt Ze- is Chap. VI.] KATTENANIT.— EASTERN WAR. 971 now culled Palmer'a bland, near the mouth of Cushnet River, where he lield hiiQ in gunrd until he could be safely conducted to Plimouth. About the time JUdiompoin was killed, and Phib^a wife and son were taken. Church gave him a captain's commission, after which he made several successful expeditions. — We now pass to characters hitherto less known, though perhaps of more interest Very little was known of certain important characters among the friendly Indians of Massachusetts, which should have by no means been overiooketl, until the disc'-jry of Mr. Gookin'a manuscript history of the praying Indians, not long since, and to which we have often referred already. We shall, therefore, devote the remainder of the present chapter to their history JOB KATTENANIT seems first to demand attention. He was a Christian Indian, and lived some time at Natick, but was at one time a preacher at Magunkog, and belonged originally, we believe, to Hassanamesit. However that may have been, it is certain he lived there in the beginning of Philijp's war, when that chiurs men made a descent u])on the place, with the intention of carrying away those Christian Indians prisoners. Job made his escape from them at this time, and came in to the English at Mendun. He had still tlirec children in the enemy's hands, and he was willing to run any venture to release them. He therefore applied for and obtained a pass, assuring him safety, provided that, in his return, he should tiill into the hands of the Eng- lish scouts. Besides liberating his children, consid«ral)le hopes were enter- tained, that he might be enabled to furnish information ot the enemy. It unfortunately happened, that, before he had passed the frontier, he lell in with some English soldiers, who treated him as a prisoner, and an enemy, even taking from him his clothes and gun, sending him to the governor of Boston ; " who, more to satisfy the cltiniors of the people than for any offence committed," assigned him to the commoi. juil, whore he suffered exceedingly; himself and many others being crowded into a narnjw and filthy place. Af- ter about three weeks, he was taken out and sent to Deer Island The clam- ora of tlie people were indeed high at this time, and many accused Major Gookin, who gave him the pass, of being guilty of furnishing tlie enemy with intelligence. After the Narraganset fight, 19 December, 1675, the English were very anxious to gain information relative to the position of the enemy, and accord- ingly instructed Major Gookin to use his endeavors to employ some friendly Indian spies ; who, after considerable negotiation among those at Deer Island, engaged Job again, and James Ouannapohit, alios Quanapaug. Their reward Was to be /re pounds apiece ! They departed upon this service before day, the 30th of December, and, during their mission, behaved with great pru- dence, and brought valuable information to the English on their return ; but which, from intestine bickerings among the English, turned to small account. James QuannopoTlt/ returned 24th of January following, nearly worn out and famished ; having travelled about 80 miles in that cold season, upon snow- shoes, the snow being very deep. The information which he gave was writ- ten down by Major Gookin,* Among other matters, he stated that the ene- my had taken up their quarters in different places, probably near Scattacook ; and innny others, including the Nipmuks, about Menumesse. The Narra- gansets hud not yet joined PhUip openly, hut while Jamu and Job were among the Nipmuks, messengers arrived ftom Narraganset which gave them much joy, for they expressed an ardent desire to join them and nUip in prosecut- ing the war. They said their loss in tlie great swamp fight was small. In three weeks, James learned, they would assault Lancaster, which acconlingly camo to pass, upon the very day which he said tliey intended it. He learned and thus divulged their plans to a great extent A circumstance now occurred which obliged him to moke his escape, which was this: He found a friend and protector in Mavtamp,\ one of the Nipmuk chiefs, who, it seems, • Tlio snine published in Coll. Mats. Hist. Soe. 1. vi. 20(^—208. t Tliu saini!, probably, called Netamnp, who was anerwards executed at Doston, ol lh# Mine liiiiu with Sagamort-sam. See IhibbarJ, 35. * * ! 'r . . , t i * u 1 1 ! ""l -i4 ; 11 ' I'M 272 KATTENANIT. [Book III intenderl shortly to visit Philip ; and insisted that Qmnnapohit should nc< company him, and it was with no small difficulty he was able to eliitit; the vigilant eye of Mautamp, and make his escape, which, however, was cffiTtcd oiily by a cimninff stratagem, as follows :— He told Mavtamp that lie had ibught agninst Phuip in the commencement of the war, and that Philip knew him, and that, unless he could go to him with some important trophy, Philip would not believe him, and would immediately kill him. And moreover, Tukapeioillin had privately told him that Philip had given out word that cer- tain praying hidians should be sought after, and, if possible, seized and brought to him ; for he wanted to put them to death in a cruel manner, with his own hands, and that ht was one of them. He therefore told Mautamp that he would go, in the first place, and kill some English, and take tlinr heads along with him, and then he should consider himself safe. Tiiis being consented to, he lost no time in retracing bis steps to the frontiers of the English. He mentions Monaco, or One-tyed-john, as a great cajituin among the ene- my, who also treated him kindly, and entertained him in his wigwam during his stay there ; they being old acquaintance, having served together in their wars against the Mohawks, ten years before.* And here also Mr. Gookin gives a favorable accoimt of Monaco. Philip had ordered that the persons above named should be brought to him, if taken alive, "that he might put them to some tormenting death, which had hithetlo been prevented by the care and kindness of a great captain among tnem, named John-with-one-eye, belonging to Nashua,! who had civilly treated and Erotected Jamu, and entertained him at his wigwam, all the time of his eing there." J Jbo was requested to come away with Qtianapohit, but saw no way of getting away his children, which was a main oliject with him. He knew, too, that James could give all the information thev both possessed at tliat |)criod, and not considering himself in imminent danger, i)referred to tarry longer. At VVanexit, or Manexit, they fell in with seven Indians, who took them and conveyed tliem about twenty miles, across the path leading to Connecti- cut, northward from Quabaog. These were some of the Quahmsits and Segunesits. At this place were three towns which contained about 'iOO warriors well armed. Here they were threatened with death, their mission being truly guessed. But going to the wigwam of One-eyed-john, " Sagamore of Nashua," or A/onoco, he charged his gun and said, "I will kill whom- soever shall kill Quanapohit."^ Some said he had killed one of Philip's coimsellors || at Mount Hope, and Philip had hired some to kill him ; also James Speeri, Andrew PUimy, Captain Hunter, Thomas Quanapohit, and Peter Ephraim. On being ordered to visit PhUip, " Job and he pretended to go out a hunting, killed tliree dear quickly, and perceiving they were dogged by some other Indians, went over a pond and lay in a swamp till before day, and when they had prayed together he ran away." Job was to return to the enemy, and tell them that Jam^Ji ran away because they had threatened to kill him. Job, not being particularly obnoxious to them, concluded to remain longer for the end of ransoming uid children, as we have said. He returned to the English in the night of the 9th of February, and said, aa James had before, that on the next day Lancaster would be attacked, for he knew about four hundred of the enemy were alreaJy on their march, and it BO result( ! 1 -! I.- I .">' »'■( li : I I 1 If 1 'hii % m 274 EMBASSY TO THE NIPMUCKS. lU'iOK IIL Sit ; : ' ■ li » * soon discovered, one of whom was leading an English prisoner. They discovered the English scout, and fled. Jamu and £/uer pursued them, and recovered the prisoner, whose name was Christopher Muaiin, who had been taken from Marlborough. James also took one of the enemy's guns.* The English having, by means of spies, as in the preceding life w.e have stated, learned the state of feeling among their enemies, felt themoelves prepared, as the spring of 1676 advanced, to make overtures to them for peace, or an exchange of prisoners, or both, as they might be found inclined. Tom Nepanet was fixed upon as plenipotentiary' in this business. And, although uqjustly suffering with many of his bretliren upon a bleak island in Boston harbor, consented, at the imminent risk of his life, to proceed to meet the Indians in the western wilderness, in the service, and for the benefit, of those who had caused his sufferings. JVepanet set out, 3 April, 1676, to make overtures to the enemy for the re- lease of prisoners, especially the family of Mr. Rowlandson, which was taken at Lancaster, retumea on the 12 following, with a written answer from the enemy, aay'mg," fVenou give answer by this one man, hut tf you like my anstver sent one more man besides this one Tom Nepanet, and send with all true heart and ivith aU your mind by two men ; because you know and tve know your heart great sorrowful with crying for your lost many many hundred man and all your nousf and all your land and umman child and cattle as all your thtr^ thai you have lost and on your backside stand. Signed by Sam, Sachem, KuTqcEN, and QuANOHiT, Sagamores. Peter Jethro, scribe. At the same time, and 1 conclude in the same letter, they wrote a few words to others, as follows : **Mr. Rowlandson, your wife ami all your child is well but one dye. Your sister is well and her 3 child. John Kittell, your wife and all your child is all well, and all them prisoners taken at JS/ashua is all well. Mr. Rowlandson, aeyour loving sister his hand p Hanah. ^nd old Kettel wif his hand. -f- Brolher Rowlandson, pray send thre pound of Tobacco for tne, if you can my loving husband pray send mre pound of tobacco for me. " This writing ay your enemies — Samuel Uskattuhgun and Gunrashit, two Indian sagamores." Mi-8. Rowlandson, in her account of " The Sixteenth Remove," relates, that when they had waded over Baquaugf River, "Quickly there came up to us an Indian who informed them that I must go to Wachuset to my master, for there was a letter come from the council to the saggamores about redeeming the captives, and that there would be another in 14 days, and that I must be there ready." J This was doubtless after the letter just recorded had been sent to the English. " About two days after," Mrs. R, continues, " came a compcny of Indians to us, near 30, all on horseback. My heart skipt within me, thi*^(king they had been Englishmen, at the first sight of them : For they were dj-essed in English apparel, with hats, white neck-cloths, and sashes aboi.t their waists, and ribbons upon tlieir shoulders. But when they came near, there was a vast difference between the lovely faces of Christians, and the foul looks of those heathen, which much damped my spirits again." § Having, after great distress, arrived at Wachuset, our authoress adds, " Then came Tom and Peter with the second letter from the council, about the captives." " I asked them how my husband did, and aU my friends and * Gockin's MS. Hist. Clirlslian Indians. t Or PayqiuiE^e, now Miller's River, Its confluence with the Connecticut is bctweeu Norlhfield and Alonlnpue. J Nnrrative of her Captivity, 69. \ Iliid.'GO. The regimeiiials in wiiirli thcv were now tricked out, were probably takea (rom the English whnm llicy iiad killed in battle. m Chap. VI.J NEPANET.— SECOND EMBASSY. 34a acquaintance. They sniti tliey were well, but vrrj- mclaiiclioly." Tliey brought her two l)i.«cuits and a |>onnd of toltncco. The tobnrco kIio irave to the lu'liaiiii, and, when it whs all gone, one tlircatenecl her because she hnd no mire to give; proimhiy not lielieving her. Slie told him when her htiflbnnd came, she would give him some. "Hang him, rogue, says he, 1 will knock out his brains, if lie comes here." "Again, at the same breath, they would say, if there should come an bundred to add themselves, which resulted ia the redemption of Mrs. Rowlandaon and several otliers. " When the letter was come, (says Mrs. R.\ the saggamores met to consult about the captives, and called me to tliem, to inquirt how much my huslmnd would give to redeem me : When I came and sjit down among them, as I was wont to do, as their manner is : Then they bid me stanton. Of their return the same WTiter proceeds: "On a sabbath day, the sun being about s hour high in the atlcrnoon, came Mr John Hoar, (the council pennitting him, and his own forward spirit inclhiing him,) together with the two fore-mentioned Indians, Tom and Peter, with the tliird letter from the council. When they came near, I was abroad ; they presently called me in, and bid me sit down, and not stir. Then they catched up their guns and away they ran, as if an enemy had been at hand, and the gims went off apace. I manifested some great trouble, and asked them what was the matter. I told them I thought they had killed the Englishman ; (for they had in the mean time told me that an Englishman had come ;) they said, JVo, they shot over hia horse, and under, and before his horse, and they pushed him this way and that way, at their pleasure, showing him what they could do."§ They would not at first suffer her to see Mr. Hoar, but when they had gratified their tantalizing whim sufficiently, she was permitted to see him. He brought her a pound of tobacco, which she sold for nine shillings. " The next morning, Mr. Hoar invited the saggamores to dinner; but when wo went to get it ready, we found they had stolen the greatest part of the provis- ions Mr. Hoar had brought. And we may see the wonderful power of God, in that one passage, in that, when there was such a number of them together, and so greedy ot a little good food, and no English there but Mr. Hoar and myself, that there they did not knock us on the head, and take what we had ; there iieing not only some provision, but also trading cloth, a part of the 20 pounds agreed uiion : But instead of doing us any mischief, they seemed to be ashamed of tlie fact, and said it was the matckit [bad] Lidians that did it." H It is now certain that this negotiation was the immediate cause of their final overthrow. For before this time the Pokanokets and Narragonsetts went hand in hand against their conunon enemy, and they were the most powerful tribes. Tliis parleying with the English was so detestable to Philip, that a separation took place among these tnbes m consequence, and he an 1 WM ■'■■ r,"' ■:! 276 PETER EPHRAIM^QU.VNAPOHIT. il!on& III. ■> "1/ It wnR tlimiigli JS/epaneCa means that a |)arty of English, under Captnin //encAman, were eiinltkd to surprise a body of'liis coiintrynie.i at Wesliakom* I'onds near Lancaster, 30 May, 1G76. Fx)llo>vin|; in a track pointed oui hy J^'epanet, the Indians were fallen upon while fisliing, and, being <>ntireiy nn- prepared, seven were killed, and 2J) taken, cliieflv women and children. PETER-EPHRAIM and ANDREVV-PITYME were also two other considerably distinguished Nipmuk Indians. They rendered much sen ice to the English in Philip's war. They went out in January, 1676, and brought in many of the Nipnets, who had endeavored to shelter themselves under Uncaa. But, Mr. Hubbard observes, that Uncaa, having "sliabl)ed" them off, " they were, in the beginning of the winter, [1676,] brongiit in to Boston, many of them, by Pe/er-epAraim and Jindrcw-pitymtP Ephraim commanded an Indian company, and had a commission from governnient. The news that many of the enemy were doing mischief about Rehohoth caused a jiarty of English of Medfield to march out to their relief; Ephraim went with them, with his company, which consisted of 29. The snow being deep, the English soon grew discouraged, and returned, but Captain Ephraim continued the inarch, and came upon a body of them, encamped, in tne night. Early the next morning, he successfully surrounded them, and offered them quar- ter. " Eight resolute fellows refused, who were presently shot;" the others yielded, and were brought in, being in number 43. Other minor exploits of this Indian ca])tain are recorded. THOMAS QUANAPOIirr, called also Rumney-marsh, was a brother of James, and was al&o a Christian Indian. In the beginning of hostdities against Philip, Major Gookin received orders to raise a company of praying Indians to be employed against him. This company was immediately raised, and consisted of 52 men, who were conducted to Mount Hope by Captain Isaac Johnson. Quanapohit was one of these. The officers under wiiom they served testified to their credit as faithful soldiers ; yet many of the army, officers and men, tried al! in their power to bring them into disre- l)ute with the country. Such proceedings, we should naturally coii'^lude, would tend much to dishearten those friendly Indians ; but, on the contrarj', they used every exertion to win tlic affections of their oppressors. Qitana- pohit, with the other two, received from government a reward for the scalps which they brought in. Though not exactly in order, yet it must be men- tioned, that when Thomas was out, at or near Swnnscv, in the beginning of the war, he by accident had one of his han«ls shot oft He was one of the troopers, and carried a gun of remarkable length. The weather being ex- cessively hot, his horse was very uneasy, being disturbed by flies, and struck the lock of the gun as the breech rested ui)on the ground, and caused it to go off, which horribly mangled the hand that held it ; and, notwithstanding it was a long time in getting well, j'et he renilered great sen'ice in the war afterward. The account of one signal exploit tiaving teen preserved, shall here be related. While Cap'ain henchman was in the enemy's country, he made an excursion from Haosanamesit to Packachoog, which lies about ten milts north-west from it. Meeting here with no enemy, he marched again for JIassanamesit ; and havir^^ got a few miles on his way, discovered that he had lost a tin case, which contained his commission, and other instructions. He therefore despatched Thomas and two Englishmen in search of it. They made no discovery of the lost article until they came in sight of an old wig- wam at Packachoog, where, to their no small surprise, they discovered some of the enemy in possession of it. They were but a few rods from them, and being so few in number, that to have given them battle would have been ilesperate in the extreme, as neither of them was armed for such an occasion ; slnitugem, therefore, could only save them. The wigwam was situated upon an eminence ; and some ware standing in the door, when they approached, who discovered them as soon as they came in sight. One presented hia gun, but, the weather being stonny, it did not go ofK At this moment our chief, looking back, called, and made many gestures, as though he wore dis^ posing of a large force to encompass thei.i. At this manceuvre they all fled • Roger Williams scls dowc sea as ihe dcliiiilioii of WecMrmu Chap. VII.] PASSACONAWAY. 277 ri being six in number, leaving our heroes to pursue their object Thus their preservation was due to Ouanapohit ; and is tiie more to be admired, as thry were in so far destitute of the ini-ans of defence. Captain Quanapohit liad himself only a pistol, and one of his men a gun wttliout a flint, and tiie other no gun at rU,* It was about ti. a time these events occurred, that Captain Tom, of whom we have spoken, his daughter, and t\\ o cliildren, were taken by a scout sent out by Captain HenchmarXy about 10 miles soutii-east of Marlborough. They appear to have been token on the 11 June, and on the 2G of tlie same month Captain Tom was executed. CHAPTER Vn. Of the Indians in Jfeie Hampshire and Maine previi^ts to their roars with the whites — Dominions of the baaluiba — Perishes in tear — I'AssACo.NAWAy — ///* dominions — Jlis last speech to his people — His life — His daughter rmirries Wtnnapurket — Peti- tions liu court of Mass -.husetls — Lands allotted to h'm — English send a force to disarm him — Their fears of his enmity unfounded — they seize and ilUreal his son- He 'iscapes — Passaconaway delivers his arms, and makes peace with the English — Traditions concern'ng — Life of Wannalancet — His situation in Philip's war — Messengers and letters sent him by the English — Leaves his residence — His humanity — Fate of JosiAii Nouei. — IViuuiaJanett returns to his country — His lands seized in his absence — He again retires Into the toUdtrness — Moselu destroys his village, ^c. — Imprisoned for debt — Favors Christianity — A speech — Wehanownowit, suchcm of JVcto Hampshire — RoBiNiioon — His sales of land in Maine — Monqiiine — Kennebis — AssiMiNASQUA — Abbigadasset — Their residences and sales of land — Melancholy fate of Chocobua. Some knowledge of the Indians eastward of the Massachusetts was very early obtained by Captain John Smith, which, however, was very general ; as that they were divided into several tribes, each of which had their own sachem, or, as these more northern Indiana pronounced tttat word, sachemo, which the English understood sagamore ; and yet all the 'Biichemos acknowledged subjection to one still greater, which they called bashalxi. Of the dominions of the bashaba, >vriters differ much in respect to their extent. Some suppose that his authority did not extend this side the Pas- cataqua, but it is evident that it did, from Captain SmiWa account.f Wars and pestilence had greatly wasted the eastern Indians but a short time before tl ^ English settled ui tlie country ; and it was then difficult to determine the relation the trit>es had stood in one to the other. As to the '.rashaba of Penob- scot, traditidn nates that he was killed by the Tarratines, who lived still fiir»her east, in a war which wiis at its heigiit in 1615. PASSACONAWAY seems to have been a bashaba. He lived upon the Merrimack River, at a place called PennaJcook, and his dominions, at the fteriod of the English settlements, were very extensive, even over the sachems iving upon the Fuscatuqua and its branches. The Abenaques inhabited between the Pascataqua and Penobscot, and the resilience of the chief sacheni was upon Indian Island.^ Fludkn and Captain Sunday were early known as chiefs among tiie Abenaques, and Sqtiando at a later' period; but * Gookin's MS. Hist. Praying Indians. t •' The princiijal habitations 1 saw at northward, was Penobsool, who are in wars with the Tercntines, their .t^xI northerly neighbors. Southerly up the rivers, and along the coast, we found Mecadacut, Segocket, Pemmaquid, Nusconcus, Sagndahnck, Salquin, AumauVabigganus, Nassaque, Masherosqueck, Wawrigwick, Moshoquen, Waccogo, Pasharanack, &c. To those are allied in confederacy, the countries of Aucocisco, Accominticus, Passalaquak, Augawoam and Nacmkeek, all these, for any thing could perceive, differ little in language or any ihin^ ; though most of thcin be sngainos and lords of themselves, yet they hold the bashahes of Penobscot the chief and greatest BmoPffst them." 3 Coll. M,tst. Hist. Soc. iii. 21, 22. \ tlllliamson't Hist. Maine, li. 4. 24 '^%: 111 .^11 ! ■f -, Ml m '■■ii t .-14^ 'I pi If 1 41 • 1 1 .4 H ( *!■ |f T {)' "i h • M 278 PA8SACONAWAY. [OnoK III. of tiii'Be we Blmll Ite more particular hereafter : the first war hem mo sliniili] notice is Paasaconaway. lie " lived to a very great age ; for," suyB the aiitlior Oi' my iMaiui8cri|)t, "1 saw him alive at Pawtiickct, when he was nhoiit huiiilrcd aiid twenty yoars old."* Before his death, he delivered th»> follow- ing 8|)ucch to Ilia children and friends : ** I am now going the way ofallJltsK, o» rcadij to die, and not likely to see you ever meet together any more, iwill now Itnvt this word of counsel with you, thcd you mau take heM how you quarrel with the English, for though you may do them much mischief, yet assuredly you will all be destroyed^ and rooted off the earth if you do ; for, I was as much an enemy to the English, at their frst corning into these parts, as any one whatsoever, and did try all xcays and means possible, to have destroyed them, at least to have prevented them settling down here, but I could no way tj^ect it ; therefore I advise you never to contend with th* English, nor make war wUh them." And Mr. Hubbard adds, " it is to he noted, tJiut this Passaconawa was tlie most noted powow and sorcerer of all the country." A story of the marriage of a daughter of Passaconaway, in 1029, is thus related. Winnepvrket, commonly called George, sachem of Saugus, made known to the chief of Pcunakook, tliat he desu'ed to marry his daughter, which, being agreeable to all parties, was soon consnnunated, at the resi- dence of Passaconaway, and the hilarity was closed with n great feast. Ac- cording to the usages of the chiefs, Passaeonaumy ordered a select number of his men to accompany the new-married couple to the dwelling of the husband. When they had arrived there, several days of feasting followed, for the entertainment of his friends, who could not be present at the con- summation at the bride's father's, as well as for the escort ; who, when this was ended, returned to Pennakook. Some time after, the wife of fVinnepurket, expressing a desire to visit her father's house and friends, was permitted to go, and a choice company con- ducted her. When she wished to return to Tier husband, her father, instead of conveying her as before, sent to the young sachem to come and take her awav. Ae took this in high dudgeon, and sent his father-in-law this answer: ** when she departed firom me, I caused my men to escort her to your dwell- ing, as became a chieC She now having an intention to return to me, I did expect the same." The elder sachem was now in his turn angry, and returned on answer which only increased the difference ; and it is believed that thus terminated the connection of the new husband and wife.f This same year, [16G2,] we find the general court acting upon a petition of Passaconaway, or, as his name is spelt in the records themselves, Papiase- coneioay. The petition we have not met with, but from the answer given to it, 've learn its nature. The court say : " In answer to the petition of Papisseconeway, this court judgeth it mecte to graunt to the said Papisseeone- way and his men or associates about Naticot, % above Mr. Brenton^a lands, where it is free, a mile and a half on either side Merremack Riuer in breadth, three miles on either side in length : provided he nor they do not alienate any pait of this grant without leave and license from this court, first oljtained.'^ Governor Winikrop mentions this chief as early as 1632. One of his men, having gone with a white man into the country to trade, was killed by another Indian " dwelling near the Mohawks country, who fled away with his goods ; " but it seems from the same account, that Passaconaway pursued and took the murderer. In 1642, there was great alarm throughout the English settlements, from the belief that all the Indians in the country were about to make a general massacre of the whites. The government of Mas- such usetts took prompt measures "to strike a terror into the Indians." They tlierefore " sent men to Cutshanukiny at Braintree, to fetch him and his guns^ * Gookin's Hist, of Praying Indians. This history was drawn up during the year 1677, and iiow long before this the author saw him, is unknown ; but there can be no doubt but he was dead some years before Philip's war. Nevertheless, with Mr. Hubbard and our text lii'i'nrc him, the author of Tales of the Indians has made Pittsaconaway appear in the persoi of Aspinquid, in 1682, at Agamentacus in Maine. t licdiiceil from facts in Morton's N. Canaan. i Auutlicr version of Nalium-keag. Chap. VII,] WANNALANCET MADE PRISONER BY THE ENGLISH. 279 bo\VH, &c., which wuh done; and he canio willingly: And lH;ing hito in the night wiien they cunin to HoHton, ho waa put into tho prison ; l>iit the noxl inornin;;, tiiurm^, n|K)n cxanihiation of him and divers of hia men, no ground of Huspiciun of Inn partaking in any such conttpiracy, ho wan diIllnis^H^d. U|)ou the warrant wliich went to IpHwich, Rowley and Nt;wlinry, to disarm PaasMonamij, wlio lived hy Merrinmck, thev sent forth 40 men armed the next day." These English were liindereu from visiting the wigwam of Paasaconaimy, l>y rainy weatlier, '* but they earne to his son's and took him." This son wo presume waa fVannalancet. This they hud orders to do ; hut for biking a squaw and her child, they had none, and wem orden-d to semi fhein buck again immediately. Fearing WannnhinctCa 0!»ca|)<', they " led hini in a lino, but he taking an opportunity, slip|K:d his line and csi-a|M;d trom them, i)Ut one very indiscreetly made a shot at him, and niissctd him nar- rowly." These were called, then, "unwarnmted proceedings," as we sliouhl Bay they very well might have been. The English now had some actual reason to feur that Paasaconatoay would resent tnia outrage, and thereliire '^seiit Cutahamekin to him to let him know that what was done to his son and squaw was without order," and to invite him to a |mrley at Koston ; also^ *^ to show him the occassion wht>rciipon we had sent to dis)>nn all tlie In- dians, and that when we should fuid that they were innocent of any such conspiracy, we would restore all their urma again." Pwimconnwni/ said wiien he should have his son and squaw returned safe, he would go and sjieak with them. The squaw waa so much frightened, that she ran away into the woods, and waa absent ten days. It seems that Wannalancit wits soon lib- erated, as he within a short time went to the English, " and (h^livered up his guns, &c."* These w re the circumstances to which A/uin/unnontoA alluded 60 happily afterwards. At a court in Massachusetts in ll>44, it is stud, " Passaconaioau, the Merri- mack sachem, came in and submitted to our government, as Pumluiiti, &c. had done before ;" and the next year the same entry occurs again, with the addition of his son's submission also, " together with their lands and people." t This cliief is supposod to have died about the same time with Massasoit, a sachem whom in many respects he seems to have much resembled. \ He was often styled the great sachem, and, according to Mr. Hubbard, was con- siilercd a great powwow or sorcerer among his people, and his fame in this respect was very extensive ; and we know not that there was any thing that they thought him not able to perform : that he could cause a green leaf to grow in winter, trees to dance, and water to burn, seem to have been ibutii of common notorietv in" his time. WANNALANCET, or IVnnolancel, in obedience to tho advice of his father, always kept peace with the English. He resided at an ancient seat of tiio sagamores, upon the Merrimack, colled at that time JVaamktke, but from whence he withdrew, in the time of the war with Philip, and took up liis quarters among the Pennakooks, who were also his people. About the beginning of September, 1675, Captain Mosebf, with aliout 100 men, was ordered to march up into the country of the Merrimack to ascertain the state of aftiurs under Wannaiancet. These men scouted in warlike array as far as Pennakook, now Concord, N. H. They could not find an Indian, but came upon their wigwams, and burned them, and also a quantity of dried fish and other articles. Although this was a most wanton and unwarrantable, not to say unnecessary act of these whites, yet no retaliation took place on the part of the Indians. And whether to attribute their forbearance to cow- ardice, or to the great respect in which the dying adviceof PavracoTwaj^ wag • ^VitUhTop's Journal. f Ibid. \ Among other stanzhs in Farmer and Moore't Collections, the following very happily introduces Pauaconaaoay :— " Once did my throbbing bosom deep receive The tketch, which one of Pattaconateay drew. Well may the muse his memory retrieve From dark oblivion, and, with pencil true, Retouch that pictuie strange, with tints and honor* due." 1-^^; -1 'V 4 • ''•■rn t.i 280 WANNALANCET.— INDIANS SEIZED AT DOVER. [Book m m held, 18 lint rrrtaiii ; for Ifanalarwd and his men had notice of the approach of Moseli/, and lay ironcfulod while ho wus dostroying tlicir eflccts ; and iiii;;iit liuvc cut oil' IiIh coinpiiiiy, which the young warriors advised, but ft'atnuduncel would not pt;riiiit u gun to bo fired. Having; nbuiidant rvuHon now to foar the resentment of the Pa^vtiickctt and Pcnnakouk Indians, the council of Mussachusetts,? Scptcmlicr, 1075, ordered that Lieutenant Thomita Ihnchntan, of Cheliiisford, should send some messen- gers to tiiid him, and persuade him of their friendship, and ur^e his return to hia place of residence. With tiiis order, u letter was sent to fyannalancet at tho siimu time. 'J'hey are as follows : "It is ordered liy the council that Lieut Tho*. Henehnutn do forthwith endeavor to ]>roci're by hire, one or twa Buitjibie Indiana of VVamesit, to travel and seek to find out and speidc with fVannalancet the sachem, and carry with thciii a writing from the council, beiii|( a safe conduct unto tho said suchem, or any other priiicipid men be- longing to Natuhook, I'enagooge, or other people of those northern Indians, giving (not exceeding six persons) free liberty to come into the house of tho said Henchman, where the council will apiioint Cupt Gookin and Mr. £/to< to treat with them aliout terms of amity anu peace between tiiem and the Eng- lish ; and in case agreements and conclusions lie not mudc to mutual satis- fhctinii, tlien the suid sachem and all others that accompany him shall have free liberty to return buck again ; and this ofler the council are induced to make, because the said /Vannalancet sachem, us they arc informed, hath de- dai'ed himself that the Engli.^h never did any wrong to him, or his father Pa3saconaway,lwt always liveO in amity, and ihat his father charged him so to do, and that said Ifannalancet will not begin to do any wrong to the English." The Ibllowing is t,'ie letter to IVantialancet : — " This our writiny the Kn^lisli tlint tliey Blionid join with tlie IndiiuiH in a trninin^', and iiiive 8iinni-fi;:htti. While prrfonnin^' their cvohitionH, u inovt-niiiit \vt\a nind*- liy the wiiitcH, wiiicji rntirely snrroiUKlcd tho Indiuni*, und tlity were all 8(>cnn> rircnniHtanee that H'annalancH caused them to l>e sent home to their friends again, it would ■eeni that tiioy were taken by some of the enemy within his 8achenin Hatfield, the particidars of which irruption, though in one view of the case tJoes not strietly beloii" to the life of ff'annalancet, we give here in the words of Mr. Hubbard. \ " About Sept. lOth, 40 or 50 River Indians § fell sud- deidy i.pon the town of Hatfield, whose iidiabitants were a little too secure, and too i.<;udy to say the bitterness of death was past, because they had neither wen nor Leard of an enemy in those parts for half a year before. Hut ut this ;imp,as a considerable number of the inhabitants of that small village were smployed in raising the frame of an bouse without the palisadoes, that defend- jd their houses from any sudden incursions of the enemy, they were violent- ly and suddenly assaidted by 40 or 50 Indians, whom they were in no capacity lo resist or defend themselves, so as several were shot down irom the top of the house which they were raising, and sundry were carried away captive, to the number of 20 or more, which was made up 24 with them they carried away the s«me or the next day frotu Dcertield, whither some of the inhafntants had unadvisedly too soon rotiuned. One of the company escaped out of their hands two or three days after, who informed that they had passed with their \)oot captives two or three times over the Connecticut to prevent being i)ursued." At first this attack was su[)posed to have been made by a party of Mohawks, according to Gookin, because it took phce the next day after some of that natiokt had passed througli the ]iluce with come Christian Indians prisoners, and a scalp, which was afterwards found to have been taken from the head of an Indian named Josiak JVouel, \\ near Sudbury. But one of the captives • By Rev. T. Cohbet of Ipswich. t Gookin's MS. Hist. Praying Indians. % Hisl. N. England, G36. ^ They inhabited chiefly in New York along the Hudson ; a few in the N. W. corner of Connecticut, and a few on the Housatunnuk River. Hopkin's Memoir of the Itoiisatunnuk /ju/iu/w, p. 1.— " The Wabinga, sometimes called River Indians, sometimes Moliiranders, and who had their dwellings between the west branch of Delaware and Huiison's River, from Ihe Kittatinney ridge down to the Rarilon." Jefferson's Notes, 308. y By his deatii lou- small children were left laihcrless. Nnuel and James Sjxxh had bcei 24* , It 1 wi<\ m I. 282 ASHPELON.— STOCKWELLS CAPTIVITY. [Uuiix III taken at Hatfield escaped, and returned soon aftnr, and reported that the com- pany of Indians tliat attacked Hatfield consisted of 23 men and focir women, and were some of those wlio had belonged to Philip's party, but liad taken up their residence in Canada, from whence tliey made tliis exjiedition.* Another |)arty lefl Canada at the same time, who, after separating fi-oin the former, directed their course towards Merrimack, and tlii% was the company who persuaded or com[)elled tVanrudancet to go with them. That lie went not by compulsion is very probable ; for the party with whom he went off " were liis kindred and relations, one of them was his wife's brother, and his eldest son also lived with the French " in Canada, f While at Pawtucket, and not long before his final departure, H'annalancd went to the Reverend Mr. Fwfcc of Cheli/<8ford, and inquired of him con- cerning the welfare of his ibrmer acquaintances, and whether the place had sufTered much during the war. Mr. Fiske onswcred that they had been highly favored in that respect, and for which he thanked God. " Me next," said the chief, thereby intiinutiug that he was conscious of having prevented mischief from failing upon them. I In 1059, IFanruilansit was t^irown into pvisoii i"or a debt of about £45. His people, who owned on island in Meiiimack River, three miles above Paw- tuckett Fulls, containing GO .icres, half of which was under cultivation, relinquished it, to obtain his release. About 1670, he removed to Pawtiickctt Foils, where, u|)on an eminence, Ik built a fort, and resided until Philip's war. He was about 55 yeora of age in 1674 ; always friendly to the English, but unwilling to be inqmituned about adopting their religion. When he had cot to be very old, however, he submitted to their desires in that rt'spcct. Upon that occasion he is rojwrted to have said, " / must acknowledge I have all my days been used to pass in an old canoey and now you exhort me to change and Uave my old canoe and embark in a new one, to which I have hitherto been umvill- ing, but now I yield up myself to your advice, and enter into a new canoe, and do engage to pray ti God hereajler. Reverend John Eliot tlius writes to tlie Honorable Robert Boyle § in Englond, together but half an hour before the former was killeil, and by appointment were lo have met again. But when Spetn came lo the place, he could lind nothing' of his fricud. They were brothers-in-law,, • It seems fi^om the narrative of Quintin Stockwell, that the parly who oommilled this depredation was led by a great and magnanimous sachem called ASHPELON, of whom, further than the events of this famous expedition, I have learned nolhiag. " Sept. 19, 1G77, about sunset," says Slock Dell, " I and nnothcr man being together, tlie Indians with great shouting and shootmg came upon us, [at Dcerfield,] and some other of the English hard by, at which we ran to a swamp for refuge ; wiiich they perceiving, nmdo after us, and shot at ur, three guns being dischorged upon me. The swamp being ° y I slipt in and fell down ; whereupon an bidian slept to me, with his hatchet lifted up >. icnock me on the head, sup- posing I was wounded, and unfit for travel. It happened I had a pistol in my pocket, which though uncharged, I presented to him, who presently slept back, and told me, if I would yield I should nave no hurt ; boasted that (hey had destroyed ell Hatlield, and that the woods were full of Indians ; whereupon 1 yielded myself" He was then taken back to Dcerfield, where he was pinioned, and wiih other cnptives marched into the wilderness. Their suffer- ings, as usual in Indian caplivily, were most cruel and severe : for many nights together they were " slaked down " to the cold ground, in ihis manner : The captive being laid upon his back, his arms and feet were extended, and with cords or withes lashed lo sinkes driven into the ground for Inal purpose. ISesidos lashing the arms and legs, the neck and body were also seciWcil in the same way, and often so tight as lo cause swemngs and the most excruci- ating pains. Wliili- on their march, the captives had frequent opportunities of escaping siiigTy, but wouUl hdI, (iir frar of endangering the lives of the rest } but at length Bevjamin Stebhirts, in a journey with his Indian master lo Wachiiset hill, made his escape. When the rest knew this, they were for burning the remaining captives, but some being opposed to the measure, they agreed to have a court and debate Ihe subject. Ashpelon told the En,>vlish not to fear, for he would speak last, and would frustrate the design of burning, for he would show that it was not Stehhins's fault fur running away, but the fault of the Indian who had him in charge ; and he brought it to pass, as ho had promised. Having at length arrived among the French, Slitchnell was pawned lo on? of llicm, and in the end sold for SI beaver skins, and ■ome lime the next year got hor.te again. KepiarlcabU Prin-iihtirri. Hlovir'x Amerini, 221. t Oonkhi's MS. History. t Al/en's Hisl. (•hclin>l<)r(l, 157. ^ For many years at the h"ad of the Society for Proprgiiiing the Gospel amoiig llic Inilians. He was a grcni h.-ncfiirlor of N. England, and one of the (biuiders of the Royal Sociolv of Loudon. He was by birth an Irishman, nut seuled finally aU'xturd, Englat i. He died in Lou r> I Chap. VII.] WANNALANCET. 283 in li 77 : — "We had a sachem of the greatest blood in the country nubmitted to pruy to God, a little bcfoi-e the wars : his name is fVanalauncei : in the time of the wars he fled, by reason of the wiek|)ie 01 I'limouih.— vyuuam Paddy died at Boston. His g^ravestone was dug out of (lir nililiish under the old 8(ate-house in 1S30. tmson, i. 461, imson, i. 331. Dr. Holmes, in his Annals, places (he sale of Swau Island undei (■ i (3 M li * ' , if '. 1:1 , ■ ■ t ; 1 ',• ■isV 286 SQUANOO.— BURNING Ot SACO. [Book IU. (lie. It is said that Chooorua cursed the English before he expired, and the Buperstitious, to this day, attribute the disease of cattle to the curse of Cho- corua. But a much more rational one, wu apprehend, will be found in the affection of the waters by minerals. 90ffe CHAPTER VUI. B^nANDo, tarhem of Saeo—Jlltacka the town of Saro — Singvlar account of him by a contemporary— The ill treatment of his wife a euuneof war — Hie humanity in restor- ing a captive — Madokawardo — Causes of his hostility — Assiminasqua — His speech — Speech of Tarumkin— Muco — Is carried to Boston to execute a treaty — Js Madokawando's ambassador — Release of Thomas Cnhbtt — MadokawanOo' s kindness to prisoners — Moxus attacks Wells and is beaten off- — Attacked the next year by the Indians under Madokawando and a. company nf Frenchmen — Are repulsed tcith great loss — Incidents of the siege — Mons. Castcins — A further account of Moxus — Wa.nunqonkt — AssAcoMBUiT — FinihcT accmmt of Mngg — His death — Svmon, Andrew, Jeoffrev, Pf.ter and Joseph — Account of their depredations — Life of Kankamaqus — Treated with neglect — Flies his country— Bi comes an enemy^- Surprise of Dover and murder of Ma j. (Felieve tliat the death of the child was owing to its immer- sion; still we must allow the Indians to know as well as they. As the most memorable exploit in which Squando was engaged was the burning of Siico, it will he proper to enter htru more in detailinto it. The two prin- cipal inhabitants of the place were Captain Bonithon and Major Phillips, wiiose dwellings were situated on opposite sides of Saco River ; tlie I'oniier on the east and the latter on the west. On 18 September, l(i75, Ciiptnin Jion- Lhon^s house was discovered to he on fire, but himself and family had just * " They can nwini naturnlly, slrikinir llieir paws under tlieir lliroal like a dog, and not iprvadiiiK llieir anus as we do," Jonnelyii's Voyage to N, E. I'U. Chap VIII.] BURNING OP SACO. 287 before escaped across the river to Major Phillip's, and thus fortunately de- feated a purt of tlie design of their enemies. For this fortunate e8ca|)e, however, ihey were under deep obligation to a frienitly Indian who lived near by ; he having been some how niade acquainted with the design of SqiMnlo, immediately imported his information to the English. The fire of Bonithon's house, says Mr. Uxtbbard, " was to them [at PhiUipa'$ garrison,] as the firing of a beacon," which gave them "time to look to them- selves." A sentinel in the chanil)er soon gave notice that he saw an Iiulian near at hard, and Mtyor Phillipa going into the top of the house to make further discovery, received a shot in the shoulder ; but it proved to be only a flesh wound. Knowing PhiUipt, and supposing him to be slain, the Indians raised a great shout, and instantly discovered themselves on all sides of the garrison ; but the English, being well prepared, fired upon tliein from all quarters of their works, killing some and wounding others. Among the hitter was a chief who died in his retreat, three or four miles from tlie ulace. He advised his fellows to desist from the enterprise, but tliey refused, and after continuing the siege for about an hour longer, they began to devise some means to set the garrison on fire. But in order to draw out the men from it in the firat place, they set a house on fire near it, and also a saw and grist mill ; that not having the desired efi'ect, they called to them in an exulting tone, and said, " You couxirtUy English dogs, come out and put out the fire!" The attack had begun about 11 o'clock in the day, and though the night partially put an end to it, yet the English were alarmed every iialf hour, until about lour or five o'clock in the morning, when the work of the preced* ing night di^overcd itse)'' A noise of axes and other tools had been heard in the neighborhood of the saw-mill, and it was expected the Indians were preparing some engine with which to accomplish their object, and it proved true. A cart with four wheels had been constructed, and on one end they had erected a breastwork, while the body of the cart was filled witli birch, straw, powder, and such like matters lor the ready consummation of ther stratagem. The approach of this formidable machine dismayed some of tlie Englishmen in tiie garrison ; but being encouraged by their officers, they stood to their quarters, and awaited its approach. Their orders were not to fire until it came within pistol shot. When it had got within about that distance, one of the wheels stuck fast in a gutter, which its impellers not observing in season, tliey forced the other wheels onward, and brought them- selves into a position to be efifectually raked by the right flank of the garri- son. This mistake of the enemy was improved to great advantage by the English. They i>oiu«d in a sudden fire uiran them, killing six and wound- ing 15 more. This sudden and unexpected reverse decided the fate of the garrison. The Indians immediately retreated, and the garrison received no further molestaticn. As was generally the case in sieges of this kind, the English learned what damage they did their enemy, their numbers, &c., some time after the aflair happened. In this case, however, nothing more is related concerning the loss of the Indians than we have given, and their numbers Mr. Hublutrd does not expressly state, but says the people in the garrison "espied 40 of them marching awuy the next morning at sunrise, but how many more >%ure in their company they could not tell."* There were 50 persons in the garri- son, though but 15 of them were able to act in its defence. But lew dnys before the affair at Saco, viz. on 12 f Septemlier, the family of Thomas Wakely at Presumpscot River were mnssacreil in a revoltuig inner The " old man," his son, and his daughter-in-law, then enceiWe, w.^u three grandchildren, were all murdered, and when discovered by their neighbors, partly burned in the ruins of their habitation, to wiiich the Indiiuis had set fire on leaving the place. One of the fiiiriiiy was tnken coptive, a girl about 11 years old, who, after having passed through all t^-" tribes from the Sokokis to the Narrugansets, was restored to the English at Dover by Squando. But * Mr. Folsom, Hist. Saco and Hiddeford, 153, lays they were compute! at 100. t Williamson's Hist. Maine, i. 620. '4 ^ , t 'I. i II. .»i M '. I 288 MADOKAWANDO. [no I. III. !'. ■ ' |i 11 t A'' Ki.'" it does not nppenr whether tliis chief had any thing flirther to do in the mutter, although it iiiuy be interred, ttiat he hud some control or cninirib.^d over thobe thut held her prisoner. From the cu'cumstunce thut this child wus shown to the hostile tribes tlirough the country, it would seem thut rhe eastern Indians were in concert with those to the west ; und it is probuble that this captive was thus exhibited to prove that they hud tuken up the hatchet. Upon lier being returned, Mr. ^ubbar(/ reninrks, " She huvuig been curried up and down the country, "oine hundreds of miles, us tiir us Narru- gunsct ion, was, this last June, reiumed back to Major Waldrnn^a by one Squando, the sagamore of Saco ; a strange mixture of mercy and cruelty ! " And the historian of Maine obsei'ves, that his " conduct exliibited at diHerent times such traits of cruelty and compassion, as rendered his character dilHcult to be portrayed." He was a great powwow, and acted in concert with Madokawando. Thest t^Mo chiefs " aie said to be, by them that know them, a strange kind of mor- alized savages ; grave und serious in their speech and carriage, and not without some show of a kind of religion, which no doubt but they have learned from the prince of darkness." In anotlier place, Mr. Hubbard calls him an " enthusiastical, or ruther diabolical miscreant." His abilities in war gained him this epithet. Madokawando. of whom we have just made mention, was chief of the Penobscot tribe. He was the adopted son of a chief by the name of ,^ssi- minasqua. Some mischief had been done by the Androscoggin Indians in PhUx ''» war, and the English, following the ejami)le of those whom they so much reprobated, retaliated on any Indians that tell in their way. Matlakawando was not an enemy, nor do we learn that his people had committed any depredations, until ail^r some English spoiled liis corn, and otherwise did him damage. Many of the eastern Indians had been kidnapped and sold for slaves, about the time Philip's war commenced. This, it will not be questioned, was enough to cause a war, without Philip^s instigation, or the aflront offered to the wile and child of Squando. The English had prohibited the sale of arms and ammunition to them, as they had before to the western tribes, as a means of lessening their power, provided they should declare themselves liostile ; thus properly regarding their own saiety, and totally disregard- ing whatever evils might accrue from the measure to the Indians. Knowing enough had been done to excite their resentment, agents were sent to ])arley with them, in the spring and summer of 167G, to hinder, if possible, their taking offence at these proceedings. Meanwhile the Indians had complained to some friendly English of the outrage i:pon their friends, who were unacquainted with the circumstance, and hardly behoved it ; still, told the Indians, that if it were so, those kid- napped should be restored, and the perpetrators punished. But knowing the circumstance to be as they had represented, it is ratlier marvellous, that Indians, instead of at once retaliating, should hearken to unsatisfactory par- leyings, as will api)ear ; for when the English agents went to treat with them, or rather to excuse themselves for what they could not, or pretended they could not, amend, the Lidiaus, in the course of the interview, said, " JVe were driven from our com last year by the people about Kennebeck. and many of us died. We had JiQ poicder and shot to kill venison andfotol unth to prevent it. If you English u'ere ourj'riends, as you pretend you are, you would not suffer us to starve as we did." " However," says Mr. Hubbard, "the said agent, moAing' /Ae besth£ could of a bad catise, used all means to pacify Ike complainants." The great " all means " was, that they should try to get the Androscoggin Indians to come and hold a treaty ! so that if the Enjilish could effect a treo*v with them, then there would be a general peace with the eastern Indians. This talk, it was said, they received with joy. •' Yet," adds the sr.me author, still by one fatal accident or other, jealousies still seemed to increase in th.eir minds, or else the former injuries began to boil afresh in their spirits, as not being easily digested," &c. A meeting had been agreed upon at Totononnock, or Taconnet, and immediately aft*^" the meeting just mentioned a runner was sent down from thence, with word that Squando would be there with - divers Amonoscoggau chaf. vm.\ MADOKAWANDO. 289 sachems," wVug-ff having been sent as a messenger to him. Accordingly the English proceeded to Taconnet. On their arrival, they were honored witli a salute, and conducted into the council liouse, where they found Madcka- ieando, ^aaimiruuqua, Tarumkin, Jlopehood Mu^g, and many attendants. Madokawando was prime negotiator and ^amminasqua chief s]Teaker, who soon after pr'^ceeded to make a speech, and among other things siid, — " It is not our custom when messengers come to treat of peace, to seize iipon their persons, as si)tnetimts the Mohawks do ; yea, as the English have done, seiziiig upon fourteen Indians, our men, wito went to treat ivith you — setting a guard over them, and taking away their guns. This is not all, but a second time you required our guns, ana demanded us to come down unto you, or else you would kill tts. This was the cause of our leaving both our fort and our com, to our great ?o5s." This speech caused considerable embarrassment to the English, "yet," says Hubbard, '•* to put the best construction might be, on such irregular actions, which could not well be justified, they told them, the persons who had so done * were not within the limits of their government, and therefore, though they could not call them to an account for so acting, yet thoy did utterly disallow thereof." f And to be as expeditious as possible, the English commissioners told these chiefs that they came to treat with the Androscog- gins, and were sorry that Sqxicndo was not there. And it appears that, though the English reported a peace with the Penobscots, yet Madokawando and his coadjutors scarcely understood as much ; and it is also evident that the business was hurrred over as fast as possible by the English commis- sioners. AssiMmASQUA, it will be proper here to observe, was a Kanibas sachem, whose residence was at or near the place where the treaty was held. What had been said by Jlssiminasqua in the morning was merely prelimi- nnry, and it was his intention in the afternoon to enter more particuhu-ly into A. ^'uls ; but the English cut the matter short, and proceeded to treat with such of the Androscoggins as were present Tarutnkin was their orator, and he spoke to this effect : — " / have been to the westumrd, where I have found many Indians unwiUifig to makejpeace ; but for my own peart, lam unUing," which he confirmed by taking the English by the hand, as did seven or eight of his men, among whom . were Mugg and Robinhood's son. The English had now, a& they supposed, got matters into a regular train ; but Madokawattdo, it appears, was not will- ing to leave things in quite so loose a manner, as it regarded his people. He therefore interrupted : — " fHuU are we to do for powder and shot, ichen our com is consumed? what shall we do for a winter's supply ? Must we perish, or must we abandon our coun- try, and fly to the French for protection ? " The English replied that they would do what they could with the gov- ernor ; " some might be allowed them for necessity." Madokawando added : " fFe have waited a great while already, and now toe expert you urill say yes or 710." The English rejoined : " You say yourselves that many of the western In- dians would not have peace, and, therefore, if we sell you powder, and you give it to the western men, what do we but cut mir own throats ? It is not in our power, without leave, if you should wait ten years more, to let you have powder." Here, as might reasonably have been expected, ended the nego- tiation, and massacres and bloodshed soon after desolated that part of the country. At the close of the war of 1675 and 6, this sachem's people had among them about 60 English captives. When it was known to him that the Eng- lish desired to treat about peace, he sent Mugg, one of his chiefs, to Pascnta- qua, to receive proposals ; and, that he might meet with good acceptance, sent along with him a captive to his home. General Gemini, of Massachu- setts, being there, Ibrced Mugg on board his vessel, and carried him to Bos- ton, for which treacherous act an excuse was pleaded, that he was not vested with snftScient authority to treat with him. Madokawando' s ambassador, .being now in the power of the English, was obliged to agree to such terms >..-r:i That is, those .: uS, Eseremet and fVorombo were also among them. They began the attack before day, with great fierceness, but alter continu- ing it tor some time without success, they iiell upon the vessels in the river ; and here, although the river was not above twenty or thirty feet broad, yet they met with no better success than at the garrison. They tried many stratiigems, and succeeded in setting fire to the sloops several times, by meuis of fire arrows, but it was extinguished without great damage. Tired of thus exposing themselves and tliroAving away their ammunition, they return- ed again to the garrison, resolving to practii-e a stratagem upon that, and thus ended the first day of the attack. They tried to persuade the English to surrender, but finding they could not prevail, made several desperate charges, in which they lost many. Beginning now to grow discouraged, they sL-nt a flag to the garrison to effect a capitulation, but Converse, being a man of great resolution, replied, " that he wanted nothing but men to come and fight him." To which the hearer of the flag said, " Being you are so stout, why donH you come and fis^ht in the open field like a man, and not fight in a garrison like a squaw ? " This attempt proving ineffectual also, they cast out many threats, one of which was, " fVe teiU cut you as small as tobbaco, before to-morrow momingP The captain ordered them " to come on, for he wanted work." Having nearly spent their ammunition, and General Labroa-e being slain, tliey retu-ed in the night, ailer t>vo days' siege, leaving several of their dead behind; among whom was the general just named, who was shot through the iieud. They took one Englishman, named John Diamond, who had ven- Mof^utiia, vii. 77. — MlUiamson. Hist. iMaine i 628 — 9. t Magnalia, vii. 7G. I :"-v': •■ ill i m ^ i.-' :i • ] HS /*■,:■ 202 MADOKAWANDO. [Book III ■ !•; t ■ '■•I J' ' ■ tured out of the gnrrittoii (ime occasion, whom they tortured in a most hurliurunH nianm r. Aboi- time of their retreating, they fired upon the k1uu|)u, uiid killi'd tlio oiil} lust by the vessels during the assauh. In tiic uttack upon the vessels, ui.i. ng other strutagcnis, tliey iirtpurcd a breast- v.ork iipun wliet.-ls, whic-i, notwithstanding their previous experience in tliis kind ol tngino, bt Urookfield and Saco, they again resolved to try, and there- fore tiideavorcd to bring it close to the edge of the river. When they hu I got it pretty near, one wheel sunk in the ground, and a French soldier, endeavoring to lilt it owt with his shoulder, was shot down ; a second was also killed in the like attempt, and it was abandoned. They also built a rait in the creek above the vessels, and placed on it aii immense |)ile of combus- tibles, and, setting them on lire, floated it down towards them. But when within u few rods of the sloops, the wind drove it on shore, and thus they were delivered from the most dangerous artifice of the whole. For it was said that, had it come down against tliem, they could not have saved them- selves from the fury of its flames. As laie as 173(J an attempt was made to prove that Madokawando was not chief suchem of the Peiiobscots, which it seems no one in his liletinie thought of questioning. Nor had the fiict at this time been questioned but from mercenary motives. A claim having been set up to lands upon St. George's River, in opposition to that of the heirs of Governor Leverett, that fiilsehood was resorted to, to maintain it. The foundation of Leverett's claim was in a deed dated Pemmaquid, 9 May, lb'94, by which Madokawanao con- veyed to Sir yVilliam Pkips the tract of land on both sides of St. George's River, bounded east by Wessamesskek River, west by Hatthett's Cove Island, thence by a line to the upper falls of St. George's River ; also Mastomquoog Island in tlic moutii of said river, and St. George's Islands. A valuable con- sideration is said to have been paid, but what it was docs not a])pear fiom the deed. The de])onents called upon aflerwards to prove Madokawando^ s i)ow er to sell that tract, state the consideration variously, tliough none of them defi- nitely ; some said Sir William Phips gave a large amount in money,* and one that he gave a hatfidl.] To this deed were the following signatures : — TVte mark of Madokawando, ,y. Sagamore of Penobscot, ^ and a seal. Signed, sealed and delivered in presence (f The mark 2J. of Ldoar Emit, Sagamore of KennebeL The mark l^ofW e.nemouet, cozin to Madokawando. The mark X o/*Joh.n Saugmore, of Slie^sgut River, interpreter. Also 6 or 7 whites. F.'om un exLinina'.ion of the varions affi'lavits before mentioned we derive the following interesting historical facts in the life of Madokawando ; viz. tliat lie died in HiUB, and was succeeded by Wenumoiiet, or, as his name ia sometimes spelled, fl'enoggonet. This appears from the deposition of Cap- tain Cyprian Southack, who further savs " that he was with Madokawando, when a present of 10 barrels of guiipowder, a quantity of fii-e-amis, and some clothes, were delivered him by Governor Ifillebone, which was a present sent him by tlie King of France." "And that Monsieur Castain married the said Madokawando' a daughter." Joseph Bane deposed, " that, in 1691, he was with Theodore Jltkinson, late of Newcastle, in N. Hampshire, Esq., said Mkinson^s wife, and Mrs. Elizabeth Alcock of Portsmouth, widow, and many others at the house of Joseph Moidton of York in the county of York, when they were taken captive uy a large number of Indians," that Madokawando was then commander of said Indians, and was then reputed chief sachem of Penobscot Bane further relates that he was sold to an Amaroscoggen Indian, with whom he lived till 1699, and that he was present when Madokawando ordered Thodori w pr dir all Ch th fcri J/,. • DcposiUon otJohn Phillips, i My, nX.—Widdo's Defence, 3. t Ibid. 35. 230 fan Chap. Mil] MADOKAWANOO.— BARON CASTEINS. 293 .llkinson, who was liis cnptive, to write to the govisriior of Massnchiisetts t« bcikI u veaMcl to Hii(;u(iuiiok with (;oo(Im to redeem tlie enptivcs ; that it was ucToriliiiL'ly sent there, and .Hkhiaon, hia wile, and about 40 otiiers were rc'deeiiicu. John Limgley was taken prisoiirr at Grotou in July, 1(>1)4, and was servant to Madokawando two years and a halt". The inliahitunts of Ulack I'oiiit f;ave, yearly, a jwck of corn each to Ma ttokawando, as an aeknowledgiiitnt tliut he was sachem of Penobscot. In KJIK) Tobias Oakman was taken by the Indians at Black Point. At wiiicii time ho says he "personally ktn^yf Edgar Emel who was then chief Ktchi-m of Kenelnick ancl Squando who was tlien chief sachem of Saco, and Moxus who was thew chief sachem of Noridgawock, and Shepcot John who w^s then chief «ac!.< i.i of Shei)sc<)t and with Oorumby, who was then chief sachem of Pejemscot" Oakman was taken prisoner by 30 Indians in 3 parti s under 3 chiefs ; one from Penobscot, one from Norridgcwok and the oilier from Pejepseot ; Madokawando, Moxus and Oorumby being the respec- tivt; sachems ; hence Madokawindo wua sachem of Penobscot at that time. In the treaty which the eastern chiefs made with Sir. William Phips at Pennnarpiid, 11 August, l(i!K3, the following hostages were delivered to the English to ensure its obser>ance. " Aiiassamhamet, brother to Edger Emet ; Wenomouett, cousin to Madokawando ; JJAGATAWAWo.\oo.