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 1,' S":'^ 
 
 COOL 
 
 THOUGHTS 
 
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 - -•Vi-V v.""-"' ^ 
 
 
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 ON THE 
 
 Confequences of American 
 Independence, &c. 
 
 [ Price IS. ] 
 
 iik-"«l 
 
 ■J, - • 
 
 .''J*/" ' 
 
 
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 m 
 
 V 
 
lillll 
 
 COOL 
 
 THOUGHTS 
 
 ON THE 
 
 Confequences to Great Britain of 
 American Independence. 
 
 ON THE 
 
 Expence of Great Britain in the 
 Settlement and Defence of the Ameri- 
 CAN Colonies. ' 
 
 ON THE 
 
 Value and Importance of the American 
 Colonies and the West Indies to the 
 British Empire. ' ^ 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Printed for J. Wilkie, in St. Paul's Church-Yard. 
 
 ^.DCCLXXX. 
 
 ^.,:. 
 
191 
 
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 >J ^'fU, 
 
c o o L 
 
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 ■ f 
 
 THOUGHTS 
 
 ON THE 
 
 Confequences of A merican 
 Independence. 
 
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 t 
 
 TH E Independence of America has 
 been long fince recommended, by a 
 learned and ingenious Author*, as benefi-' 
 cial to Great Britain. The plaufibility of 
 his arguments has made fome profelytes. 
 It has even produced a motion in the Houfe 
 of Commons to that end. Whether the 
 boldnefs; or novelty of the fentiment; has 
 been miftaken for truth, I (hall not deter^ 
 mine. However, this is certain, that at 
 the fiift view of a propofition to difinemher 
 from a Jiate 3,000,000 of its fuhjtBs^ and 
 the far greater part of its territory^ Rea- 
 fon takes the alarm, and creates in the 
 mind ftrong fufpicions that it cannot be 
 
 ■i& 
 
 ♦ The Dean of Gloucefter, 
 
 B 
 
 well 
 
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 ( - ) 
 
 * well founded : And as it involves queftions 
 of the greateft moment to the fafety of the 
 
 ' empire, it ought to be impartially difcuffed. 
 I mean therefore, unbiafled by party views 
 or party heat, briefly to review it, and, 
 like the author, to fubmit my fentiments 
 to the candid decifion of the Public. 
 
 of' 
 
 The advocates for this opinion muft 
 maintain. That the ftrength of fociety does 
 not confift in the number of its confederated 
 mdi*vidualsj or in the meafure of its nvealth ; 
 
 That a fociety of two is naturally and 
 efFedtually as ftrong as one oi four millions 
 of people ; that neither the number or 
 wealth of its fubjedls adds to the power of 
 a ftate : 
 
 That an extent of territory is not necef- 
 fary to the fubfiftence of a large fociety of 
 people ; that neither territory or individuals 
 are conducive to the purpofes of commerce ; 
 
 ■•<' -■. 
 
 And that the powers in Europe, mif- 
 takea in their policy, have not obtained 
 
 any 
 
 y 
 
/ 
 
 ( 3 ) 
 
 any addition of ftrength by the fettlement 
 of Colonies* 
 
 Thefe are pofitions fo contrary to the 
 iiniverfal opinion and practice of nations, 
 fo contrary to truth and fad, that if we did 
 not know that the generality of mankind 
 is more remarkable for fuperficial inquiries 
 than deep refearches into the nature and 
 principles of things, v;e (hould be furprifed 
 to find an examination of them neceifary. 
 
 I 
 
 Had the advocates for American Inde- 
 pendence looked into the nature of civil fo- 
 ciety, and thofe principles upon which its 
 ftrength and fafety are founded ; had they 
 confidered the motives which have induced 
 nations to colonize, the benefits which arife 
 to a ftatc from an incrcafe of territory and 
 of the numbers of its members, with the 
 diffufive advantages of commerce ; or had 
 they refledted on the peculiar circumftances 
 of Great Britain, an illand furrounded by 
 ambitious and powerful neighbours, and 
 whofe fafety folely depends on its naval 
 
 B 2 force. 
 
( 4 ) 
 
 force, the idea muft have been fupprefled 
 as foon as it arofe. 
 
 The defign of civil focieties is the fafety 
 of mankind. Difunited among themlelves, 
 they found it not in a ftate of nature. The 
 ..weak became a prey to the ftrong, and the 
 man of flrength generally found one yet 
 more powerful. Hence arofe the neceffity 
 of civil fociety, which is nothing more 
 than a confederacy of many individuals^ for 
 their mutual defence. 
 
 The defign of this confederacy was not 
 confined t6 defence againft the lawlefs 
 among themfelves ; it had another object 
 equally important. Men were obliged, 
 from local circumftances, to form different 
 focieties. And here again the weaker be- 
 came liable to the ambition and conqueft of 
 the more powerful. Hence a competition 
 for power and ftrength took place, as the 
 only means of their fetiLrity, 
 
 Reafcii taught them wherein this-ftrength 
 confided. They faw that two men were 
 
 llrongcr 
 
 i 
 
( 5 ) 
 
 fled 
 
 tety 
 ves, 
 he 
 the 
 yet 
 ffity 
 nore 
 ,/or 
 
 ftronger than one, and three millions than 
 two, and of courfe, that the capacity of re- 
 fiftance in a fociety depended on an increafe 
 in the number of its confederates ; and that 
 in proportion to their numbers, an extent 
 of territory was neceflary to their fubfift- 
 ence. They further faw, that many of the 
 individuals of fociety were unfit for war: 
 That fome were neceflary to cultivate the 
 earth, while others defended their coun- 
 try : That it was jufl: that thofe who fought 
 their battles fliould be maintained and paid 
 by the public ; and therefore that wealth 
 was one of the ingredients which compofed 
 the ftrength of every fociety. ^'^^ ',■ . 
 
 Experience further convinced them, that 
 in a country which did not contain mines 
 of gold and filver, wealth was only to be 
 acquired by commerce : That the articles 
 of commerce could only be obtained from 
 the earth by the indufl:ry of individuals : 
 That therefore more territory was necefl^ary 
 to the ftrength of an empire, than what 
 was merely fufficient for the fubfiftence of 
 the fociety : That trade muft be lefs, but 
 could not be more than what the land and 
 
 labour 
 
 .^ 
 
^ 
 
 ( <5 ) 
 
 labour of the country would produce : That 
 the commerce of a nadon muft confequently 
 be limited by the extent of the territory. 
 , I fpeak of that commerce which a fociety 
 can command within itfelf, independent of 
 others ; becaufe that which refts on the 
 pleafure and will of another ought not to 
 be, and indeed never yet was, the firfl: ob- 
 je6t of a wife nation. 
 
 That if the articles of exportation, raifed 
 and manufadured in a country, do not ex- 
 ceed the value of thofe it requires from 
 abroad, no increafe of wealth can poflibly 
 be obtained. If the articles exported are 
 lefs than thofe imported, that wealth which 
 it has muft leave it ; the nation muft be- 
 come poor, and incapable to raife the fup- 
 
 pii 
 
 ies neceffa/y for its defence in time of ^ L/ ,, ^ 
 
 ll 
 
 wa 
 
 From thefe principles they drew thefe "«^**-^'''^ '^^^^^^^ 
 conclufive truths, That a nation which pof- > ^•^ '^'Kft-r/ 
 fefled the moft extenfive territory, confifted 
 of the greateft number of fubjed:s, and 
 maintained the greateft portion of com- 
 merce, muft be the riche^ and moft fewer- 
 
( 7 ) 
 
 fiiU and confequently the fafejl from fo- 
 reign danger. Hence arofe a competition 
 for territory ; the great parent of numbers, 
 wealth and power, and conftant objed of 
 their wars. 
 
 
 
 !.'«// 
 
 Towards the end of the 15th century, 
 the powers of Europe were, in general, 
 poor. They contented themfelves with 
 the riecefTaries, without the luxuries of 
 life. Their refources were fmall. Their 
 countries produced no gold or filver, and 
 their trade was too limited to afford any 
 confiderable fupply. Commerce was mo- 
 nopolized by the Genoefe and Venetians, 
 They had, moreover, for a lon^ fucceflion 
 of years, harafled each other in their con- 
 tefts for dominion, without gaining any 
 important fuperiority. The difcovery of a 
 new world beyond the Atlantic, uncul- 
 tivated, almoft uninhabited, and altogether 
 defencelefs, gave to their policy a different 
 purfuit, while it retained the fame objeJSts 
 in view. They faw that by colonifing 
 they could extend their dominions, and 
 obtain aa increafe of fubjeds, commerce, 
 
 and 
 
■ / . 
 
 p 
 
 . C 8 ) 
 
 and wealth, at a lefs expence of blood and 
 treafure, than by their wars at home. 
 
 it is the intereft and duty of all ftates to 
 watch the increafing ftrength of their 
 neighbours, and to make ufe of every juft - 
 meafure to enlarge their own, in the fame 
 or greater proportion. The Court of 
 Spain^ under whofe authority the difcovery 
 of America was made, firft began to colo- 
 nize. The other powers faw the wealth 
 and ftrength which fhe mutt acquire by her 
 colonies. Her fuccefs in the fettlement of 
 Mexico and Peru, and the vaft treafures {he 
 imported from thence, induced Portugal, 
 England, France, &c. to follow the ex- 
 ample ; and if they did not find countries 
 containing mines of gold and filver, they 
 obtained others, better calculated for popu- 
 lation, immenfely fertile, and capable of 
 producing almc '. all the articles of com-, 
 merce which, at all times, would command- 
 thofe metals. In thefe countries they fet- 
 tled colonies, increafed their number of 
 fubjeds, and extended their commerce. In 
 ^ Ihort, their commerce grew in proportion 
 
 2 to 
 
 % 
 
 ^M 
 
 o1 
 
 O] 
 
 n( 
 fel 
 
 iill 
 
 t( 
 
 at] 
 
 v\ 
 
 b( 
 
:M 
 
 m 
 
 { 9 ) - 
 
 to the increafe of their numbers, their 
 wealth in proportion to their commerce, 
 and the capacity of the national force in 
 proportion to their wealth. The Venetians 
 and Genoefe no longer were able, by their 
 fuperior naval ftrength, to engrofs the 
 trade of Turkey and the Indies ; and the 
 Powers colonizing, having thus rofe from a 
 ftate of poverty and weaknels to that of 
 opulence and ftrength, nearly in the fame 
 proportion, were enabled to maintain a 
 balance among themlelves, and to preferve 
 their refpcdlive fovereignties and indepen- 
 dence among nations. 
 
