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 1 
 
 2 
 
 l: 3 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
SERIOUS 
 
 CONSIDERATIONS 
 
 O N T H E 
 
 MEASURES 
 
 OF THE 
 
 PRESENT ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 
 Methinks a Civil, Teft might be contrived, and prove very 
 convenient, to diftinguifh thofe that own. the Revolutioa 
 Principles, from fuch as Tooth and Nail oppofe them. 
 
 MOLESWORTH, 
 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Printed for G. K E A R S L Y, in Ludgate - Street. 
 
 M.DCCLXIIL 
 
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 dm Mi kJ y^ m^ ^^ ^M y^ ^ ^ ^^ 
 
 SERIOUS 
 
 CONSIDERATIONS 
 
 ON THE 
 
 MEASURES 
 
 O F T H E 
 
 PRESENT ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 |i«"^#SijSii^HENEVER any one prefumes, in converfation, 
 ^B^ MS*^ to find fault with the prcfent adminiftration, I have 
 ^*^ /sjg obferv'd that the anfwer is always given, which was 
 kJ^-'^*^'^JM( firfl thrown out, in his own juftification, by one of 
 the leaders of the party in the Houfe of Commons, " that this 
 " is an oppofition not to meafures, but to menj" and this an- 
 fwer is fupported by a challenge, to produce any inftance of mal- 
 adminiftration, fince the acceflion of the prefent m— . The 
 
 very 
 
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 (4) 
 
 very fliort time, during which he has enjoy*d a plenitude of 
 power, makes it, I own, rather difficult to fhew the fallacy of 
 this reafoning ; but as I think myfelf enabled, from a clofe fur- 
 vey of his proceedings, fairly to engage, upon this point, with 
 thofc who defend him, I fhall endeavour coolly, and without 
 any violence of party, to examine, the truth of the, fuG: j con- 
 fining myfelf, at prefent, to confider the adminiftration in this 
 light only, how far they have, in their meafures, adopted Re- 
 volution principles, or, to what degree, they have exerted the 
 ipirit of Toryism^ 
 
 The Motto, which I have prefix'd to thefe flieets, is taken 
 from a compofition that defervcs, at this time, to be particularly 
 ftudied by every Engliihman; it is the preface to the tranfla- 
 tion of Hottoman's Franco-Gallia, containing Mr. Molefworth's 
 profeflion of his political faith, or, in other words, the defini- 
 tion of a true Whig. It was written in the year 171 1, at a 
 time, and under circumfiances, perhaps not very different from 
 the prefent, and breathes fuch fentiments of liberty and pa- 
 triotifm, as will make It, at all times, acceptable to every true 
 lover of this Constitution. One of the great outlines of the 
 prefent adminiftration, and which has been carried to a degree 
 unknown fince the reign of Charles the fccond, is an open and 
 declared profeffion of increafing the power of the Crown, by 
 treating influence and dependencies upon it, in both Houfes of 
 
 Parlia- 
 
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 Parliament In the year 171 1, when the Tories were endea- 
 vouring to overturn the Whig adminillration, that had reduced 
 the power of France fo low, and were projeding the inEimous 
 treaty of Utrecht, Burnet fays, " They, finding the Houfe of 
 " Lords could not be brought to favour their dcfigns, refolved 
 " to make an experiment that none of our Princes had ven- 
 " tured upon in former times j a refolution was taken of ma- 
 " king twelve Peers at once." What has been the conduft of 
 the prefent m under iimilar circumftances ? Has he not 
 
 advifed the creation of fixteen new Peerages, not indeed at once, 
 that would have been too explicit a declaration of his motives, 
 but all in the fpace of two years j and not content with this, he 
 has likewife advis'd the giving penfions to a great number of 
 that houfe, under the denomination inder d of Lords of the bed- 
 chamber i but as the number of thofe Lords has been increas'd 
 in the prefent reign, from twelve to twenty-two, the faft is, 
 that, by whatever name they are call'd. the K— • has Co many 
 more fervants, in his pay, in that houfe, and the m has 
 
 the rod of deprivation hanging over their heads, which ha$ 
 lately fallen moft heavily againft thofe, who have prefum'd to 
 cxercife their freedom of voting againft what he recommended. 
 But, in the other houfe, and where it is more material, this 
 meafure has been carried much farther ; we are informed from 
 hiftory, that, from the time of the Revolution, it has been the 
 charadteriftic mark of thofe who oppofed any increale of power 
 