\,andSHEEP8COTT John." * A daughter of Madokawando, as we have seen, married the Baron De Cas- teitis, by whom he had several children. " In all (if our former editions we gave Lahontan'a account of Casteins in a note, and in the French language ; l)Ut it having been suggested by friends, that it should not only occujjy a |)lace in the text, but he rendered in English, I improve the opportunity to make the change. The Baron De St. Castcina, a gentleman of Oleron in Beam, having for ahoi't 20 years resided among the Abenakis, gained so much of their esteem, that they regarded him as their tutelar deity. He had been an officer of the Carignan regiment in Canada; but when that regiment was disbanded, he 'cast himself among the savages, of whom he learned their language. He took from them a wife after their maimer, prefck g the forests of Acadie, to the Pyrenean mountains, which environ his lative country. He lived, during the first years of his abode with the Indians, in such a manner as to gain a respect from them, above what can be imagined. They made him great chict| which is the same as sovereign of the nation, and by little and little he has worked up a fortune, which any other man would have turned to good account, and withdrawn from the country with two or three hundred thousand crowns of gold in his coffers. However, he only uses it to buy merchandise, with wliich to make presents to his Indian brethren, who, when they return from their hunting excursions, rciudjurse him for his presents with a triple atnount in beaver.f The governors of Canada direct him, and those of New England fear him. He has several daughters, all of whom are advantageously married to Frenchmen, with each a rich dowrj\ He has never changed his wife,:f showing the Indians by his examj)le that God is no' pleased with inconstant men. It is said t.iat he has endeavored to convert vIk se poor people, but that his \vords produce no good fruit, and hence it is of no use for the Jesuits to preach the truths of Christianity to them ; yet these fiithers relax not their labors, and consider that to confer baptism upon a dying infant repays them ten fold for the suf- ferings and privations they experience in living among that peoj)le.§ * Waldo .! Defence, 39. — The names of these hostages differ materially from those in the ih^nalia, vii. So. t Wc shoulil think thai to a man of a sordid mind, this was " turning a fortune to gooo account." I That tliis amounts to a denial, as Mr. Ilalket reads it, (Notes on the American Indians, 230,) that Casteins had but one wife, we do not agree. His not changing his wife, ( II n'« jamais chang^ dejemme,) migiit be true, if, as some assert, he had several at the same time. ( JWemoires de VAineriqite, ii. 29, 30. 25* .'■ ■'! ' t\i 2<)4 MOXUS.— DEATH OF MUGO. [Book IIL 'I'lie town now cnilcil Catttne, on the PcnobHcot River, was the | HiKTL'Bsi'iil Hliot ii|(aii flti Iiuliuii, tliiit wuH obHiTvefl tu be very hiiRy and bold in tlio (iMMault, wlio at tliiit tiiiiu whh deemed to Ite Si/imm, tliu urch villuiii niid iiiciMidiiiry of all the eastward Iiidiaiis, but proved tu l>c uiic uliiiost us good as liiiiiH(^lt| who was called JMogg," • Sr.wo.N, jimt nutiied, wan a troublesome fellow, who roiitiiiiied to rrcato roimideruble alurin to the inhabitants upon the Merrimui-k Uivir, in the vicin- ity of Newbury and Amcsbury, about which part Heems to have Insen his residence, as late as the month of July, 1077. On theUth of July, six Indians were seen to go into the but^hes not liir from tlie garrison at Amesliury ; two days l)ctbre, several men had been killed in the neighlMirhood, and one woman wounde«l, whose name was Huimby. Symon was ihe alleged leader of the iiarty which connnitted the depredation. Mrs. (^nimbij was sure that it was lie who " knocked her on the head," and she knew the names of many of the rest with him, and named Andrew, Geoffrey, and Juaeph. She lM>ggcd of Si/mon not to kill her. He re|)licd, " /F%, ^oodwife (^uimby, do you think that 1 will kill you .1" She said she was afraid he would, l)ecuiiso he killed all the English, iSlMmon then said, " 1 will give quarter to never an Knglish dog of vou ail," and then gave her u blow on the head, which did not happen to hurt Iter much ; at which, being a woman of great connige, she threw a stone at him; he then turned upon lier, and "struck her two nion; blows," at which she icil, and ho Iclt her lor dead, liefore he gave hi r the last blows, she called to the garrison for help. He told her she need not do that, for, said lie, "I will have that too, by und by." Symon was well known to many of the inhabitants, and cs|)ccially to Mrs. (^uimby, as he had tbnnerly lived with lier father, tfilliam Osiiood.] In April, l(i77, Symon and h'srompaniims burnt the house of Edward h'eymoulh at Sturgeon Creek, und iilmidcred the house of one Crawley, but did not kill him, because he liau shown kindness tu Symon^s grandmothcr.| Symon was one of the Christian Indians, as were Andrew, Geoffrey, Peter, and several others of the same com|)any, a circumstance which, with many, much aggravated their offences. The irruption just mentioned is tiius re- luted by Mr. //utiarrf ; § " S;i/MU)n und »'J»ive lived in his own couitry, and on the most inti- mate and friendly terms with the English, to whom he had become atUiched, and had adopted much of their manner, and could read and write, but foi the reasons ju.'st stated. The following letters fully explain the situation of his mind and his feelings,at the time heexjiected the Alohawks would ravage his country : — •' Mail 15th, 1685, Honor governor my friend. You my friend I desire your worship and your power, because I hope you can do som great matters this one. 1 am poor ana naked, and have no men at my place because I afraid allways Mohoga he will kill me every day and night. If your worship when please pray help me you no let Mohogs kill me at my place at Malamake River called Pamddcog and Jva- tukkog, I will submit your worship and your power. And now I want pouder and tuch alminishon, shatt and guns, because I have forth at my horn, and I plant theare." This all Indian hand, but pray you do consider your humble servant. Simon Detookom,* Joseph X Trask, King ^ Harry, Sam c^ Linis, Wapeguanat n^ Saguachuwashat, Old X lioBiN , Mamajvosgues f Andra. JOHN HOGKINS, PETEr 0*0 Robin, Mr. Jorge X Hodunnonukgos, Mr. Hope X HoTH,t John Toneh, John do Canowa, John X Owamosimmin, Natonih, {{ Indian. The same day, as appears by the date of it, Hogkins wrote the followir.jf letter, which bears the same signature as the above : — " Honor Mr. Governor, — JVbfo this day I com your hnuse, I vant se you^ and I bring my hand at before you I want shake hand to youifyow worship when please, (I en receive my hand then shake your hand and my hand. You my friend because I remember .d old time when live my grant father and grant mother then English- men com this country, then my grant father and Englishmen they ruike a good governtnent, tliey friend atlwaycs, my grant father living at place called Malainake- rever, oilier name chif .Yatukko and Panukkog, that one rever great many 7iamea and I bring you this few skins at this first time I loUl giue my friend, " This all Indian liand." The two following are from the same. " Please your worship, — / will infreat you matllier you mi/fiiend now [ J this if my Indian he do you long pray you no put your law, hecaiuie som my Indiana fool, som men much love drunk tlicn he no know wival he do, may be he do mischief when he drunk if so pray you must let me know wlutt he done because I ivill ponia * Tho same called lielokom in Gookin, probably.^See atUe, Hook 11. Chap. vil. t rurliaps Ilopelwod. < 1 298 KANKAMAGUS.— INDIAN TREATY. [Book IH. Nl him about lohat he hauc '^one, you, you my friend if you desire my business, then sent me I will help you if I can. John Hogkins." "Jt/r. Mason, — Pray I want speak you a few ivords if your worship when please because I com parfas twill speake this governor but he go away so r ; say at last night, and so far I understand this governor his power that your power now, so he speak his own moidh. Pray if you take what 1 ivant pray com to me because 1 want go hom at this day. Your humble servant, "May 1(J, lfJ85. John Hookins, Indian sagnwr." About tlie time these Jetters wery Church, and sunt to (iovernor Hinckley of ('liiniiiitli. t liirris, ill his Voviiirc's, ii. SO'J, w ho snys he wns a Mum ; but as he riles no nutlioritiits, K'C know not liuw he cainu liv his iiildniiuliuii. Chap. VllI] HOPEIIOOD— DESTRUCTION OF SALMON FALLS. 301 whom could lie intrusted the execution of an enttrpriiic of such a nature, with tlijj greatest conHdonce ; such is the testimony which Count Frontenae gave in a letter which he wrote at the time to .M. de Seignelay. That ofHcer was the Sicur Herlel. Li the small company which he conunanded, he had three of his sons and two of his uei)hew8 ; viz. The Sieur Crevier, Lord of S. I'Vancois, and the Sieur Gatintau. He lell Three Rivers the 28 January 1G90, proceeding direetly south into the country, leaving Lake Champlaiu to his left, then turning to the east, and after a long and rugged ma'^ch he arrived on the 27 * March, near Sahnou Falls,! which he had reconnoitred by his spies. He then divided his men into three companies ; the fii'st, composed of 15 men, was ordered to attack a large fortified house. The second, consisting of 11 men, was ordered to seize upon a tort, defended by lour bastions. The tliird, which Hertd com- manded in person, marched to attack u still greater Ibit, which was defended by cannon. All was executed with a conduct and bravery which astonished the English, who made at first stout resistance ; but they could not with- stand the fire of the assailants : the bravest were cut to pieces, J and the rest, to the number of 5-1, were made prisoners of war. It cost the victors but one Frenchman, who had his thigh broken, and who died the next day : 27 hoi SOS were reduced to ashes, and 2000 § domestic animals perished iii the barns, which had been set on fire. Salmon Falls was but six leagues from a great town called Pascataqua,|! from whence men enough might be sent to swallow up Hertd, am! cut off his retreat. In fact, upon tlie evening of the same day two savages gave notice that 200 ^ English were advancing to attack them. Hertel expected it, and had taken his measures to frustrate those of his enemy. He drew lip his men in order of battle upon the edge of a river,** over which there was a very narrow bridge, one extremity of which he had secured, and it was impossible for the Liiglish to come upon him at any other point. They, however, attempted it, despising the small numbers of the French, whom tiiey engaged with great confidence. Htrtd suffered them to advance with- out firing a gun, and all at once fell upon them, sword in hand ; 8 were killed and 10 wounded in the first shock, and the rest fled with precipita- tion, ft He lost in this encounter tlie brave Crevier, his nephew, and one of the Sokokis. La Fresniere, his elder son, was shot in tlie knee ; the scur of which wound he bore lor 50 years. Jf As Hertd §§ was returning to Canada, he fell in with another ptrty of his countrymen, which proved to be that raised at Quebec, before mentioned, under M. de Portnetif,\\\\ a d with him agreed upon an expedition against • Belknap, Hisi. N. IL i. 132. following' Mather, Ma^nalia, vil. 68, dates Ihis affair 18 March : there is in reality no error, allowing for the difTerence of style, (except one day*,) the English not yet havin)( adopted the Uregoriui method, which the i where described. >i% I IW' ■ '. ■! S't' '<"■' B'- , J 304 ARRUHAV.lKVVAnEMT.— TAKEN AND KILLED. [Book IIL English," after the treaty which lie luul made with Governor Phips, in IHPS. In 16rsnns, whereof one was a widow //iwaey, " who was a reinarkuhle speaking (.luaker, and much lamented by her sect." At\er sacking two houses near the garrison, they drew otr.* Many Indians bore the name of Tom. Indian Hill, in Newbury, was owned by Greet/ Tom. lie is supposed to have lieen the last Indian proprietor of lands in that town. In written instruments, he styles himself, " I Great Tom Indian." f We come, in the next place, to an interesting portion of our eastern history. It has been generally su|)posed that the name Dony, or Doney, was tha name of an Indian chief, but it is now quite certain that he was a Frenchman, who look up his residence among the Indians, as Baron de St. Casteins did. There appears in our history, in lt>45, a "Monsieur Dony" who had some difficulty with Lord de la Tour, alnjut their eastern possessions, and he was, doubtless, the same of whom we have an account afterwards, in the war of lt)lK), with the eastern Indians. At this time, there were two He!red for liim. saying, that he had been a means of saving their lives, and a great many more ; and h;u1 heljted seveml to opportunities to run away and make their escape ; and that never, since he eaine annngst them, had fought against the Englisii, but being related to Hakin's \\ wife, kept at tlie • Penlmlli'w, liul. Wars, 8 ; Farmer's IMknap, i. 1G7. t MaiHiscript Hist. Newlmry, by J. Coffin. X_ And llio saiiK! oallod in the Masjimlia Robin Uoney. Says my record, which is a inaiuiscripl loltor Ironi Church, wrilicn at that time. 'I'lie same callud KatiJcunutnta. ^ 11 'J r> 308 DONEY.-^APTAIN SIMMO. [Book HI. W-- 'v m m ' fort with then I, liaviiij? iM^eii tlu-re two years ; l)iit lii.s liviicj was to tho west- ward of JJoHtoii. So upon their rnqiiewt, Iuh life wiw Mpurt'd." Two oiil H(|imws W).'re leil in tht; fort, proviiled witli proviBioiis, unu iistriict- ed to tell those who returned who they were, and what they were determined to do. They then putybitr or five to death, and dccnini)ed. Tliosc, we nnist biijipose, were ciiiefly women and children ! " Knocked on the head for an ex- uinple." We know not that any excuse tan be given for tiiis criminal ait ; and it ii degrading to consider that the civilized nni»t he sujiposed to imagine tliut they can prevent Imrharities by being wretchedly barbarous themselves. ley can pi Old Do _ NEY, as he is culled, was next to bj words. — So fak as the su.v is above the earth are olr THorciiTs from war, or the least rupture between us."* The jrovoriior was tiieii presented witli a belt of wampum, was to confirm tiie tnitii of wiiut liad been said. At a previous treaty, two lieaps of small stones jiud been thrown together, near by the treaty ground, and called the Two-brothers, to signify that the Indians and Knglish were brothers, and were eonsidercd by the parties in the light of seals to their treaties. They now repaired to these heaps of stones, and each increased their tnagnitude, by tho addition of other stones. Thus was happily terminated this lamous treaty. Some jiarado and rejoicing now commenced, an«l a circumstance transpired which threw the Knglish into great fear, and, perhaps, greater suspicion. A grand salute was to be tired upon each side, at jiarting, and the English, od- visedly, and very warily, it must be confessed, but in oiipearance comj)liment- ary, expressed their desire that the Indians would fire fust. The Indians received the compliment, and discharged their guns ; to their great surprise, the Englisli found they hud been loaded with bullets. Tiiey had before doubted of their sincerity, but, owing to this discover)', considered their treacherj' certain, and marvelled at their escape. However, it can only be presumed, tliut, according to the maxim of the whites, the Indians hud come pre|mred to treat or fight, as the case might require; for no doubt their guns were charged when they came to the treaty, otherwise why did they not fire upon the English when they saluted them ? What became of Ca])tain Simmo we have as yet no account. Several of the other chiefs who attended this council were, perliaps, etpiully con- spicuous. Wattaxummon being absent when the council first met on the 20 Jiuie, no business wjis entered upon for several days. However, the English afterwards said it was confirmed that it was not on that account that they delayed the conference, but that they exjtected daily a reinforcement of 200 French and Indians, and then they were to seize upon the English, and ravage the country. Whether this were merely a rumor, or the real state of the case, we have no means of knowing, ffattamimmon was 8U|)posed to have been once a Pennakook, as an eminence still bears his name about u mile fi-om the state-house in \e\v Hamjtshire.f Captain Samuel was an Indiun of great hraverj', and one of the most for- ward in endeavoring to hdl the flarsof the English at the great council just mentioned. What gave his |>retensions the air of sincerity was his coming with lioniazeen, and giving some hiforniation about the designs of the Frenclu They said, " Jllthongh several missionaries have come among vs, sent by the French friars to break the peace between the English and vs, yet their words have made no iinpre^- ffionttpon tis. We are as firm as the mountai.ns, a.nd will so continue, AS LONG AS THE SUN AND MOON ENDURES." Notwithstanding these strong exiu-essions of friendship, "within six weeks after," says Penhallow, " the whole eastern country was in a conflagration, no house standing nor garrison unattacked." The Indians were no doubt induced to commit this depredation from the influence of the French, many of whom assisted them in the work. And it is not probable that those Indians who had just entered into the treaty were idle spectators of the scene; but who of them, or whether all were engaged in the aftair, we know not. A hundred and thirty people were said to have been killed and taken, within that time. Cajjtain Samuel was either alive 20 years after tliese transactions, or another • This is Mr. Wit/iamson's version of the speech, Hist. Maine, ii. 3G. i MS. conununicuiion of J. Farmer, Esq, m 310 IIEGAN.— MOGG. [Book III la! W: of the name made liiiiiself conspicuous. In June, 1722, this wanior chief, at tiie head of Hve others, boarded Lieutenant Tt7/on, as he lay at anchor a fishing, near Daniaris Cove. They pinioned him and his brotlier, and beat them very sorely ; but, at last, one got clear and released the other, who then fell with great fury upon the Indians, threw one overboard, and mortally wound- ed two more.* Whether Captain Samud were among those killed is not mentioned. There was a Captain Sam in the wars pf 1745. In the vicinity of St. George's, Lieutenant Proctor, at the head of 19 militia, had a skirmish with tJie Indians, 5 Sept., in which two of their leaders were killed, viz. Colonel Morris and Captain Sam, and one Colonel Job was taken captive ; the latter being sent to Boston, he died in prison. To quiet the resentment of his relatives, the government made his widow a valuable present after the peace, f W«; should not, perhaps, omit to speak separately of another chief, who was present at the famous treaty mentioned above ; we refer to Hegan. His name is also spelt Hegon and Heigon. There were several of the name. One, called Mogghdgon, son of Walter, was a sachem at Saco, in 1664. This chief, in that year, sold to Wm. Phillips, " a tract of land, bemg bounded with Saco River on the N. E. side, and Kcnnebunk River on tlie S. W. side." To extend from the sea up Saco River to Salmon Falls, and up the Kcnnebunk to a point opposite the former. No amount is mentioned for which the land was sold, but merely "a certain sum in goods." J One Sampson Hegon attended the treaty of Pemmaquid, in 1698 ; John, that at Casco, in 1727 ; JVcd was a Pennakook ; Walter, brother of Mogg ; § The fate of one of the name of Hegon is remenjbered among the inhabitants of some j)arts of Maine to this day. He was tied upon a horse with spurs on his heels, in such a manner that the spurs continually goaded the animal. When the horse was set at liberty, he ran furiously through an orchard, and the craggy limbs of the trees tore him to pieces. Mather, in his Decennium Luctuosum, || seems to confirm something of the kind, whicli took place at Casco, in 1694, where the Indians, having taken some horses, made a bridle of the mane and tail of one, on which " a son of tiie famous Hegon was ambitious to mount." "But being a pitiful horseman, he ordered them, for fear of his falling, to tie his legs f'aist under the horse's belly. No sooner was this beggar set on horseback, and the spark, in his own opinion, thoroughly equipped, but the nettlesome horse furiously and ])resently ran with him out of sight. Neither horse nor man was ever seen any more. The astonished tawnies howled after one of their nobility, disappearing by Bucli an unexpected accident. A few days after, they found one of his legs, (and that was all,) which they buried in Cai)t. Brachtt s cellar, with abundance of lamentation." Here we cannot but too plainly discover the same spirit in the narrator, which must have actuated the authors of the deed. He who laughs at crime is a particijjator in it. — From these, we i)ass to affiiirs of far greater notoriety in our eastern history ; and shall close this chapter with two of the most memorable events in its Indian wariiire. MouG, the chief sachem of Norridgewok in 1724, may very appropri- ately stand at the head of the history of the first event. IIow long lie had been sachem at that period, we have not discovered, but he is mentioned by the English historians, as the old chief of Norridgewok at tliat time. Notwitiistanding Mogg was the chief Indian of the village of Nerigwok, or, as Father Cliarlevnix writes it, Narantsoak, there was a French priest settled here, to whom the Indians were all devotedness ; and it is believed that they •nidertook no enterprise without his knowledge and consent. The name of this man, according to our English authors, was RalU, but accord- ing to his own historian, Charlevoix, it was Rasle.^ The depredations of the Alu'-naquis, as these Indians were called by those who lived among them, • Penliallow's Tnd. Wars, 8C. i .MH. among ilic files in our state-liousc. IiMagnalia, vii. 87. Hist. Gen. lie la Nouv. Fr. il. 3S0, et suiv. t IVillianuion's Ilisl. Ble. ii. 241. ^ MS. k'llcr of John Fanner, Esq Chap. IX-l MOGG.— DESTRUCTION OF NERIDGWOK. 311 were, tlicrefore, directly charged by the English upon Father Rash ; hence their first step was to oft'er a reward for his Lead.* The object of the expe- dition of Colonel IVesthrook, in 1722, was ostensibly to seize upon him, but he Ibund the village deserted, and nothing was effected by the expedition but the burning of the place. Father Raale was the last that left it, which he did at the same time it was entered by the enemy ; having first secured the sacred vases of ins temple and the ornaments of its altar. The English made search for the fugitives, but without success, although, at one time, they were witlnn about eight fbet of the very t:ce tliat screened the object for which they sought. Thus the French considered that it was by a remark- able interposition of Providence, or, as Charlevoix expresses it, par tine inain invisible, that Father Rasle did not fall into their hands. Determined on destroying this assemblage of Lidians, which was tiie head-quarters of the whole eastern countiy, at this time, the English, two years after, 1724, sent out a force, consisting of 208 men and tlu-ee Moiiawk Lidians, under Captains MouUon, Harman, and Bourne, to humble them. They came upon the village, the 23 August, when there was not a man in arms to oppose them. They had leit 40 of their men at Teconet Falls, which IS now within the town of Winslow, upon the Kennebeck, and about two miles below Waterville college, upon tlie opposite side of the river. The English had divided themselves uito three squadrons : 80, under Har- man, proceeded by a circuitous route, thinking to surj)rise some in their corn-fields, while Moxdton, with 80 more, proceeded directly for the village, wliich, being surrounded by trees, could not be seen until they were close upon it. All were in their wigwams, and the English advanced slowly and in perfect silence. When pretty near, an Indian came out of his wigwam, and, accidently discovering the English, ran in and seized his gun, and giving the war-whoop, in a few minutes the warriors were all in arms, and advancing to meet them. Moulton ordered his men not tc fire until the Indians had made the first discharge. This order was obeyed, ami, as he expected, they overshot the English, who then fired upon them, in their turn, and did great execution. When the Indians had given anotiier volley, they fled with great i)recipitatiou to the river, whither the chief of tiieir women and children had also fled diu'ing the fight. Some of the lliiglish ])ur.sued and killed many of them in the river, and others liill to |)illugiiig and burning the village. Mogg disdained to fly with the rest, but kept pos- session of a wigwam, from which he fired upon tiie pillagers. In one; of his discharges he killed a Mohawk, whose brother observing it, nislied upon and killed him ; and thus ended tJie strife. There were about (JO warriors in the place, about one half of whom were killed. The famous Rasle shut himself up in his house, from which he fired upon tiie English ; and, having wounded one. Lieutenant Jar/itc^jtolNewbury, { burst open the door, and shot him through the head ; although Moulton had given orders that none should kill him. He had an English boy with him, about 14 years old, who had been taken some time before I'rom the frontiers, and whom the English reported Rasle was about to kill. Great brutality and ferocity are chargeable to the English in this affair, according to their own account; such as killing women and children, and scalphig and mangling tiie Ixidy of Father Rasle. There was here a handsome church, with a bell, on which the English committed a double sacrilege, first robbing it, then setting it on fire ; herein Hurpussing the act of the first English circumnavigator, in his depredations upon the Spaniards in South Anitiica ; for he only took away the gold and * " Apr^s plttsieurs tentalives, d'ahord pour engagi'.r ens sauvagos jf-tr /fs ojfrcs el Iri promesses [es plus sMuisanles h le lirrer mix Ariglois, ou du mains a le lenvoijer a (iiiebfc, et i\ pri'tidre en sa place U7i de letirs ministres ; ensiiile pour le surpetulre et pour I'etde.rer, let AiKj^tois v'solus de s'en di'J'aire, quoiqu'il lew en diit coliter, varenl sa tete a prix, et promirenl mille livres sterling h celui, qui la leur porteroil." Charlevoix, ut supra. t Who, I ronrludo, wns n volunteer, as I do net thiil his immc upon tlio return made by Moulton, which is npoii file in the Rarrel, west wing of our slulc-house. X Miuiuscripl History of Newlmry, by Joshua Cojin, S. H. S., which, should the world evi>r bu so foriuunie as to see in print, we will insure them not only great gratification, but u luiid of amusement. :U 312 PAUGUS— LOVEWELL'S FIGHT. [Book IIL H ■• w. silver vessels of a church, and its crucifix, because it was of massy gold, set about with diamonds, and that, too, upon the advice of his chaplain. " Thia might pass," says a reverend autlior, "for sea divinity, but justice is quite aiiotiior thing." Perhaps it will be as well not to inquire here what kind of divinity would authorize the acts recorded in these wars, or indeed any wars. Upon this memorable event in our early annals, Father Charlevoix should l»e heard. There were not, says he, at the time the attack was made, above 50 warriors at Neridgewok ; these seized their arms, and run in disorder, not to defend the place against an enemy, who was already in it, but to liivor the flight of the women, the old men and the children, and to give them time to gain the side of tiie river, which was not yet in possession of the English. Father Rasle, wai-ned by the clamors and tumult, and the danger in which he tbund his j)roselytes, ran to present himself to the assailants, hoping to draw all their I'ury upon him, that thereby he might prove the salvation of his flock. His hope was vain ; for hai'dly had he discovered himself when the English raised a great shout, which was followed by a shower of shot, by wiiich he fell dead near to the cross which he had erected in the centre of the village : seven Indians who attended him, and who endeavored to shield him with their own bodies, (ell dead at his side. Thus died this charitable i)astor, giving his life for his sheep, after 37 years of painful labors. AlthougJi the English shot near 2000 muskets, tliey killed but 30 and wounded 40. They spared not the church, which, afler they had hidignanfly proljincd its sacred vases, and the adorable body of Jesus Christ, they set on fire. They then retired with precipitation,* having been seiziid with a sud- den panic. The Indians returned immediately into the village ; and their fir.st care, while the women sought plants and herbs proper to heal the wounded, was to shed tears upon the body of their holy niissionarj". They found him pierced with a thousand shot, his scalp taken of^^', his skull frac- tured with hatchets, his mouth and eyes filled with dirt, the bones of his legs broken, and all his members mutilated in a hundred difl'erent ways, f Such is the accouut of the fall oi' Rasle, by a brother of the faith ; a deplo- rable picture, by whomsoever related ! Of the truth of its main particulars there can be no doubt, as will be seen by a comparison of the above transla- tion with the account preceding it There were, besides Mogg, other chief Indians, who fell that day ; " Bomazeen, Mogg, Wissememet, Job, Cara- BESETT, and Bomazeen's son-in-law, all famous warriors." The inhumanity of the English on this occasion, especially to the women and children, cannot be excused. It greatly eclipses the lustre of the victory. Harman was the general in the expedition, \ and, for a time, had the honor of it ; but MoiUton, according to Governor Hutchinson, achieved the victory, and it was aflerward acknowledged by the country. He was a prisoner, when a mall boy, among the eastern Indians, being among those taken at the destruction of York, in 1092. He died at York, 20 July, 17G5, aged 77. The township of Moultonborough, in New Hampshire, was named from him, and many of his posterity reside there at the present day. Under the head Paugiis, we shall proceed to narrate our last event in the present chapter, than which, may be, lew, if any, are olVener mentioned in New England story. Pauous, slain in the memorable battle with the English under Captain Loveu'cll, in 172.1, was chief of the Pequawkets. Fryeburg, in Maine, now iiiphides the principal place of their former residence, and the place where the hattle wiis ibiight. Jt was near a considerable body of water, called Saco Pomi, which is the source of the river of the same name. The cruel and harhaioiis iiiiird(>rs almost daily conunitted by the Indians upon the drti-nceli'ss lionlier inhabitants, caused the general court of Massachusetts to ofler a bounty of £100 l()r every Lidian's scalp. Among the excursions * They encamped the rollowiii^ night in tiie Indian wigwams, under a guard of only 40 men. Jfutchiiuion, ii. 'M'i. t Hisloire Genoralo wnwwpww!tiwwwi 314 T'AIJOUS.— LOVEWELL'S FIGHT, [Boot III a i-»,r 80, while that of the Englisii consibted of no more than 34, having left ten in a fort, which they huiit at Ossipee ; and one, an Indian named Toby, had before returned home, on account of lameness. The fort at Ossipee was I'or a retreat in case of emergency, and to serve as a deposit of part of their provisions, ol' which they disencumbered themselves before leaving it. After marching a considerable distanc?^ from the place of their encamp- ment on the morning of the 8 * May, Ensign flyman discovered an Indian, who was out hunting, having in one hand some fowls he bad just killed, and in the other, two guns. There can be no probability that he tliought of meeting an enemy, but no sooner was he discovered by the English, than several guns were fired at him, but missed him. Seeing that sure death was his lot, this valiant Indian resolved to defend himself to his last breath ; and the action was as speedy as the thought : his gun was levelled at the English, and Lovewell was mortally wounded. Ensign Wyman, taking deliberate aim, killed the poor hunter; which action our pout describes in glowing terms as follows* : II, Seth Wtjman, who in Woburn lived, A marksman he of courage true, Shot the first Indian whom ihey saw ; Sheer through his heart tlie bullet Hew, 12. The savage had been seeking game ; Two guns, and eke a knife, he bore, And two black ducks were in his l)and; He shrieked, and liell to rise no more. He was scalped by the chaplain and another, and then they marched again by the way they came, to recover their packs. This movement was expected by the wily Paugus, and he accordingly prepared an ambush to cut tliem off, or to take them prisoners, as fortune should will. 13. Anon, there eighty Indians rose, Who'd liid themselves in ambush dread ; Their knives they shook, tlieir guns they aimed. The famous Paugus at their head. 14. John Loveicell, captain of the hand, His sword he wav<-d, that glittered bright. For the last time he cheered liis men. And led them onward to the fight. Wlien the Indians rose from their coverts, they nearly encircled the English, but seemed loath to begin the fight ; and were, no doubt, in hopes tliat the English, seeing their numbers, would yield without a battle ; and, therefore, made towai'ds tliem with their guns presented, and threw away their first fire. They then held up ropes which they hud provided for secur- ing captives, and asked them if they would have quarter. This only encour- aged the English, who answered "only at the muzzles of their guns;" and they rushed toward the Indians, fired as they pressed on, and, killing many, drove them several rOds. But they soon rallied and fired vigorously m their turn, and obliged tlie English to retreat, leaving nine dead and three woui lied, where the battle began. Lovewell, though mortally womided be • fore, had led his men until this time, but fell before the retreat Although we transpose the verses in the song, to acconnnodate them to the circumsttmces of the fight, yet we cannot avoid entirely their irregular- ity in reference to it. By li\e next that follow, it would seem, that Lovewell received a second wound before he fell. 15. " Fight on, fight on," brave Lox-ewell said ; "Figlil on, while Heaven shall give you breath!" An Indicia ball then pierced him through, And l.in-ewrll closed his eyes in death. In this Kith vcrtse the poet, perhaps, had referer<;e to the morning prayer, which Mr. t\ye, the chaplain, made before marching, on the day of the battle ; or, perhaps, more probably, to the ejaculations he made on the field after he was mortally wounded. In the morning he prayed thus patriotically : " We came otit to meet the enemy ; we have «l! along |)rayed God we might find them ; we had rather trust Providence with otir lives ; yea, die for our country, than try to return without seeing them, if we might ; and be called cowards for our pains." \ 16. Good heavens ! is this a time for prayer t Is this a time to worship God ; When LoK&wetl's men are dying fast. And Pausus' tribe liath IcUUie rod ? * This was O. S. and corrospoiids to May 19, N. S. — Sec * Address of C S. Davis, (p. 17,) delivered at Fryebiirg, vote in li.sl chapter. lUO yours al'iur the fijjjht. Chap. IX.] PAUGUS.— LOVEWELL'S FIGHT. 31 o 17. The chaplain's name was Jonathan Frye ; III Aiitluver his father dweh, And oil with LoveweU's men he'd prayed, Before the mo.tal wound he felt. iii. A man was he of comelv form, Polished and brave, well learnt and kind j Old Harvard's learned halls he left, i ar in the wilds a grave to find. 19. Ah ! now his blood-red arm he lifts, His closing lids he tries to raise ; And speak once more before he dies, In supplication and in praise. 5!0. He prays kuid Heaven to ^ant success, Brave LoveweU's men to guide and bless, And when they've shed their hearts'-blood true. To raise them all to happiness. 21. " Come hither, Farwetl," said young Frye, " You see that I'm about to eweU's dear-bought victory. * Narrative of the fight at Piggwacket, vii. t The Indian name of the White Mountains, or, as the people of New Hampshire would say. White Hil's. The natives believed the summits of these mountains (o be inhabited by invisible beings, but whether good or evil we are not informed. Nor is it of much importance, since they reverenced the one as much as the other. It is alw lys highly gratifying to the curious to observe how people primitively viewed objects which have become familiar to them. We will here present the reader with Mr. Josselyn's description of the White Mountains, not for its accuracy, but for its curious exirava gance. " Vour score miles, (upon a direct line,) to the N. W. of Scarborow, a ridge of mountains run N. VV. and .\. E. an hundred leagues, known by the name of the White Mountains, upon which lieth snow all the year, and is a landmark twenty miles ofl'at sea. It is a rising ground from the sea shore to these hills, and they are inaccessible but by the gul- lies whicli the dissolved snow hath maile. In these gullies grow savcn bushes, which beinjj taken hold of, are o good help to the climbing discoverer. Upon the top of the highest ot these mountains, is a large level, or plain, of a day's iourney over, whereon nolhiiig grows but moss. At the farther end of this plain is another iiill called the Sugar-loaf, to outward appearance a rude heap of massic stones piled one upon anotlier, and you may, as you nsrend, step from one stone to another, as if you were going up a pair of stairs, but winding still about tlie hill, till you come to the top, which will require half a day's time, and yet it is net above a mile, where there is also a level of about an acre of ground, with a pond of rioar water in the midst of it, which you may hear run down, but how it ascends is a mystery, rrom this rocky hill you may see the whole country rounil about ; it is far above the lower clouds, and from hence we beheld a vapor, (like a groat pillar,) drawn up by the sun-beams out of a great lake, or poiul, into the air, wliere ii was formed into a cloud. The country bevond these hills, northward, is daunliiig terrible, being full ol rockv hills, as thick as mole- nills in a meadow, and cloalhed with infinite thick woods." Ano tin^lnniVs Rarities, 3, 4, Sad recollections are associated with the name of thesr. mountains. Th..■« m ^ 316 PAUGUS.—LO*^ WELL'S FIGHT. [Book III \ : ^^' I'll 11 ■ - ' 29 With footsteps s'ow shall travellers go, Where Lorewell's pond shines clear and bright, And mark the plaie where those are laid, Wlio tell in Lovewell's bloody figiit. 30. Old men shall shake their heads, and say " Sad was the hour and terrible, When Lovewell, brave, 'gainst Paugtu went, With fiAy men from Dunstable." If miracles had not then ceased in the land, we should be induced to ])asij to tlieir credit the extraordinary escape of several of the wounded English- men. Solomon Keyes, having received three wounds, said he would hide him- self, and die in a secret place, where the Indians could not find him to get his scalp. As he crawled upon the t^liore of the pond, at some distance from the scene of action, he found u canoe, into which he rolled him- self, and was drifted away by the wind. To his great astonishment, he was cast ashore at no great distance from the fort at Ossipee, which he Ibund means to recover, and there met several of his companions ; and, gaining strength, returned home with them. Those who escaped did not leave the battle-ground until near midnight. When they arrived at the fort, they expected to have found refreshment, and those they had lell as a reserve ; but a fellow, whose name is not mentioned, who deserted the rest when the battle began, and fled there, so frightened tiiem, that they fled in great confusion and dismay to their homes. The place where this fight took place was 50 miles from any white inhab- itants; and that any should have survived the famine which now stared them in the face, is almost as mirucuious as that tlicy shotild have escaped death at the hands of the courageous warriors of Paugus ; yet 14 lived to return to their friends. Filly men, from New Hampshire, afterwards marched to the scene of action, where tiiey found and buried tiie dead. They found but three In- dians, one of whom was Paugus. The rest were stipposed to have been taken away when they retreated from the battle. Thus progressed and torminatcd the expedition against the Pequawkets. And although the whites could scarcely claim the victory, yet, as in the case of the Narragansets, the Nortiiern Indiuiis nceived a blow from which they never recovered. With the Aiidroscoggiiis, the Petiuawkets soon after retired towards the sources of the Connecticut River. After remaining in those regions about two years, tliey sej)arated, and the Androscoggins removed to Canadti, where they were afterwards known as the St. Francis tiibe. The Pequawketa remained upon the Connecticut, who, in the time of the revolu- tionary war, were under a chief named Philip. In 1728, a tract of country, since Pembroke, N. II., was granted to the men that went out with Loveivdl, and it for some time bore the name of LoveweWs Town. Wo had here nearly conchided to close our account of this affair, but cannot relieve ourself easily of the recollection of the following song, with- out inserting it, although we, and others, have elsewhere published it. It is said to have been composed the same year of the fight, and for several years afterwai'ds was the most beloved song in all New England : 1. Of worthy Captain Loreirell I purpose now to sing, How valiantly he served his ouiuilry and his king ; He and his valiant soldiers did range the woods lull wide, And hardships tliey endured to quell the Lidian's pride. 2. 'Twas nigh unto Picwackct, on the eighth day of May, They spied a rebel Indian soon after break of day 3 He on a bank was walking, upon a neck of land, Which leads' into a pond, as we're made to understand. 3. Our men resolved to have him, and travelled two miles round. Until they met the Indian, who boldly stood his ground ; Thrn speaks up Captain Lovewell, " Take you good hsed," says he; " 'I'his rogue is to decoy us, I very plainly see. occasioned by an avalanche at the celebrated Notch, in 182(5, vlil not soon he forgollcn. Mr. Moore, of Concord, has published an interesting account of it in the Coll. IN. H. Hist. iSoc, vol. iii CHAf. IX.] PAUGUS.— l.OVEWELL'3 FIGHT. 317 4. " The Indians lie in ambush, in some place nigh at hand, In order to surround us upon diis neck of land ; Tli("re(i)ro we'ii marrh in order, and each man leave his pacic, Thai we may briskly fight them when llley shall us attack." 5. They rnme unto this Indian, who did them thus defy j As soon as they came nigh him. two mnis he did let fly, Which wounded Captain Lorewell, anu likewise one man more j Dut when lliis rogue was running, they laid him in his gore. C. Then having scnined the Indian, they went back to the spot, Where they had (aid their packs down, but there thev found them not ; For the Indians having spied them, when ihcy them down did lay, Did seize ihcm for their plunder, and carry tliem away. 7. These rebels lay in ambush, this very place hard by, So that an English soldier did one of them espy. And cried out, ■' Here's an Indian I " with that they started out, As fiercely as old lions, and hideously did shout. 8. With that our valiant English all gave a loud huzza. To shew the rebel Indians they feared them not a straw; So now the fight began, as fiercely as could be. The Indians ran up to them, but soon were forced to flee. 9. Then spake up Captain Lovetcell, when first the fieht began, " Fight on, my valiant heroes ! you see they fall like raiu." For, as we are informed, the Indians were so thick, A man could scarcely fire a gun and not some of them hit. 10. Then did the rebels try their best our soldiers to surround But they could not accomplish it, because there was a pond, To which our men retreated, and covered all die rear; The rogues were forced to flee them, although they skulked for fear 11. Two logs there were behind them that close together lay. Without being discovered, they could not get away ; Therefore our valiant English they travelled in a row, And at a handsome distance as they were wont to go. 12. 'Twas ten o'olock in the morning when first the fight begun. And fiercely did continue till the setting of the sun, Excepting that the Indians, some hours before, twas night. Drew ofl* into the bushes and ceassd a while to fight. 13. But soon again returned in fierce and furious mood. Shouting as in the morning, but yet not half so loud. For, as we are informed, so (hick and fast they fell. Scarce twenty of their number, at night did get home well. 14. And that our valiant English, till midnight there did gtay, To see whether the rehels would have another fray { But thev no mure retumin<<;. ttiey mi'te nSF tnwani* th^r home. And brougnt away their wounded as tar as they cuma cunie. 15, Of all our valiant English, there were but thirty-four, And of the rebel Indians, there were about four score. And sixteen of our English did safely home return : The rest were killed and wounded, for which we all must mourn. 16. Our worthy Captain Lorevjell among them there did die 5 They killed Lieutenant Robbins, and wounded good young Frytf Who was our English chaplain ; he many Indians slew. And some of them he scalped when bullets round him flew. 17 Young Fullam too I'll mention, because he fought so well ; Endeavoring to save a man, a sacrifice he fell. And yet our valiant Englishmen in fight were ne'er dismayed, But still they kept their motion, and iVynum captain made ; 18. Who shot the old chief Paugi;s, which dit, or rather its hanks, Amilcunfrantvfuoke, or banks of the river tdiniivdinsin dried meat." Kendal's Travels, lii. 1*}. t I hitcly received a letter from a ffentlemaii who siibscrihed himself " Joseph Alex. Mdsta, an huliau of the St. F'rancis trioe," complainins of the inaccurate account g^ivcn by Major Rogers of tlie destruction of that tribe ; but as the author of the letter dors not frive an account himself, nor direct me where I can obtain one, belter than 1 have used, I ain con- strained to reprint my account without much emendation. The only facts which 1 run (father from Ills letter, are, that, " before this event [Rojfors's Expedition] took place, the St. Francis tribe numbered from 18(X) to 2000 inhaliilaiils ; but since, this iiinnbcr has made rapid decline, and at present on the point of total dissolution." J.etttr, dated Vinceimes, Vi. 2'} April, iH36. riiAP. X I rniLip op pigvvoket.— Arnolds expedition. 319 nHined Sthalis. The English coiTimandcr snys, " We found GOO scalps Imng- iiig upon jioles over tlie doors of their wigwams." Altiioiigii the Englisli had made siicli liavoc among the Indians, yet a wretcliod calamity awaited them in their homeward march. They hnd but one of tiieir numbor killed, who was an Indian, and six wounded, during the iiiussacre, but ou their return many were lost in the wilderness, starved and frozen to death. The scenes of individual sufFering, could they be I.nown, would probably exceed those which followed LoveutWa fight. Having mis- taken the Upper for the Lower Coos, some set off by poiut of comimss, at d were never heard of alter, and the enemy followed and cut off others. But Philip, at the head of his company, made good his retreat without losing a mun in the way. Besides this expedition, in which Philip was one of " Rogers' rangers," he was ut the capture of Louisburgh, under General Amherst, and was the first man that took possession of the fortress.* In the winter of 1757, when the English and French armies had gone into winter quartere, Colonel Rogers was left in command of Fort Edward, and had several severe battles with the French and Lidians in scouting exjxditions. In one of these, he fell in with a superior force to his 0',vn, near Ticonderoga, and lost many of his men, in UMIed and prisoners. This was on 21 Januarj'. The chief, Philip, was in tnat aflliir, and acted as ser- geant. Concerning this ciiief, it is further said tliat he was but "half Indian," and that in the revolution, he joined the Americans, saying "he was a whig ludiau." Mention has been made cf an Indian of the name of Seeatis or Sabatis. There were several of the name, and doubtless it was peculiar to the Abena- quies ; and hence that Sabatis, captured at St. Francis, was desceiuled "om an Abenaquis iiimily, who had settled there. It is possible also, that e may be the same who afterwards resided, near the head waters of the Keniiebeck, with a brother named JS/atamis, wlio is brought to our notice in the accounts f of General JlrnoliTs expedition through that region in the fail of 1775 ; but this is conjecture. However, what is known of these two brothers follows. General Arnold having, on his arrival in the Kennebeck River, ordered a small band to proceed in advance of the army, to discover and mark out a route for it, gave strict orders that JVatanis should be captured or killed. This order had been given, because the general had been informed that he had been fixed there by the English of Canada, as a spy, to give information if an enemy should approach in that direction. But this, at it proved, was false information, and JVatanis was the friend of the Americans, as also was his brother iSofta/w, who lived about seven miles higher ur the river, above him. The residence of JVatanis was a lonesome place, '^pon the bank of the river ; his cabin, situated in the centre of a green, the border of which was beyond musket shot from it, was a discovery which added to the suspicions of the party, who, having arrived in the neighborhood, 4 October, surrounded it at every point, and run in upon it with great eagerness; expecting, without doubt, to have taken him prisoner. In this they were disappointed, for it ap- peared that the place had been deserted a week. Near by, at the shore of the river, a map drawn upon birch bark, was found in the top of a stake, very accurately delineating the courses of the rivers towards Cauadf , and lines denoting places of crossing from one to another. Tl is greatly surprised them, but they profited much by it. Nothing was seen of any Indians during t le excursion of the ex|)loring party, who, "after about 2^ days, in which they suffered every thing but tieath, rejonied the army. When the army had arrived within the bounds of Canada, which was on the 4 November, "we for the first time," says Mr. Henry, "had the pleasure of seeing the worthy and respectable Indian, JVatanis, and his brother, Saba- * Rni^cr.i' Reminiscences, f Si;e thai of Jtulffe Jolin J. S09, niul Col. Maine Hist. Sor cndix to new edition. leiiri/, 32, to 3(!, and 11, &.c. i. m. See also Shallu's IVhIes, ii. 320 NATANIS—SABATIS.— PENOBSCOT INDIANS. [Hook II!. I M im tis, with some others of tlieir trihe." jYatanis went to each of the compatiiea of s\)'wt>, iiiiil shook tluMii by the haiul, as though lie liad been formerly ncquaiiituil with th(;m. He explained liiniself by telling them, that he liad kcjit close to them all the time they were making their discovery iK-yond hia renidcrice, and until they returned, but did not dare to make himself known, for ii;ar thoy would kill him — a wise resolution. Natams and yABATis, with 17 otliers of their tribe, joined the army on the Iliver Clmudiere, and marched with it to Canada. When the attacK on Quebec was made, 81 December, 1775, Ab/anw was wounded by a shot through the wrist, and fell into the hands of the British general, Carleton, who innnediately si* him at liberty. These were the first Indians employed in the revolutionary contest by the Americans.* We caimot jjass over the momentous undertaking of Arnold, without re- questing the reader to notice how many men of note and eminence survived its ruins — General Daniel Morgan of Virginia, then a captain — General Henry Dearhorti of Massachusetts, of like rank — TiTnoihy Bigelow of Massachusetts, a major — Return J. Meigs, father of the late postmaster-general, of the same rank — Samuel Spring, 1). D. of Newburyport, a chaplain— -^aron Burr of New Jersey, and General Benedict ^rnoW of Connecticut.f Numerous others de- serve equal notice ; but it is not our province to enumerate them here. And from this digression we return to notice another chief nearly similar in name to the last. At the treaty of Gfeorgetown, on Arrowsik Island, held by the eastern tribes with the English, 9 August, 1717, Saft5a, as his name was then writ- ten, appeared for the Androscoggins. Also at tlie treaty of Casco, dated 25 July, 1727, we find among the signers Sahatisls of Arresagontacook.J What part Sabalis acted in the tragedies from 1722 to 1725, does not appear. In the History of Maine§ we find the following passage concerning Sab- batisl, as he is there called. " In 1730, a chaplain was allowed at Fon George ; and it was in this place, where Sabbalist, the Anasagunticook sagamore, re- quested government to keep some supplies: for, said he, in ^cold ivinters and deep snows, my Indians, unable to go to Fort Richmond, sometimes suffer.'' " We now pass to our own times to notice some modern Indiana in the state of Maine. In 1816, the Penobscot tribe at Old Town,l| having lost its sachem, entered upon the election of another. It was some months before they could agi'ee upon a successor, although it is their custom to elect a near relation of the deceased. At length party spirit having run unreasonably hig'' their priest, who is a Roman Catholic, interfered, and they forsook the rival candidates, and elected John Jiitteon. This man, it is said, was a de- scendant of Baron de Saiiii Castiens. The induction into office took place 19 September, 1816. At the same time John JVej)lune was constituted his lieutenant, and Captain t^rancis and another were confirmed as chief captains. A specimen of modem oratory among these Indians is given by Mr. Wil- liamson, who heard it, in his History of Maine. It was made in a court, by John JVeptune, in extenuation of the murder of one Knight, by Peol Susup, The case was nearly as follows : In the evening of 28 June, 1816, this Indian was intoxicated, and at the tavern of said Knight at Bangor, (whether he had procui'od iiquor there with which to intoxicate himself, we are not informed,) and being noisy and turbulent. Knight endeavored to expel him from his house. Having thrust him out of door, he endeavored to drive him awuy, and in the attempt was stabbed, and immediately died. On his arrest, Susup acknowledged his guilt, but said he was in liquor, and that Knight abused * Judge Henry, 75. t Henry, our aiilliorily before mentioned, was a private, aged but 16, who ran away from his father, and joined the army clandestinely; he died in 1810, aged 32. Morgan tlicd in 1G02, ml. 05; Dearborn in \W, .tI. 78; Mries in 1323; Spring m 1819, set. 73 j Arnold in 1801, at London, nfl. (il ; Uiirr died in New York, in 1836. X Coll. N. H. Hist. Soc. ii. 2«. 2C0. $ Williamson, ii. 159. 11 In 1011, this tribe consisten silently passed over, and Iherelore we will give him a pluco here. This chief has of lute years hecoine noted, from the circumstunre of his name's heing found to tiie celebrated /f'Aee/wn'jf/ii deed of 1G29. That deed, it maybe projier to remark, ])iirported to have been given by Passaconaway, RunaatoiU, fVehanownoivit, and Howls. The tract of country conveyed was included between the Pus<-ataqua and Merrimack Rivers, and bounded iidand by aline from "Pawtucket" Falls in tlie latter, and Newichawannok in the Ibrmcr. It is pretty certain, now, tliat these sachems gave no such deed at the time specified. Rowls was sach(jm of the Newichawannoks, and his dwelling-place was upon the north side of the Pascataqua, not ibr from Quampeagan Falls, in ijerwick, then Kittery. " In 1643, he conveyed the lands of his vicinity to Humphreif Chadhourn ; and others afterwards, to Spencer ; the former being the earliest Indian deed found upon our records. It is certain that all the Indians ui)on the river to its mouth, were his subjects, though ho was under Passaconaway ."f Mr. Hubbard I says, "There was within the compass of the seven years now current, [about 1070,] a sagamore about Kittary, called RotUs or Rolles: who laying very sick, and beurid, (being an old man,) he ex- t)ected some of the English, thut seized upon his land, should have shown lim that civility, as to have given him a visit in his aged infirmities and sick- ness. It matters not much whether it was totally neglected or not ; to be sure at the last, he sent for the chiefs of the town and desired a favor of them, viz. that though he might, as he said, challenge [claim] all the plantation tor his own, where they dwelt, that yet they would please to sell or give him a small tract of land, possibly an hundred or two of acres, and vvitlmll desired it might be recorded in the town book, as a public act, that so his children, which he left behind, might not be turned out, like vagabonds, as destitute of an habitation amongst, or near the English, adding this as a reason : Thut he knew there would shortly fall out a war between the Indians and the English, all over the coimtry, and that the Indians at the first should prevail, and do much mischief to the English, and kill many of them : But after tlie third year, or after three years, all the Indians which so did, should be rooted out, and utterly destroyed." This account, the same author says, " is reported by Maj. JV(ddron, Mr. Joshua Moody, Capt. IVost, that live upon, or near the place." A chief named Blind-ioill was successor to Rolls, and in Philip's war served the English. Why the word blind was prefixed to his name is not mentioned, but proltably he hud lost an eye. Li 1677, the wretched expedient was resorted to by the whites, of employing the Mohawks against the Tarratines, and two messengers. Majors Pinchon and Richards, were despatched to their country. They were kindly received by them, and promised their assistance. "Accordingly some parties of them came down the country, about the middle of March, and the first alarm \\as given at Amuskeeg Falls ; where the son of Wonolanset being hunting, discovered 15 Indians on the other side, who called to him in a lan- guage which he did not understand; upon which he fled, and they fired near 30 guns at him without effect. Presently after this they were discovered in the woods near Cochecho. Major Waldron sent out eight of his Indians, whereof Blind-will was one, to make further discovery. They were all surprised together by a company of the Mohawks ; two or three escaped, the others were eithpr killed or taken. Will was dragged away by his hair ; and being wounded, perished in the woods, on a neck of land, formed by the confluence of Cochecho and Ising-glass Rivers, which still bears the name of Blind-vnlVs Neek."§ Such were the exploits of the allies of the Englisli • Williamson^ Maine, i. 513. ^ Belkiuxp, Hist. N. H. i. li^, t Williainson, i, 4(50. X Indian Wars, ii. &' Chap. X.] ASSACAMIUIIT. 323 at this time; nor do we fiiiil that nny others wore performed of a ditTcmil churuftcr. iNotwithstiiiidiiif;, tlie Miime inisoriildt^ |M)liry was tnlki'd of iif^ain iihoiit nine ycar.t atler ; hut we do not learn that it was carried into |)ri.ctiee. It way, perhaps, at the tinn; of wliich we have? been s|)eakin>r, that tiie Nur- ragansct chief Ptssacus was intiriUired, as lias been mentioned.* We had not tlms loiij? delayed our notice of ont; of the most renowned chiefs, hut from the luitoward eircumstanee of having mislaid a vahialile communication concerning him.f The sachem of wliom we are now to ^|/«ak was known amon<^ the French hy the name of J^'escambioitit, but among the Englisii he wari calhtd AssACAMBUiT, t and Jlssacombuit.\ This chief was as faithful to tho French as one of their own nation ; and our account of him bcfrins in KMK!, when, with IhervUle and the iiunons Monl!^^/, he rendered important service in the reduction of the English Fort St. Joiins, .'JO November, of that year. Heing ap|>rized of the approach of the French and Indians, tiie English sent out 88 men to oppose then), who, on the 28, were met and attacked by a part of Ibervillt's army, under Montifpv/ and JVescambioiiit, and defeated with tho loss of M men. On the night before St. Johns capitulated, Iberville, with .Wscambioiiit as his second, at the head of 30 men, made a sally to burn one part of the town, while D'.^fitys and Montis;n}i, with 00 others, were ordered to fire it at another point. Jloth i)arties succeeded. § In l(>i)"J, he is noti'- -d for some cruelty, which, it was said, he inflicted upon a child, named Tho' lasin ifoiwp. He having ordered it to carrj' something to the water side, it cried ; he took a stick and struck her down, and she lay for dead. He then threw lier into the water, but she was saved by another Indian. She was an English captive, and was soon alter restored. This account was handed Dr. Mather, by one who had just returned from Casco Bay, where he liad biien to hold a treaty with tiie Indians. The account closes in 'leso words: "This ^Issaronibuit hath killed and taken this war, (they tell me,) 150 men, women and children. A bloody Devil." || It is said that Mauxis, Wanuriironet, and Jlssaconihuit, were " three of tlie most valiant and puissant sachems " of the east.t Their attack upon the ibrt at Casco, in August, 1703, has been mentioned.** In 1704, some of the Ahe- naquis, having est^iblished themselves in Newfoundland, were attacked by the English, and some of them killed. Whereupon they applied to Govenior VaitdreuU for assistance to repel them, and he sent Montigny with a few Canadians, who joined themselves with about 50 Abenaquis under AesramW- oiiil, and attacked the English with great success. They pillaged and burnt one fort, and took many prisoners, ft In 1705, M. Subercase, having succeeded M. Brouillon in the government of Newfoundland, endeavored to make thorough work with the remaining English there. Their success was neai'ly complete, and here again A'escnm- hiouit is noticed as acting a conspicuous part Subercase's army consisted of 400 men,|t in all, and they set out from Placentia 15 January, upon snow- shoes, with 20 days' provisions. They suffered much from tlie rigor of the weather, and did not fall upon the English until the 26, which was at a place called llebou. They next took Petit Havre. At St. Johns they found some resistance, where the English now had two forts, which were supplied with cannon and mortars, and, after losing five men in killed and wounded, were obliged to raise the siege, in consequence of want of powder; having dam- aged much of what they brought with them in wading rivers. They next attacked Fonillon and took it. §§ This was 5 March. Here was also a fort, * See B. II. p. 68. note §. f From Rev. Mr. Felt, of Hamillon. t Penlinlhir. ^ Charlevoix, ii. 193. |{ Magnalia, vii. 95. '' I'cnhatiow fi. ** Page lOi, lib. iii. ft Charlevoix, ii. •Z\n. XX This is according to Charleroix,h\A Penhallow says5(X). ami Aiuiixtrh, {H'isi. Newfound and, 1^23.) ahoitt 500. Charlevoix is, doubtless, nearest tlic truth. §^ Le tionrff/iit brfili', apres i/iioi Montignv, qui avnil amenr h rette expedition sonJidHt NESCAMBiouiT,yH< Ataclic orec Ics sauvusies, et vne partie Jes Canailieus, f/eitr atler (lit Cut4 de Carhonniere, et de Honneviste, avc order de hruler et de detruire loiile le dile, re qu'i fxecHta sans verdre un sad twmme, tant la terreur etoit grandt paniii les Aii^luis. N France, ii. .100. .M Vi ill Ii »l .'? ii i m 324 ASSACAMBUIT. [Book III. into wliicli the inliabitaiits at first retired, aud endeavored to defend themselves, but soon surrendered prisoners of war,* Not long after tiiesi; se: vii:es J^escamhioiiit sailed for France, and in 1700 visiti'd his majesty. King Louis XIV, at Versailles. Here, among other emi- nent j)ersonages, lie became known to the historian Charlevoix, f The king having preaented him an elegant sword, he is reported to have said, holding up his hand, "This hand has slain one hundred andfoHijofyovr majes- ty's enemies in JVew England;" I and that whereupon, the king forthwith knighted hir- and ordered tliat henceforth a pension of eight iivres a day be allowed him ior life. JVescambioiiil returned to America in 1707, and the next year accompanied Rouville to attack Haverhill in Massachusetts. The French had intended a mi'ch more formidable conquest, and had engaged bands of Indians from ft)ur nations to cooperate with tliem, and all were to rendezvous at Lake Nikisipi(jue, as they called Winnipesauke or Winnipisiogee. But all except tlie Algonquins and Abenaquis under JVescamiioiiit, having failed and deserted them, they were on the point of abandoning their entei-prise altogether. Having made known their situation to Governor Vaudreuil, and requested his orders, he directed, that though all the Indians deserted them, they should not give " /er the expedition. Des Chaillons having communicated this intel- ligence to the Indians, they entreated him to lead them forward, and said they would foii -w him wherever he chose to go. From Nikisipique they maiched, at last, with 200 men, fell upon Haver- liili,i and sacked it. The attack was made, sun about an hour high, 29 August, 1708. The contest was short as the opposition was feeble. The Faglish lost about 100 persons by this irruption, 40 or 50 of whom were killed at Haverhill. JVescamhioilit, in this aflair, fought by the side of the commander-in-chief, and performed prodigies of valor with the sword which he brought from France. Having burned the fort and many of the buildings in the village, || they began to retrace their steps, with precipitation. The English, having rallied, formed an ambush in the edge of the woods, about a mile and a half froifi the town, attacked them vigorously, killing and wounding many of them. In the ambush v^uc 60 or 70 English, who, aller hanging ui>c!i their flanks for near an hour, retreated. In this last affair the French suffered most. In both encounters. 18 men were wounded, three Indians and five Frenchmen killed. In th-' arv.hvish fell Hertel of Chanibly, and Vcrcheres, both oflicers of exjterience ; fciid the renow!)