 It is impoflible for a perfon who is ac- 
 quainted with the commercial hiftory of 
 Europe, and will trace the progreifive rife 
 of the different focieties from poverty to 
 opulence, and from weaknefs to ftrength, 
 not to acknowledge thefe truths, or not to 
 fee what muft have been the fate of this 
 ifland, had not the wifdom of our ancef- 
 tors promoted the fettlement of colonies, 
 and acquired foreign dominions. The 
 power of France and Spain would have 
 been conftantly growing to their prefent 
 
 C magnitude 
 
 1 
 
■■ 
 
 ( 10 ) 
 
 magnitude and importance, and would even 
 have exceeded what it is at prefent. France, 
 in particular, would have been in pofTefTion 
 of all Nort/j America, the Eaji and Wejl 
 Indies, The numbers of her people— the 
 extent of her dominions — her refources of 
 commerce and wealth — and her naval 
 power, would have been immenfely in- 
 creafed, while thofe of Great Britain muft, 
 at leaft, have remained nearly in the ftate 
 they were in two hundred years ago ; and 
 if her fovereignty, as an independent ftate, 
 fhould have been maintained, Ihe would 
 now be no more than a ^ic'^r/' among na- 
 tions, dependent on the will and power 
 of others for her exiftence. 
 
 'ft 
 
 '"i 
 
 I- 
 
 V 
 
 Indeed it is impoffible to fay where the 
 confequences might have ended, had Great 
 Britain fufFered the neighbouring States to 
 extend their dominions by the fettlement of 
 colonies, without purfuing the fame po- 
 licy. The univerfal monarchy of Europe 
 has been long the favourite objv?d: of French 
 ambition. Attempts to obtain it have been 
 repeatedly made. Great Britain, by the 
 ftrength derived, in a great raeafure, from 
 
 her 
 
 
 
 

 
 her plantations, has been enabled to fruf- 
 trate them. Had thefe plantations been in 
 the pofleffion of France, with the advan- 
 tages arifing from their commerce, wealthy 
 and naval force, it is not an improbable 
 conjedture, that (he vi''ould have fucceeded 
 in her defign ; nor is it lefs probable, that 
 fhould France and America hereafter have 
 it in their power to eftablifh an ofFenfive 
 and defenfive alliance, however the former 
 may have hitherto failed in her grand 
 fcheme of univerfal monarchy, this con- 
 nexion may, at fome future, and not 
 rery diftant period, enable her to accom- 
 plifh it. Such treaties will naturally coin- 
 cide with their feveral views and interefts, 
 as foon as American Independence ihall be 
 acknowledged by the powers in Europe. 
 America will naturally wifh, while flie is 
 rifing from her infant ftate into opulence 
 and power, to cover her dominions under 
 the protection of France ; and France will 
 find new refources of ftrength in American 
 commerce, armies, and naval force. 
 
 The recovery of America from the dif* 
 afters and diftrcffes of war, will be rapid 
 
 C a 
 
 and 
 
■■■•■■■i 
 
 |: 
 
 and fudden. Very unlike an old country, 
 whofe population is full, and whofe culti- 
 vation, commerce, and ftrength, have ar- 
 rived at their height, the multiplication of 
 her numbers, and the increafe of her power, 
 will furpafs all expectation. If her fudden 
 growth has already exceeded the moft fan- 
 guine ideas, it is certain, that the increafe 
 of her ftrength, when fupported and affifted 
 by France^ and puflied forward by the 
 powerful motives arifing from her feparate 
 intereft, her own prefervation, and the 
 profpedt of her own rifing glory and im- 
 portance among nations, v/\\\ far outrun 
 any idea we have had of her late popula- 
 tion. 
 
 
 I 
 
 ti 
 
 Nor will it be the intereft of America to 
 check the ambition of France^ while con- 
 fined to Europe. Her diftance, and the 
 fafety arifing from it, will render her re- 
 gardlefs of the fate of nations on this fide 
 of the Atlantic, as foon as her own ftrength 
 fhall be eftablifhed. The profperity or 
 ruin of kingdoms, from whofe power flie 
 can have nothing to fear, and whofe aflift- 
 ance ftie can never want, will be matters of 
 2 equal 
 
I 
 
 t '3 ) 
 
 equal indifFerence. She can wlfli for no 
 other connedion with Europe,' than that of 
 commerce ; and this will be better fecured 
 in the hands of ^n ally, than in thofe with 
 whom fhe holds no other connedion ; fo 
 that it will be of little moment to her, whe- 
 ther Great Britain^ Spain, Holland^ Ger- 
 many^ or Rujfta^ fhall be ruled by one or 
 more monarchs. From thefe confidera- 
 tions, her interference to deftroy the ba- 
 lance of power in Europe, and lo promote 
 the fcheme of univerfal monarchy in her 
 ally, is rather to be expeded, than to. fup- 
 port the one or to check the other. Should 
 this be the cafe, it is impoffible to forefee 
 how far the ruinous efFeds of Bourbon am- 
 bition may be extended in Europe. 
 
 And there can be no doubt, but the 
 views of ambition, and a defire to extend 
 their dominions, will equally prevail in 
 the confederated colonies. The mines of 
 gold and filver, in South America, will be 
 objeds of irrefiflible temptation. Aflifted 
 by the power of France^ or even without 
 it, they will be able, in no great fpace of 
 time, to reduce the Brazils y Mexico^ C^ili, 
 and PerUf and to acquire univerfal domi- 
 nion 
 
 3 3 
 
y ■■ 
 
 nion over all America. However conjec- 
 tural thefe refearches into futurity may be, 
 they are far from being unnatural ; and al- 
 though they are delivered with that diffi- 
 dence which becomes a perfon looking into 
 future events, which may be defeated by a 
 variety of accidental and unf^^/efeen caufes, 
 yet I cannot help thinking they deferve, at 
 the prefent conjiindure, the ferious confi- 
 deration not only of Great Britain^ but of 
 the other Powers in Europe. 
 
 'All 
 
 - By a comparifon of the value of our fo- 
 reign and Colonial trade, the confequences 
 of a feparation between Great Britain and 
 her Colonies will appear yet more evident. 
 
 The whole value of the foreign exports 
 from Great Britain, has been eftimated 
 at r - - £ 7,000,000 
 
 In 1766, the exports to North America 
 amounted to - - ;^ 3537o»9oo 
 
 To the Weft Indies *, to 1,041,199 
 
 li! 
 
 • The exports from Scotland and Ireland are not in- 
 cluded in this article, which, no doubt; were propor* 
 tionably confiderable. 
 
 Thus 
 
( 'S ) 
 
 Thus we find that the trade with North 
 America alone is nearly equal to one- half, 
 and when that of the Weft Indies is added, 
 to nine-fourteenths of the whole foreign 
 commerce of Great Britain. 
 
 The exports to North America from 
 England only, have been found, within 
 
 the laft thirty years, to have more thaa 
 doubled in every ten years. - ^ 
 
 « 
 
 In 1 748, they amounted /. s. d, 
 
 to - - 830,243 16 9 
 
 In 1758, to - - 1,832,948 13 10 
 
 In 1771, to - - 4,586,882 19 9 
 
 Hence we may conclude, had not the 
 rebellion prevented, that they would, in the 
 next year, 1 780, have amounted to upwards 
 of 7,000,000 /. which is more than the va- 
 lue of our whole foreign commerce ; and 
 in the courfe of twenty years more, fup- 
 pofing that they fhould increafe in a much 
 lefs proportion, they would vaftly exceed the 
 whole prefent commerce of Great Britain, 
 foreign as well as Colonial ; and when added 
 to the foreign exports, would produce a 
 
 fource 
 
 '■. rr- '*,■ 
 
( 16 ) 
 
 fource of wealth, more difFufive and bene- 
 ficial than that of any country hitherto 
 known. 
 
 m 
 
 ff'j 
 
 
 II 
 
 li,.. 
 
 The foreign trade of all countries ever 
 was, and muft be, fludluating and preca- 
 rious. We have formerly feen a balance 
 of 500,000/. annually returned in pur trade 
 with Turkey ; but ^this trade has been fo 
 affected by the intrigues of France^ and 
 other accidental circumftances, that it is 
 difficult to fay on which fide the balance 
 prevails. The trade to Portugal was lately 
 a favourite and profitable one ; infomuch 
 that we have not only defended it, but Por- 
 tugal itfelf, with our fleets and armies ; 
 and yet that court, forgetting the protec- 
 tion it has received, and regardlefs of its 
 treaties with Great Britain, has ereded 
 tribunals and companies inconfiftent with 
 thofe treaties, under which the Britifh mer- 
 chants have been defrauded of their capi- 
 tals, and our commerce with that country 
 is languifhing into decay. Innumerable 
 inftances might be adduced to fhew the un- 
 certainty and fludtuating nature of com- 
 merce, depending upon the caprice and 
 -- pleafure 
 
 « 
 
 .;« 
 
( »7 ) 
 
 pleafure of a foreign ftate ; but thefe will 
 iuiHce to prove, that nations are not bound 
 by the obligations of gratitude ; that there 
 are no ties held facred between them which 
 are not founded in intereft ; and that no 
 treaties are longer binding than that inte- 
 reft prevails. The fadions, or change in 
 the circumftances of a foreign country, 
 whether real or imaginary, the intrigues 
 of our enemies, the jealoufy and unpro- 
 voked enmity of our allies, the death of a 
 king, or change of a minifter, are fo many 
 circumftances upon which the fecurity of 
 our foreign trade muft ever depend. Any 
 one of them may fuddenly blaft it. The 
 direct reverfe is true in refpe£t to our Co- 
 lonial or Plantation trade. It depends not on 
 the changes or caprice of foreign councils, 
 nor upon the intrigues of our enemies, nor 
 upon the alteration of the circumftances of 
 a country. It is our own, nor can it be 
 wrefted from us but by arms. It is main- 
 tained againft foreign invafion by our 
 power, and fecured by the laws and politi- 
 cal ties of our own fociety, founded on the 
 mutual benefit of both countries, and the 
 united advantage of the whole empire. 
 
 D The 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 

 • ♦ 
 
 The carriage of our Plantation trade is 
 alfo our own. It is made in our own bot- 
 toms, which are built by our own carpen- 
 ters, and navigatec" by our own mariners, and 
 confequently forms many nurferies of fea- 
 men for the fupport of our navy. But our 
 foreign carriage muft be divided between 
 us and the countries with which we trade. 
 If they admit our veffels into their ports, 
 we muft retarn the civility, or lofe the 
 commerce. 
 
 'M 
 
 Si' V; 
 
 m4 
 
 4 
 
 v:% 
 
 Rf • ^ 
 
 ,.^ 
 
 No human ties are fo binding as thofe 
 founded in intereft. Thefe will unite with 
 our regulations in fecuring the plantation 
 trade to this country. Great Britain, from 
 a variety of circumftances, can manufac- 
 ture and fupply America to much greater 
 advantage than America can manufadure 
 for herfelf ; and America, in every refped, 
 is calculated to raife and furnifti Great Bri- j 
 tain with thofe raw materials which are ne- 
 ceflary to carry on, to extent and perfec- 
 tion, thofe manufactures. 
 