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 ( 6 ) 
 
 in the Crown, to contrive by laws, and every other methoJ, 
 to prevent the influence of the Crown in that houfe. Several 
 ads of parliament have been pafs'd, to limit the number of 
 officers, who receiv'd their places from the Crown, to have feati 
 in the Houfe of Commons, and one particularly during the 
 Whig adminiftration of Queen Anne, which declares, that no 
 perfon poffefs'd of an office created after fuch a period, fhould 
 be capable of a feat in that houfe : and this was afterwards en- 
 forced by another of the firft of George I. which was propos'd by 
 Mr. Stanhope, Secretary of State, that reftrained perfons having 
 penfions during pleafure, from fitting in the Houfe of Commons. 
 Thefe laws were pafs'd to be a reflraint on the Crown $ they 
 are now iu force, and mean to provide for the liberty of the 
 people, by preventing the Crown from creating a dependence 
 upon it, in its Rcprefentatives : but, like other human inftitu- 
 tions, they have been evaded j when a minifter fhall prefume to 
 advife, in the teeth of thefe adts of parliament, the creation of 
 fuch a number of grooms of the Bedchamber, clerks of the 
 Green-cloth, and other officers of the Houfehold, each with a 
 falary of 500 1. per Annum, as to be double the number of 
 thofe of his late M— j and when fome Gentlemen have been 
 rcmov'd from thefe employments ivtth pen/tons y to make room 
 for members of the Houfe of Commons, that the law might be 
 
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 only evaded, not openly violated j and when we fee Gentle- 
 men of the firll: fortunes, and who have, through the two laft 
 reigns, prided thenifelves in their independency, eagerly and 
 meanly thrufting themfelves into this pitiful penfionj I fay, 
 when we confider thefe things. Where is the fecurity of laws, 
 or upon what principles of the Constitution can thefe mea- 
 fures be defended ? • 
 
 Bifliop Burnet, in his Conclufion, fays, " But men who 
 have no principles cannot be fteady : tiow the greater part of 
 the capital gentry feem to return again to a love of tyranny, 
 and they feem to be even uneafy with a Court, when it will 
 not be as much a Court as they would have it. This is a- 
 folly of fo particular a nature, that really it wants a name. 
 It is natural for poor men, who have little to lofe, and 
 much to hope for, to become the inftruments of flavery ; 
 but it is an extravagance peculiar to our age, to fee rich 
 men grow as it were in love with flavery, and arbitrary 
 power.'* 
 
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 I would not be fuppos'd to infinuate that thofe country Gentle- 
 men, who are now courting thefe little dependencies, have any 
 firious h2tentiGm of advancing the power of the Crown, or in- 
 troducing 
 
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 (8 ) 
 
 tro^ucing meafures to the detriment and danger of our liberties. 
 Heaven forbid I ftiould lay fo heavy a charge at their door ! I 
 know there are many of them men, as yet, of free and upright 
 principles. But they will give me leave to obfervc, that in this 
 Constitution, founded on the wideft bafis of political and 
 civil liberty, perhaps the only way of fapping its foundation, is 
 to corrupt by degrees thofe pillars which fupport it ; and it is 
 not the meafure of a weak politician, to endeavour to com- 
 pafs his ends, ,by means, which^ at firft, appear fair and well 
 
 intention'd. The reafon, I underiland, the m gives for pur- 
 
 fuing this meafure, is, " the union of parties ; the larger the 
 ** fource of bounty in the Crown, the more general will be its 
 " dues." This maybe plaufible reafoningj butthefadl is, and 
 of this I confefs myfelf jealous, that by thefe pcnfions the Crown 
 has increas'd its influence in the Houfe of Commons ; and, with 
 regard to the aCt of Queen Anne, if a lift of new created places 
 fhould, as was done the beginning of the late reign, be order'd 
 to be laid upon the table of the Houfe of Commons, I cannot 
 fee but that thefe of the fupernumerary officers of the Houfehold 
 muft be of the number j otherwife the Crown may, on any fu- 
 ture emergency, create as many as fhall then be found necelTary 
 to anfwer the purpofes of the m— •. 
 