^d A'^sacambuit, as though, elsewhere, like Mill- ies, invulnerable, was woundid by a shot in the foot. This lust attack had the happy effect of iinmcdiately restoiing many of the prisoners. From 1708 to 1727, we hear nothing of Assacambiiit. In June of the latter year, his death is recorded, accompanied with a short account of him, in a news[)aper of that time. Mention is made, imong other things, that, like Hercules, he had a"lamous club" which lie always carried witii him, on which were 98 notches, denoting the number of " English " he had killed ; that he was knighted wli'le in France, the insignia of which, on his return Imiiie, he wore upon his breast in largo letters. In this newspaper commu- nication he is styled ' Old -L'scaj/jfemV," " formerly the principal sagamore of (the now dispersed) tribe of the Saco or Pigwacket Indians." He probably went to reside among the St. Francis tribe about 1700. He was restless when there was no war, and our account says, " when there was something of a prosjiect of settled peace, about 30 yeais ago, [1700,] he marched off the * Arispixch, 124. t Ilisl. Gen. dc la Nouv. Franre, ii. 32G. f J'eiiliattow, 40. This must ho, wc think, a great misrepresentation of his real spcerli, as sul)sei|uenl details will lead one to suppose. Perhaps he might have sn\i\ forty. ^ " Us prirent alors le parti de viarcher caiitre tin village appellt' IIawukuii., compose de rintcinq h Irente maisons bien hAtis, arec nn fort, on logeoit le. goavenienr. Ce fort avoit line garrison de tretite soldals, et il y en aroit an inoiiis dix dans chaqne maison." II Charlevoix says, " Toutes les maisons se d^fendirem anssi trh-bien, et enrent le mfmt. sort, ll'y eitt environ cent An^lois de tii^s dans ces dijprentes attaques ; pinsienrs aiitres, qui atlendirent trop tard h sortir da fort et des mahnna,"y (yiteM briMos." None of the English account:} mention lliis, and il was douhllcss supposition, without I'uuudatiou in fact. UllAP. XI.] DESTRUCTION OF DEEIUIKLD. 325 pronnd as .1 disbanded officer, left liis brethren and travelled towards the Mis. sissippi, where lie was constantly engaged in wars, and never heard of till the last fall he returned to those [eastern] parts." This was [irohably the report among the English of New England ; but in truth he was with the Frerch in Canada, as we have seen. Had PENiiAiiLOW[)ubiished his Indian VVa j one year later, he would not, probably, have closed his account as he did concerning him. He says that, at his return Irom France, he was so exalted that he treated his countiynieu in the most haughty and arrogant manner, " murdering one and stjibbing another, which so exasperated tliose of their relations, that they sought revenge, and would have instantly exe- cuted it, but that he fled his countiy, and never returned alien" 4'" 9i0^e CHAPTER XL Destruction of Dcerficld, and captivity of Reverend John Williams and family, in 1704. Sometimes in a volume, and sometimes in a pamphlet, the narrative of this affair had often been given to the world previous to 1774, by one of the })rincipal actors in it, whose name is at the beginning of this chapter, and which is doubtless familiar to every reader of New England legends. The edition of Mr. Williams's work, out of which 1 take this, was prej)ared by the renowned New England annalist, the Reverend Thoirxts Pnnce, and was the .5th, [)rinted at Hoston " by Jokn Boijk, next door to the Three Doves in Marl- borough Street, 1774." It was a closely printed 8vo. pamphlet of 70 pages. It will be necessary to relate some important facts of historical value before proceeding with the narrative. As at several other times, the ])lan was laid early in 1708, in Canada, for laying waste the whole English fron- tier, but like former and later plans, laid in that region, this but partially succeeded. TJiough the eastern settlements from Casco to Wells were destroyed, and l!iO i)eo|)le killed and captivated, the sunnner before, yet the towns on the Connecticut had neglected their precautionary duty. And altiiough Governor Dudleif of Massachusetts had but little while before been notified of the design of the French, yet it was impossible to guard the eastern coast against the attack. Deerfield had been palisaded and '^0 soldiers ])laced in it, but iiad been quartered about in different houses, and, entirely forgetting their duty as soldiers, were surprised with the rest of the town. The snow was deep, wliich gave tfie enemy an easy entrance over the pickets. The French were commanded by Hertel de Rouville, but tiie couuiianders of the Lidians remain unknown. Mr. liiltiams tiiiis begins his narrative: "On Tuesday the 2i)th of Feb- ruary, 1703-4, not long before break of day, the enemy came in like a flood upon us; our watcii being unfaitliful : an evil, vvliose awful eflects, in a siu-- pri/fd of our fort, should bespeak all watchmen to avoid, as they would ncit bring tiie charge of blood upon themselves. They came to my housts in tiie beginning of the onset, and by their violent endeavors to break open do'jrs and windows, with axes and hatchets, awakened me out of sleep; on which I l(>ii|)cd o'lt of bed, and rimnitig towards tlu; door, pcrceiveil the enemy making their cntranoc into the house. I called to awaken two soldiers iii the chamber; and returning toward my bedside fVir my arms, the enemy immediately brake into my room, I judge to the nmnher of '20, with painted tiices, and hideous acclamations. I reached up my hands to the betl-tester, for my pistol, uttering a siiort petition to God, expecting a jirescnt passagis through the valley of the shadow of deatli." "Taking down my pisiol, 1 cocked it, and |)Ut it to the breast of the first Indian who came up; but my pistol misshig fire, I was seized by 3 Lidians who disarmed me, and hounil me naked, as I was, in my shirt, and so I stood for near the space of an hour." Meanwhile the work of destruction and piilairi! was carried (ui with great fury. One of the three who captiu'ed Mi;, ff'illiams was a captain, 28 * li 'J - 1 !^HK ; 1 l^^^^^^H) • J^^Hi. ■ 1 I^^Bi' "■' ! .* il 326 DESTRUCTION OF DEERFIELD. [RUOK 111. o'F* aj,'aiiist \vl;oin, nijs our captive, "the jiulginent of God did not long slunibci* (or hy stiii-risiiig Jie received a inoi'tul shot from my next neighl)or'8 house." This, tiiough not u garrison, and containing but seven men, withstood tlic ellbrts of the (300 Frencli and Lidians whicli now beset them. That lumsc remains to this day, bearing ujion its front door the marks of the hatchet.'* Alter about two hours tlie enemy took up their march from the town, having phindered and burnt it, and ])Ut 47 persons to deatli, including tlio.se Killed in making del'ence. Mrs. WUliama having lately lain in, was fceblt', which, without the scene now acting beibre her, rendered her case hopeless ; i)iit to this was added the most shocking murders in her presence — two o<" her children were taken to the door and killed, also a black woman be- longing to the family. " About sun an hour high," continues the redeemed captive, " we were all carried out of the house for a march, and saw nmny of the houses of my neighbors in flames, perceiving the whole fort, one house excepted, to be taken !" " We were carried over the river, to the foot of tlie mountain, about a mile from my house, where we found a great nund)er of our christiaii neighbors, men, women, and children, to the number of 100 ; nineteen of whom were altenvard murdered by the way, and two starved to death near Coos, in a time of great scarcity, or famine, the savages underwent there. When we came to the loot of our mountain, they took away our shoes, and gave us Indian shoed, to prepare us for our journey." The army had Icll their packs at this place, and while they tVGve getting ready to decamp, tlie few English that had escaped at the town, and a few from Hatfield, who had been notified of the fate of Deerfield by one or two, who had escaped there, pursued, and in a meadow between the town and the main body, met a party of the enemy, and a sharp fight ensued. The small band of Englishmen did not retreat until the main body under Rouville were about to encircle them, and then they le/l nine of their number slain. Such was the success of the English in the beginning of the fight, that, fearing a defeat, Rouville had ordered the captives to be put to death; but, fortunately, the bearer of the iiital message was Killed by the way. 'J'hree hundred miles of a trackless wilderness was now to be traversed, and tliat too at a season of all others the most to be dreaded ; boughs of trors formed the beds of enceinte women and little children for 40 days, which was the time taken lor the journey. The first day's journey was but about four miles, and although one child was killed, in general the children were treated well ; probably, the historians say, that by delivering them at Canada, the Indians would receive a valuable ransom for. them. Mr. Williams proceeds: "God made tlie heatiien so to j)ity our children, that though they had several wounded persons of their own to carry upon their shoulders, for 30 miles before they came to the river, [the Connecticut 30 miles above Deerfield,] yet they carried our children, uucapable of travi ling, in theii arms, and upon their shouldiers." At the first encampment some of the Indians got drunk with liquor they found at Deei-field, and in their rage killed Mr. fVilliams's negro man, and caused the escape of a Mr. Jlleiandcr. In the morning Mr. Williams was ordered befbre the commander-in-ciiief, (he considering him the princijjal of the captives,) and ordeied to inlbrm the other captives, that if any more at- tiMnpted to escape, the rest should be |)ut to death. In the second I'liy's inareli oecnrred the death ofMrs. Williams, the affecting account of which W(^ will give nearly in the language of her husband. At the upper part of Deerfield meadow it became necessary to cross Green River. The Indian that cap- tured Mr. Williams was unwilling that lie should speak to the other captives ; but on the morning of the second day, that Indian cajrtain being appointed to command in the rear, he liad another master put over him, who i.oi only allowed him to speak to others, but to walk with his wife, and assist her aloiii; This was their last meeting, and she very calmly told him that her strength was failing Itist, and that he would soon lose her. She sjioke no discoura- * See (^c)l. Iloi/I's Aiil. lli-scnr. wliicli, wc aro gluil lo oUscrvc, is llie Uusl voliiint* of Now Ellglaii'l liiiliiui wars llial lias yd a|i|it'iii'0(l. Chap. XL] DESTRUCTION OF DEERFIEL1>. 327 ging words, or complained of thn Imrdness of her fortiino, Tlie company soon came to a halt, and Mr. Williams's old niastor resumed his Ibrnier Btution, and ordered him nto the vaii, and his wife was obliged to travel nnaided. They had now arrived at Green River, us we have related. 'J'hia tiny passed by wading, although the current was very rapid, (which was the cause, no doubt, of its not Iveii^g frozen over,) and about two feet in depth. Alter passing this river, they hud to ascend a steep mountain. "No sooner," suys Mr, Williams, " had i overcome the difficulty of that ascent, Ijut I was permitted to sit down, r,nd be unburthened of my pack. 1 sat pitying those who were behind, and intreatcd my master to let me go down and help my wife, but he refused. I asked each of the prisoners, as they passed by luc, after her, and heard, that passing through tlie above said river, she fell down and Avas ])lunged all over in the water ; alter which she travelled not liir, for at the foot of that mountain, the cruel and bloodthirsty savage who took hiT slew her witl: his hatcixit atone stroke." The historians have left us no record of the character of this lady, but from the account left us by her husband, she was a most amiable cofnpaniou. She was the only daughter of Reverend Eleazer Mather, minister of Northampton, by Ifis wife lOsthcr, daughter of Reverend John tVarham, who came from England in KiJBO. Tlie second night was spent at an encampment in the northerly part of what is now Rcrnanlstown, and in the course of the jjreceding day" a young woman and child were killed and scalped. At this camp a council was held upon the propriety of putting Mr. Williams to death, but his master i)revuiled on the rest.to save his life ; for the reason, no doubt, that he should receive a high price for his ransom. The fourth day brought them to Connecticut River, about 30 miles above Deoi-fit-hL Here the wounded, children and \m'i- gage were put into a kind of sleigh, and passed with facility upon ilit; river. Every day ended the suffering and captivity of one or more of the |)risoner.". The case of a young woman naiiifd Marij Brooks, was one to excite excess- ive pity, and it is believed, that had the Indians been tlie sole directors of the captives, such cases could hardly have occurred. This young woman, being enceinte, and walking upon the ice in the river, oflen fell down upon it, probably with a burthen upon her; which caused premature labor the fol- lowing night. Being now unfitted, for the journey, her master deliberately told her she must be put to death. With great composure she got liberty of him to go and take leave of her minister. She told him she was not aliaid of death, and after some consoling conversation, she returned and was executed ! This was March 8. At the mouth of a river since known as IViUiams's River, upon a Sunday, the captives were permitted to assemble around their minister, and he prea(;licd a sermon to them from Lam. i. 18. At the mouth of White River Rouville di\ ided liis force into several jiarties, and they took different routes to the St. Lawreni-e. In a few instances the captives were ])urchased of the Indians, by the French, and the others were at the different lodges of the Indians. During his ca|)tivity, Mr. WUliam^ visited various [)laces on the St. I-aw- reiicc. At Montreal he was humanely treated by Governor Vaudrcuil. In his interviews with the French Jesuits he uniformly found them using every endeavor to convert him and otliers to their religion. However, most of the cuptives remained steady in the Protestant faith. And in 17(X), fifty-seven of them were by a flag-ship conveyed to Boston. A considerable inimber r(;maiiied in Cimada, and never returned, among whom Avas Eunice Williams, daughter of the minister. She became a firm catholic, married an Lidian, by whom she had several children, and sj)ent her days in a wigwam. She visited Deerticld with her Indian husband, dressed in Indian style, and was kindly received by her friends. All attempts to regain her were ineffectual. Reverend Eleazer Williams, late a missionary to the Groenbay Indians, is a descendant. He was educated by the friends of missions in New England. In the History of Canada by Charlevoix, the incursions imdertaken by thi! French and Indians are generally minutely recorded ; but this against l)eer- lield he has unaccountably summed up in a dozen lines of his work. The following is the whole passage: In the end of autumn, 1703, the English, despairing of securing the lu- I I I'I'f ' • 1 i *^>'^ U:^ '. 328 MONEY OF THE INDIANS. [Book III dians, made several excursions into their country, and massacred all such as they could surprise. Upon this, the chiefs demanded aid ofM. de Vaudiexdl, and he sent thorn during tlie winter 250 men under the coiumand of tlie Sieur Hertcl dc Rouville, a reformed lieutenant, wlio tooic the place of his already renowned f'lther, whose age and infirmities prevented his under- taking sucli great expeditions. Four others of liis children accom|>anied RouvUie, who in their tour surprised the Englisii, killed many of them, and made 140 of them prisoners. The French lost but three soldiers, and some ravages, but Roiwille was himself wounded.* Hi§t CHAPTER XIL A' Various incidents in the history of the JVew England Indians, embracing several important events, with a sequel to some previous memoirs. He felt liU lifo'a blood froezing fist ; Ho ^'rasped liif) bow, liix lance, und steel ; Ho win ol" Wampanoiifi's lu^t. To die wero easy — not to ylidd. HU eyns were fixed upon the sky ; He pimped lis on tlic ground be full ; None lint his Ibes to see him die — None but bid foes bis duutb to tell. The perfornmnces of one Cornelius, "the Dutchman," in Philip's war, are very obscurely noticed in the histories of the times, none ol" thoni giving iis even his surname; and we have, in a former chapter, given the amount of what has before been published. I am now able to add concerning him, that his name was Cornelius Consert; that the last time he went out against the Indians, he served about six weeks ; was captain of the forlorn hope in the Quabaog expedition, in the autumn of the first year of Philip's war; marched also to Groton and Chelmsford, and was discharged from service, "being ready to depart the country," October 13, 1G75. It was prol)ably in his Quabaog expedition that he committed the barl)aroiis ex|)ioit u|)on "an old Indian," the account of which has been given ; it was doubtless during the same expedition, which appears to have terminated in September, that " he brought round five Indians to Boston," who, being cast into prison, were afterwards "delivered to Mr. Stmiiel Shrimpton, to be under his (inplov on Noddle's Island," subject "lo the order of tlie council." I shall here pass to tSmo further account of the money of the Indians. We have quoted the comical account of the money of the Indians of New England, by John Josselyn, and will now quote the graphic and sensible one given by the unfortunate John Lawson, in his account of Carolina, of the money in use among the southern Indians. "Their money," he says, " is of different sorts, but all made of slndls, which are found on the coast of Caro- lina, being very large and hard, and difficult to cut. Some English smiths Jiave tried to drill this sort of shell money, and thereby thought to get an advantage, but it proved so hard that nothing could be gained;" and Morton^ in .his New English Canaan, says that, although some of the English in Now EngicitiU have tried " by example to make the like, yet none hath ever attained to any perfection in the composure of them, so but that the salvages have found a great difference to he in tlte one and tlie other; and have known the counterfeit beads from those of their own making; und have, and doe .flight tliein" Hence the conclusion of Joxsclj/n, before extracted, namely, thut " neither Jew nor devil conid counterfeit the money of the Indians." Mr. ZirtU'SOJi continues: "The Indians often make, of the same kind of shells as those of which their money is made, a sort of gorget, which they w(!ar about * Ilislciirt! (ic'iicriilo do la ISoiiv. France, ii. 2',I0. Chap. XII] CORMAN— NANUNTENOO. 329 their necks in a string: so it hangs on their collar, whereon soinotinies w engraven a cross, or some ochi sort of figure which conies next in their fiincy There are otlier sorts valued at a doeskin, yet tlie gorgets will sotneiimes sell for three or four huckskins ready dressed. There be others, that eight of them go readily for a doeskin ; but tlie general and current species "f all the Indians in Carolina, and I believe, all over the continent, as Itir as the bay of Mexico, is that which we call Peak, and lionoak, hut Peak more especially. This is that which at New York they call Wampum, and have used it as current money amongst the iidiabitants for a great many years. Five cubits of this purchase a dressed doeskin, pud seven or eight buy a dressed buck* skin. To make this Peak it cost the English five or ten tiiues as much as they could get fur it, whereas it cost the Indians nothing, because they set no value upon their time, and therefore have no com|)etition to fear, or that othcra will take its manufacture out of their hands. It is made by grinding the pieces of shell upon stone, and is smaller than the small end of a tobacco- pipe, or Ip-ge wheat-straw. Four or five of these make an inch, and every one is to be drilled through and made as smooth as glass, and so strung, as beads are. A cubit, of the Indian measure, contains as much in length as will reach from the elbow to the end of the little finger. They never stand to ({uestion, whether it he a tall man or a short one that measures it. If this wampum-peak be black or purple, as some part of that shell is, then it is twice the value. The drilling is the most difiicult and tedious part of the manufacture. It is done by sticking a nail in a cane or reed, which they roll upon their thighs with their right hand, while with their left they apply the hit of shell to the iron point. But especially in making their ronoak, four of which will scarce make one length of wampum. Such is the money of the Indians, with which you may buy all they have. It is their mammon, (as our money is to us,) that entices and persuades them to do any tiling, part with their c, pi>es or slaves, and, sometimes, even their wives' and daughters' chastity. WrJi it they buy ofT murderers; and whatever a man «'an do that is ill, this wampui*} will quit him of, and make him, in their opinion, good and virtuous, though rever so hlack before." To retinii to tiie cliiefs. Of the Narraganset biJian Corinan very little had been found when he was noticed before, and it is biU little that we can now add concerning the "cheiife counceller" of the "old crafty sachem" of Niantik. It appears that in the month o( September, 1675, Carman was in Boston, whither he had been sent as an ambassador by the Narraganset sachems, and especially by Ninigret; and although Ninigret was a peace-maker, and had not been any how implicated in the war then going on, yet, such was the rage of the popu- lace agains'. all Indians, that it was not deemed safe for even a friend fi'om among thei i to walk alone in the streets of the town. On the evening of the 28th of Sej temher, as Carman, now an old man, was walking through one of tlie stree s, guarded by persons on each side of him, a certain miscreant, named IVilliim Smith, ran furiously against him, and thus separating him from those about him, did, by another motion, strike his feet fiom under him in such a manner that his head and shoulders came in violent contact with the ground, very seriously injuring Inm. Complaint having been made to the governor and council, they had both Smith and Cormnn hronuht before them the next day, and the charge against the former being established by the evidence of Mrs. Sarah Pickerini;, who siw the fiict conunitted. "the court, in hearing of the case, judged it meet to bear due testimony against such abuse, and seniciicc the said Smith to pay, as a fine to the country, the sum of forty shillings, cr be whipt with ten stripes; also to pay the said Carman for his damage the siun of ten shillings in money." It is very diffi- cidt to understand the grounds of the decision of the honorable court, unless they seriously thought that the grounf/ on which jioor old Corman fell was hurt four times as much as he was! If this was not its reason, why should forty shillings be paid to the rauntry and oidy ten to Gorman ? As new local and other histories appear, and the «lecaying manuscrijits arc put in a situation and condition to he conveniently considted, new lights are daily reflected on the dark passages of our history. The inrs'nce o\'A''(inun lenoo at the battle of Pawtucket, or, as it is more commoulv called, Peirst'a 28* fit, "'■tl 330 COLONF.I, CHURCH.— INDIAN LETTERS. [nooK in figlit, Ims been f|ucstionc(l l)y a v(>ry exrellent local liistorian, Mr. Bliss, in liis liistory of Keliobotli, but, uM appreliciitl, I'rom a luiscoiistiuction of some passajrus in Hubbard's Narrative, fs|)eciuliy iiom tbat passage wbire it ia Baid tliat Nanutiteiioo, wiien surprised by Deiiisoii's men, "was divertisiiig himself vvitb the recital of Captain Peirse's slaughter, surprised by his men a few days liefbre." It is true that this sentence will admit of two construc- tions, either that the chief was diverting himself by recounting to his meu his jiarticular acts in that tragedy, or by a general account of its progress, or that they were diverting him; the fbrnicr would be by no means improbable, especially if some of those about him hud not been in the action, which woidd not be at all strange, as nunil)ers of them were, doubtless, strolling upon hunting and other expeditions when the buttle was lought. That Nanuntenoo did not leave the Connecticut River until the "first week in April" cannot be true, nor In that loosely stated date does Hubbard reftr to his leaving the Connecticut, but to "about the time" of his capture. If he refers to the time of his leaving the river, he reli'rs to his men also, vnIio, he Buys, did not leave until alter he tiid; but it was his men that defeated I'eir^e. These are all the lights we arc able to throw on that great event, and must here leave it in the same doubt we found it, and which is ever, most likely, to shroud it. It would be highly gratifying to be nble to give sketches of some of the prominent English ca})tiiins, or others, who were cons|)icuous in Indian history, but our design and limits both preclude such digressions, and we cannot indulge in but a few. In a recent rand)le in the Hill burying-ground, in Middleborough, I discovered the grave of a Lieutenant Nathaniel Hourh- worth, ui)on the head-stone of which it is inscribed that he died January 14, 1710, in his G'2d year; he was tlierefbre about 28 in the time of rhilij)'s war, and is, very probably, the same who distinguished himself on many occasions under Ca|)tain Cliiuch. He lies among a group of graves of his family cojinections. We did not intentionally omit to notice the death of his commander in anotlier cha])ter. Colonel Church died on the 17 of Jiinuaiy, 1718, in the 78th year of his age, and lies buried ut Compfon in Massa- chusetts. He was born ut IMymouili in Uiii\}, and not long after removed to Duxbury with his father.* He was a housewriglit by trade, as were his fiitlier and one or two of his brothers. How many he had I am not sure, but Caleb and Joseph are mentioned, und a sister who married an Irish, and liv(/arfoAai«rtnrfo, yet was willing to let "fierce Moxus" bear his well-earned title of chief in all matters of war. One of the most signal ex])loits ot'Morus was the capture of Pemmaquid, on the 2d of August, IGSt). From this place his men led 16 of the English into a most miserable captivity, whence but very few ever returned. A con- siderable number were killed before the foit was taken, among whom was the worthy Ciptuin Gj/les; three other captains were also slain, and the fort capitulated the second day, and all within it were suffered to leave it and return to the English settlements in safety. J We have seen that the chief Bomazeen was intrapped and thrown into prison in Boston, in 161)4. He was also a prisoner there lour years after, having jjrobably been retained all this time to restrain acts of barbarity on white captives; and it was rumored that he had been the leader at Groton, which probably had some influence in lengthening his captivity, but it is not now a question who the leader was in that sanguinary exploit. Mr. John Gyles returned out of a ten years' captivity in 1698, and on the 14lh of Octo- ber of that year, he says he was sent for by Lieutenant-Governor Stoughton, to interpret a conftreiice with liomozeen and other Indians then in jail. This same Mr. Gyles, afterwards ca|)tain of Fort George, went as interpreter with Captiiin Southack in the province galley to the eastern shores, for the ransom and exchange of captives. Our chief was at this time exchanged, and the galley returned to Boston in December, 1698. Whether, upon mere suspicion, injury was added to crime in the case of Bomazeen, we cannot, upon our slender evidence, aver ; but if it were a parallel case to that of the seizure and death of Egeremet and HonquiJ, or, as others write his name, Jihanquid., Jihenqxiid, &c., it could scarcely be surpassed in atrocity. There are no facts to show that Jlbenquid had been an enemy to the E'nglish, or, if an enemy, that he had been engaged in any depredations. Notwithstanding it is a custom among some tribes of Indians to obliterate all remembrance of the dead, their near connections, it was by no means common among all tribes, for we have Iiad occasion to mention many instances where the name of a noted chief has been perpetuated, both * (frei'iileiif's Erclcsiastir.ij Skololios of Maiiifi, p. 10. f Ti." prinled treaty of ITK, and authorilips vt svpra. i Narrative oi John Gyles, as publislicd in our " Imlian riptivities." M Chap. Xil.] AnENCll'lD.— INDIAN TREATY OF 1723. 333 among tlie western ns well ns among the eastern Indi;nis. Jihenquid was killed l>y Captain Chuhb in lOiKj, and in 172.1 there was another chief of the same name, of equal distinction. And he deserves some notice in this place, as do many others. While Captain Lovewell was on his march against the l'e<|nawkcts, measures were being devised in JJoston for a |>eace with the eastern Indians, There were, at the same titnc, several Indians there, some as ])riton, it siioiild Imvc been ntnted tii. ' s hml ubiiiuiant excuse for ro'-,!;'.;- tioiis of tin- nature there de8(-ril)ed. I ^^'th of time, to whatever number of years extended, is no guaranty tlial ^ injury will not i)e repaid by an IiKhan, with Iiuriaii interest; and //ciiiJiiW did not more strictly observe his vow to war against liie Koinans. lliaii tiie savage of America adiiered to liie resohition of revengiii>( an insult, even though its origin were reinived several generations from him. In tlie chapter already referred to, we liave detail(!d tiie expedition of Colonel CInirch u,)on tlie Androscoggin, and his rapture and destruction of a fort some 30 or 40 miles up that river.* Tliic fort was the residence of Aoamcus, more generally known among the English as Gnat Tom. This chiefj according to my antiiority, was taken cajitivc at the time of the assault by Church, "but he slijit away from the liands of his tiio careless keepers, which was a disaster they much complained of. But if tills ])iece of carelessness did any harm, there was another which did some pood; for Great Tom having terrilily scared a part of his men with the tidings of what liad hap[>oned, and an English lad in their hands also telling tlumi some truth, they betook themselves to such a y/ig-Zii in their /ng-Zi/, as gave ^\r. Anthoni) Bracket, then a p.isonerwith them, an o|)portunily to fly four score miles another way." P. it we have recorded tlie escape of poor Jlnlliomi Braikii, who, says Ur. Mi'iher, "if he had not s misery; but this weighed nothing in the mind of the " Flirt " Amotinscoinriii," arcordiii!; to the Magnalia, alioiil '10 miles np llic livor. t Ma-siHiVui, ib. t Page 105, lit, 121-, -..(e & Pago IIG. II liv Mather, Magiialia % P".oO 118. 5 H CitAP. XII. 1 iiorrnooD— SF.VF.UF. iiattle. 335 liiHtoriun. "Tcapiie," lie snys, "oh he wna foolishly pulling a canoe ashore, about tills time, with the cock of his fruii, it went oHJ hreiiking hia arm with u fi-arlul wound, hy which he was made a cripjile ever alter." By a council of war held at Portsmouth, occutsioned by these de|)retain fhot being ensnared by them, they tortured him to d(uitli. This so alarmed the other inhabitants, that they Hew from their beds to their garrisons, otherwise before the next morning they had found their beds their graves. However, they killed three persons, burnt three houses, and many cattle. In fine, from the first mischief done at Lamprey-eel River, (on July 4th,) to this last at Aniesbury, all belonging to one Indian expedition, forty Enirlish iieoi)le were cut oftl" Thus Hupehood is considered the leader in all these transactions, although our chroniclers of that day do not mention him, excelling where we have done so, nor do they mention the names of any other Indians. He was the commander of his countrvinen at tlie taking of Casco, on which event the garrisons of Purpooduck, Spurwink, Black Point, and Blue Point, drew off to Saco, and in a lew days from Saco tln^y retreated to Wells, "twenty nules within the said Saco, and about half Wells drew off as far as Lieutenant Storer's. But the arrival of orders and soldiers from government stojiped them from retiring any farther; and Hopehood, with a party that staid for farther mischief, meeting with some resistance here, turned about, and having first had a skirmish with Captain Sherburn, they a[)peared the next Lord's- day at Newichawannok or Berwick, where they burnt some houses and slew a man." This last event was three days previous to the massacre at Fox Point, before related. We now are to speak again of Wahiva^ and as we have before considered him a different chief from Hopehood Jf'ahotvah, we shall still do so, yet the character of his exploits agrees well with those of that chief; but that argues nothing as to his identity, for numerous other chiefs correspond equally as well. On the 27th of October, 1726, a band of seven Indians surprised the family of Philip Dnrell at Kennebunk, capturing ten persons, eight women and two children, and can'ied them off. The attack was made late in the allernoon, while i\Ir. Dnrell was absent. On his return he found his house in flames, r^Iiairs piled on the fire, trunks split to pieces, but no traces of his wile ancl children. The Indians had been watching for an opjiortunity to attack when Mr. Dnrell should be absent, fearing, it was thought, his powerful arm, if made when he was at home. Twenty-three years before Mrs. Durill had been a '«1 336 ACTKON— WAHWA. iOooK IIL EI^HHI-i <• ;-^ U^HIB. t » .- HHf 1 J '.' ilBlli^ i • i! ■(:■*, i. '> ^ * rnptivo,* but unlike most of licr Hex in like circuniHtanceB, aho foreboded no ovil of a like kind from tlie Iiuiiani', lint looked ujion lier former eMptnre by tlicm UH \v(! do npcHi a inaludy tliut never attacks u second time; bnt in tliid case it waM otlicrwi.xe. Tlie j)er|)etrul(»rH were iinrHiied with vijror the next niorninp, wliicli caused tlie IndianH to put most ol tlieir captives to death, by which means they were able to make ^mod their (li^dit. It was li>r some time doubtful what Jndiaiis, or how many, iiad committed this horrid act, but it was finally ascertained that the bloody " H'tiliira, J'nu- cnunaumpoijte, formerly a Mohegan, JHeon, aHerwards known as Captain JMoses, an Arisaffuntacook, Omhorowees, Mnnncenhotchiu, J'ier, Siinp;ebnvs no uneommoii ones on such undertakings, were not heard of ibr nciU'ly a year after, and then could give no satisfiictory accoimt in the l)u.ui*suiii{j their nnliinim oinployment on a brnncli of tlie Pt'ini)rpwiisct, railed Jiikur's River, in wimt is .xiiicu Riiiiiiioy, when Huddeiily they wero Hnr|iri.-ied l)y t(!ii Indians nndi-r tlio limioiis Adeon, who at this time wa.s known by tlio naini) of Captain Mosat. The whites had, bnt little while lu-foro, di.-ieovcTcd traces of Indians, and had become alarmed, and were determintid to leave tiii'ir position. Aeeor(bni,'ly, John Stark went out very early in the morning to collect their trap.^, and while thus separated from his companions, was m:id(! prisoner. As soon as he was secured, he was ordered to direct them to his friends. This he undertook to do, but purposely led them two miles, farther tiom tiiem, iioping that, l)y some means, they might take the alarm and escape ; but it was not to be ended so. They seem not to have im« ajfined that John was taken by Inilians, and soon l)egan to shoot off their tmis ' > direct him where they were. This also dire(!ted tiie Indlan.s, and tney i.muediately p/toceeded down the river, beyond the whites, and taking u (Station, wayiaiil them as tiiey came down. All that had now passed had not tJikim lip much time, for about Himrise the party appeared, two in a boat, fyU- tiam Slfirk and Sliiuion, and Hiuflnvm on the shore, who ne.xt fell into the In- diaii.s' liands. They now ordered John to hail his friends in the boat, to decoy tli(!iii to tiie shore; but, with v boldness characteristic of great minds, ho called to them, and instead of requesting them to land, told them ho was tiikeii, and ordered them to save themselves by pulling to the opposite shore. They piilhid accordinglj', and were (piickly fired upon by four of the Indians, whose guns were loaded. Like u truly heroic spirit, without regarding the risk he ran, at the moment of the shot John knocked up tv/o of the Indians' giiiis, and repeated the munojiivre when the rest cf tho [larty fired a second volU'v. He then hallooed to his brother in the Ijoat to fly with all his might, lor all the guns were discharged. He did so successfully; regained the shore and es( aited. Poor Slinson was killed, and the boat and oars were pierced with bullets. John was sorely beaten and ill used at first, lor the liberties lie had takiMi in giving their .-ihots a ial.se direction; but they al\erwards used him kindly. The wiiites had collected a considerable quantity of furs, of which the In- dians |)osscssed themselves, and commenced their retreat. TlniV made ' stop at Lower Coo.s about the jJivsent vicinity of Haverhill, N. H., where they had letl two of their l)arty to prepjire provisions agi inst their return. After one night's stay here tiiey [)roceeded to Upper Coos. From this place Cap- tain .Moses despatched three of his men with Eastman to St. Francis, while the rest of the company hunted on a small stream in that neighborhoocL Stark was meantime closely watched, and every night confined. They al- lowed him to himt, and he, having shot one beaver and caught another in a trap, was ai)probated by a present of their skins. At length, on the 9 of July, Captain Moses returned with his prisoner to St Francis. Here the two captives were compellrid to run the gantlet. East- man fared hard in that business ; but Stark, understanding Indian play better seized a club from an Indian at the head of one of the ranks through whicl he was to run, and laid it about him with such force, that running the gant- let was wholly on the part of tlie Indians; for they were glad to escape and leave the ground to him, mud. to the delight of the old Indians, who were seated at a distance to witness the sport. Fortunately, Stark and Eastinan^s captivity was not a long one. In about si-Y weeks irom Stark^s arrival at St. Francis, there arrived Captain Stevens, of No. Four, and Sir. }Vheelwriji:U, of Boston, in search of some captives, who had been taken from Mas.sachusetts, and not finding any, redeemed Stark and Eastman, who arrived home, by way of Albany, in August following. The same Indians accompanied them to Albany, where they sold the fiirs they had taken from them, to the amount of £500, old tenor. Stark paid for his ransom 103 dollars, and Eastman GO dollars. The names of two others of the Indians who did this mischief, were Francis Titigaw, and Peer, a young chiefi each of whom has been mentioned as chief in the capture ; but it is not material. ■U the treaty of 17^7, wiiich the preceding relation required us to notice, a entiou was made by the chiefs, p^ that treaty, of a great many Indians, and a9 w 338 SIEGE OF WALPOLE, N. II. [Book III H'noiig others, of one of consideruble note, of whom we have before* said doinethiiig, it| indeed, he he the snine, namely, Sabatis. Tliis Indian Jiad pre- viously, tiiouf;h perhajjs not long bctbrc that treaty, with otliers, taken many captives m their depredations on the English frontiers. At tliis time he was living at St. Francis in Canada, and had two cajitives with him ; but their names we cannot learn, lie was of a bloody disposition, and the act which terminated his career was by a hanl ndt less bloody, though, perhaps, more necessarily so. We have, on another occasion, and in another work,t related the circumstances of it, mid shall therefore pass it over here. lie was killed in 175:3, and we have before expressed the opinion that he was the father of him brought away a eajjtive from St. Francis by Captain Rogers in 17r)l>, and who in 1775 followed the fbitnnes of Arnold's expedition against Quebec. As noted an exploit as we have passed over in our history is that which was enacted at Walpole, N. II., in the year 1755. If Philip, the leader of the Indians on that occasion, be the samq that we have beltre given some account nf, his patriotism as well as his courage must have u'u^crgone an imirartant change ; but as we cannot settle that matter to tlio satisfiiction of the critical antiquary without spending more time than we shall get credit for, we will relate the affair at VValpole as we have heard it. One John Kilbum had settled at that j)lace in 174[», and thorgh far beyond any other settlement, and frequently watched, avid sometimes annoyed by the Lidians, jet no hostile act was attenqjted upon him until 1755. When it be- came certain that war would soon begin between England ard France, meas- ures were takiMi by CJeneral Shirleij to warn the settlers ah ng *!ie exteiisive frontier of Ntnv England of the ap[)roaching calamity, 15ut the Indians seem to have known or expected it sooner than the English, frt jefbre the latter had receivetl word from General Shirley, the cunning /I ■ /), in the capacity of a s])y, had visited every ])rincipal settlement, under the pretence of trading ibr flints and other hunting munitions, all 'long the Connecticut River; and it was not until two Indians, employed by ituieral Shirlci/, had inlbrin(>d the settlers that 400 or 500 Iiidiims were preparing in Canada to make a descent uj)on them, that Philiji's expedition for trade was understood in its real char- acter. Kilbum lived in a good garrison-house, and on the day Philip ajipeared against it with some 300 Indians, he, with three otlu-r men, were at work some (iistarice from it ; but k( ei)ing a good watch, the ludians were discov- ered in time to afi()rd them sufbcieiit o[)portunity to regain the garrison with- out moUistation. The timely discoveiy was made about mid-day, August 17, and in less than half an hour after, they were surrounded by I'J7 fierce war- riors, flushed with confidence of an easy and speedy victory ; the remainder of the Indians forming an ambush of reserve at the mouth of Cold Kiver about half a mile from the garrison. Meanwhile Philip I'tid endeavored to cut off Colonel liellotvs, who, w ith 30 men, was milling r.bout a mile east of Kilbuni's; but in this he was foiled by a masterly manu'uvre of the colonel. His men were returning fiom the :nill, each with a bag of meal ujx)!! his back, when his dogs by their growling gave timely notice of the neighborhood of an enemy, and tlu; thoughts of an ambush at tin; same moment passed through his mind: he as soon knew what to do. He orderi'd his men to throw off their bags, advance; to a cer- tain emincMice over which their path lay, and about which he doubted not the Lulians wci-c preparei^ for him. The ground contiguous was covenul with high s\\v'''l li'in. I'p to these; liellows and his nam crawled, into tlie very presence of the (iiemy. They now, agreeably to the jilan |)ropose(l at tia; discovery, sprung upon their fi'f.-t, and giving a tremendous whooi), alter the nianncr of their adversary, dropped down aijain the same instant. The In- ifi"" • .ii titt. very moment rose; up, forming a thick fi'ont across tlie path in a semicircle. V.nv\\ oi' liellows' s nam had now an Indian in his power; and i^uch was the efliM-t oftlie first fin; of these HO men, that Philip and his whole |)arty pn^cipitately retreated, and the victors, without waiting Ibr a further * A:itr, p:iu;n inr), VX, of lliis flnok. \ l\\ the Ai>i»enilix to my ediiiun of Church's Philip's War, &c., page 337. Ch>p. Xll.] SIKOE OF WAI.roi.E. N. 11. 339 displiiy of luetics, regained their garrison, not liaving one of tiieir nunilier kiili(ni and PcnAr, had a son with them in the garrison; and such was the force opposed to that army of Indians ! Jouv Kii.mii:>f lived to he 85 years of nge, and died on the 8 April, 178!>, and lies buried in the Walpole hurying-ground. The son [John) attained the same age, and died at his residence, in .Shrewsbury, Vt., in 18!«.f Only two days atb;r tlu! battle of IJunker's Hill, there arrived at Cambridge, the head f iIk; whole Penobscot trihc," the chief said, if the gri('\!nces mider wliich his people labored we're removcMJ, they would aid with their whole l()rce to deliMul tlie coinilry. Those grievances were briefly stated, and consisted chiefly of trespasses by the wliiteT upon lliei.' titrl !•" * Kilhui-n, during' llic cnffnifoiiipiil, had n dolibcriiti' sliol al a ! '.rg'^ in li '.n, ^vllo^l lit) >ai fiill, and he Ix-licvcd i( was I'liilip himscIC ♦ C'hifdy from llie Cols. N. Hist. Soi: ii. 5.! — J8. m- i' ■ 340 NATANIS.— SABATIS. [Book III Inndfl, cheating them in trade, &c. The committee returned an affenionate address ; and although the groans of the dying, from the late terrible field (if iMittle, were sounding in their ears, they say nothing about engaging the Lidiana in the war, but assured them that " as soon as they could take breath from their present fight," their complaints should receive attention. Some of the Peiiobiscota did eventually engage in the war, but we have no pat aculars of them. We have said before,* upon authority which will generally be received, that JVo/anw and Sabalis were the first Indians employed by the Americana in the revolution, and we see no reason yet to form a different opinion, al- though our attention has been called again to the subject,t and some facts state'l for our consideration, which have elicited further investigations and comparisons, of which the following is the resultf Of a chief named Swau- sen, or Swashan, well known on the borders of New Hamjjshire in the latter French wars, we have before given some noiice ;§ at that time, or about the I" lose of those wars, he retired to St. Francis. When the revolution began, he seems to have decided on taking the part of the Americans ; and with a few followers marched to Kennebeck, and with some of the Norridgewoks ren- dezvoused at Cobbossee, now Gardiner, at the mouth of the Cobbosseeconta River. Over the Norridgewoks, or Pequawkets, or some of both, was a chief, named Paul Higffins, who, though a white man, had lived so long among In- dians, that to all intents he was one of them. He was born at Berwick, but had been taken captive when quite young, and spent most of his days with them. This company set out for Cambridge, the head quarters of General Washington, about the beginning of August, 1775, under the direction of one Reuben Cobunu There were 20 or 30 of them, " and they were rowed down in canoes to ftlerrymeeting Bay by tiieir squaws ; " here they left them, and proceeded to Cambridge on loot, where they arrived about the 13 August.|| They tendered their services to the general, who gave them all the encour- agement he could, consistently, but evidently advised them to remain neu- ti'al.H SwaslMii said half of his tribe was ready to join the Americans, and that four or five other tribes stood ready, if wanted, and that the Canadians were in favor of the Americans also ; and this was the general opinion, and corresponds with accounts given by intelligent settlers on tlie frontiers. They say, " We have had jwsitive accounts from many of the Lidian tribes, who have been ai)plied to J)y Governor Carlcton to distress the settlements • but they say they have no offence fiom the people, and will not make war on them. The French, too, say it is a war of our own raising, and they will have no part in it,"** We hear no more of Swashan. Of AssACAMBUiT, an extended account has been givcn,tt and we should not again recur to him, hut to correct the statement, that " nothing was heard of him fi'om 1708 to the time of his death." We have since found that in 1714, he Wds at Portsmouth, upon a friendly visit with several other Indians. On the 10 May of that year, as the Indians were nhont to leave the place, " the council of N. H. ordered their treasurer to iurnish him and his jompan ions with necessary provisions and liquors to carry them io their severa habitations." * Piige 136, ante, of tliis Book. t III a polite and obliiring inninicr, by Rev. Wm. S. Bartlett, of Little Falls, N. Y t As early as May I'Jtli, 1775, the provir.rial congress of Mas.snchuse ts "Voted, That Captain John Lane iiave enlisting papers delixcred to him, for raising a company of In- dians at the easlwnid." « r- Is. N. H. Soc. ill. 76 7. II l»..j>. communication of Rev. W. S. Bart.-ett. If liotta, i. 228. ** Aliron's Remembrancer, i. 147 — 149. tt Book HI. p. 13!)— 141. ;,< BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA BOOK TV. X^) ' T ::i; ,1 J: <'ig ..>'* BOOK IV. BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN INDIANS. u I wi)' "> to my tent, and lie down in deapair ; I wil. , jint me witli biacic, and will sever my hair ; I will sit on the shore where the harrican* blows, i^^nd reveal to the God of the tempest my woes ; I will weep for a season, on bitterness fed, For my kindred are gone to the mounds of the dead ; But they died not by hunger, or wasting decay : The steel o( the white man hath swept them away," AlfORTMOUI. CHAPTER L Preliminary observations respecting the country of the southern Indians — Wisaink, the first Virginia chief knoicn to the English — Destroys the first colony settled there — Menatonon — Skiko — Ensenore — Second colony abandons -the country — Tobacco first carried to England by them — Curious account of prejudices against it — Granoanemeo — His kindnesses — His family — His death — Powhatan — Boun- daries of his country — Surprises the Payankatanks — Captain Smith fights his people — Opekanlcanough takes Smith prisoner — The particulars of that c^air — He marches him about the country — Takes him, at length, to Powhatan, who condemns him to be put to death — Smith's life saved at the intercession of Pocahontas — Insolence of Powhatan increased by ^femporC s folly — Smith brings him to terms — A croion sent over to him from England — Is crowned emperor — Speech — Uses every stratagem to kill Smith — Is baffled in every attempt — Smith visits him — Speeches — Pocaiiontas again saves Smith and his comrades from being murdered by her father — ToMOCOMO. The difficulty of rightly partitioning between the southern nations and the Iroquois, or Five Nations, can easily he seen by all such as have but very partially taken a survey of them, and considered their wandering habits. Therefore, should we, in this book, not always assign a sachem to his original family or nation, we can only plead in excuse, that we have gone according to our best information. But we have endeavored to draw a kind of natural boundary between the above-mentioned nations, distinguishing those people l)P\ond the Chesapeake and some of its tributaries, as the southern Indians, 1111(1 those between that boundary and the Hudson, by the name Iroquois. To tlicir respective tcmtories inland, we shall not, nor is it necessary to, fix I founds, in our present business. We arc aware that some writers suppose •liiit all the Indians, from the Mississippi to the vicinity of the Hudson, and even to the Connecticut, were originally of the same stock. If this were the case, tlio period is so remote when they spread themselves over the country, that tJM'se great natural divisions had long since caused quite a difference in the inluiliitants which they separated; and hence the propriety of noticing them according to our plan. 344 M'INGINA —SETTLEMENT OF VIRGINIA. [r?ooK IV. II'.', ).«! |'..:i*l It is said tliut tlie territory from the sea-coast to the River Alleghany, and from tlio most soutiiern waters of James River up to Patiixent, in tlie state of fliaryland, was inhabited by three different nations, and that the language of each diffi'red essentially from the others. The English called these nations by tlie unmes Powhatans, Manahoc', and Monacans', these were the Tusciiroras. The Povvhntans were the most powerful, and consisted ot several trii)es, or coinmunities, who possesged the country from the Bea-coa«t to the fails of the rivers.* To give a tolerable catalogiie of the names of the various nations of Virginia, the Caroliiias, and thence to the Mississippi, would far exceed oiir plan. We shall, therefore, pass to notice the chiefs of such of those nations ris are distinguished in history, pointing out, by the way, their localities, and wnulevcr shall appear necessary in way of elucidation, as we pass, and as we have done in the ])receding books. WiNoi.N'A was first known to the English voyagers Amidas and Barlow, who landed in Virginia in the summer of 1584, uj)on an island called, by the Inclians, JVokokon. They saw none of the natives until the third day, when three weic; observed in a canoe. One of them got on shore, and the Englisli went to liini. He showed no signs of feai', "but spoke much to them," then went boldly on board the vessels. After they had given him a shirt, hat, wine, and some meat, "he went away, and in half an hour he had loaded his canoe with fish," which he immediately brought, and gave to the English. Wingina, aX this time, was confined to his cabin from wounds he had lately received in battle, probably in his war with Piamacum, a desperate and bloody chief. Upon the death of Granganemeo, in 1585, Wingina changed his name to Peinissapan. lie never had much faith in the good intentions of the English, ■ind to him was mainly attributed die breaking up of the first colony which settled in Virginia It was upon tne return to England of the Captains Amidas and Barloio, from the couiitiy of Jf^wgina, that Queen Elizabeth, fi-om the wonderful accounts of that fruitful and delightful jdace, named it, out of respect to herselfj Virginia ; she being called the virgin queen, from her living unmar- ried. But, with more honor to her, some have said, "Because it still seemed to retaui the virgin purity and plenty of the first creation, and the people their primitive innocency of life and manners."! Waller referred to this country when he wrote this : — " So sweet the air, so moderate the clime, None sickly lives, or dies before his time. Hcav'n sure has kept this spot of earth uncurst, To show how ail thmgs were created first." Sir Richard Greenvil, stimulated by the love of gain, next intruded himself upon the shores of Wingina. It was he who committed the first outrage upon the natives, which occasioned the breaking up of the colony which he left behind him. He made but one short excursion into the country, during which, by foolishly exposing his commodities, some native took from him a silver cup, to revmge the loss of which, a town was burned. He left 108 men, who seated themselves upon the island of Roanoke. Ralph Lane, a military character of note, was governor, and Captain Philip Amidas, lieutenant- governor of this colony. They made various excm-sions about the coimtry, in hopes of discovering mines of precious metals; in which they were a long time duped by the Indians, for their ill conduct towards them, in compelling them to i)ilot them about. Wingina bore, as well as he coidd, the provoca- tions of the intruders, luitil the death of the old chief Ensenore, his father. Under pn>teiice of honoring his funeral, he assembled 1800 of his p(>ople, with the intention, as the English say, of destroying them. They, therefore, upon the information o£ Skiho, son of the chief Menatonon,| fell U|)on them, and, after killing five or six, the rest made their escape into the woods. This * From a commiiiiicniioii of Secretary Tliompson to Mr. Jefferson, and appended to the Notes on Virginia, ed, of 1801. t Slith, 11. X Smith calls him Uio " lame king of Moratoc.'' Chap. I] WINGINA.— DEATH OF ENSENORE. 345 was done upon the island where IVingina lived, and the English first soiz(>d upon the boats of liis visitants, to prevent their escape from the island, with the intention, no doubt, of murdering them all. Not long after, " fVingina was entrapped by the English, and slain, with eight of his chief men." SIenatonon was king of the Chawonocks, and Okisko of the Weopo- meokea, "a powerful nation, possessing all that country from Albeniarle Sound and Chowan River, quite to the Chesapeakes and our bay."* At tins time, Menatonon was lame, and is mentioned as the most sensible and luider- standing Indian with whom the English were at first acquainted. It was he that made Lane and his followers helieve in the existence of the mine already mentioned. "Socager were they," says Mr. Slith, "and resolutely bent n|)on this golden discovery, that they could not he persuaded to return, as long as they liad one pint of corn a man left, and two mastiff" dogs, vvhieli, bi ing boiled with sassafras leaves, might afford them some sustenance in their way back." After great sufferings, they arrived upon the coast again. The reason why Menatonon deceived the English, was berause they made him a prisoner for the purpose of assisting them in making disrovcries. After he was sot at liberty, he was very kind to them. Two years after, when Governor HTiite was in the country, they mention his wife and child af belonging to Croatun, but nothing of him. Jf'hite and his company landed at Roanoke, 522 July, 1587, and sent 20 men to Croatan, on Point Lookout, with a friendly native called Ma.nteo, to see if any intelligence could be had of a former colony of 50 men left there Ity Sir Richard Greenvil. They learned, from some natives whom they met, that the people of Dassamonpeak, on what is now Alligator River, had attacked them, killed one, and driven the others away, but whither tliey had gone tione could tell. One of their present company, a principal man of tlieir government, had also been killed by the same Indians. Tiiis tribe and several others had agreed to come to Roanoke, and submit themselves to the English ; but not coming according to appointment, gave the English an opportunity to take revenge for former injuries. Therefore, Captain Stafford and 24 men, with Manteo as a guide, set out upon that business. On coming to their village, " where seeing them sit by the fire, we assaulted tJiem. The miserable soules amazed, fled into the reeds, where one was shot through, and we thought to have been fully revenged, but we were deceived, for they were our friends come from Croatan to gather their corn ! " " Being thus disappointed of our purpose, we gathered the fruit. we found ripe, left the rest unspoiled, and took Menatonon, his wife with her child, and the rest with us to Roanoak." f But to return to Wingina. While the English were upon the errand we have been speaking of, Win- fina •pretended to be their friend, but deceived them on every opportunity, y giving notice to his countrymen of their course and purpose, and urging them to cut them off. He thought, at one time, that the English were destroyed, and thereupon scoffed and mocked at such a God as theirs, who would suffer it. This caused his father, UHseno/e, to join their enemies, but on their return he was their friend again. He, and many of his people, now believed, say the voyagers, that "we could do them more hurt being dead, than lining, and that, being an himdred myles from them, shot, and struck them sick to death, and that when we die it is but for a time, then we return again." Many of the chiefs now came and submitted theinselves to the f-ng- lish, and, among others, Ensenore was persuaded again to become their friend, who, when they were in great straits for provisions, came and planted their fields, and made wears in the streams to catch fish, which were of infinite benefit to them. This was in the spring of 1586, and, says Lane, " we not having one corn till the next harvest to sustain us." What added greatly to their distresses, was the death of their excellent friend Ensenore, who died 20th of April following. The Indians began anew their cons])iracies, and the colony availed themselves of the first opportunity of returning to li^nglaiid, * Slith's Virginia, It. By "our baj " is meant Junes River Bau, \ Smith's Hist. Virginia. 1. 346 GRANGANEMEO.— HIS KINDNESS TO THE ENGLISH. [Iook IV vhjch was in the fleet of Sir Francis Drake, which touched there in its way lioni an expedition against the Spaniards in the West Indies.* Tiie conduct of Lane and his company in this fruitless attempt to establish themselves in Virf^inia, was, in the highest degree, reprehensible. They put to death sonif! ot the natives on the most frivolous cnarges, and no wonder they wens driven out of the country, as they ought to have been.f While tlicy w<'ro there, they became acquainted with the use of tobacco, and, taking it to England, its introduction into general use soon rendered it a great article of coinmerce. And here it will not be improper to notice how many different persons have !iad the credit, or, perhaps, I should say discredit, of introducing this " Indian weed" into England ; as. Sir Francis Drake, Sir Waller Ralegh, Ralph Lane, and some others. Now, as some writer observes, the reader may father it upon whom he pleases, as it is evident Sir Francis Drake took Ralph Lane u '■ tobacco both together into England ; and no one will dispute the 'cTicy oi' the gallant knight. Sir Walter Ralegh, for he sent out Lane in his *;() j'l>y Mr. John Josselm, in his "Two Voyages to N. England," has this P"c~nge "Others will nave tobacco to be first brought into England fram i .1 bj S <• r-ancis Drake's marine: s." 'iliere we i • uiy who affected a violent disgust towards the use of tobac- co ; the rnoHt coii,si)icuous was Kin ; James, whose mind seems to have been just weak enough to fight windmill j. He even wrote a book denouncing its 'jse in the severest terms he could c ommand. It grew spontaneously in Win- gandacoa, (Virginia,) and the natives called it Uppowoc. It is generally sup- posed to be called tobacco from the island Tobago, but this derivation is much questioned, t Granganemeo was a chief very favorably spoken of. As soon as the arrival of the English was made known to him, he visited them with about 40 of hia men, who were very civil, and of a remarkably robust and fine api)earance. When they Imrl left their boat, and came upon the shore near the ship, Granganemeo spread a mat and sat do^vn upon it. The English went to him armeil, but he discovered no fear, and invited them to sit down ; after which he performed some tokens of friendship ; tlien making a speech to them, they presented him with some toys. None but four of his people spoke a word, or sat down, but maintained the most perfect silence. On being shown a pewter dish, he was much pleased with it, and purchased it with 20 deer- skins, which were worth, in England, one hundred shillings sterling! ! The dish he used as an ornament, naking a hole through it, and wearing it about his neck. While here, the English entertained him, with his wife and children, on board their ship. His wife had in her ears bracelets of pearl, which reached to lier middle. Shortly after, many of the peo|)le came out of the country to trade, " but when Granganemeo was present, none durst trade but himself, and them that wore red copper on their heads as he did." He was remarkably exact in keeping his promise, " for oft we trusted him, and he would come within his day to keep his word." And these voyagers further report, that " commonly he sent them every day a brace of bucks, conies, liares, and fish, and sometimes melons, walnuts, cucumbers, pease, and divers roots." In their wanderings. Captain Amidas and seven others visited the island of Roauoake, wliere they found the family of Granganemeo living in great com- fort and plenty, in a little town of nine houses. The chief was not at home, " but his wil(3 entertained them with wonderful courtesy and kindness. She made some of her people draw their boat up, to prevent its being injured by tlic beating of the surge ; some she ordered to bring them ashore on their liiicks, and others to carry their oars to the house, for fear of being stole. When they came into the house, she took off" their cloathcs and stockings, and washed them, as likewise their feet in warm water. When their dinner was ready, they were conducted into an inner room, (for there were five in * Relation of Lane, printed in Smith's Virginia. t Herriot'.i Obsorvniioiis, (one of Lane's company,) printed 'n Smitli. X Stith's Hisl. Virginia, 19.— See Book ii. Cliap. ii. wt^ VLLN ^ rttifwur i*'iil MG GRANGANEMEO.— HIS KINDNESS TO THE ENGLISH. [1 ook IV • " 'Ml UfUlllhl V, I :■■■ . •■.[.. I 1.;' I.nnr .tiul liix tlichi!' \\> - .11 Vir;:iiiia, 'VW. ■' to il> Kill s«)iiif lit" ihi! imt>- fiiv;^ v\i:ic (Irivi'li ou.t ol' ' tin y H>'r»' ilicri', tliey >»< ■ it it> Liij^liiiiil, iih iriti'"''! Ill riililllll'JTO. A"'! ]» : '(Ills lin> '" li;i. . 'I'i.s •• lti uhi) aflertei! • i'iill>il>i«'tMi:»l \^tk* K III -I I!. It. .illM'll '"li. iliita,; .i:..l ,.,. II I. ,ii'f 1 '■.. J ., 'Ji fniJtlfl.-H Utti /?|J 1 ti> . ■utmr, ri'i)!-t:li('ii!jiulc. 'I M' ■ •Vunli.ii.i ( liurgcs, and i>o ^\ ; ■ rl.y 0\>g]\t to llJlVt; Ix-fll. t W i((i tin: use ot toliai.co, nnii. rnkii..; • iI>«'r to noiiiii liow iii.-ii._^ P.f/Tj/M ))iike, "^ir }f':iUtr iiol'tc'-, ; oIa-it* ■ •, tlic rcutli'i in i» "^Vfiti/n'f />/(/t. took Jtaiiifi : <■ A{\\ (lir^puto til • • i.nf /.(.. - in Ilia ■■f\,'- hlii 'b\6 • -If'-mid 111 '■! '.i« of fill .. ■ lnni' U'l-n '■'■: ■■•. •:■..'. :; i/- v-ii i;* ji'iil.K-il;^' its ..itin.l. it gic»vsptii;tnn<'Ousl\ itiUin- nllcfl it f'l'jioiruc. Il Is ^'cntrally sup- »jmf.. ti ;ii (If iv.lltul it){>ii(<'o iVuin t]iu islajul Too ji-, but i!»is (i* rivuiiui! is inu--), (.'aruii«'t'» Wiicfi tln^y hoil l"ft llt»»ir f«-iBt. oii'l '•n'lio lipr.ri tl'fi ^iiorf ueur thf sliip, (Irnnifaiifmrn tsy.rfiui << •■ r '■ ''' ■ ' "■ ' '•• U^UIIul, 1)1 If ll!' iiir.f', iio ,icr('!- . , . ! witji It, (un^ { '1 • . ill) . ► .itii-', *M»i»:. v.i^rv V'.-'ij, 111 i.i iriand, oil"' )iuiictr*;>( hJii'-h: ',-- M«-r'uit'! ; I'lm '5i;«li if u.;li^l^ enn I. til d J.iiii, with iiis .vilu aiifl ctiiMnii, '111 bo. nl tin ir ^hip. Hi^ \vi*i; htul lu iier vr-* bracelets of jn arl, w Ir II rt'ii'-iii^il to h»;r mitiillf. i"'liiirtly alb.r, lufiuy of lii- iieoplo fniiio oiii <•' ihi' loiuiiiv (I) tniilif, "but whcu '/'r.;«4ru«emfo wns |i:-fM'!,i. none durst tnut<; l;iit liiiii.H.ir. rii;-! !li-rv. tbof w (.'••; rii I r •■■I'lfi lii^ I. .11 '1 liw', " * irusied liiiii, aid -. ..• ■rd." • ■,.!:;. r5 I'lirtl.fr •. V flHJ ■•> i OiClji'S. lUN, ii;':ij!i; i \r|-b '. .:• ' -nd <., • iluctcd into :ii; mv.<^: ■ • were tivo m sufgc ; ist'im: slir urdt r >'.:i'H U> eari'V . - o oriry ro nir" into tlio ii. :^ , si'c ; • i I i/.v:. prir.U iLi. >V«i Aunt's con. ,>;»«),) pri:;' M-i. Vlr/jic'S, I'.'