 » 
 
 I 
 
 The Plantations, before the commence- 
 ment of the rebellioni took off nearly as 
 
 much 
 
{ X9 ) 
 
 de is 
 bot- 
 •pen- 
 s,and 
 ' fea- 
 t our 
 ween 
 trade, 
 ports 9 
 e the 
 
 thofe 
 Bwith 
 tation 
 from 
 lufac- 
 reater 
 adure 
 efped» 
 It Bri- J 
 ire ne- 
 )erfec- 
 
 nence- 
 irly as 
 much 
 
 much of the manufadures of this kingdom 
 as all the world befides i and their con- 
 fumptioii will conftantly increafe, in pro- 
 portion to the number of their people and 
 to their wealth j nor will they, while de- 
 pendent on Great Britain, ever be able to 
 manufadture for themfelves. Until the 
 country is fully fettled, land becomes dear, 
 and labour cheap, it will be impoffible. 
 IVIen will expend their money and labour 
 in that branch of bufmefs which is moft 
 profitable ; and while the man of property 
 can make a greater annual profit, and the 
 labourer can rective greater wages by cul- 
 tivating the earth, they will never manu- 
 fadure at a certain lofs; moreover Govern- 
 ment will, as heretofore, by judicious re- 
 ftridions and reafonable encouragement, 
 apply the labour and induftry of each coun- 
 try to their proper and mod beneficial ob- 
 jeds. 
 
 If fuch are the precarious tenure of our 
 foreign commerce, and the fecure ftate of 
 our Colonial, whoever, relying on the 
 former as the means of national wealth and 
 ftrengthi fhall furrender up the latter, will 
 
 D z find, 
 
 
 \ 
 
i 20 ) 
 
 find) in the end, that he has given up the 
 fubdance, and only retained the fhadow. 
 
 No arguments can more evidently fhew 
 the importance of the colonies to this 
 country, than a comparative view of the 
 number o^ our people, and of the increafe 
 of our manufactures, commerce, (hipping, 
 naval force, and cuftoms, as they flood juft 
 before the fettlement of our colonies, and 
 of their amazing increafe at prefent, occa- 
 iioned principally, if not folely, by our 
 plantations, i n ; 
 
 .■■V:f> 
 
 
 •1 
 
 Before the fettlement of our colonies in 
 the time of Queen Elizabeth, the people of 
 London v^rereonly 100,000— they are now 
 at leaft 700,000. — The numbers of other 
 trading towns, we may juftly fuppofe, are 
 conflderably increafed, though perhaps not 
 in the fame proportion. The feats of our 
 manufadures, in fome inilances, have in« 
 creafed in a much greater proportion. The 
 clafs of people employed in the cultivation 
 of the earth, and in raifmg fubfiftence* 
 muft be alfo increafed, or the citizens and 
 manufadiurers could not find fubfifte^ce* 
 
 Wc 
 
ipthe 
 low. 
 
 ' -' f 
 
 h * 
 
 fhew 
 this 
 of the 
 creafe 
 
 Pping* 
 odjuft 
 :s, and 
 . occa- 
 )y our 
 
 nies In 
 )ple of 
 e now 
 ' other 
 fe, are 
 ps not 
 )f our 
 ve in- 
 The 
 oration 
 lence, 
 iS and 
 cc. 
 
 ( 21 .) 
 
 We received all our naval ftores from* 
 and a great part of our (hips, although 
 they were few when compared with our 
 prefent numbers, were built by, and pur- 
 chafed of, foreigners* It is now unlawful 
 for us to trade in foreign bottoms ; all our 
 fhips are built at home, and no money is 
 fent out of the kingdom to purchafe them. 
 
 , \ 
 
 Our cuftoms did not exceed 36,000 /.— - 
 our commerce would not yield more. In 
 the year 1 778, they amounted to3,538,o40 /. 
 being doubled upwards of ninetyfold. 
 
 Our naval force confided of thirty-three 
 fhips, of the fmaller fize ; — it is at prefent 
 upwards of three hundred, and nearly one- 
 third of them fhips of the line. 
 
 ■rrir^i 
 
 Germany furnifhed us with almoft all 
 the materials made of iron, which were 
 
 1 
 
 ufed in hufbandry and architecture, even 
 to the nails ; — we now manufadture thofe 
 articles for ourfelves, and fupply all Europe 
 with theiii. Portugal furniftied us with 
 fugars, and we received the produce of 
 
 America 
 
N V 
 
 ( 22 ) 
 
 America from Spain. Our Weft Indies 
 fend home more fugars than we can con- 
 fume, and enable us to fupply other na- 
 tions. Paper, linen> and many other ar- 
 ticles, we formerly had from France, 
 which we now manufadure within our- 
 felves ; and the Venetians and Genoefe re- 
 tailed to us, at their own prices, all the 
 articles of commerce from the Indie?;. The 
 legal intereft of money was 1 2 per cent. 
 and the price of land only twelve years 
 purchafe. Our (hipping were few — not 
 fo many as lately belonged to America 
 alone. In fhort, we could not, with pro-* 
 priety, be called either a manufaduring or 
 commercial people 5 but now, by advan- 
 tages derived from innumerable fources, all 
 yifing in our colonies, we are become, in 
 truth and fad, the firft and the greateft 
 manufaduring and commercial people on 
 the globe. ... 
 
 1^ 
 
 • It is impofTible to place the pofition I am 
 refuting in any view in which its folly and 
 abfurdity does not appear. While the co- 
 lonies remained dependent and fubordinate 
 membetd of the empire, their people were, 
 4 to 
 
 :< 
 
 lUtk 
 
 . *.» .4 »^ •• t4*itif ^ 
 
tfe 
 
 i 
 
 c «3 y 
 
 « 
 
 to all intents and purpofcs, the fubjedis of 
 the Britifli ftate. Their labour and induftry, 
 their commerce, their fighting men and 
 mariners were, and, had the difpute refpetfl- 
 ing the mode of raifing American aids been 
 fettled upon juft and conftitutional prin- 
 ciples, their purfcs would have been, as 
 much within the power of the ftate, as thofe 
 of its fubjeds in Great Britain. But if the 
 political union between the two countries be 
 once diffolved, all the benefits arifing from 
 three millions of fubjeds, all the ftrength 
 from the affiftance of their proportion of 
 men when embodied in arms, from their 
 mariners, from their aids towards the com- 
 mon defence m time of war, and from 
 their labour, induftry, and commerce, in 
 time of peace, will be loft to this kingc. :)m, 
 and turned into a channel never to be rc" 
 gained. 
 
 • '•' < *v; 
 
 • \ 
 
 The New States are, and will continue 
 
 ^ the allies of France, our natural enemy, 
 
 unlefs reduced^ and although at this time 
 
 ; by far the greater part of the people wifh 
 
 and hope for an union with this country, 
 
 I'**- *tX-*'L. A. 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 4 
 
 rJl 
 
 y 
 
 
 fXA* ,' •'♦.^t-t-ni-' 
 
 
 /'A*"*-** ■•^■ 
 
 fit-t^T" % 
 
 it 
 
( 24 ) 
 
 and are ready to unite with us in reducing 
 the power of their tyrants, in the moment 
 the leaft encouragement fhall be given for 
 that purpofe, which the infatuated policy of 
 every commander has hitherto ivith-held^ 
 yet, fliould they be difappointed in their 
 hope, it will compel them to unite with 
 the enemies of this kingdom. The mode 
 of carrying on the war, more cruel to 
 friends than foes, added to the inhumanity 
 and treachery of this country, in not ex- 
 erting its powers for their relief, will not 
 fail to create permanent enmity and refent- 
 ments ; and the obligations of gratitude to 
 the nation which fliall fave them from our 
 ravages, will ftamp impreflions never tob*^ 
 effaced. Advantage will be taken of thefe 
 difpofitions, by the policy of France to efta- 
 blifh treaties of alliance and commerce with 
 them, which will be founded on two great 
 principles, their own mutual interefl^ and 
 Xhtfubduing the poiver of Great Britain ; 
 and if (he fhould be permitted to trade 
 with them at all, it will only be to (hare 
 with other nations in the ivorthlefs re^ 
 mainsy after their own and the purpofes of 
 
 their allies are ferved. 
 
 With 
 
 .■»«. 
 

 %m 
 
 :. With the Indeperidence of America iv^ 
 hluft give up our fifheries on the banks of 
 Newfoundland aUd in the American feas. 
 To the lofs of at leaft 35,000 * American 
 
 f?A(T_1 
 
 s r..r.-.» 
 
 
 * "An Eftiinatb of the Seamen employed in tfie Atnericah 
 V • - i '* and Weft India Trade, sf^^. '-i^i-fi;i 
 
 Seamen employed in fliips from Great Brl« 
 tain to America ^-^'^A- iuTi"; H^- T, 4)?t?; - 
 
 Seamen employed in the trade of America^ 
 to the Weft Indies, France, Spain, Portugal, 
 Germany, and coaftwife from one colony to 
 another, &c. '<^^^' ^(4ii'i^^iW- .ioii!^nii^^Y- 
 
 Seamen employed in the trade from the Weft 
 Indies to America, Africa, and Europe 
 
 28,900 
 
 - ims^. 
 