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 Thefe are very ferious arguments, not founded on party, or 
 
 arifing from the particular fituation, or country, of the m : 
 
 they are drawn from well-known fads, and will, I hope, be al- 
 low'd to be objecftions a/ifainft meafurcs, and not againft men. 
 Thefe fads did not exift before the prefent acceflion ; and what- 
 ever objedions of corruption were made to a former adminiftra- 
 tion, in the late reign, to this, carried on to the fame extent in 
 the prefent, may be fuper-added, this new mode of creating in- 
 fluence. 
 
 Perhaps I may be call'd upon, for an expreffion, that has 
 dropt froni my pen in the laft paragraph, « carried on to the 
 " fame extent," I will mention but one fad to fupport it. At 
 the beginning of this Parliament, two per fons were recommended 
 
 to the m , whofe want of property, and expedations in 
 
 their profeflion, might perhaps make them ufeful to him as a 
 Member of Parliament j he, having no perfonal or family inte- 
 reft in any borough, where he could introduce them, did advife, 
 though, at the Hxme time, preaching aloud the ftrideft oeconomy, 
 and making It the teft of his righteous adminiftration, that he 
 ilul not prcAitutc the public money for thefe purpofes, I fay he- 
 did agree to incrcafe the falary of an office 500 I. per annum ; if 
 
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 ( 10 ) 
 
 lie might be permitted to name the reprcfentatives of a certain 
 borough. The bargain was made j the falary of the office was 
 increas'd j the reprefcntatives nam'd were elcded } and the whole 
 done in fo open and avow'd a manner, that the perfon, who re- 
 ceives the increas'd falary, malies no fcruple to declare it in pub- 
 lic converfation ; whilft the two independent reprefcntatives talk 
 loudly of the upright intentions of their niafter, and mention,^ 
 by way of proof, that no money was, at the general election, 
 advanc'd, out of the treafury, for minifterial purpofcs. 
 
 To thefe obfervations let me add, the late meafurcof making 
 inquilition into the tenure of every place of 50 1. per annum and 
 upwards, and cruelly difplacing every perfoai that had the leafl, 
 moft remote, connedtion with tlie Duke of Newcaftle. This 
 ftep has, in particular inftances, been attended \n ith fo many ag- 
 gravating circumftances of hardfhip, that I wonder any man, who 
 makes it his boaft, ingenuas didicijfe fedelijler artes^ can have 
 fuffer'd himfelf to be guilty of fo low and mean a proceeding. 
 But this provesj that every confideration muft give way to the 
 firfl great objedt j it is neceiTary, that every office fliould be held 
 at the pleafure of the prefent adminiftration i and this engine has 
 been exercis'd, to obtain parliamentary influence, with fuch 
 force, that, when it had been refolv'd to remove a commiffioner in 
 
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 4 
 
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 an office, and application was made, at the levee, by a Member 
 of Parliament, with afllirances, that the pcrfon to be facrific'dv 
 was his near relation, and that he himfelf had never been refrac- 
 tory, the anfwer was, " I am forry I did not know this fooncr, 
 <* but thought he had been connected with * * * and ♦ * * 
 « who arc my enemies, and voted in the minority j but he (hall 
 ** have an equivalent j" and this promife h^ ')een, in fome de- 
 gree, fulfiU'd. I leave to an rmpartial reader to corifidcr, whe- 
 ther any thing, urg'd againft Lord Danby for influencing the 
 Houfe of Commons, was ftronger than thii. fa<a. 
 