- —J^'e Itook ii. CIiajj ii. .vnitt. ^^ •^i ,<' fe r/) -N /(nvhftfrtr, e 'II, (fill vt'r/i' ^s-ix.^ ( llatonj(S "<\ yieuee/ut, a(iiu//(fr to the rinr/fity ^//•irirc^ yow/iitfan I'jWp^rnur of ^litiinoiif^',>'/\rinonrl! his vtrain/f/ 'rtfit iiiirf hiintirf-tu in f/ii' I r/vistntn /f/ttj , and I'l/IVff HI Chap. I] DKATII OF MANTEO— POWHATAN. 347 the hoiiHO, the i)lace where his men had just been killed, where there was a fire. They now showed him kindnesa. Chap. 1.] POWHATAN.— SMITH'S CAPTIVITY. 349 rubl)ing liis benumbed liml)s, and warming him by the fire. ITo a.sked for their chief, and Opekankanoup^h ai)peared, to whom lie gave a small coiiipass, Tiiis amused them excecthngly. "Mncii tliey marvelled at the |)Iayinjr of the fly and needle, which they could see so plainly, and yet not touch it, hecause of the gliiss that covered them. ]hit when he demonstrated, by that glohc-like inwei>, the roundnesse of the earth, and skies, the spheare of the sunne, and niooiie, and starre.s, and how the sinnie did chase the night round aliout the world, continually — the greatnes.se of the land and sea, the divci"sity of the nations, varietie of complexions, and how wc were to them antipodes, and many other such like matters, they all stood as amazed with admiration!' Yet, notwithstanding he had sucli success in explaining to them his knowledge of geograi)hy and astronomy, (how much of it they understood we will not mulertake to say,) within an liour aller, they tied him to a tree, and a nultitude of them seemed prepared »o shoot him. But when their bows \\<-rc bent, Opckankanongh hekl up his comita.ss, and they all laid down their weapons. They now led him to Orai)akas, or Orakakes, a temporary seat of Powhatan, on the north side of Chikahominy swamp, in what is now Gloucester county on York river.* Here they feasted him, and treated him w.ll. When they marched him, they drew themselves up in a row, with their chief in the midst, before whom the guns and swords they had taken from the Englisli were Ijorne. Sinilii came next, led by three great men hold of each arm, ani' on each side six more, with tlieir arrows notched, and ready, if he siiould attem])t to escajie. At the town, they danced and Rung about him, and then put him into a large house, or wigwam. Here they kept him so well, that he thought they W(!re fatting him to kill and eat. They took him to a sick man to cure him ; but he told them he coidd not, uidcss they would let him go to .Jamestown, and g(!t something with which he could do it. This they would not consent to. The taking of .Jamestown was now resolved upon, and they made great preparations for it. To this end, they endeavored to get Smilh^s assistance, by making large; promises of land and women ; but he told them it coukl not be done, and .iescribod to them the great difticulty of the undertaking in such a manner that they were greatly terrilied. With the idea of procm-ing some- thing curious, Smith [)revailed upon some of them to go to Jamestown ; which join-ney they performed in the most severe frosty and snowy weather. IJy this means, he gave the peojile there to understand what his situation was, and what was intended against them, bj' sending a leaf from his pocket-book, w itii »( few words written upon it. He wrote, also, for a few articles to he sent, which were duly brought by the messenger;. Nothing had caused such astonishment as their bringing the very articles Smith had promised them. That he could talk to his friends, at so great a distance, was utterly hicompre- hensible to them. Being obliged to give up the idea of destroying Jamestown, they anuised themse'vcs by taking their captive from ])lace to |)lace, in great ])oiu}> and triumph, and showing him to the difierent nations of the dominions of Poic- hnlan. They took him to Youghlamnmd, since called Pamunhcy River, the country ovc" which Oiiekavkunoiif^h was chief, whose j)rinci|ial residence was where the town ot I'annmkey since was ; thence to the Mattaponies, I'iaukatanks, the Naiitaiightacimds, on l{appahanock, the Nominics, on the I'atowniack Ilivm* ; thence, in a circuitous course, through several other nations, back again to the resi(len(!e of Opekankanough. Here they laaciised coujurations upon him for three successive days; to ascertain, as tiiey .said, whether he iiuendi'd them good or evil. This ])roves they viewed him as a kind of god. A bag of gunpowder having fidlen into their hands tln'y pre- served it with great care, thinking it to he a grain, intending, in the spring, to phmt it, as they did corn. He was here again fea.sted, and none could eat until he had done. Bering now satisfied, having gone through all the mancenvres and pranks with him they could think of, tlusy i)roceeded to Powhatan. "Here more than 200 of those grim courtiers stood wondcu'ing at him, as he had bei^n a monster, 30 liancro/t'n Ilisl. U. Slates, i. lUi, 3o0 l»OCAlIONTAS SAV1.S THE LIPK OF SMITH. [Book IV till Powhalan aiici liis trayne had put themselves in their greatest braveries. He was Siutcd hcfore a fire, upon a seat like a bedstead, having on a robe of raccoon nkins, " iind all the tayles hanging by.*' On each side of him sat a yonnjj; woiiiiin ; and n])on each side of the house two rows of men, and with as niiiiiy women behind them. These last had their lieads and shouldei'S painted red — some of whose heads were adonied with white down ; and aboui their necks white beads. On Smith's being brought into (he presence of Poivhntan, all present joined in a great shout. "The queen of Apamatuck was a|)|)oint(;d to l)ring him water to wash his hands, and another brought him a bunch of fenthere, inslmnd of a towel, to dry them." Then, having feasted him again, "ailcr their best barbarous manner they could, a long consultation was lield, but the conclusion was, two great stones were brouglit before Powhalan — tiicn as many as could lay hands on him, dragged him to them and thereon laid his head, and being ready, with their clubs, to beat out his brains, Poca- hontas, iho king's dearest daughter, when no entreaty could prevail, got his head in her amies, and laid her own upon his, to save him from death." Powhalan was unable to resist the extraordinary solicitations and sympathetic entreaties of his kind-hearted little daughter, and thus was saved the life of Captain Smith ; a character, who, without this astonisliing deliverance, was sufficiently renowned for escapes and adventures. The old snchem, having set the sentence of death aside, made up his mind to employ Smith as an artisan ; to make, for himself, robes, shoes, bows, arrows, and pots ; and, for Pocahontas, bells, beads, and copper trinkets. Poivhatari's son, named N'antaquaus, was very friendly to Smith, and rendered him many important services, as well after as during his captivity. "Two days after, Powhatan, having disguised himself in the most fearfullcst manner he could, caused Captain Srmth to be brought forth to a great house in the woods, and there, upon a mat by the fire, to be left alone. Not long after, from bchinde a mat that divided the house, was made the most dolefuliest noyse he ever heard ; then Powhatan, more like a Devill tlian a man, with some 200 more, as black as himselfe, came unto him, and told him, now they were friends ; and presently he should go to Jamestowne, to send him two great gmuies, and a gi7ndestonc, for which he would give him the countiy of Capahowosick [Capahowsick], and forever esteem him his sonne, JVantuquond, So to Jamestowne, with 12 guides, Powhatan sent him. That night they quartered in the woods, he still ex. acting, (as he had done all this long time of his imprisonment,) eveiy hour to oe i)ut to one death or another." Early the next nioniing, they came to tiie fort at Jamestown. Here ho treated hi.-; guides with the greatest attention and kindness, and ofiered Rawhunt, in a jesting manner, and for the sake of a little sport, a huge mill-stone, and two deiiii-ciilverins, or nine pound cannons, to take to Powhatan, his master ; thus fitljillins his engagement to sejid him a grindstone and two guns. This Rawhunt was a sachem under Powhatan, and one of his most faithful captains, and who, it seems, accompanied Smith in his return out of captivity. "They found them somewhat too heavie, but when they did see him dis- charge them, being loaded with stones, among the boughs of « great tree loaded with isickles, the yce and branches came so tumbling down, that the |)nt)ie salvages ran away half dead with fear. But, at last, we regahied some coiil'ercnce with them, and gave them such toyes, and sent to Powhatan, his women, and children, such pi-esents, and gave them in generall full content." * Powhatan was now completely in the I'higlisli interest, and almost every other (lay sent his daughter, Pocahontas, with victuals, to Jamestown, of which riey were greatly in need. Smith had told Potvhatan that a great chief, which was Captain Kcwport, would arrive from England about that time, which coming to pass as he had said, greatly increased his admiration of tlie wisdom )f the I'liglish, and h(^ was ready to do as tliey desired in every thing, and, out for llie vanity and ostentation of JVewjwrt, matt(^i's would have gone on well, and trade flourished greatly to their advantage. Ihit he lavished so many pn^senls upon Powhatan, that he was in no way inclined to trade, and soon * This is ('ii|iliiin Smitli's own iircoiiiit, wliirli I simll follow iiiiiiutt'ly ; adding occasioiiallj from t^lilli, lo iiliistrale tlie geograpliy of llio coMnlr_)'. Chap. I.] POWH A 1 AN.— NEWPORT S FOLLY. 361 began to slinw Iiis liiiiif!;litinos.i, by demanding five times tlio value 'ifan iirticlf, or his r()iitoiii[)t for what was ofli-red. By JVcwporfs iniprndcnce and folly, what liad rost Smith so fiiiifh tdil ;iiid pains to acliiove, was blown away l)y a single breath of vanity. Ntvcitliclcss, Ilia great iriind, continually exereiscd ih difficult mattei-s, l)r()uglit l'ii> siihile chief again to 'is own tcsrins. Himself, with JVewport, inu\ about tiO others, went to Poioliatan^s residence to trade with him. " VVlierojn Powhatan inrrird himself so proudly, yet discreetly, (in his salvage uianner,) as made us ail to admire his natural gifts." He pretended that it was far beneath his dignity to trcuie as his men did. Thus his cratl to obtain from J\''ewpnrt his goods tiir whatever he plctiaed to give in rctiu-n. Smith sjiw through Powhutan''3 ( iiifr, and told JVeinport how it would turn out, but Ix-ing determined to show liiin- self as dignified as the Indian chii'f, repeuted of his folly, lik obtained twenty liogsheads. Tliis transaction created some hard thoughts between Smith and JVtivport, If it add to raise Poichatan in our admiration, it can detract nothing fl-om the character of iSmiV^, to say, that he was as wily as the great Iiwlian chief. For, with a few blue beads, which 'le pretended that he had shown him only by accident, and which be would hardly |)(u-t with, as he prerended, because diey were of great j)rice, and worn oidy by great kings, he completely got his (-nd, at this time, answered. Tantali/ation had the desired effect, and Powhatan was so infatuated with the lin-e, that he was almost beside himscdf, and was ready to give all he had to possess them. " So that, ere we tiepaited," says my relation, " for a pound or two of blew beades, he brought over my king fi/r )i or 300 btishells of corne." An English boy was lefl with Powhatan, by Ca|)tain JVcwporl, to learn the language, maimers, customs and geogra|)by of his country ; and, in return, Powhatan gave him JVamontack, one of his servants, of a shrewd luid subtle cajiacity, whom he afterwards carried to England. Powhatan hecauK! olli'iided with Cajjtain Smith, when JVewport li'fl the con: ry, in JfiOH ; at whose depart- ure he sent him 20 turkeys, and denifiiuied, in return, 20 sword.s, which were grant(!d. Shortly after, he sent the same number to Smith, expecting the like return ; but, being disn|)pointcd, ordered his men to seize the iMiglish wher- ever th(W could find them. This caused ditH(;idty — niimy of the English being rolbed of their swords, in the vicinity of their forts, 'fhey contiinied their depredations until Smith surprised a mimber of them, from whom he learnc' that Powhatan was endeavoring to get all the arms in his power, to bo able to massacre the English. When he found that his |)lot was discovered, lie si'iit Pocahontas, with i)resents, to excuse himself^ and pretended that the mischief was done by some of his ungovernable chiefs. He directed her to endeavor to effect the release of liis men that wen; prisoners, which Smith consented to, wholly, as he pretended, on Iter account; and tlivs penct; was restored, which had been continually interrupted for a co;..-i,l"i.d)le tiuie before. On the 10th of Septend)er, KiOB, Smith was elected goveri/or of Virginia. jYcwport, going ofttsn to England, had a large share in direct!. ig the afliiiis of the cdioiiy, from bis interest with the proprietors. He arrived about this time, iuul, among other baubles, brought over a crown for Powhatan, with direeiioiis for his coronation ; which bad the ill effect to make him value himself more than ever. JVttiyporl was instructed to discover the country of the MonacaJis, a niition with .vhom Pcwhalan was at war, and whom they would aygist him against, if be would aid in the business. Cajitain Smith was sent to him to invite him to Jiunestown to receive presents, and to trade for corn. On luriv- ing at Werowocomocn, and delivering his mi'ssag(! to the old chief", be rejilied, " if your king have sent me presents, I aliio am u king, and this is my land. 1-"' •t 352 POWHATAN.— ORDERS THE DEATH OF SMITH. [Book ,'V. l]ii;lit (lays I will stay to receive them. Your father [meaning A" y^;, I] 'is «>:) rotno to nie, not I to him, nor yet to your fort — neither wi". I bif^ »i! puc)i a bate. As for the Monacans, I can revenge my own injuries; an J as f( r Jlt- quanachuck, where you say yoiu" brother was slain, it is a contrary way from tiio.se jmrts you suppose it ; but, for any salt water beyond the mountains, the relations you have iuul ii*om my people are false." Some of tlie hidianB had made the Enghsh believe that the South Sea, now called the Pacific Ocean, \vas but a short distance back. To show Smilli the absurdity of the stoiy, ho drew a map of the country, upon the grouuil Smith returned as wise as lie >\ t nt. A house was built for Poic/ffl/an, about tliis lime, by some Germans, who ■ ime over with JVewport. These men, thinking that tlio I'iUglish could not subsist in the coiuitry, wantonly betniyedalltlic serr.-ts of tlieir condition to Powhukm, which w.ts again the source of much trouble. They even urged him to put till the English to death, agreeing to live; with him, and assist him in the exe- cution of the horrible i)roject. Powhatan was plea.sed at the proposition, and thought, by their assistance, to effect what lie had formerly hoped to (lo liy engaging Smith in such an enterj)rise. Their first object was to kill Captain Smith ; by which act, the chief obstacle lo success would be removed ; and, accordingly, they took every means in their jjowci to cfft'ct it In the first place, he invited him to come and trade Ibr corn, hoping an oppoilunity, in that busine.'^s, would offer. That his design might not be mis- trusted, Powhatan promised to load his ship with corn, if he would liring him a grindstore, .TO sword.s, some nuisket.s, a cock and a hen, and i quantity of copper and beads. Smith went accordingly, but guarded, as though sure of meeting an enemy. In their way, the English stopped at Warrasqiieake, and wee informed, by the .sachem of that place, of Powhatan's intentions. That sac'uM. kindly entertained them, and, when they departed, fm-nished them with giiidcs. On account of extreme bid weather, they were obliged to soend near a week at Kic(piotan. This obliged them to keep their Christinas among the Indians, and, according to our authorities, a merry Christmas it was ; having been " never more merry in their lives, lodged by better fires, or ted with greater jilenty of good bread, oysters, fish, ffesh, and wild fowl." Having arrived at Werowocomoco, after much hardship, they ftcnt to Pow- Imtan lor provisions, being in great want, not having taken bi;t three or (bur days' supj)ly along with liiem. The old chief sent them immediately a supply of bread, turkeys, and ve dson, and soon after made a feast for them, accord- iUp. to custom. Meanwhile, Powhatan pretend. ,!i ' p, had not sent for the English ; telling them he had no corn, "iuid hi,-; jiiofie much less,"* and, therefore, intimated tiiat he wished they would go fli' j.'.'.in. But Smith ])ro(luced the messenger that he had sent, and so confronted him ; Powliatan then laughed heartily, and thus it passed lor a joke. He then asked for their conunodities, " but he liketl nothing, excei)t guns and swords, lUid valued a basket of corn higher than a basket of copper ; saying, he cotild rate his corn, but not the copper." Ca|)tain Smith then made a speech to him, in which he endeavored to work u|)on his feelings and sense of honor ; said he had sent his men to build him a house while his own was mgiected ; that, because of his promising to liup- ply him with corn, he had neglect(;d to sujjply himstlf with i)rovisions when he might have done it. Finally, Smith reproached him of divers negligences, dt'ce])tions, and jirevarications ; but the main cause of Powhatan''s refusing to trade seems to have betiu because the English did not bring the articles le most wanted, \\ hen Smith had done, Powhatan answered him as follows: — "We have but little corn, but what we can spare shall be l)rought i.vvo days hence. As to your coming here, 1 have some doubt about thi^ reason of it. I am told, by my men, that you came, not to trade, but to invade my peojile, and to jjossess my country. This makes me less ready to relieve you, and frightens my * Tlio PMiIci iii:\y wi-iultT how (Ills could be, but it is ao in llic old history, by Stitli, 8(5. Chap. I.] POWHATAN -HIS SPEECHjS. ItfMiole irom brinting iti tlieir corn. And, therefore, to relieve tlieni of iiia< I'e.ai, leave j iiir iiriiis aboard your bni ts, since they are needless here, wliint we are all friends, and forever Powliutans." In these, and other speeches of like amount, they spent the first dny. " Mil J vvliilst they expected the coming in of the country, they wraufrlcd Powhatmi out of 80 bushels of corn, for a copper kettle; which the president sieiii;' him much affect, [value,] he told him it was of much greater value ; yet, in regard of his scarcity, he would accept that quantity at present ; jjrovided ho should have as nnieh more the next year, or the IManakin country," were tiiat condition not complied with. This transaction will efpial any thing of the kind in the histniy of New England, but wo will let>ve the reader to make his own comment. At the same rime, Powhatan made another speech, in which were soint! very singular passages, as reported by Sniiih, One was, that he hail seen tlie death of all his people three times ; and that none of those thr'-e generations was then living, exee|)t himself. This was evidently only to make the Kng- lish think him something more than human. The old chief then went on and said, "lam now grown old, and must soon d'e ; and the succession must de- scend, in order, to my brothers, Opilchapan, Opekankanouly your wants, if you will come in a friendly manner, and not with swords and guns, as to invade an enemy, I am not so simple, as not to know It is better to eat good meat, lie well, and sleep quietly with my women and eliililren ; to laugh and be merry with the English ; and, being their friend, to have copper, hatchets, and whatever else I want, than to lly iiom all, to lie cold in the woods, feed upon acorns, roots, and such trash, and to be so hunted, that I cannot rest, eat, or sleef). In such circumstances, my nu.a must watch, and if a twig should but break, all would cry out, ^ Here comes Capt. Smith;* and so, in this miserable maimer, to end my miseral)le life; and, Capt. Smith, this mi^ht be soon your fate too, through your rasl ^ss tiiKi iinadvisedness. I, therefore, exhort yoii to peaceable councils; and,.'' )Ve :'.M, I insist that the guns and swords, the cause of all our jealousy and n> c -..ics.s, be removed and sent away." Smith interpreted this speech to mean directly contrary to ^vhat 1 \;M'essed, and it rather contirmcd, than lessened, his former suspirions. He, lioweve;, made a speech to Powhatan, in his turn, in which he endeavored to '■t uvineo him that the English intended him no hurt; nriiing, that, if they li.ui, bo;v easily they might have eifected it long before; and that, as to their p rishi i;.j with want, he would have him to understand that the English hir.' vays to supply themselves indinown to the Indians; that as to his sending awa_\ tlie arms, there was no reason in that, since the Indians were always allowed to bring theirs to Jamestown, and to kecj) them in their li'Uids. Seciiiig .S'mii'Vs inflexibility, and des|)airing of accomi)liBhing his intended masbacre, he spoke again to Smith as follows: — "Capt. S:iiith, I never use any worowanee so kindly as yourself; yet f i:ri you I receive the least kindness of any, (^apt. J\''ewport gave me swords, tip- per, clothes, or whatever else I desired, ever acce|)ting what I oflereil I ii" • and would send away bis guns when n-quested. No one refuses to lit- (it my feet, or do what I demand, but you only. Of you I can have nothliig, but what you value not ; and yet, yon will have whatsoever you pleus(>, Capt. jVewport you call fiither, and so you call me; but I see. in spite of us both, you will do what you will, and we must both study to humor and content you. But if you intend so friendly, as you say, send away your arms ; for yon sew 30 Calaimugli, IblUli, 1 W' 4^ 354 POWHATAN.— HIS INSTRUCTIONS TO TOMOCOMO. [Book IV. my iiiidesigning simplicity and friendship cause me thus nakedly to forget myself." Smith now was out of all patience, seeing Powhatan only trifled away the time, that he might, by some means, accomplish his design. The boats of llio English were kept at a distance from the shore, by reason of ice Smith, therefore, resorted to deception ; he got the Indians to break the ice, that his men might come in and take on board the corn they had bought, and, at the same time, gave orders to tliem to seize Powhatan ; Smith, in the mean time, was to amuse him with false promises. But Smithes talk was too full of flattci-y not to bo seen through by the sagacious sachem ; and, before it was too Ir.te, he conveyed himself, his women, children, and effects, into the woods; having succeeded in his deception better than Smith; for two or three squaws amused him while Poivhatan and the rest escaped. Unwilling, liowever, to renounce his purjiose, Powhatan sent Smith, soon after, a valuable l)racelet, as a present, by an old orator of his, who tried to excuse the conduct of his sachem ; he said Powhatan ran off because he Avas afraid of the liUg- lish uriiis, and said, if tlioy could be laid aside, he would come with his peo- ple, and briiif corn in abundance. At length, finding all artifices -iain, Pow- hatan resolved to fall upon the English, in th(!ir cabins, on the following night. J}ut here, again, Pocahontas saved the life of Smith and his attendants. She came alone, in a dismal night, through the wooils, and informed Smith of her father's design. For this most signal favor, he ofliered her such articles as ho tlioi gilt would please her; but she would accept of nothing, and, with tears standing in her eyes, saiil if her father should see her with any thing, he would mistrust what she had done, and instant death would be her reward ; and sin- retired by herself into the woods, as she came. Powhatan was so exasperated at the failure of his plots, that he threatened death to his men if they did not kill Smith by some means or other. Not long alter, a circumstan(;e occurred, which gave him security the rest of his administration. One of Powhatan's men, having, by some means, got a quantity of powder, pretended that he could manage it like the English. Several came about him, to witn /^s his exploits with the strange commodity, when, by some means, it took fire, "and blew him, with one or two more, to death." This struck such a dread into the Indians, and so amazed and ti ightcned Powhatan, that his people came from all directions, and desired peace;* many of whom returned stolen articles that the English had never belbre missed. Powhatan would now send to Jamestown such of his men as had injured the Eiiglish, that they might be dealt with as they deserved. The same year, 1609, he sent them nearly half his crop of corn, knowing then; to be in great want. Captain Smith, having, by accident, been shockingly burned by his powder- bags taking fire, for want of surgical aid, Avas obliged to leave the country and go to England, from whence he never returned. He published the account of the first voyages to Vu'ginia, and his own adventures, which is al"ost the only authority for the early history of that country. lie died in London, in l(i;i],f in the 52d year of his age. The l)utchn)on of whom we have spoken, and who had been so assiduous to bring ruin upon the colony, came to a miserable end. One of them died '»■ \,j;"tchedness, and two others had then" brains beat out by oi-der of Powha- tan. ?i r their decej)tion. Afii ) Smith had left Virginia, the Indians were made to believe that he was dead, rowhatan doubted the report, and, some time after, ordered one of his cO'inseJ!•> he soon gave up tlint biisiiirss. And, wlien lie rpliimed to his own cc initry, his chief usked him, uiiiong otiicr things, to give him an account of* tiic nnm- ber of the inhohitants in Kngland. liiw answer to tliat inquiry, we iiaziu'd nut niucli in .saying, is nearly as ext<'nsively known as the golden rule of Confu cius. It w'lxa as h)llows: " Count the slurs in the ski/, the leaves on the trees, and the sand upon the sea-shore,— for such is the number of the people of Ens^land." ToMOCOMO had married a sister of Pocahov.tas, and, probably, accompanied her to England.* While there, the famous antiquary, Samufl Purrhas, had an interview with him, and from whom he colle(;ted many facts relating to the mannei-s and customs of his countrymen ; the result of ■which he atler- wards published (i his Pilgrims, f The difficulties were almost perpetual between Potchatan and the English very little time passed, while he lived, hut what was full of broils and di.s.satis- luction, on the one part or the other. Few Indian chiefs have iidlen under our notice, possessing such extraordinary characteristics as Powhatan. He died at peace with the Eng.ish, in April, 1018, and was succeeded by Opitcha- van, his second hrother, who wa.s known afterwards by the name Ilopntin. Our readers will be com()clled to acknowledge that Captain Smith was barbarous enough towards the Indians, but W(! have not met with any thing quite so hoiTiiile, in the coin-se of his proceedings, as was exhibited by his successor. Lord De La iVar. This gentleman, instead of taking a mean course between tli'; practices of Smith and jVewport, went into the worst extreme. Finding Powhatan insolent, on his arrival in the country, he determined, by severity, to bring him to unconditional .submission. Having, therefore, got into his hands an Indian prisoner, his lordship caused his i-ight hand to be cut off. In this maimed and horrid condition, ho sent him to Powhatan ; at the same time giving the sachem to understand, that all his subjects would be served in this manner, if he refused obedience any longer; telling him, also, that all the corn in the cotmtry should be immediately destroyed, which was just then ripe. J: This wretched act increased, as reasonably it should, the indignation of Powhatan, and his acts were governed accordingly. 9ei0e CHAPTER n. Reflection vpnn the charncter of Powhatan — Pocahontas — She singnhirhj entertains Captain Smith — Disaster of a boat's crew — Smith's attempt to surprise Poir/iatan frustrated in consequence — Pocahontas saves the life of IViiffin — littraijed into the hands of the English — Japazavs — Mr. liolfc marries Pocahontas — Opachisco — Pocaliontas visits England — Her intcrv.cin with Smith — Dies at Gravesend — ITtr son — OpEKANKANouGH — Made prisoner bij Snith — Is set at libertij — Nkmattanow — Murders an Englishvuin — Is mvrdcred 171 his turn — His singular conduct at his death — Conducts tlie massacre of lt>!Uiii;'' no6 POCAHONTAS— SAVES THE LIFE OF A CAPTIVE. [IJook IX rcprosmted, we shall finil the same faults set Ijiin as examples by the Eiij;lisli thcnisclves. The first and most mcmoral)le events in the lifi; of Pocahontas have neces- sarily been dftailud in the aecoiint of her (iitlipr; tlierelore we shall, under her own iiniiif, f(iv(! those wliieh are more disi-oimectcd with his. PO( 'AllONTAS was born about the year ]5!)4 or 5, and henee was no more than 12 or 13 yeai-s old when she saved the lifJ; of Captain Smith, in ](>07. Mnc ry jiartirnlar of that most extraordinary scene has been exhibited. The name Pocohiintcs or Pockohi'mtes, says Hccli^welder, means a run between two hills. It has been nuintioned, that, at the sugfj^stion of Captain JVewport, Smith went with a few men to Werowocomoeo, to invite Powhatan to Jamestown to rec(!ive presents, hoj'ing thereby to influence him to open a trade in corn witli them. When ho arrived at that place, Powhatan was not at home, but was at the distance of 30 niili^s off. Pocahontas and her women received him, and while li(! waited for her father, they thus entertained him: — " In a fayre j)laine field, (says Smith,) they made a tire, before which, he sitting upon a mat, suddaiidy amongst the Avoods was heard such a hydeous noise and shrecking, that the English bctookc themselves to their arms, and seized on two or three old men by them, sn|)posing Powhatan, with all his ])ower, was come to sur|)rise tln;m. Ihit [)resently Pocahontas came, willing him to kill her if any hurt were; intended ; and the behelders, which were men, women and children, satisfied the captain there was no such matter. Then presently they were jtresented with this anticke ; 30 young women came naked out of the woods, onely covered behind and before with a few greene len-ies, their bodies all painted, some of one color, some of another, but all differing. Their leader liad a fayre ])ayre of buck's homes on her head, and an otter-skiime at her girdle, and another at her arme, a quiver of arrowes at her backe, a bow and arrows in her hand. The next had in her hand a sword, and another a club, another a pot-stieke, all horned alike ; the rest every one with their seuerall devises. These fiends, with most liellish shouts and cryes, rushing from among the trees, cast themselves in a ring about the fire, singing and dancing with most excellent ill varietie, oil falling into their infernall jiassions, ami soieuudy again to sing and daunce. Having spent neare an hourc in this mascarado, as they entred, in like manner they departed." After a short lime, they came and took the English to their >\igwams. Here they were more tormented than before, "Avith crowding, pressing, hanging about them, mot teiiionsly crying, 'Love you not me? love you not me ?' " When they had finished their caresses, they set before them the best victuals their country utlbrded, and then showed them to their lodgings. While Captain Smith was upon an expedition into the country, with an intention of surprising Powhatan, there happened a mi^lancholy accident at home, to a boat's crew, which had been sent out in very severe weather, by one who was impatient to have the direction of mattci's. In the boat were Captain ff'aldo. Master Scrivener, the projector of the expedition, Mr. .finthonr) GosnfAd, brother of the well-known Bartholomew Gosnold,* and eight others. Uy the sinking of the boat, these all perished, and none knew what had become of them, until their bodies were found by the Indians. The very men on whom Smith depended to remain at the fort for liis succor, in ease he sent for them, were among the number. Therefore, to prevent the failure of this expedition, somebody nnist be sent to apprize Smith of the catastrophe. None volunteered for the hazardous service, but IMr. Richard lf)lffin, who was obliged to undertake it alone. This was a time when PowluUan was very insoK'nt, and urged daily the killing of Smith upon his men. Nevertheless, after many difliculties, he arrived at Werowocomoeo. Here he found himself amidst prej)arations for war, and in still greater danger than he had yet been. Ihit Pocahontas appeared as his savior. Knowing the iiiteniion of the war- riors to kill him, she first secreted him in the woods, and then directed those who sought him in an opposite direction from that he had gone ; so, by this * Who had miserably pt'rishcd by disease and famine at Jamestown, 2i Aufj., 1G07 Sea Bancroft, U. Stales, i. 114. riiu'. II.] POCAHONTAS.— nCTRAYED TO THC ENGLISH. 357 means, Iio osrapod, and got safe to Smith at Paniunkcy. Tins was in the WilitiT of 1(.0!». \\v next licar of her saving the life of Ihnrjj Spilmmi, who was one of [il tliiit went to trade, upon the confidence of Powliutan, but who wen; nil, cxrejtt Spilman, killed l>y liis people. Such was the wretched state to wliich the colony of Virginia was now reduced, that scarce a jmrallel in the ainiais of the world can Ur found. Ao sooner had Smith left the countrj', but all was in confusion. OtKcers spent their time in riotings, while the niiMi seem to have taken no ni(;ans for delence or preservation ; so that the Indians made constant spoil upon their domestic animals, and whatever else had been provided for their snpjiort. Insonnich, that whi'n Ca()tain Smith had been gone six months, the colony was reduced from above 500 to almut GO persons. Herbs and roots were eaten to sustain life, in the early |)art of their (listresses ; but as the famine increased, the skins of liorses were eagerly devoured, and an Indian, who had been some time dead, was di.-iinterred and eaten by these miserable creatures. Iri one instance, a wretched man killed his own wife, and preserved the body by salt, which enormity was not discovered liiitil it had been chiefly devoured.* It was dining this soasf)n of horror that Captain Ratdiff went out with 30 men, who were fre|»amied as we have related. This was in the begiiming of the year KilO. Spitmiin lived many j-ears afterwaj'ds among the Patowamack Indians, by the cart; of Porahnntas.f l''rom HM\ the time Smith left tlie country, nntil IGll, PocaJiontas was not seen at Jamestown. In the latter year, she was trt.'acherously taken prisoner by Captjiiu ./Jr^ifj/, and kept by the English to j)revent Powhatan from doing them injury, tnid to e.vtort a great ransom from him, and such terms of peace as tiiey should dictate. At the time she was betrayi'd into the hanlr<'cially as she thought herself, and very justly, no doid)t, too slightly noticed by him, which caused her much grief. Owing to the barbarous nonsense of the times. Smith did not wish her to call him father, being afraid of giving ott'ence to royalty, by as,suming to be the father of a king's daughter. Yet he did not intend any cause of offence, and did all in his power to make her Iia|)py. At their first interview, affer remaining silent some time, she said to him, " You promised my father, that what was yours shmtld be his ; and that you and he tcould be all one. liein^ a stranger in our country, you called Powhatan ya//ier; and I. for the same reason, will now call you so. low were 7wt afraid to come into my father's countrtj, ami strike fear into cveni body but myself; and are you here afraid to let me call you fat ker? I tell you, then, I mil call you father, and you shall call vie child ; and so I will forever f>e of your kindred and country. They always told US that you tcere dead, and I knew not othenoise, till I came to Plimouth. But Powhatan commanded Tomocomo to seek you out, and knoio the truth, because your countrj/men are much given to lying." The useful and worthy yoimg Pocahontas, oeing al)Out to embark for her native comitry, in the beginning of the year 1U17, fell sick at Gravesend, and died ; having attained only the age of 22 yeai-s. She left one son, whose name was Thomas Rolfe, very young ; and whom Sir Leiois Steukly,* of Plimouth * " As lo the infamous Sir I.ciri.s f!liir!fii. who hail belrayod Ritlerrh, he was taken soon nflcr [Riih\i;k was Ix-liended] in Wliiu liiill. cliiipinj^ the very gold wliirli was the produce of \\U inlaniy, and tried and coiidonincd lor it ; ajid having stripped liimsell' to his shirt to raise Tniiney to purchase liis |)ardon, hi^ hani^hrd hiniscH" to the Inland of Snndy, where he died. riDlh mad and a heirg'nr. in less than two years alter Sir WalUr Raleigh."— •Prince's Worthiej of Devon, 611.— Harding's iXaval Hiogiapliij, \. 330. Chap. II] OPEKANKANOUOII-SEIZED BY CAPTAIN SMITH. ;r>9 (Ichiicd to he lilY with liiiii, tlmt lui ini^'lit direct his ('(iticatioii. Hiif, fn»iii tlio iiuiimiily jmrt this }fciitl(!iiian took agaiiiMt tlie iiiifortmiatt! lidlifrh, iio wtiH hroiif^ht into such merited disrepute, that he found iiinisek' ohh{.'(il to turn all his attention to his own preservutmn ; and the son of IWalumlini was taken to London, and there cdueated by his unele, Mr. Hettrji IlolJ'e. lU: aOerwa'-ili came to America, to the native country of his mother, where he iMcame a pentleman of great distinction, and possessed an nini)le fiirlime. lie left an only (laughter, who married Colonel Robert Bollhiff, and died, leaving an only son, Major Jo/in /io//i;i^, who was the father of Colonel John Holliiifr, iu\t\ several dangliters; one of whom married Colonel Richard Randolph, from whom are descended the distinguished John llANnoLi-H, and those bearing that name in Virginia, at this day.* Barlow thus notices Pocahontas .•^• " Rlcst Pocahontas ! fear no liirkinp cuile ; Thy luTo's love slinll well reward liiy sniiln. All, sodilie the wandorer in his (lespcrale pliK'i', Hide him hy day, and mini his fares liy niylil; Tlio' suvaf^o nalioiis, with thy ven;fet'ul sire, I'lirsui' difir victim wilh nnccasinif ire — And llio' their threats ihy startled ear assail, l.et virtue's voice o'er filial tears prevail," — Coi.cmhiai). OPEKANKANOUGH has already received our notice. Tie was n very conspicuous character in his time, and was styled, by tht; Virginians, King of the I'lununkies. The dreadtiil massacre, of which he was author, brings to mind his name oflener than almost any other chief of his times. There seems to be some contradiction, or ditlercncc of opinion, with regard to the origin of this chief. Somt; of the Indians rejOTrted that he caiiK! frtJiii the west, and was not ti brother of Powhatan ; but that story, we jinlge, is merely a fable, invented and told by his enemies, to influence the English against him, tliiit tiiey might destroy him. Opekaiikanous^h seems to have borne the name of Mnns;opeomen in 1(521, t fi circumstance unnoti(;cd by most historians, and, therefore, we conclude that it prevailed only among his own tribe, and, perhaps, even among them lill into disuse soon allcr. Opitchai'an, called also Oetan, and lastly Sa/iauopeomen,t was the sticcessor of Powhatiiit, but he seems never to have been otherwise noted. "The dcf'cts of the new emperor," says Mr. iiurAr, "were aggravated in the minds of the Indians, by a comparison with the accomi)li8hed Optkankttnoiiich, who, in the coinicil and the field, was the most conspicuous warrior amongst the I'owlwi- tans ; and who, during the lifetime of the late cm|)eror, had pro(Mir(,'d from the free tribe of the Chickahominies, the title of their king." The same author calls Opitrhapan a "feble and decrej)id" chief, who "was little calculated to secure respect, or enforce obedience." § In 1()08, the Indians had become universally at variance with the Englis'i, and insulted them whenever they appeared abroad ; knowing their miserable, half-starved condition. Insult fallowed insult, upon both sides, and, hut lur the never-tiring perseverance of Smith, this colony, like the first, would hiive been sf)on destroyed. The Indians woidd promisu to trade with them, but w hen they went to them for that ])tn'poso, they only " laughed at their calam- ities;" sometimes -ttting jokes upon them, and at others, running away into fh(^ woods. In thisextremity of their ciru'mstances, though in the de|)th of winter, Smi7/j resolved to make himself master if some of the Indians' store of provisions, by some metuis or other. He, therefore, proceeded to Pamunkey, the resilience ' .I(iHN ItANDoi.pii, of Roanoke, died in Philadelphia, 24 iMay, Iii3k Ho had come lliere ill very low health, intendinaf to embark for Europe in a (ew days. Hnvintr met with some perplevllv in pronirinj;^ lodjjinjjs on his arrival in Philadelphia, lieniff taken I'roin the steam-lnat II on; hotel alter another, ill a bad hack, in bad weather, he was aiicli nritate ^ 1.0 I.I 11.25 1^ ■i£l2.8 gKi 112 us u lAO 2.0 U 11.6 Hiotographic Sciences Corporalion 33 WIST MAIN STRIET WIBSTIR.N.Y. MSM (716) •72-4503 360 OPEKANKANOUGH.— NEMATTANOW'S DEATH. [Uook IV m^ji nf Opekankanoufrh, with 15 men, where he tried to tmde with him (or rorn but, not succeeding, he, in a dcsjierutft rnnnner, seized upon the chief by V.'m ■inir, in tbe midst of hia men, "with his pistoli ri-ndiu lM>nt ngninM his breast. Thus he led tlie trembling king, ncure dead witii fenr, amongst all hiu |m>o- pie."* Smith tolil liim that Ik; had attempted to nun-der him, which was tlie cause of his treating him thus. No one can doul)t, on reading the history of those affairs, that the Indians all wished Smith dead, but whether they all wanted to kill him, is not (|uite so plain. One great end of Smithes design was now answered ; for OpekankanougVs people came in loaded with ])resents to ninsom their chief, until his Itoats were completely filled. News being brought of a disaster at Jamestown, ho was set at lilM-rty. Nemattanow, n renowned warrior, we hnve to introduce here, as well on account of his supposed agency in bringing about the great massacre of l(i*i2, (18 for the object of exhibiting a trait ot' character erpially to l)c admired unci lamented. We are not certain that he lielonged to the people of Opeknnka- tiouffh, but it is storied that a jealousy existed Imtween them, and that the chief iiatl informed Sir George Yiardlej/ that he wished Nemattanotc'a throat were cut, some time l>efbre the massacre took place, to which wc have alluded. However, Opekankanough {\n\vn\ it afterwards, and afliicted great indignation ut his nuirder, and the Indians said the massacre was begun by him, to revenge ^VcmaUnnow's death. Ihit our present object is to fwrtray the character of .Yeniatlanow, who was both eccentric and vain, and " who was wont, out of bravery and parade, to dress himself up, in a strange, antic, and Itarlmric, fashion, witli feathers, which, therefore, obtained him the name of Jack-nf-lhe- feather." He was even more po|)ular among his countrymen than Opekanka- notiffh, which, doubtless, was the ground of that chief's jealousy ; especially as lie was one of the greatest war-captains of his times. He had \wvn in many fights and encounters with the English, always exposing himself to the greatest danger, and yet was never wounded in any of them. This circum- stance caused the Indians to believe in his invuhierubility, and lience he was by them considered superhuman. Only almut 14 days Iwfbre the nuissincn', Jack-of-the-feather went to the house of one Morgan, where he saw many such articles exhibited as were calculated to excite admiration in such people. Jack, i)erhaps, had not the mcmns to purchase, but, it seems, he was resolved, some how or other, to possess them. He, therefore, told Morgan, that if ho would take his commodities to I'amunkey, the Indians would give him a great price for them. Not in the least mistrusting the design of JVemattanow, the simple Englishman set out for Pamunkey, in ■ i)any with this Indian. This was tlie last the English heard of Morgan. However, strange as \, may seem, Jack^s ill-directing fiite sent him to the sisme place again, and, what was still more strange, he had th ■ cap of the nmrdered Jl/organ ufion his head. Morgmi's servants asked hiwi where their master was, who very delil>enitely answered, that he was dead. Tliis satisfied them that he had munlered him. They, therefore, seized him, in order to take him before a ningistnjte at Berkeley ; but he made a good deal of resisfince, which caused one of his captors to shoot him «lown. The singidur part of the tragedy is yet to ho related. Though mortally wounded, .yematianoio was not killed outright, aiul Jiis captors, which were two stout young men, got him into a boat to pntceed to Mr. Thorp's, the magistrate. As they v ere going, the warrior l)ecame satis- fied that ho must die, and, with the most extraordinary earnestness, Ix'soiight that two things might be granted hiui. One was, that it should never be told to iiis coimtrymen that he was killed by a bullet ; and the other, that he »d themselves more treacherous, if not more biu-barous, than their enemy. For, under pn'tence of making |ieace again with them, they fell upon them at unawares, and nuirdered many without mercy. This crime was vastly oggravated, in that, to induce the Indians to come forward and make peace, the Etiglish had not only solemnly assured them forgiveness, but likewise security and safi.-ty in their persons. It was, for some time, supposed that Opekankanough was among the slain, but, if Mr. Beverly was not misinformed, the siune wichem, 22 years after- wards, executed a still greater mussucre upon the English, us, in the ne.Yt place!, W(! shall relate. How long Opekankanough had been secretly plotting to cut off the intruders of his soil cannot be known ; but, in l(i44, all the Indians, over a space of couiilry of (jtt) miles in extent, were leagued in the enterprise. The old chief at this time, was supposed to be near 100 years of age, and, though unable to walk, wonhl Imj present in the execution of his belovocl project. It was upon the 18 .\pril, when Opekankanough, borne in a litter, led his warriors for- ward, and commenced the bloody work. They began at the frontiers, with a Jetcrmination to slay all l)efbre them, to the sea. After continuing tiie mas- sacre two days, in which time about 500* persons w«'re unirdered, Sir H'illiam Berkeley, at the head of an armed force, checked their progress. The destruc- tion of the iiduibitimts was the greatest upon York and I'amuukry Rivers, where Opekankanough commanded in person. The Indians now, in their turn, were driven to great extremity, and their old cliicf was taken jtrisoner *' 'I'hi* is tlic niiinbor gencrnlly siot down in the liislnries, Imt tlin probably just scrutiny of Mr Itancn/l, Ilis(. U. 3. i. 221, caused liim to lix uimiii (lio munbur 3U0. 31 3C2 DEATH OF OPEKANKANOIGH.— TOTOPOTOMOI. [Book IV and cniiicd in triumph to Jamestown. How long after tlie mnRsncre tliia liu|)p"n<'(l, W(j are not infonncd ; but it is said that tlic tiitij^nes he had pre- viously undergone hud wasted nway his flesh, and destroyed tiio elasticity of his muscles to tiiat degree, that lie was no longer able to raise the eyelids from ids eyes ; and it was in this ibrloni condition, that he fell into the hands of his enemies. A soldier, who had been appointed to guard him, barbarously fired upon him, and inflicted a mortal wound. He was supp<)S<;d to h.ivu been |)roniptcd to the bloody deed, from a recollection of tlie old chief'.-? agency in tlie massacre. Just l»efore he expired, hearing a preat bustle and crowd about him, he ordered an attendant to lift U|) liis eyelids; when he discovered a multitude pressing around, to gratity the untimely ciniosity of 'leliolding a dying suchom. Undaunted in death, and roused, as it were, from sleep, at the conduct of the confused inultitude, he deigned iiot to oliservc them: hut, raising himself from the ground, with the expiring breath of authority, commanded that the governor should be called to him. When the governw came, Opekankanough said, with indignation, " Had it been m>/ for- tune to liavt taken Sir Wm. Berkf.lev prisoner, I tooidd not ineanli/ liave exposed him as a show to my people ; " * and soon after expired. It is said, and we have no reason to doubt the fact, that it was owing to the cncroaclunents upon his lands, that caused Opekankanough to determine upon a massacre of the whites. These intrusions were, nevertheless, coidimnuhin to the grants of the proprietors. He could hanlly have expected entin; eon- quest, as his people had already begun to waste away, and English villages were K|)ringin" up over an extent of country of more than ."iOO miles, with a populousness beyond any preceding example ; still, he was determined upon the vast undertaking, and sacrificed himself with as much Ao?ior, it will, per- haps, be acknowledged, as did Leonidas at Thermopylae. Sir William Berkeley intended to have sent him, as a present, to the king of England ; but assassination deprived him of the wretched sutisf iction, and saved the ciiief from the mortification, f None of the Virginia historians seem to have been informed of the true date of this last war of Opekankanough; the ancient records of Virginia, siys Mr. Burk, are silent even upon the events of it, (an extraordinary omission.) Mr. Beverly thinks it began in l(i3il tlieiiiHel.ra of the country altoiit the iblls of Jnmes River. Tlie esfi.slature of Vir^'iiiia wa.s in st-ssion, when tiie news of tlieir comiiifr wns rtM-riveil. Wliat i-aii.M; tiie Eii^li^li had to !><-iul out nn army ai>aiiist tliuin, our 8o.inty rrconlti do not tuitisfartorily !«how:* but, at all events, they erty was taken to defray the losses sustained hy the country. A peace seems to have been conclu iiiinilior of (i or 700, wlierehy, upon nciny several conslileralions heiiifr l>ad, il \* roiiirived (»reat daiisrir mifjlil ensue to iliis colony. This nssemlily, llierefore, do think lit mid resolve, llial these new rome hidians lie in no sort siifTered to seal themselves there, or any plare near us, it havineiiip so apl a place to invade lis, and 'viihin Ihi" limits, wliii'h, in a just war, were formerly eoiiiHiercd liy us, and by us rcser-cd, at the ctuiclusiuii of |icuco, with the ludiuus." Jiiirlc, I list. Virgiuia, ii. lOA. 3C4 CREEK LANGUAGE.— CHEROKEE INVENTION. [Book IV '^ I Tlie nation of moat importance amone the Creeks was, in 1775, the Miiskdgncs. That community, or nation, like tlic Iroquois, was more politic tlian tJK'ir neighlrars, and vastly increased their strength and importance hy (iirounigirig small declining tril)cs to incorporate themselves with them. At nne time, another most wise resolution was adopted among them, which, ahove all others, should be mentioned ; that was a prohibition of the importation of all kinds of ardent spirits into their country, llow long this resolution was main- tained, or at what period, cannot, at tliis time, be stated. It was very probjibly at the period of their greatest prosperity, which was just before the breaking out of the revolutionary war. The Muskogees had another excellent regulation, namely, the men assisted their women in their planting before setting out on their warlike and other expeditions. This was called the Creek nation, which, in what was called its best days, about 178G, contuined 17,000 souls ; * but they were reckoned, in 1829, at 20,000. Some have, latterly, given the name of Creeks only to a part of the nations of w)'''h we have begun to treat; but it is here intended to include under that head all the tribes between the Savannah on the east, the Mississippi on the west, and the country bordering on the Ohio on the north. The following is a specimen of their language, which will answer tolerably well as a specimen of all the southern languages, from Carolina to the Mississippi: — Isti tsukhvlhpi laksakat Tshiliofv inhomitsi tomis; momais fvtsv opunaho- an im afvlski tomis.f In English, Lying lips are an abomination to the Lord ; ut Ihcif that deal truhf are his delifiht. The following is Choktau reckoning: Achvfa, 1, Tnklo, 2, Tuchino, 3, I shtn, 4, Tuhlapi, 5, Haiiali, 6, Untuklo, 7, Untnchina, 8, Chakali, 9, Pokoli, 10. By j»refixing auh to the names of the digits, they arrive at 20; then, by pre- fixing Pokoli (10) to the series of digits, they aiTive at 30, and so on.^ The Cherakees have now a written language, and, before the lute troid)le3 with Georgia, were making good advancement in all the useful arts. One of the most remarkable discoveries of modern times has been made by a Cherokee Indian, named George Guess. His invention was that of a syllabic alphabet of the language of his nation, which he applied to writing with un|)aralleled success. Young Cherokecs learned by it to write letters to their friends in three days' time; and although the inventor used a part of the English alphal)et in making up his own, yet la was acquainted with no other language but the Cherokee. This invention was brought to inaturity in 1826. Two years after, a newspaper, called the Cherokee Pjheisix, was established in the Cherokee nation, pnnted chiefly in Cherokee, with an English transla- tion. <§ Being considered an independent nation, tlnty instituted a form of government similar to that of the United States. It was some time after the Natchez massacred the French, that the principa. nation of Creeks, the Muskogees, began to rise into importance. For a time after that memorable event, the country of the Natchez was desolate ; but when some years had elni»sci.—Missiotianj Herald, "• T-fci Chap. Ill] COUM'RY OF Tlin SOLTIIKUN INUIA.VS. 3&3 81111 ; tlmt iH'iii;^ tlie most glorious niid noltio ori);iii of wliicli thoy loiiKI ron- ccivo. Iii(leeoken. The Katauhaha and the Chiknaaus vv('re very warlike : but their vicin-ty to Europeans WiW jw detrimental to thein, and even M:ore so, than their own exterminating wars ; for, ua in other eases, as soon as an intercourse com- nien<-ed, degradation and ruin followed. The Chcrokees have withstood the deletery cflTet t.T of civilization much beyond what can be said of any other tribe of Indians. Their country is chietly in Alabama, Mississi|i|ii, and Tennessee ; but they occupy u'umj the western |)art of the state of (ieorgia. IJefore the war of 1812, their comitry covered '^-1,U00 ai|nare mil-js.* Numliera of this trilK! have emigrated to Arkansaw. Tile Choktaus possessed a country not so fdled with creeks and rivers as tlic Muskogees. This circumstance, it is said, was a great liinderance io their prosperity; for in their wars with their neij'hlwrs, they sutlered greatly fn>m their iirnorance of swiuuning. There were L pper and Lower Choktuu towns ; (he former wen^ situated al>out KiO miles from the Chikasaus, and the latter about "JOO above New Orleans. The people of this nation Hattened their heads by wearing bags of sand on tliem,f and, acconling to Father Henn:pin,\ the heads of all the Indians upon liie Mississippi arc flatter than those ot Canada. It is said also that they are of • lighter complexion; but this lias reference only to tiie Muskogees, accoiuing to some writers. The Choktaus princi- pally inhabit .>Iississippi. Tliey were, in 1820, set down at 25,000 souls, and are rather increasing. Till- CiiikiLsiuis are sujiposed to have come from the west of the Mississippi, and as it was a custom among the Creeks for their unoccupied lands to Ix; taken by any that came among them, us emigrants, the Chikasjius fouinl no olistaeles in the waT of establishing themselves on this side the Mississippi. Where they first established theinselvca is unknown, but in 1770 they were a powerful and warlike nation, and were seated upon the western branches of the Mobile. Tlie trdte of Yazoos belonged to this natioti. The Chikifaus reside in Mississippi, Kentucky, and Tennessee. They do not exceed 4i)00 in nund)er. The Seminoles were a nation made up similar to many others, and chiefly of Muskogees. The Creeks called them Seminoles, which signified iciY'/, because they had estranged themselves from their Ibrnier country. This nation w.is princi|)ally seated, 40 years ago, upon the rivers A])alachicola and Flint, and had a large town o:\ Calos Bay, on the west side of East Florida. Tliey now reside in Florida, a scattered remnant of about I2(X). The names alone of the different clans or tribes of these nations would fill ■everal pages, and it is not necessary here to enumerate them ; we shall there- fore, afler some general observations, pass to the conaideratioa of those chiefs who have been conspicuous. There are upon the east bank of the Oakmulge, near its confluence with the Ocoue, beautiful fields, exti'usivi^ly known as the Oakmulge fields ; they are upon the rich low lands of the river, and upon the elevated part of them arc yet visible remains of a town. These fields extend 20 miles along the river. The Creek Indians give this account of them, namely, that here was the place where they first set down r.fler crossing the Mississippi ; that their journey from the west had been attended with incredible suffering, and that they were opposed at every step by various hostile bauds of Indians, and that oii reach- * Dr. Moise'i Report. f Adair. — '' As soon as the rliild is horn, the nurse provides a craes of Indiuus, traversing nearly 1000 miles of country, losing a great part of their army, their general died upon the biuiks of the Mississip|>i, and the survi.-ors were obliged to build vessels in which to descend the river ; which, when they had done, they siul(;d for Mexico. This expedition was five yerrs in coming to nothui^, and bringing ruin upon its performers. A populous Indian town at this tune stood at or near the mouth of the Mobile, of which Soloes army had possessed themselvi>8. Their intercourse with the Indians was at first friendly, but at length a chief was insult<>d, which brought on hostilities. A battle was fought, in which, it is said, 2000 Indians wero killed, and ti3 Spaniards. We shall not attempt here to go more into detail concerning the bnnd of marauding Spaniards under Soto, as it will answer the present pur|)ose to observe, that what has just been related, is but one of the many butcliiries committed by that btuid ; and, moreover, our accounts arc rather indistinct upon the whole afiuir, and savor much of exaggeration. The French, under Reni de Laudonniere, settled in Florida in I5<>1, near where Pensacola was since built The Spaniards claimed the country, and hence the bloody wars which followed. This first settlement of the Frenrli, projected by Admiral Coligni, was soon broken up by the Spaniards : they, in the basest and most savage manner, murdei-ed the whole colony. A religious war at this period cUstracted the French nation, and this outrage would have remained unrevenged, but for the indignation of an individual. In l5^u , Dominique de Gourgis sailed to Florida, took three forts from the Spaniards, put the men to the sword, and hanged all the other settlei-s I'e could find. § A French garrison was again established, but, being leil without protection, wcs soon retaken by the Spaniards, ^vho remained musters of the country for more than a hundred years. || From these transactions of antiquity, we must descend to times nearer our own. In the year 1730, Sir Alexander Cumming travelled among the southern Itidians, and from whose account we are able to give sevend interesting par- ticulars. At this period, he relates that the Cherokee nation was governed by seven Mother Towns, each of which chose a king to preside over them and their dependants. He was elected out of certain tumiiies, and the descent • n'illi,„M's W. Florida, 32. \ Vhnudon de DeUmdine, Nouvcnu Did. Historique, art. .Soto. i " So callud, beciuise il was first discovered by the .Spaniards on Polme-Sunilay, or, as llio n; ; inierpret, Eft/ and all the head warriors to acknowledge themselves dutiful subjects and sons to King George" "all which they did on thoir knees, calling upon every tliif>g that was terrible to th<.>m 'o destroy thetii, and that thev might become no |)eople, if they violated their protnisc and obeiiicnce." The next day, 4 April, "the crown was brought from great Tamiassie, which, with iive eagles' tails and lour scalps of th.'ir enemies, Moyloy pre- sented to Sir Alexander, impowering him to lay the same at his majesiy's feet." The conjurers were well pleased with the English baron, and tuld him they would follow all his din>ctions. "That '.^!ien he letl them they would still consider him as jiresent in the person of Moutoy of Telliquo, who would punctually do what he had bid." Sir JllexanJer was now at Taiinassie, 400 miles Iroin Charleston, according to his reckoning, and hnd but 15 days to arrive there in, to go for England in the Fox inan-of war, which was then to will. He therefore asked .Moytoy if the Indians could travel there in so short a time on toot. The chief suiil it might bo done, and that he would have accompanied him, but for the dangerous illness of his wife, and reijiieistcd him to choose such as he desired from among his people, to go with h::n. f Accordingly, Sir Jllexandtr chose, as evidences of what had happened, Skijagusla, \. the head warrior of Tassetchie, " a man of great power and int(!resit, who had a right to be a king," AttakuUaktUla, and Olassite, or OiUa- cite, a third warrior, Collannah, a fourth; "and from Tannassie, the remotest town of tlie country, he took Clogoillah and Oukanaekah,^ warriors." About y;» miles from Charleston they met with the wju-rior Ounakannoicine, a friend of these chiefs, "who had just comt; from the Kattarbe nation, and desired to go along with his countrymen, to which Sir Alexander coiiscrnted." They went on board the Fox, a man-of-war, and sailed Irom Charleston Bay 4 May, and arrive J at Dover 5 June; thus performing a passage across the Atlantic in u month and a day, in 1730, not much inferior to what is done now-a-days. At Dover Sir Alexander " took post to London, with tiie crown * This part of ihe sentence is upon the authorily of a good writer, {Hewatl, Hist. Carolina, ii. 5,) but Sir Alexander Aoa not sny quite as much in his account. t Sloyloy was a bitter enemy atU-rwards. In 1758 he wcnl with his warriors to a place called Statiquo, and killed several whites, without, as was said, any provocation. Uewatt, ii. 220. { Or Kiia/iusla. This chief wt» one of t!ic sei-en, as will appear immediately onward, althouf^h Sir Alexander, in his coiimunicalion, does not name him. Neither duos he name AUakiUlakutia, or Oulassile; yet it is certain they were both in England, and we believe at this time : they make up the number seven, with those named in his own narrative. That Allakiillnkiilla was, see Ifexatt, ii. 221, and Wynne, ii. 2(!0, n. We can onlv nroount for the blanks in the narrative, by sup[)osine tiiat Sir Alexander's amanuensis did not understand him, (l()r he did not w. te himscIC,) and the enumeration of the eliiels which lie look willi him, is very blundering. Thus, after naming one only, it is set down, " and ■ B third warrior," (fee. I'crhaps Ockonoalola, who was called the gieal warriir of the Cherokee nation Ikuati n. i *8 ! •'!! am CUKKK rniKF.S VISIT F.NGLAND. lUooE IV. of tlic Cluriiki-p tinlion, li'nvin^ tin; Iiidinnn liohind to roino up witli the man- ot'-wiir. Ill' l<'t till! Nirntni-y of state iiiit(i(>(liiit(>lv knowiliat li*! Iiud (iill (hiwit from tlint iiiitioti to i y ilicir crown at Urn innjcxty h f*'<-t, niiit that hr had hrnnght over Hcvcii Indian chicli*, na an evidonco of tho truth. His niajcHty waH fim- riounly pli'iiwil to ordiT H\r -lUiamler to hrin^ in hin pcoph! to the inMtalhtlion, tho IHth ofJuMc, whiTO they were cxtreniely ^inrpriwd at thi- niagriitironce of every thin^' ahont them : they romparcd the king and «pieen to the himi, the |tririceH to the stars, and themHelvcH to nothing. On the tWd of June, Sir tlkxttnilrr was intro|M-ohation. Sir Jlkxanikr laid tho en»wn of \.\w Cherokee nation at his majesty s li-et, with the five eagles' tails, us an end)lemof his majesty's sovereignty, and tour scalps of Indian enemies; all which his majewty was gnicionsly pleased to accept of." While in Kngland, tliey made a treaty with the king, every arti<-le of which was accompanied, on his part, with presents of somt; sort or other: such as cloth, gntis, vermilion, hattdietM, kinves, &c. This tn;aty was dated at White- hall, 7 Sepieirdier, 1730, and from it we get the names of the wven chiefs. It begins, " Wherojis yon, Scataousta Oukaii, chief of the town of 'IVsseta ; yon, ScALiLosKKN Ketaousta ; yon, Tetiitowf. ; yon, Cloooittah; yon, CoLA.N.-vAH ; yon, U.n.vaconoy ; yon, Oucou.nacou, huvo Iwen deputed by the whole nation of the Cherokee Indiana, to come to Gn-nt Hritain,"* &c. After the treaty was ftnished, o certified copy was pres«'n»'.!d to tho chiefs by Sir Meiunihr Cummin/r ; npon which Skijagustah, in the name of the whole, made the following s|><;ech ; — " We are come liiiher from a monntiiinons place, wliere nothing l»iit dark- ness is to Im) fomid ; hut we are now in n |)lace where there is light. 