 3S,ooa( 
 20,006 
 
 :y^"^^m 
 
 'i.^v ii/;i* 
 
 
 til .t}£^i^'\ 'S^liaf 83,900 
 
 If any perfon (hall imagine that the number of 
 feamen employed in the trade from America and 
 coaftwife is exaggerated, let him cohfider, that 426 
 fc^uare-rigged veflels, and 370 fchooners and iloops, 
 have cleared out, in one year, from the fingle port of 
 Philadelphia ; a port from whence not more than one- 
 eighth pait of the produce of America is exported. He 
 will further confider, how many are neceflary to carry 
 on the extenflve coaft trade of a country 1600 miles ini 
 extent, befides the inland navigation of Cafco Bay, the 
 Bay of Fundi, the fivers Providence, Connedlicut, the 
 Sound and North river, Delaware bay and river, Cbe- 
 fapeak bay, James's, York, Rappahannock, Potomack, 
 Patuxent, Potapfco, Chefter, Choptanck, Nanticoke, 
 and Wecomicoj Curretuck, Albemarle Sound, Ocra- 
 cock, Core Sound, New River, Cape Fear» Pedee^ 
 
 E Sante, 
 
\ 
 
 feamen, we muft add upwards of 28,000 
 more, bred and maintained in thofe excel- 
 lent nurferies. Our valuable Irade, carried 
 on from thence with the Roman Catholic 
 States, will be in the hands of America. 
 Thefe nurfeijies, and this trade, will eyei: 
 remain the natural right of the people who 
 fhall inhabit that country. A trade fo pro- 
 fitable, and a nurfery of feamen fo excel- 
 lent and fo neceflary for the fupport of her 
 naval force, will never be given up, or even 
 divided by America, with any pow€r what- 
 fbever. " ' "'■^^ff'^^^fe**^*^^.' ?¥?■''•% ^' '^^'^^^tuii! ii-jitnuo 
 
 The Britijh ijlands in the Wejl Indies 
 muft fall of courfe. The fame power that 
 C|an compel Great Britain to yield up Ame- 
 nV^j» will compel her to give up the Weji, 
 Indies, They are evidently the immediate 
 pbjeds of France y wljile fhe lopks forw/^rd 
 
 Sante, Afhley, Cooper's, Edifto, Cambahee, Goofavy, 
 J^road River, and Savannah. The inland navigation 
 of this country is the moft extenfive one in thje world* 
 Many of the above-mentioned rivers are navigable, by 
 fqtiare-rigged veffels, upwards of 150 miles, and main- 
 tain great numbers of fmall craft in loading their vefTels, 
 and tranfporting then* commodities from one place to 
 another^ 
 
 v» 
 
 to 
 
:-(« 
 
 ( 37 ) 
 
 to tEe advantages tvhich mull accrue from 
 thefe acquifitionsy and the Independence 
 oi America, viz. iht fovereignty of the Bri- 
 tijhfeas^ if not of GKt at Britain itfetf. 
 But if Frmice fhould fail to obtain the WfJ 
 Indies in the prefent war, America having 
 i-ecovered and increafed her flrength, con- 
 firmed her confederacy, made her peop'16 
 unanimous, eftabliflied her navy, and 
 fettled her foreign alliances, all which fhfc 
 may accomplifh in a few years, they mult 
 become a part of her union. Nature hai 
 planted them in her vicinity. They are ai 
 much her appendages, as the Ifle of Mtth 
 or the Orcades are thofe of Great Britain. 
 Befides, the Weji Indies cannot well futiflft 
 without America, Their fupplies of prd- 
 vifions muft he obtained from thence ; and 
 America ftands in equal neceffity of a num- 
 ber of articles which are to bie obtained 
 from the WeJi Indies^ and no other coun- 
 try. In either of thefe cafes, what muft 
 bfecom^ of our ifiianufadhires ? We ktib^ 
 that we receive f*rdih thefe iflahds certain 
 commodities, abfolutely neceflary to carry 
 them on to any advantage and extent, and 
 >lrhlch w^ can procure from no other cotm- 
 iMi^j' , . . E 2 . try. 
 
( 29 ) 
 
 try. We mud take the remains froni 
 France or America, after they have fup-' 
 plied themfelves, and fulfilled their coni 
 trafts with their allies, at their own prices, 
 jind loaded with the expence of foreign 
 tranfportation, if we are permitted to trade 
 for them at all. France has long ftruggled 
 to rival us in our manufadures in vain ; 
 this will enable her to do it with effed. 
 Bvit (hould a war happen between us and 
 thofe countries hereafter, where are we to 
 pbtain them ? Will (he provider^! care of 
 pur merchants l?iy up in time of pe^ce, 
 under thofe difadr outages, a fufficient quaur 
 tity to fupply the manufacturers in the long 
 courfe of the war ? We are not to expedt 
 i( ; our inanufadures muf^ in a great mea? 
 fui;e ceafe, an4 with them our tradg. y 
 
 ' But this is not all we (hall lofe with the 
 Weft Indies. We muft add to our lofs of 
 fe?imen, fuft ined by the Independence of 
 America, at leaft 20,000 more, who have 
 been bred and maintained in the trade from 
 Great Britain to the Weji Indies^ and in the 
 Weft India trade among themfelves and 
 ^ith Q^her parts^ aniountin^ in ^he whole 
 
 ■■■a^^r 
 
 ^Q 
 
( 29 ) 
 
 to upwards of 80,000 * ; a lofs which can* 
 not fail to affect the fenfibility of every 
 man who loves this country, and knows 
 that its fafety can oply be fecured by its 
 navy. ' -- ^'" 
 
 Will not Great Britain lofe much of her 
 Independence, in the prefent ftate of Eu- 
 rope, while (he is obliged to other coun- 
 tries for her naval ftores ? It is not long 
 fmce (he was obliged to the Northern coun- 
 tries for thofe very fupplies, upon which 
 her fafety depended* She had them not 
 within her own dominions, but received 
 them from others at their own prices. We 
 may recolledl, that, in the time of Queen 
 Anne, we paid, at Stockholm, 3 /. per barr 
 rel for pitch and tar, to the ej^tortionat^ 
 Swede; and that fpch was the fmall de^ 
 m^ind of thofe countries for the manufac-i- ^ 
 tures of thi^, that the balance of trade wa$ 
 jgreatly in their favour. The gold and fil- - 
 yer, and the wealth of this nation, which 
 we obtained in our other commerce, was 
 9.ontin\jJilly Dpuring iatq theii: laps. But 
 
 vtv • ■ ' r 
 
 V'.f- ^^ « Sec Note, p, 2$. ^ ^^^ 
 
 of 
 
 ?:j. 
 
 u> 
 
IP, 
 
 r't 
 
 C 30 ) 
 
 of late we have greatly reduced that ba« 
 kncey by our importation of large quanti<* 
 ti^s of thofe fupplie? frqm America; 
 
 j^- i.n„ 
 
 'iAti. 
 
 It has hitherto happened, that, fince we 
 have found it neceflary 10 increafe our na- 
 val force to its prefent extent, we haive tiot 
 been at war with the Northern Powers | 
 but how long this may be the cafe, the 
 wifeft man among us cannot foretell ; and 
 I fear, no politician, who fhall candidly 
 eonfider the prefent ftate of Europe, will 
 infure it for twe?ity years. The policy 
 ^od councils of nations are changed and re^* 
 •verfed by fo great a variety of circum-^ 
 fiances, that reafon forbids a reliance on 
 them. A wife ftate fhould guard againft 
 all accidents. We have fcen Spain inti- 
 mately united with Britain, and receiving 
 her Independence from our arms ; but we 
 now fee her combined with our inveterate 
 enemy, and in adtual war againft us. The 
 Houfe of Auftria was lately refcued from 
 ruin by the ffiendfhip and valour of Bri- 
 tain; and yet, loft to all fenfe of gratitude^ 
 we foon after faw her united againft us, 
 
 ' ^ with 
 
 .w- 
 
( 3« ) 
 
 tpith that very enemy fronr whofe power 
 {he had been faved. Should a war take 
 " place between us and the Nprthern Powerst 
 where are we to procure our naval ftore» ? 
 America produces all of them, and can 
 yield more than fufEcient; for the Britiih 
 ijavy, and all the Britifh trade. Timber of 
 -every kind, tron^ JaUpetrey tar^ pitchy tur^ 
 pentine^ and hempy are raifed and manu- 
 fadlure^I in that country. Fields of 100,000 
 acres of ib^w/> are to be feen fpontaneonfly 
 growing between the Ohio and Mijt/ippii 
 and of a quality little inferior to the Euron 
 pean. Naval ftores have been already im- 
 ported, ai a price much lower thaa that of 
 the fame articles from the Northern coun- 
 tries. Surely a wife people will readily per- 
 ceive the good policy of keeping in their owft 
 hands, and at their own command, com- 
 modities which are fo immediately aeceffary 
 to their fafety. , ,,^..i 
 
 •il.y. 
 
 
 4,>? / 
 
 Should America be independent, ana the 
 Weji Indies be conquered by France^ or 
 annexed to America^ all their produce, fe- 
 cured to this country by the laws of trade, 
 becaufe necelTary to its manufactures, com- 
 
 merce, 
 
( 3a ) 
 
 incrce, and naval ftrcngth, we muft ftf- 
 ceive at the hands of France or Amerkdi 
 at their own prices, and fubjed to the ex- 
 pence of foreign tranfportation ; or it rhay" 
 be ftopped at their o\Vn pleafure. Such as 
 are neccflajy for our manufadures, if thofii 
 znanufa6ture8 fhould exceed in quality, or* 
 vie with thofe of F>*rt/7r<? or America^ they 
 may either prohibit their exportation to us, 
 or fell them at fuch exorbitant prices, as to 
 underfell our merchants at foreign mar-» 
 kets. If we (hould make ufe of them in 
 our foreign trade, unmanufadured, we ^ 
 muft go to market under an infuperable 
 difadvantage, loaded with a foreign price^ 
 and all the charges of foreign exportation. 
 In time of war, Great Britain may be defti- 
 tute of thofe articles that are neceflary for 
 her manufadlures ; France and America 
 may pafs edids to prohibit their exporta- 
 tion, or may iflue them fo fparingly, as to 
 ferve their friends and allies, and no more. 
 All this will be didated by policy ; or, if 
 they fhould not be fo guarded, we muft 
 take them from the neutral Powers, loaded 
 with the additional expence of double 
 prices and ^tranfportation^ which no manu« 
 
 fadurea 
 
 ki 
 
 n 
 
( 33 ) 
 
 failures can bear ; the neceflary confequence 
 of which muft be, that the trade of Great 
 Britain will depend on the pkafure of her 
 enemies. '" ,- • . * . ^ 
 
 America independent ! the Weft Indies 
 conquered by France, or annexed to Ame- 
 rica ! our fifheries on the banks of New^ 
 fciundlandj and the American cociftst with 
 all the trade of the Weft Indies and America^ 
 cut off from the Britijh commerce ! Where 
 are our nurferies of feamen ? Will the 
 Coaft trade, and our trade in the Baltic 
 and Mediterranean^ with the fmall inter- 
 courfe which we have in our own bottoms 
 with other nations, furnifh feamen fuffi- 
 cient for a navy neceflary for the protec- 
 tion of Great Britain and its trade ? Will 
 the numbers of our mariners, bred and 
 maintained in thefe nurferies, continue as 
 they are at prefent, when our manufactures 
 are labouring under the difadvantage of re- 
 ceiving their materials at higher, and exy 
 orbitant prices, and felling at foreign 
 markets at a certain lofs ? Will thefe 
 nurferies^ of feamen, I afk, thus weaken- 
 ed, fupply the lofs of 80,000 fuftained 
 ' F by 
 
( 34 ) 
 
 i^.C^^^'rj-* i 
 
 by the Independence of America^ and the 
 conqueft of the Wejl Indies ? We wanted 
 feamen laft war, although aflifted by Ame^ 
 rica and the Wefi Indies ; we want them 
 now, to fit out a fleet equal in force to that 
 of our combined enemies. What then 
 muft be theftate of our naval force, whenfo 
 great a proportion of our feamen are cut off^ 
 and thrown into the fcale of our enemies, 
 and when the nurferies which raifed them 
 are loft for ever ? The anfwer to this quef- 
 tion is as evident as diftrelBng. Our navy, 
 
 the GREAT BULWARK OF OUR SAFETY, 
 
 will be funk into contempt, and the Bri- 
 tish Flag will be no more refpeded in 
 the Britifh feas, than the lug-fail of an 
 
 oyfler-boat, , ., 
 
 The forlorn and wretched ft^te of Bri- 
 tain, before fhe relied on maritime force 
 for her protection, is to be feen in her 
 Hiftory. Continually plundered and ra- 
 vaged, ihe was reduced, by foreign in- 
 vaders, to the laft extremity ; and although 
 her Princes foon after, found that her fafety 
 depended on that force, and exeriied them- 
 ^\, felves to increafe it by every means 
 
 m 
 
 l.'.i. s:, .. 4f t. •<'•''< ' 
 
 ;i: 
 
 th^ir 
 
 M 
 
 M 
 
( 35 ) 
 
 M. 
 