 But it may be afked, " Where is the danger of thefe mea- 
 fures? His M , born a Briton, and tender of Britifli li- 
 
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 berty, will fcorn to take advantage of any increafe of power^ 
 and to do any thing that may, in the leaft, infringe the Con- 
 sTiTUTioN : his m , a man in private Hfe of exem- 
 plary goodnefs, has no other view, than to render his matter's 
 time, as eafy, amufing, and quiet as poffible : the gentlemen 
 who accept thefe offices, have been always fufpicious of the 
 power of the Crown, and can't be fuppofed, for the paltry 
 bribe of a nominal 500I. per annum, to have been convinc'd 
 of the falfity of principles which they have fo obftinately ad- 
 her'd to, and fo lo'Mly echoed for fo many years." I anfwer, 
 
 that 
 
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 that I have mofl fincerely the higheft efteem for the goodnefs of 
 
 his M 's heart, and do not believe he will be brought to 
 
 do any ad, that we fliall have reafon to complain of : I am pleas'd 
 he was born an Englifhman, becaufe it is an anfwer to thofe coun- 
 try gentlemen, who, having no other fault to find with the late 
 reigns, w.-e continually grumbling againft Hanover, and Hano- 
 verian meafuresj as to any other reafon, the great gratitude, 
 which this nation owes to King William, a Dutchman, and the 
 reigns of the two late moft excellent Monarchs, during which 
 we enjoy'd a liberty that no country ever knew before, efpecially 
 when compar'd with thofe of their two Englifh predeceflbrs, 
 Charles II. and James II. wilf convince us, that it is noi jiecef- 
 Jary for the happinefs of this country, that the Pdnce fhould be 
 
 born a native of it: I have greater confidence in his M 's 
 
 paternal love for his people, than to place my fatisfadion totally 
 on fo flight a foundation. 
 
 As to the views of the m , I own they are kind, and 
 
 /liew the warm extent of his friendfliip, but I wifli he does not 
 in that, merge duties of a more exteniive nature, and whilft he 
 is calculating the eafe and amuiement of one, endanger the mi- 
 fery of millions, for whom that one is made and appointed. 
 
 Willi. 
 
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 With regard to the country gentlemen, I proteft, I beh'eve, 
 they have no bad intention ; they do not know, that, by ac- 
 cepting thefe penfions, they are ading againft the fpirit of an ad 
 of Parh'amentj they fee no meafures adopted, but what they 
 have been taught from their infancy to confider as CoxXstitu- 
 TioNAL J and they have been too long out of the fecrets of go- 
 vernment, and too h'ttle converfant in its ways, to J^now, that, 
 
 when a m- has, by the means of free, honeft, upright, in! 
 
 dependent country gentlemen, eredled the fuperftrudure of his 
 own power, he may, at pleafure, kick down the foundation, 
 and fubftitute any rubbifli that he fliall find ready to his hand, 
 and more fit for his purpofe, in their p/ace. 
 
 Thus much for this meafire of adminiftration in the creation 
 of fo many fupernumerary penfioners : I /hall now confider their 
 behaviour in another point, I mean the very great intended in- 
 creafe of the army. ■ /..• : : 
 
 Mr. Molefworth fays, " A W„,g is againft .he raifing or 
 " keeping „p a Handing army in time of peace." This muft be 
 underftood with feme limitation, the prefent exorbitant power 
 of France, in the number of her troops, makes a military de- 
 fence of this kingdom abfolutely neceflary : but it is the duty of 
 
 a CoN- 
 
 
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 f^ i 
 
 - — — , to propofc the maintaining no 
 
 a Constitutional m 
 more, than what may be adequate to this neceffity. At the coa- 
 clufion of the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, * " that infamous 
 «< peace, when the glory and interefts of this country were fa- 
 " crific'd to the ambition and power of France," at leaft, when 
 that nation, not baffled in every corner of the globe by an unfuc- 
 cefsful war, meant only to take breath, in order to re 2w the at- 
 tack with greater vigour; the whole force demanded by the 
 
 m-- > for the defence of this ifland, Ireland, Gibraltar, 
 
 Minorca, the Weft-Indies, and that vaft tradt of frontier in 
 America, which, by the unconclufivenefs of the article relating 
 to it, was left expos'd to the infidious, and foon repeated, attempts 
 of our enemy j I fay, at that time, the army, propos'd by the 
 Whig m ■ s, was only forty-nine regiments, befides the 
 guards : what, now is our fituation compar'd with the prefent 
 circumftances of France, and what force is intended, by the 
 m' , to be kept up ? France, is by the war reduc'd, both 
 
 in ftrength and reputation, to a very low ebb ; the conducfl of 
 our commanders, and the fpirit of our failors and foldiers, have 
 rais'd a name to this country, that our enemy will not foon for- 
 get i our poffeffions, dy the renunciations of the peace, are not 
 
 * The language of the prefent Adminiftration. 
 
 matc- 
 
 •ts* 
 
■i? 
 