'J'liere was a person in onr country, lie gave us a yellow token of warlike honor, whicli is left with Mnj)to;f of Telliquo, and as wiirrim"s we received it. He cam<; to us lik<; u warricu- from you. A man he iH : his talk is upright, and tho token ho left preserves his memory among us. We look tipon yon as if the great king were present; we love you as re|)re8enting the great king. We shall die in the same way of thinking. The crown of onr nation is dit)i>rent from tha* which the great King GKonoK wears, and from that we saw in the tower. liut to us it is all one. The chain of friendship shall he carried lo our peo|)le. Wo look upon the great King George as tho gun, and as our father, and upon ourselves as his children. For though we are red, and you are white, yet our hands and hearts are joined together. When we shall have acquainted our people with what we have seen, our children from generation to generation will alwa)3 remember it. In war we shall always be one with you. The enemies of tho gn;at king shall be our enemies. IJis people and ours shall be one, and shall die together. W^e came hither naked and |)oor as the worms of the earth, but you have every thing, and wo that have nothing must love you, and will never break the chain of friendship which is betwei n us. Here stands the governor of Carolina, whom we know.f This small rope^ we sliow you is all that we have to bind onr slaves with, and it niay bo broken. But have iron chains for yours. However if we catch your slaves, we will bind them as well as wc can, and deliver them to our friends, and take no pay for it. We have looked roimd for the jierson that was )n our country — he is not here : However, we must say he talked uprightly to us, and we shall never forget him. Your white |)eople may very safely build houses near us. We shall hurt nothing that belongs to them, for we are children of one father, tho gn>at king, and shall live and die together." When Skijdfriislnh had proceeded thus fur, he luid his feathers upon a table, and closed us follows : — • Report of the Commissioiirrs (173C) on the Affairs of Georgia, p. 53.— If Atlakutlakulla were among these cliiefs, he went under another name, as did also Oiilacite. Sec a few pages forward, t There was at this lime nn governor, though Rnhert Johnson was nominally siirh. the governnienl of (Carolina was delivered lo Ihe crown of Knglund, for about jt!n,000. $3n wn< reappointed in 17.31. X String oi wampum, probatily. In 1729 Jitm- tA CH»P. IV] TOMoriiinii. 169 "ThiH is our way of talking, wiiicli iM tlic snnio tiling to iiia ns your li'ttere in tlio IhioIc arc to yon, and to yon, beloved men, w« deliver tiieso leallieni iii contirmation of all we have said." In OctolMT, the Indiana cnilmrked at Portfinioiitii with Mr. Johnson, the governor of Carohna, for their own country, and in the sumo Nlii|t in wiiicli tliey went over. Skijac^istah, or, aa he waa aonictiinea called, KUtaguitit, " woa brother of Oucconnoatota, or the great warrior, and also chief of Chote. He lived to bo very old, and died in May, 17U8. »###« CHAPTER IV. Settlrmtnt of Carolina and Gtorgia — Tomociiiciii rrreires the Ensriith — Coea to Eng land with General Oglethorpe — Miiket a tprech to the King — His death — ll'ar with the Spaniards — Outacitif. — Mai.achtv — ATrAKi'i.i.AKui.i.A — Indians murdered — Attakui.i.akui.i.a prevents retaliation upon whites in his ptnorr — Chrroket ll'ar beirins — Governor Littleton's expedition — Imprinons their Ambassailors — Thru are massacred — Colonel Montgomery sent atrainst them — Battle nrar Keoipee — Lnrro- hers take Fort London — Siloi'ce — Sates the life of Colonel Byrd — Colonel Grant subdues the Cherokees, and they make peace teith the whites — Ciiluccu. The presumption is pretty strongly supported, that Sir Walter Raltsh vit'tted ilie southern shores of North Ainerica. SVhen General Oglethorpe Tandt;d in (leorgia, in 1732,* O. S., and conwnunicated to the Indians the eontentN of a journal of Sir Wa/Zcr**, they w^emed to have a tradition of him, which they had t()ndly cherished ; altliough, if the person tiiey met were Ralegh, a himdred years had elapsed since ho was there. They pointed out to Mr. Oglethorpe a, j)lace near Yamacraw bluff, since Charleston, on which was a large mound, ni which was buried, thev said, a chief who had talked with Sir Halter Ralegh ii|)on that spot. The chief had requested his people to bury him there, that the place nnght be kept in veneration. TOiMOCIilCHI was the principal chief, or Mico, as chiefs were railed, «)f a small band of Creeks and \ nmasecs, who, having in some way otl'cnded their countrymen, fled their country, and "wandered about in tlic woods some time, until about 173f2, when they begged leave of this government to sit down on the high land of Yamacraw, on the south side of Savunnuh river, at or near the place where the new town of Savannah, in Georgia, is now situated."! They consisted of but 17 or 18 families, and their first chief appears to have Ijeen called Bocaciiee. Several chief men, of various tribes, came to welcome the English, immediately af\er their arrival. " They were as follows : From the tribe of Coweeta, Yahan-lakee:, their king, or mico ; Essaboo, their warrior, the son of Old-brim, lately dead, whom the Spaniards called cmpetor of the Creeks, with ei^ht men and two women attendants. From the tniM; of Cusse- tas, Cusseta, their mico ; Tatchiquatchi, their head warrior, with four attendants. F'rom the tribe of Owseecheys, Ogeese, the mico, or war king ; JK'ealhloiith- ko and Ougachi, two chief men, with three attendants. From the trilM; of Cheechaws, Outhleteboa, their mico, ThlaiUho-thlukee, Figeer, Soolamilln, war captains, with three attendants. From the tribe of Echetos, ChiUabecche and Robin, two war captains, (the latter was bred among the English,] with four attendants. From the tribe of Polachucolas, Gillatlee, their head warrior, and five attendants. From the tribe of Oconas, Oueckachumpa, calleoon for the tirst child born in Georgia, which being born of .Mrs. C7(u>', wtro jivcn accor 370 TOMOCIIICIII AND OTIIKKS \ISIT ENGLAND. [Book IV. I "TIh! IndiaiiM iN-iiig nil wMitfil, Oufrkachumpa^ a very tall old man, Ftoml, atifawki, his consort, and Toonakowi, the prince, his nephew ; also IIiLLisi'iLLi, n war captain, and Apakowtski, Stimalecui, Sim-olciii, lIiNGUiTHi, and UMriirciii, five other chiefs, widi their interpreter. Immediately after their arrival, orders were given for prejiarinj; jiroper habits lor them, in order to their being introduced at court. This having been done. Sir Clement Cotlerel, knight, master of the ceremonies, was sent, Au^'ust 1, with three of the king's coaches, drawn by six horses each, to thu (jieorgiu ollice, where the chiefs, all except one, were taken in and carried to Kensington, where their introduction to his majesty. King George II., took place. The one left at tho Georgia office was sick with the small-pox, of which he died the next day. ToMOCiiicni, after presenting the king with sev- end eagle's feathers, which were considered, by his nation, the most respectful present they could send, delivered the following speech to his majesty : — " This day I see the majes.y of your face, the greatness of your house, and the niimlicr of your people. I am come for the good of the whole nation of the Creeks, to renew the iMjace they hat' long ago made with the English. I am come over in my old days ; and, though I cannot live to see any advantage to myself, I am come for the good of the children of all the nations of the Upper and Lower Creeks, that they may be instructed in the knowledge of the English. These are the feathers of the eagle, which is the swiftest of birds, and who flieth all round our nations. These feathers are a sign of peace in our land, and we have brought them over to leave tliciii with yon, great king, as a sign of everlasting peace. O ! great king, w hatsoever words * Jlid wife was llie iiilprprelcr, aoronliii^ to .irCu//, i. 35, who was a half breed imniod nfanj. Oglethorpe lirst purcliasecl her iViciKlship with presents, and allerwards allowed iier a buiidrcd pounds a year for her services. — Commiisioners' Report on Ueorgia AjJ'airi. riiAP. IV.] ToMiMinriii and otiif.r.s visit knolam). 371 yon rIiiiII my unto inc, I will tcl! lliciii (Ititlifully to all tlii> kiii^'H of tiic Creek nntioiis." '1 lit; kind's nimwcr, tlii>iif;li slicirt, wuh, in the liigliuot dc^p'uc, con- riiiiitory, nixl wiiiit was l«rin«!»l j;nuM(»nn.* Winn liie tiiirtk were intrcMiiiocit iit court, his niajcHiy received thiMii u|miii his thnih);, in the iircttencc chttnibcr, iittcndcil hy tliu otVircrM of Htatc, and a niiiniToun courL Tlwy wen; introduced l»y the Uuke of Grn/lon, ciianiltcriaiii of his iiiajcHty's houHvhold ; and, utlcr the ceremonies, tlicy ruttirned to their a|Hirtiiieni>s at the (leorffiu oflice. Their fn«t care, ull«r i-eturning from court, was to inter their deci-used companion, which was accontin^ly done with gn'ot ceremony, in the hnrial- >:round of St. John the Kvanxelist, Wcftmiiister, according to tin; custom of the "("heroki'e Creeks," which wiw in the following manner : — "The tleccawd l» iiig S4>wed up in two hianket.4, with one ileal hoard iuder and another over liini, and tied down with a cord, v>ms pinceil n|M)n a liicr, and carried to tii<; place of interment. There were only present at the time of Iiih being put int(» the jrrave. King Tomo, anil some ol the chic(?>, the iip|M!r church warden of the jiarish, and the grave digger. When the corpHe was laid in the eaith, the clothes of the deceaseil were thrown into the gnive ; after this a r|uantity of glass heads were cast in, and then st)me pieces of silver ; the custom of those Indiiins heing to bury all the deceased's clH'cts with him." .'Mthough we ha\e the names of all tlu; chiefs given us that went over with Mr. OfrUihor/ie. we have not the means of knowing which it was that died. Indians often died on their visits to Europe. One of the five Iroquois chicls died in Knglan, five years, wanting 15 days, after be sailed from England. He resided, at the time of his death, about four mile- from Savannah. He was highly Iwlovcd by the English, having always be -n tlu ir particular friend, fought lor them in war, and aided them by his counsel la peace. He was aware of the approach of death, and ex])ressed but 'itile desire to live longer, as he should l>e unable to aid his allies any more against tiie Spaniards. For General Oglethorpe he expressed the greatest tenderness, and entreated the Indians to liear in remembrance the kinilnesses with which the king of England had treated him, and lio|)ed they would always remain bis subjects. Having expressed a wish that his l)ody might be buried among the English in Savannah, accordingly, bis corpse was there interred in Percival Square, witii militaiy parade, anil Genend Oglethorpe ordered a pyramid to be erected over it, with an aftpropriate inscription. I Thus are traced the first steps in the history of Georgia, and thus did every thing iiromise a continuance of that frienilship so well begun by (ienenti Oglethorpe. Nothing was left undone^ while the Creek chiets were in Eng- land, to impress upon their minds exalted ideas of the power and greatness of the English nation. The nobility were not only curious to see them, but entertained them at their tables in the most magnificent style. Multitudes flockwl around them, conferring gilbj ami marks of res[MH;t upon them. The king allowed them £20 sterling a week, during their stay, and it was compiued that, at their return to America, they brought presents to the amoimt of £400 sterling. After remaining in England four months, they embarked at Grave- send for Georgia. They were conveyed to the place of cndjarkation in his majesty's carriages. § in the invasion of Georgia by the Spaniards, in 17-1;}, many Indians were Irawn into the controversy, on both sides. Toranocuiri, ]| or Tooanohowi, a nephew of Tomochichi, was shot through the right arm, in an encounter witli V m * Harris, Voyajjes. t JU'CaJt, Hist. Georgia, i. ISO, l!t7. t Kii/m's Travels in America, i. "D. ^ II). i. 40. J llarrit. 372 OUTACITE.— INTERVIEW WITH GOV. NICHOLSON. [Book If tlie Spaiiinnls, by a SpnttUli captain. Tooanohowi dn^w liU putol with his lefl miul, and shot the captain through the head. Thus, witli the S|>uniai-ds upon one hand, and the English upon the otiier mid the French in the midst of t>;<;ni, tiie Creeks oud Cherokees became sub- ject to every possible evil to which tht caprice of those several nations ciive rise. In 1723, a chief, whose nume we find in wrifera of that day, IVootaasitaw, Woosntasate, Woohtssltau^ fVroselnsato:v* &:c. is styled " Governor of tlie Lower and Middle Settlenients uf the Chariket's." lie is presumed to be tlie same with Otacite, or Otassite, one of tlie prisoners above enumerated, and from what we are about to relate of him, his eminence will be apparent. In 1731, Francis JS/icholson went over as governor of S. Carolina, who wab said to have been very successlhl in nmiioging aAiiii-s with the Indians. Soon after his arrival, the Cherokees despatched messengers to Charleston to adjust some diflicnlties which had for some time existed; and, not long after, another more full and complete deputation arrived. Governor JVickohon o|>eneoii, to hear and redress all grievances." " Hoosatasate being a man in great esteem amongst you, having given fre- quent testimonies of his affection and firm adherence to this government, and bi-ing appointed king over you by the former governor | of this province; so I, wlio am sent immediately from his majesty, having the same regard to »« deserving a man, and in compliance with your own request, that I v ild constitute proper commandei-s over you, do now declare the sjiid H'oosati,. le, your leader and commander in chief over all the lower settlements of tlie Cherrokees, and give him a commission for that oflice, under the broad st al of this his Majesty's province," &c. " I expect that you, ff'oosalastUc, do, within a month after your return, call together all the chief men in your district, am'i that you niid). wa.'i put into office in opposition to «h« resrular course, by a kind of revolnlionarv spiiil. Sue Oldmiron, who is far more pa'liculaj', 1.348. — Moore was elected in 1701. The author of " Tlic Hrilish Dominions," {HZ,) sb>i the Indians were cruelly treated during bis administration. Tliere were several other govern ors before NicltoUon, beside Moore. M ^ ip Ir' lA/X: ■ I OUTAC 1 T E, dlicf of lllC CHRKOKEES r»KP. iv.f ATTAKULLAKULLA. 1)1, ' 1. " - ss • rill';. ».»-r- l«i> • "■ i.uiko ;•' iiutde 6 tiim-, ■ nl f : VKU.l.A Hiul ('(•KO^■(•^^T0•]■A.* Tlie lan.r ..f C '^W -«l•M^^^ t: «iti>tiMi(l<. of F,iirui>fauS to Iht Hl;on,>;:<. Tin' mir>.<' 373 ^far, riin .. . .•! .jtciKlod liv ill.'. H'olJ'kim miJ tlic Uttiistp ••.l:ii»", \t! .-i ImiHlrcd of thfii-j;' *>|'ie, camr lo Cluirl. >.;..ii. ..ji\, h\ a •.roop ot'liorMiiiu'ii. .vlio c<>f.<)iirt\a?^ t" > t'hioc ili«;ii) flii-ii' ;illk-, mill, to this ei ••, liiv- ir'jV'in- i, (iUr,,t^ , in the liidinii iimtiiipr. MnUuMif, wi ••. iit •liis I'H tlio head i'ln!;f among the CrcoKs jin*fn'i-ii ihn iiy oti wWifis, (ind rfudil}' rousi'ntcd to n jvvtt'; wi'h ifiw I :;"t<)a \H-a. i- wit' the Clieroki'f.^, Ik- fi(\<\. Uiat w»* a .t, niid he i'iii.-4t .h'libcrnto with his pcuidf, 1> ' .rf :'| I h" C!ii'i>>kf.' •< Acre ahi-udy un'ltr the (>roiceti''H id" .!■ • 'd'ihei»i had, nm jonit,' Ih'">)i-i , !'f'iii kiliml by tho ('p.M"k», . . trhc.^d of ('harh\'t'<;i. Tho jmiiy wliich ooimci"!-;! tlii«t t.iiirw** '\ius •► I iij Mdlarhiif. .NulwitifslaiidiUL', » crsfiniii'n of hcstih. '.<•!* ^i-' i.i" t'l hin. '::kfii I'lu'-'-, f.r iiuinhfr.s •Ci-u.i !i ii/i'ioii |<>iii;'d the Kn^lish immcdiatflv .•diiT the capture nf Osvvt,;o, by ih'-. Fn.iich, .n 17r>(i. Tin; CherokefS an; piiiif --hirly miiMii, us iia\iii^ r.-iidon'd cfitjenttal scniw in liie i xix-ditio;! H'v'iiot Fort if Mieyiitf ; li'U a circiiii.^t uice hujipiimnl, -vhiln those warriors • MUiriuiiji: ',«"un' lion: ilmt e.\|)t'dition, whicli involved iliom in iw inirue- , . ■». : i M|(l. (41, r.(i'di*li, 111 wh'-sc -vrvi--' li.^y hnd i;wii t-ngagi'ti. ILivinif - J woni (Hit vvitli toil mill i'ati'^uo, oij coniiif!.' to ihe I • i... ' ift> .i."i>'?i' ni t||i>s<' !i!i||ii.i.'-, w'ui'li liiliMijjrd I This Dr. Iln- IV,. v.r. .1,. . — " SfVi-nd ruiii|)ai.,- • --t in. i , «, , . . , Stuturijc, Bt tlin liiifiM-TUnatr ()hi«), MJinntl ihid ixcoiist' ilu'y wcTu lottthiwl to our fiiufli;d arrsii(rii'i< 11, i ■ 'i"j • liitni — uore \'iy inotli roiit> miii'd, — nii-.l hidl ^T.rvf.ti at ui- ai;. < •». •■ their lM-ai:a told tht:M(, t'x-n-ti.n', to :i oirii iii.iii<', jr., fi»»Mii ti iind nijiin .; tiioiiin w :ih«iiji n M!|i|»l/ of provifii'iu''. This titoy did, and iiiii'di'tii; lorct'U Uii in to ijikc iw tunch ax IjurIv !-ii!>,iotif'd iintiiro, \v!iy . ••. ..( lliofth^'r wa.Tior!<, in ilitfTCiit [ilac*".-* • ,i,i ; •.,' .v' . Uri'isli Riil.i)i:i-i." It tiii'.vr * ' .id otFi'red li Howard : 8 lU o'lUil'-r, nil'! i(j \v>-rc Inki'ii ("ifnii u ti .■'<■•>( ill wiyiutr, fiT^w fin- • • in |ll•^lv;l?^•^^>. For V till ur ;ui ! *i -!_■ ' ■' • '■ iniMNV t ! »ii r 'r-'^H-d tidii'ivt III rh (•iitlf;' t aiK '< lUu! i by ilio iHickwo'iilsiii ■■■ of Virginia. >i- mncb dii*trf'f!' and luisny nnii:i;^ tin- luiiiiou t'ligaffi'd, as nuv rt jT'iii "1 coiiijtry wiw |>hiiitt.d liy the wliite.s. .\t on«: (dacr, a llion.-ilcr .'iil('rliiii;od a jmtty of liiiliaiis, find tii;il.ed th*-'iii kiiidlVi whilf, at tin; wune tiiin-, h-- caused a ;,'anpr of hij; kiiidnii rtil)i.in> to \h i/i iiiibii-^h wlicr. ih y W"Tc to paK«, and, wIh.ii ih<*y arrivcii, lmrl>aron.>-ly*«htjt Mum uovMi lo a iiiaii ! Tht' nr'n>. was forthwiih rnnifd to thi> Chi ro! nation, mid iho i;l!' rl of it ii[Min ]\n- < fit rtrii'it;, . riuv sci/.i'il tlicii toiiialu; wisdom "C .Hfitknli tkuiln, woo!,,' iia'i' »h<'ir country ii|»<)ii H''IIi<'- ni'dlor.". <>■ ■■ !iii;l firhcUl, h<- wa.S ?i:iioiiy 'l-.^ liui liod^ i>f 'iii .1..1I I lors, was liki- t!iat ui ' • hill!, lull till- til'-'. I'niilisliiiiiMi, Uicn ill •; . .Vrf .lUnLuUn'inil.i w.is a J. . .; thCt niimi^-rs, luii^llit- dtnii^)! • Oiir iiin.»»l<>inli, (Isicniiiiosi.ilii. tVv.i^nwaala, If'vMk. — l»<'C'.no,to(n. R'iih. L-Uik carptiUer. f )li»l "S'solll ('I'rolin.i. i IlV.i. _ ; lliM. Ami'i I" linns. 21-'i. 'I'hni llic liulinnt i.i.ki.,< 'mm'x wiis no iircl'-^t fur liu' t" ^ '■ c*f •» '(••; imu. nnjrj.irH evulciil. ' K-. ,•.•»•■ Cm;"!;!!!! it'Cill, i. 'j.'i7.) tlw lior»«>s ■" >"*» *n wild in llin >tn>p!>' "n^it «. ■ . jtc) till 11 I'.iid nppri'jir'iiit'-' lli'/iii u> ili'-ir ikvii iiic. ;i .C-j iw-,;? » • .» Chap. IV.J ATTAKULLAKUI.LA. 373 ir^i- ATTAKUIXAKULLA and OCKONOSTOTA/ The fame of Carolina had, in 175H, dmwn a multitude of Europeans to her shores. The same year, on the 2G May, Malachty, attended by the fVolf-king and the Ottiisce cluef, vvitli about 20 others, and above a hundred of their people, came to Ciiarleston. They were met, on their way, by a troop of horsemen, who conducted them to the town, by the governor's order, in gn;at state. This was to induce them to make peace and rdmain their allies, and, to this end, the governor, Glenn, made a very pacific s|)ecch, in tlie Indian manner. Malachlt/, who, at this time, seems to have been the head chief among the Creeks, pi-esented the governor with a quantity of skins, and readily consenteil to a peace with the English ; but, in regard to a peace with the Cherokees, he said, tl.'ol was a matter of great moment, and he must deliberate with his people, bcCore he couki give an answer. The Cherokees were already under the protection of the English, and some of thetn had, not long before, been killed by the Creoks, ill the very neighborhood of Charleston. The party which committed this outrage was led by Malachti/. Notwithstanding, a cessation of hostilities seems M have taken place, for numl)ei-sof each nation joined the English immediately atttr tlie ca[>ture of Oswego, by the French, in 1756. The Cherokees are particularly named, as having rendered essential service in the expedition against Fort Duquesne ; but a circumstance happened, while those warriors were returning home from that expedition, which involved them in an imme- diate war with the English, in whose service they had been engaged. Having lost their horses, and being worn out with toil and fatigue, on coming to the frontiers of Virginia, they picked up sc'-eral of those animals, which belonged to the inhabitants of the places through •.vhich they travelled. This, Dr. Ram- say \ says, was the cause of the massacre which they suffered at that time. But IMr. Mair,\ who lived then among the Indians in those parts, says, — " Several companies of the Clieerake, who joined our forces under Gen. Stanwix, at the unfortunate Ohio, ailirined that their alienation from us was iiecause they were confined to our martial arrangement, by unjust sus|)icion of tiiem — were very much contenuied, — and half starved at the main camp : their hearts told them, therefoi*e, to return home, as fn'emen and injured allies, though without a supply of provisions. This they did, and pinching hunger forced them to take as much as barely supported nature, when returning to their own countrj". In their journey, the German inhabitants, without any provocation, killed, in cool blood, about 40 of their warriors, in different places — though each party was under the command of a British subject." It must be remembered that, upon Bmddock^s defeat, Virginia had offered a reward for the scalps of hostile Indians. Here, then, was uii inducement for remorse- less villains to murder, unlace, a monster ei;tertuiiied a party of Inilians, and treated them kindly, while, at tin; same time, he caused a gang of his kiii(ireUer. t Hisl. Soulli Carolina, i. ICil). X Hist. Amor. Iiidiuns, 245. That tiic Indians' taking; horses was no pretext for the niiinlers, even at the time, appears evident. "As (says Captain M'Call, i. ii57.) the horses in those parts ran wild in the woods, it was customary, ("oth among the Indians and while people on ihe iroDtiers, to catcl tliem and appropriate thcni to their own use." 32 ' ,4' id h pi--: 374 ATTAKULLAKULLA.— I.ITTLCTON'S ILL CONDUCT. [Book If of vengeance. He thdrtfbre goes immediately to tliem., and informed them of llioir (fanger, and assisted tliem to secrete tliemsalves ; then, without Inns of time, lie assembled liis warriors, and made u speecli to tiiem, in whicli lie inveiglicd, with great bitterness, against tlio murderous Fnglish, and urgtd immediate war against them; ^^andiiever (said he) ahull tlie hatchet be buried _ unlil the blood of our countrymen be atoned for. Let us not (he continued) violate our faith, or the laws of hospitality, by imoniing our hanu. . the blood of thosv who are now in our power. They came to us in the confidence of friendship, with belts oj" wampum to cement a perpetual alliaiKe toith iw. Let us carry them back It their oion settlemevls ; conduct them safely within their confines, and then take up the hatchet, an I endeavor to exterminate the tvhole race of them." This counsel was adopted. Before commencing hostilities, however, the murderers were (ii-manded, but were blindly refused tliem, anu we have related the conse- (jucnces. The French, it was said, used their influence to enrage the Indians ; but if tliat were the case, we should not deem it worth naming, as it appears to us that nothing more could be necessary to inflame them tliau the horrid out- rages of which we have spoken. It a[)pears from another source,* that Governor Littleton was met at Charles- ton by a deputation of 32 Cherokee chiefs, among whom was Ochonostota, who, on hearing of the warlike movements at that place, had set out to visit the F.nglisi), and if possiblr to prevent a war with them. For although some of tiieir young waiTiors hai. committed several acts of violence, yet the great body of the nation were friendly towards the English, and desired pt^ace. IJut instead of seizing on this opportunity of treating with the chiefs, he insultingly told them, "That ho woidd soon be in their "ountry, where he would let them know his demands." Ockonosiota began 'o speak in reply, "but the governor being determined that nothing should prevent his iiiilitiuy expedition, declared he would hear no talk he had to make, ncithei in vindication of his nation, nor any proposals with regard to peace." TUe LiouttiiaMt-Governor Bull saw the bad policy of this step, and urged the ntcessity of hearing what Ockonosiota, the Great Warnor, as ho was called, luid to say, and settling their difficulties ; but this good advice had no effect on Litlleton, and he marched from Charleston in October, a few days atlcr At <■' place of rendezvous, about 140 miles from that plate, his force amounted to about 1400 men. The chiefs, by order of the governor, had marched witli the army to this place, and, although burning with resentment at their treatment, yet they discovered no signs of discontent. When the army was about to march ti'om Congarecs, (this being their place of rendezvous,) the cliiels were all mado prisoniTS, and under guard were marched to Fort Prince Ceorge. f Their resentment now showed itself; " stung to the heart by such base treatment," they cringed in sullen silence, and we may sujipose that " tliey 8|"»"t their time in concerting plots for obtaining their libertj', and satisfaction l()r the injuries done them."| Being now at Fort Prince George with his army, Litlleton foimd himself in about the same repute with his own men as with the injured Indians; he therefore concluded not to carry his conquests any further at present, but to make a treaty, and retain captive Indians enough as hostages to insure ita oi)servancc. He therefore sent a messenger to AttakidlakiUla, who was reck- oned the wisest man in the nation, or the best friend to the English, request- ing him to come to Fort George. He immediately came ; and to show the Englisii he was their friend, produced a French prisoner whom he liad just taken in an expedition against that nation, and whom he presented to Gov- ernor Littleton. A "congress" was now (about IS DeceniL^r, l/.W) held witli AttakidlakuUa, in which i> 'ang speech, in which all the grievances he could think of were enumerated by the governor ; after which the chief made another, in which he promised to do all he couid to persuade his coun- tiyiii"!! to give the governor the satisfaction he demanded ; yet he said, " il * Hewatt, Hist. Carolina, 11. 2IC. t 'I'liis fort was upon llie Sav.iiinali River, r.oar the Cherokee town called Kcowee. i Hetratl, Hist, Carolina, ii. lii. Chap. IV.] ATTAKULLAKULLA.— IMPRISONMENT OF HOSTAGES. 375 neither wouUI nor could l)e complied with, as ihey had no coerci\e authority, one over another." He dt-sircd that some of the chiefs thi-ii confined Miijiht \te lihi^rated to aid him in restoring tranquillity; and accordingly Ockonoslota, tyiot, chief ')f Keowee, and the head warrior of Estatoe, were given up, and two Indians were taken in exchange and put in irons. The other Cherokees present, ohserving what was going forwani, withdrew into the woods, and .U- UtkuUakulla, presuming the business must end here, withdrew also. It hud In-en premised, or rather demanded, in the governor's speech, that 24 Iiidian^, who were known to have killed white people, should be given into his hands to lie put to death, or otherwise dis|)osed ot. Two only had been delivered, and S'i yet reinaineil of the number of the murderei's, in their own native litrcsts. As soon as Litllelon knew of JlUakullakulla's departure, he sent for him, and he iniMiediately returned, and the business of a treaty v/as renewed, and on the 20 Uecembcr, 175'J, it was signed by Attakui-lakui.la, Otassite, Oco>.\okca, and OUCO.NNOSTOTA, KiTAGUSTA, KlLLCA.NNOKKA. By article III. of the treaty,* it was agreed that 22 chief-, (those who had been treacherously si-jzi'd,) should remain as hostages, to ensure the delivr-ry of the like number of mmderers to the English. There seems, however, to have been but 21 retained, whos ; names we are able to give Im'Iow, aiul wiio, under the name of hostages, were thrown iiito a dismal, close prison, scarce large enough for six men, where they remained about two months, and were then masacred, as in tin? se([uel we siial! show: — Chenohe, Ousanatanali, Tallkhanut, Tallitahe, Qitarrasalliihe, Connasnratnh, Kataelui, Olassile of Walogo, Oasaih>lttah of Jore, Knlmlelah of Cowetche, ChisqimUilw.. , Skiagusla of Sticoe, Tanaeslo, WuluiUlu:, H'ljfjuh, Oucahihista- nah, .V7co/cA<", Tony, Tvaliahoi, SlntJlisloske, and Cltistie.\ Things liiiving been thus settled, Mr. Litllelon rt tiUMied to Charleston, w here In- was received like a con(|ueror, although what he had done, it will appiar, was worse than if he had done notliing. Ockonoslota, for good reason, no doubt, entertaincn to efi'ct the release of the hostages, and requested that a white man might accoiiqtany him; and that, as the distance was great, he would go and try to catch a horse. The captain promised him a guard, and hoped he would succeed in finding a horse. Ockonoslota then quickly turned himself about, and swinging his bridle thrice over his head, which was the signal to his nun, and they promptly obeying it, about 30 guns were dischargetl upon the otTicers at the same moment. Captain Colt/more received a shot in his lell breast, from which he died in two or three days after, and both the oth'rs wt re wounded, t On recovering the fort, an attem|)t was made to |)ut the * [l is printed at leiiglli in llie Bt.iTlsn Empiuk, by Jluddlesto/ie Wijiiiie, Esq. ii. 273 — 2''i ; ail author of no iiiroiisiclcrabic merit on our afl'airs. t Several of lliese 22 were of the number who had been in England in 1730, and fxcculed » treaty witli the kin^, as has been before stated, and as will be seen by comparing the names !.liovc With those named in the treaty. 1 " Two bidian women appeared at Keowee, on the other side of the river. Mr. Doherty went out, and acrostiug tlicni, asked what news ? Ockonoslota Joined them, pretending some ;i BilJH ■' t ''A 376 CHEROKEE WAR— MONTGORiERY'S EXPEDITION. [Bock IV hostages in irons. An Englishman, wbo laid hold on one of them for tliut |)(ni)us(\ was stalibod and slain ; und, in the scuffle, two or three more were wounded, und driven out of the place of rontinenient. The tragedy in the I'jrt had now only commenced ; the miserable prisoners liad n-jxlled their ussassins for the moment, and, doubtless, hoped for deliverance from their friends without, who had now closely besieged the place. But, unfoilunately for these poor wretches, the fort was too strong to be carried by tlieir orta jf war, and the dustunlly whites found time and means to murder their victims, one by one, in a manner too horrible to n-late.* There were few persons among the Cherokjies who did not lose a fri<;nd or relation by this massacre ; and, ud one man, the nation took up the hatchet, and dfsolutions quickly followed. Meanwhile, singular as it may appear, Attakullakulla remained the fast friend of the whites, and iiseance. All sung the wui-song, and, burning with impatience to indirue their hands in the blood of their enemies, rushed down among innocent and de- fenceless families on the frontiere of Carolina, where men, women, und children, without iViKtinetion, fell a sroii8 with the wiiitea, Out three ur four men having been killed ; l)ut it had no otlier cfVect upon tlie Indians than to increase their ruge. Rleauwhile, Fort Prince George had l)ccn closely invested, and Colonel Montgomery marched to its relied From this place, tv/o friendly chiefs were dei^patchcd to the middle settlements, to offer [)eace to the j>eople there, and orders were sent to those in command at Fort Loudon, to use moans to hring about an accommo<>i-8 shuuld tiiiiii^ iii!Ct>wnry, and tin unmole.sti'd, Accordiiij,dy, on 7 Anfriist, 17(iO, tlio Enpiish tool; ii|) their march for PVirt Prtnco (j('orj,'f. TI;oy had proceeded but alont 15 miles, wlicn they cnrninp- eing up to sniTonnd them. Captain Demere had scarce time to ntlly, b<;fore the Indians InoUe into his camp with great fury. TIk; poor emaciated soldiers made lint feclile resistance. Thirty of their numlN>r fell in the first onset, among whom was tlieir capUiin. Those that were ahle, endeavored to save themselves hy flight, and otiiei-s smrendered themselves ujion the place. This massacre, it will not be forgotten, was in retaliation for that of the hostages already related. Among the prisoners was Captain Stcuarl. They were conducted to F'ort Loudon, which now l>ecamc OckonosM(Cs head-(piarters. JlUdkullakulla, learning that his fricncrsuaded them that the English had nothing less in view than their total extermination, and, furnishing them with arms and ammuni- tion, urged them to war. At a great council of the nation, afler brandishing his hatchet, he struck it into a log of wood, calling out, " fhio is the man that vrill lake this up for Ihe king oflVance ? " SALOUE or Sii.6tEE, a young warrior of Estatoe, instantly laid hold of it, and cried out, " / am for tear. The spirits of our brothers who have been slai»i, still call U|)on its to avenge their death. He is no better than a womnn that refuses to follow me." Othera were not wanting to follow his example, and the war continued. SUduee was a Cherokee chief, and wos introduced by Mr. Jefferson, to illus- trate the observation in his Notes on Virginia, that the Indian "is affectionate to his children, careful of them, and indulgent in the extreme ; that his affec- tions comjm'hend his other connections, weakening, as with us, from circle to circle, as they recede from the centre ; that his friendships are strong and faithful to the uttermost extremity." "A remarkable instance of this appeared in the case of the late Col. Bi/rd,* who was sent to the Cherokee nation to transact some I iisiness with them. It hn])pened that some of our disorderly people had just killed one or two of that nation. It was therefore proposed m the council of the Chcrokees, that Col. Bip-d should be put to death, in revenge for the loss of their countrymen. Among them was a chief called SUduee, who, on some former occasion, had contracted an acquaintance and friendship with Col. Byrd. He came to liim every night in his tent, and told him not to he afraid, they should not kill him. After many days' deliberation, * Perhaps llic Siime mentioned by Oklmiron, (i. 283,) who. in spcakin;; of llie Iiulian pow- wows, says, " one very lately conjured a shower of rain for <^ol. liyrd's pinnlation in lime of drouth, for two bottles of rum ; " and our author says he should nol have believed, had he not round it in un author who wag on the spot ! Chap. IV.] SIl.OUEE.— SAVES THE IJFE OF COLONKI, RVKD. 379 nowfvcr, tho dotcrrniimtinn wiw, rontrary to SUoure^a c'X|MTtJilion, thnt liyra sIkiiiIiI III! |)iit to (IruiIi, ami some wnrriorM wcro ilrH|mt('lii'il uh threw hiiii^'lt' lii'twet II thi'iii and Jii/rd, nnil Buiil to tlie wnirioin, 'This mitn is inif J'rienil . bij'ore you fret at him you must kill me ! ' On wliicli they n;liiiiiiMl, niid the coun- cil ri'K|icett'y Viij^j'inia, as wo Imve before related. It h' true the j^oveinineiit of Viijc'iiiia wiia not alone in iliis criminal himinens, but that IxittefM not her ea.^c. The diMir of enormity being thus opeiiud, it was easy to l.uvc foreseen, that many iiicn upon tiiu Irontiers, "of luul lives and worse print iples," says an intelligent writer,* stood ready to step in. As the event proved, many friemlly Indians were murdered, and the govcrniiieiit defrauded. It was at the news of a murder of this description that Colonel Uitrd was seized. Such was tho condition of the country, that n second apfdication was mado to General Amherst for aid, and lie |iromptly atlbrded it. ('olonel James Grant arrived there early in 17(il, and not long after took the field with a Jbrce of English and Indians, ainoiinting to alMiiit 2(X)0 men.f He traversed the Cher- okee country, and subdued that peojilu in a hard-fought buttle, near the sumo place where Colonel Montgomery was attacked the year lielbre. It lasted about three hours, in which about (X) whites were killed and wounded. The I0S.S of the Indians was unknown. Colonel Grajit orderetl his dead to be sunk in the river, that the Indians might not find them, to practise upon them their barbarities. He then proceeded to the destruction of their towns, 15 in num- ber, which he accomplished \vithout molestation. J Peace was at lust ellected by the mediution of AUahdlakulla. This chief's n'sidence was ii|>on tiio Tennessee or Cherokee River, at what was culled the Overkill Totcns. In 1773, when the learned traveller, liarlrnm, travelled into the Cherokee country, he met the old chief on his way to Charleston ; of which circumstance hi; s|ieaks thus in his Travels: — "Soon after crossing this lurge brunch of the Tanase, I observed descending the heights, at some di.stance, a company of Indian.", all well mounted on horseback. They came rapidly forward ; v their nearer u|)proach, I observed a chief at the head of the caravan, and ap| chending him to be the Little-carpenter, emperor or grand chief of tiie Chcrokee.s, as they came n|>, I turned oft* from tho path to make way, in token of respect, wiiich com|iiimont was accepted, and gratefully and magnanimously leiiirni-d ; for hi.s highness, with a gracious and cheerful smile, came ii|> to me, and clapping his iiaiid on his breast, oflercd it to me, saying, I am .'Hn-cxd-adla, an\ e have spoken. A large band of Creeks accompanied him, and there is but III tie doubt, if it had not been for him and his warriors, few of the English would have returned to their friends. But, as usual, the English leader, in his time, had all the lionv- ' of successfully encountering many difficulties, and ictiiiiiiiig with his own life and many of his men's. It was by the aid of Clducco, that tiie army escaped ambush after ambush, destroyed many of the Cherokee villages, and finally his warriors covered its retreat out of one of the most dangerous countries through which an army could pass. Long-tvarrior nns what the New England Indians termed a great powwow. That he was * Doctor Dui-nabij. \ llewalt. { Annual Register, iv. 58 ; Heicall, ii. 218 — 51. 1 a 380 MONCACIITAPL. lliiioK IV. ft man |K)B§efl8ing a goml tniml, may fuirly bo inferred from IiLb nliility to witliMUiiid the temptation of intoxicating liquors. lie had >)ecn known to remain hoImt, wlien all his trilie, iind many wliitcs among them, had all been wullowinv in the mire of drunkenness together. In the year ]77ti, ut the head of altoiit 40 warriors, lie marched against tho Chocktawa of West Flor- ida. What was tho issue of this e.x|K!dition we have not learned. We may tuve again occasion to notice Chlucco. -^H^t CHAPTER V. '4 MoNCACHTAPr.iMe Yazoo — A'arrntiee of his adventures to the Pacific Ocean — Grahd- «uif, chief of the Xatchez — Receives great injustice from the French — Concerts their destruction — 700 French are rut off^lVar teith them — The A'atchez destroyed in their turn — Grkat-mohtar — M'Gii.MVRAr — //*'* birth and education — Visits J^'eic York — Troubles of his nation — His death — Tame-kino — Map-uoo. MONCACIITAPE was a Yozoo, whose name signified, in the language of that iml'ion, killer of pain and fiitifrtie. How well he deserved this name, the sequel will unfold. He was well known to the historian Du Pratz, ultout 17()0, and it was owing to his singular good intelligence, tiint that traveller was able to add much valuable information to his work. " This man (says Du Pralz*) was remarkable for his solid understanding and elevation of sentiment; and I may justly compare him to those first Greeks, who travelled chiefly into the cast, to examine the manners and customs of difllerent nations, and to communicate to their fellow citizens, upon their return, the knowledge which they had ocqiiired." He was known to the French by the name of tliff Interpreter, as he ( ^ ild communicate with Eovenil other nations, having gained a knowledge of their languages. Monsieur Du Pratz used great endeavora among the natiopd upon tlie Mississippi, to learn their origin, or from whence they came ; and observes concerning it, "All that I could learn from them was, that they came from between the north and the sun-setting ; and this account they uniformly adhere to, whenever they give any account of their origin." This was unsatisttictory to him, and in his exertions to find some one that could inform him better, he met with Moncachtape. Tho following is the result of his communications in his own words: — "I )iad lost my wife, and nil the children whom I had by her, when I undertook my journey towards the sun-rising. I set out from my village contrary to the mclinution of all my rclations, and went first to the Chieasaws, our friends and neighbors. I continued among them several days, to inform myself whether they knew whence we all came, or, at least, whence they themselves came; they, who were our elders; since from them came the languoge of the country. As they could not inform me, I proceeded on my journey. I reached the country of the Chaouanous, and afterwards went up the Walmsh, or Ohio, near to its source, which is in the country of the Iroquois, or Five Nations. I left them, however, towards the north ; and, during the winter, which, in that country, is very severe and very long, I lived in a village of the Albenaquis, where I contracted an acquaintance with a man somewhat older than myself, who promised to conduct me, the following spring, to the great water. Accordingly, when the snows were melted, and the weather was settled, we proceeded en-stwanl, and, after several days' journey, 1 at length saw the great water, which filled me with such joy and admiration, that i could not speak. Night drawing on, we took up our lodging on a high bank above the water, which was sorely vexed by the wind, and made so great a noise that I could not sleep. Next day, the ebbing and flowing of the water filled me with great apprehension ; but my companion quieted my fears, by tssuring me that the water observed certain bounds, both in advancing and * Hist. Louisiana, ii. 121. . . IJ Chap. V. | ADVKNTIKES OF MONC'ACIITArn. 3dl rt'iiriiiif. Having mitinfifil our oiiriopity in vinwiiiff tlie grrnt wntnr, we rrtiimrtl to the villn^c ol' the AlH-im<|iiiis wlieru I coiitiniUMi the toNowiiig winter; niiil, filler the Hnnwn wen> melted, my com|>niiii>ii aiitl I went nnil viewed the great fall ot'the River St. I,invreiiee,at Ninguni, whieh wni* distant from the village wvera dnyrt' jniiriiey. The view of this ureat fall, at timt, made my huir ntand on end, and my heart almont leap out ot itM place ; hut atlerwanfn, Ijefore I Icll it, I line ine in jrood health. — This journey, instead of saliNtying, oidy served to excite my curioHity. Our old men, for several years, hud told me thut the ancient n|)eecli informed them that the red men of the north come originally nmch higher and nmch further than the source of the River Missouri ; and, us I hud longed to see, with my own eyes, the land from whence our first fothers came, I took my precautions for my journey westwards. Having |)rovided a small nuantity of com, I proceeded up Hlr)ng the easti-m Imnk of the Kiver Mississippi, till I cuine to the Ohio. I went up along the hank of this hint river, alxxit tlie fourth |)art of a day's journey, that I might he ahio to cross it without heing curried into the IVIississippi. There I formed a cnjcux, or rail of canes, by the nssi^^tnnce of which 1 passed over the river; and next day meeting with u herd of lniHuioes in the meadows, I killed a fat one, ond took from it the fillets, the liiinch, and the tongue. Soon oAer, I arrived nniong the Tnmarous, a village of the nation of the Illinois, where I rested several days, anil then proceeded northwards to the month of the Mis'soiiri, which, after it enters the great river, runs for a considerahle time without intermixing its muddy waters with the clear Mreain of the other. Having crossed the Mississippi, I went up the Mij^soiiri, along its northern bank, and, after several days' journey, I arrived at tlie nation of the iMissouris, where I staid a long time to leum the language that is spoken bevond them. In going along the Missouri, I jiasscd through meadows a whole day's journey in length, which were quite covered with hiifthloea. " When the cold was past, and the snows were melted, I continued my jour- ney up along the Missouri, till I came to the nation of the west, or the Caiizas. Atlerwurds, in consequence of directions from them, I proceeded in the same course near 30 days, and at length I met with some of the nation of the Otters, who were hunting in that neighborhood, and were surprised to see me alone. I continued with the hunters two or tliree days, and then accompanied one of them and his wife, who was near her time of lying in, to their village, which lay far off" betwixt the north and west. We coiitintif ' our journey along the Missouri for nine days, and then we marched directly northwards for five days more, when we came to the fine river, which runs westward in a direc- tion contrary to that of the Missouri. We proceeded down this river a whole day, and then arrived at the village of the Otters, who received me with as much kindness as if I had been of their own nation. A few days after, I joined a party of the Otters, who were going to carry a calumet of peace to a nation beyond them, and we embarked in a pettiaiigre, and went down the river for 18 days, landing now and then to supply ourselves with provisions. \>'licn I arrixed at the nation who wore at peace with the Otters, I staid with them till the cold was passed, that I might learn their language, which was common to most of the nations that lived beyond them. " The cold was tiardly gone, wnen i again emnarKed on the fine river, and in my course I met with several nations, with whom I generally staid but one night, till I arrived at the nation that is but one day's journey from the great water on the west. This nation live in the woods about the distance of a league from the river, from their apprehension of bearded men, who come upon their coasts in floating villages, and carry off their children to make slaves of them. These men were described to be white, with long black beanls that came down to their breast ; they were thick and short, had largo heads, which were covered with cloth ; they were always dressed, even in tlie greatest heats ; their clothes fell down to the middle of their legs, which, with t* ) * 1 ■ ) ■ 382 GRAND SUN. [n.u>K IV. ;l. in, i M 1 f I t b: ]'' ill* -1, iheir feet, wore covered with red or yellow stuff. Their arms riiatlc n •.'i-cat fire niid a gnnt noise; and Mhen they saw themselves ontnuniocred In red men, tliey retired on board tiieir large i)ettiuugrc, their number noniich further, on account of the severity of the climate, and the want of game, I returned by the same route by which 1 had set out; and, reducing my whole travels westward to days' journeys, I compute that they v\oida have emjjloyed me 3G moons ; but, on account of my frequent delays, it was five years before I returned to my relations among the Yazoos." Tims ends the narrative of the famous traveller .Moncachtape, which seems to have satisfied Du Praiz, tlmt the Indians came from the continent of Asia, by way of Behnng^s Straits. And he soon after left him, and returned to his o\vn country. It would have been gratifying, could we have known more of the history of this verv intelligent man. The same author brings also to. our knowledge a chief called GRAND-SUN, chief of the Natchez. Although Sun was a common name for all chiefs of that nation, this chief was jmrticularly distinguished in the fu-st war with th(> French, which exhibits the compass otour information concern- ing him, and whicl; ive purpose here to sketch. He was brother to tlii> great warrior, known to tiie French by the nan.e of Stimj-sf.rpent, and like him was a friend to the whites, until the haughty, overbearing disposition of (ine man brought d(>struetion and ruin on their whole colony. This atliiir took place ill the year I7'i\\ The residence of the Ihaud-sun was near the I'nncli post of Natelicz, where he had a beautifid village called the K'liilr .-Ifiplv. iM. f/e ChnpaH iiad been reinstated in the command of the |)ost, wlience he was for a time removed liy niason of misconduct, and his abominable inju.-iice to the Indians became more conspicudiis afterwards than b. Ii)re. To graiil'y his H 1H Chap. V.J URAND-SUN.— MASSACRE OP THE FRENCFI IN NATCHEZ. 383 piiile nixl avarice, he had projected the building of an elegant villngn, and none uppcured lo suit his purpose so well as the White Ap|)le of the Grand' tun. lie »(iit lor the chief to his fort, and unhesittitiiigly told him that his villiiife niuist be inuiiediatcly given up to him, for he had resolve weapon, wielded by aa contemptible a person, was M. Chopart pursued from his house into his garden, and there met his death. The design of the Grand-sun and his allies was, to have followed u[i their lucci'ss until all the French were driven out of Louisiana. But somi- tribe* 3S4 GREAT-MORTAR.— IS ATTACKED BV THE CHICKASAUS. [Book IV. :i ■A would not nid in it, and the governor of LDnisiana, promptly seconilcd by the K^ople of Now Orleans, shortly after nearly anniliiluted the whole tribe of the atclicz. The Choctaws offered themselves, to the numl)er of 15 or IGOO men, and, in the following February, advanced into the country of the Natch- ez, and were shortly after joined by the French, and encam[)ed near the old fort, then in possession of the Grand-sun. Here flags passed lietween them, and terms of |>Bace were agreed upon, which were very honorable to the Indians ; hut, in the following night, they dccam)>ed, taking ail their prisoners and baggage, leaving nothing but the cannons of the fort and halls l)ehind them. Some time now passed before the French could ascenain the retnjat of the Natchez. At length, they learned tliat tlMjy had crossed the IMississippi, and settled upon the west side, near 180 miles above the mouth of Red River. Here they built a fort, and remained quitlly until the next year. The weakness of the colony caused the inhabitants to resign themselves into the hands of the king, who soon sent over a sutficient fon:e, added to those still in the country, to Inimble the Natchez. They were accordingly invested in their fort, and, struck with consternation at the sudden approach of the French, seem to have lost their former prudence. They made a desjwrate sally upon the camp of the enemy, but were repulsed with gn.'at loss. They then attemi)ti;d to gain time by negotiation, ns they had the year before, but couW not escape from the vigilance of the French oflicer; yet the attempt was made, and many were killed, very few eHcai)ed, and the greater nmnber driven within their fort. Mortars wcmc used by tiieir enemies in this siege, and the third bomb, falling in the centre of the fort, made great havoc, but still greater consternation. Drowned by the cries of the women and children, Grand-sun caused the sign of capitulation to be given. }Iimself| with the rest of his company, wore carried prisoners to New Orleans, and thrown into ])rison. An increasing infection caused the women and children to be taken out and employed as slaves on the king's plantations ; among whom was the woman who had used every endeavor to notity the connnand- ant, Chopart, of the intended massacre, and from whom the particulars of the affair were learned. Her name was Slung-arm. These sla\es were shortly after embarked for St. Domingo, entirely to rid the countiy of the Natchez.* The men, it is |)robable, were all put to death. GREAT-MORTAR, or Yah-yah-tustanagt, was a very celebrated IMuskogee chief, who, before the revolutionary war, was in the Fi-ench interest, and received his supplies from their garrison at Alabama, which was not far dis- tant from his place of abode, called Okchai. There was a time when he inclined to the English, and but for the very haughty and imprudent conduct of the superintendent of Indian affiiirs, among them, might have been re- claimed, and the dismal jieriod of massacres which ensued averted. At a great council, appointed by the siii)erintendent, for the object of regaining then- favor, the pi|)e of peace, when passing around, was refused to Great- mortar, because he had favored the French. This, with nnich other ungener- ous treatment, caused him ever atler to hate the English name. As the super- intendent was making a speech, which douhtlefes contained severe and hard sayings against his red hearers, another chief, called the Tobacco-eater, sprung upon his feet, and da-ting his tomahawk at him, it fortunately missed him, but stuck in a plank just above his head. Yet he would have been immediately killed, but for the interposition of a friendly warrior. Had this first blow been effectual, every Englishman jjresent would have been immediately put to death. Soon after, Grcat-inorlnr caused his j)eople to fall u|)on the English traders, and th(!y nun-dered ten. Fourteen of the inhabitants of Longcane, a settlement near Ninety-six, t next were his victims. He now received a commission from the French, ami the b(!tter to enlist the Cherokees and others in his cause, removed with bis family far into the heart of the coimtry, ujton a river, by which he could receive supplies from tin. fort at Alabama. Neither the French nor Grcat-tnortttr were deceived in the advantage of their newly-chosen position* foryoungwarrioi-s joined him therein great numbers, and it was fast becoming * Mods. Du I'riil:, Hisl, dp Lnuisiaiin, tome i. oh. xii. t >So cullticl because it was *JG miles from tlio Cherokee. Adai . Chat. V.j MGILLIVRAY. 335 a gciuTiil rendezvous for all the Mississippi Indians. Fortunately, however, for tiic I'jiglisli, tlic Chiekusaws in their interest plucked U|) tiiis Bohon upas before its hraiiclies were yet extended. They fell upon them hy surprise, kiih'd the brother of Great-mortar, and completely destroyed the design, IL- fled, not to his native place, but to one from wlience he coidd best annoy the English settlements, and commenced anew the work of death. Augusta, in Georgia, and many scattering settlements were destroyed.* Those ravagen were continued until their united forces were defeated by the Americans under General Grant, in 1761, as wo have narrated. We have next to notice a chief, king, or emperor as he was at different times entitled, whose omission, in a biographical work upon the Indians, would incur as much criminality, on the part of the biographer, as an ouiission of Buohonsrfhflas, White-eyes, Pipe, or Ockonostola; yea, even more. Wo mean ALEXANDER M'GILLIVRAY, who was, perhaps, one of the most con- s|)icnous, if not one of the greatest, chiefs that has ever borne that title amf)ng the Creeks; at least, since they have been known to the Europeans. He flourished during half of the last century, and such was the exalted opinion entertained of him by his countrymen, that they styled him "king of kings." His mother was his predecessor, and the governess of the nation, and he had s(?veral sisters, who married leading men. On the death of his mother, he came in ciiief sachem by the usages of his ancestors, but such was his disinter- ested patriotism, that he left it to the nation to say whether he should succeed to the sachemship. The people elected him " emperor." He was at the head of the Creeks during the revolutionary war, and was in the British interest. After the peace, he became reconciled to the Americans, and ex[)ri'ss(d a desire to renounce his public life, and reside in the U. States, but was hindered by the earnest solicitations of his countrymen, to remain among them, and dir."ct their aftiiirs. His residence, according to General MilJ'i'ii,\ who married his sister, was near Tallahassee, about half a league from wliat was formerly Fort Toulouse. He lived in a handsome house, and owned 60 negroes, each of whom ho pro- vided with a separate habitation, which gave his estate the appearance of a little town. \ .WGillivrau was a son of an Englishman of that name who married a Creek woman, and hence was what is called a half breed. He was born about 17;W, and, at the ago often, was sent by his father to school in Charleston, Avhere he was in the care of Mr. Farquhar JWGillivraij, who was a relation of his liither His tutor was a Mr. 5^fee(/. He learned the Latin language under the tuition of Mr. William Henderson, afterwards somewhat eminent r.mong the critics in London. When young M'Gillivray Avas 17, he was put into a coimtiiig-houso in Savannah, but mercantile afiliirs had not so many charms as '.mnks, and he spent all the time he could get, in reading histories and other works of useful- ness. After a short time, his father took him home, where his supi'rior talents soon began to develop themselves, and his promotion followed. He was often styled general, which commission, it is said, he actually held undcM* Charles HI., king of Spain. This was, probably, before he was elected emperor. To be a litde more particular with this distinguished man, I will hazard a repetition of soimc facts, for the sake of giving an account of him as recorded byone§ who resided long with him, and consequently knew him well. He was the son of a Creek woman, of the fimiily of the Wind, whose tiither was an officer in the French service, stationed at Fort Toulouse, near the nation of the Alabamas. This officer, in trading with the Indians, became; acquainted with the mother of our chief, whom he married. They had five chii "..'ii, two boys and three girls. Only one of the boys lived to grow up. As among other tribes, so among the Creeks, the children belong to the mother; and when AFGillivray^s father desired to send him to Charleston to get an education, hu was obliged first to get the mother's consent. This, it seems, was easily obtained, and young JirGillivray was put there, where he accpiircd a good * Adair's II t. N. American Iiidiniis, 25-1-, i&p. + Mcinoire > • coup-d'oeil rapido sur mes ciiirerciis voyages el mon si'joiir dans la niilioi X Ibid. $ General MUfutl. 33 Z Creek, p. 27. 386 M'GILLIVRAY.— HIS VISIT TO NEW YORK. [Book IV. education. He did not return for some time to his nation, which was at the commcnccmout of the revolutionary war; and he then went, commissioned by the royalists, to invite liis countrymen to a treaty upon the frontiers, and to unite tlicm against the reliels.* He generally spoke the English language, which was not pleasing to his mother, "vho would not speak it. t After the war he became attached to the Americans, and although the bor- derers caused frequent troubles, yet he made and renewed treaties with them. In 1790, he came to New York with 29 of his chiefs. Owing to some misun- derstanding, he had refused to treat at Rock Landing a short time before, where conunissioners from the U. States had attended ; and the government, jiistly fearing a rupture, unless a speedy reconciliation should take place, despatched Colo el Marinus fVilltt into the Creek country, with a pacific letter to General JWGilltvray. He succeeded in his mission, and the chiefs arrived in New York 23 July, 1790.^ They were conducted to the residence of the secretary of war, General Knox, who conducted them to the house of the president of the U. States, and introduced them to him. President Washing- ton received tliem "in a very handsome manner, congi-atulated them on their safe arrival, and expressed a hope that the interview would prove beneficial both to the U. States and to the Creek nation." They next visited the governor of the state, from whom they received a most cordial welcome. They then |)rocecded to the City Tavern, where they dined in company with General TTnor, and otlier officere of government. A correspondence between Governor Telfair, of Georgia, and ^^ Alexander MGillvary, Esq." probably opened the way for a negotiation, which terminated in a settlement of difficulties. From the following extract from M'Gillivray's letter, a very just idea may be formed of the state of the afiiiirs of his nation previous to his visit to New York. "In answer to yours, I have to observe, that, as a peace was not concluded on between us at the Roek-landing meeting, your demand for property taken by our warriors from off the disputed lands caimot be admitted. VVe, also, have had our losses, by captures made by your people. We are willing to conclude a peace with you, but you must not expect extraordinary concessions from us. In order to si)are the further effusion of human blood, and to finally determine the war, I am willing to concede, in some measure, if you are disposed to treat on the ground of mutual concession. It will save trouble and expense, if the negotiations are managed in the nation. Any person from you can be assured of jM'rsonal safety and friendly treatment in this coimtry." It was dated at Little Tellassee, 30 RIarch, 1790, and directed to "His Excellency Edward Telfair, Esq." and signed "^/cx. M'Gillivra;/." This chief seems afterwards to have met with the censure of his people, at least some of them, in a manner similar to that of JWIntosh recently ; any (lie Ti\[n- niiiny Soriety, in die dress ol'tlii-ir order." on dieir landing, lb. ^ III 1791, (his litnvles, widi five chiefs, was in Enjr|an. Chap. V.l MADDOG— THE SOUTIIEKN BOUNDARY. 387 Dation from the coi.imission of a crime, nor punish him after he had commit- ted it! lie might pernuade or advise, all the good an Indian kuig or cliiet can do." Tliis is, generally speaking, a tolerably correct estimate of the extent of the power of chiefs; hut it should he rememhered that the chiefs of different trihes exercise very dilferent sway over their people, according as such chief is endowed witii the spirit of govermnent, hy nature or circum- stance;. There is great absurdity in applying the name or title of king to Indian chiefs, as that title is connnonly understood. The fii'st Europeans conferred the title u|)on those who appeared most prominent, in their first discoveries, for want of another more appropriate ; or, perliaps, they had another reason, namely, that of magnifying their own exploits on their return to their own countries, by reporting their interviews with, or conquests over, " many kings of an unknown country." Contemporary with General jW Gillivrai/ was a chief called the TAME-KING, whose residence was among the Upper Creeks, in 17;>1 ; and he is noticed in our public documents of that year, as a conspicuous chief in matters connected with establishing the southern boundary. At this time one Bowles, an English trailer, had great influence among the Lower Creeks, and usetl great endeavors, by putting himself forward as their chief, to enlisi all the nations in opposition to the Americans. He had made large promises to the Upper Creeks, to induce them not to hear to the American conmnssioners They so far listened to him, as to consent to receive his talk, and accordingly the chiefs of the upper and lower towns met at a place called the Half-wivj- house, where they expected Bowles in person, or some letters containing definitd statements. When the chiefs had assombled. Tame-king and Mad-dog, ut'tiic upper towns, asked tiie chiefs of the lower, "whether they had taken Bowleses talks, and where the letters wei"e which this great man had sent them, and where the white man was, to read them." An Indiim in Bowleses employ said, "he was to give them the talk." They laughed at this, and said, "they could hear his mouth every day; that they had come there to see those letters and liear them read." Most of the chiefs of the upper towns now lefl the coun- cil, which was about the termination of Bowleses successes. He was shortly afterwards obliged to abdicate, as we have already declared in the life of' flrGUlivray. He returned again, however, afler visiting Spain and England, and spending some time in prison.* Mr. EllicoU ol)servos,t that, at the close of a conference with "vindry tribes, held 15 August, 1799, in which objects were discussed concerning his passage through their country, that "the business appeared to terminate as favorably as could be expected, and the Indians d chu-ed themselves perfectly satisfied ; but I nevertheless had my doidtts of ilieir sincerity, from the dej)redations they were constantly making upon our horses, which began upon the Coeneuck, and had continued ever since ; and added to their insolence, from their stealing every article in our camp they could lay their hands on." Mr. Ellkott excepts the Upjjcr Creeks, generally, from participating in these rob- beries, all but Tame-king and his people. Though we have named Tame-king first, yet Mad-dog was quite as con- spicuous at this time. His son fought for the Americans in the last war, and was mentioned by General Jackson as an active and valuable chief in Jiis expeditions. His real name we have not learned, and the general mentions him oidy as Mad-dog's son. In the case of the boundary already mentioned, the surveyors met with ti-e- qiient difiiculties from the various tribes of Indians, some of wiiom were influenced by the S|)anish governor, Folch, of Louisiana. Mad-dog appeared their friend, and undeceived them res|)ecting the governor's (jretcnsions. A conference was to be held about the 4 May, between the Indians, Governor Fukli, and the American conunissioners. The place of meeting was to be upon Coenecuh River, near the southern estuary of tiie Imy of l'ensac(jlii. When * III! was coiifiiicil ill llic Aloro caslli; iii llio Ihivana, willi lliroo (^luTukros lliat accoiii- panicil him. Tliis was in I7i)i. ll was saiii iliat iliis iiivelLTali; oiiciny of tliu Unilctl Stales, liini'li's, was wiUi llii- liuliaiis, at Si. Clair's duloat. — Can-y's Miueum, xi. 40 f. t 111 his Journal, 214. ■^r.. '■\\ 388 WEATHERFORD. [Book IV. !!;! tlir Aincricnns arrived tliere, Mad-dog ni(!ir surviving friends, [! !] their loss in killed, independent of their wound- ed, li'Ubt liave been at least '200, (among whom were the Autossce and Tallasset; kings,) and frotn the circumstance of their making no efforts to molest oiu- return, probably greater. The number of buildings burnt, some of a superior order for the dwellings of savages, and filled with valuable articles, is supposed to be 400." This was on the 29 November, 181.'