 
 *»&'r 
 
 their power, yet in the reign of Queen 
 Elizabeth, it did not exceed thirty-three 
 veflels of war, of an inferior fize ; a force 
 by no means equal, in number of mariners 
 and guns, to thac of the privateers fitted 
 out in the laft war by America alone. By 
 what means has the ftrength of our na^y, 
 from that day to this, been increafing to 
 its prefent amazing force ? Can it be juftly 
 imputed to any other than tho fettlement 
 of the Colonies, the variety and extent of 
 our foreign commerce in confequence of it, 
 the additional nurferies of feamen, and the , 
 great amount of wealth which has been 
 poured into Great Britain, by the imme- 
 diate and circuitous trade of America and 
 the Wefl Indies ? And when thefe caufes 
 fhall ceafe, vill not their effeds ceafe with 
 them ! The Britifh navy Ihall rapidly fink 
 into decay, while the fleets of her enemies 
 are continually growing up to greater 
 power ! -/' *^-t.-" .>>-<-*.-. >'.^,„ .t- iM^'i«-f-</i *f*. ^ fc^^i^W-y *-••«-- **■'> 
 
 The fatal efFedts of the ftrange pofitio*^ T "7^77'/ 
 am endeavouring to refute, do not ftop'^r-^f^j 
 here. The Britifli navy thus weakened, ^ '''^' 
 the fleets of our enemies thur*^***^ ^' 
 
 and 
 
 4 
 
 iftrength-^ 
 
 
 ' / 
 
 <V<^l^.-*S»-' 
 
 
 MM*^* 
 
 
 
 
■RM 
 
 (. 36 ) • 
 
 flrengthened, the latter will ride trium- 
 phant in the mouths of our ports and har- 
 bours. In time of war our commerce mull 
 ceafe, or be quickly deftroyed; and our 
 manufadurers muft ftarve. The ifles in 
 the Britifh feas» and even Ireland itfelf, 
 muft be an eafy conqueft to the increafed 
 numbers and ftrength of our enemies ; be- 
 caufe it will be impoffible for Great Bri- 
 tain, with an inferior and enfeebled navy, 
 to relieve them in time of invafion; and 
 no man of fenfe will aflert the poflibility of 
 means by which the E^ Indies can be 
 faved. 
 
 In fhort, it does not require the fpirit of 
 divination to perceive, that Great Britain, 
 thus robbed of her foreign dominions and 
 her commerce, her nurferies of feamen 
 thus loft, her navy thus weakened, and 
 the power of her ambitious neighbours thus 
 ftrengthened and increafed, will not be 
 able to maintain her Independence among 
 nations. For fuppofe, what is fcarcely 
 pofllble, that the people of this nation, 
 from their prefent luxurious and diffipated 
 flate, fhould fuddenly return to the hardy 
 
 virtues 
 
(37 ) 
 
 virtues of their anceflors, and be thence 
 led to make the utmofl exertions for their 
 internal defence ; yet fo great a diminution 
 of her ilrength, and fo great an increqfe of 
 that of her enemies, muft render her coafts 
 and her territory liable (as in the times of 
 the Danes and Saxons) to their inceflant 
 ravages, which muft end in her Conquest 
 AND Subordination to some neigh-* 
 louring Power, ' 
 
 ON 
 
 si ^^ 
 
) .* :.J:i5'i 
 
 .».,>; 
 
 
 )■( 
 
 
 K' 
 
 .'■i 
 
 .li 
 
 
 V i . 
 
i(> ^;ii^i-|,.^ 
 
 ON THE 
 
 EXPENCE OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 ft )• ' K.-/I 
 
 >-,Xj/Ljt.i>. r' ,-IN THE 
 
 Settlement and Defence of the 
 American Colonies. 
 
 t- t ;♦ .■•i <"j 
 
 have bee 
 
 '\/[ ANY arguments have teen urged, 
 to render the dodrine of American 
 Independence palatable to the people of this 
 kingdom. Moft of them are too weak 
 to call for ferious refutation ; but others 
 carry with them a degree of plaufibility, 
 which ought to be impartially examined, . 
 
 It has been often afferted, ** that Great 
 Britain has expended, in the fettling and 
 defending America, more than (he will ever 
 be able to repay;" and " that it will be 
 more to the profit of this Lingdom to give 
 her Independeiiice, and to lofe what we 
 
 have 
 
 >• 
 
( 40 ) 
 
 have expended, than to retain her a part of 
 its dominions/' 
 
 In dating the account of American ex- 
 pence, fhe is charged with the fums ex- 
 pended in the fupport of feme of the Co- 
 lonial governments, with all the bounties 
 paid On her articles of commerce imported 
 into this kingdom, and with a great part 
 of the expence of the laft war. Now upon 
 a candid examination of thefe charges, we 
 ihall find none but the firft can, \ a any 
 degree of juflice, be carried to the account 
 of America. ' . 
 
 "■li 
 
 And when this is examined, what does 
 it amount to ? The fums expended have 
 been confined to the new Colonies, fettled 
 within the laft fifty years, and to New- 
 York. Neiv England^ Neiv Jcrfey^ Penn- 
 fylvania^ Maryland^ the Delaware Counties^ 
 and Virginia^ beyond all comparifon the 
 moft valuable, have not coft Great Britain 
 a farthing. The fum expended on New^ 
 York, the CaroHnas^ Georgia^ Nova Scotia^ 
 Eaji and Weji Florida^ amount to no more 
 than i^ijoo^QQQ L and when we deduct 
 
 from 
 
( 4t J 
 
 froih that fum 7bo,ooo/. extravagantly 
 expended in building a key at Halifaxi 
 tve can call it only 1^000^000/. which, 
 on an average, in the courfe of fifty 
 years, is no more thai! 20,000 /. per an^ 
 p"m ; fo that this fuiti, and tid mot'e, i$ 
 really what Great Britain has paid for all 
 the wealth received frorn America, and fot 
 all the other obvious benefits, arifing from 
 the induftry and tommerce of the Colo- 
 nies, which we have carefully monopolized 
 to ourfelves. 
 
 J' * 
 
 But fuppofe we had e:tpetided, in the 
 planting and governing the Colonies, twenty 
 times as much, would it be confident 
 with good policy to give them up in their 
 prefent circumftances ? They are now ar- 
 rived to a ftate of fo much maturity, as to 
 be able to fiipport their own burthens, to 
 contribute largely to the national aids, and 
 to repay us even that twentyfold. There 
 18 fcarcely any thing profitable to be ac- 
 quired without previous expence. The 
 merchant mufi: lay out money in building 
 a fhip, purchafing a cargo, and in navi-^ 
 gating his vefTel to market, before he caa 
 
 O receive 
 
 ;-l 
 
 .■■ill 
 
n 
 
 ( 4» ) 
 
 Ireceive his returns. If he (hould take 
 it into iiii* ^ tau^ jufl: as his veflel re* 
 turus %den iiito port, that the expence he 
 has incurred was too great, and Oould 
 therefore fink her in the Thames, or give 
 her up as worthlefs, would not all men 
 declare, that Bedlam was the moft proper 
 place for his abode ? 
 
 u')' 
 
 
 Were we to inquire into the amount of 
 the expence incurred by other ftates in Eu- 
 rope in the fettlement of their Colonies, 
 we (hould find that none have been fettled 
 at an expence fo trivial. The amazing 
 fums expended by Sipain^ in the acquifition 
 and fettlement of Mexico^ Chili^ and Feruy 
 and by Portugal in the Brazils^ exceed all 
 comparifon. And although thefe Colonies 
 do not yield to their pofleffors one half of 
 tiiofe advantages which we derive from 
 our own, yet we do not find that they are 
 either willing to give them up, or tired of 
 the expence ; they wifely confider them as 
 valuable parts of their empires, neceffary 
 to their ftrength and fafety, and therefore 
 worthy of proteftion. 
 
 ■A. 
 
( 43 ) 
 
 I 
 
 . As to the fecond charge^ it is unfair and 
 unjuft. Bounties were given on the importa- 
 ^tion of fome American commodities, but they 
 were fuch as we wanted, and could not raife 
 in Britain, and fuch as were neceflary to our 
 manufactures or naval (lores. If we in- 
 tended to benefit America, by drawing her 
 attention to the railing of thefe articles, we 
 alfo expeded to obtain equal, if not greater, 
 advantages to ourfelves. If the bounties 
 were paid, the benefit expelled was re- 
 ceived 5 if not, we were nothing in ad- 
 vance, therefore nothing ought to be 
 charged on that fcore to America. In 
 ihort, the benefit was reciprocal, and no 
 more. The charge of bounties' fhould be, 
 in juftice, erafed from the account of thefe 
 politicians. 
 
 - »l,»- A J- 
 
 
 , In the year 1754, France had recovered 
 herfelf from a ftate of weaknefs, occafioned 
 by her former wars. She.faw the increafing 
 ftrength of Great Britain* Her ambition^ 
 which never fleeps longer than the want of 
 power to exert it, refolved to reduce the 
 growing ftrength of her rival. America 
 was the moft vulnerable part of the Britifh 
 
 
 
 G 2 
 
 domioions. 
 