 ( t5 ) 
 
 materially increas'd, except in North-America ; and there, the 
 
 in have really had great merit as negotiators, in fecuring 
 
 fo large and complete a territory, that the French ar i entirely 
 extirpated, and we have no other boundaries to our colonies^ 
 than uninhabited wilds and endlefs forefts — This is our iituation. 
 What is the number of landing forces intended to be propos'd ? 
 The whole of our prefent army for half a year, and then, to 
 be reduced to eighty-Jive regiments of foot ^ exclufive of the guards j 
 and this amazing increafe is to be made, notwithftanding that we 
 now have the addition of a militia of 30,000 men, upon whofe 
 
 fpirit and refolution, the fame m have had great reliance 
 
 throughout the war, and in the moft dangerous part of it, have 
 thought them alone, almoft fufficient for the internal defence of 
 
 this kingdom. Upon this (I hope, fair) date of the cafe. 
 
 What can the m intend by fo large a force ? Security 
 
 againft the French ? No j their ftrength is broke, we have a 
 lajiing peace^ they fear our reputation : What then ? Is it to make 
 an ill ufe of their power, and facrifice the liberty of this coun- 
 try, to a ftanding army ? I abhor the thought i his M . 
 
 would never fuffer it, the m dares not advife it, the officers 
 
 of the army would refufe to concur in it : what then remains, 
 except that by the increafe of Colonels, Lieutenant Colonels, 
 Lieutenant Colonel and Major Commandants, with all the other 
 
 terms 
 
"^ 
 
 
 V' 
 
 ( i6 ) 
 
 terms of command, that have been exhaufted during the late 
 
 war^ the m may create; fuch an additional dependency 
 
 upon the Crown in the members of the two Honfes of Par- 
 liament, that the meafures of government may be condndcd 
 with greater eafe, and no pee'vijl:) oppofittm think it worth their 
 
 while to arife, to difturb the quiet of tlie S , or endanger 
 
 the fecurity of his m . Add to this, what has been 
 
 lately faid, *"■ That there is to be no Commander in Chief." Such 
 an officer interferes too much in the difpofal of commiflions, the 
 K— is to command himfelf, he is to give away commilTions, 
 and the m is to advife him. 
 
 4 
 w 
 
 What confirms me in the truth of my fufpicions upon this 
 point, is, a very late unprecedented meafurc^ the removal of the 
 Lords Lieutenants of counties. Formerly, before the inflitution 
 of a militia, thefe were not thought objeds worthy a m— — — 's 
 refentment, and noblemen of the firft rank and greateft merit, 
 
 though they had voted againft a m *s meafures, were not 
 
 therefore removed : but now this office has receiv'd a degree of 
 influence, by the power of appointment of the militia officers, 
 (and this power has been exerted with great fpirit in Torkjhire^ 
 MiddlefeXj and Suffolk) now it is thought a prudent ftep, to fub- 
 
 ftitute 
 
 
 :^ 
 
m 
 
 ( 17 ) 
 
 flitutc Lieutenants, more under contimand, and who will lend a 
 more obedient ear to the voice of the m—. . 
 
 Thefe faBs, corroborated by the avow'd and fcandalous pro- 
 ceedings of the adminiftration, in removing from their places, 
 every one, who prefum'd to differ from them in opinion upon the 
 peace, and who were not able to fubfcribe a very ftrong approba^ 
 tion of the preliminaries, I confefs open to me, a very alarming 
 profpedt. The goodnefs of his prefent M 's heart, pre- 
 vents this profped: from being brought very near j but it is an 
 obfervation too trite to be mention'd, if it was not for the truth 
 of it, that it is in good times only, and in the reigns of well- 
 meaning Princes, that laws and regulations fliould be made in 
 reflraint of the prerogative. 
 