?. jyrintosh was also very conspicuous in the memorable battle of the Horse- shoe-bend, in the Tallapoosie River. At this place the disconsolate tribes of tlio south had made a last great stand, and had a tolerably regular fortified camp. It was said that they were 1000 strong. They had constructed their works with such ingenuity, that little could be effected against them but by storm. "Determined to exterminate them," says GeneraUacAson, "I di'tached General Coffee with the mounted, and nearly the whole of the Indian f()rce, (>arly f)n the morning of yesterday, [March 27, 1814,] to cross the river about two miles below their encampment, and to surround the bend, in such a manner, as that none of them should escape by attempting to cross the river." " Beant company of spies, who had accompanied Gen. Coffee, crossed over in canoi i to the extremity of the bend, and set fire to a few of the buildings which wei i there situated ; they then advanced with great gallantry towards th(! breast- work, and commenced a spirited fire upon the enemy behind it." This force not being able to effect their object, many others of the army showed great arilor to participate in the assault. " The spirit which animated them was a siu'e augury of the success which was to follow." " The regulars, led on by their intrepid and skilful commander. Col. Williams, and by the gallant Maj. Montgomery, soon gained possession of the works in the midst of a most tre- mendous fire from behind them, and the militia of the venerable Gen. Doherly^s brigade accompanied them in the charge with a vivacity and firmness which would have done honor to regulai-s. The enemy was completely routed. Jt\ve hundred and fjly sevenl were left dead on the peninsula, and a great iHimber were killed liy the horsemen iu attempting to cross the river. It is believed that not more than twenty have escaped. " riie fighting continued with some severity about five hours : but we con- * Ih-annan's oHiciai leltcrs. t Tuc'kalialclie Uartram, 447 \ These are tlin general's italics; at least, Brannan so prints his u/rii-inl IcUvr. .1 J % .('•J IT i i'i 392 MINTOSirS TREATIES. [DooK IV It ( I': tinned to destroy many of tliem, who had concealed themselves under tlio bunks of tlie river, until we w(!re prevented by tiie night. This morning we killed Ki who had been concealed. We took about 2o0 prisoners, ail women and children, except two or three. Our loss is lOG wounded, and 25 killed. Major Mcintosh, the Cowetnu, who joined my uriny with a part of his tribe, (n"eatly distinguished hims<;lf."* Truly, this was u war of extermination ! ' The friend of humanity may inquire whether all those poor wretches wlio had Ki'creted themselves here and there in tlie "caves and reeds," had deserved death ? The most melancholy part of the life of the unfortunate Mlntosh retnains to be record«!d. The late troubles of the Creek nation have drawn forth many a sympathetic tear from the eye of the philanthroitist. These troubles were only the consequences of those of a higher date. Those of 1825, we thought, completed the climax of their aflliction, but 1832 must sully her annuls with records of their oppression also. It is the former period with which our article brings us in collision in closing this account. In that year, the government of tlie U. States, by its ogents, st^emed determined on possi ssing a large tract of their country, to satisfy the state of Georgia. .WIntosh, and a small part of the nation, were for conceding to their wishes, but a large majority of his countrymen would not hear to the proposal. The commissioners employed were satisfied of the fact, and connnuuicated to the j)rcsident the result of a nifoting they had had for the ])urpose. He was well satisfied, also, that ^^lnlosh could not convey the lands, as he represented but a small part of his nation, but still the negotiation was ordered to be renewed. A council was called by the commissionei"s, (who were Georgians,) which usscnililod at a place called Indian-spring. Here the chief of the Tuckanbatclieese spoke to them as follows : " VVe met you at IJroken Arrow, and then told you we had no land to sell. I then heard of no claims against the nation, nor have I since. We have met you here at a very short notice, and do not think that the chitts who are here have any authority to treat. General JWIntosh knows that we are bound by our laws, and that what is not done in the ])ublic sipiare, in the general council, is not binding on the nation. I am, therefore, inuler the necessity of repeating the same answer as given at Broken Arrow, that we have no land to sell. I know that there are but few here from the ui)per towns, and lany are absent from the lower towns. Gen. Aflntosh knows that no part of the land can be sold without a full council, and with the consent of oil the nation, and if a part of the nation choose to leave the country, they cannot sell the land they have, but it belongs lo the nation." " This is the only talk I have for you, and I shall return home immediately." He did so. The ill-advised conuiiissionera informed Mcintosh and his party, that the Cieik nation was sufficieiuly rejjresented by them, and that the United States would bear them out in a treaty of sale. The idea of receiving the whole of the pay for the lands among themselves, was doubtless the cause of the concession of M'Intosh and his party. "Thirteen only of the signers of the treaty wei-e chiefs. The rest were such as had been degraded from that rank, 'ud un- known peinsons ; 36 chiefs ])resent refused to sign. The whole party of Mlntosh amounted to about 300, not the tenth i)art of the nation." Still they executed the articles, in direct violation to the laws of their nation, which themselves had hel|»ed to form. It must be remembered that the Creeks Imu made no inconsiderable advances in what is termed civiiization. Tlicy had towns, and even jirinted laws by which they were to be governed, similar to those of the United States. The treaty of Indian-spring, dated 8 Januar)', 1821, gave universal uneasi- ness ; and, from that day, JWIntosh lost popidarity. It was generally believed that he hud been tam|)ered with by the whites to convey to them the inher- itance of his nation ! and the following letter pretty clearly proves such suspicions had been justly grounded. It is dated "Newtown, 2\st October, 1823. " RIy Friend : / nm going to inform you a few lines, as a friend. I toant you 'o give me your opinion about the treaty ; \ whether the chiefs will be ivilllng or not Branuan, ui supra t 't'liat at Iii'liaii-spriiig, 8 January, 1821. Chaf. VI] M INTOSII.— HIS VILLANY DETECTED. 393 If the chiefs ftel disposed to let the United States have the land, part of it, Ticant you to let me know ; I will make the U. Slates rommissioi ] sold, I will be sal- isned. If the land sKovdd be sold, I will get you the amount before the treaty 81^11 [is signed ;] and if you get any friend you waiU him to received, tlicy shiUl receive. Aothing more to inform you at present. " I remain your affectionate friend, WM. McINTOSH. "JoH.v Ross.* " .^in answer return. " N. U. The whole amount is $12,000, you can divide among your friendt, exclusive, $7,000." lli^iice thorrj cnn Im5 no question as to tho guilty conscience of ^Plntosh, ultiiougli sonic ports of tiie above letter are scarcely intelligihlc. He hud mistukt'h his friend ; Ross wua not to he bought; for three days after the letter was written, viz. 24 October, a council was held, and Mcintosh was present ; the letter was read, and he was publicly exposed. Notwithstanding wliat had been done at Indian-Spring, it ap|)rars, from the above letter, that another attempt at selling land was made in l^ .':), but could not be carried into ett'ect, the viliany of Mcintosh was so apparent; and it app^'urs that it could not be brought about until 12 February, \i'25, wliich is tiie (late of the last treaty made by .Mcintosh. " APIntosh was aware, that, after signing the treaty, his life was forfeited. Hi', and otlii-rs of his coadjutors, repaired to Milledgeville, stated their fears, and elaiiufd the protection of Georgia, which was promise*' by Gov. Troup." It must be observed that the greater part of the |iurehased territory was within the elaiined limits of Georgia ;f and that the Georgians had no small shore in tiie whole tnuisaction. It is not stranger that the people of Georgia shouJd conduct as they have, than that the United States' government siiould place it ill her power so to act. To take, therefore, into account the whole merits of the cas(',»it must bo remembered, that, by a compact between the two parties in 1H02, the former, in consideration of the latter's relinquishing her claim to the Mississippi territory, agreed to extinguish, at the national expense, the Indian title to the lands occupied by them, in Georgia, whenever it could be done, upon reasonable terms. X Who was to decide when the practicable time had arrived, we believe was not mentioned. However, previous to 1825, the United States had succeeded in rxtiiiguishing the aboriginal title of l.'),000,000 acres, and there were yet about 10,000,000 to be bought off. § Tiie change of life from wandering to stationary, wiiich the arts of civilization had efwcted among the Indians, made them prize their possessions far more highly than heretofore, and hence their reluctance and o])position to relinquish them. Thus much it seemed necessary to premise, that the true cause of the fate of .W/n/os/i should be understood. It ap/ears that when the whole of the nation saw that the treaty which he and his jjarty ha.' made could not be abrogated, forty-nine fiftieths of them were violent against them ; and there- fore resolved that the sentence of the law should be executed upon him. The execution, and circumstances attending it, are thus related : || "About two hours before day, on Sunday morning, 1 May.H the house of Gen. .Wlntosh was surrountled by Menaw-ioay, and about 100 Oakfiiskee warriors. .Wlntosh was within, as likewise were his womeu and children, ai'd some wliite men. Menaw-way directed an interpreter to request the whites, and the women and children, to come out, us tlie warriors did not Wish to harm them; that Gen. MWntosh had broken the law that lie himself had long since made, and they had come to execute him accordingly. Thi;y came out of the house, leaving flTIntosh and Elomi-tustenugge, one of his adherents, * Thnn President of the National Council of the Creeks. t Perkins, Hist. II. Stales, a work, by the way, of great value, and wiiich we are surprised slinullaint, thinking it u favorable time to have his wants relieved. The general observed, that it was never his custom to turn away a hungry person, when he had it in his power to relieve lum : then, putting his hand into his pocket, took out a handful of acorns, and, offering them to his astonished guest, observed, that such was his fare, and all he had, but to that he was welcome. The soldier went away contented, and told Ids companions they ought no more to complain, so long as their general was obliged to subsist upon nothing but acorns. Out of this grew the story, that the general having invited his officers to dine with him, set nothing before them but a tray of acorns and some water. Meanwhile mutiny after mutiny took place in General Jackson's army, and the campaign came near being abandoned. A circumstance, too, occurred about this time, ever to be lamented. General Cocke, of East Tennessee, coiisitlering himself possessed of a command independent of Jackson, gave his orders to some brigadiers, at the same time that General Jackson did. General /r/u/c chose to act imder General Cockers orders, and this occasioned some confusion, and, in the end, the lamentable affair to which we have just alluded, and of which we now proceed to give an accotmt. The Hallibee Indians, who had been the principal sufferers at Talladega, had dcspati^hed ambassadors for General Jackson's camp, to sue for jJeace which they woidd accept on any terms he might please to grant them. At the same time these proposals were out, (Jeneral White marclied against theii towns, and on the 18 Novend)er completely surprised them ; killed (JO war- riors, took 25(j prisoners, and made good his retreat without the loss of a man. The Indiana thought they had been attacked by General Jackson^s army, and that therefore they were now to expect nothing but extermination ; and this was thought to be the reason why they fought with such desperation afterwards. And tridy they had reason for their fears: they knew none but Jackson, and supposed now that nothing short of their total destruction would satisfy him. as their conduct exemplitied on every occasion. They knew tliey had asked peace vr any teriris, and their immediate answer was the sword and bayonet. A company of Clierokees aided not a little in this affair. Wo have given the chief liatures of the battle of Autossee, when drawing a sketch of the life of Mcintosh. Here may be added some other matters of history, for the better understanding the events of the memorable Creek war. Autossee is situated on the south bank of the Tallapoosie, 18 miles from the Hickory Ground, and 20 above the jiuictiou of that river with the Coosa. With General FloyiVs white troo))s were four com|)anlt's of friendly Indians. M'lnlosh led the Cowctaus, and Mad-dogs-son the Tookaubatchians, or Tuka- batchies. The nami's of tiie otlier leaders are Uui set down, but there were doubtless several of tiiem, as there were abotit S.'iO warriors who accompanied llie expedition. Tiiat sure work was intended, will not be doubted, when it is known that the force, exclusive of Indians, Avas K.IO men. When the army arrived near the place where it was expected Indians would be found, and having discovered one small town before it was light in the nioruing, the general was surprised inuuediately after by the discovery of another, 'i'his vas tilled with men who hud lieeii apprized of his approach, and were j)re- piird ft)r battle. The order of battle was immedialely changed, mid tiie army proceeded in two divisions to attack both towns at once. Tiie besicg<'ni 34 ; 03 , i| 4 HI 398 BATTLE OP THE HOLY GROUND. [Book IV. mti m w £.. J, l)eing provided with artillery, soon accomplished their work, and all the resistance the Indians seem to have made, was in endeavoring to effect a retreat into caves and other hiding-places. Nevertheless, tlie Georgians hud 11 killed outright, and 54 wounded. Among the latter was General Floya himself severely, and Adjutant-General JVeivvian slightly. flTIntoah and Mad-does-son's loss was considerable, but was not thought of impoitance enough to Y)e communicated by their allies, who were greatly indebted to them, if, indeed, destroying their own countrymen made them so. They did not, however, do so much biitchcring as they intended, or, rather, aa they agreed to do ; for the day before the massacre, they agreed to post thpTi- selvcs on the opposite side of the river, and to kill all who should attempt an escape. Had they done this, very few would have escaped. Aller resting a few days, General Floyd marched to Camp Defiance, 50 miles directly into the Indian country, and westward of Autossee. Here, early in the morning of 2 Januai-y, the hostile Indians killed his sentinels before they were discovered, and then with great fury attacked Ids camp, and for a quarter of an hour continued to fight with bravery. IJy this time the army had got fori:: d in order of battle, and soon obliged the Indians to fly. One company of whites, under Captain Broadnax, hud its retreat cut off by the assailants, and escaped only by cutting its way through them. In this fight, TiMPOocHiE-BARNUEL, or Barnard, a half-breed, chief of the Uchies, commanded a company of them, and, in the language of tlie general, " greatly distinguished himself." It was owing to his j)romptness, that Cap- tain Broadnax was enabled to effect a retreat. The enemy, in that manoeuvre, had advanced within 50 yards of the artillery. All the other part of the Indian army took shelter within the lines, and looked on during the contest. After this battle, 37 Indians were found dead on tlie field, as the whites reported ; and of their own number 17 were killed, and 130 wounded. At the first onset, General iN'eivman liad three balls shot into him, which prevented his further service ; and several of the principal officere had their horses shot under them. How the Indians under Timpoochie fared in these |)articulaj-s, we have not yet learned. fVeatherford, Francis, Sinquisturs-son, with some Shavvanese, had established themselves on the Alabama, above the mouth of the Cahaba, and there built a town, which they called Ilckanukaka. Its name signified that it was built upon holif ground ; and hence the prophets told their followra that they had nothing to fear, as no polluted and murderous whites could ever enter there. However, General Claiborne, at the head of a small urmy, accornp»nied by a band of Choktaws under Pushamata, their chief, resolved to make a tiial of the virtue of the Indian prophets' pretensions. fVeatherford and his followere, being apprized of the approach of the army, had put themselves into an attitude of defence. On 23 December, 1813, as the army approached, they were met by the Indians, and a short engagement followed. As usual, the Indians gave way, and were pursued ; but as their town was surrounded by fastnesses, few were killed in the pureuit. Thirty were found dead of the enemy Indians, and of the urmy, two or three were killed, and as many wounded. This was quite an Indian depot, the nptors having found here "a large quantity of provisions, and immense property of various kinds." It was all destroyed with tiie town, which consisted of 200 houses: the women and children had only time to escape across the Alabama. The next duy, another town was destroyed, eight miles above, consisting of (iO houses. We will now proceed with General Jackson, until lie puts un end to the Creek war. On the 17 January, 1814, General Jackson marched, at the head of 030 men, from near Fort Strother, for tiu? heart of the enemy's country. In Ids route lay Talladega, the residence of Fife, a notcnl warrior, and friend of tlie whites; and here he joined the army with 200 of his men. The Indians were sup- posed to be assembled in great numbers, at the Great Bend of tiie Tallapoosie, from 14 or 15 of their towns upon that river ; and it was daily expected that they would attack Fort Armstrong, in tiieir vicinity, which war in no state to meet them. It was the news of its situation, that caused Jackson to march to its inunediate relief. When he hud arrived at Ilallibee Creek, tiie general, Ill > Chap. VH.] BATTLE OF EMUKFAU 399 from the accounts of his spies, supposed he must he in the iinmcdiate vicinity of the enemy, and lie soon after encampatl at a smnil Ilallibee villaj^e, called Enotocho|)ko. Here he discovered that he was 12 miles from the enemy, who were U|)on an island in the Tallapoosie, neai* the mouth of a creek called Emukfau. The next day the army encatnped very near Emukfau, and had eveiy sign of being hard by the adverae Indians. The order of encampment was that of battle, and evejy precaution was taken to guard against surprise About 6 in the morning of the 22d, the warriora from Emukfau fell with great force upon JacksovJs left flank, and the left of his rear ; and although the attack was made in full confidence that they should rout their adversaries, yet they were disap()ointed, and no ground was gained by the onset. The assjiil- auts fought with a determined bravery, and it was near half an hour before they could be made to retire. The Americans, having encamped in a hollow square, met the attack at advantage, hut it was pnly at the point of the bayonet, that the Indians were put to flight. Fife, at the head of his warrioi-s, joined in the pui-suit, which conthuied about two miles, with considerable havoc. Mutters did not end here ; for, in a short time, the Indians returned again to the attack, and with greater success than before. They attacked a picket at advantage, at a small distance from the main body, and General Coffee, in his turn, att'.i. M. I.evasscnr says, in spcakiii"- of the fndi.iii deiiulalion, " A hvir tele liuieiil i.'eiix cliefc iiiie finiis arinris vniis s'assenir tin j'nur ii la talile (/■■ M. .lejj'erson, pendant tiotre si'j'i»'es, ganiies de tongues lames dt plonUi." Cii-p. Vll.] DEATH OF I'USHAM ATA— EPITAPH. 403 '•PuSir-MA-TAIlA, A ClIOCTAW CHIEF, LIES HERE. ThJS MONUME.NT TO HIS MEMORY IS I.RECTED BY HIS BROTHER CHIEFS, WHO WERE ASSOCIATED WITH HIM IN A DELEGATION FROM THEIR NATION IN THE YEAR 1824, TO THE GENERAL GOVERNMENT OF THE UnITED StaTES." And on tlie other: " PUSH-MA-TAHA WAS A WARRIOR OF GREAT DISTINCTION. IIe WAS WISE «N COUNCIL, ELOQUENT liV AN EXTRAORDINARY DEGREE ; AND ON ALL OCCA- SIONS, AND UNDER ALL CIRCUMSTANCES, THE WHITE MAN's FRIEND. IIe DIED IN Washington, on the 24th of December, 1824, of the crami-, in the 60th YEAR OF his AGE." That Piishamata, or Pushmataha, wns n warrior, has been said. In the late war with England, he assisted in subduing his countrymen at the south. In General Claiborne's army he distinfi^uished liimself, particularly in the battle of the Holy Ground, (called by the Indians Eccanachaca,) upon the Alabama Hiver, 80 miles from Fort Claiborne. Here the celebrated fVealherford re- sided, also Hillishajro the prophet. In the treaty which the chiels and warriors of the Choktaus held with the U. S. commissionLis, 18 October, 1820, "at the treaty ground, in said nation, near Doak's Stand, on the Natches Road," the following passage occurs: "Whereas the fatlicr of the beloved chief Mushvlalubee, of the lower towns, for and during his life, did receive from the United States tlie sum of 1.50 dollars, annually ; it is hereby stipulated, that his son and successor, MiixJnda- tubee, shall annually be paid the same amount during his natural life." lUiicc it would lead us to suppose, without further investigation, that both the father and son had rendered the country very important services. As has been the case in all former Indian wars, so in the present, ercry neighboring Indian is viewed with distrust No sooner had the present existing Seminole war begun, than, by report at least, hundreds of the Creeks were leaving their country for Florida, to join their hostile neighbors. Early this spring, 1836, it was reported far and wide that the Chocktaws had taken up the hatchet. This occasioned a national council to be called, which assembled on the 12 May. The venerable chief Mushulatubee was present, and, aT.ong other things, said, "/K makes my heart bleed to he accused of this treachery, when it is well known I and mi/ tribe have fought side by side with Gen. VVayne, Jackson, and others, against the Seminolcs, Creeks ana British,''^ HiLLisHAGO, or HILLIS IIADJO, it appears, survived General Jackson's campaigns, and, not long after, went to England, still hoping to gain assist- ance from that nation to enable him to operate with ellect against tiie Amr-ri- cans. He was, upon his return, the imiuediate instigator and cause of the Seminole war, having taken up his residence among that nation, unable to stay longer in his own country. The belief was imposed upon him by some abandoned English traders, that there was a provision in the treaty of Ghent for the restoration of their country. He received much attention while in England, and some encouragement, but nothing absolute. An Eniilisli journal thus mentions his arrival : — "The sound of trum|)cts announrcd the approach of the j)atriot Francis, who fought so gloriously in onr cause in America during the late war. Being drest in a most splendid suit of red and gold, and wearing a tomahawk set with gold, gave him a highly imposing appearance." He received large presents from the king's stores, but, it is said, that of these he was chielly defrauded afterwards by the notorious IVoodbine, who, it seems, accompanied him in his travels.* About the end of November, or beginning of December, 1817, a war party of Seiiiinoles captured an American, and conveyed him iuimrdiately to their principal village, called Mikasauky. Here it appcai-s dwelt Fnmcis and bin iUmily. The American, whose name was j\T Krimmon, was ordered to hi! inuiiediately burnt to death. The stake was set, M^h'rimmon, with his head • yeiniiiole War Dccimio.ils, p. '23, |iirliii'-lifil h_v oriicr (!' ie us(! of the same name in French. Hence the Indians who made this their quarters, were called Red Sticks. At this period they had revived the l)racticc of setting up poles or sticks, and striping them with red paint, which was only when they intended war. The Americans, not knowing their prac- t:c€, sujjposcd these poles were painted with red stripes in derision of their liberty poles. Mikasauky, now Red Sticks, was upon a border of Mikasauky Lake. HORNOTLIMED, or as General Jackson called him, "Homattiemico, tin old Red Stick," was another princi])al Seminole chief, whose residence was at Foul Town in the beginning of the war ; but, being driven from tlience, he repaired to Mikasauky. Three vessels having arrived at the mouth of the Apalachicola on the 30 November, 1817, with militaiy stores for the supply of the garrison, were, from contrary winds, unable to asccnid. Lieutenant Scott was despatched for their assistance, in a boat with forty men. Tiie old chief Homotlimed, who had just before been driven from Foul Town, by a detachment of General Gaines^s army, with a btmd of his warriors, liafi conceaI(!d themselves in the bank of the river ; and when Lieutenant Sroti and his men returned, they fired upon them, and all except six soldiers, wlic jumped overboard and swam to the opposite shore, were killed. Twenty of the soldiers had been Icfl for the aid of the ascending vessels, and about the same number of women and sick were in their places. These fell into the hands of Homotlimed and his warriors, who dashed out their brains upon the sides of the boat, took off their scalps, and carried them to Mikasauky, where they exhibited them upon their red pole, in memory of their victory. This chief and his companion, HUlishago, were doomed shortly to expiate with their lives for this massacre. The Mikasauky town was soon after visited by the army, but the Indiana had all fled, their red pole was left standing, and the scalps upon it ; many of which were recognized as having been taken from Lieutenant Scott^s men. At length a vessel cruising near the mouth of Apalachicola River, to prevent file esca|)e of the Indians in that direction, with English colors displayed, decoyed on boa'-d the famous chiefs, Honiotlimed, and the prophet tVancis. Tliese the AmericanB hanged without trial or delay. NEAMATHLA was a warrior of note and renown, before the war of 1812 with Great Britain, He was a Seminole chief; but where his residence was previous to that war wo have not heard ; but afler the Seminole war, he lived upon a good estate, at Tallahassee, of which estate a mile square was under im|)rovement. This, in 1823, JVeamatlla, at the head of the chiefs of his nutiun, gave up, with other lands, for the benefit of the United States, by a Chap. VII.] NE.VMATHLA.— THE SEMLNOLES. 405 treaty which they made with its agents at Moultrie Creek, in Florida, on the 18 September of that year. Ill an additiuna' article of said treaty, we read — " Whereas jVea Matlda, John Blount, Taski Hajo, Mutlato King, Emathlochee, and EconcfuUimico, six of the ])rincipal chiefs of the Florida Indians, and parties to the treaty to which this article has been annexed, have warmly appealed to tlie connni»- tioncrs for i)ennission to remain in the district ol country now inhabited by them, and in consideration of tlieir friendly disposition, and past services to the U. States," it was agreed that J'^eamathla and his followers should have lour square miles, embracing Tuphulga village, on Rocky Comlbrt Creek ; Blount and Hajo a. tract on Apalachicola River ; Mullato King and Ematldochee upon the same river ; and Econchatiinico on the Clmtahoocliie. With J\'tu- muUda there settled 30 men ; with Blounl, 43 ; Mullato King, 30 ; with Emalk- tocltte, 28 ; with Econchatimico, 38 : the other Florida Indians, by the same treaty, were to remove to the Amazura, or Ouithlacooche river, upon ilie peninsula of FloridiU liut whether "the other Florida Indians" had any hand in making this tniuty, does not appear, thougli from afler circumstances, there is no proba- bility that they had. Heace two facts are duly to bo considei J concerning this transaction, as they have led to fatal mistakes: one is, as it concerns the number of the Seminoles; and it will be asked. Were their numbers greatly underrated, that it might seem that those who made the treaty were the niont important part of tlie nation.!' If this pro)>! ,in come out affirmative, tl en, I say, this mistake, or imposition upon the inhabitants of the United States, has been afutal one. The other fiict or circumstance resolves itself into another problem, but not more difficult of solution than the other. It may bo' thus stated : Had these few chieis any authority to stipulate for, or bind any others but themselves? If not, where is the obligation for them to leave their country and habitations ? Rut I forbeai' to pursue this subject further in this place, and will return to JVeamattda. The United States agreeil by the same treaty to award 500 dollars to J^ta- matlUa, as a compensation for the improvements abandoned by him, us well us to meet the expenses of his removal. A word more of the countrymen of jYeanuUfda, who emigrated to the western coast of the peninsula, before we proceed to other subjects. " The land," says Jlr. Williama,* to which they are ^* legally banished, consists of dry sand ridges and interminable swamps, almost wholly unfit for cultivutic m ; where it has cost the U. States more than their land was worth to support them. They are now in a starving condition; they have killed the stock of the American settlers, in every pait of the territory, to support them'cives, already ; and there is no present prospect of their situation becom iig im- proved." What is calculated to add to their miserable condition, is ti." limits within which they are restricted ; they are not allowed to go nearer than within 15 miles of the sea. A garrison wus established at Tampa to supply them with necessaries, and keep them in order. Recent events, however, hud consid- erably changed their condition before the connnencement of the |)resent dis- tressing war, and they are found nmch more numerous, and far better oft", as to resources, than was sujiposed they could be. A cliielj whom the whites called Peter McQueen, has been incidentally mentioned, in our account of tlie Creek war. His Indian name was Talmu- CHES Hatcho, and he belonged to the tribe of Tukabatchie. In 1814 he flecl before the Americans under General Jackson, and took up his residence in Florida, and was among others declared an outlaw. In 1817 he was chief of the Tullapoosius, and resided upon the Oklokne or Okoloknee River, and was styled "an old Red Sticic" He was one of the 12 Creek chiefs who gave Mr. Alexander Arhuthnott power of attorney to manage their affaire. This was done on the 17 June, 1817. He was a chief of consequence, |)osses3ed a valual)le property, in lands and negroes. His effects were seized upon as lawful booty, about the time of his escape from Tukabatchie. A half-breed, by the iiaine of Barney, shared 10 negroes that had belonged to him, and a chief called * Accouiil oT Florida, 72, 73. 400 KING-PAINn IS KILLED IN BATTLE. [Book IV. , . -If Jluchi-hakhe, uliiis Colonel, had 20 more. To tlie persona who had made pliimlur of liifi slavi'K, he protested, they could have no claim upon him, nnd that he had never injnrnd them. He the i.foru applied to Mr. It Jlrbulhnoit, to int^G-PAINE was a chief who might have demanded early attention, but w ho, not having been very conspicuous but in a single affair, has been defer- red to this place. Early in 18ia, nt the head of sundry bands of Seminolcs iiiiil negroes, who had run away from their American masters, King-paine iKsued forth in quest of blood and plunder. There were several other clnal's at (he same time, (among whom Bow-legs* was conspicuous,) who assisted in making war on the frontiers of Georgia. Whether either or botii of the al)ove-named chiefs commanded the daring party, who, on 11 September, 1812, attacked and defeated a small force under Captain Williams, we ore not ci'itain ; but it is certain that they commanded a large force soon alter, when General J^ewman marched against them, and fought him with desi)eratioii. Captain Williams, with about 20 men, was convoying some loaded wagons towards Davis Creek, and when within about 10 miles of their destination, tiniy were attacked by a party of Indians and negroes, supposed to be 50 in number. Although the whites were few, they protracted the fight until all their ammunition was expended, their captain mortally wounded, and six others sliglitly. They then eflectcd a retreat, leaving their wagons in the hands of their enemies. Two of the Americans were killed, and, it was sup- posed, a nmch greater number of the enemy. Expecting a force would be soon sent against them, King-paine, with Bow- legs as his lieutenant, marched out from the Lotchway towns, at the head of 150 warriors, as was supposed. They were not disappointed with regard to a force being sent against them, for in the mean time General JVeirman, f of the Georgia volunteers, marched with 117 men to destroy the Lotchway towns. Wiien he had arrived within about six miles, he fell m with the Indians, all of whom were mounted. It appears the parties met unexpectedly, and no time was lost on either side in preparing for battle. Having dismounted, the Indians advanced a few paces, hoping thereby to intimidate their udvei-saries; but JVewman, at the same time, ordered his men to charge, which being l)rompt!y obeyed, uic Indians were put to flight. The batUe-groimd, being skirted with swamps upon three sides, was advantageous for the operations of the Indians ; nevertheless, before gaining these coverts, a well-directed fire stojiped the flight of many, among whom was King-paine himself, and Bow- I'gs was severely wounded ; but this was only the commencement of the fi^lit ; fbr no sooner was the fall of the great chief known among his men, than they returned and charged in their turn, but were again forced to fly, leaving the body of their leader in the hands of the whites. This, more than any, or all considerations together, wrought up their minds to desperation, and they determined on its recovery, or to sacrifice themselves in the attempt ; •uid they accordingly returned agiiin to the charge, which, it is said, was met with firmness by the whites, who, after encountering several shocks, again succeeded in routing them ; but they immediately returned again, with greater fury than before, and with greater success ; for they obliged the Americans to give ground in their turn, and aflcr some time spent in this most desperate work, they succeeded in recovering the body o{ King-paine, and carried it ofK Their loss in the several charges was unknown, but supposed by the whites to have been about 30; while, on their own side, they report but one killed and nine wounded. This fight was on the 2G September, and lasted about four hours. * To a document exhibited in the trini of Arbiithnott and Amlirister, his name is signed Boi.KCK. This was probably his real name, whii h required but a slight corruption to chango it into Ihw-lesrs. t Tliomson (Hist. War, 61) writes this olTirer's name Nncnan; but Brtnnan, Perkini, and liritcieiindire, all write it as in the text. 'J'here is a town in Florida ca.'ed NnvitansviUe, where a newspaper is printed. Chap. Vll.J (iURISTERSIGO.-IIH BATTLE WITH (JEN. WAVNE. 407 The >\liite3 were grcntl} distressod after this fight, for the IndiariB were rpinforrcd, nnd harassed ihem until the 4 October, when they gave up the iHisiiieas and retired. General Aeipman, having thro\.'n up a slight work, was able to pnivent being entirely cut oft', and at length retreated out of the coini- try. The Indiana did not give up the siege until they had ' een pretty siverely cut up. The whites, by concealing themselves on the night of the !3d, made tlicni believe they had abandoned tfieir fort ; and they came up to it in a body without apprehending danger ; when on a sudden they received a most deadly fire, ond inuncdiately fled. We shall close this chapter with some revolutionary and other mattenj. TheCherokees had engaged not to operate with the Hritisli, towards the close of the wor ; and what is very singular, all the time that the gr<;atcst successes attended the British arms, they strictly adhered to their cngugcMnent ; and it was not until the fortune of war had chttnged, and the Americans had hecomn masters of nearly all the country, that many of the ill-fated Indians, instigated, no doubt, by abandoned white desperadoes, fell upon the settlement called Ninety Six, killing many pesons, and burning several houses. Upon this, General Pichns took tiie fiehi, at the head of a band of mounted men, and in about five weeks following the 10 September, 1781,* finished this Cherokee war, in which 40 Indians v.ere killed, Vi towns destroyed, and a great numlxjr of men, women and childien taker prisoners, f A white man by the name of haters was supposed to havv^ been the prime mover of the Indians, who with a few of them fled through the Creek cuiuitry into Florida, and made good their escape. On 17 October, 12 chiefs and 200 warriors met General Pickens at Long Swamp Creek, and a treaty wus concluded, by which Georgia acquired u large accession of territory. X VVe have next to relate the bold exploits of a Creek warrior, of the t.ame Gurislerstfro.^ The British held possession of Savannah, in June, 1782, and General Wayne was sent there to watch their motions. On the 21 IMay, Col- onel Broum marched out of Savannah to meet, according to appointment, a band of Indians under Emistessigo, or Guristersxgo. But some ditfuudty among the Indians had delayed their march, and the movement of Brown was disastrous in the extreme. General Wayne, by a bold manopuvre, cut of!" his retreat, fell upon him at midnight, killed 40 of bis men, too\ 20 prisoners, and the rest escaped only under cover of darkness. In this fight If'ayne would not permit a gim to be fired, and the execution wus eflijcted wholly with the Bvvord and bayonet ; the flints having been previously taken from the soldiers' guns. Meanwhile, Emistessigo was traversing the whole transverse extent of Geor- gia, (strange as it may seem,) without being discovered, exee|)t by two boys, who were taken and killed. It was the 24 June, however, before he arrived in the neighborhood of General Wayne, ' ho was encamped about five miles from Savannah. Wayne did not expect an attack, especially by Indians, and consequently was completely surprised. But being well seconded by \\\a ofticej-s, and happily resorting to his favorite ])lan of fighting, extricated hnn- self from imminent danger, and put the Indians to flight, after a hard-fought battle. The plan adopted by the Indian ("lief, though simple, was wise ; but in its execution he lost some time, whici; was fatal to him. He captured two of Wayne's cannon, and while endeavoring to turn theiji upon the Americans, they had time to rally. And, as the sword and bayonet were only used by them, no chance was left the Indians to take advantage of position from the flashes of the guns of their adversaries. If Wayne merited censure for being taken thus unprepared, he deserved it quite as inuch for exposing himself in the fight beyond what ])rudenci^' required; but more than all, for putting to death 12 prisoners who had been decoyed into his power, after l\w fight. The severest part of the action was fought at the cannons. Emistessigo was oath to relinquish such valuable trophies, and he did it only with his life. I .^ * Johnson's Life of Green, ii. 347. J Johnson's Life of Grfn, ii. 318. j Lee. Dr. Holmes writes Emistessigo. t Lee's ,'\romoTs, 382, 383. Annals, ii. 310. 408 GRANGULAKOPAK.— Bia WARRIOR. [Book IV. 1 1 ' ■ Seventeen of hia %vnrrior8 fell by his side, besidos hia white guides. He received a speur and two iMiyonets in his l)ody Ijefore ho fell, and encouraged his warriors to the last. When he liei^an to fuint, he retired a few steps, and uhnly laying hiinself down, breatli(;d his last without a ^roiin or struggle. This chief was six feet three inches high, weighing about 220 poiuuls, bear- ing a manly and t-xpressive countenance, and 'M years of age ; and General Lee a erul Jackson was treating with the Creeks, about the close of the last war with England, and was in reference, as will be seen, to the conditions demanded of the vanquished. And, although Big-warrior was the friend of the Americans, yet lie now felt for his countrymen, and atler saying many other things, con- cluded as follows : — " The president, our father, advises us to honesty and fairness, and promises * Surinons, &.C., by Rcvcroiul William Smith. CiiAf. VII] niG WAnuioiis spkecii to jackson. 409 tliat iiifltice alinll l)c done : I hnpo nnd trust it will he ! I made this wnr, wliicli liori proved so tiitul to my country, tlint tti); tr<-nty entrnd into ii lt4t. I will novc-r hreak that bright chain of friciidslii|) we made tdgcijiir, and which Iwund us to stand to the U. States. He wius u father to tlie Muscoircc pioph; ; and not only to them, but to all the |)€ople iMMieath the Mun. His talk J — <•• hohl in my hand. Tlu-re sits tlie agi.>nt he iieiit among ns. Ncv(!r haH he broken the treaty. He luis lived with us a long time. He hiiH seen our children born, who now have children. By his direction, cloth was wove, and clothes were made, and spread through our country ; but the Kkd Sticks came, and destroyed nil; — we have none now. Hard is our situation; and you ought to consider it. I state what all the nation knows: nothing will I keep secret. — There stands the littlo warrior. While we weru seeking to give satisfaction for the murders that had been coinmittetl, he proved a mischief-maker; lie went to the British onthe lukco; he cnme back, and brought a package to the frontiers, which increased the murders here. This conduct bus already made the war party to suffer greatly ; but, although almost destroyed, they will not yet open their eyes, but are still led away by the British at Pensacola. Not so with us. We were rational, and Lad our senses. We yet are so. In the war of the revolution, our father beyond the waters encouraged us to join him. and we did so. VVe had no sense then. The promised he made were never kept. We were young and foolish, and fought with him. The British can no more p«!rsuade us to do wrong. They have deceived us once, and can do it no more. You are two great people. If you go to war, we will have no concern in it ; for we are not able to fight. We wish to be at peace with every nation. If they offer me arms, I will say to them, You put me in danger, to war against a {M'ople born in our own land. They »!i.. ,1 never force ii into danger. You shall never see that our chiefs are boys in council, who will be forced to do any thing. I talk thus, knowing that (iitlier WashiiNoton advised us never to interfere in wars. He told us that those in peace were the happiest people. He told us, that if an enemy attacked him, he had warriors enough, and did not w*ish his red children to help him. If the British advise us to any thing, I will tell you — not hide it from you. If they say we must nght, I will tell them, No." He had t)revionsly spoken of the causes of the war, and of the sufferings it bad brought upon them, but asked indulgence from compassion. The fine tract of country, now the state of Alabama, was argued for by Slielokta, another famous chief, who had largo claims on the whites, but Jackson would not concede. This chief had rendered them the greatest services in the war, and appealed to JacksovHa ftieliugs, by portraying the clangers they had |)a8sed together, aiid his faithfulness to him in the must trying scenes ; but all availed nothing. Big Warrior was a conspicuous chief for many years. In 1821, one of his nation undertook to accompany a Mr. Iaicos as a guide, and killed him by the way. Complaint was immediately made to Big-warrior, who ordered him to be executed without delay. In 1824 he was the most noted among the opposers of the missionaries. In this ii. was thought he was influenced by the Indian agents, which opinion was perhaps strcngtheued from the fact that a sub-ugent, Captain Walker, had married his dauglter. He was head chief of the nation when General APIntosh forfeited his life by breaking the law of the nation in selling a part of the Creek country. The troubles of his nation having brought him to Washington, at the head of a delegation, he fell sick and died there, 8 March, 1825.* He was a man of colossal stature, and pro- portionate physical powei-s ; and it is said " his mind was us colossal as his fxHly," and that he had done much towards improving the condition of his countrymen. He had a son named Tuskehenaha. * Niles's Register, xxviii. 48.— By a passage in the report of a comniiltee of oongress oo •he Creek aiTairs in 1827, it would seem tliat Big-warrior died as early as February. 85 410 GROUNDS OF THE SE.MJNOI.E WAR. [nc«K IV. CHAPTER VIII. ;^^iii Grounds of tne SennnoJe ll'ar — Circumstances of those Indians misunderstood — Just ncss of the IVor — Neamathla deposed — Treaties — Of Moultrie Creek — Paijue's Landing — Council at Camp King — Is broken vp by Osceola — It is reneicrd, and a party agree to ew' rate — Osceola's opposition — Is seized and put in irrns — Feigns a submission and is released — Executes an agreement to comply with the demands of the whites — The physical condition of the Indians. Having, in a former clunjUer of this our fourth book, given mnny of tho necessary particulars for a right understanding of the former Florida war, it will not be necessary here to repeat the same, and we shall, therefore, proceed at once to a notice of the gi junds of the present war with the Indians in that region. It has been formerly said, that nearly all the Indian wars have the wniie origin ; and, on attentively examining the subject, it will be found that the remark has mncb of truth in it. The Seminoles of Florida have been found quite different fr< ■>• what they had been supposed. Every body bad consid- ered tiiem a nunt outcast remniint, too much enfeebled by their proximity to the whites, to !>e in tiie least dreaded in a war. Indeed, such conclusion was in perfect i;l mdance with the accounts which were circulated among intelli- gent [)eople ; but the truth seems to be, people have always been misinfonned on the su!ject, owing chiefly to the ignorance of their informei-s. Nor is it strange that misinformation should l)e circulated, when it is considered that the very agents who lived among them, and those who made treaties with them, could not give any satisfactory account as to their numbers or other circumstances. General Jackson, iu 1817 and 18, made an easy matter of ravaging a part of Florida, His being opposed but by very few Indians, led to the belief that there were but few in the coiuitrj'. The war of 1814 was then too fresh in their recollections to suffer tliem to adventure too much, and the probability is, that liut few could be prevailed upon to join in a w;!r again 60 soon. Hence, one of two conclusions must now evidently be fixed upon,- - either that the Seminole Indians were much more numerous, 20 years ago, than what was suppo. d, cr that they have increased very considerably witiiin that time. For my pu t, i urn conviri/red that both conclusions are correct. When we are told, liiat at such a tune, and such a ]tlace, commissioners of the United States government met a delegation of the principal chiefs of the Southern Indians, and raade a treaty, the articles of which were satisfactory to the Indians, two or three queries present themselves for solution ; as, by wnat means have the chiefs been got together; what her chiefs and ])rinci- Cal men are there l)elonging to such a nation, who did not participate in the usiness of the treaty. Anxious to effect their object, commissioners have sometimes practised unwarrantable means to obtain it ; especially in encour- aging sales of territory by a minority of chiefs, or gaining their consent to a removal by presents. In the early part of the present war, the number of Seminole warriors was reckoned, by pei-sons ujmn the spot, at 2000 ; but they have generally, since that period, been rated higher. But it is my opinion, that 2000 able men, led by such a chief as Osceola has proved himself to be, are amply sufficient to do ail that has bin done on the |)art ->♦' the Indians in Florida, in 1835 and (5. There can be but one opinion, among discerning peo))le, of the justness of the present war, as it a|)pears to me ; nevertheless, however luijustly created, on the part of the whites, the most efficient measures should have been taken, in ils earliest stages, for its Bupjjression ; because, the sooner it is ended, the fewer will l)e the sacrifices of lives ; to say nothing of the concomitant suffer- ings of individuals, and destructions of property. It has been frequently nsked, what the execntive and the congress of the nation have been about all this time ! A few soldiere have !)een sent to Florida at a time ; some have been cut otl", and tln^ servic<'s of others rendered alioitive, by some ehildisb bickerings among their otlicers auout "precedency of rank." But whose fault • :«K IV. —Jit.it PuijHt'a !, and a iri-ns — c'Uh the of the war, it '. roperd in tliat ■ ? Sill lie i lat tlie 1 1 I'niind i ■onsid- nity to on was iiitelli- Ivil |||t.U )r is it f 1 ed that ^. . ■ k s witli r other tter of nis, led 14 was "h, and !• again ipon,- rs ago, within 1 1,1. sioners i of tlie factory as, by princi- • ) in the s liave ncour- iit to a irs was ;, since en, led t to do nd G, 1C^^S <)f reated, tal!■ H MiEA Mi\xniiiL.A Scminolo War Chief Chap. VIll] XKAMATllLA DEPOSF.D.— TREATIES. 411 ii is ihiii iliosi' iiiii'ir HtriKiiijiis ol' riiicii » ' ll'>pi Ct tu fill li n; suliificiit noi'^i-'. ■ A writer lin- • and, n:-: they words: — "S'i imulc hy " ■ of ifuMl ' I' for the !• ..ij htivc Im." ill liirn^ iif.dtT coininii-.sio!;." «: m- :is to ir^tH till in in .-ill. 1: (111 : V. Kwtii-i! pusili '. in .! not take n|i< II mo to siuu^, tlie iiii;!.- l/uii i, rjf ' following fiictp r'-Ihtivo to lh«* Sflounvil.'a recimtly, i to my course r.f remarks, 1 pv<^ thtnu in his onn I tlie roMion, [o'i riorjila to the I*. S.] n 'i. Aty w;i.i -iininoli-*^ •oiistritcd to nliiKjviiHl! f ■ ;' - 'lin Inticr luiri ,.'<.■ to ffie luntre of ihi." piiiinsiilu.— - ■ , . .jtri- ciuisisiiiii; it' I'ine bnrrr'is of till' worst doticrijjiioii, ajid l< riiiiiuuiiiM; n iincx[ilon:(l nnd impassiihle muislios. WrH'ti th>; ti'Oi' rr. ■»•,:- ifi,« psoeiition of tlv- tr^ nty, old .Vtlia Miihln, tiic ht-mi of fiio tnhf, thoiig»ii jf fi-ivorfd too jnnch of the ciiimin^ and \Viiialcey of tin- vvhif.i innn. «irid miniiiiom'd liis warriors to resist it. (Jov. DvmJ, wh5 siiccepded (»t'n, Jiicksnu in O.if. chief niOgistracy of this territory, hmk-. in vp< o ' W «ru-i' •'•teij, dojtosed the war leudeiv, and cli-vntod the \toi>?v. party to the cliieftaineii s. Till; Seiiiinoles rciiroii poaeeahly to the territury assigncl theiri, and old ,\\htt ,Matkla retired to tho Cr(.el»s. bv \:'''^-n Jie W;is t.iised to the (ii.,'i.i:y ot' a cliiet:" The next oren» of c-maidcrahle inoiriciii in tho history of the Soiniiioles, in tl»' fjatuihifc- Of tlii:-! aOJiir f am alil' to .sp ■ .k in t!ie lui- giia: ■ <■ ■ \ ;■■ " ! Mif part of the wliif" s, Tlio iiili>ilutd to wfioiri i ' ••>«. will be pani'"'))nrly notieed iiere- afttr '"• ■ ., ,, .,t. .,.. , '.. !oit is iJje |»ii)jfr'^B* of this war. I ■ • . KHia cfinnti»r, iHM»*v»«n of ihe treaty w ,M"uHrii» Creek ; hm, before g<>in;r i!K«> the pfirtjeiihirs of th»t at Puvne'"* l^nciinff. it will be »k<<^»- H.iry to nmk-^ n \c\\ «<}diti«»w«l iii-*epi ;■-..> is. 'Hip Jndiyi;.-* who r;>itM'Ht*'ii t'» that treaty, i>y siii'ii eoi-.^'!' • : ' •■ i" ( !■ m,- iie.'iiis .onn \Ti mili's lo the sea coast of the Gulf of Mexieo. For any losses to whieh they niijiht be subjected bv their removal, the governnient agreed to make liberal tlonaiiuiiH, .■tl,-Jo to provide implements of hn./bandr}, sehooU, &c., and pay an atmnity of 5()l)0 do.'ltirs for '.JO years; besides whieh tli- re were presents of <;iini, meat, ■Vi . &c. It Wii?« r-^ijtiiji.'d of tlio Indians that they should preve'tit abst ondiiis' slaves tVnni t'lkins refose amori;' ti>en!. hihI they were to use ;i!l proper exer- tions " ■ ' ':''■' • "■ <> -! !h«5 , . '1 s^ ; . . . _ .1 , , •'. . ■ . . ■ . ■ .v \\!iii'i -tio Iniiid States uirent, Major {iihl. Ifis,n[thrfifg, njni jhti i.K:'tprt»ier, fiifhiirffit, wero to have ea.h one mile s, and iliiTliidtii's i<>llo\ved, r 1 ipiiek piiecession, for sevend yem-s. At leiifrth it was determined that tho !*''minole.s siioiild be, somehow or other, r n, out of Florida, antl tin; treaty of rayne's l.aiidinp was jrot up (or this obje! , .Vecoidin^My, in IKlii, on the '>ib of iMay, a treaty was rntered ir.K. "on «*,'k!awaha Hiver, known by the muiie ot' tie tiX'aty ot' i'ayne's l.tnuliiiL', by which they stipukited to rcIiti'iMish all tin if possessif>iis in Florida, and I iiiiirrate to tho conniry allotted to ih" rre^'K^ w«»st (d'tin' iMissi.ssippi ; in eon- ^ier tliP rafificHti"*' ," What ulijeet tbi- govi riimeiit eonid h.-x,- i.'ji,! in view by sfipiilafinn: lliaf (i.r loiliHiis slutuld deliver into its hati-i'- ail their cattle and horsis, prl•vlo^^^ oi tlifir emlj;r«tioii, I know Tiot, o .les.H it wni* the intention of ii.s a;r"ii'- t-. Kpfutalc in itnrk.t ; or pirhais the iih.'m!h by whittli the Iiiilinis W4:r< tra(t»t|a>ncd, woidd not adniii i>f ilieir 'ein;; tran«purici With il;-;;i. L^ ...«. m ■i : . 1"^ ^1 :•: 3 %i .1 SciMinnio \V-ii ('• I. Chap. Mil] NKAMATlll.A DKPOSr.D.— TREATIES. 411 il is tlint thnso officore slioiild liavo been there under cnininissioiip «: iii- Btructioiis of siicli a nature as to sot them in such an awkwanl pooi'ii "i in re.xpcct to each other, I will not taivc upon me to state, the facts Lcif y of sufiieient notoriety. A writer liiis given the following facts relative to the Seniinoles recently, and, as they are suited to my course of remarks, I give thcin in his own words : — " Shortly after the cession, [of Florida to the U. S.] a treaty was made by which the Seminoles consented to relinquish by far the better part of their lands, and retire to the centre of the peninsula, — a quarter consisting for the most part of pine barrens of the worst description, and terminating towards the south in unexplored and impassable marshes. When the tim<; came for the execution of the treaty, old JVeha Mathla, the head of tiie tribe, thought it savored too much of the cunning and whiskey of the white man, and summoned his warriors to resist it. Gov. Duval, who succeeded Gen. Jackson in the chief magistracy of this territory, broke in upon his v.'ar council, de|)osed the war leaders, and elevated the peace party to the chieftaincies. The Seminoles retired peaceably to the territory assigned them, and olil JVeha Mathla retired to the Creeks, by whom he was raised to the dignity of a chief." The ne.il event of considerable moment in the history of the Seminoles, is the treaty of Payne's Landing. Of this affair I am able to speak in the lan- guage of the principal agent m it, on the part of the whites. The individual to whom I refer, General JViley Thompson, will be particularly noticed here- after, from the melancholy fate which he met in the progress of tiiis war. I have, in a previous chapter, spoken of the treaty at Moultrie Creek ; but, before going into the particulars of that at Payne's Landing, it will be neces- sary to make a fer' additional observations. The Indians who consented to that treaty, by such consent agreed "to come under the protection of the U. States, to give up their possessions, and remove to certain restricted boundaries in the territory, the extreme point of which was not to be nearer than 15 miles to the sea coast of the Gulf of Mexico. For any losses to which they might be subjected by their removal, the government agreed to make libci'al donations, also to provide implements of husbandry, schools, &c., and pay an annuity of 5000 dollars for 20 years ; besides which there were presents of corn, meat, &c. &c. It was required of the Indians that they should pnivent absconding slaves from taking refuge among them, and they were to use all proper exer- tions to apprehend and deliver the same to their proper owners." Our account next go. s on to State, that the harmony which exi.stcd at the conclusion of this treaty was very great, and that the Indians were so well satisfied with its provisi his, "that they had a clause expressly inserted, by which the United States agent. Major Gad. Humphreys, and the interpreter, Richards, were to have ea^h one mile square, in fee simple, as a mark of the confidence they reposed in these officers of the government." Before this treaty was carried into effect, the Indians were intruded upon, and they gradually began to be rather slow in thu delivery of the runaway negroes. Clamors were therefore loud against tlietn, and difficulties Ibllowed, hi quick succession, for several years. At length it was determined that the Seminoles should be, somehow or other, got out of Florida, and the treaty of Payne's Landing was got up for this object. Accordingly, in 1832, on the 9th of May, a treaty was entered into " on Ocklawaha River, known by the name of the treaty of Payne's Landing, by which they stipulated to relinquish all their possessions in Florida, and emigrate to the country allotted to the Creeks, west of the Mississipjii ; in con- sideration of which the government was to pay 15,400 dollai-s, on their arrival at their new home, and give to each of the warriors, women ami children one blanket and one homespun frock. The whole removal was stipulated to take place within three years after the ratification." What object the governirient could have had in view by stii)ulating that the Indians should deliver into its hands all their cattle and horses, previous to their emigration, I know not, uidess it was the intention of its agents to speculate in stocks ; or perhaps the mode by which the Indians were to be trantiported, would not admit of their being transported with them. Uu thid f 'im ::r T 412 EXECUTIONS.— COUNCIL AT CAMP KING. [Book IV. ■•iiii! };'!' ».,/!!j 1 08 it might, we shall see that this stock affair was among the beginning of the s[iarks of" war. It ap|>cai-8 that between 1832 and 1834, it had become very apparent lliat no removal was intended by the Indians ; and it was equally apparent that tliose who had engaged a removal for the nation, were not the firet people in it, — and, consequently, a difficulty would ensue, let the matter be urged when it would. General Thompson was the government agent in Florida, and lie (whether with advice or without, I am not informed) thought it best to have a talk with some of the real head men of the nation, upon the subject of removal, which he effected about a year before the time of removal expired, namely, in the fall of 1834. Meanwhile, the chief who had been put in the place o£ JVeamathla, by Gov- ernor Duval, had been executed, by some of the nation, for adhering to tiio whites, and advocating a removal beyond the Mississippi. The name of the chief executed upon this account was Hicks. To him succeeded one namcil Charles, or, as he is sometimes called, Charles OmculJa, and he shared the .same fate not long after. Nine warriors came into his council, and learning that he insisted upon a removal, shot nine bullets through his heart! No more doubt- ful characters were now raised to the chieftaincy, but a warrior, named Louis, well known for his hostility to the whites, was made chief. In the council which General Thompson got together for the purpose of holding a talk, as has been remarked, appeared Osceola, and several other distinguished chiefs. This council was held at Fort King, and was opened by General Thompson in a considerable speech, wherein he endeavored to convince the Indians of the necessity of a speedy removal ; urging, at the same time, that their own safety, as well as that of their property, required it ; and requested their answer to the subject of his discourse, which he presented in form of propositions. " The Indians retired to private council, to discuss the subject, when the present young and daring chief Aceola (Powell) [Osceola] addressed the council, in an animated strain, against emigration, and said that any one who should dare to recommend it should be looked upon as an enemy, and held responsible to the nation. There was something in his manner so impressive and bold, that it alarmed the tiirtid of the council ; and it was agreed, in private talk, that the treaty should be resisted. Wlien this was made known to the agent, he made them a long and eloquent harangue, setting forth the dangers that surrounded them if they were subjected to the laws of the palefaces, where a red man's word would not be taken ; that the whites might make false charges against them, and deprive them of their negroes, horses, land.s, &c. All this time Aceoln was sitting by, begging the chiefs to remain film." When this was finished, a chief, named "IIoLATEE Mico, said die great Spirit made them all — they had come from one woman — and he hoped they would not quaiTel, but talk until they got ihiough." The next chief who spoke was named MiCANOPEE. He wjus the king of the nation. All he is reported to have said was, that he had no intention to remove. " Powell then told the agent he had the decision of the chiefs, and that tlie council waj broken up. In a private talk, an old chief said he had heard much of his great father's regard for his red children. It had come upon his ears, but had gone through them ; he wanted to see it with his eyes ; — that he took land from other red skins to pay them for theii-s, and by and by he would tJike that also. The while skins had forked tongues, and hawks' fingers ; that David Blount told him the people in the great city made an Indian out of paint, and then sent after him and took his lands, (alluding to the likenesses of the chiefs, in the war department, at Washington.) He wanted, he said, to sleep in the same land With his faUicrs, and wished his children to sleep by his side." The plea set up, that Spain ceded Florida to the United States in 18i;>, without any provision for those Indians, need only to be noticed to show its nbsin-dity. It is worthy of remark, that when the riglit of the Seminoles to the lands of Florida was talked about, the idea was derided by many influential men ; hut when such pei-sons desired to take possession of some of the territory, tliey seemed more inclined to acknowledge the Indians' righis by agreeing to pay them for them, than of exercising either tiieir own righl,or that Chap. VIII.] OSCEOLA 13 PUT IN IRONS. 