 *i**i--- 'Ti^nV^ 
 
( ^4 ) ^^^ 
 
 dominions, and therefore France began 
 hoftilities on the Ohio, Now can any man 
 of fenfe believe, fuppofe Great Britain had 
 not pofleffed a Colony in America, that 
 France^ ^hus recovered in ftrength, would 
 not have attacked her in fome other part ? 
 Can it be thought that peace would have 
 long fubfifted between the two nations, 
 who have ever been at perpetual war ? 
 Whoever inaintains, this opinion, muft 
 maintain that the Sovereigns of France^ 
 and the principles of its national policy, 
 were changed at that time from what it is 
 at prefent, and what it has been for many 
 centuries paft. The truth is, that the 
 great objjed of France was then, as \t is 
 now, to reduce, by all pofBble means, the 
 national ftrength of her rival ; and that the 
 laft war was not either merely a Britifli or 
 an American war, as fome have called it, but 
 a war with the Britifh nation. How, then, 
 or with what degree of juftice, can the ex- 
 pence of the laft war be charged folely to 
 the account of America ? Change therefore 
 the account, and charge the expence, as 
 juftice* and reafon demand, to Great Bri" 
 tain and America^ as the members of the 
 fame ftate, and take into confideration the 
 
 exertions 
 
 I \i< 
 
 '^} 
 
( 45 ) 
 
 exertions of both countries, their nunii . 
 bers, and wealth, and we fhall find tha^- - 
 iiot one- tenth part ought to be charged IQ- - 
 the axount of the Colonies, . :..%'', ^rV 
 
 If the odious and abfurd diftindion muft 
 be made between one part of the dominions 
 of a ftate and another, let us do juftice ia 
 the diftind:ion we ourfelves have made. To 
 do this, we muft give America credit for 
 the number of troops fent into our armies, 
 for all the fupplies (he granted, for the 
 number of privateers (he fitted out, uniting 
 in the protedion of our trade, in all the 
 American and European feas, during the 
 laft war. But this is not all : We muft 
 alfo give her credit fir all the benefits 
 ariling from the labour, induftry, and 
 commerce of her people, ever fince her fet- 
 tlement to the year 1774*. When this is 
 fairly done, I much fufped thefe Anti- 
 American politicians will find themfelves 
 very unfkilful in political arithmetic ; and 
 if their penetration does not lead them to 
 fee, their poflerity will feel, that America 
 
 * The exports to North America from Great Bri- 
 tain, in the twenty-five years laft preceding i/74» 
 amounted to more than 50,ooe}00ol« 
 
 ':?? "^ "-'^ ^-^y^ Pmm 
 
 ;£•))*« 
 
 was 
 
( 4<J ) 
 
 was not only worth all that has ^ecn ex* 
 pended upon her, but that a juft^ f^tn^ 
 and coTiftitutional fubordination of the Co- 
 lonies, was abfolutely neceflary to the In-* 
 dependence and exiftence of Great Britain. 
 
 •*► «■»•-< »*a4'« 
 
 Indeed this mode of ftating an account, 
 and charging the benefits conferred, and 
 not crediting the benefits received, is not 
 only fundamentally unjufl, but, to do it at 
 all between one part of an empire and ano- 
 ther, under the fame dominion, is pro-f 
 foundly abfurd. Should we raife an ac- 
 count againft the Weft Indies^ S(;otlandy or 
 Jrelandy for the fums expended in their de^ 
 fence, &c. &c. we ftiould find the fum of 
 an immenfe amount ; and fhould we draw 
 from thence the fame conclufions, which 
 the advocates for American Independence 
 have done, that they are not worth defend-* 
 ing, we (hould foon ftrip Great Britain of 
 all her foreign dominions, and leave her 
 naked and helplefs. 
 
 r r r \f 
 
 Another argument, much relied on by 
 the advocates for American Independence, 
 is, that ** a fimllarity of laws, religion, 
 and manners, between the people of Great 
 
 Britain 
 
, ( 47 ) 
 
 Britain and America, has formed an attacli« 
 ment which will infure to Great Britain a 
 preference in the commerce of America/* 
 I wifh to give this fpecious argument all 
 the weight it can deferve, and therefore 
 agree, that a uniformity of laws and reli- 
 gion, united with a fubordination to the 
 fame fupreme authority, in a great mea- 
 fure forms and fixes the national attach^ 
 ment. But when the caufe of that attach«^ 
 ment (hall ceafe, the attachment mud ceafe 
 with it ; when the laws, and the fupreme 
 authority under which they were made, 
 fhall be abolidied, the manners, habits, 
 and cuftoms, derived from them, will fooa 
 be effaced ; and when other, and different 
 fyflems of laws and government (hall be 
 eftablifhed in their (lead, other and diffe- 
 rent habits and manners mufl take place« 
 And therefore, when one part of a fociety 
 fhall revolt from the principal ftate, infti- 
 tute a new fyflem of government, and hav- 
 ing abolifhed their old, new laws fhall be 
 made, in conformity to the principles of 
 their new eftablifhed authority ; how this 
 fimilarity of manners is to be preferved, 
 feems beyond our comprehenfion. The 
 ^ ^ fa6ts 
 
 tinvr:. 
 
 „ 3 
 
IB 
 
 ( 48 j . ' 
 
 .►-■.■ ^ 
 
 ts truly are, that the Americans have al- 
 ready inftituied governments as different 
 from, and oppofite to, the principles upon 
 tvhich the Britifh Government is efta- 
 blifhed, as human invention could pofTibly 
 devife. New laws and regulations are al- 
 ready made, and will continue to be made^ 
 in conformity to, and in fupport of, their 
 new political fyftems j and of courfe de-i 
 ftrudive to this national attachment. Their 
 . New States being altogether popular, their 
 V effential laws and regulations do already, 
 and will continue to bear a greater refem- 
 blance to thofe of the democratical cantoni 
 tf Sivitterlandi than to the lav/s and policy 
 of Great Britain. Thus we find, in their 
 firft adls, the flrortgeft of all proofs of art 
 averfion in their rulers to our national po- 
 licy, and a fure foundation laid to oblite- 
 rate all afFedion and attachment to this 
 country among the people. How long 
 then can we expert that their attachment^ 
 arifing from a fimilarity of laws, habitSj 
 and manners, if any fuch fhould remain, 
 will continue ? No longer than between 
 the United Provinces and Spahiy or the 
 Corftcans and Genoefe^ which was changed, 
 ' from 
 
t 
 
 from the moment of their fepars^tion, into 
 a national enmity that is not worn out to 
 this *?ay. 
 
 i * /»,.»,. 
 
 «» .' -.. jV, .'«<^<ir 
 
 As to the attachment arifing from a fimi- 
 larity of religion, it will appear flill more 
 groundlefs and ridiculous when fads are 
 confidered. America has no predominant 
 religion. There is not a religious fociety 
 in Europe, which is not to be found in 
 America. If we wifh to vifit the Churches 
 of England, or the Meetings of Lutherans, 
 Mcthodifts, Calviniftc>, Preflyterians, Mo- 
 ravians, Menonifts, Swinfielders, Dnmplers, 
 or Roman Catholics, we fliall find them, all 
 in America/ What a motley, or rather 
 how many difFefent and oppofite attach- 
 ments will this jumble of religions make ! 
 It is a truth, rather to be lamented than 
 expofed, that diflike and aveiTion are more 
 commonly found between religious, iImlh 
 ■ any other focieties. Difference in opinion 
 refpeding a fingle article of faith, has been 
 often a fulFicient ground of perfccution. 
 From whence we may conclude, ihculd 
 there be any remains of this kind of na- 
 ;,^.; H tional 
 
 *• ^'■- Sr 
 
 «l 
 
I 
 
 tional attachment, that the Lutherans, Cal- 
 vinifts, Menonifts, Swinfielders, Dumplers, 
 and Moravians, will be attached to Ger- 
 f many, the country from whence they emi- 
 grated, and where their religions are bcft 
 tolerated ; the Prefbyterians and Puritans 
 to Ireland ; and the Roman Catholics to 
 France, Spain, and the Pope ; and the 
 fmall number of their Churches of Eng' 
 land to Great Britain. j. > > i /^^ > 
 
 To fum up the whole weight of this ar- 
 gument in a few words. Do we not daily 
 fee Monarchies at war with Monarchies, 
 Infidels with Infidels, Chriftians with Chrif- 
 tians, Catholics with Catholics, and Diflen- 
 ters with Diflenters ? What ftrefs, then, 
 can be jufl:ly laid on an attachment arifing 
 from a fimilarity of government, laws, or 
 religion ? 
 
 It has been alio afi^erted, ** that America, 
 when indepe ent, will be naturally led, 
 from motives of intereft, to give the pre- 
 ference in trade to this country, becaufe 
 *we can fupply her with manufadures 
 cheaper than fhe can raife them, or pur- 
 * 3 A '- ♦ . chafe 
 
^K 
 
 chafe them from others." If America 
 fhould not enter into any commercial alli- 
 ances with other nations 5 if there fhould 
 be no fubfifting caufe of enmity between us 
 ' at the time of our feparation ; and if fhe 
 could not manufadture for herfelf, it muft 
 be allowed, that her intereft would lead 
 her to take from Great Britain thofe parti- 
 cular articles with which we can fupply her 
 cheaper than other countries. But it is not 
 probable that one of thefe circumftances will 
 occur ; on the contrary, it is more than 
 probable that>^ll of them will concur in^ 
 preventing a trade between us. A com- 
 mercial alliance is already ratified, greatly 
 injurious to the trade of Great Britain ; and 
 fhould France fucceed in fupporting -A me- 
 rican Independence, no one can doubi out 
 other treaties, yet more injurious, will be 
 added ; and how far they may extend, it 
 is impollible to tell ; and as to her ability 
 to manufacture, fhe pofTelTes, or can pro- 
 duce, a greater variety of raw materials, 
 than any other country on the globe. ,.. 
 
 ^ifx.V^^'A 
 
 W > ■ I. 
 
 
 '■.■■i 
 
 When 
 
 \ 
 
y'i' 
 
 When America fhall have a feparate and 
 diftind intereft of her own to purfue, her 
 views will be enlarged, her policy will be 
 exerted to hei own benefit, and her inte- 
 reft, inftead of being united with, will be- 
 come not only different from, but oppofite 
 to, that of Great Britain. She will readily 
 perceive, that manufadures are the great 
 foundation of commerce, that commerce is 
 the great means of acquiring wealth, and 
 that wealth is neceffary to her own fafety. 
 With thefe interefting profpeds before her, 
 it is impoffible to conceive that ihe will not 
 exert her capacity to promote manufactures 
 arid commerce. She will fee it to be clearly 
 her intereftj not only to manufacture for 
 herfelf, but others. Laws will be made, 
 granting bounties to encourage it, and du- 
 ties will be laid to difcourage or prohibit 
 foreign iniportations. By thefe meafures 
 her manufadures will incrcafe, her com- 
 merce will be extended, and, feeling the 
 benefits of them as they rife, her induftry 
 will be exerted, until fhe not only fhall 
 fupply her own wants, but thofe of Great 
 Britain itfelf, with all the manufadures 
 
 . " ' made 
 
 » ;"~.»:.^)^. 
 