 Should the prefent fadilon of increafing the officers of the 
 army, and adding to the houfhold officers of the Crown upon 
 every acceflion, go on without interruption, what advantage 
 might a bad Prince make of fuch a Houfe of Commons ? When , 
 gentlemen, whofe fortune and rank in life intitle them to be Lieu- 
 tenants of counties, and Knights of the iliire, cannot think 
 tl^emfelves debas'd by the acceptance of a nominal 500 1. per an- 
 
 E num, 
 
 i'i 2^'.-Ii:^ 
 
IF^mppn 
 
 ; \ 
 
 vmm^m 
 
 I i 
 
 ( i8 ) 
 
 nom, and which introduces them no farther than the anti-cham- 
 ber ; pofterity will not be furpris'd to fee men, of defperatc 
 fortunes, brib'd by fuch a morfel, and eager to obtain it, by ex- 
 ecuting the commands of an ubitious m , under an ar- 
 bitrary, and ill-defigning Monarch, 
 
 6- . ;' 
 
 What then is the remedy for this impending evil ? It is,, to re- 
 duce the army to the number of regiments kept up before the 
 war } the addition of the militia, is more than fufEcient to anfwer 
 any argument that may be pretended to be drawn from the in- 
 increafe of territory ;— — to enquire flridly into the additional 
 
 number of offices in the houfliold and elfewherej to enforce 
 
 the execution of that law, that excludes fuch penfioners 
 from the Houfe of Commons, and to propofe a new one, that 
 
 may tie up the hands of the m , more flridlly, in this 
 
 particular. 
 
 lib 
 
 Thefe propofitions will be a civil teft of revolution principles : I 
 am fure his prcfent M will wi(h fo glorious an example to be- 
 
 fet in his reign j and I think a m , who pretends to flund 
 
 only upon the redlitude of his meafures, cannot decently, and 
 coniiftently oppofe them j if he does not, but on the other hand, 
 
 liks 
 
 ■Mdii 
 
KMi 
 
 imvmm 
 
 ( »9 ) 
 
 like a true patriot, approves and encourages them, I hope he 
 will have the afliftance of every honeft man, to continue him 
 in the adminiftration : If he Jhould oppofe fuch regulations, we 
 fliall then have evident proofs of his intentions ^ it will be an 
 avow'd declaration, that he means to rule over the fubjedls of 
 this country, by increafing the power of the Crown, in the two 
 Houfes of Parliament j it will be the ftrongeft evidence of his 
 contempt for the principles of the Revolution, and that he de- 
 figns tu carry into execution that plan which was fo fatal to his 
 predeceflbrs, Laud and Strafford. 
 
 I (liall conclude with an extrad: from that excellent treatife, 
 from whence I have taken my Motto. 
 
 " The chief motive which induces me to fend abroad this. 
 " fmall treatife, is a fincere defire of inftruding the only pof- 
 ♦< feiTors of true lllerty in the world, what right and title they 
 '* have to that liberty, of what a great value it is, what mi- 
 *' fery follows tiie lofs of it» how eafily, if care be taken in 
 *' time, it may be prcferv'd ; And if this either opens the eyes, 
 " or connrms the honourable refolutions of any ef my worthy 
 " countrymen, I have gain'd a glorious end, and done that in 
 
 my 
 
 i 
 
') 
 
 • 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 i 1 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 ' 
 
 ; i 
 
 
 (( 
 
 ( 20 ) 
 my fludy, which I fliould have promoted any other way, 
 
 1 hope to die with the comfort 
 
 " had I been called to it.- 
 
 it 
 (I 
 
 it 
 iC 
 (C 
 
 of believing, that Old England will contmic to be a free 
 country, and knovv itfclf to ^e fuch j that my friends, rela- 
 tions, and children, with their pofterity, will inherit their 
 Ihare of this ineftimable blefling, and that I have contributed 
 my part to it." 
 
 Feb. 14, 1763. 
 
 FINIS,