413 of the United States, by taking unceremonious possession. Tliis can be accounted for in tlie same way that we account for one's l)iiying an article tliat he desires, liecause he dares not tai^e it witiiotu. When a removal was first urged upon the Seminole Indians, their cliiefd said, "Let us see what kind of a country this is of which you talk, then if we like it, it is time enough to exchange ours for it." liut it is said, the govern- ment agent had no authority to authorize a ileputation of Lidians to visit the promi.sed land, and here the matter rested awhile. How long alter this it was, I shall not undeitake to state, that the Indians maile known tiieir desire of exchanging their country ; but this was said to have b;>en the fact, and the result was the treaty of Payne's Landing, already described. It appi^ars that General Tliompson, nothing discouraged at the result of the council which had been terminated by the wisdom of Osxola, without the shghtest concurrence in any of his measures, by unceasing efforts had pre- vailed upon a considerable number of "chiefs and sub-chiefs to nieet him afterwards and execute a writing, agreeing to comply with the treaty of 1832." This Wiis evidently done without Osceola's consent, but its being done by some whom he had considered his partisans, irritated him exceedingly. He now eaw that in spite of all he could do or say, the whites would get terms of agreement of some of the Indians; enough, at least, for a pretence for their designs of a removal. In this state of things, Osceola remonstrated strongly with the agent for thus taking tiie advantage of a few of his people, who doubtless were under much greater obligation to him than to the peojile of the United States. Remon- strance soon grew into altercation, which ended in a ruse de guerre, by which Osceola wu.s made prisoner by the agent, and put in irons, in which situation he was kept one night and part of two days. Here then we see the origin of Osceola's strong hatred to General Thompson, While lying in chains he no doubt came to the fi.xed ri;solution to resist the whites to his utmost ability, and therefore, with perfect command over himself, dissembled his indignation, and deceived the agent by a pretended compliance with his demands. The better to blind the whites, he not only promised to sign the submission which he had so strongly objected to, but promised that his friends should do so, at a stated time ; and his word was kept with the strictest accuracy. He came to Fort King with 79 of his people, men, women, and children, and then the signing took place. This pmictuality, accompanied with the most perfect dissimulation, had the effect that the chief intended it should — the dissipation of all the fears of the whites. These transactions were in the end of May and beginning of June, 1335. Thus we have arrived very near the period of open hostilities and blood- slied ; but before proceeding in the details of these sanguinary events, it may not be improper to pause a moment in reviewing some of the matters already touched upon. The first to which the attention is naturally called, is so l)romincnt as scarcely to need being presented, but I cannot refrain asking attention to a comparison between the numi)er of "chiefs and sub-chiefs,*^ (which was Sixteen) who on the 23 April, 1835, agreed to "acknowledge the validity of the treaty of 9 May, 1832," and the numlter of warriors and chiefa now in ojjcn hostility. These have not been rated below 2000 able men. Does any body supi)ose that those 16 " chiefs and sub-chiefs," (among whom was not the "king of the nation" nor Osceola,) had lull power to act for 2000 warriors on so extraordinary an occasion ? The question, in my mind, need only be stated ; especially when it is considered how ignorant every body was oftiie actual force of these Indians. It will doubtless bo asked, how it happens mat the Indians of Florida, who, a few years since, were kept from starving by an ai)propriation of congress, should now be able to maintain themselves so comfortably in their fastnesses. The triitli undoubtedly is, that the "starving Indians" were tiiose then lately forced down into the peninsula, who had not yet learned the resoiuces of the country; for not much has been said about the "starving Indians of Florida" toy s(!veral years past. In addition to the great amount of cattle, hogs, corn, grain, &.c. taken 35* 414 DEVASTATIONS BEGIN. fBoox IV from the wliites, from the comriiencemcnt of tlie war to the present time, the Seminolcs make flour of a certain root, called coonty, upon 'vvhicli they can Bubsist without inconvenience for a considerahle length of time, which is of incalcuiahle advantage to them in their war operations. The strength of the Indians has been not a little augmented by the blacks. Some accounts say there are 800 among them, some of whom have joined them, on absconding from their white owners ; but it is well known that the Florida Indians own many slaves. Old Micampy is said to have 80. f$\ m • fH'"in to li.ivo «)rriiriT(l in the region of Enat Florida, ^oitg as there wat u |i!iH;t' IcCt, which \\n» not strong enniigli to witlintund 'i. Hack. Ahout tht! 18 oi' December, Colonel Wnrrtn, at the hcmi of n email detach- ment of his regiment, was ordered to convoy a train of wagons loaded with provisions and inimitions from St. Augtistinc to the main Ijody, which was encamped at Fort Crooni, near Micanopy's town. While on their march they were attacked hy a superior force of Indians, who killed 8 or 10 of them, and jHit the rest to fligiit, almost in sight of the force they were sent to relieve. All the wagons iell into the hands of the Indiana, which, uiler taking from them what tiiey desired, broke them up and burnt them. On the 20 of December, as Genenil Call, with the Middle Florida troops, was marching for Fort Draine, his advanced guard discovered a house on tire ^ear Micanopy, and a trail of Indians was discovered leading to a pond, which was full of bushes and logs. This pond the whites nearly encircled, and oltliough at first no Indians were seen, yet the flushes of their guns soon I)ointed out their hiding-places, and considerable firing ensued on both sides ; )ut the fire of the Indians was soon silenced, and on searching the Ixig four Indians were found dead, but all the others, if thjre were any more, had cflfected their escape. In this swamp fight, three w'lites were badly wounded, and one killed. On the 2() of December, a band of about 100 Indians, under n chief narued Philip, and a mnnber of Indian negroes, made an attack on New Smyrna, to the south of Moscpiito Inlet, on the east side of the Peninsula, where they foimd nothing to obstruct their ravages. They began with the house of Mr. Dunham, which when they had j)lundered, "j)arties of them scattered about the neighboring plantations of Cruder, Depej/.iter, and Hunter. The Indian negro, John Cftmr, endeavored to decoy Mr. Hunter from his house, on pre- tence of selling him cattle and horses ; lie, however, having heard by his negroes that large numbers of Indians were about, and in the allernoon he crossed the river to Colonel Dummefs, The Indians held possession of Dun- \am^s house all day, and about one the next morning set it on fire, together with all the out-buildings. In the course of the 27, they burned and dt^stroycd all the buildings on Cruger's and Depeyster's plantations except a corn-house, and, on Hunter's, all except a corn-house. They now crossed over the river to Colonel DummePs house, and after destroying every thing in it, set that on fire, but from some cause the fire did not burn it. Tliey next burnt the house of Mr. Ratdiff, a little to the north of Colonel DummeVs, and broke and destroyed the lantern and every thing belonging to the light-house." The war having now become serious, and the Indians no longer looked upon as a despicable foe, the most melancholy forebodings were entertained for the very existence of the strongest places in Florida, and the call for protection from that quarter had become loud and frequent ; but notwith- Btanding war had been expected all the preceding autumn, no effectual meas- ures had been taken by the proper authorities to check the Indians in such au event. There had, however, late in December, >i-rived at Fort Brooke a small number of United States' troops under Major i)«K/e, of the 4th regiment of infantry, the official account of whose operations and defeat, I give as follows, in the language of Major Belton. It should be observed, that Major Dade was detached for the relief of General Clinch at Camp King, who was supposed to be in the most imminent danger from the Indians, and also in great want of supplies. His despatch was dated at Fort Brooke, 1 January, 1836, and proceeds as follows : — "The schooner Motto arrived on the 21 December from Key West, with brevet Major Dade and his companj, A infantry, 39 strong, Avith a small Biipplv of musket-ball cartridges, after looking in at several points between the Key and this place. Being thus reinforced, I hesitated no longer to put Gardiner's company, C 2d artillery, and Frazer's company, B 3d infantry, in motion for Fort King, pursuant to General Clinch's orders ; which movement had been ordered on the 16th, and suspended the same day, on account of intelligence 1 had received of the force of the Micka'^ jkies, and their strong position, near the '"r^rks of the Wythlacoochee. 1 despatched the public schooner Motto on 23d, with Lieutenant Duncan, 2d artillery, to Key Weat f i.n Chap. IX.] DEFKAT OF MAJOR DADE. 417 m for a battery of two twolvo-poiinderH, and hucIi stores as could lie serviceable; uiid nt a o'clock, on 24tli, the comimnii-s, Gardiner^a und Ihizicr's, niudo filly Imyonets each, by details from those companies remaining here, and with onu of the two six-i)oimders of this post with four oxen, I hud ordered to be piircbuscd, one light wagon and ten days' provisions wvru put in march. "The first halt of this command was at Little liilluboro' Kiver, seven miles from this post, iie bridge of which I had reconnoitred by hulians of EmnthMa band the (lay before. From this I beard from Maj. Dmte pressing mc to tbrward the six-pounder, by all means, it having been lell by the failuiu o\' the team four miles out. I accordingly ordered the purchase of three horses anu harness, and it joined the column at nine that night. On the night of the 24th, I heard that the transport with Mai. Mountfoid and com- pany, long and anxiously expected, was in the bay. I sent at one o'clock u letter to hiin, (received at day-light) by an Indian express, urging him on. lie landed with his strong company on the 25th about noon, and informed me that Legatees company, under Lieut. Grayson, nearly full, must be near at hand. Of this Maj. Dade was informed by a gallant volunteer, Jewell, C company, 2d artillery, who had left the detachment with the news of the burning ot Dig Hillsboro' bridge, near which Maj. D. had halted the second day, 25th. 1 also intbrmed him that I was using every exertion to push on about thirteen hundred rations on puck-horses, with what ammuni- tion could be spared. A duplicate of this was sent the next day by a young Indian, who became lame und could not overtake the column, and returned with his letters. Pr. Jewell joined Maj. Dade about 11 o'clock ou the night of the 25th. " In the chain of events, it is proper that 1 should mention, that three Talhdiussee Indians came in on the evening of the 22d, and caused great excitement in Itolase Emathla^s camp. They brought a talk of Inicanopas of a pacific or neutral character, or they atiected it ; but I believe not dis- tinctly, until after I had made them prisoners, while in full council with Emathld's warriors, which step I considered imperative, if they were spies, luid as much so if they were charged with any propositions likely to detach the chiefs from the treaty ; or indeed by an act of self-devotion, to take the sculps of Emathla, Black Dirt, and Big }Farrior, faithful chiefs, ^vho have been hunted ir this way since the scalping of Charles EmatlUa. In a council with Ematlda that night, Maj. Dade expressed every confidence in Indian charac- ter ; and particularly upon the salutary influence of Abraham upon Micanopa. On reflection I detained two of the imprisoned Tallahassees, as hosUiges, und sent the youngest and best runner with letters to General Clinch, and GeneraF Thompson, via Inicanopa, as I could do no better, and of course, through Abraham^ lands. "These letters of course involved many details; but numbers and other fucts, to guard against treachery, were stated in French. The runner returned two days beyond his time, with a message from Abraham and Broken Sticks, stating my talk was good, and that I might expect him on the 30th. This we freely rendered that he would be at the attack fixed for Christmas week. A negro, his intimate, named Harry, controls the Pea Creek bund of ubont a hundred warriors, forty miles south-east of us, who have done most of the mischief, and keep this post constantly observed, and communicute with the Micknsukians at Wythlacoochee by means of powerful bands of Eulijllalis and Alafiers, under Little Cloud, and the Alligator. In tracing Maj. Dade's movements, I have every reason to believe that he made on the 2Gth six miles, 27th to Big Wythlacoochee ; on the fiflh dny, 28th, to the buttle-grouud, sixty-five miles. "Here it may be proper to state that Maj. Mountford's command was ready ^o move on the 26th, but the transport, in which was a coniituny of the 2d urtillery under Lieut. Grayson, imtbrtunately entered the wrong bay, and got mto shoal water, and was not seen, or certainly heard of, till the morning of the 28th of December, when, by sending a party with a flag as a signal, Lieut. Grayson was put in possession of instructions, and landed his I'oinpany at a point four miles v/est of us, on the east side of Tampa Buy (proper) and joined at sunset that evening ; his transport did not get round to 2i> 418 DEFEAT OF MAJOR DADE. [Book IV. K'U land liis bnggngc till the 30th ; so long an interval as to put all hope of jiinc- tiori out of tliu (|UC!y recognized an mdian whose axe he had helved a few days before at this post. About one hundred Indians were well mounted, naked, and painted. The last man who came in brought a note from Capt. Drazier, addressed to Maj. Mounlford, which was fastened in a cleft stick, and stuck in a creek, dated, as is supposed, on 27th, stating that they were beset every night, and pushing on. F. S. Belton, Capt. 2d Artillery:' Such was the fate of Major Dade and his gallant companions. Osceola was present, as was the old chief Micanopy. Of the latter, it is said, he had, in the beginning of the troubles, avowed that he would neither leave his country, nor woidd he fight ; but when the force under Major Dade approached his town, he altered his resolution, seized his rifle, and shot that officer. The situation of affairs, at this period cannot better be described than in the language of a gentleman attached to Major Mountford's command, stationed at Fort Brooke, and is contained in a letter, dated on the first day of the year : — " We are," says he, " really in the theatre of war of the most horrible kind. We arrived here on Christmas day, and found the inhabitants flying in from all quarters to camp. Major Dade, with seven officere and 110 men, started, the day before we arrived, for Fort King. We were all prepared to overtake them the next day, and were upon the eve of departure, when an intervention of circumstances deferred it for one day ; and, in \he course of that day, three Chap. IX.] VI.^IT TO D.\l)K'.S nArrLR-GROUNI). 410 t»f»l(liorts horrilily nmnglcd, cnuw info cnmp, nnrl hroii^lit tlio inolnnrlioly tid- ings that Major l)ii It ami ((very oftictT nnd man, except tlu'iMsclvcs, wcro iiitirdiri'd and terribly mangled. Wv are at work, nigiit and day, entrciu-JiiMg oursrlvcH in every |iosNil)li; manner. We exiwict every moment to he attacked, as the NivagcH have 8\vorn we Khoiild ail Ik; inas-sacred hel'ore the (itii ol" Jan- uary. Wo are only uhoiit '200 stronjj, with otKcers and men, and ahoiit r)0 eitizens, and I'^O friendly Indians, under their chief, Black Dirt, The saviigerf ure wud to inimher 4000," Aller the arrival of General Gaines in Florida, he ordered a dr. 7. S. Gatlin:' I'loin a comparison of the above report with the official accoinit before given, of Captain Helton, n(^arly every thing conciuiiii!; this signally great disaster is learned ; but from the report of tiie three men that iiad the singidar fortune to escape, many incidents have, frotn time to time, been gathered, and communicated through tiie newspapei-s. In fact, until the late visit to the battle-ground, no other account, but such as could be gathered from the three poor half-murdered sohliers, could be obtained ; and yet it appears that they gave tiie facts as they really were. They all came in separatel}', sorely wounded, — one of them with no less than eight wounds. He was supposed to be dead, and was thrown promiscuously into a heap of the slain, about w ich a dance was held by the Indians, before leaving the ground. Tliis man crawled away in the following night, and thus ellected his escape. Htees^ CHAPTER X. Of the principal chiefs and war leaders of the Seminoles — Osceola — Micanop,-- Jl'mpkr — Massacre of General Thompson and others at Fort King — Battli < ? TiiF OuiTHLF.coocnE — Fight near Wetumka — Great distress of the cmintry — .Iction of Coigrcss upon it — Battle at Musqiiito^Manij Creeks join the Sentinoles — Fight on the Suanee River. There has been occasion already pretty fuily to sketch i.ie character of the cliii'f geucraily called Powell by the whites, but whose real name is Osceola, or Ostoln. This chief has shown himself to be, thus far, equal to the desperate cause in which he is engaged. We, at a distance from the Indians, marvel that they should be so short-sighted as not to see that to wage a war is only to hasten their ruin ; but, when wo tlius reflect, we do not consider the scanty information which the Indians have of the real strength of the whites. Our means of getting a knowledge of the Indians, is incalculably greater than theirs iij of getting a knowledge of us. They cannot read, neither can they converae (or but very few of them) with intelligent white men ; therefore, that they know mncli less of us than wo do of them, nnist be vcit apparent. They know nothing of geogra])hy. If an Indian, in the interior of Florida, slioidd be told that New England was a great place, without considerable troid)lc he could not bo made to miderstand whether it were a great town, as large as a village of 50 wigwams in his own country, or as large as the whole of Florida. We leani eveiy thing of this nature by comparison ; and how shall the Indian com))ieliend our terms, but by comparing ihem with his own .'' Hence it is owing, mainly, to the unavoidable ignorance of the Indians of our actual con- ditio! , tluit induces them to hazard a war with us. I know, from the best luitliority, that the western Indians, previous to Black Hatches war, were gen- erally of the opinion that they were far more numerous than the whit(\s ; and when a trader told them they eertaitdy were not, they laughed at him with scornful gestures. We have no reason to believe the Florida Indians any better inibrmed ; and, besides, they are cheated and baffled so oflen by knaves who go akuoiig them *'". iluit pur|)ose, that they imagine all the whites to be of the same character, and they cannot tell whether a talk really comes from thi'ir great fiuher, the president, or whether some impostor be cheating them with one of his own, to get their lands for his particular benefit. With this view of tlie case l)efbre us, it will lun ap])ear altogether rinac- ?ountablc that a daring chief, like Osceola, should engage in a war. He is said not to be a chicjf by birth, but has raised himself by his courage and jiecnliar abilities to that station. His father is said to Imve been uu Englishman, anJ Chap. X.] MASSACRE OF GENERAL THOMPSON AND OTHERS. 4"21 hip mother i\ Creek woman. lie belongs to the Red Stick tribe. In person be is slender, but well formed, muscular, and capable of enduring great fatigue; is an excellent tactician, and an admirer of order and discipline. He would frequently practise military manoeuvres with the whites, and none of tlieni, it was observed, could excel him. His com}ilexion is rather '.iglit, deep restless eyes, char and shrill voice, and not more than about 35 years of age. He is said to have conducted in person every impciUMit action from tiie time of WairtrCs defeat to the battle of the Ouithlecooirhee. General Thompson imprisoned him, as we have before related, because he would not acknowl- edge his authority, and for asserting that the countiy was the Indians', "that they wanted no agent, and that he had better take cue of himself." Of old Micanopy as well us Osceola I have alreacy had occasion to sjieak. He was said to have joined the latter with 500 men : he is a short, lliick-si;t, "ugly-looking Indian, and much given to intoxication." Jumper is jliicano- pv'.* (rliief counsellor, and a warrior of great perseverance, activity, and courage. Wo shall now take U|) the narrative of events in the order of their occurrence, and the next of importance was the massacre near Camp King, wliich happened on the samy day, but at a later hour than the destruction of the detaclnuent under Major Dade. Osceola, it will be remembered, had been roughly treated at this place, not many months before, and had been by coercion obliged to comply with the demands of ]Mr. Agent Thompson, about a removal, &c. He was known alterwards to declare that Thompson siionld pay with his life for his conduct. Accordingly, with a small bantl of warriors, at noon day, on the 28 of Decem- ber, he approached Camp l\.in crop of corn ; this he lib(!rally dealt out to the soldiers ; other supitlies having failed. On the arrival of (.'eneral Call, an e.xpediiion wa.s innnediately set on loot for the liead-cpiarters of the lii«. .}f. Gritham, 4th nifsuitiy, was l''ailcssly brave, and althouiih very severely wounded eiu'ly in the cngMgemeiit, continued to head Ills company in the most gallant ninnner, milil lit^ ri-cived another severe wound, when ho was taken from the tield. Ills lirotlier, Lieut. Cainj)bell Gra- futin, conunanding tlu? adjacent ennipany, \\aM like\'ise smeri ly \\(>uiided etuiy in the fight, but continui'd wiili liis men until another wound foi'ced him, from loss of blood, to retire fioni ilie field. 1 lent. .MiiUhi'rl, wlio com- niaiuled a company, contrihuted much, hy his galla'.itry, to encourage his men. ! Wi Chap. X] BATTLE OF THE OUITIIIECOOCIIE. 423 Lii'uta. Talcot, Capron, John Graham, Riilgelij, (who was wonnded early in the iictioi),) and Brooks, all displayed good courage and coolness tlirouglioiit the action. When almost every non-commissioned oificer and private exhibited sncli firmness, it was almost impossible to discriminate between them ; but the commanding-general cannot withhold his high approbation of judgment and courage displayed by sergeant Johnson of H company, third artillery, on whom the command of the company devolved, after Lieut. Graham was removed from the field ; and who, although severely wounded, continued at the head of the company till the action was over. Also of ««'rjreants Kt lot and Lofton, and corporal Paget, 4th infantrj'. Sergeants tScaJjicld and Potter D company, 2d artillery ; sergeant Smith, C company, first artillery, and cor poval Chapin, C company, 3d artillery. Colonel John Warner, commaiuhini 1st regiment volunteers, Maj. Cooper, and Lieut. Yeoman of sanie corps, whc had formed on the left flank, were all severely wounded, while leading tlieii littli' hand o the charge, and all behaved with great bravery, as well as adjutant Phillips. Lieut. Col. Mills disj)layed great coolness and judgment (luring the action, and in recrossing the river with his command. Lieuts. Stewart j"id Hunter of the 2d regiment, with a few men of that regiment, were judiciously posted on the right, and, from their reputation for firiimess, would have given a good account of the enemy, had he made his appearance in that quarter. Col. Parkill, of the F. volunteers, who performed the duties of adjutant-general, displayed much military skill and the utmost coolness and courage throughout the whole action ; and his services were of the first im|)ortance. Col. Rcid, inspector-general, displayed much firnniess, but he had his horse shot, and received a slight wound early in the engagement, and was sent with orders to the volunteers. My volunteer aid, RIaj. Ljitlt; and Maj. Wclford, aid to Brig. Gen. Call, were near me throughout the aciion, and displayed the most intrepid courage and coolness. Col. J. H. Mcintosh, one of my aids, and Maj. Gamble, aid to Gen. Call, both displayed much finnness and courage, and were actively employed on the left flank. I also feel it due to Lieut. Col. Bailey, Capt. Scott, and Lieut. Cuthbert, to say, that, although the action was nearly over before they could cross the river with a lew of the 2d regiment, they took a judicious position, and showed much firmness. Capt. IVyatt, of the same corps, was entirely employed in erecting a tempora- ry bridge, and manifested much firmness. Much credit is also due to the medical department, composed of Doctors ff'ightman, Hamilton, Handolpli, and Bradon, for their activity and attention to the wounded. "The time of service of the volunteers having ex|)ired, and most of them having expressed an unwillingness to remain longer in the service, it was considered best, after removing the dead and taking care of the wounded, to return to this post, which we reached on the 2d instant, without the least interruption, and, on the following day, the volunteers from Middle Florida took up the line of March for Tallahassee ; and this morning tlios(r from East Florida proceeded to their respective homes, leaving me a very few men to guard this extensive frontier. I am now fully convinced that there has been a great defection among the Florida Indians, and that a great many Creeks have united with them , consequently it will require a strong force to j)ut them down. "J also have the honor to enclose you a list of the killed and wonnded of the res|)ective regiments and corps. I am, sir, with high respect, your most obedient, D. L. CMxcit, Brevet B. General U. S. Arnvj, Commanding, "R. Jones, Adjutant- General U. S. .Irmy." "Return of the killed and wounded at the battle of the Ouithlecooche on the Hist day of December, 18.'}5. — C company, 1st artillery, Cnpt. Gates com- miinding — one artificer killed; 1 corporal and .'5 privates wounded, I) com- j)any, 2(1 artillery, Capt. G, Drane commanding — 1 privnti' kill(!d ; ] second Lieut., 1 corporal, anil 12 privates wounded. F com|)auy, 2d artillery, ht. Ca|)t. Mellon coimnanding — 1 artificer killed. C com|Kuiy, 'M artillery, 1st Lieut. Maitland commanding — 1 artificer killed, imd 7 privates wounded. H W ! 424 FIGHT NEAR WETUMKA. [Book IV, company, 3d artillery, 1st Lieut C. Graham commanding — 1 private killed I first Lieut., 1 sergeant, 2 corporals, and 12 privates wounded. "Total— -4 killed, and 52 wounded." How many of the wounded died after the return was made out, I cannot ascertain ; but uo doubt many did, as is always tiie case. The loss of the Indians is, as usual on such occasions, variously estimated. Some friendly Indians who came into Tallahassee, said that Osceola lost 104 men, and was himself twice wounded during the battle. There were with General Clinch, as guides in his expedition, three or four [udians of tlie white party, relatives of the chief, Charles Omathla, who doubt- less rendered eminent service. Osceola was observed foremost of all his iiKm in this battle, and was well known to General Clinch and many of his men. He wore a red belt, and three long feathers. Having taken his stand behind a tree, he would step boldly out, level his rifle, and bring iMg an account of the battle, that he says nothing of himself. I was in tins battle, and allow me to say to you resp(;cting him, what I s^aw and know to he true. Throughout the engagf^ment he was in the hottest of the fight. His horse was shot under him in two places, neck and hip. A ball jtassed through his cap, entering the front, and i)assing out at the back i)art of the toj). An- other ball passed through the sleeve of the bridle-arm of his coat. This was my first b«':',e, and I may not be the best judge, but I do not believe that any man ever displayed more intrepid courage than Gen. Clinch ilid on this occasion. At one moment a little confusion occurred among the troops, in consequence of some soldiers giving the word "Retire!" The general immediately threw himself in front of the men, and his horse staggering under him, he dismounted, advanced to the front, and, amidt. a shower of bullets from the Indians, said, that before he would show his back to the enemy, ho would die upon the field. The high and chivalric bearing of the general kindled among the men an enthusiasm, which, I believe, was never surpassed. A gallant charge fi)llowed, which routed and drove the enemy from the field, and they did not again show themselves. We kept the fieUl about three hours, and then rccrossed the river in good order, and without disturbance." The next events which occurred were not of so much moment as those immediately preceding them ; but it is our duty to notice all, which we will do in the onhn* of time. On the 12 .January, "Col. Parish, at the head of 200 mounted volimteers, co.nposed of the companies of Ca[)t. ./?Wo»j, Bellami/, and Caswell, had a sharp encounter with a large body of Indians near Wetumka, in Middle Florida. The attack commenced with the advanced guard under Capt. Jielinmv, who had l)een allowei! by the enemy to pass their main body. Col. Parish imme- diately hastened forward to his support, when siuldenly he was attacked on both flanks by the enemy in ambush. The volunteers made an unsuccessfiil attempt to charge on lioi-sebaek ; they were then dismounted and fitimi'd in admiraiile order. They then chai-'cd the enemy in a manner worthy of veterans. In the mean time, Cajjt. lieVamj, having routed tlu; attacking party opposed to him, fell back on the main Iiody. The enemy were soon forced to tak(; slujlter in a ihicket. YKy this time, night coming on, it was not thought prudent to fidlow them, when; the localities of the place and the tiarkness would have given them great advantages. Oiu' men rested on tlunr arms in tin- open ])iM^ woods, prepared to renew thi' action at day-light ; hut during the ni^'lit tile savages ell'ecti^d their rein-at. Their less must liiive iicen con- siilerable, as six dead \)odies were counted in one pint of the field of battle. Chap X.] CONGRESS.— BATTLE OF DUNLAWTON. 425 Two dii}-s after, Col. Parish marched for Fort King, and arrived there in sul'ety. He tluui proceeded to PowelVs \^Osceola^s^ town, and destroyed it. The vohniteors tlien returned to Fort Drane." The host opinion can he formed of the distress of the people of Florida at this period, from the sufferers theuiselves, or those momentarily expecting to become such. On the IG January, a newspaper published at Tallahassee contained as follows: — "Since the engagement on the Wythlacoochee, no intelligence has been had of the main body of the Indians. The situation of the inhabitants east of the St. John's and south of 3t. Augustine, is truly deplorable. New Smyrna has been burnt, and all the fine plantations in that neighborhood are broken up. Many of the negroes have been carried off, or have joined the savages. The Indians are dispersed in small parties, aud wlien pursued they take refuge in the thickets, which abound every where, and fight with desjieration, until they are dead, no matter by what numbers they are assailed. It is literally a war of extermination, and no hope is entertained of putting an end to it, but by the most vigorous measures. In the mean time, the number of the enemy is daily increasing by desperadoes fi'oin other tribes, and absconding slaves. The Mickasooky tribe is considered the loatling [one] of the Seminolcs. "">ey have always been noted as the most ruthless and determined of the savage race." IJiit it must not he Bup|)osed, that the measure of the Bufferings of the Floiidians was yet full, at this date of our history, nor even at the very writing hereof, (20 July,) although the whole coast from St. Augustine to Ca[)e Florida is in the hands of the Indians, and has remained so ever since the 11 Febru- ary. Nevertheless, nothing seems yet to have oc<;urred sufliciently alarming to awakcai the sympathies of the heads of the nation. But on the 30 January, Mr. jniile, in the house of representatives, asked leave to introduce the fol- lowing resolution: — "Ilesolvea by the senate and house of representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the pn .-i lent of the U. States he authorized to cause lations to be d(.>livered from the public stores to the untbrtuiiate sufferers who have been driven from their homes by Indian dej)redations, until they can be re-established in their possessions, and enabled to procure provisions for the sustenance of themselves and flunilies." Tins resolution, after some debate, was passed, and became a law. The notice of this act of congress is in anticipation of the order of events ; but one thing is certain, that if I have noticed congress a litUe prematurely, they have not conunitted the like yau/< in noticing the affairs of Florida. Upon the 17 Jarmary, as George IV. Rockleff and Jem/ Bowers, pilots in the sloop Pilot, of Mosquito, were proceeding up Halifax River, and when nearly opi)osito Mi-s. ArulersoiCs plantation, they were tired upon by Indians, about 100 in number, as they judged, who continu'cd their fire about a quarter of an hour. They ov(!rshot the men, but the sail and rigging of their vessel was much injured ; 30 bullets having passed through the mainsail. The next day, 18 January, Major Putman, who was at the head of the independent company, styled the St. Augustine Guards, stationed at Mos- (piito, proceeded to Mrs. ^inderson^s plantation, at a jilace called Dun Lawton, about 50 miles south of St. Augustine, on the Haliflix Uivir, upon « l# CHAPTER XI. CowGRESS makes an appropriation for carrying on the tear — Remarlis in the Scnat9 of the United States on the war loith the Seminoles — Debate in the hmsc of repre- sentatives on the bill for the relief of the inhabitants of Florida — Mack, on some Creeks at Bryant's Ferry — General Gal''cs's campaign in Florida — Fights the Indians on the Ouithlacoochee — His conference with Osckola — Resigns his com- mand, and haves the country — Captain Allison's skirmish — The chief Ouchee Billy killed — Siege of Camp McLemore — Great sufferings of its garrison — Deliv- ered by Captain Read — The chief Mad Wolf slain. Towards the close of the preceding chapter, notice was taken of the delay in congress, and by the executive of the nation, to agitate the subject of this war. At length Mr. Webster of the senate, from the committee on finance, reported, without amendment, a bill making further appropriation for sup- pressing hostilities with the Seminole Indians, and asked for its immediate consideration, as the state of the country required its passage with the utmost despatch. The amount of the appropriation was 500,000 dollars, and the bill was passed afti r some explanatory remarks; which remarks, as they not only set the affairs of the war forth as they were known in Washington at that period, but discover to us something by which we caa judge who has been in fault there, shall here be laid before the reader. "Mr. Clay saul he should be glad to hear the communications from the departments read, ••i order to see whether tlu'y gave any Hccount of the causes of tiiis war. No doubt, he said, whatever may have been the causes, it was nccessju'y to put an end to the war itsi-lf, by all the possil]le means within oiU' power. Ihit it was a condition, alti gctiicr without iirccedt ul, in which tiiiMMiuntry was now placed. A war v.is rtiging with the most ran- corous violence within our borders; con^rress had bien in session nearly two months, during which time this conflict was raging ; yet ol' the causes oi Chap. XI.] CONGRESS AND THE SEMINOLE WAR. 427 the war, linw it wns prodiicetl, if the fault was on one side or on both sides, in short, what liad liglited up the torcli, conj^ress wa.s ultojLtctiier uninformed, and no inquiry on the suhject had been niacle by citlier branch of tiie legis- hitui'e. He should be glad, he said, if tiie chairman of tlie committee on finance, or of the committee on Indian affairs, or any one else, would tell him how this war had burst forth, and what were its causes, and to whom the blame of it was to be charged. "Mr. fVcbsler replied, that he could not give any answer to the senator from Kentucky. It was as much a 'imtter of surprise to him, as to any one, that no official communication hat *'n made to congress of the causes of the war. All he knew on the aiivect he liad gathered from the gazettes. The communications from the departments spoke of the war, as a war grow- ing out of the relations between the Indians and the government of the U. States, and gave no reason to suppose that it had its origin in any quarrel with the citizens. It i)roi)abiy grew out of the attempts to remove these Indians beyond the Mi8.->is.siiipi. According to the latest accounts, the country between Tallahussei! and St. Augustine was overrun by hostile Indians, and the communication between those ))laces was interrupted. The view taken by the gentleman from Kentucky was imdoubtedly the true one. But the war rages, the enemy is in force, and the accounts of their ravages are dis- astrous. The executive government has asked ll)r the means of suppressing these hostilities, and it was entirely proper that the bill should pass. " Mr. White expressed his regret that he could add nothing to the informa- tion given on this subject He knew nothing of the cause of the war, if it c<- nmenced in any local quarrel or not. It was the object of the government t "'move these Indians to the west side of the Mississippi, and he was appre- hensive that the difficulty had arisen out of this measure. He hati, however, no information, which was not in the possession of every other senator. He was for the bill. " Mr. Benton said he was also ignorant of the causes of the war. Some years ago, he said, he was a member of the committee on Indian afiiiirs. At that time these Indians in Florida were in a state of starvation ; tli(^y would not work, and it was necessai-y that they shoidd be fed by the U. States, or they must subsist on the plunder of our citizens. These Indians are a very bad tribe, as their very name signifies, the word Seminole, in Indian, being, ^wild runaway Indians,^ They were therefore considered a bad race. It was obviously the best policy to remove these Indians to a place where they would be able to obtain plenty." When the bill for the relief of the distressed inhabitants of Florida was bi fore the house of representatives, which was noticed in our lust chapter, the follow- ing interesting debate arose upon it, which shall be laid before the reader, for the same reasons which caused the remarks in the senate to be given above. "The resolution having been twice read, the house, on motion of Mr. ff'hite, agreed to consider it now. "Mr. IK said that he would not occupy the time of the house further than to say, that in East Florida, five hundred families were driven from their hmnes, and had had their possessions destroyed in the progress of a war, which had commenced in consequence of relatiors between the Imlians ami t] '\i government, and with which the suffering inhabitants of that coimtry have had nothing to do. "Appropriations had frequently been made to succor Indians when in cir- cumstances of distress, and he hoped that no member of the house would object to the adoption of the resolution for the succor of our own citizens. "Mr. Granger of New York rose and said, — Mr. Speaker, in the little observation I have had of men and things, I have learned that i)recedent is ofien used to restrain our generous impulses, but seldom to impel us to gen- erous action. In the little time I have been here, I have not been so much gratified with any thing that has occuired, as I have at the prompt maimer in which this house has stepped forward to provide means for carrying on the war in Florida. Whilst we have been witliout any official information from tl :? executive department of government — whilst the newspajiers Utiyc been discussing the question, whether censure should rest upon one of the dejmrv f 4 If:.' 428 FIGHT AT BRYANT'S FERRY. [Book IV. le s.^nate. If they had, the erroneous )niprcssion aa pa . "?nt, or the executive, would not have gone on 'vays and means, thai "Mr. Graijg-er resumed. iMciits, or r|)on .he commanding officer in Florida, this house and the other hraiitli (if ih(; I gisbturc have stepped forward to suatuin this war, although no r((|tii.sitioii lias been made by the chief magistrate of the nation. Sir I rejoici! that they have done so. "Mr. Cambrekng rose to explain, and Mr. Granger yielded the floor. " Mr. Camhrdeng said, that great injustice Iiad been done in the newsjjapers to tlio conduct i>ursued by the departments. The committee of ways anil means had been furnished with tha first communication on which they acted by the secretary of war. They next day received a second communication with all the documents relating to the Indian war, and which contained all the information that was requisite. The documents had not gone forth to the Cubllc — which was an extrao-^inary circumstance. They certainly were sent y the committee to this houef, md ought to have accompanied the bill and been printed and ser to the remissness of into tiie newspapers, i is n< i 'e fault of the executive, c r of the committee >'.d had ^'^ Heen done. _ If the ^^:\. :eman had listened t ) me a little longer, he wouKl have discovered that I intended no censure on th i executive ; but as he has chosen to challenge me to speak, I do say that the histoiy of this nation can present nothing like the silence which has existed on this subject. I do say tiiut whilst this hall has been ringing with plaudits upon one administra- tion, and whilst we have been called upon day after day to hunt up the bones of dead quarrels here — whilst your settlements have been laid wat*te and desolate, no communication has been made to this house as a branch of the government. Whatever information you have, even upon the gentleman's own showing, is a letter from the secretary of war to the chairman of the cotnmittee of ways and means. " Mr. Cambrekng. That letter contained all that was necessary. "Mr. Granger continued : Sir, I repeat that, with a war known to exist in this country, we have been occupied in hunting up the possibility, not only of a war which might take place hereafter with a foreign nation, but also to discover whether a war was last year likely to have existed. " We have war enough upon our hands to take care of. The war-cry is up in the woods; the tomahawk glitters in the sunbeam; the seal ping-knife is m-ged to its cruel duty; the flower of your chivalry is .:rewed along the plain, and yet every depaitment of this administration is as dumb as the bleeding victims of this inglorious contest. "In legislating for a suffering people, I want no precedent but that which my Creator has implanted in my iKjsom. I do not believe that we stand here with the sympathies of our nature chilled and frozen by the mere force of the oath which we have taken ; 1 do not believe that our duty requires that we should be thtis chilled and frozen. I believe that the existence of this govern- ment depends upon its extending its fostering hand to the unfortunate when- ever it can be done within the limits of the constitution. Especially should this be the case, where the sufferers reside within a territory, and have no state government to which they can look for succor. " Such is the true course to be pureued in this nation ; and then our people will feel that they are indeed members of one common family, and that, whilst they beai* equal burdens, they are the equal recipients of the bounty and protection of the government. "On motion of Mr. White, the resolution was read a third time and passed." We have now to return to the recital of warlike operations. About the middle of January, great alarm spread through the confines of Georgia, that the Creek Indians were imbodying in various parts of their country, and the utmost consternation prevailed. On the 23 January, it being reported at Columbus, that the Indians were in force at Bryant's Ferry, 1.5 miles below that place, a company of whites, consisting of about 20 or 30 men, under Captain Jfatson, marched down upon discovery. They discovered 30 or 40 Indians, some of whom had rifles, but it does not appear that they hud done, or intL'uded, any mischief. However, the whites pmsued tliein, and pretty Hoon a firing commenced, and, though of short duration, two wen; killed on Chap. XL] GAINES'S SEMINOLE CAMPAIGN. 4i!) each side, nnd tlie whites were driven from the ground, having several of their number wounded. Tlie next operations of imj)ortanre were those between tlie forces uiidei General Gaines and Osceola, and u|)on tiic mernorai)lc Ouitblocooclue. Gi^n- eral Gaines was upon a tour of inspection nnd duty, wiien he tirst learned that serious disturbances had occurred between the whites nnd Seuiinoles. This wns about the 15 January, nnd tlie general was nrrived at New Orleans. His previous head-quarters had been at Memphis, in Tennessee. He thereliire called on the governor of Louisiana, to have a body of volunteers in readiness for military service, and set out liirnself innnediately for the scene of hostilities. At Pensncola he found some vessels of war, undi;r Commodores Dallas nnd Bolton, and Captain IVehh, wlio iiad already commenced operations in the neitrl'.borliood of Tampa IJay, and other adjacent inlets. Colonel Twig 430 GAINES'S SEMINOLE CAMPAIGN. [Hook IV. |{!i|| V if renr of tlie tiidiiins ; which movement, should it miceeed, it was hoped, woulil finish the war. On llic riiorniiig of the 29th, no Indians were to he seen ; hut the gcnrral did not relax his |)rceauti(ins, A party wan preparing tiiiihcr and canoes for cross- ing tiie river, when, aiiout !i o'elocit, tiiey were sharply fired upon, and, at the same time, the cMcampMHrnt was attacked upon every side, hut tiiat towards the river. Tiie Indians now seemed in great force, (12 or 1500, as wiw supposed,) having lieen collecting, from ail (piarters, since the fight on the jirevions day. Tliey continued the contest two hours, in which time one man was killed and 33 wounded. Among the latter was the general himself, — a rifle hall having passed through his lower li[i, knocked oiu one tooth, and damaged two others. When it was found that the general was wounded, his companions expressed much regret ; hut he talked of it as a matter of sniall moment ; said " it waa very unkind in the rascals to take away a tooth which he valued so highly." On reconnoitering the enemy's ground, after he had fled, Gaines's men found one of their dead, which hud heen dragged a considerahle distance and left unhuried, from which circumstance they conjectured he had fled in haste. His rifle had been taken away, hut he was found to be well provided with amnnmition, having plenty of [)owder and sixty bullets. The place of this attack Gaines called Camp Izard. The flight of the Indians was no security for their not appearing again ; for, on the 2d of March, they returned, ami commenced pouring in their shot upon the whites, which, at intervals, they contiiuied to do until the 5tli. BIcantime all of their provisions were exhausted, and they began the slaughter of their horses to sustain life. But it is said that, during all this time, no one was heard to murmur or com|>lain. On the night of the 5th, about 10 o'clock, a call was heard from the woods, and some one requested a parley. On the officer of the guard's demanding what was wanted, it was answered that the Indians were tired of figiiting, and wished for peace. The general ordered the officer of the guard to answer, that if the In- dians wished to treat, to send a messenger the next morning, with a white flag, nud he should come and go in safety. He replied, " veiy well," anrl added that " he desired to have a friendly talk, and to shake hands." Accordingly, on tho morning of the Gtli, about 300 Indians filed out from the river, and took a position in the rear of the whites, about 500 yards off. They exj)ected nothing now but a most bloody contes^t, supposing the main body of the Indians to ho concealed in a neighboring hammock. Both parties remained a siiort time in suspense, each doubting what the other would do. At length, one or two advanced within hailing distance, and, being joined with othera, repeated what had heen said the night before. The general now sent out to them a staft' officer, and they told him they did not wish to fight any more, but recpiosted that the army should withdraw from the Ouithlecoochee. Osceola was at the head of the Indian deputation. When the officer who had met the Indians reported this talk to Gaines, he ordered him to return to Osceola, and to inform him, in the plainest terms, that they would be subdued, that a large force was on the way into their country, and tliat, unless they submitted, every Indian found in arms would be shot. When this was communicated to the Indians, they said they would go and hold a council, and would meet theiri again in the afternoon. The meeting in the afternoon, accordingly, took place, and the Indians urged what they had said in tiie moridng, and added that they had lost many of their men by death and wound.*, and were tired of the war ; but as their governor (as they styled Micanopy) was not there, they must first con- sidt him, and asked to have the war sus|)ended imtil lie could be considted. They were told that if they would cease from acts of hostility, go south of the Ouithlacoochee, and attend a council when called u[)ou by the United States commissioners, they should not be molested. This they agreed to, and, at the same moment, General Clinch came ujion the main hodv of the IndiaiiH, and they all fled with the lUmost j)recipitation, ])rol)ahly ( (diidiiig iliis was a stratagem which the whites had prepared to cut them oil'. Clinrlt cami' with 500 men and su])plies, which was doubtless more agreeable to the >iarviiig army, than even a treaty with Osceola. Tlie Indians seem to have heen well acquainted v.'.th the condition of CJen- Ciiij. XI.] SIEGE OF CAMP M l.EMORE. 431 ernl Gaineit'a army ; for, during the interviow with Osceola, he nsked hew tlioy were oH'Ibr provirtionSjiiiul when tiiey told him they litid enough, he shook his head, saying, "It is not so; you liave notiiing toeat; but, il' you will comic over the river, I will give you two heeves, and some bnuidy." It is tiiereloro surprising that lie should have been now asking for peace. It sliovvs, liowever, tliat he was well aware of the hopelessness of his case ; and, although he was able to deal with General Gaines, he early knew of tlu; approach of General Clinch, and it was, probably, on his gaining that knowlt;dgu, that he concluded to see what kind of terms could be got of the whites, as the affairs of war then stood. General Gaines, having transferred his command to General Clinnh, left for New Orleans about the 9 March, and General Clinch proceeded with his united forces to Fort Drane. A negro spy, who had been sent among the hostile Indians, from Camp Izard, soon after returned, and confirmed the peaceable intentions of the chiefs: they told him, that in their various skir- mishes with General Gaines on the Ouitldacoocho they had lost 30 men. Of the whites but 5 were killed, and 60 wounded. It is rather uncotnnion that there should be so great a disproportion between the slain of the parties, when it is considered that the Indians almost always fought from coverts. On the 9 March, Captain Allison of the Florida volunteers had a skirmish near his camp, not far from Fort Brooke. He routed the Indians, whom ho judged to be a thousand strong, and took considerai)le plunder. Hence, not- withstanding the Indians were supposed to desire peace, skirmishes contimjed. And on the SiS Mareli, a coitipany of volunteers were attacked about six miles from Vohisia, in which the whites lost three men killed, and six woimded, and the Indians tive or six. Among the latte. was their chief, called Oucliee Billy, or Billij Hicks. He was found the day aftck the fight, concealed in some brusfi. About the 5 April, Major .McLemore, by order of General Scott, took a position on the Ouithlacoochee, and erected a block-house, which was called Ca.np McLemore. Here, about 40 men, far removed into the heart of the Indian country, were to remain until relieved by the General, or Majtr McLemore, who, it apj)ears, after establishing the post, immediately left it. This small force seems to have arrived here at a most fortunate time, for it was four days before they were discovered by the Indians, and during this period they had completed a block-house lor their protection. It is scarcely to be credited that this little company of men, sent here by the commander-in-chief of the army, should be left without the means of escape in extremity of circumstances, and no way kept open by which their situation from time to time might be known ; such, however, was the case, and for about six weeks nothing was heard of them. They had not been provided with provisions for more than two weeks, and it was the general impression of every one that they had all perished by famine or the hands of the Indians. The following account of the siege of Camp McLemore by Dr. Lawrence, surgeon thereat the time, shall be given in his own words: — "We had just completed building the block-house, and dug out a spring near the edge of the fort, when, on the morning of the 9th of April, at a little before dawn of day, we were attacked by the Indians, who had encompassed us on three sides, and were in number about 150 or 200. The engagement lasted one hour and three quarters, when they found out, to their sorrow, that our reception was not oidy too warm, but that they had ventured too near us without due reflec- tion. On the next day, we had one man killed on his post by an Indian rifle, fired from the opjjosite side of the river. On the 15 April, we were attacked by a body of the savages who had completely surrounded us, and whose num- ber we computed at 4 to 500, though we have since heard that Powell had 1000 to 1500 of them. This was the hottest engagement we had during our stay on the Ouithlacoochee. They fired their guns by hundreds at the same moment at our block-house, and succeeded escape, our boat — wliieh they took down the battle. The engagement continued two hour three men slightly wounded. "On the 24th, we had a very severe battle, in wliicli they displayed liieir m taking our only means of river and destroyed aft. i- tiie 5 and 45 miiiuto, and we had 433 DEATH OF MAD WOLF. fBooK IV. i i ingenuity l>y shooting fire-Birowii on fire upon tlie roof of tlin lionse, which destroyed the roof und loft iia e.xposcd to the? inclemency of the weutiier. This arrow-liring wu8 iiorformed by 20 of tiieir men, wiiilHt al)out .') to 500 iiHed tlieir (jmiis. We lind, on this occaHion, two or tiirco of our men woimded. We prolmhiy Itillcd 40 or 50 of the InihaiiH. Tiio iiij^ht nllcr tiie hatile, \vn lioard their cliicf hail iih, and say, "that he was going away in the morning, and would troidile tis no jnore," He kept his j)roini.s(! very well, though lid did give us ahi>ut 100 guns the next morning, en? he \ci\. Our captain, Holto- man, was killeil on the 13 May, whilst endeavoring to fortify and strengthen our position. The Indians contitiucnM, who, being ahead of the advanced guard, charged upon one of the Indians, who was in the rear of the retreating party. At about 25 paces from him, the Indian turned, and they botli levelled their rifles — Shelton firea firet, and mortally wounded the Indian in the neck, who then endeavored to make his escapt;. Shelton droj>ped his gun, and rushed on him with his pistol, which mi.ssed fire at five or six paces from him. The Indian now turned and shot Shelton in the hip, and ut the same moment another white came up and shot the Indian in the back, and he was immediately despatched. The ball which entered Shelton's hip passed round near the spine, and was cut out, and he wns recovering I have been particular in detailing this uffuir, as the Indian who fell in it, proved to be a chief of distinction, known among the whites by the name of Mad Woff, which was the English signification of his name. In Indian it was KoHAHAJO. He was of Micanopys tribe, and hud under him 40 or 50 warriors, and wns probably one of the leaders on the Ouithlacoochee, who beset General Gaines so long. His name was given in among them by Black Dirt, as Coahaijo. It is also to the treaty of Payne's Landing, und he was one of the Indian deputation who visited tlie counti-y west of tlie Mississippi afterwards. The next day after Kohahajo was killed. Colonel Butler and Goodicin, with a battalion of mounted men, were sent to reconnoitre Pilaklikaha, the resi- dence of Jum/?cr und JWicano/Ji/. When they hud proceeded about six miles, their advanced guard received a sharp fire from a hammock on the left, but were soon dislodged by a charge from the main body. Two of the whites were badly wounded, one horse killed, and four wounded. Afler another considerable swnmi)-fight, in which several were wounded, the army pro- ceeded to the Indian town, but it had been deserted for a long time. They burnt it, und tlii'ii proceeded to Fort Brooke. All officer in General ScolVa army at Tampa wrote on the 15 April : — " All CHAr.XlI] CREEK WAR. 439 the militia will leave us by tiin 20 Mnv, and the rrgiilnra will go into Biimmnr quartern at this place, Ke^ West, Volusia, Mosquito, and oiio or two mora posts at the south. Without the greatest good lu(^k nothing will be done thia summer, and the war must l)e renewed in the autumn." About the time General Gainea left Fort Draine, General ScoH arrived there, with instructions to assume the chief command of the forces in Florida. Since that time the operations have been of not much importance. About the 20 March, Captam Hitchcock communicated the following vnluabin information respecting the hostile Indiana, which wos given him by the friendly chief, Black Dirt, whose Indian name is Tdck-aluster Harjo. Ho says that in the fights with General Gainea were the following chiefs and warriors, viz.: — ^Jumper with 30, Asschola [Oaceo/a] with 7, Ai.lburtu- iiARjo with 30, Jarharto Chee with 30, Carciiar Tosknusk (Mecosukee) with 470, Mecanop (principal chief) with 80, Abram (JVe^o) with 80, VVf.ea Flocko Mattez with 70, Yarharhacjo with ItiO, Toskieucar with 50, EcHUA Mattez with 50, Hat How Emattez with 30, Charles (a Negro) with 3, CoAHARJO with 1, and Toparlagef with 40. There had been alwiit 400 Seminoles collected at Tampa, chiofly women and children of BlcKk DirVa trilie, who were on the 12 April shipped oS' for " beyond the Mississippi" by General Scott. Hi§t CHAPTER XIL Oreek War — Murders anu, devastations begin — Eleven persons killed near Colum bus — Mail routes in possession of the Indians — ^ steam-boat attacked and men killed — Chiefs of the war parties — Mail stages destroyed — The town of Roanoak burnt — Colonel Lindsay's Florida affair — Excessive dismay of the people of Geor- gia — Murder of families — Flight on the Chattahoorhie — Capture of Situ Henky and Neabiathla — Iccount of the chirfs — Surrender of the Indians. ADjnTANT-G«5ERAL Mclfitosh WTOte from Fort Mitchel, Alabama, (on the Chattahoochiei, 15 miles above Columbus,) 7 May last, as follows : — " It has just been reported to me, that Col. Floumoy was shot dead by the Indiaii» on the 5th instant, about 15 miles below this post. I am also informed that a report is currently circulating among the Creeks, that the Seminole Indians have defeated the whites in Florida. This report will no doubt imbolden them to many acta of hostility that they would not otherwise daro commit. A constant communication must be kept up between them, as the Creeks are conversant with every transaction that occurs in Florida. Marshal, tiie half- breed, says he is apprehensive mischief will be done by the Indians before long. Other friendly Indiana are of this opinion. Opothleyohola, priiici|)al of the upper Creeks, says he cannot keep his people together, or restrain them." At the same time Colonel Flourrwy vras killed, ten others met a like fate, some ' '■ them within 12 miles of Columbus, at the Ochee Bridge on the Old Federij Road. " The Indians have entire possession of that road, and all the settlers i ave fled. A train consisting of 150 wagons, with about 150 fugitives, on their way to Columbus, were fired upon, on the 10 April." Up to th' 18 May, at Augusta, (Ga.) it was reported that all the southern mail routes were in possession of the Indians, except that to IMobile. The day before, all the mails were brought back. Colonel CroweWa plantation, anil many others, had been burnt, and a stage agent and two drivers had been killed. The governor of Georgia had ordered two regiments of volunteers to take the field. About this time the steam-boat Hyperion was attacked on her passage up the Chattahoochie, and two pilots and one passenger were killed. She was then run on shore on the Georgia side, and after being abandoned, was taken and destroyed by the Indians. The Creek towns and tril>es which have declared themselves hostile are a 37 2C 434 CREEK WAR.— STEAM-BOAT DESTROYED. [Book IV. jIT part of the Ocliees, the Hitclietns, the Pah-lo-cho-ko-los, the So-wok-ko-los, and a part of the Ufalhiys. The principal cliiefs wlio have sliovved tlieiiiselves as their leaders, are old Neamatula, of whom we have already several times B|)okeii, chief of the Hitchetas, Jim IlE^aY, and Neo Mice. Many friendly Indians immediately joined the whites, one of the principal leaders of whom is a chief ciilied Jim Hot. The war party have discovered great boldness. Ahout the 10 May a party came within 30 or 40 yards of Fort Mitchell, a strong and well-defended place, entered the hospital, and carried ofl' wiint they pleased, and the gairison thought it not best to disturb them. On the 14 following, the mail from Montgomery to Cohunbus was attacked about 20 miles from the latter place. A driver on that route was riding along the road on horseback, about 50 yards ahead of the stage, when he was fned upon by about 30 Indians, yet he unaccoimtably escaped injury. Ilis horse took fright and threw him, and he escaped into a thicket. Wlivn he arrived at the next stage relay, tl.s horses had got there, but without any carriage, imt hid about them some fragments of their harnesses. Mr. Mams, who was in the stage, made his escajjc by leaping into the woods when the stage upset. A driver and two others were killed. Tnere were It) hoi-ses belonging to the line in tlie company, of which but three were recovered, and these were wounded. About this time the old steam-boat Georgian was burnt while lying at Roanoak, and all on board, except the engineer, jjerished. The town of fCoanoak was at the same time laid in ashes, but the citizens esca])ed to a fort. Irwinton, a flourishing town on the Georgia side of the river, soon aller Bhared the same fate. Meanwhile some aflliirs of considerable moment were transpiring in Flori- da. Colonel hindsay had been despatched, at the head of about 750 men, froiu Fort Brooke, with orders to proceed to Fort Alabama, to destroy it, and bring away the sick, wounded, and provisions. Having proceeded there, and effected their object, the forces marched again for Fort IJrooke. Before leaving the foit, a mine was prepared, by leaving powder in the magazine, which should exjjlode on its being opened. They had got but a mile or two, when .he mine was sjirung with a fearful noise, but what effect it had ))ro- duced was not known. The whites had missed two of their number the day before, whom they found on their return march, about 12 miles fiom Fort Alabama, killed in the way, and one shockingly mangled. While the army was contemi)lating this spectacle, it was fired upon by 500 Indians, as was suj)posed, from a hammock, no more than 30 yards off. The whites immedi- ately formed, and fired in their tm-n, and a regular tight ensued. The Indians could not be dislodged until sevend rounds of grajie shot from the artilleiy had been poured in uj)on them , This was a bloody affray for them, but their loss was not fully known ; several were found dead on the field, and numerous traces of others who had been dragged ofl' dead or severely wounded were discovered. The whites had 3 killed and 22 woumled. A letter addressed to the editor of the Uichmond Enquirer gives a foarfid picture of tiie aflliirs in the '^rcek country. It was written i Talbotton, (Ga.) 11 May, and is in these >voriis; — "1 .vrotc you yesterday, informing you ot the hostile movements of the Creek Indiajis, and the commencement of their murderous career. We have fidl information here to-day of the distressing Btat(! of things among the whites who have settled over in that territory. The Indians are killing all — men, wo'nen, and chiUlren. Vast niunbei-s have been butchered without doubt; and the whole country on this side of the Chatta- hoochie is in uproar and contiision. The population of the territory had become consiilerablc, and they who have been fortunate enough to esc ipe are conte over in droves on the Georjria sine; some with a part of their children ; some who have lost their children; some their husbands; and many children without fiither or mother; some are found as they were wandering ahout si> young that they could give no account who their parents wctc. So perfect a inixture and conliisi(>n as never was witnessed before. Manv have seen a part of their families min-dcred. One gentleman saw 'is fatlier shot down near him, and his mother and sisters. Some of the dead have Vww brought over Hhuckingly mangled. It is thought tlie whole nation is in hostile array ; Chap. Xll] MLRUF.R OF MANY FAMILIES. 435 111 ing LMi ; nil SI) •1 a n a iwn Kilt ay; tlicir warriors are roinjiutcd at G or 7000 strong. Tlie general impression is, that a part of the SemiiioleH have come up among tiieni. Tlie town of Co- lumbuy is in great danger of an attack, as they have threatened it strongly. \ con;pany of 40 or 50 men left Columbus yesterday morning, and went over. On their return at ni .