(S3 ) 
 
 e- 
 te 
 
 made with her own material. Nor will 
 this reafoning appear to be merel) conjee- 
 tural, to thofe who will coafid^r the roving 
 and fluduating nature of Commerce. If 
 we look into hi<ftory, we fhall there fee 
 her, at different periods, in the poffeffion 
 of the Phoenicians, Carthaginians, and 
 Venetians. Germany and France lately 
 enjoyed her, and fupplied Great Britain 
 with their manufadtures. Great Britain at 
 prefent folds her in its arms, j f ] w>,, -j 
 
 
 But the length of time which Great 
 Britain fhall fuflain her importance among 
 commercial nations, entirely depends on 
 the wifdom of the prefent meafures. If 
 fhe fhould give up her dominion over 
 America, her commerce, in a little time, 
 muft perifh ; fhould fhe retain America, 
 nothing can deprive her of it. For, al- 
 though, fhould the ties of intereft and 
 policy be once fevered by the violence 
 of war : paffion, and refentment, which 
 nothing but great length of time can efface, 
 will fucceed, and- alliances with oth^ na- 
 tions, to the detriment qf Great Britaio, in 
 
 the 
 
( 54 ) 
 
 the mean time will be made ; yet fhould 
 fhe again be united with us in the fame 
 common intereft and policy, the tafk will 
 not be difficult to induce her to purfue, 
 what is moft profitable to herfelf, the cul- ^ 
 tivation of the earth, and the raifing raw 
 materials for the manufadlures of Great 
 Britain, for ages to come. 5he will attend 
 to, and purfue that bufinefs, which, under 
 this circumftance, will moft naturally and ,. 
 profitably contribute to the common inte- 
 reft of both countries. She will find that 
 {he can raife raw materials, and difpofe of /■ 
 them to Great Britain, for greater profits 
 than fhe can manufadure them, and receive 
 in return all the neceflaries and luxuries ^ / 
 of life cheaper than fhe can procure them 
 from other nations. Here her true intereft 
 will coincide with, and ftrengthen her po- . 
 litical attachments, provided thofe attach- 
 ments are formed and maintained on a , 
 broad, liberal, and juft foundation : I i 
 mean, when the fame meafure of power | 
 fhall be exercifed over her people, and the j 
 fame enjoyment of privileges fhall be 
 granted to them, as are exercifed over, t— 
 
 .«.-? ,--. ■ : and : 
 
t .X 
 
 ii'; 
 
 '♦'i.' ■ <' 
 
 ( ss ) 
 
 and enjoyed by, the fubjeds in Great Bri- 
 tain ; for it does not require much know- 
 ledge of the principles upon which all foci- 
 eties are founded, and of the difpofitions 
 of men, to fee that nothing fhort of this 
 policy can fhut the door of jealoufies, dif- 
 contents, and reparation, "between the fub- 
 jeds of the fame ftate. 
 
 •■■fn, ••■■. ■ 
 
 
 
 i ' , 
 
 
 -I 
 
 
 
 
 y ■ h i 
 
 • J,- *l ■ ■' ' 
 
 
 
 '. '^^m 
 
 
 
 ■Ur' .-^..^. 
 
 
 
 
 Jn ,A 
 
 »ife'- 
 
 
 i ■ 
 
 
 ON 
 
-tA 
 
 ^iU 
 
 U ^Aii'-- 
 
 H: 
 
 >* >J"v» ^ fj ■> 5* 
 
 §fcB \S}-^im 
 
 \> r .,' ' i.> 
 
 , -«^rfTi ^v 
 
 
 t. 
 
 * «^ 1 V /--l 
 
 ,.i^tfJ»4 U*. 
 
 if 
 
 1 V. 
 
 *W4 ../ 
 
 Ji3-J- 
 
 i iC 
 
 »,,-'/ .'\ . 
 
 ,^?.-.'i'.' - 1 
 
ON ti^E 
 
 VALUE AND IMPORTANCE 
 
 iA,^-. 
 
 >■ '^"i^'- 
 
 OF THE 
 
 vi 
 
 American Colonies and the Weft Indies 
 •■ to the Britifli Empire. 
 
 ■■ » *»r( 9'-t>*'4' 
 
 imm 
 
 • f ■ i i 
 
 CINCE the preceding flieets were printed 
 , , oiF, the Writer has been favoured, by a 
 iFriend, with an account of the exports and 
 imports between England and the ^Vefi Itit 
 dies. Upon perufal of them, he naturally 
 recollected the great clamour which has 
 been lately made, rcfpeding the lofs of 
 Dominica^ St, Vincents^ and Grenada^ while 
 that of Thirteen Briti/h Colonies {eems to be 
 thought fcarcely worthy of public regrets 
 A ftranger, who will vifit the Royal Ex" 
 chang€y or two certain augujl Houfes in 
 Weftminfter, and tl ire hear the language 
 
 ^■^ : 
 
 and 
 
( 58 ) 
 
 and dodrines ^hich are held, re^nedling 
 thefe Iflands and Colonies, will conclude, 
 that the fafety of the Britilh empire de- 
 pended on the recovery of ihe firft, and 
 that the laft were of as little importance to 
 the public weal, as fo much territory, and 
 fo many fubjedls in the moon, r 
 
 1 fhall not inquire into the caufes of a 
 partiality fo uncommon, and of an inatten- 
 tion fo fingular, and which may, in their 
 effeds, be fo dangerous. It is immaterial 
 whether they arife from private intereft, 
 or the blindfold zeal of party. The confe- 
 quences of mifapprehenfions in the public, 
 relating to matters eflential to their true 
 interefl, will be the fame, whatever may 
 be their origin. But I fhall endeavour to 
 combat their influence by the weapons of 
 fads and truth, and leave the refult to the 
 difmterefted and impartial. 
 
 x^ 
 
 .^*.ii: 
 
 ' Comparifons between one part of a foci- 
 ety and another, when their fafety is in 
 queftion, are rather invidious, and to be 
 avoided j becaufe every part of the fame 
 
 3 * "' empire 
 
N 
 
 C 59 ) 
 
 • V < 
 
 empire is equally entitled to protedioti. 
 Bui when the comptwifon is made ; when 
 it is made unjuftly and on falfe principles ; 
 and when it tends to divert the public at- 
 tention from objeds of the greateft public 
 importance, no apology for an attempt to 
 ihew its errors can be neceflary. 
 
 ' ' : ■ - . < "^^ ■ , >. ■ J '\ 'tiiM 
 
 ■'■tri-i WW*'.. ■ ^*^'r '^ ■ .ir^*^ ■ W 
 
 U X , * . ■■ L 
 
 «€:»/' 
 
 The truth is, that the value of thefe 
 Iflands, in whatever light we view them, 
 will bear a very fmall proportion co that of 
 North America. I (hall, however, at pre- 
 fent, only confider them in a commercial 
 one. The value of the exports from Eng- 
 land was, :-^.:'v^ ■^o:^'y-'^--c[iir''^^:~:iiin'^'p4l, 
 
 In 1771, •* '■) ;'r'«rV;i' " /. s. d. 
 
 To North America, 4,586,882 15 ,5 
 
 To Dominica, ^ 170,623 19 3 
 To St.Vincents, 36,83910 7 . ^ ''^ '<^«f/ ?: 
 To Grenada, 123,919 4 5 
 
 331082 14 3 
 
 -**- 
 
 
 Difference 4>255i500 i 2 
 
 Thefe fads require no comment to prove 
 the truth I wi^ to inculcate. They (hew, 
 at one view, that the Iflands did not take 
 off one-fifteenth part of that quantity of 
 Englifh produce, manufadureSj and fo- 
 
 l2 
 
 reiga 
 
( 6o ) 
 
 reign articles of trade, which are annually 
 taken off by the American Colonies, and 
 place the great difparity, in the proportion- 
 ate value of the former to the latter, when 
 weighed in the proper balance of impor- 
 tance to this country, in its true light. I'm 
 
 I am far from intimating, that our ut- 
 moll efforts ought not to be exerted for 
 the recovery of thefe Iflands. I know they 
 are a valuable part of the Weft Indies ; and 
 I too well know the confequence of the 
 Weft Indies to the commerce of Great 
 Britain ; And yet, acquainted ?.fi I am with 
 the fuperior importance of America, and 
 how much the fecurity of thofe iflands de- 
 pends on her union with Great Britain, I 
 cannot help perceiving the miftake of thofe 
 jnen, who, when they are confidering the 
 means upon which the future opulence and 
 power of the empire depend, can lay fo 
 much ftrefs on the fafety of the Weft In- 
 dies, and at the fame time manifeftly dif- 
 cover,not only a difpofition towards, but 
 carneftly contend for, the Independence of 
 America. If they would put the value of 
 all the Weft Indian plantations in one fcale, 
 
 ' ' and 
 
{ 6i ) 
 
 and candidly weigh that of America in the 
 other ; if they would relied on her vaft 
 extent of improved and improveable terri- 
 tory, her fuperiority in numbers of people, 
 of mariners, of (hipping, and in naval 
 force, with her various and extenfive ca- 
 pabilities, many of them hitherto untried 
 and unexplored, of raifing and furnifhing 
 raw materials for the manufadures of this 
 country, and the vaft confumption of every 
 article of our commerce, which the numbers 
 of her people muft occafion, they would 
 difcover their error, and, I hope, would 
 find andour enough to confefs that the 
 Colonies in America are of fome confe- 
 quence to Great Britain, as well as the 
 Weft Indies, 
 
 vt. 
 
 Erroneous opinions often arife from a 
 
 deficiency in knowledge of fads, from mit- 
 
 I information, and fometimes from inatten- 
 
 I, tion to known circumftances. However, 
 
 I truft opinions thus founded may be eafily 
 
 redified. Incontrovertible fa<Ss muft an- 
 
 fwer that end. I ihall therefore briefly re- 
 
 , cite, in a comparative view, thofe circum- 
 
 , fiances which are peculiar to each country, 
 
 ' ; .. and 
 
 
 V-' . ■■ 
 
mmmmmammBmm 
 
 .:r •:-■■■■( 62 ) :; ■ 
 
 ' 'I ■ . ,' . ■ • . ^ ., .. ■ • . .«.. 
 
 and by which their importance to Great 
 Britain can only be juftly efti mated. ' '- > 
 
 imOi The North American Colonies, ex- 
 clufive of Hudfon's Bay and its appendages, 
 contain, in extent of territory, upwards of 
 fixteen hundred miles in length, and from 
 feven hundred to a thoufand in breadth. 
 The Weft Indies, were they all put toge- 
 therj would appear, when compared with 
 them, but a fpeck on the fame geopraphi- 
 cal map. 
 
 ■„ i\; t. -• 
 
 ^do, The American Colonies ^ire, in 
 general, healthy, and, when undifturbed 
 by war, have, and will continue to double 
 their numbers of people, in the courfe of 
 twenty five years, by their own natural 
 intreafe. The Weft Indies are as un- 
 healthy as any country on the globe. They 
 have been, and will continue, the grave- 
 yard of Europeans and Africans. To keep 
 up their ftock of 'nhabitants, which is ne- 
 ceflary to their cultivation, improveme^ ', 
 and value, we are obliged to fupply them, 
 at a great eypence, annually, with many 
 thoufands of people from the Britifli domi- 
 nions and Africa, 
 
 ^tm. 
 