^it they brought hi seven children, which they had found scattered about." Such are the accounts which have been daily circulated for two months together and although they are distorted in many particulars, yet out of thetn we are .ii present to collect all that is known of this war. The Columbus Centinel of the 13 May contains the following facts, which are conlirmed from other quarters : — "On INlonday we received information that hostilities liad commenced on the road between Columbus and Montgomery, at the Uchee bridge, and further on, and in the evening the bridge at this jilaee, the streets leading from it were thronged with the unfortunate refugees, who were fleeing before their savage neighbors. The pitiable condition of many of them was past the power of description. Wives severed from their hus- bands, and parents from (he:- children ; all dismayed, all terror-stricken ; jire- sentcd a scene which we nevti again desire to see. An interesting-looking girl, just blooming into woinanh; ;)d, was brought in on horseback, behind a benevolent stranger, who had found her in the nation, making her way, unat- tended, to this place, i ;ie stuiteil with her parents, but before they liunrty, tiiat if they did not come hi and surrender they shoidd be jiut to death. The next day, Ijiip' 436 CAPTURE OF JIM HEXRY AND NEAMATHLA. [Book IV. 120 came in and declared tlienisclves friendly. As laie as tlie 28th of June, it V fis reported at Coluinl)iis, Ga., tliat tiie Creek war was probably at an end, "as livr as fighting was concerned. Jim Henry's party Jiave nearly all been taken. They were confined at Fort Mitchell, and all the smiths were at work making handcuffij for them." These will donbtless he sent beyond the Mis- pissii)])i, "except the chiefs, five or six in number, who will be punished with death," as was sui)posed. On the 1st of July, Jim Henry fell into the hands of a batxl of friendly In- dians, under a chief named Jim Boy. For a few days previous he was sup- posed to have been on his way for the "promised land;" but he was found in the Creek nation, a few miles from Tuskegee. About the same time old JS/eamaUda gave himself up to the whites, and was, on the day of the cap- ture of Jim Henry, with about 15C0 others, sent off for Arkansas. The circum stance of his falling in with the whites is said to be as follows: — General Jessup had left Tuskegee with about 700 men, intending to make a direct march for JS/eamcdhla's camp, which was on Hatchahubbee River. As Jesup marched along, his forces increased to 2700 men, of which 1500 were In- dians, under tlie chiefs Hopoithleynhola and Jim Boy. When he had arrived within about seven miles of JVearnuthla's camp, he ordered a halt, to refresh his men and horses, at the expense of the beautiful oatfields of the Indians. While the army lay here, a scout discovered JVeamalhla on horseback. He had concluded to surrender, and had a white cloth tied about his head, and some white gannent for a flag, extended upon a stick, and was approaching towards them. They ordered him to halt, but he gave no heed to them, until within a few paces. He was talien to Gen. Jessup^s camp, and made prisoner. With him were his son and daughter, and a niece cf JVea Mico. The two females were released, but his son was confined with him at Fort Mitchell On being asked where he was going when he was taken, he said his life had been threatened by his own people, and he was hastening to Fort Mitchell, to give himself up. JVea Mico had some days before given himself up. He was considered a great chief. David Hardige, a half-breed, was taken by surjjrise, with about n hundred of his men, with their women and childi'en. By the 8th of June, there had been secured between 3 and 4000 Indians, which were despatched for the west as fast as circumstances would admit. A party of about GO warriors, who were endeavoring to escape into Florida, were overtaken by Col. Beat, in Chickasatchic Swamp, Baker county, Alabama, and a considerable skirmish ensued. Nine Indians were killed and 20woiui(l- ed. Of Col. BeaVa men, two were killed and seven wounded. The Indians were left in possession of the swamp. The following account was published in the Georgia Herald ofthe28 June, at Columbus. It is headed, "Grand Entree into Fort Mitchell," and then proceeds : — " On the 22 Juno, we witnessed the grand entree of a drove of savages into the Fort [Mitchell] consisting of men, women and children, in all about .1000; among them 200 warriors; they were brought in by a bat- talion of Alabama cavalry, under the command of Maj. Gen. Patterson. The mm were placed within the walls of the fort, while the women and children were encamped on the outside. It was an assemblage of human beings, such as we had never before witnessed, and the sight filled us with thoughts and t'eel- iugs to which we shall not give vent at this time. They were of all ages, from a month old to a hundred years, — of all sizes, from the little papoosie to the giant warrior. The old " Blind King,^' as he is called, rode in the centre of the throng, and altiiough it has been many years since he beheld the light of day, yet bus the feelings of hostility continutid to rankle at his heart. The nutn(!s of the hostile chiefs who have been taken and have come in, are jVea E-Mathia, Octo Jlrcho-Emalhla, [probably son of JVeamathla,] Miccocholey, oi Blind King, Tustee-.Yiiggce, Chopko-Yar-oar-Hadjo." »-^r-f. m^.. Wv, > ill ' />'■ V '//,•!,■/>:■ Or///)' .'aj/ f>//C'f/.>'' '• *♦ T f: '^^m^" I Chap. XIII.] HISTOIIV OF THE ClIKKOKEES. 437 CHAPTER xia UI3T0Uy «iF Vil»-. f \C*TKlA.TIO.N OK TUF CHKK'**' enli'it , •>■•<•■ ^niiMiai, tliKt tbii Unli-ff of tli«M prcacnt tiitiPk munt not 1i" wri'i' ■u.-!t .11 my 0|>irfii>n. ii 'i«, fif.-'f'ii *t> ir. lii!liiii' r • ■' ii> «rile 111 " ili«t h'-:, thnl nl> i\n\y "iiijiil prolirl timir mUlik'-" ft ■ •1 IV iIh- tru'li I- nm ti;ie ••ii t> I'M lltJ* liialfkri ii I . tia frunii a. it II. a »..^I« nf .fiti 1l.itj.« ri.«l flii> titnii.1 I. ■hi.y - •• ' ' •* *■ ■'■»■"-•• .- ■' ' "y' "-• "-" •" h ve tlio iii.itu[iui tu (Mail bU ti'O iierli nt .iiii li.'Uri, iisi tlio tiniuii ".''lil! Ill Uic w>iita iou>\'« wrtnts llicr" i« n.' eti"! : Ho «nl(t, ' hryonJ ilvo'o liil ,. lie wijukI not comi>,' Hill •" iln^ »i!«ii'rn SCI.- !.;■ Imni!« exKiml, K.'C yi-t Ilia pr)iiii»u dii;* up.jii lil» tuf! Will- is protrrp-siii;; in Flojitla, wv will procccil to lay opnti l>w imiics ol' Cherokee liistory, |>ray!ng, ia xho. nid.n i\w\ lor it.-; -|ici.(|y 'oii'lu.sioii. 'I'Ik >iiu;itioTi of llic Cliemk'.'O roiiiitry it; most ilfiightfui ; it i:- every fliiiiic i'frtl heart coiihl wish, whither uetiiatetl hy th«' h<;t.t or worst <»f' inotivcs. It ;• .• II) alKMit tlMity-ti''^ ili>>rn'tv-i i T jiorUieni latitude. Ijomidcti rth luid west i'v 'r<'ijiiuK»e*i, on the i^ontit h\ Alnh«ir»;i, and e/i'^turly l)y (;i«'orpia aii(! Norili ' '•'iliiia, coiii|»ri.«i!i,i; al>\i::tr- tinle:*. h\ If'W it e<'Pi;(iu(5d 11. [75; • IfVer VI •• ,i'Hi!!.,' [tiM'u luM to the I int;j» lor th-- iiiH) of (i- o. jjut. fhiit riiu- ■ • 'i I'Y livicrr sprinu:-, in . vj-r :.,,it, ^•'' t;i.ii.- nre ok' . '!■ i j/reur >:!■•::('; hy tli, a.-'l I iti;m ; ii II'. ''1' sujierior 'i(M/)ii! if:«; oi '/•mi' ";,'• i..l r'';ii>ie'l byspiunif •■f 1*11 . 1 lolly nuiff'. ot" iiiouiitaiiis wlileli Mn Irh across the \',i.t'U.-. i!.''! , ' :i„ ii'M'i'i it is liill^ ; liiit ill tiie *Mitli HI'- iiiiiiierotiii fi-rtile plain.-, in .tl Willi t.-i'! trees, lliroiii(li wlii'-ii heiniiiiiil .srr<'iiiiis "f wuti;! '.riide, '.. i .liji- ill va.-t iurds, roam, and lior.e.s are j'li lUy, aiid in ;:ll Uif sirdii .iry Us«:s lunong llie Indi.'ms. Flocks ol'slx i-p, tmat.-^, aiiil s^virir, live om the slopes of the Jiill-<. Oil their iiavii;ahle rivers tlic (' lii;n>kei« have vt^sscls enjjaifed in coiiiiiieree. Their s[>riii;,' ope;).-' in ^'re-if heiury; iiic moU is exee'letit !i>r com, '.ittoM, i.)i)aec'o, wlieai. Oat.-*, iudJ!.'*!, sweet aiii! Irish potatoes; and tho peopKi had, in Ifr'io, hei'viii to li.vport t'oiioii ?.i Nc'v (' : ans in th«frr own m ir^.seL-. They have )»ii!iJic roaiif*. .hhI tuvpr.n. wt.ih {food at'e< i: ('il;ir,.ius, and hiitler iUi'i •heeee nr.-' ruiiioi ui i»|h»'i ih.- ardiuary tahlfs ot' lav Jndian inliab- iii.ii! -. Ne.it nnd f!o«tn»hiii;^ vili,in«'« i'"ve ■i'jmmI', -si. ■» ' .i-.fo tji'tny. •'oltoii lUjliV- ■iindf. Theni is } had ifi- ai)(l woolh'ii eh ^hfi vou nianivfa'.'iun >^ i.uS scari'flv a Inmily wliJeh doe' e* < Their iiado is nlinoM wholiy can; . arts are eonsidorahly enltivated, aiin.x .;■. i;^... uir, , : < ^^ teiilioii of ilii' inhaliilanl--'. \u I'-i'.t, there Were ahoot 10,(100 inliahitai.ls, and in \fih eri'ahud to i:>.."iii;k ail natives; there wrre, in addition, 147 \\liil«; na-ii niarrj. d !o the naiioM, and 1\\ wliite women. Of .f^^laves there were 1.'277. lltMiet! it i< ;i..iin that the CiirrokeeM th) not le'roiist', hut have, in al-uni iive jears. -n- ••nsHsed over ;i,.'50O. This is etpial, at It ast, to the inerciise of wliite popula- itmr under similar cireiiinstanees, IJy the laws of the nation, rlie whiif^* n • :dl<>\ved the prtvijejfes of iiulives, Af, pt Ih.nf of KiilVrnL'e, toudlier with the - mtdiirihility to Imld I'tihi.s, Somo «>l (he ("^h.-rokees, lit'lowins: the; exaiiudi' * dieir wmtlieru n^:i;J;ld)ol•s•, hii\e t><"riiino ;ihive-lioldris; hnyini^' tli. ir m iiiio t'le lali'iii. And here the n-ih et,> ih" relative harharity of iljo white nod Kirm rtoiithern Hiali.viwn, iluit tiir fndl: • they eouli! not think of living beside ; bv thptn to tliese biirhnriiiu.i! Hut, iml.'*. 1* I "•. mix with thoir bluvt"^ ; h<' i.'ifiou was reoriranize'! in I?'"'', ■ tnl by a r«*p<>lve of its ii-iti-eud cotin- • t 1 \'.;t;d into eijrht disirici-, tae'i i .vhieh had die jirivii-fiv of swndtug 87 • •viiiio MU!!i who Liriiifj ihciii ly tirisv- in the iiapiiry upon :i,ii. It \>aA sfrtiiijjiy urjied hy ■ •re sneh Imrbjiroiih wretches ih; : and yet poor Africans arc m' ! die- whiles in o;k pjuticiilur, th* v »i«:.i( ■10' Chap. XIII.l HISTORY OF THE CHEUOKEES. 437 CHAPTER xm. HISTORY OF THE EXPATRIATION OF THE CHF.ROKEES. "Sottip entertiin, that tho history of these present tiinon must not bo written by any one nlivo ; vvliich, in my U|>iiiion, is (liH;;r:iieriil to lui liiKtuti.in, nnil very prejudicial to [)o«ti>rity ; na if they were to write at ii di.Jtanre, that ohflcurity niiirlit protect their mistakes from discovery. Otheri ul!4o say the truth is not lipe enough to he writ in the age we live in: 80 politicians would not h.ive the hi^itoriun to tread on the heck of tho times, Icit the timet tread on liis heels." VVlN3Ti\I.r. " Still to the white man's wants there is no end : lie said, ■ ln-yund those hills he would not come.' But to the westerti seas his hands extend, Ete yet his promise dies upon his tongra." — UrtrusLisHEo Poem. While the war is progressing in Florida, we will proceed to lay open a tew pages of Ciierokee history, j)raying, in the mean time, for its speeily conclusion. Tlio situation of the Cherokee country is most delightful ; it is every thing that heart coidd wish, whether actuated by the best or worst of motives. It lies in about thirty-five degrees of northern latitude, hounded north and west by Tennessee, on the soiuh by Alal)aina, and easterly by Georgia and Nortli ('arolina, com[)rising about 8,000 sipiare miie.s. In 1802 it contained 11,175; tho difiijrence huvuig been sold to the United States for the use of Georgia. That coimtry is well watered by living springs, in every part, whose loim- taiiis are like reservoirs raised to a great height by the art of man ; they hav- ing the sujjerior advantage of being natural reservoirs, raised by .springs in their lolly range of moimtains which stretch acro.ss tlie whole nation. In the nortli it is hilly ; but in the south are numerous fertile plains, in jjart covered with tall trees, through which beautiful streams of water glide. Here cattle, in va.^t herds, roam, and horses are plenty, and in all the ordinary uses among the Lulians. Flocks of sheej), goats, and swine, live on the slopes of the hills. On their navigable rivers the Cherokees have vessels engaged in commerce. Their spring opens in great beauty: the soil is excellent for corn, cotton, tobacco, wheat, oats, Jidigo, sweet and Irish potatoes ; and the people had, in 18'2.5, begun to export cotton to New Orleans in their own vessels. They Iiavt; ])ublic roads, and tavtjrns with good accommodations, and butter and citeese are coiimion upon the ordinary tables of the Indian inhab- itants. Neat and (iourishing villages have already sprung into being. Cotton and woollen cloths are manufiiciiu'ed, and bi/ milive Indian hands. There is scarcely a liimily which does not rai.se cotton siiflicient lor its own use. Their trade is almost wholly curried on by native Cherokees. The mechaiiitj aits are coiisidenibly cidtivatetl, although agricultiue chiefly engLgcs the at- tention of till! inliabitants. In 1819, tbiMM! were about 10,000 inhabitants, and in 1855 they had in- creased to 1!{,5(>;{, all natives; there were, in addition, 147 white lu.en married ill the nation, and 7;? white women. Of slaves there were 1,'277. Hence it is jilain that the Clierokees do not decrease, but have, in about five years, in- creased over J},500. This is etpial, at least, to the increase of white popula- tion imder similar circumstances. By the laws of the nation, the wliites are allowed the privileges of natives, except that of sufirage, together with their ineligiiiility to hold offices. Some of the (Cherokees, following the exam|)le of their southern neighbors, lia\e become slave-holders; buying their ncgro(>s of white men who iuing them into tho lalion. And here the reflection iifitiirally iifi.ses in the iiii|uiry upon the relative barbarity of the white and red m(!ii. It was strongly urged by some soiilhern slalesmrn, that the Indians were such barbarous w retches that they could not tliink ot" living beside them; and yiit ])oor Ali-icaiis are sold by them to these barhnrlnns! But, unlike the whites in one particular, they will not mix with their slaves. The nation was reorganized in 1820, and by a resolve of its national coun- ril, divided into eight districts, each of which had the privilege of sending 37* 438 HISTORY OF the; CIIKROKEES. [BuoK IV. four mcni1)ors to tne legislatiiro. The pny of nionibers was pptablislied at one dollar per (lay; that of the speaker being li.xed at one and a hall' dollars and the principal chicls were to receive 150 dollars a year. Home ol" tlieli principal laws and regidations were — a prohibition of j-piritiioiis liqnors be- ing brought into the nation by white men. if u white man took a Oherokeo \\ ile, li(i must marry her according to their laws ; but her pro|)erty was not ariected by sncli union. No man was allowed but one wife. A judge, mar- shal, sheriff and dejjuty, and two constables, were co'.iimissii ned in each dis- tiict. Endiezzlement, intercepting and opening sealed letters, was j)unished by a fine of 100 dollars, and 100 lashes on the hare back. No business was allowed on Simdays; and fences were regulated by statute. They also had u statute of limitations, which, however, did noi affect notes or settled ac eoimls. A will was valid, if found, on the decease of its maker, to have been written by him, and witnessed by two creditable p«'rsons. A man leaving no ^\ill, all his children shared e(pial, and his wile as one of them ; if he h.-lt no children, then the widow to have a fourth j)art of all pro])erty ; the otlier three lijin'ths to go to his neanist relations. And so if the will' died, leaving jtroperty. Before the division of the nation into districts, and the aj)point- mt^nt of the above-named civil officers, there was an orgiuiized conijiany of light-horse, which ex(!cute(l the orders of the chiefs, searched out oflenders, and brought them to justice. It was a fundainental law, that no land shouhl be sold to the white j)eople, without the authority of a majerity of the nation. Transgressors of this law were punished with death. The Cherokees were similarly situated to the Creeks, in respect to the Uni- ted States. They had been treated with from the earliest days of the n!j)ub- lic, as an independent nation, with only this diflerence — the United States regarding treaty stipulations with them without any regard to their weakness, or inability to defend themselves against unjust intrusions. And thus were they considered through the early administrations of this government; until ])olitical intrigue had become the order of the day, and to strengthen a party l)y the accession of a state, it was found necessary to disregard sacred trea- ties, not at first by an open denial of obligations, but by a perversion of lan- guage, authorizing "any means to encompass the end." And like tlie Creek nation, the Cherokees were tampered with, and eventually divided and ruined ; thus verif'ing that remarkable passage of Scripture, namely, "a house divided against its 'K' cannot stand." The con. (;i]uences which, by evei-y thinking mind, were considered sure to follow, did follow ; but not so immediately as had been anticipated, reasoning from tlie summary course which the Creeks had j)ursued in executing ven- geance upon the heads of a similar faction, for a precisely similar outrage upon the will and the laws of that nation. But the day of retribution was at hand, and the heads of the Cherokee faction have met a like (ate in the distant land to wliich they had forced their despairing executioners. The history of the fate of Kidge and his associates will go down upon the same page of history with that of Mackintosh ; over which the i)hilanthropist of succeeding ages will mourn, and the philoso|)her will frown witli just indig- nation, as he contem])lates the source of guilt whence the stream flowed. But the bare recit{d of the events in the history of the Cherokees is suffi- cient to create the deepest ii'eliiigs of commiseration in every breast, without any reflections ti-oui the historian. Georgia, finding she could not drive the United States govei^nment into Ihu" measures for the forcible possession of the Cherokee country, resolved to do soon her own account; but not having the courage to go sword in hand, and do it ai a blow, she resorted to the equally condenmable course of management, which was to seize U])on the country under cclor of law. And those laws, made for the very occasion, were so exceedingly oppi-essive that X\n' Indians could not live mulcr them. The laws alluded to were ])assed on the 20tli of D(>cember, 182!), by the legislature of the state of (Jeorgia, and were of this complexion: "It is here- by ordained that all the laws of (icorgia are extench^d over the Cherokee coiuitry. That after the Jst day of .June, 1850, all Indians then and at that time residuig in said territory, shall be liable and subject to such laws a)"t I Chap. XIII.] HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES. 439 rt'sfulations as tlic Iej,'iriliitiirc may hereafter prescril)e. Tliat all laws, usages, and customs, made and estahlislied, and entorccd in tlic said territory, l>y tlie said Clierokce Indians, be, and tlie same are iiereity, on and atler tlit^ 1st day of June, ItiMO, declared null and void ; and no Indian, or descendiint of an Indian residing within the Creek or Cherokee tuitions of Indians, shall he d.inied a (lompetent witness, or party to any suit in any court, when; a white ni:ui is a deti'iidant." Such is a specimen of the laws allude5 met with contumely, and all the haughtiness that characterizes the triumph of might over right. Though conscious of the rectitude of their intentions, the Cherokees were determined not to jiersist in any course, however just it might a])pear to them, without first consulting some of the ablest jurists and best men, as well as the most devoted to the good of their country, among the eminent men of the L'nited States. There was but one opinion among them. Chief .Fiistici; 'VFar- sliall. Chancellor Kent, William Wirt, iMr. Justice iM'Lane, Daniel Webster, and Henry Clay, are names carrying authority with them; an array of talent which other nations may eipial, but not surpass. Accordingly the Lidians brought their case before the supreme court of the United States, where it was argued with fidelity and ability by IMr. Sargent and Mr. Wirt, and finally and clearly given in favor of the Cherokees. Mr. Wirt Irppily adverted, in his argument, lo the jiast and present eondiiet of Georgia; niininded her that, with the other states, she had coi())erated with the most Christian assiduity and perseverance to bring about a chaiigi; in the intellectual and moral condition of that people t and having completely effected the purpo.so, she found in this very change,' i ground of (piarrcl with them, as well as with her sister states, her auxiliarie. in tlu^ laudable work; accusing these of hyitoci isy and an aflijcted benevolence, by which they were violating Georgia's soveicignty in bringing U|) an independent government within her chartered limits; that so long as they were savages and barba- rians, Georgia had no objection to their governing themselves, but having now become civilized, and consecpiently capaltic of governing tliemselves, their right of self-government must cease. "Hence we ask," says Mr. W'irt, "what can this unfortunate people do ? " " The existence of this remnant of a once great and mighty nation," added !Mr. Wirt, "is at stake, and it is for this court to say whether they shall be blott(!tl out from creation, in utter disregard of all our treaties. Tlii'y are here in tlie last extremity, and witii them must perish tonsver the honor of the Amijrican name. The faith of our nation is iiitaliy linked with their e.xislence, auparted ? We may gather laurels on the rii^ld of battle, and troi)hi(!S on flu; occ^an, but they will never hide this foul blot uiKUi our escutcheon. 'Remember the Ch(!rokee nation,' will be answer enough to the ]iroudest boasts that we can ever make. Such, it is possible, there may be who are willing to glory in their own shame, but thank Ifeaven, tliey are comparatively ti'W. The great majority of the AiiK^rican jieople see this subject in its true light. And I cannot believe that this honor- able court, possessing the newer ol' preservation, will stand by and see tlnse 440 HISTORY OF Tin: CUCROKEES. [ISooK IV people stripped of tlicir property and cxtirpntcd from tlic enrlli, wiiilo they arc lioldiiif,' up to us tlnir treaties and elaitninjr llie fulfilment of our en^tage- ments. h' truth, and tiiitli, and honor, and jiislice, have fled from every other jmrt of our oountry, we shull find thcni here, if not, our sun has yone down in treachery, blood, and erinie, in the tiice of tlie world; and instead of being proud of our eountry, we may well eall upon the rocks and mountains to hide our shame liom earth aiKl heaven." riiich were the opinions of the great and good upon the Cherokee question ; hut how was he mistaken in respoet to the virtue of a government, of which lie was a pillar and chief siipiioiter in all its just dealings! With what grief must he liave seen, notwitlistanifing the sacritices and efforts he had made to obtain justice, and the decision of the highest tribunal of his country, all disregarded, this decision set at naught, and that country's si/7i go liown in treuclicn/, hlood, and crime! And it is with (lee]» mi'lanclioly we add, that the great statesman and ]iliiluiithn>pist saw the near appmach to the horizon of the once glowing star of empire of a noble ])eo|'.le! lie saw, as his own lanii) flickered ou the cvv. of departure to another world, tliat de<'p stain fitll upon the escutcheon of his country's honor, \\ liich he had so niiich feared. \\ ii-i,iAM Wirt descended to the tomb in the beginning of tla; year Ifiliiy. Th(! Cherokecs, like the Creeks, had, by designing and avaricious men, been divided into two jjarties, which were distinguished fiom one another by very marked diflerences. The peojile composing the first were generally temperate, industrious, and fhigal ; liad made great advancement in the arts of civilized liti-, and hence; had become tar more .ittached to their country than those of' an opposite character. The other jiart of the nation consisted of a majority of indolent, intemiierate. roving, and ignorant citizens; always restless, ever ready to hear to nny new siiKxah-toiigued miscreant, who might throw himself among tlicMii ii]»on any design, ^'et there were many among the second party whose character was good, and who were made seriously to think that it would he f()r their interest to sell out their possessions, and take up a new country beyond the Mississi|)|ti. Ihit the talent and learning were not with them, and consecpiently they had not the ability to judge of such u project, according to tiie admonitions of the true policy of the nation. At the period of Cherokee history now under consideration, that nation contained a population of 18,000 souls. How near it was divided in rcsjiect to numbers is not i)recisely known, but that part 1 have denominated the first was by liir the most numerous, as well as '.\h\ jiiost respectable. These two 1)arties had each its head or leader, and was known by his name. Mr. Jolm ioss led the first, and ]\lajor Ridge the second. IMr. Koss had become an eminent citizen, and being |)nssessed of a fine education, res])eetabl(' talents, and extensive and enlarged views ui)ou all subjects, soon becani*! piominent without any efforts to make himself so. On ihi' other hand IMr. Ridge, though girf.ly beloved by his own people, and highly res|iectcd among the whites, had not the moral courage to withstand tempations that u trtie patriot requires. Such was the condition of things, when it was decided by the supreme court of the United States, that Ccorgia must not execute her pernicious laws in and over the Cherokee country. Yet, as has already been observed, she did proceed to execute them, and finding that many of the Indians would not at once be forced away by tlieir cruel and oiiprcssive execution, but continued to suffer under them, resort was had to buying up such of the chiefs and head men of the nation as money wou'il succeed with. And, finally, a treaty was made with such men as bribery iniliieiiced, and on its sciigth, event- ually, tin; Cherokecs were f<)rced beyriid the Mississipj)i. The engagement entered into with Ceorgia by the T'nited States govern- ment in 180'ect another dollar."* Thus nil further negotiation was cut off, and the Indians liad nothing fur- ther to , Gen. Carroll was sent with instructions by our government, to induce the Cherokees to remove. Some pnssa^ves in those instructions would never lie believed, were they not past contradiction, and staring us by thousands in the fiice. They recite, that, whereas nothing could probably be efiecled in open council, by negotiation, " be must go to them, not as a nego- tiator, hut as a friend ; appeal to the chiefs and inlVuential men, not together, but apart ; make offers to them of erlensive reservations in fee simple, and other rewards ; secure, even from the chiefs, your official character ; move upon tiiem in the line of their prejiulices ; tell them, unless they remove, their laws ujill be trodden under foot; enlarge upon the advantages of their condition in the west." Such is another si>ecimeu of another state paper, which emanated from ihis administration. The case has changed. Tlie whites Imve become powerful, and the red men have become weak. They are able to destroy, or drive them l)efbre them to another country, and how has it turned? The red men have gone. Who are the "cruel savages?" In the "great debate," as it was termed, on *ly»iid dip .Missis:4i|i|ii belon^cil to liiiii! \( iliu Cliuroki'cs buliuvcd liii told llio Irulk, no one will wi.iider they uid uol wish to go tliore I CH»r. XIV.] HISTORY OF THE CHEROKKKS. 443 u ar^Kui that the action of the president and senate ronid ni'vcr iiuike llmt in* Htriinient u treaty whieli was ihlse, and hud not lieen n^n'ced to Ity liiit onu party ; that this wna tnie uhinip«'anMl l>y a protrst then iN-lbru the i)oii.se, signed by almost the entire Cherokee nation. And lM.'His it iollow that we must hasten their ruin ? With as nnich reason all mankind might conunit suicide, iKicause liite has decreed that we must all die, sooner or later. As soon as congress had disposed of the ( °li<;rokee question, the executive of the nation, apprehensive that trouble would arise between Georgia and the Cherokees, oniered Gen. Scott to repair thither without delay. He was soon on the way, witli about 2,000 men. This was eurlv in the year 1838. Mean- while Gov. Gilmer liad tlireatened "collision," unless the work of expulsion was inunediately begun. How much in tear Mr. Van Burcn stood of this and other bravadoes, we do not undertake to say ; but he pressed matters aa fast as he could, more afraid, doubtless, of the votes, than the steel of Georgia. But what did that excellent old general find on his arrival in the Cherokee country .' Armed Indians be\iind every bush, prepared to shed the last ilrop of tlieir blood in defence of their beloved country ? No. Not a semblance of op|)08ition ^vas there; aiI was quietness; all were alK)ut their ordinary afTairti, in their own fields. . r>d hy their own habitations. Having established his head quarters in the nation, he issued a procia nation, requesting them to assend>le at certain |)oints, from whence they would lie sent to Arkansas. They obeyed tlie summons, and thus, in due time, the whole nation were removed. :il »«r#« CHAPTER XIV EXPATR1ATI0:« OF THE CHEROKEES, CONTINUEU " Wlii'te i» mv hnmi- — my fofnt home? tho prouil Innd of my fires i Whrri) I'Iniiili tho wi2««iii iif my priilo ? \Vli<"r« itli'iim llif cuiiin'il hrei Wht-re nv mv ralh*»r<' hnllowptl jjr.ivnn? my rriciiil'i, ho lishl fttnl fr«i» • (iuiio, gone, — furever from my view ! Qreut Spirit ! cun it be .' "—A. \V. B. It liiis somehow or other happened that great changes have taken place in the minds of our rulers, or some of them, within u lew years, in regard to what certain laws and tn;aties mean. As late as IH'^ no question was rais<;d almut the rights of the Intlians ; nothing was attempted to be done, 6i/ govcmmcn/, on their lands, without their consent being first obtained ; no one even dreamed of laying out a road through their lands without their permis- sion. Itnt, of a sudden, it is discovered that the government has lK>en lalior- ing under a great mistake all the time of its existence ; that during the ad- ministration of Andrew Jackson, wisdom had shed her light so abundant, that ninnliers had ristm up in her fidl armor, and unhesitatingly declared that the vt'ry men who formed our constitution knew very little about it ; that under its |)rovisions no valid treaty could l>e made with Indians ; that neither WAsni>oTON, Jefferson, nor Jon.v AoAMS, coidd make the discovery; but it nuist lie reserved to add lustre to the era of which we are s|)eakinir. The compact iM^tween the general government ond (leorgia, in 1H02, is the principal theme of their oppressors. Now every Inwly knows that with that compact the Cherokees hail nothing to do ; they hail no hand in forming it, nor never consented to it A treaty is a compact of mutual coneessiotm and m 444 HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES. tUoox IV '■I ''■■;f agreements iHJtween nations. The Cherokees agreed tliat if they ever sold tticir lands, or any part of them, it should he to the United States. Now this was, as times have been, a very important concession on the jpart of the Li- diaiis ; but if tlie faith of the United States )iad been kept inviolate, it would as yet have amounted *.o but little, — a small tract of land here and there, — but it has now amounted to an entire countiy. When the treaties were formed, it was supposed that against this concession the United States had put one of much greater moment, namely, tliat of p-otedion. What have we seen? the whites in possession of dl the lands of the Lidians, the Jiidiaiiri protected? Not by the United States; for it has driven them where it can- not, from the nature of their situation, protect them. These conclusions inevitably ibllow, and we challenge proof in contradiction. That we have given the Indians more than their lands were worth, has been urged as an argument that no wrong has been done them. That has nothing to do with the point at issue. Unenviable must the mind of that man be, who holds nothing almve price, mere pecuniary compensation. What tliough the government did stipulate that it would buy out the Chero- kees as soon as it could be done, (a very foolish bargain, by the way,) on reasonable and equitable terms; is it to be understood that they mvsl sell their lands just wiien a demand is made for them? This argument is too fallacious to be thought of by rutioiiid men. Hence the only way lett to dis- 1)08sess a nation, too weak to defend themselves by force, is to declare tlioy lave no right where they are. And, to the astonishment of all the worUl, such were the grounds of argument, and such the arguments that succeeded in an American congress in ruining a nation. What though the nation were small, and consequently weak ? So much the greater the crime. Are not laws made for the protection of the weak against tlie strong ? as well in property as j)erson ? Shall the United States of enlightened America deal woi-se with their friends and allies than ancient desjwtic Rome ? Even na- tions sulxliied by the Romans, and included in their dominions, were suffered "to live under their own laws, and be governed by their own magistrates."* It has been urged as a reason lor disinheriting the Cherokees, that it is ab- surd to allow a nation to exist under a separate government, within another government or state, and hence unconstitutional. Allowing all this to lie true, (which we do not,) what has it to do with the Cherokees ? Had not the Cherokees as good a right to say to a state which had undertaken to extend a line l)eyond them, "You have no authority to do this, and must instantly desist." Now tliere can be no question but that a state would be compelled to desist, if the party so included were able to defend itself against usurpa- tion. This happening not to l)e the case with the Cherokees, a cordon is passed about them, at first, merely nominal ; but, at length, like the coil of the serpent, it is drawn tigliter and tighter, until they discover, too Inte, tlint a deatli-blow is aimed at their very existence. Who, or what is Georgia, that it should clai/n priority to the Cherokees? Were not the Cherokees a nation long before it wtis heard of? Which permitted the other to grow up by its side ? How long is it since the '^herokees were able to drive that hand- ful of white intruders l)eyond a more formidable boundary than the Missis- sippi? They did not attempt it Their "avarice" was not strong enough to tempt them to so cruel an action. No. They took them by the hand at Yamacraw Bluff, and at Moisten, -nd said, " Brothers, here is land enough for us and for you. Lie down upon our skins until you can make wigwams and mats for yourselves." How have these kindnesses been returnetl ? We will hear what Georgia herself said about the validity of Indian trea- ties, no longer ago than 18525. In that year a treaty was made with the Creeks, by which a cession of a portion of their territory in Georgia whs made ; and by an article in sai«l ti-eaty, it was provided, that the United States Blioidd protect the Indians against the encroachments and impositions of the whites, imtil their removal should take place. The governor of Georgia, C M. Troup, issued his proclamation in accordance widi the treaty, a passage of which is hi these words: Valtel, " Law of Nnliong," B. I. cli. i. sec. II. Chap. XIV.] HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES. 445 « I linvo thought proper to issue this, itiy proclnniation, wnniing all per- Rons, citizens at tieorgia, or otiiers, against trespassing or intruding upon lands occupied by the Indians within the limits of tliis state, either for the purpose of settlement or otherwise ; as every such act will be in direct viola- tion of the provisions of the treaty, aforesaid, and will expose the aggressora to the most certain and sunnnary punishment by the authorities of the state, and of the United States. All good citizens, theretiire, pursuing tlie dirtntes of ffood faith, will unite in onlbrcing the ohlif^ations of the treaty as the supreme law." How (loos this accord with a resolve of the legislature of that state, but a few years afterwards, to take forcible possession of the country of the Cliero- kiM>s? A comparative view of these enactments led a bigli-mintled senator* to (ieclai-e, "that treaties were very lawfiU when made for the iwe of Georgiiu" III 1HU4, tiie Cieorgia delegation in congress, in an address to the president of the I'liitcnl States, complained, in no very modenite terms, of the injustice done to their state, by the delay of the government in not extinguishing the Clierokce title to lands within its limits; thei'eby acknowledging what they denied nitcjrwards, namely, that the Clierokees had any title. They say, "If lli(! ("iierckees are unwilling to remove, the causes of that unwillingness are tn be traced to the United States. If peaceable purchase caimot Im: made in the ordinary mode, nothing remains to be done but to or(h;r their removal to n designated territory beyond the limits of Georgia," And, in conclusion, they add, "Our duty is i)erlbrnied by remonstrating against the policy hereto- fore pursued, by which the interests of Georgia have been disregarded; and by insisting, as we do, most earnestly, upon an immediate fultilmeut of the obligntions of the articles of cession of 1802." Siicii is a specimen of the language of two senators and six representatives of Georgia, to the president of the United States, upon this question. And v/o veiitiu'o to asKert that the autocrat of all the RuHsias is not more despotic in his decrees, thaii these gentlemen were on this occasion. A \'cw days atler the address of the (Jeorgia delegates, the secretary of war, the Hon. Joiirr C. Calhoun, issued his report on our Indian relations, in which he says, " The United States have ever Imjcm solicitous to fulfil, at the earliest period, the obligation of the convention, by the extinguishment of the Indian titles within the limits of Georgia ; a most satisfactory proof f which may be found in the number of treaties which have been held for that purpose, the (piiuitity of lands which has been acquired, and the price paid. In ftict, such has been the solicitude of the government, that but little regard has been had to tlie ])rice, whenever it has been found possible to obtain a cession of lands to the state. The price given has tiir exceeded that whicU has ever Iwcn given in other purchases from the Indians." Thus a mighty clashing of opinions is apparent on a comparison of these two extracts. From certain otimr facts in Mr. Calhottri's report, it appears that, in 1802, the Clierokees owned 7,15'2,110 acres of land in the limits of Georgiiu Since tlie late war with England, they had held two treaties with the United States, by which they had ceded JH)5,.'U0 acres. Emigration had lieen uniformly encouraged, and many had voluntarily gone to Arkansas. To this course nobody objected. IJut in this way mattei-s progressed too slow for greedy speculators, and it was urged that, as many Clierokees had emigrated, a pro- portionate quantity of the country should be set off lor (Georgia. An enuiner- ntion or census had been ottempted, to ascertain what the proportion would lie. anil it was eventually concluded that one third of the nation had lefl the country, and a treaty was entered into at Washington, in 1811), by which that amount of territory was ceded. IJetween 181!) and ]H>4, two att(;in|tts to treat with them for further cessions of territoiy had been made, and both proved abortive. "It cannot be doubted," says Mr. (Calhoun, "that much of till' difficulty of acquiring additional cession fi-om the Clierokees, and the other southern tribes, results from tlie'r growing civilization and knowleilge, by which they have ieiuned to place a higher value upon their lands than more rude and savage tribes. Many causes have contributed to place them 38 * Mr. Frelinghutjsen, of New Jersey. 446 HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEE:^. [i:ooK IV, El I higher ill the BCiile uf civiiizution than other Iiidiuns within our limits — tlie guiiiui iiatiire of (heir eliiimte, wliich ciiublett tiieiii to |>um8 more reaiiily from Uie iimitor to tiic herdi^iiiaii Htute; and tliv tertility of tlieir soil, uiid tiiu viihie of their Htupie urticieH, |mrticu!arly cotton. To tiiei>c, however, must Im; added the liiimuiiu and benevolent pohcyoftlie government, which hus ever directed a tbsteiiiig care to the Indians within our limits. This policy is us old us the government itself; and has been habitually and strongly extended to the Cherokee nation." Such, in 1824, were allowed to be the reasons why the Cherokees could not he prevailed upon to forsake their country. Now, if they hud no right there, hut that of suH'erunce, why is it that ♦' this Ibstcriny ])olicy, as old us the government," has been held ibrth and mai:ituined towardM them? The reason i« obvious: no ])resideut l>elbre Gen. Jackson, could bring his mind to do un he liu^ done. At some future day, uck some remnant of the Cherokees, of tlie Creeks, or of the SeminoleH, if uiiy nhould remain, why they should leuve the lands of their fathers to U'conie wunderers beyond the Mississippi, and their reply can be no other than thin : " We were Ibrced uwuy by the white men. Some ot' our men were traitors; of :hem they bought our rights, knowing tticm to be false.''^ Compare the language held by Uen. Jackson, in 1821, with what he has since suid und done. On the IHtli of January of that year, he wrote from his head (piurters at Nashville, to Path Killer, and other Cherokee chiefs, ub follows : " Friends and brothers : I have never told a red brotlier u lie nor deceived hiin. The intruders [on your lands,] if they attempt to return, will be sent off. But your light*horse should not let them settle down on your land. You ought to drive the stock away Irom your lands, and deliver tlio intruders to the agent ; but if you cannot keep intruders from your land, report it to the agent, und on his notice, I will drive them from your land." On the (ith ot June, 1830, he informs the Cherokees, "that, having no power to interfile and oppose the exercise of the sovereignty of any state, over und upon all who may be within the limits of any state, they will pieimre themselves to abide the issue of such new relations, without any hope that he will iuterlere." It must be borne in mind, thut the Indians iiad done nothing meanwhile to forfeit any one right, or the protection promised them by ail tlie treaties, sunctioned by ull the presidents, including Juckson himself! In April, 1824, u deputation of Cherokees wus at Wushington, und on the 15th day of' that month they laid befbre congress a memoriul "on matters of vast importance" to them. In this memoriul they refer to the oppressive stand taken by the governor of Georgia, as communicated by him in u letter to the sccrctuiT of war, and to the acrimonious and incongruous ndtlress of the Georgia delegution to the president, already noticed. Ui)oii these the delegation reinuik : " We cannot but view the design of those letters us uji attempt, bordering on u hostile disposition towurds the Cherokee nation, to arrest Irom them, by urbitrarj' means, their just rights and liberties." And this is the harshest language they any where compluin in, in answer to tlie grossest insults. Tn regard to the cession of more land, they declare their sentinients in the following words: "In relation to the dinposilion und deUnnination of the nation, never af^ain to cedt another foot of land is positively the prodvdion und voice of the natiim, und whut bus been uttered by us, in the coiniminicalions which we have mude to the government, since our an'ivul in this city, ia expressive of the /r«e sentiments of the nation, ugreeubly to our inslructions, und not one word of which has been put into nur mouths by a white man. Any surmises or stntements to the contiury nre ill-founded und nngeneioiis." It should be remembered, that it hud been basely insinuated by their eneniies, in every public way, that the Indiuns were influenced by designing while nun from the north, in ull their o])position to the will of Georgiu. 'J'liis iiu iiKuiul was signed by Joii> Ross, George Lowkev, the mark of Major Kiugf., und Elijah 1Iick». Immediately after this, Gov. Trntip writes from Milledgeviile a very (vhed in the iVatioiial Litclligencer a statement of their case, from which we note the ibilowing passages: "Not satislied with wishing the executive of the United States violently to rupture the solenm bond of oui rights to our lands, and to put at defiance the pledged which existing treaties contain, guarantying to us our huids, it is attempted to take from us the intellect wjiich has directed us ui conducting the several negotiations witii conunissioners appointed to treat with us lor our lands, and with the executive government, by the unlbunded charge, that Hhe last letUr of the Clwrokeea to the secretary at tear conlnitu internal evidence that il was never written or dictated by an Indian,^ Whilst we profess to be compliiiicnted on the one hand by this blow at our intelligence, we cannot, in justice, allow it to pass, upon the other, without a flat contradiction. That letter, and every other letter, was not only tcrilten, but dictated by aii Indian." We are not surprised that the Georgia statesmen are not willing to allow that they have insulted so much intellect and hitelligence, aware, as they must have lieen, that in point of manner and matter, their own coniimsitions, side hy side with the Cherokees, would suffer in no inconsiderable degree by comparison. In closing they say, " It is not for us to vindicate, or attempt to . indicate, our great father the president; he does not need an Indian's aid, nor an Indian's eulogy ; but, however we are Iraund to love him, yet it is due to j;istice to state, that we have been ollen pained, and especially of late, at the earnestness with which be has pressed upon us the subject of ceding our lands. Why he liius acted thus we are at a loss to conceive. We are not ignorant of the nature of the convention of 1802. We know every one of its promises. If, however, these ore to be violated, and the fell wur-whoop should ever be raised against us, to dispossess us of our lands, we will gratify the delegation of Greorgia, in their [irescnt earnestness to see us removed or destroyed, by adding additional fertility to our land, by a deposit of our body und our bones ; /or we are resolved never to leave them btU by parting from them and our lives together.'" Such was the resolution of the Cherokees at this period. But fifteen years' suffering overcame them, and tliey were compelled to submit to a fate they could not avert. We have, in an earlier page,* stated the manner in which the Creeks hod been divested of their country, and the fiital catastrophe that fell upon tlie heads of the chiefs, who, against the will of the nation, had bargained it uway. The most prominent character in that work among the Creeks was Gen. William M'Intosh. We have, in the same place, stated the attempt made by that chief to hrWtc Mr. Ross to undermine his nation, in the same corrupt manner as himself iitid done in regard to his own; and the part enacted by the Cherokees, upon that occasion, is now necessary to be stated. A meeting of the legislative council of the Cherokees was held in Octolier, 1823, to hear what the agents of our government had to say to them, they having procured the meeting. The object, of course, was well understood, and the agents urged their case in every possible form; but they were answered in the most manly manner, that the nation would never part with another foot of land. Gen. M'Intosh v/as present at this conference, and with his son was treated with every kindness, and during the proceedings were seated by the side of Mr. Ross, as was customary with both nations at their councils, when any distinguished chiefs were present, to signify' that good correspondence between them exist* d. At, or about this time, M'Intosh ven- tured to recommend a cession to some of the chief men in conversations , what feigned encouragement he met with, to draw out his real character, i» not upon our records, but it is certain that a communication in writing was • Of this Book, Oiap vi., p. 32. r i^ ' Vtfl • iii h' "ii 448 HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES. [Bojx IV. i '^ ^Jm !»' 1i'. *' m I 1 i I thereupon riuiclc to Mr. Robr, wIio, witliout delnv, Icid it before the council, wlien it WU8 decided that it Bhoidd lie rend in Ai'lntotih's prem-nce. He wrs accordingly culled in, and his letter wos read,* uUer which Air. Itoss niude t]ie tollowin^ addresn: "My triciuls: five ycnrs have clapRod since I have Iwcn called to prcBide over the national connnittee; and your upprolmtion of my conduct in the tli:^- cliarge of my oiiicini duties, is rnunileBted by the HUcccsHive rcappointmcntH which you have bcBtowed on me. The trust w Inch you have rcponed in me has Imjcii sacredly muinUiined, and Hhall ever be iin-i'crvcd. A traitor, in all nations, is looked upon in the darkest color, and is more despicable than tlia meimest reptile that cniwls u]ton the earth. An honorable and h> nest char- acter is more valuable than the filthy lucre of the whole world. Tiierefbre, 1 would prefi;r to live as poor as the worm that inhabits the earth, than to >raiii the world's wealth and have my reputation as an honest man tarnished by the acceptance of u |)ecuiiiary brilH;, lor self-nirgrnndizement. It has now become my jminful duty to inrm you that a gross contempt is ofliired to my character, as well as to that of the nie:!il)ers of tho general council. This letter which I hold in my hand will speak lor itself, liut, fortunately, the author of it has mistaken our character and sense of honor." This took place on the tiA Octol)cr, 18iS}, and was but the commencement of the denunciations M'lntosh was to receive. As chief speaker of the nation, the duty of severely reprimanding the traitor devolved on Major Ridge. This was an exceedingly painful duty to liim, es|>ecially as they liad been old friends and officers together; liud fought under Jackson, side by side, at Taladega, Tohopekn, and in numerous other battles; they had been co- laborers in the civil litOd ; frequently called together to settle and adjust im|iortant mutters between their respective nations ; and they were, at this time, undtT an appointment as connnissioners to run the botnidary line lietween the two nations. Hut all these considerations and circumstances did not cause Major Kidge to shrink Irom his duty. He said that what he was about to say must not only be heard by the Ulieroke«;s, but by others, tin and wide. He adverted to tlieir acknowledged muxims in relerence to tho duties of those intrusted with their government, who, if once found astray from tlieir duty, were never again to l^ trusted. M'lntosh, he said, had borne the character of high moral rectitude among his own people, the Creeks, but how stands his character now? "1 cast bini behind my back. He may depart in peace. I here publicly disgrace him. He now Knows we are not to be bought with money. We will not exult over lidlen greatness. He may go to his own nation, and in the bosom of his liimily mourn the loss of a good name." Such is the substance of the speech of Major Kidge, who him- self fell into the same siiare alierwards, and sutiered the same tiite, with the man he now so pointedly and justly condemned. In 1829, a society wns formed in New York, "for the emigration, prpser\-a- tion, and improvenie»,t, of the aborigines of America," an account of which was transmittal to tiie president of the United States, then at the Rip Raps, in Virginia. The president replied to a letter which accompanied the ac- count, througli Major Eaton, in a very conciliatory and gracious manner. One passage is especially worthy of notice, from its surprising contrast with what was uflenvun's avowed by the same authors. "I beg leave to assure you," says the general, "that nothing of a compulsory course, to eflect the removal of this unlbrtunuto race of people, has ever been thougnt of by the president ; although it Ims been so asserted." Now, all the world knows wliut bos since been said and 1, "tlmt povi-rn- luent should firmly maint^iin iIiIh ground ; tlmt the IndiauH Jinvu a right to the < 'cupation of their landr*, indtpeniltnl of I he stales tvilhin whose chartered llmita theu happen to be ; that, until they cede thein ity treaty, or otiicr trauHae- tion equivalent to a treaty, no act of a etato can give a right to such lands; that neither under the present constitution, nor the ancient confederation, hail any state, or ]icrHoiis, a riglu to treat with the Indiaim wiliioiit thn consent of the general government ; that that consent has never Ijecn given to any treaty for the cession of the lands in ((uestion • that the government is determined to exert all its enerfQifor the patronage ami protection of the rights of the Indiana, and the preser>'ation of peace lietween the United States and them ; and that if any settlements arc made on lands not ceded hy them, without the previous consent of the United States, the gc t'ernment will think itself bound, not only to declare to the Indians that such settlements are without the axdhurity or pro- tection of the United States, bid to remove them also by the public force. Such was the "voice" CoL Benton said he was to "call up," to drown that of the friend of the Indians. But "how are tiio mighty fallen ! " The helpless In> dians have been forced to fly Ixjlbre the steel of the white man to inhospi> table regions, leaving their fine fields and comlbrtuble houses to their ava- ricious oppressors. Uut atler all that has happeiicd, all Uia wrong that has been done the Indian, all the wrong that lias been done to every countryman of Jeflcrson, we would not change our condition with a subject of Algiers, because we have well-grounded ho])C8 that good men will ere long stand in the |)lace where justice emanates ; yet it fills the heart of the philautlu:t>pist with sor- row, that their coming cannot relieve the Cherokees. The dey of Algiera holds out no pretensions to Christians that they may expect justice at his hands ; but he says to them, " Do you not know that my I)eople are a band of robljers, and that I am their captain ? " * A president of the United States has said tliat he intended no harm to the Cherokees; but what has he done ? It is painful to be compelled to reproach the government of a beloved coutitry with acts like these ; but we ha\e no alternative, excepting in a der- eliction of duty. We would gladly have been spared this part of our under- taking ; but Justice has claims upon us now as strong as she had upon our government, and we cannot so deliberately disregard them. .tV . *:)■ 90006 CHAPTER XV. niSTORT OF THE CHEROKEES, CONTINUED. " Tliejr have t:tken the renlm which our anceitori gnve ; Tlioy h:ivc thrown their chains o'vr the linil anil the wave ; Thf- ruri-iit i wuKKr..s. 451 It Gen. propoHitioiis the |>r(;Hiliali()ii. No olijitctioii is heard ot' aguiii.'r< ous cidtivator being found in a president of the United Htutcs, its growth soon BStonishtM all beholders, and its hmnches cast a deathlike shade over a pros- perous nation, and withered it away. We have betbre remarked \t\mn the discovery made by the southern poli- ticians, namely, that from the time of VVashi.V3Ton, there had been no presi- dent (including that great man) who knew what laws and treaties meant ; that all the time and money which had been siient in making treaties, had been thrown away ; for it was now discovered that Indians were only tenants at will, and had no right on any lands within certain state Imnndaries, any longer than the charity of the good people near them would humanely per- mit In fiv-t, all these treaties were now found out to be uncorutitulionaL This doctrine was finallv the hinge on which the whole business turned. But Georgia herself could condescend to treat with the Cherokees in '7KJ, and obtained from them a considerable tract of country. Did that state con- descend then to acknowledge the Cherokees an independent nation to get from them by treaty that which she was not strong enough to take by force ? I will not aver that it was so. One thing, however, there is, about which there can be no misconception ; the (Cherokees were then powerful ; and though, in the war with Lngland, which had just terminated, they fought against us, they now came tbr^vnrd and declared lor us ; and their alliance WHS considered of no small account, situated as we then were in relation to the Spaniards in Florida, And, besidc^s, it must lie considered tliat at the close of the revolution, our people desired peace with the Cherokees as much as they v.ith us; and, in the language of Chief Justice Marshall,* " When the United States gave peace, did they not also receive it ? Did the Cherokees come to us, to our seat of government, to solicit peace ; or did our govcni- ment send commissioners to them to ask it ?" The result, however, was the treaty of Hopewell, " within the Cherokee nation," and not at New York, that that celebrated treaty was made. The series of usurpations commenced upon the Cherokees ami other Indians, has at length, in this present year, 1840, reached the climax of oppression contemplated by its originators. That people had long viewed further encroachments upon them as certain, inasmuch as such encroach- ments had never actually ceased from the day of their acquaintance with the white man ; but the awful thunder which burst upon them in our day had never been thought of by the whites, much less by themselves, until within ii few years. They had, indeed, as early as 1823," observed a dark cloud gather- ing in the north-east, but they rationally thought that the extent of country it must pass over, before it should reach them, would qiialif- its rage, and waste its deadly effects; happy for them had it proved as tliey had hop<>d, rinil m every friend of humanity and justice had hoped it would ; but it catne and Bweiit away the Cherokees. The monstrous project of a removal of nil the Indians within our limits beyond the Mississippi, is not chargeable to any one of our chief magistrates, but Mr. Monroe is conspicuous among them. He proposed it with difiiduucb • Opinion in llie case, Worcester vs. the Sl-ite of (ieorgia, p 14. lii b .v> 453 mSTOKV <)!■ Tin: rilKIJOKCF.S [roi.i rv ill Ills oponinjf rncHsapi! to roiiffn-.xH, on tlic 7lli of Dorniil)or, IP2-1 ; nnd licre K-t UN oliscrvf, iliiit tlic Hii^'^rsiioii wim iiiailt: ii|ion tlir hiiiii- inoiitli, inul iicorl} til*' siiiif (lay ol'tlKi iiioiitli, that our lalliciM caiiK; to tli<>m! r>ur<>. lie wdh iiiiliji'cd to |iru|H)S(* Hiich a plan, lie Haul, u» tlit; only oii<; liu coiiUI duvino to rrlii'vo till) country t'roin the dillifuity liy which Iih i-xccMitive was surrounded, tiiul which «!very day thickened, (jcorjfia was |ii(*Miiij5 with Hcvere earnoHt- iiess; allegiiifr that the tiiiu; had arrived when the Indian title to liindN within it.'< limits should Ih.> extinguislKul, and the new states were crowding on all sides with iinihie iiniiortunity, that their claim for Indians' lands was as good ar> their neighhorh'. I'lu! iiresident, iherelbre, like n haiikrupt, who, to get rid ot'a dilliciilt demand to-day, ohiigates hiniMelt'to iiuy u greater one to-morrow, disregards tliu dictates ot' his own jiidgiiient. It was under tlieso circuin- stunceg that u removal was recoiiiineiiderience lias shown, that 'Jiiless the trilx's l)e civilized, they can never be incorporated into our system, in any form whatever. It has likewise shown, that in the regidar augmentation of our population, with the extension of our settle- nie!.>ts, their situation will become deplorable, if their extinction is no* menaced. Some well-digested jdan, which will rescue them from such calamiies, is due to their rights, to the rights of humanity, luid to the honor of the nutio:i. Their civilization is indispensable to their safety, and this ran l)c accomplished only by degrees. Difficulties of the most serious character present themselves to the attainment of this very desirable result, on the territory on which they now reside. To remove them from it by force, even with a view to their own security or ha]>piuess, would be revolting to humanity, and utterly unjiistifiuble." And touching this matter we hove a very cleor view of the o])inion8 of Mr. Monroe, regarding Indian rights, in another message, in which he expresses himself Of) follows: "I have no hesitation, however, to declare it as my opinion, that thp Indian title was not aflected in the slightest circumstance by the compact with CJeorgia, and that there is no obligation on the United atates to remove the Indians 61/ foree. The express stipulation of the compact, that their title should be extinguished at the ex|>en8e of the United States, w hen it may lie «lone peaceably^ and on reasonable conditions, is a full proof that it was the clear and distinct understanding of both parties to it, that the Indians had a right to the territory, in the disposal of which they were to be regarded aa free agents. An attempt to remove them by force would, in my o|iinion, he unjust. In the future measures to be adopted in regard to the Indians within onr limits, and, in consequence, within the limits of any state, the United States have duties to perform, and a character to sustain, to which they ought not to be indiHerent" But what have the admonitions of all good men availed? And the more we meet with, tlie more we are astonished at the result of things, and the more severely do we deprecate and denounce the advocates of the course pursued. The president evidently had not thought very seriously about the removal of the Indians at this time, tt\id knew little of the history, or actual state of the Cherokees ; they had then become considerably civilized, and instead of decreasing, were increasing. But about two months after, he again makes the Indian subject the object of a special message, in the outset of which he holds this language: "Being deeply impressed with the opinion, that the removal of the Indian tribes from the lands which they now occupy within the limits of tiie several states and territories, to the country lying westward uiid northward thereof, within our acknowledged boundaries, is of very high importance to our Union, and may be accom])lished on conditions and in a manner to promote the interest and happiness of those tribes, the attention of government has been long drawn, with great solicitude, to the subject" First a removal is barely thought about, then talked about, then proposed, Omp. XV.] iiisTCUY OF Tim ciir.iu»K;;i:s. 4 J J then 8troii^'ly rccominciKli-d ; so fnr tli inn.' no coiniiiilsioii, Ihtiiiim- it W()ii!(| )m3 too iHirL-tiiOMl uii oiitnige on the I'liniiiion m-iisu ot' the |i(Mi|ih-; Im-ciiiiho tlie IndiiiiiH in"// rciiiovo witlioiit lorre; they nin lie liouffhi out. Thiie showed thut they conhl not Ik; ohlif^ed to m-\\ their country ; tlien the project of extending state hiws over them is Mtarte«l, wliich, thouj:h ^lnl•^»n^*li- tiitionul, ran Im; entiiroed in spite of the ffenemi government, to the in<-al- i-iihdilu mischief of the Indiann; and lK-fondering the matter, not oiilv Indians, hut citizens of the United States, among them as instruetorH, and by the direction nnd imder the authority of the pre^iih'nt liimseif, are sei/ed l)y an armed force, dragged tu a distant n'gion, and thrown into prison ! .Months pass away, and the guvtniment is stii! pondering on what is to Im) done. In the mean time Georgia sends out an armed force to protect the Indians, and we will hear how this force performed tlie service, as set forth in a memorial to congress from some of the most respectable of the Chcrokces, in isn. " In the name and authority of G. R. Gilmar, governor of Georgia, a bill was tiled in chancery, in the su|)eri(>r court of Hall county, in July Iast,(l8:i0,) against certain Cherokee^, praying for an injimction to stop them from digging and searching for gold within the limits of their own nation ; and the bill lM;ing sworn to lieforc Judge Cluyton, he awarded an injunction against the parties named in the bill as detciidants, commanding them, forthwith, to desist from working on those mines, under the penalty of 1/0,000 dollars ; at the siunc time and place there were unmolested several tlioiisaiid intruders from Georgia and other states, engaged iii robbing the nation of gold, tor which the owners were ordered not to work by the said writ. Under the authority of this injunction, the sheriff of Hall county, with an armed force, invaded the nation, consisting of a colonel, a captain, and IJO or 40 of the militia of the state of Georgia, who arrested a niuiil)er of Cherokces engagetl ill digging for gold, who were at first rescued by the troops of the United States, stationed near the place, and the sherifi and his party tlu in^elvca mndc prisoners, and conducted fifteen miles to the military camp, when a council of examination was held, and the exhibition of their re.-pective authorities made, which resulted in the release of the sheriff u:.d his party, nnd a written order by the commanding officer of the United State? troop's, rlirecting the Cherokees to submit to the authority of Georgia, and that no further protection could be extended to them at the gold mines, as he could no longer interfere with the laws of Georgia, but would afford aid in carrying them into execution. On the return of the sheritf and his party, they passed by the Cherokees who were still engaged in digging for gold, and ordered them to desist, under the penalty of Ixsing committed to jail, and proceeded to destroy their tools and machinery for cleaning gold, and after committing some further aggression, they returned. Shortly afterwords, the sheriff, with a guard of four men, and a process from the state of Georgia, arrestecl three Cherokees for disol»eying the injunction, while peaceably engaged in their laliors, and conducted them to Wadkinsvillc, a distance of 75 miles, before the same judge, A. S. Clayton, who then and there sentenced them to pay a fine of 93 dollars, costs, and to stand committed to prison until paid ; and also comi»elled them to give their bond in the sum of 1,000 dollars, for their pereonal appearance before his next court, to answer the charges of violating the writ of injunction aforesaid. They were retained in custotember, 1830, a detachment of «^nited States troops again scoured the gold mine country. At the upper mines they arrested upwards of one hundred i)ersons, whites and Cherokees. The latter, after bemg kept under guard one night, were dismissed with the peremptory injunction, not to dig any morz. Hence it follows, that if the Cherokees had potatoes in the ground, they had no right to dig them up, neither had they any right to plant them. In i>hort, Georgia having carried her injustice as far as she could, the United States steps in and lends her a hand in extending it ! About the time of this mi7(^ary expedition, the principal men of Agnohee district met in council, and, in an affectionate and feeling manner, thanked all those citizens of the United States who hud in any way come; forward and raised their voices against their oppressors. They, at the same time, issued an address to us, which would do honor to the head or heart of any philan- tin'opist that ever flourished upon the proudest page of history. And we doubt if there exists that nation under the sun, even in this enlightened age, which would have suffered as the Cherokees have done, without taking revenge on their inhuman oppressors. To what then are we to attribute their nohle and philosophic forbearance : to their civilization or degradation ? As matters now stood, it seemed that serious difficulty must ensue hetv.een the United States and Georgia, if swaggering and high-sounding words had any meaning, when proceeding from governors, ex-governors, and others, hi.L'li III otKce in that state. But while the deci^