HMP 
 
 r ' ( 63 ) 
 
 pio, With all this alRftance, the Weft 
 Indies do not qontain more than than one- 
 third of the number of inhabitants that are 
 to be found in America. Five-fixths of 
 thefe are negroes and Haves, who can be 
 confidered in no other light than fo many 
 intefiine enemies, ever ready, on a tender 
 of their freedom, to revolt to the fir ft in- 
 vader. Thefe iflands, therefore, have been, 
 and ever muft remain, a dead weight on 
 this country, in its wars and ftruggles for 
 its own fovereignty and fafety. Inftead of 
 contributing iheir proportion of men, in 
 arms, towards the common defence, they 
 muft always be defended by our fleets and 
 armies, and at the expence of the blood of 
 this country. The circumAance? of Ame- 
 rica are very different. She has fome ne- 
 groes, but their whole number does not 
 amount to oae-fffth part of her people. 
 She will ever, hereafter, be able to contri- 
 bute her juft proportion of troops in every 
 w«r ; and in every other refped: to bear 
 her proportionate (hare of the burdens ne- 
 ceflary to the national defence. In the laft 
 war Ihe raifed, and fent into the field, up- 
 wards of s? 0,000 men, and alTifted in con- 
 . • quering 
 
?y ■■*. 
 
 . ( 64 ) ■' - • :• 
 
 quering the very iflands about which the 
 public folicitude, altogether inattentive to 
 her intereft and fafety, is fo warmly en- 
 gaged.' ■''rl^^i*:-i')<:']!'^' '■:'' 
 
 ■'e::- 
 
 
 »*•••-,- •--*.- 
 
 
 4.fOy The climate and produce of the 
 Weft Indies are nearly the fame in all the 
 iflands. The latter is confined to a few, 
 though valuable, articles of commerce ; 
 but America contains all the variety of cli- 
 mate, and foil, which is to be found in 
 near thirty degrees of latitude, and from 
 ten to fifteen of longitude. If the Weft 
 Indies can fupply us with the luxuries, and 
 not the necelfaries of life, America can 
 furnifh us with both. If the former fur- 
 niflies us with rujUy fugars^ cocoa^ coffee^ 
 pimento, and ginger, the latter can fend us 
 ivheat^ ryCy barley, oatSy Indian corn^ rice^ 
 jlour, bifcuity fait beef^ pork, bacon, veni-^ 
 foTii cody mackarel, and other fjhy and tc- 
 hacco. When our crops have failed, fhe 
 has poured in her grain, and aftifted us in 
 feeding our labouring poor ; and if a fa- 
 mine ftiould ever happen in Great Britain, 
 her relief will be ever at hand in America, . 
 If the Weft Indies produce feme materials 
 
 for 
 
1 
 
 ( 65 ) • : 
 
 tor dyers, viz. logwood^ fufiick^ mahoganr^ 
 and indigo \ America produces indigo, Jiik^ 
 jftaxy hemp \ furs and Jkins of the hear^ bever^ 
 otter^ mufrat, deer, tyger, leopard, luild 
 caty fox, racoon^ and pot ajh, pearl afh, 
 topper and lead ore, iron in pigs and bars, 
 for oiir manufacturers ; befideS all the ar- 
 ticles of naval ftores, fuch as timber, plank 
 boards, mafls, yards^ and Jloips built for 
 fale, pitch, tar^ turpentine, hemp^ andfalt^ 
 petre. Whatever of thefe articles are ne- 
 ceflary to promote the manufadures and 
 commerce of this country, are immediately 
 fent home, while the furplus only is ex- 
 ported to the other Colonial and foreign 
 markets ; and even the proceeds of that 
 furplus ^re, in a great meafure, remitted 
 in bills or cafti, in payment for our manu- 
 factures, and foreign articles of commerce* 
 iifed and confumed by the people of Ame- 
 rica. Thus the eitenfive and valuable 
 trade of that country, in a great degree, 
 centers in Great Britain. 
 
 5/0. To thefe circumftances I may add a 
 fifth, yet more important and convidive. 
 If the Weft Indies have not arrived at the 
 
 -K height 
 
V . ( 66 ) 
 
 height of their value, 1 is certain that there 
 is no great probability of any confiderable 
 increafe in their improvement ; while that 
 of America is rifing, and Virill continue to 
 advance for many years to come, in a ra- 
 pid progreflion, hitherto unknown in any 
 country. v^.j, ou i-^^r^y ^--^-e-.t^^:^-^^'*^^^''' 
 
 The value of the exports, /. s, d, 
 from England to North 
 
 America, was, in 1 763, 1,867,285 6 2 
 
 In i77i,5i>* - :: - 1 4,586,882 17 11 
 
 Increafe in eight years, 2,719,597 11 9 
 
 The value of the exports, - s . • 
 
 from England to the \^ ' :' 
 
 Weft Indies, was, in 
 
 In 1771, 
 
 i»i55'65S 3 " 
 
 6,o6i II 7 
 
 Increalc, in eight years, 
 
 only '^'' *• 
 The value of the imjports 
 
 into England from the 
 
 Weft Indies, was, in 
 
 1763, - ^ 3>268,485 14 6 
 In 1771, - - 2,800,583 14 o 
 
 Decreafe in eight years, 467,902 o 6 
 . I have 
 
( f 
 
 ( 67 ) 
 
 I have not been able to procure an ac- 
 count of the general exports from the Weft 
 Indies, although I have taken fome pains 
 to do it, and cannot, for that reafon, make 
 a comparifon between them and thofe of 
 North America ; I muft therefore content 
 myfelf with only adding the arnount and 
 increafe of the latter, which were, \ 
 In 1766, " ' £ 3>924>6o6 o o 
 In 1773, - - 6,400,000 o o 
 
 Increafe in feven years 2,475,394 o o 
 
 * I fhall clofe thefe accounts with a view of 
 the exports f^gjji. Great Britain to foreign 
 nations, and from England to America and 
 the Weft Indies, in diftind: articles, that 
 the candid inquirer may perceive the pro- 
 portion which the two laft, either fepa- 
 rate or united, bear to the former. ^ *^- 
 
 * The exports from Great Britain to :':i3t 
 
 foreign countries, have been ge- /, s. d, 
 
 nerally computed at - 7,000,000 o o 
 
 In 177 1, from ^:y*"- -'''** ■• :: ' ■ '■•*^^^\t 
 
 England to . i I 
 
 . America - 4,586,882 1$ 5 > 5>742>S30 '9 4 
 To the Weft I 
 
 Indies - iji5S>M 3 " ^ 
 
 II m il » II . I IP 
 
 ' '2>742>S30 19 4 
 
 K 2 . The 
 
 » 4<l 
 
{ 68 ) 
 
 
 The exports from Scot-- 
 land to America and the 
 Weft Indies, we know are :''^'^ ^^u 
 confiderable. Could I have ,.- <\_ '; : 
 procured thenj, they would ; ^ 
 
 have been inxVirted; how- : •>' 
 ever, there can be no doubt, ,f ■;- 
 
 that, when added, they will < , 
 
 increafe the value of the ex- 
 ports to the Plantations from ^r^- , 
 Great Britain, to upwards 
 of - - ^ £ 6,000,000 o o 
 which is nearly equal to the amount of all 
 the foreign exports of this kingdom, and 
 to one-half of the whole imm§si commerce 
 of the nation, exclufive only/ of that to 
 Ireland and the Eaft Indies. . ' /' 
 
 From the preceding fads and remarks, 
 the advocates for American Independence 
 may perceive, that what they contend for, 
 is nothing lefs than to difmember, from 
 the Britifh community^ ih^ great eft part oi 
 its territory, and more than ont fourth part 
 of its people, and to give up near one half 
 of its commerce (the trade to Ireland and 
 the £aft Iiidies excepted), foreign as well as 
 
 Colonial ; 
 
( 69 ) 
 
 G)lonial ; which, united, muft necefiarily 
 involve the decay, if not the ruin, of the 
 beft fources of wealth and ftrength in the 
 poffeflion of the empire ; more efpecially, 
 . as a great part of what we fhall give up 
 muft fall into the hands of our natural and 
 determined enemies. However, fliould 
 thefe men, whether excited by private in- 
 tereft, or the reftlefs fpirit of ambition, or 
 the violent rage of party, or the alluring 
 but falfe charms of republican principles, 
 or by an ill-founded enmity to our happy 
 conftitutlon, in their impetuous career after 
 the different objedls of their purfuit, not 
 find time to view thefe fatal confequences of 
 their condud ; or if, feeing them, they 
 fhall remain unmoved by the alarming and 
 dreadful profped \ it is to be hoped, that 
 the good fenfe of Britons, whofe all is 
 at ftake in this critical moment, will 
 be no longer feduced by men who, not 
 underftanding, or willingly mifapprehend- 
 ing, the true intereft of the nation, have 
 thus inhumanly dragged it to the brink of 
 fo dangerous a precipice; and that they 
 \villj, before the opportunity fhall be irrer 
 
 coverably 
 
 
( 70 ) 
 
 coverably loft^ avoid the diftrefs, of all 
 diftrefles the moft painful, of refleding 
 that they have been the willing dupes and 
 ipftruments of their own ruin, and of that 
 gf tbelc country. .• i,^aw "lo n--^ ?f;*>:"^ z -^^ 
 
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 *Jufi 'puiiijhedi 
 By J. WiLKiE, No. 71, St. Paul's Church-Yard, 
 
 ■ ,v J, ■ . I . 
 
 I. LETTERS to a NOBLEMAN, on the 
 
 Strength and Pradicability of the Middle Colo- 
 nies, in refpe6t to Military Operations ; on the 
 Difpofition of the People in general of the 
 Revolted Colonies •, and of the Condud of the 
 War in the Colonies of New York, New Jerfey, 
 and Pennfylvania. With a View of the Britilh 
 and Rebel Force operating in the Middle Co- 
 lonies in the Years 1776, 1777, and 1778*^ 
 Illuftrated with a Plan of the Operations of the 
 Britifh and Rebel Armies, in the Campaign 1777, 
 and a Plan of Mud-lfland Fort, and its Environs. 
 The Second Edition. Price as. 
 
 II. A L E T T E R to the Right Hon. Lord Vif- 
 connt H — e, on his Naval Conduct in the Ame- 
 rican War. Odtavo. Price i s. 
 
 III. The EXAMINATION of JOSEPH 
 GALLOWAY, Efq; late Speaker of the 
 Houfe of Aflembly of Pennfylvania, before the 
 Houfe of Commons, in a Committee on the 
 American Papers. With Explanatory Notes. 
 Oftavo. Price 2 s.